available by the canadian institute for historical microreproductions/institut canadien de microreproductions historiques (early canadiana online) note: images of the original pages are available through the canadian institute for historical microreproductions/institut canadien de microreproductions historiques (early canadiana online). see http://www.canadiana.org/eco/index.html from the transactions of the royal society of canada second series-- - volume v section ii english history, literature, archæology, etc. hochelagans and mohawks a link in iroquois history by w. d. lighthall, m.a., f.r.s.l. for sale by j. hope & sons, ottawa; the copp-clark co., toronto bernard quaritch, london, england ii. hochelagans and mohawks; a link in iroquois history. by w. d. lighthall, m.a., f.r.s.l. (presented by john reade and read may , .) the exact origin and first history of the race whose energy so stunted the growth of early canada and made the cause of france in america impossible, have long been wrapped in mystery. in the days of the first white settlements the iroquois are found leagued as the five nations in their familiar territory from the mohawk river westward. whence they came thither has always been a disputed question. the early jesuits agreed that they were an off-shoot of the huron race whose strongholds were thickly sown on the eastern shore of lake huron, but the jesuits were not clear as to their course of migration from that region, it being merely remarked that they had once possessed some settlements on the st. lawrence below montreal, with the apparent inference that they had arrived at these by way of lake champlain. later writers have drawn the same inference from the mention made to cartier by the hochelagans of certain enemies from the south whose name and direction had a likeness to later iroquois conditions. charlevoix was persuaded by persons who he considered had sufficiently studied the subject that their seats before they left for the country of the five nations were about montreal. the late horatio hale[ ] put the more recently current and widely accepted form of this view as follows: "the clear and positive traditions of all the surviving tribes, hurons, iroquois and tuscaroras, point to the lower st. lawrence as the earliest known abode of their stock. here the first explorer, cartier, found indians of this stock at hochelaga and stadacona, now the sites of montreal and quebec. centuries before his time, according to the native tradition, the ancestors of the huron-iroquois family had dwelt in this locality, or still further east and nearer to the river's mouth. as the numbers increased, dissensions arose. the hive swarmed and band after band moved off to the west and south." "their first station on the south side of the lakes was at the mouth of the oswego river.[ ] advancing to the southeast, the emigrants struck the river hudson" and thence the ocean. "most of them returned to the mohawk river, where the huron speech was altered to mohawk. in iroquois tradition and in the constitution of their league the canienga (mohawk) nation ranks as 'eldest brother' of the family. a comparison of the dialects proves this tradition to be well founded. the canienga language approaches nearest to the huron, and is undoubtedly the source from which all the other iroquois dialects are derived. cusick states positively that the other families, as he styles them, of the iroquois household, leaving the mohawks in their original abode, proceeded step by step to the westward. the oneidas halted at their creek, the onondagas at their mountain, the cayugas at their lake and the senecas or sonontowans, the great hill people, at a lofty eminence which rises south of the canandaigua lake." hale appeals also to the wyandot tradition recorded by peter dooyentate clark, that the huron originally lived about montreal near the "senecas," until war broke out and drove them westward. he sets the formation of the league of the long house as far back as the fourteenth century. all these authors, it will be seen, together with every historian who has referred to the league,--treat of the five nations as _always having been one people_. a very different view, based principally on archæology, has however been recently accepted by at least several of the leading authorities on the subject,--the view that the iroquois league was a _compound of two distinct peoples_, the mohawks, in the east, including the oneidas; and the senecas, in the west, including the onondagas and cayugas. rev. w.m. beauchamp, of baldwinsville, the most thorough living student of the matter, first suggested a late date for the coming of the mohawks and formation of the league. he had noticed that the three seneca dialects differed very greatly from the two mohawk, and that while the local relics of the former showed they had been long settled in their country, those of the latter evidenced a very recent occupation. he had several battles with hale on the subject, the latter arguing chiefly from tradition and change of language. "the probability," writes mr. beauchamp--privately to the writer--"is that a division took place at lake erie, or perhaps further west; some passed on the north side and became the neutrals and hurons; _the vanguard becoming the mohawks or hochelagans, afterwards mohawks and oneidas_. part went far south, as the tuscaroras and cherokees, and a more northern branch, the andastes; part followed the south shore and became the eries, senecas and cayugas; part went to the east of lake ontario, removing and becoming the onondagas, when the huron war began." it is noticeable that the earliest accounts of the five nations speak of them as of two kinds--mohawks and "sinnekes," or as termed by the french the inferior and superior iroquois. for example antony van corlear's _journal_, edited by gen. james grant wilson, also certain of the new york documents. the most thorough local student of early mohawk town-sites, mr. s.l. frey, of palatine bridge, n.y., supports mr. beauchamp in his view of the late coming of the mohawks into the mohawk river valley, where they have always been settled in historic times. according to him, although these people changed their sites every or years from failure of the wood supply and other causes, only four prehistoric sites have been discovered in that district, all the others containing relics of european origin. mr. beauchamp believes even this number too large. both put forward the idea that the mohawks were the ancient race of hochelaga, whose town on the island of montreal was visited by jacques cartier in , and had disappeared completely in when champlain founded quebec. "what had become of these people?" writes mr. frey, in his pamphlet "the mohawks." "an overwhelming force of wandering algonquins had destroyed their towns. to what new land had they gone? i think we shall find them seated in the impregnable strongholds among the hills and in the dense forests of the mohawk valley." it is my privilege to take up their theory from the montreal end and in the light of the local archaeology of this place and of early french historical lore, to supply links which seem to throw considerable light on the problem. the description given by cartier of the picturesque palisaded town of hochelaga, situated near the foot of mount royal, surrounded by cornfields, has frequently been quoted. but other points of cartier's narrative, concerning the numbers and relations of the population, have scarcely been studied. let us examine this phase of it. during his first voyage in , in the neighbourhood of gaspé, he met on the water the first people speaking the tongue of this race, a temporary fishing community of over souls, men, women and children, in some canoes, under which they slept, having evidently no village there, but belonging, as afterwards is stated, to stadacona. he seized and carried to france two of them, who, when he returned next year, called the place where they had been taken _honguédo_, and said that the north shore, above anticosti island, was the commencement of inhabited country which led to _canada_ (the quebec region), hochelaga, (montreal) and the country of _saguenay_, far to the west "whence came the red copper" (of which axes have since been found in the débris of hochelaga, and which, in fact, came from lake superior), and that no man they ever heard of had ever been to the end of the great river of fresh water above. here we have the first indication of the racial situation of the hochelagans. at the mouth of the saguenay river--so called because it was one of the routes to the sagnenay of the algonquins, west of the upper ottawa--he found four fishing canoes from canada. plenty of fishing was prosecuted from this point upwards. in "the province of canada," he proceeds, "there are several peoples in unwalled villages." at the isle of orleans, just below quebec, the principal peace chief, or, agouhanna of "canada," donnaconna, came to them with canoes from the town (ville) of stadacona, or stadaconé, which was surrounded by tilled land on the heights. twenty-five canoes from stadacona afterwards visited them; and later donnaconna brought on board " or other of the greatest chiefs" with more than persons, men, women and children, some doubtless from the neighbouring settlements. if the same persons as in the previous year were absent fishing at gaspé, and others in other spots, these figures argue a considerable population. below stadacona, were four "peoples and settlements": _ajoasté, starnatam, tailla_ (on a mountain) and _satadin_ or _stadin_. above _stadacona_ were _tekenouday_ (on a mountain) and _hochelay_ (_achelacy_ or _hagouchouda_)[ ] which was in open country. further up were _hochelaga_ and some settlements on the island of montreal, and various other places unobserved by cartier, belonging to the same race; who according to a later statement of the remnant of them, confirmed by archæology, had several "towns" on the island of montreal and inhabited "_all the hills to the south and east_."[ ] the hills to be seen from mount royal to the south are the northern slopes of the adirondacks; while to the east are the lone volcanic eminences in the plain, montarville, beloeil, rougemont, johnson, yamaska, shefford, orford and the green mountains. all these hills deserve search for huron-iroquois town-sites. the general sense of this paragraph includes an implication also of settlements towards and on lake champlain, that is to say, when taken in connection with the landscape. (my own dwelling overlooks this landscape.) at the same time let me say that perhaps due inquiries might locate some of the sites of ajoaste and the other villages in the quebec district. in cartier's third voyage he refers obscurely, in treating of montreal, to "the said town of _tutonaguy_." this word, with french pronunciation, appears to be the same as that still given by mohawks to the island,--_tiotiaké_, meaning "deep water beside shallow," that is to say, "below the rapid." in the so-called cabot map of the name hochelaga is replaced by "_tutonaer_," apparently from some map of cartier's. it may be a reproduction of some lost map of his. lewis h. morgan gives "tiotiake" as "do-de-a-ga." another place named by cartier is _maisouna_, to which the chief of hochelay had been gone two days when the explorer made his settlement a visit. on a map of ortelius of quoted by parkman this name appears to be given as muscova, a district placed on the right bank of the richelieu river and opposite hochelay, but possibly this is a pure guess, though it is a likely one. it may perhaps be conjectured that stadacona, tailla and tekenouday, being on heights, were the oldest strongholds in their region. all the country was covered with forests "except around the peoples, who cut it down to make their settlement and tillage." at stadacona he was shown five scalps of a race called _toudamans_ from the south, with whom they were constantly at war, and who had killed about of their people at massacre island, bic, in a cave, while they were on the way to honguédo to fish. all these names must of course be given the old french pronunciation. proceeding up the river near hochelaga he found "a great number of dwellings along the shore" inhabited by fisherfolk, as was the custom of the huron-iroquois in the summer season. the village called hochelay was situated about forty-five miles above stadacona, at the richelieu rapid, between which and hochelaga, a distance of about miles, he mentions no village. this absence of settlements i attribute to the fact that the intermediate three rivers region was an ancient special appurtenance of the algonquins, with whom the hochelagans were to all appearance then on terms of friendly sufferance and trade, if not alliance. in later days the same region was uninhabited, on account of iroquois incursions by the river richelieu and lake champlain. in the islands at the head of lake st. peter, cartier met five hunters who directed him to hochelaga. "more than a thousand" persons, he says, received them with joy at hochelaga. this expression of number however is not very definite. it is frequently used by dante to signify a multitude in the _divina comédia_. the town of hochelaga consisted of "about fifty houses, in length about fifty paces each at most, and twelve or fifteen paces wide," made of bark on sapling frames in the manner of the iroquois long houses. the round "fifties" are obviously approximate. the plan of the town given in ramusio shows some forty-five fires, each serving some five families, but the interior division differs so greatly from that of early huron and iroquois houses, and from his phrase "fifty by twelve or fifteen," that it appears to be the result of inaccurate drawing. there is therefore considerable room for difference as to the population of the town, ranging from say , to , souls, the verbal description which is much the more authoritative, inclining in favour of the latter. any estimate of the total population of the hochelagan race on the river, must be a guess. if, however, those on the island of montreal be set at , , and the "more than " of stadacona be considered as a fair average for the principal town and (which also was the average estimated by père lalemant for the neutral nation) as an average for the eight or so villages of the quebec district, (the absentees, such as the at gaspé from stadacona being perhaps offset by contingents from the places close to stadacona) we have some , accounted for. those on all the hills to the south and east of mount royal would add anywhere from say , to an indefinitely greater number more. perhaps , , however, should not be exceeded as the limit for these hills and lake champlain. we arrive therefore at a guess of from , to , as the total. as the lower figures seem conservative, compared with the early average of huron and iroquois villages, the guess may perhaps be raised a little to say from , to , . "this people confines itself to tillage and fishing, for they do not leave their country and are not migratory like those of canada and saguenay, although the said canadians are subject to them, _with eight or nine other peoples who are on the said river_." nevertheless the site of hochelaga, unearthed in , shows them to have been _traders_ to some extent with the west, evidently through the ottawa algonquins. what cartier did during his brief visit to the town itself is well known. the main point for us is that three men led him to the top of mount royal and showed him the country. they told him of the ottawa river and of three great rapids in the st. lawrence, after passing which, "one could sail more than three moons along the said river," doubtless meaning along the great lakes. silver and brass they identified as coming from that region, and "there were agojudas, or wicked people, armed even to the fingers," of whom they showed "the make of their armor, which is of cords and wood laced and woven together; giving to understand that the said agojudas are continually at war with one and other." this testimony clearly describes the armour of the early hurons and iroquois[ ] as found by champlain, and seems to relate to war between the hurons and senecas at that period and to an aversion to them by the people of the town of hochelaga themselves; who were, however, living in security from them at the time, apparently cut off from regular communication with them by algonquin peoples, particularly those of the ottawa, who controlled huron communication with the lower st. lawrence in the same way in champlain's days. on returning to stadacona, cartier, by talking with donnaconna, learnt what showed this land of saguenay so much talked of by these people, to be undoubtedly the huron country. "the straight and good and safest road to it is by the _fleuve_ (st. lawrence), to above hochelaga and by the river which descends from the said saguenay and enters the said fleuve (as we had seen); and thence it takes a month to reach." this is simply the ottawa route to lake huron used by the jesuits in the next century. what they had seen was the ottawa river entering the st. lawrence--from the top of mount royal, whence it is visible to-day. the name saguenay may possibly be _saginaw_,--the old _saguenam_, the "very deep bay on the west shore of lake huron," of charlevoix, (book xi.) though it is not necessarily saginaw bay itself, as such names shift. "and they gave to understand that in that country the people are clothed with clothes like us, and _there are many peoples in towns_ and _good persons_ and that they have a great quantity of gold and of _red copper_. and they told us that _all the land from the said first river to hochelagea and saguenay is an island surrounded by streams and the said great river (st. lawrence)_; and that after passing saguenay, said river (ottawa) enters _two or three great lakes of water, very large; after which a fresh water sea is reached_, whereof there is no mention of having seen the end, _as they have heard from those of the saguenay; for they told us they had never been there themselves_." yet later, in chapter xix., it is stated that old donnaconna assured them he had been in the land of the saguenay, where he related several impossible marvels, such as people of only one leg. it is to be noted that "the peoples in towns," who are apparently huron-iroquois, are here referred to as "good people," while the hochelagans speak of them as "wicked." this is explicable enough as a difference of view on distant races with whom they had no contact. it seems to imply that the "canada" people were not in such close communication with the town of hochelaga as to have the same opinions and perhaps the canada view of the hurons as good persons was the original view of the early settlers, while the hochelagans may have had unpleasant later experiences or echo those of the ottawa algonquins. but furthermore they told him of the richelieu river where apparently it took a month to go with their canoes from sainte croix (stadacona) to a country "where there are never ice nor snow; but where there are constant wars one against another, and there are oranges, almonds, nuts, plums, and other kinds of fruit in great abundance, and oil is made from trees, very good for the cure of diseases; there the inhabitants are clothed and accoutred in skins like themselves." this land cartier considered to be florida,--but the point for our present purpose is the frequenting of the richelieu, lake champlain and lands far south of them by the hochelagans at that period. at the beginning of the seventeenth century capt. john smith met the canoes of an iroquois people on the upper part of chesapeake bay. we may now draw some conclusions. originally the population of the st. lawrence valley seems to have been occupied by algonquins, as these people surrounded it on all sides. a question i would like to see investigated is whether any of these built villages and grew corn here, as did some of the algonquins of the new england coast and those of allumette island on the ottawa. this might explain some of the deserted indian clearings which the early jesuits noted along the shore of the river, and of which champlain, in , used one of about acres at place royale, montreal. cartier, it is seen, expressly explains some of them to be huron-iroquois clearings cultivated under his own observation. the known algonquins of the immediate region were all nomadic. in we have, from below stadacona (quebec) to above hochelaga (montreal), and down the richelieu river to lake champlain, the valley in possession of a huron-iroquois race, dominated by hochelaga, a town of say , souls, judging from the huron average and from cartier's details. the descendants of the hochelagans in pointed out the spots where there were "several towns" on the island. mr. beauchamp holds, with parkman, dawson and other writers, that "those who pointed out spots in were of an _algonquin_ tribe, not descendants of the mohawk hochelagans, but locally their successors." but i cannot accept this algonquin theory, as their connection with the hochelagans is too explicit and i shall give other reasons further on. the savages, it is true, called the island by an algonquin name; "the island where there was a city or village,"[ ] the algonquin phrase for which was minitik-outen-entagougiban, but these later terms have small bearing. the site of one of the towns on the island is conjectured, from the finding of relics, to have been at longue pointe, nine miles below hochelaga; a village appears from cartier's account of his third voyage to have existed about the lachine rapids; and another was some miles below, probably at point st. charles or the little river at verdun. fourteen skeletons, buried after the mohawk fashion, have been discovered on the upper slope of westmount, the southern ridge of mount royal, about a mile from hochelaga and not far from an old indian well, indicating possibly the proximity of another pre-historic town-site of the race, and at any rate a burying ground. the identification and excavations were made by the writer. if, however, the southern enemies, called toudamans, five of whose scalps were shown cartier at stadacona were, as one conjecture has it, tonontouans or senecas, the iroquois identity theory must be varied, but it is much more likely the toudamans were the etchemins. at any rate it seems clear that the hochelagan race came down the st. lawrence as a spur (probably an adventurous fishing party) from the great huron-iroquois centre about lake huron[ ]; for that their advent had been recent appears from the fewness of sites discovered, from the smallness of the population, considering the richness of the country, and especially from the fact that the huron, and the seneca, and their own tongues were still mutually comprehensible, notwithstanding the rapid changes of indian dialects. everything considered, their coming might perhaps be placed about , which could give time for the settlements on lake champlain, unearthed by dr. d.s. kellogg and others and rendered probable by their pottery and other evidence as being huron-iroquois.[ ] cartier, as we have seen, described the hochelagan towns along the river. [illustration: shallow grave in prehistoric burying ground at westmount on mount royal showing attitude of sepulture.] the likeness of the names tekenouday and ajoasté to that of the huron town tekenonkiaye, and the andastean andoasté, shows how close was the relationship. nevertheless the hochelagans were quite cut off from the hurons, whose country as we have found, some of them point to and describe to cartier as inhabited by evil men. as the stadacona people, more distant, independently refer to them as good, no war could have been then proceeding with them. in when roberval came--and down to --the conditions were still unchanged. what of the events between this date and the coming of champlain in ? this period can be filled up to some extent. about the hurons came down, conquered the hochelagans and their subject peoples and destroyed hochelaga. i reach this date as follows: in (relation of , p. ) père lalemant reports that "under the algonquin name" the french included "a diversity of small peoples," one of which was named the onontchataronons or "the tribe of iroquet," "whose ancestors formerly inhabited the island of montreal," and one of their old men "aged say eighty years" said "my mother told me that in her youth _the hurons_ drove us from this island." ( , p. .) this makes it clear that the inroad was _huron_. note that this man of eighty years does not mention having _himself_ lived on the island; and also the addition "_in her youth_." this fact brings us back to before . but in , another "old man" states that his "grandfathers" had lived there. note that he does not say his parents nor himself. these two statements, i think, reasoning from the average ages of old men, carry us back to about - . champlain, in , notes a remark of two iroquois that the war with the hurons was then "more than fifty years" old. the huron inroad could not likely have occurred for several years after , for so serious an incursion would have taken some years to grow to such a point out of profound peace. would therefore appear a little early. the facts demonstrate incidentally a period of prosperity and dominance on the part of the hurons themselves, for instead of a mere incursion, it exhibits, even if made by invitation of the algonquins, a permanent breaking through of the barriers between the huron country and the montreal neighbourhood, and a continuance of their power long enough and sufficiently to press forward against the enemy even into lake champlain. it also shows that the superior iroquois were not then strong enough to confine them. before the league, the latter were only weak single tribes. when dutch firearms were added to the advantage of the league, the hurons finally fell from their power, which was therefore apparently at its height about . charlevoix, _histoire de la nouvelle france_, end of bk. v., after describing the first mass at ville marie, in , says: "the evening of the same day m. de maisonneuve desired to visit the mountain which gave the island its name, and two old indians who accompanied him thither, having led him to the top, told him they were of the tribe who had formerly inhabited this country." "we were," they added, "_very numerous_ and all the hills (_collines_) which you see to the south and east, were peopled. the hurons drove thence our ancestors, of whom a part took refuge among the abénakis, _others withdrew into the iroquois cantons_, a few remained with our conquerors." they promised maisonneuve to do all they could to bring back their people, "but apparently could not succeed in reassembling the fragments of this dispersed tribe, which doubtless is that of the iroquois of which i have spoken in my _journal_." a proof that this people of iroquet were not originally algonquins is that by their own testimony they had cultivated the ground, one of them actually took up a handful of the soil and called attention to its goodness; and they also directly connected themselves in a positive manner with the hochelagans by the dates and circumstances indicated in their remarks as above interpreted. the use of the term "algonquin" concerning them is very ambiguous and as they were merged among algonquin tribes they were no doubt accustomed to use that language. their huron-iroquois name, the fact that they were put forward to interpret to the iroquois in champlain's first excursion; and that a portion of them had joined the iroquois, another portion the hurons, and the rest remained a little band by themselves, seem to add convincingly to the proof that they were not true algonquins. their two names "onontchataronons" and "iroquet" are iroquois. the ending "onons" (onwe) means "men" and is not properly part of the name. charlevoix thought them hurons, from their name. they were a very small band and, while mentioned several times in the jesuit relations, had disappeared by the end of the seventeenth century from active history. it was doubtless impossible for a remnant so placed to maintain themselves against the great iroquois war parties. a minor question to suggest itself is whether there is any connection between the names "iroquet" and "iroquois". were they originally forms of the same word? or were they two related names of divisions of a people? certainly two closely related peoples have these closely similar names. they were as clearly used as names of distinct tribes however, in the seventeenth century. the derivation of "iroquois" given by charlevoix from "hiro"--"i have spoken" does not seem at all likely; but the analogy of the first syllables of the names er-ié, hur-ons, hir-oquois, ir-oquet and cherokee may have something in it. the iroquets or hochelagans attributed their great disaster,--the destruction of their towns and dispossession of their island,--to the hurons, but charlevoix[ ] records an algonquin victory over them which seems to have preceded, and contributed to, that event, though the lateness of charlevoix renders the story not so reliable in detail as the personal recollections of the iroquets above given: his story[ ] given "on the authority of those most versed in the old history of the country", proceeds as follows: "some algonquins were at war with the onontcharonnons better known under the name of tribe of iroquet, and whose former residence was, it is said, in the island of montreal. the name they bear proclaims, they were of huron speech; nevertheless it is claimed that it was the hurons who drove them from their ancient country, and who in part destroyed them. however that may be, they were at the time i speak of, at war with the algonquins, who, to finish this war at one stroke, thought of a stratagem, which succeeded". this stratagem was an ambush placed on both sides of the river bécancour near three rivers, with some pretended fishermen out in canoes as decoys. the iroquets attacked and pursued the fishermen, but in the moment of victory, a hail of arrows issued from the bushes along both shores. their canoes being pierced, and the majority wounded, they all perished. "the tribe of iroquet never recovered from this disaster; and none to day remain. the quantity of corpses in the water and on the banks of the river so infected it, that it retains the name of rivière puante"; (stinking river). charlevoix[ ] gives, as well supported, the story of the origin of the war between the iroquois and algonquins. "the iroquois had made with them a sort of alliance very useful to both." they gave grain for game and armed aid, and thus both lived long on good terms. at last a disagreement rose in a joint party of young hunters, on account of the iroquois succeeding while the algonquins failed in the chase. the algonquins, therefore, maliciously tomahawked the iroquois in their sleep. thence arose the war. in , according to ferland[ ] based evidently upon the statement of champlain, the remnant of the hochelagans left in canada occupied the triangle above montreal now bounded by vandreuil, kingston and ottawa. this perhaps indicates it as the upper part of their former territory. sanson's map places them at about the same part of the ottawa in the middle of the seventeenth century and identifies them with la petite nation, giving them as "onontcharonons ou la petite nation". that remnant accompanied champlain against the iroquois, being of course under the influence of their masters the hurons and algonquins. doubtless their blood is presently represented among the huron and algonquin mission indians of oka, lorette, petite nation, etc., and perhaps among those of caughnawaga and to some extent, greater or less, among the six nations proper. from the foregoing outline of their history, it does not appear as if the hochelagans were exactly the mohawks proper. it seems more likely that by , settlements, at first mere fishing-parties, then fishing-villages, and later more developed strongholds with agriculture, had already been made on lake champlain by independent offshoots of the hochelagan communities, of perhaps some generations standing, and not unlikely by arrangement with the algonquins of the lake similar to the understanding on the river st. lawrence, as peace and travel appear to have existed there. the bonds of confederacy between village and village were always shifting and loose among these races until the great league. to their lake champlain cousins the hochelagans would naturally fly for refuge in the day of defeat, for there was no other direction suitable for their retreat. the hurons and algonquins carried on the war against the fused peoples, down into lake champlain. when, after more than fifty years of the struggle, champlain goes down to that lake in , he finds there the clearings from which they have been driven, and marks their cabins on his map of the southeast shore. this testimony is confirmed by that of archaeology showing their movement at the same period into the mohawk valley. doubtless their grandchildren among the iroquois, like their grandchildren among the algonquins, remembered perfectly well the fact of their huron and algonquin wrongs, and led many a war party back to scenes known to them through tradition, and which it was their ambition to recover. it seems then to be the fact that the mohawks proper, or some of their villages, while perhaps not exactly hochelagans, were part of the kindred peoples recently sprung from and dominated by them and were driven out at the same time. the two peoples--mohawks and iroquets--had no great time before, if not at the time of cartier's arrival--been one race living together in the st. lawrence valley: in the territory just west of the mohawk valley, they found the "senecas" as the onondagas, cayugas and senecas together were at first called, and soon, through the genius of the mohawk hiawatha, they formed with them the famous league, in the face of the common enemy. by that time the oneidas had become separated from the mohawks. these indications place the date of the league very near . the studies of dr. kellogg of plattsburgh on the new york side of lake champlain and of others on the vermont shore, who have discovered several mohawk sites on that side of the lake may be expected to supply a link of much interest on the whole question, from the comparison of pottery and pipes. on the whole the hochelagan facts throw much light both forward on the history of the iroquois and backwards on that of the huron stock. interpreted as above, they afford a meagre but connected story through a period hitherto lost in darkness, and perhaps a ray by which further links may still be discovered through continued archæological investigation. note. like the numbers of the hochelagan race, the question how long they had been in the st. lawrence valley must be problematical. sir william dawson describes the site of hochelaga as indicating a residence of several generations. their own statements regarding the huron country--that they "had never been there", and that they gathered their knowledge of it from the ottawa algonquins, permits some deductions. if the hochelagans--including their old men--had never been westward among their kindred, it is plain that the migration must have taken place more than the period of an old man's life previous--that is to say more than say eighty years. if to this we add that the old men appear not even to have derived such knowledge as they possessed from their parents but from strangers, then the average full life of aged parents should be added, or say sixty years more, making a total of at least one hundred and forty years since the immigration. something might, it is true, be allowed for a sojourn at intermediate points: and the scantiness of the remarks is also to be remembered. but there remains to account for the considerable population which had grown up in the land from apparently one centre. if the original intruders were four hundred, for example, then in doubling every twenty years, they would number , in a century. but this rate is higher than their state of "middle-barbarism" is likely to have permitted and a hundred and fifty years would seem to be as fast as they could be expected to attain the population they possessed in cartier's time. footnotes: [ ] "iroquois book of rites," p. . [ ] _ibid._, p. . [ ] the latter i conjecture not to be the real name of the place but that the stadacona people had referred to hochelay as "agojuda" or wicked. the chief of hochelay on one occasion warned cartier of plots at stadacona, and there appears to have been some antagonism between the places. the hochelay people seem to have been hochelagans proper not stadacona hochelagans. hochelay-aga could mean "people of hochelay." [ ] relation of . [ ] similar armour, though highly elaborated, is to be seen in the suits of japanese warriors, made of cords and lacquered wood woven together. [ ] relation of , p. . [ ] two of the huron nations settled in canada west about ; another about ; the fourth in . see relations,--w.m. beauchamp. [ ] dr. kellogg, whose collection is very large and his studies valuable, writes me as follows: "in mr. frey sent me a little box of indian pottery from his vicinity (the mohawk valley). it contained chiefly edge pieces of jars, whose ornamentation outside near the top was in _lines_, and nearly every one of these pieces also had the _deep finger nail indentation_. i spread these out on a board. many had also the small circle ornamentation, made perhaps by the end of a hollow bone. this pottery i have always called iroquois. at two sites near plattsburg this type prevails. but otherwise whenever we have found this type we have looked on it curiously. it is _not_ the type prevailing here. the type here has ornamentations consisting of dots and dotted lines, dots in lines, scallop stamps, etc. these dots on a single jar are hundreds and perhaps thousands in number. even in vermont the iroquois type is abundant. this confirms what champlain's indian friends told him about the country around the mountains in the east (i.e. in vermont) being occupied by their enemies.... the pottery here indicates a much closer relation with that at hochelaga than with that at palatine bridge (mohawk valley, n.y.)." [ ] journal, vol. i., pp. - . [ ] journal historique d'un voyage à l'am., lettre vi. [ ] journal, end of letter xii. [ ] hist. du canada, vol. i., p. . racines (http://www.ourroots.ca/) note: images of the original pages are available through our roots/nos racines. see http://www.ourroots.ca/e/toc.asp?id= a new hochelagan burying-ground discovered at westmount on the western spur of mount royal, montreal, july-september notes by w. d. lighthall, m.a., f.r.s.l. privately printed for the writer by alphonse pelletier printer to the numismatic and antiquarian society of montreal the above title is provisional as respects the term "hochelagan." all those who are interested in the indians of old hochelaga, or in the mohawks with whom they seem to have had a close and not yet fully ascertained race relationship, will be pleased to learn of the discovery of a prehistoric burying-ground which is probably one of their race, the only one heretofore known having been on the borders of their town itself, about upper metcalfe street, montreal. the new one is on the upper level (not the top) of westmount, which is the south-western prolongation of mount royal, and the four or five graves thus far found are scattered at considerable intervals over an an area of about by yards, nearly bounded by argyle, montrose and aberdeen avenues and the boulevard, three of the graves being a little outside of these limits. a number of years ago a skeleton was discovered, near the surface, on the cutting of argyle avenue on about a westerly line from the residence of mr. earle. as the remains were rumored to be possibly indian, mr. earle secured the skull, which had been used as a football by boys, some of the teeth, which had originally been complete in number, being thus lost. this head is identical in form with those last found. roots of grass interlaced in it show the lightness of the covering. on another occasion many years ago, a skeleton was found, also lightly buried, and with the knees drawn up, just east of the residence of mr. john macfarlane on montrose avenue, during the digging of a flower-bed. it was over six feet long. after being exposed for a few days it was re-interred in the same spot by order of mr. macfarlane, and could doubtless be obtained for examination if desirable. at a later period, the gardener, mr. latter, who had found the macfarlane skeleton, dug up and re-interred another just within the bounds of his own property adjoining the head of aberdeen avenue opposite the st. george's snowshoe club-house. on the nd of july last ( ) a gardener excavating in the st. george's club-house grounds found three skeletons interred at a depth of from two to two and a half feet and with knees drawn up. a report of the find was made to the chief of police of westmount and to mr. j. stevenson brown, and mr. a.s. wheeler, respectively president and vice-president of the st. george's club, the former being also an ex vice-president of the natural history society. they examined the spot and remains, mr. brown concluding them to be probably indian from the prominent cheek bones and large mouths. having just been paying some attention to the archaeology of the iroquois, which had been taken me on a flying trip to their former country in the state of new-york, i, on seeing in a newspaper at the seaside, a short item concerning the skeletons, was immediately interested, and especially in the possibility of their being hochelagans, and having particularly commenced some inquiries into the relations between the latter indians and the mohawks, i wrote, as chairman of health of westmount, asking chief harrison to note the manner and attitude of burial and any objects found, and to enquire concerning previous excavations in the neighborhood and save the remains for scientific purposes. (they had been sent by him to the city morgue.) the above information concerning the previous skeletons was then collected and i found that the witnesses concurred in agreeing that the attitude seems to have been in all cases with knees bent up. no objects seem to have been noticed in any of the excavations then made, though some may have been overlooked by the workmen, particularly as the soil of the locality is full of pieces of limestone and small boulders, closely resembling arrow heads, hammers and celts. several bones which are not human have however been since found with these three skeletons, one possibly of a dog, another of a squirrel. they may be those of the funeral feast sir william dawson mentions in his work "fossil men," as usually to be looked for over the hochelagan graves. mr. beauchamp, the new-york authority, writes concerning the mohawks; "burial customs varied greatly among the same people, but usually the knees are drawn up. the face might be turned either way in contiguous graves. i have seen many opened with no articles in them." by the kindness of dr. wyatt johnston, pathologist to the provincial board of health, the three skeletons have been preserved and are now in the chateau de ramezay historical museum where they will doubtless be regarded with interest by scholars. the skulls have been fully identified as of the indian type, and found to be those of two powerful males in the prime of life and one young woman. the skull in possession of mr. earl is doubtless of the same race. some large stones were found placed above the bodies, and also a number of naturally flat stones which appear to have been used as scoops to excavate. the plateau where the remains were found is about half way up the side of the "mountain" or hill, as it more properly is, the total height being only about feet. the plateau slopes somewhat and looks towards the south-east, and being protected by the hill behind it from prevailing winds, and having a good light soil, constitutes a very favorable situation for the growth of the indian crops of corn and beans. the mountain being an isolated rise in the great plain of the st. lawrence, the plateau was also most favorably placed for look-out and defence. a hundred yards or so to the west is a fine perennial spring, and a short distance further is another which has always been known as "the old indian well," having been a resort of indians at a later period. only a few spots on the plateau have so far been excavated; but with approaching improvements i have no doubt that other graves will soon be found. the ground to the west, in the neighborhood of the two perennial springs, has in particular, never been much disturbed. if therefore, as on the site of the old hochelaga, this burying-ground is on the out skirts of a town site, relics of a much more interesting character may be looked for in the undisturbed neighborhood just referred to, the raynes and murray farms, and those on, the southern slope of the mountain. should a town-site be fortunately discovered i have no doubt that progressive westmount will see to proper care being taken in the matter. such a town would likely be older than hochelaga and thus afford a fresh step in tracing the record of this mysterious people. such towns were frequently moved, when the soil or supply of wood gave out, or disease or enemies made removal imperative. as to the remains already unearthed being prehistoric, there can be no doubt. the island was deserted after the destruction of hochelaga by the hurons about . the next indian inhabitants were catholic converts and therefore were buried at full length in a consecrated christian ground. the village of the converts was at the old towers of the fort des messieurs, some quarter of a mile eastward of the plateau referred to. in tracing back the history of the land in which these discoveries have been made, we learn from the _terrier_ or land book of the seminary of st. sulpice, that it was conceded about , and that it has ever since remained in private hands. had the site been known as a burial place, even years previous to that date, it is altogether unlikely that such a concession would have been made; especially as there was abundance of unoccupied land in the vicinity. the faint doubt which arose as to whether the interments were made subsequently to the founding of montreal, is therefore eliminated. the authorities of the seminary, who conceded the land, state not only that they have no record of a burying-ground there, but agree with me that the space covered is too large, to be consecrated ground, as it would be in christian times, and they also state that the burials of the mission of the mountain where the montreal indian converts lived, were made chiefly at the cemeteries of montreal and were very few. these indians had originally been assembled around ville marie but were removed to the fort des messieurs where montreal college stands in , and thence, towards the beginning of the th century, to sault-au-recollet and in to oka. the method of burial, also, is not christian, but pagan, and similar in every respect to early mohawk burials. on saturday the th september, , i went with two laborers granted by the town of westmount to the excavation on the club house grounds, and choosing a spot on its edge cut a short trench some two feet deep. about ten feet southward of the three skeletons previously found, this trench revealed two large stones placed in the form of a reversed v, clearly in order, as it afterwards appeared, to partly cover a body. on raising these, a skeleton was found of a tall young man laid on the hard-pan, on his right side, with face down, head towards the west, knees drawn up, and covered with the mealy dry whitish earth of the locality, to a depth of about two and a half feet. mr. earl assisted in carefully uncovering the remains, of which mr. charles j. brown then took two excellent protographs in situ. the form of skull was similar to the others, the teeth fine and perfect except a grinder which had been lost years before. one armbone showed that it had once been broken and healed again. no objects were found, though the search was very careful. on the th, the excavations were continued in the hope of finding objects of value to science. on this occasion there was present, besides the writer mr. earl, mr. c.j. brown, mr. wheeler and others and mr. r.w. mclachlan, one of the excavators of old hochelaga. about four or five feet north of the grave last-mentioned, large stones were again struck and on being lifted, the skeleton of a young girl was unearthed whose wisdom teeth had just begun to appear in the jaw. the large bone of her upper left arm had at one time been broken near the shoulder. her slender skeleton was in the same crouching position as the others but much more closely bunched together; the top of the head was laid towards the north and looking partly downwards. above her were found several flat stones which may have been used as scoops for the excavation. under her neck was discovered the first manufactured object found, a single rude bead of white wampum of the prehistoric form, and which is now deposited in the chateau de ramezay. as white wampum was the gift of a lover, this sole ornament tells the pathetic story of early love and death. mr. chas. j. brown again protographed the remains in situ. the work will still proceed and no doubt more important discoveries are yet to be made. montreal, september th, . report of dr. hibbert on the westmount skeletons no. i.--a young woman the bones of this skeleton, are fragile, broken and considerably decayed. the skull is in fair condition, though the lower jaw is broken in half. the skull is round and arched above the breadth index being . , of brachycephalic or mongoloid type. _the superciliary_ ridges are not very prominent, but the frontal, parietal and occipital eminences are very distinct. _the forehead_ is non receding and the breath measures c.m. the cheekbones are not unduly prominent, the official measurement being m.m. the gnathic index is , or orthognathous. the teeth are well preserved and not much worn, the d. molars not having erupted in either jaw. the face is short and broad, the height being m.m. in and breadth m.m., the orbit is inclined to be square with rounded angles and the type megaseme, the nasal index is mesorhine. a very striking feature of this skull is the well marked central vertical frontal ridge and some tendency to angularity of the vertex. in the whole this skull is of a more refined type than the others and suggestive of some fair intellectual development of the individual. there are two wormian bones on the left side of the skull, one at the pterion and one below the asterion each being m.m. long. the bones generally are fragile and the long bones slender, with no marked impression for muscular attachment. a curious fact is that the ends of all the long bones are absent, presumably from decay, and as these ends are united to the shafts between the age of puberty ( - ) and adult life it is suggestive that the individual may have been of about the age of or and this is somewhat confirmed by the noneruption of the third molars. with this skeleton are two animal bones. white and very dense in structure. they are both femura, one probably that of an ungulate; the other of a carnivore. no. ii.--a brachycephalic man this skeleton is that of a large and powerfully built man, the bones being very heavy and strong with marked impressions and prominences for muscular attachment. the skeleton, with the exception of some of the small bones of the hands and feet is complete. the skull is large and massive, and the lower jaw very strong and heavy. the teeth are well preserved but much ground down at the crown. the superciliary ridges are very prominent. the fore head is narrow ( c.m.) receding. judging from the size and strength of the bones and their impressions for muscular attachment, this man must have been very powerful and calculating from the length of the femur, at least six feet tall. with this skeleton we found a small humerus of some mammal possibly a squirrel. no. iii.--the tallest man this skeleton is also that of a large powerfully built man, even taller man the last. the skull is larger, though not quite so massive. it is longer and narrower and dolicephalus, the occipital region very prominent. the height index is low ( . ). the face is broad as compared with the length - and the cheek bones are prominent, lower jaw is heavy and strong. the bones of this skeleton are well preserved and it is almost entire, there being only a few of the bones of the hands and feet missing. the pelvis is masculine. the bones are long, large and heavy with marked impressions and processes. the femur measures - / inches so that this man must have been six feet or more and of muscular frame. among the bones of no iii skeleton were small rib bones of a bird. judging from the general conformation of the three skulls, it would appear that no. i, was that of the most intelligent person of the three and no. iii of the least no. ii being intermediate. it is difficult to estimate the height of no. i as the femur is so decayed at both ends, but allowing for this, the height would not be more than feet and probably less than that. the skeletons undoubtedly belong to the mongoloid type and are distinctive of the north american indians. file was produced from images generously made available by the canadian institute for historical microreproductions (www.canadiana.org)) the treaty held with the _indians_ of the six nations at _philadelphia_, in _july _. to which is prefix'd an account of the _first confederacy_ of the _six nations_, their present tributaries, dependents, and allies. _london:_ re-printed and sold by t. sowle raylton and luke hinde, at the _bible_ in _george-yard, lombard-street_. [price six-pence.] the preface. _a copy of the following_ treaty, _printed at_ philadelphia _in , having fallen into my hands, upon perusal, i judg'd its contents deserved to be more generally known, than probably would have been from the few copies which might be sent over._ _to make it more instructive and entertaining, i had once thoughts of prefixing an account of the_ customs _and_ manners _of these_ people, _such an one as i could collect either from the_ printed relations _concerning them, or from such_ materials _as my_ correspondence _or_ acquaintance _would have afforded: but, the_ accurate description _drawn up and published by the memorable_ william penn, _deterr'd me from attempting a short one; and an ingenious gentleman of_ new-york _will probably soon oblige the world with a large and curious history of the_ five nations,[ ] _exceeding any thing in my power to perform._ [footnote : the history of the _five nations_, from the earliest acquaintance of the _europeans_ with them, to the _treaty_ of _reswick_, by c. colden, a _manuscript_ ready for the press, in the hands of a worthy gentleman in _london_.] _but, that the_ reader _might have some idea of these_ people, _i thought it necessary to subjoin the following succinct_ account _of the_ principles _in this_ confederacy, _their_ tributaries, dependents _and_ allies: _and the more so, as it is neither extant in_ print, _nor is this part taken notice of so fully in the_ manuscript history _above-mentioned. it was communicated by a gentleman of good understanding and probity; one who is very well skill'd in the_ indian _affairs,[ ] adopted into one of their_ tribes, _is of their_ council, _and their constant_ interpreter _at the_ philadelphia treaties, _to a friend of his, who sent it to his_ correspondent _here._ [footnote : "it is customary among them to make a complement of _naturalization_ into the _five nations_; and considering how highly they value themselves above all others, it must be accounted no small one.--i had this _complement_ from one of their old _sachems_, which he did by giving me his _own name_: he had been a notable warriour; and he told me, that now i had a right to assume to my self all the acts of valour he had performed." c. colden's _history of the_ five nations, _m.s._] _they have generally been stiled the_ five nations _of_ indians, _bordering upon_ pensilvania _and_ new-york; _but, since the arrival of the_ tuscarora's _from_ carolina, _they are called the_ six nations. _an account of whom is as follows,_ . _the_ conymkos _or_ mohawks; _the first promoter of the_ confederacy.[ ] _he is stiled in the council of all the nations,_ dicarihoagan, _i.e._ president _or_ eldest. [footnote : the _indian_ idiom; they always stile a _whole nation_ in the _singular number_.] . _the_ onayiuts _or_ onoyders, _were the first that join'd in the_ confederacy _with the_ mohawks, _by putting themselves under their_ protection. _he calls the_ mohawk _his_ father, _and in return [transcriber's note: original has "retnrn"] he is called a_ son: _the_ mohawk _used him for his_ ambassador _to the_ other _nations: in council he is stiled_ niharontaquoa, _or the_ great tree.[ ] [footnote : a _tree_ is their most frequent emblem of _peace_. to plant a tree whose top may reach to the sun, and its branches may extend over the whole country, is a phrase for a lasting covenant of peace.] . _the_ onontago's _were the next that joined, and of their own accord became_ confederates; _they are therefore called by the_ mohawks, brothers; _and by the_ onoyders, fathers, _because they had not been forced into the alliance as the_ onoyders _were: he is called in council_ sagochsaanagechteront, _i.e. the_ arms, _or_ names-bearer. . _the_ jenontowano's _or_ sinikers _next joined in the_ alliance _of their own consent; they are stiled by the_ mohawks _and_ onontago's, brothers, _and by the_ onoyders, fathers: _his title in council is_ onughkaarydaawy, _whose signification is not known, and_ dyionenhookaraw, _i.e._ open doors for friends and enemies. . _the_ caiukquo's, _the last of the_ five-nation _alliance, being compelled thereto by the rest, is_ brother _to the_ onoyders, _and_ son _to the_ others; _is stiled in council_ ganunawantoowano, _or the_ great pipe.[ ] [footnote : the _great pipe_, or _calumet_ of the _indians_, resembles the olive-branch of antiquity, always a badge of peace.] . tuscarora's _joined in the_ alliance _about thirty years ago, being compelled thereto by the_ english _of_ carolina: _he is_ brother _to the_ onoyders _and_ cayukquo's, _and_ son _to the_ others; _has no title in council, but is frequently called a_ fool. _the_ dependents _and_ tributaries _of these nations._ mohickons, _who formerly lived on_ hudson's _river, and in_ new-england; _they have been conquer'd by the_ five nations, _their_ breech-cloth _taken from them, and a_ petticoat _put upon them. when they apply to their conquerors, they humbly call themselves_ women: _the_ five nations _call them by the same name when they [transcriber's note: original has "thy"] speak severely to 'em: at other times they call them_ cousins, _and are in return called_ uncles. delawares _are in the same condition as the_ mohickons, _were dealt with in like manner; and are tributary in an_ indian _sense._[ ] [footnote : "all the nations round them have for many years entirely submitted to them, (the _five nations_) and pay a yearly tribute in _wampum_: they dare neither make war nor peace without the consent of the _mohawks_. two old men commonly go about every year or two to receive this tribute; and i have had opportunity to observe what anxiety the poor _indians_ were under, whilst the two old men remained in that part of the country where i was. an old _mohawk sachem_, in a poor blanket and a dirty shirt, may be seen issuing his orders with as absolute authority as a _roman_ dictator, or king of _france_." c. colden's history.] shawanese _are_ brethren _to the_ six nations, _but are not in the_ confederacy: _their coming from the_ spanish _dominions is remember'd by many now living. the_ five nations _gave them lands on the west branch of_ susquehanna, _and therefore claim a superiority over them, for which the_ shawanese _mortally hate them. the greatest part of 'em, a few years ago, went to settle on the river_ ohio, _which is a branch of the_ missisippi, _and heads with the west branch of_ susquehanna. _one tribe of them is quite gone down to_ new spain; _there are a few left still at_ wyomink _on the north branch of_ susquehanna, _and others have a large town on an island in the west branch, about miles above the_ forks. _they are the most restless and mischievous of all the_ indians. conestogo indians _have been all destroyed by the_ five nations, _except a few whom the_ onoyders _adopted: when these had forgot their language, they were sent back to_ conestogo, _where a few are now left, and speak the_ onoyder's _language._ nantikooks _are in_ alliance _with the_ six nations, _and not_ tributary; _acknowledging themselves to be shelter'd by their wings: they live within the borders of_ maryland, _a few about_ conestogo, _and some have settled this_ spring _at the mouth of the river_ skohooniaty _or_ jeniaty, _which is a creek that falls into the_ susquehanna _from the west beyond the mountains._ tutolo's _originally lived in_ virginia, _there are but few of them; they settled this_ spring _at_ shamokin, (_on the east side of_ susquehanna, _just below the_ forks) _and are intirely devoted to the_ six nations. the several nations of _indians_ with whom the _six nations_ or _iroquois_ are in alliance; according to the information given conrad weiser, esq; in open council at _turpehawkin_, at their return from the treaty at _philadelphia_ in _july_ . . _a nation of_ indians _living on the west side of the lake_ erie, _and along the streights of_ huron's _lake. they are called by the_ iroquois, unighkellyiakon; _consisting of about_ thirty towns, _each of about fighting men._ . _the second nation lives among the preceeding, called ---- consisting of_ four towns _of their own people, and able men in all._ . _the third nation called by the_ iroquois, tshisagech roanu,[ ] _lives on the east side of the_ huron's _lake; several of the council have been there, and all agree they have_ three large towns _of , , and able men._ [footnote : _roanu_ signifies _nation_ or _people_, in the language of the _six nations_.] . _the fourth, called_ twightwis roanu, two large towns, _and about men in all, live at the heads of_ huakiky _river, near the little lakes._ . oskiakikas, _living on a branch of_ ohio, _that heads near the lake_ erie, four large towns, _of about warriours._ . oyachtawnuh roanu, _near_ black-river, _consisting of_ four towns, _and warriours._ . keghetawkegh roanu, _upon the great river_ missisippi, _above the mouth of_ ohio: three towns; _the number of people uncertain._ . kerhawguegh roanu, _several savage nations, as their names signify_, (the people of the wilderness) _live on the north side of_ huron's _lake; they neither plant corn, nor any thing else, but live altogether upon flesh, fish, roots and herbs; an infinite number of people, of late become allies to the_ iroquois. thus far proceeds conrad weiser's account. _the_ six nations, _as was observed above, border upon the provinces of_ pensilvania _and_ new-york: _the rest, which are mentioned as their_ dependents _and_ allies, _lie near the_ french _settlements, some amidst, and some beyond them. the_ wisdom _of the_ chiefs _in this_ confederacy _hath gained them no less_ reputation _than their_ courage; _which indeed has struck_ terror _into the remotest_ indian _nations of north_ america, _and forc'd them to court the friendship and protection of such a formidable power._ _the_ moderation _and_ equity _of the_ first _proprietor of_ pensilvania, _gained the absolute confidence and affection of this_ brave people: _they were convinced of his_ tenderness _for them, and in return they have erected him lasting monuments in their grateful hearts: they_ revere _this good man's_ memory, _and his praises will only cease with the nations themselves._ _the following clauses from a collection of_ charters, &c. _printed at_ philadelphia , _are, amongst many others, strong proofs of the_ proprietor's _equitable regard to these people._ "that no man, _says he_, shall by any ways or means, in word or deed, affront or wrong any _indian_, but he shall incur the same penalty of the law, as if he had committed it against his _fellow planter_: and if any _indian_ shall abuse, in word or deed, any _planter_ of this _province_, that he shall not be his own judge upon the _indian_, but he shall make his complaint to the _governor_ of the _province_, or his _lieutenant_ or _deputy_, or some inferior _magistrate_ near him, who shall to the utmost of his power, take care with the king of the said _indian_, that all reasonable satisfaction be made to the said injured _planter_. "that all differences between the _planters_ and the _natives_, shall also be ended by _twelve men_, that is, by _six planters_ and _six natives_, that so we may live friendly together, as much as in us lieth, preventing all occasions of heart-burnings and mischief." _a conduct regulated by such principles of_ love _and_ justice, _could not fail to influence this discerning people, and biass them in favour of the_ english; _a continuance of the like conduct must attach them inviolably: and the present worthy_ governor _and_ council _seem so sensible of the necessity of cultivating a good understanding with the_ six nations, _as to be likely to omit no opportunity of_ brightening the chain, _or_ increasing the fire of friendship _with them._ _the confidence which these nations repose in their_ interpreter, _is a proof of his_ industry, good sense, _and_ address: _nothing could have happened more favourably to the_ english _settlements, than that those delicate affairs should be in the hands of a person equally just and a friend to both._ _the_ french _are perpetually labouring to_ debauch _their faith to the_ english: _their emissaries, the priests, an indefatigable, artful, insinuating race, are constantly labouring to gain admittance amongst them. they assume all shapes, try every spring; they magnify the power and grandeur of_ france; _they study to render the_ english _diminutive and contemptible; they foment every little occasion of disgust, and leave no stone unturned to prejudice us in their esteem._ _hitherto the honour of the_ six nations, _and the experienced good intentions and probity of the_ english, _have been a sufficient barrier against all their intrigues: but it cannot be imprudent to countermine the intended mischief, by giving suitable encouragement to proper persons, to converse with the_ indians, _and study their genius. an open-hearted generosity wins them effectually: the temper of the_ english _is happily suited to this; and the additional qualifications of_ integrity _and_ prudence _must in time pave the way to an ascendency in their councils, and by this means the subtilty of the_ french _would be utterly defeated._ _one sees, in the following short sketch of the behaviour of the_ indians, _strong traces of_ good sense, _a_ nice address _in the conduct of their affairs, a_ noble simplicity, _and that_ manly fortitude _which is the constant companion of_ integrity. _the friendship of a nation like this, tho' under the appellation of_ savages _or_ barbarians, _is an honour to the most civiliz'd people: i say nothing of the advantage which is derived from them by commerce: and the_ french _well know, by dear experience, how terrible they are to their enemies in war._ "when we speak of the _five nations_ in france, (_says an_ author[ ] _of that country_) they are thought, by common mistake, to be meer _barbarians_, always thirsting after human blood: but their true character is very different. they are the fiercest and most formidable people in _north america_; at the same time as _politick_ and _judicious_, as well can be imagined: this appears from the management of the affairs which they transact, not only with the french and english, but likewise with almost all the _indians_ of this vast continent." [footnote : de la poterie's _history of_ north america, _in_ dr. colden's _history_, &c.] the treaty, _&c._ the deputies of the six nations having, at their last visit, agreed to release their claim to all the land on both sides of the river _susquehanna_, as far south as this province extends, and to the northward to those called the _endless mountains_ or _kittochtinny hills_; in consideration whereof, they then received a large quantity of valuable _indian_ goods for the lands situate on the eastern side of the said river, but declined at that time to receive any for those on the western side of the said river, chusing to defer the same till another visit: a large number arrived from these nations at _philadelphia_, on _wednesday_ the th of _june_, with deputies duly impowered to receive the said goods; and acquainted the governor, that being weary, from the fatigue of their long journey, they should crave three or four days to rest themselves before they proceeded to their business: in the mean time they would wait on the governor to discourse, according to their usual method, about news and other occurrences; which the governor readily agreed to, and ask'd them when they would chuse to pay their first visit; which they desiring might be on _friday_ the d of _july_ in the afternoon; the council was accordingly summon'd, and met at mr. _logan's_ house, where were present, the hon'ble george thomas, esq; lieut. governor. _james logan_, _samuel preston_, } _clement plumsted_, _thomas lawrence_, } esqrs; _samuel hasell_, _ralph asheton_, } _abraham taylor_, _robert strettell_, } the chiefs of the six nations, with the chiefs of the shawanese. canassateego, the _onondago_ chief, speaker. conrad weiser, interpreter. the governor opened the conference as follows. '_brethren_, 'the proprietor having purchased certain lands from your nations about six years ago, a moiety of what was agreed to be given in consideration of that purchase was at that time delivered to them, and the other being at their own desire left in the proprietor's hands, he pressed you by _shikalamy_, to send last year for it, and would have been glad to have seen you and taken you by the hand before his departure. but as the design of this meeting is to hear your news, and converse together in a free and friendly manner, i shall say no more about the goods than that they lye ready at the proprietor's house, and will be delivered when you shall have sufficiently rested from the fatigue of your journey.' the chief of the _onondagoes_ spoke, '_brethren_, 'we propose to rest four days, and then come to the main business. at present we are at a private conference about news, and have something of this sort to mention to our brother onas.' and on the governor's signifying they would be glad to know what it was, the chief proceeded. '_brethren_, 'it is our way when we come to our brethren, or any other persons, whom we live in strict friendship with, to remove all obstructions to a good understanding; with this view we are to inform you of a piece of disagreeable news that happen'd in our journey.--some white people living at a place called _conegocheegoe_, whose names we cannot tell, nor whether they belong to this or the neighbouring government, but one of them, as we heard, had his house burnt over his head some years ago, and he was brought down a prisoner and committed to the goal of this city: these people lighting of our young warriours, as they were hunting, made some proposals about the purchasing of land from them, and our young men being indiscreet, and unacquainted with publick business, were foolish enough to hearken to them, and to receive five duffil strowds for two plantations on the river _cohongoronto_. a _conestogoe_ indian, and a _french_ indian, and some others that were in company had three duffil strowds, and went away with them; and our young men carried off the other two. as soon as this came to our knowledge, we sent for our warriours, and after examining and rebuking them severely, we took away their two strowds, and publickly censured them for exposing us to our brethren of _pensilvania_, in doing a thing so inconsistent with our engagements to them; _you are_, said we aloud, that all our people might hear and take notice, _to know and remember, that the six nations have obliged themselves to sell none of the land that falls within the province of_ pensilvania _to any other but our brother_ onas, _and that to sell lands to any other is an high breach of the league of friendship_. brethren, this rash proceeding of our young men makes us ashamed. we always mean well, and shall perform faithfully what we have promised: and we assure you, this affair was transacted in the manner we have related, without our privity or consent. and that you may be fully convinced of this, and of the sincerity of our intentions, we have brought you these two strowds [_here he presented two red strowds to the governor_] they are the very strowds our foolish young men received; we took them from them, and we give them to you to return to those white people who made the bargain, and desire when the strowds are returned to them, they may be told what we now say, and that we shall not confirm such bargains nor any other that may interfere with our engagements to our brother onas.' the governor then spoke: '_brethren_, 'i thank you for this piece of news; you have taken this matter perfectly right. all bargaining for land within this province, is, to be sure, a manifest breach of your contract with the proprietors, and what we know you will not countenance. we have hitherto found the _six nations_ faithful to their engagements, and this is a fresh instance of their punctuality. you could not help these mistakes of your young men; they were not done in your presence: but as several inconveniencies may arise from these kind of clandestine sales, or from any such loose sales of land by your people, we desire you will, on your return home, give publick notice to all your warriours not to bargain for any land; or if they do, that you will not confirm such bargains; and that this very affair, together with what you have done therein, may be particularly reported to all your nation assembled in council.' the _onondago_ chief promised to give such publick notice; and desiring liberty to mend his former speech, he proceeded: '_brethren_, 'i forgot one circumstance: our people who pretended to sell the land, demanded a belt of _wampum_ of the buyers to carry to their chiefs; and on their declaring they had no _wampum_, our warriours said, they would not answer that their chiefs would confirm this bargain, since they never did any thing of this nature without _wampum_.' the governor, after a short pause, spoke: '_brethren of the six nations_, 'i shall take this opportunity to relate to you a piece of disagreeable news i received some days ago in a letter from _le tort_ the indian trader, at _allegheny_, who says, _that in_ may _last some_ indians _of the_ taway _nation, supposed by us to be_ twightwees, _in their return from war, called and stayed sometime with the_ shawanese; _who being asked, and denying they had brought either scalps or prisoners, the_ shawanese _suspecting them, had the curiosity to search their bags, and finding two scalps in them, that by the softness of the hair did not feel like_ indian _scalps, they wash'd them clean, and found them to be the scalps of some_ christians. _on this discovery, the_ twightwees _were so much ashamed, that they stole away from their town in the night-time; and coming, as they afterwards understood, to a little village belonging to the_ shawanese, _they told our people that their hearts were full of grief; for, as they came along the road, they found it all bloody; and having good cause to believe it was made bloody with the blood of some of the white brethren, they had very sorrowfully swept the road; and desired them to inform the governor of_ pensilvania _of their (the_ twightwees) _grief; and how they had swept the road clean.' le tort_ adds, on behalf of the _shawanese, 'that they were much troubled and grieved at this unfortunate accident; and prayed as they had no concern in it, more than by being instruments to discover it, their brethren would not blame them, nor suffer a misunderstanding to arise between them on this account: they would sweep the road clean, and wipe all the blood away; and desired their brethren would be satisfied with this, and not weep too much for a misfortune that might not happen again as long as the sun and moon shone.'_ 'the person who delivered me _le tort's_ letter, brought this bundle of skins as a present to me; but i told the messenger, i would not meddle with it; he might leave it if he pleased: the affair appear'd to me in a bad light, and i would represent it to the _six nations_, who were expected in town every day. this is the fact as i have it from _le tort_: i desire to be inform'd if you know any thing of this matter; and if you do not, that you will make diligent enquiry who committed the murder, and who are the unhappy sufferers, and assist us to obtain satisfaction, if it shall appear to be any of our fellow-subjects that have been treated in this manner.' _to inforce this request, i present you with this string of_ wampum. the _onondago_ chief, in reply, said: '_brethren_, 'we take this information kind at your hands; we will take this string of _wampum_ home with us to our lodgings, and there consult about the most regular and proper steps to be taken by us to answer your expectations; and when we have duly considered the matter, we will return you an answer.' upon this the governor put an end to the conference; and calling for wine and other liquors, according to the _indian_ custom, after a decent and chearful entertainment, the _indians_ withdrew. * * * * * at a council held at the proprietor's house, _july_ . . present the hon'ble george thomas esq; lieut. governor. _james logan_, } _clement plumsted_, } esqrs. with several gentlemen of the town, _the chiefs of the six nations_ it being judg'd proper, at this critical time, when we are in daily expectation of a _french_ war, to sound the _indians_, and discover what dependence we might have on them, in case their aid should be wanted; an handsome dinner was provided for their chiefs; and after they had made an hearty meal, and drank his majesty's health, the proprietor's, and the health of the _six nations_, the chiefs gave the solemn cry, in testimony of their thanks, for the honour done them. and soon after, the governor began, in a free way, to enquire for what reason the _senecas_ were not come down, since they had an equal right to a share of the goods with the other nations.--_canassateego_, their speaker, said, 'the _senecas_ were in great distress, on account of a famine that raged in their country, which had reduced them to such want, that a father had been obliged to kill two of his children to preserve his own and the rest of his family's lives; and they could not now come down, but had given directions about their share of the goods.'--the governor express'd his concern for the unhappy circumstances of their brethren of the _seneca_ nation; and, after a short respite, enquired if any of their deputies were then at _canada_, and whether the _french_ governor was making any warlike preparations? and on their answering, _yes_; the governor said, with a smiling, pleasant countenance, 'i suppose if the _french_ should go to war with us, you will join them.' the _indians_ conferr'd together for some time, and then _canassateego_, in a chearful lively manner, made answer.--'we assure you, the governor of _canada_ pays our nations great court at this time, well knowing of what consequence we are to the _french_ interest: he has already told us, he was uncovering the hatchet and sharpening it, and hoped, if he should be obliged to lift it up against the _english_, their nations would remain neuter and assist neither side.--but we will now speak plainly to our brethren: why should we, who are one flesh with you, refuse to help you, whenever you want our assistance?--we have continued a long time in the strictest league of amity and friendship with you, and we shall always be faithful and true to you our old and good allies.--the governor of _canada_ talks a great deal, but ten of his words do not go so far as one of yours.--we do not look towards them; we look towards you; and you may depend on our assistance.' whilst the _onondago_ chief made this open and hearty declaration, all the other _indians_ made frequently that particular kind of noise which is known to be a mark of approbation.--the governor bid the interpreter tell _canassateego_, 'he did not set on foot this inquiry from any suspicion he had of the _six nations_ wanting a due regard for the _english_.--our experience of their honour and faith would not permit us to think any other of them than that they would esteem our friends their friends, and our enemies their enemies, agreeable to the strict union which had ever subsisted between us.--as to the governor of _canada_, they need not mind what he said.--the _english_, on equal terms, had beat the _french_, and could beat them again: and were they but to consider the advantages which the _english_ have, by possessing so many large and populous countries, and so many good ports on the continent of _america_, they would soon see who had most reason to fear a war, the _french_ or the _english_.' here the conversation drop'd; and, after another glass of wine, the _indians_ resumed the discourse, by asking, whether their brethren had not been for some time engaged in a war with the king of _spain_, and what successes they had met with? the governor told them, the king of _great britain_ lived in an island, and being surrounded with the sea, his chief strength lay in his ships; in which he was so much superior to his enemies, that they were seldom to be met with on the broad ocean, but sculk'd and hid themselves, only venturing out now and then; and whenever they did, they were almost sure to be taken; and that the king of _great britain_ had, with his ships, beat down or taken several of the _spaniards_ great forts in _america_.--the _indians_ said, they were pleased to hear their brethren were an over-match for their enemies, and wish'd them good success. the governor then enquired into the state and condition of the nations to the westward of the great lakes, and whether they had any warriours then in those countries? whether they had concluded peace with the southern _indians_? and whether they had heard what their deputies had done at _albany_? they made answer: that they had always abundance of their men out amongst the nations situate to the west of their lakes.--that they had kindled a fire with a vast many nations, some whereof where tributaries, and they had a good understanding with all.--they set out from their own country in company with two sets of deputies, one going to hold a treaty with the southern _indians_, and they believed a peace would be concluded: the other going to meet the governor of _new-york_, at _albany_; but they could not tell what had been done at either place.--on their return, they were to hold a general council, and would inform their brethren of these particulars. then the governor put an end to the conference, by telling the _indians_ the goods would be delivered to them at a council to be held to morrow afternoon at the meeting-house. * * * * * at a council held in the meeting-house, _philadelphia_, _july_ . . present, the hon'ble george thomas, esq; lieut. governor. _james logan_, _samuel preston_, } _clement plumsted_, _ralph asheton_, } esqrs; _abraham taylor_, _robert strettell_, } canassateego, chief of the _onondagoes_, speaker, shicalamy; and a great number of _indians_, whose names are as follow, _viz._ onontagoes. _sawegaty_, } _caxhayion_, } counsellors. _saguyassatha_, _kayadoghratie_, alias _slanaghquasy_. _rotier-uwughton_, _tokaughaah_, _tiorughwaghthe_, _tokano-ungoh_, _aronty-oony_, _tohanohawighton_, _tioghwatoony_, _auughrahysey_. caiyouquos. _sahugh-sowa_, } _tohatgaghthus_, } chiefs. _tokany-esus_, _runho-hihio_, _kanadoghary_, _zior-aghquaty_, _sagu-iughwatha_, alias _cadcaradasey_. _sca-yenties_, _tats-heghteh_, _alligh-waheis_, _tayo-quario_, _hogh degh runtu_, _rotehn haghtyackon_, captain, _sawoalieselhohaa_, _sagughsa-eck_, _uwantakeraa_, _horuhot_, _osoghquaa_, _tuyanoegon_. anoyiuts _or_ oneidas. _saristaquoh_, } _ungquaterughiathe_, alias _shikelimo_, } chiefs. _tottowakerha_, _taraghkoerus_, _onughkallydawwy_, a noted young chief. _onughnaxqua_, chief. _tawyiakaarat_, _tohathuyongochtha_, _sughnakaarat_, _taghneghdoerus_, _tokanyiadaroeyon_, _sagogughyatha_, _rahehius_, _tokanusoegon_. jenontowanos _or_ senacas. _karugh-iagh raghquy_, capt. _tahn heentus_, _onontyiack_. tuscarroros. _sawontka_, } _ti-ieroes_, } chiefs. _cloghsytowax_ } _tokaryhoegon_, captain. _oghioghseh_, _tieleghweghson_, _tougrotha_, _yorughianego_, _ot-quehig_, _squaghky_, _sayadyio_, _onughsowûghton_, _cherigh wâstho_, _aghsûnteries_, _tion ogh scôghtha_, _saligh wanaghson_, _ohn-wâasey_, _tocar-eber_, [died since at _tulpehokin_.] _tahanatâkqua_, _kanyhâag_. shawanoes. _wehwehlaky_, chief. _aset teywa_, _asoghqua_, _maya minickysy_, _wawyia beeseny_. canestogo _indians that speak the_ onayiut's _language_. _tior haasery_, chief. _tanigh wackerau_, _karha cawyiat_, _kayen quily quo_. canoyias _or_ nantikokes _of_ canestogo. _des-seheg_, _ichqua que heck_, _quesamaag_, _ayiok-ius_. delawares _of_ shamokin. _olumapies_, } _lingehancah_, } chiefs. _kelly macquan_, _quitie-yquont_, _pishquiton_, _nena chy haut_. delawares _from the_ forks _onutpe_, } _lawye quohwon_ alias _nutimus_, } chiefs. _toweghkappy_, _cornelius spring_, and others. conrad weiser, cornelius spring, _interpreters_. and a great number of the inhabitants of _philadelphia_. the governor, having commanded silence, spoke as follows: _friends and brethren of the six nations_, 'six years ago a number of your chiefs obliged us with a visit, when they agreed, on behalf of your nations, to the release of certain lands on both sides the river _susquehanna_, to the southward of the _endless-mountains_, and within the limits and bounds of the king's grant of this province. in consideration of which, a certain quantity of goods was agreed on and delivered as a full satisfaction for the said lands lying on the eastern side of the said river: and for the lands on the western side of the said river, you desired the payment should be deferr'd till another opportunity. these goods, which are exactly the same in quantity as those you received the last time the chiefs of your nations were here, have been ready a considerable time, and kept in expectation of your coming for them: and now you are come down fully impowered by your respective councils to receive them, we are well pleased to deliver them: leaving it to you to make a fair and equal division of them amongst yourselves. we are sorry for the absence of our brethren the _senecas_, and much more so that it should be owing to their distress at home by a famine that rages in their country:--a famine so great, that you tell us a father has been obliged to sacrifice one part of his family, even his own children, for the support and preservation of himself and the other part.--we heartily commiserate their condition, and do not doubt but you will do them fair and ample justice in the disposal of their part of the goods in such manner as they have instructed you. you shall now hear the list of the goods read to you.' here, by the governor's order, the list of the goods was read over, _viz._ _pounds of powder_. _pounds of lead_. _guns_. _strowd-matchcoats_. _blankets_. _duffil matchcoats_. _yards half-thick_. _shirts_. _hats_. _pair of shoes & buckles_. _pair of stockings_. _hatchets_. _knives_. _hoes_. _kettles_. _tobacco-tongs_. _scissars_. _awl-blades_. _combs_. _needles_. _flints_. _looking-glasses_. _pounds of vermilion_. _tin pots_. _tobacco-pipes_. _pounds of tobacco_. _dozen of gartering, &_ _gallons of rum_. then the governor told them that the goods, of which the particulars had been just read to them, were in the meeting-house, and would be sent to whatever place they would direct. the governor then proceeded: '_brethren_, 'you have often heard of the care that your great and good friend and brother _william penn_ took at all times to cultivate a perfect good harmony with all the _indians_: of this your nations have ever been fully sensible; but more especially a number of your chiefs, about ten years ago, when, on the arrival of a son of your said great friend _william penn_, large and valuable presents were exchanged by us with you; a new road was made and clear'd; a new fire kindled; and the chain of friendship made stronger, so as to last while the sun and moon endure. 'and now we cannot but congratulate ourselves that your coming should happen at a time when we are in daily expectation of a war being declared between the king of _england_, and the _french_ king, well knowing, that should such a war happen, it must very sensibly affect you, considering your situation in the neighbourhood of _canada_. your coming at this juncture is particularly fortunate, since it gives us an opportunity of mentioning several things that may be necessary to be settled between people so strictly and closely united as we are.--an union not to be express'd by any thing less than the affectionate regards which children of the same parents bear for each other, as conceiving ourselves to be one flesh and one people. 'the utmost care therefore ought mutually to be taken by us on both sides, that the road between us be kept perfectly clear and open, and no lets, nor the least obstruction be suffered to lie in the way; or if any should by accident be found, that may hinder our free intercourse and correspondence, it must forthwith be removed. _to inforce this, we lay down a string of_ wampum. 'in next place, we, on our part, shall inlarge our fire that burns between us. we shall provide more fewel to increase it and make it burn brighter and clearer, and give a stronger and more lasting light and warmth. _in evidence of our sincere intentions, we lay down this belt of_ wampum. 'in the last place, considering the obligations we are mutually under by our several treaties, _that we should hear with our ears for you, and you hear with your ears for us_. we shall at all times very willingly give you the earliest and best intelligence of any designs that may be form'd to your disadvantage.--and if you discover any preparations that can hurt us, we desire you will immediately dispatch some suitable person in whom we can place a confidence, to give us a proper information.' _to inforce this request, as well as to brighten the chain, we lay down this other belt of_ wampum. on the governor's concluding the speech, the solemn cry, by way of approbation, was repeated by the _indians_, as many times as there were nations present; and then _canassateego_ rose up and spoke. '_brethren_, [transcriber's note: original has "brrthren"] 'we thank you for your kind speech: what you have said is very agreeable to us; and to-morrow when we have deliberated on the several matters recommended to us, we will give you our answer. we desire, as our time will be wholly taken up in council, you will order the goods to be carried back to the proprietaries to prevent their being lost, and that they may continue there till we call for them.' * * * * * at a council held in the meeting-house, _july_ . . present, the hon'ble george thomas, esq; lieut. governor. _james logan, samuel preston,_ } _thomas lawrence, samuel hasell,_ } esqrs; _abraham taylor, robert strettell,_ } canassateego's speech on behalf of the _six nations_. '_brethren, the governor and council, and all present_, according to our promise we now propose to return you an answer to the several things mentioned to us yesterday, and shall beg leave to speak to publick affairs first, tho' they were what you spoke to last. on this head you yesterday put us in mind, first, _of_ william penn's _early and constant care to cultivate friendship with all the_ indians; _of the treaty we held with one of his sons, about ten years ago; and of the necessity there is at this time of keeping the roads between us clear and free from all obstructions._ we are all very sensible of the kind regard that good man _william penn_ had for all the _indians_, and cannot but be pleased to find that his children have the same. we well remember the treaty you mention held with his son on his arrival here, by which we confirmed our league of friendship that is to last as long as the sun and moon endure: in consequence of this, we, on our part, shall preserve the road free from all incumbrances: in confirmation whereof, we lay down this string of _wampum_. 'you in the next place said, _you would inlarge the fire and make it burn brighter_, which we are pleased to hear you mention; and assure you, we shall do the same, by adding to it more fewel, that it may still flame out more strongly than ever: in the last place, you were pleased to say, _that we are bound, by the strictest leagues, to watch for each others preservation; that we should hear with our ears for you, and you hear with your ears for us_: this is equally agreeable to us; and we shall not fail to give you early intelligence whenever any thing of consequence comes to our knowledge: and to encourage you to do the same, and to nourish in your hearts what you have spoke to us with your tongues, about the renewal of our amity and the brightening of the chain of friendship; we confirm what we have said with another belt of _wampum_.' '_brethren_, we received [transcriber's note: original has "rececived"] from the proprietor's, yesterday, some goods in consideration of our release of the lands on the west-side of _susquehanna_: it is true we have the full quantity according to agreement; but if the proprietor had been here himself, we think, in regard of our numbers and poverty, he would have made an addition to them.--if the goods were only to be divided amongst the _indians_ present, a single person would have but a small portion; but if you consider what numbers are left behind, equally intituled with us to a share, there will be extreamly little. we therefore desire, if you have the keys of the proprietor's chest, you will open it, and take out a little more for us. 'we know our lands are now become more valuable: the white people think we do not know their value; but we are sensible that the land is everlasting, and the few goods we receive for it are soon worn out and gone. for the future we will sell no lands but when brother onas is in the country; and we will know beforehand the quantity of the goods we are to receive. besides, we are not well used with respect to the lands still unsold by us. your people daily settle on these lands, and spoil our hunting.--we must insist on your removing them, as you know they have no right to settle to the northward of _kittochtinny-hills_.--in particular, we renew our complaints against some people who are settled at _juniata_, a branch of _susquehanna_, and all along the banks of that river, as far as _mahaniay_; and desire they may be forthwith made to go off the land; for they do great damage to our cousins the _delawares_. 'we have further to observe, with respect to the lands lying on the west side of _susquehanna_, that tho' brother onas (meaning the proprietor) has paid us for what his people possess, yet some parts of that country have been taken up by persons whose place of residence is to the south of this province, from whom we have never received any consideration. this affair was recommended to you by our chiefs at our last treaty; and you then, at our earnest desire, promised to write a letter to that person who has the authority over those people, and to procure us his answer: as we have never heard from you on this head, we want to know what you have done in it. if you have not done any thing, we now renew our request, and desire you will inform the person whose people are seated on our lands, that that country belongs to us, in right of conquest; we having bought it with our blood, and taken it from our enemies in fair war; and we expect, as owners of that land, to receive such a consideration for it as the land is worth. we desire you will press him to send us a positive answer: let him say _yes_ or _no_: if he says _yes_, we will treat with him; if _no_, we are able to do ourselves justice; and we will do it, by going to take payment ourselves. 'it is customary with us to make a present of skins whenever we renew our treaties. we are ashamed to offer our brethren so few; but your horses and cows have eat the grass our deer used to feed on. this has made them scarce, and will, we hope, plead in excuse for not bringing a larger quantity: if we could have spared more, we would have given more; but we are really poor; and desire you'll not consider the quantity, but, few as they are, accept them in testimony of our regard.' _here they gave the governor a bundle of skins._ the governor immediately replied: '_brethren_, we thank you for the many declarations of respect: you have given us in this solemn renewal of our treaties: we receive, and shall keep your string and belts of _wampum_, as pledges of your sincerity, and desire those we gave you may be carefully preserved, as testimonies of ours. 'in answer to what you say about the proprietaries.--they are all absent, and have taken the keys of their chest along with them; so that we cannot, on their behalf, enlarge the quantity of goods: were they here, they might, perhaps, be more generous; but we cannot be liberal for them.--the government will, however, take your request into consideration, and, in regard to your poverty, may perhaps, make you a present. i but just mention this now, intending to refer this part of your speech to be answered at our next meeting. 'the number of guns, as well as every thing else, answers exactly with the particulars specified in your deed of conveyance, which is more than was agreed to be given you. it was your own sentiments, that the lands on the west side of _susquehanna_ were not so valuable as those on the east; and an abatement was to be made, proportionable to the difference in value: but the proprietor overlooked this, and ordered the full quantity to be delivered, which you will look on as a favour. 'it is very true, that lands are of late become more valuable; but what raises their value? is it not entirely owing to the industry and labour used by the white people in their cultivation and improvement? had not they come amongst you, these lands would have been of no use to you, any further than to maintain you. and is there not, now you have sold so much, enough left for all the purposes of living?--what you say of the goods, that they are soon worn out, is applicable to every thing; but you know very well, that they cost a great deal of money; and the value of land is no more than it is worth in money. 'on your former complaints against people's settling the lands on _juniata_, and from thence all along on the river _susquehanna_ as far as _mahaniahy_, some magistrates were sent expresly to remove them; and we thought no persons would presume to stay after that. here they interrupted the governor, and said:--'_these persons who were sent did not do their duty: so far from removing the people, they made surveys for themselves, and they are in league with the trespassers. we desire more effectual methods may be used and honester persons imploy'd._' which the governor promised, and then proceeded: '_brethren_, according to the promise made at our last treaty with you, mr. _logan_, who was at that time president, did write to the governor of _maryland_, that he might make you satisfaction for such of your lands as his people had taken up; but did not receive one word from him upon that head. i will write to him again, and endeavour to procure you a satisfactory answer. we do not doubt but he will do you justice: but we exhort you to be careful not to exercise any acts of violence towards his people, as they likewise are our brethren, and subjects of the same great king; and therefore violence towards them must be productive of very evil consequences. 'i shall conclude what i have to say at this time with acknowledgments for your present; which is very agreeable to us, from the expressions of regard used by you in presenting it: gifts of this nature receiving their value from the affection of the giver, and not from the quantity or price of the thing given.' * * * * * at a council held at _philadelphia_, _july_ . . present the hon'ble george thomas esq; lieut. governor. _james logan_, _samuel preston_, } _clement plumsted_, _thomas lawrence_, } esqrs; _samuel hasell_, _ralph asheton_, } _abraham taylor_, _robert strettell_, } the board taking into consideration, whether it be proper or not at this time, to make a present to the _indians_ of the _six nations_, now in town, in return for their present to this government at yesterday's treaty: _resolved_, that it is highly fit and proper that a present be made to the said _indians_ at this time. and it is the opinion of this board, that the said present should be of the value of £. , or at least £. . and it is recommended to mr. _logan_, mr. _preston_, and mr. _lawrence_, to acquaint mr. _kinsey_, the speaker of the assembly, with the opinion of this board; and that they request him to confer with such other members of assembly as are in town, and report their sentiments thereupon. the board taking into consideration the threats express'd by the _indians_, at the treaty yesterday, against the inhabitants of _maryland_, settled on certain lands on the west side of _susquehanna_, which the _indians_ claim, and for which they require satisfaction; and considering, that should those threats, in any sort, be put in execution, not only the inhabitants of _maryland_, but of this government, and all his majesty's subjects on the northern continent of _america_, may thereby be involved in much trouble: it is the opinion of this board, that the governor write to the governor of _maryland_ without delay, to inform him of the _indians_ complaints and threats, and to request a satisfactory answer; and that his letter be sent by a special messenger, at the publick expence. * * * * * at a council held _july_ . . present, the hon'ble george thomas esq; lieut. governor. _james logan_, _samuel preston_, } _clement plumsted_, _ralph asheton_, } esqrs; _samuel hasell_, _thomas lawrence_, } _robert strettell_, } and mr. _peters_. the governor informed the board, that the _indian_ chiefs dining with him yesterday, after dinner delivered their answer to two affairs of consequence: the first related to the violent battery committed on _william webb_, in the forks of _delaware_, whereby his jaw-bone was broke, and his life greatly endangered, by an unknown _indian_. _canassateego_ repeating the message delivered to the _six nations_ by _shickalamy_, in the year , with a string of _wampum_, said in answer: 'the _six nations_ had made diligent enquiry into the affair, and had found out the _indian_ who had committed the fact; he lived near _asopus_, and had been examined and severely reproved: and they hoped as _william webb_ was recovered, the governor would not expect any further punishment; and therefore they returned the string of _wampum_ received from their brethren, by the hand of _shickalamy_, in token that they had fully comply'd with their request.' i thank'd them for their care; but reminded them, that tho' the man did not die, yet he lay a long time in extreme misery, and would never recover the free use of his speech, and was rendred less able to get his livelyhood, and in such cases the _english_ laws obliged the assailant to make good all damages, besides paying, for the pain endured.--but as the _indian_ was, in all probability, poor and unable to make satisfaction, i told them, that for their sake i would forgive him; adding, had _webb_ died i make no doubt but you would have put the _indian_ to death, just as we did two of our people who had killed an _indian_; we caused them to be hung on a gallows, in the presence of many hundreds of our people, to deter all others from doing the like. _canassateego_ made me this reply: 'the _indians_ know no punishment but death; they have no such thing as pecuniary mulcts; if a man be guilty of a crime, he is either put to death, or the fault is overlook'd. we have often heard of your hanging-up those two persons; but as none of our _indians_ saw the men die, many believe they were not hanged, but transported to some other colony: and it would be satisfactory to the _indians_, if, for the future, some of them be sent for, to be witnesses to such executions.' i assured them, that whoever gave them that information, abused them; for the persons certainly suffered death, and in the presence of all the people. _canassateego_ then proceeded to give an answer to what was said to them the d instant, relating to _le tort_'s letter: 'that they had, in council, considered in what manner the matter recommended to them ought to be conducted; and they were of opinion, that as the _shawanese_, not the _twightwys_, (for they knew so much of it that the people were of the _twightwy_ nation in whose bags the scalps were found) had sent me a present of skins, i should, in return, send them a blanket or a kettle, and with it a very sharp message, that tho' they had done well in sweeping the road from blood, yet that was but a small part of their duty; they ought not to have suffered the _twightwys_, after their lye, and the discovery of the scalps, to have left them, 'till they had given a full and true account how they came by them, whose scalps they were, and in what place, and for what reason the men were kill'd; and when they had been fully satisfied of all these particulars, then it was their duty to have given information to the government where the white people lived, that the murderers might be complained against, and punished by the nation they belong'd to: and as the _shawanese_ had omitted to perform the part of brethren, that i should reprove them for it, and charge them to make amends for their neglect, by using all possible expedition to come at the knowledge of these things, and to aid their brethren the white people in obtaining justice.' the minutes of the preceding council being read, mr. _logan_, in pursuance of the board's direction of yesterday, reported, on behalf of himself and the other gentlemen to whom it was recommended, that they had confer'd with mr. _kinsey_, and requested him to consult the other members of the assembly concerning the making a present to the _indians_; and that mr. _kinsey_ having collected the sentiments of several members of the assembly in town, whom he had confer'd with on that subject, found them generally of opinion, that a present should at this time be made; but that they had declined nominating any sum: however, that mr. _kinsey_ had given it as his own opinion, that the governor and council might go as far as _three hundred pounds_. and accordingly it is refer'd to mr. _logan_, mr. _preston_, and mr. _lawrence_, to consider of and prepare a proper list of the goods whereof the present should be composed, to the value of _three hundred pounds_ as aforesaid; advising with the interpreter as to the quantity and quality. * * * * * at a council held at the proprietor's the th of _july_, _p.m._ . present, the hon'ble george thomas, esq; lieut. governor. _james logan_, _robert strettell_, } _samuel preston_, _abraham taylor_, } esqrs. the chiefs of the _six nations_. _sassoonan_, and _delawares_. _nutimus_, and the _fork-indians_. _conrad weiser_, interpreter. the governor spoke to the chiefs of the _six nations_ as follows: '_brethren_, [transcriber's note: original has "brrthren"] the last time the chiefs of the _six nations_ were here, they were informed, that your cousins, a branch of the _delawares_, gave this province some disturbance about the lands the proprietor purchased from them, and for which their ancestors had received a valuable consideration above _fifty-five_ years ago, as appears by a deed now lying on the table.--sometime after this, _conrad weiser_ delivered to your brother _thomas penn_ your letter, wherein you request of him and _james logan_ that they would not buy land, _&c._--this has been shewn to them and interpreted; notwithstanding which they have continued their former disturbances, and have had the insolence to write letters to some of the magistrates of this government, wherein they have abused your good brethren our worthy proprietaries, and treated them with the utmost rudeness and ill-manners. being loth, from our regard to you, to punish them as they deserve, i sent two messengers to inform them that you were expected here, and should be acquainted with their behaviour.--as you, on all occasions, apply to us to remove all white people that are settled on lands before they are purchased from you, and we do our endeavours to turn such people off; we now expect from you, that you will cause these _indians_ to remove from the lands in the forks of _delaware_, and not give any further disturbance to the persons who are now in possession.' _to inforce this we lay down a string of_ wampum. then were read the several conveyances, the paragraph of the letter wrote by the chiefs of the _six nations_ relating to the _delawares_, the letters of the _fork-indians_ to the governor and mr. _langhorne_, and a draught of the land; and then delivered to _conrad weiser_, who was desired to interpret them to the chiefs when they should take this affair into their consideration. * * * * * at a council held _july_ , . present, the hon'ble george thomas esq; lieut. governor. _james logan_, _samuel preston_, } _clement plumsted_, _samuel hasell_, } esqrs; _thomas lawrence_, _robert strettell_, } _abraham taylor_, } the governor laid before the board an extract from the treaty held here the th instant with the _indians_ of the _six nations_, so far as it related to the inhabitants of _maryland_; as also a letter he had prepared for the governor of _maryland_ upon that subject; both of which being approved, were ordered to be transcribed fair, in order to be dispatch'd to morrow morning: the letter is as follows: _philadelphia, july_ , . _sir_, _the inclosed extract of the speech made by the chiefs of the_ six nations, _before a very numerous audience, in this place, with my answer to it, is of so great importance to all his majesty's colonies in this part of his dominions, and to your government in particular, that i have imploy'd a special messenger to deliver it you. i hope you will enable me to send them a satisfactory answer. it would be impertinent in me to say more to one so well informed as you are of these nations, and of their absolute authority over all the_ indians _bordering upon us, or of the advantages of maintaining a strict friendship with them at all times, but more especially at this critical juncture._ i am, yours, _&c._ an account exhibited by _conrad weiser_ of his expences upon the _indians_ and _indian_ affairs, from _february_ last to _july_ . , amounting to £. _s._ _d._ was laid before the board, and examined, and allowed to be a just and very moderate account. and the board taking into consideration the many signal services perform'd by the said _conrad weiser_ to this government, his diligence and labour in the service thereof, and his skill in the _indian_ languages and methods of business, are of opinion that the said _conrad_ should be allowed, as a reward from the province at this time, the sum of _thirty pounds_, at least, besides payment of his said account. * * * * * at a council held at the great meeting-house, _july_ , _p.m._ . present, the hon'ble george thomas esq; lieut. governor. _james logan_, _samuel preston_, } _thomas lawrence_, _samuel hasell_, } esqrs; _abraham taylor_, _robert strettell_, } _canassateego_, } _shickalamy_, } and other _indian_ chiefs. conrad weiser, interpreter, and a great number of the inhabitants of _philadelphia_. the governor spoke to the _indians_ as follows. '_brethren_, this meeting will be short: it is in order to make you a present from the governor, the council, the assembly, and all our people. _william penn_ was known to you to be a good and faithful friend to all the _indians_: he made a league of friendship with you, by which we became one people. this league has often since been renew'd by friendly treaties; and as you have declared that the friendship shall always last on your parts, so we would have you believe that it shall remain inviolable on ours while sun and moon endure. 'i gave you some expectation of a present, and we have it now ready to deliver to you. this present is made you by the governor, council, assembly, and all our people, in consideration of the great miseries and distresses which you our good friends have lately suffered. this will be some relief to you for the present, and 'tis to be hoped your own industry will soon retrieve your circumstances. 'it has sometimes hapened, and may happen again, that idle and untrue stories are carried to you concerning us your brethren; but our desire is, and we expect it from you, that you will give no credit to them; for we are, and always will be, your steady and sincere friends. 'it is a custom when we renew our treaties with our good friends the _indians_, to clear the road and make our fire burn bright: we have done so upon this occasion; and, in token of our sincerity, we deliver you, as a present from the governor, the council, the assembly, and all the people of _pensilvania_, the following goods, _viz._ _guns_, _pounds of lead_, _pounds of powder_, _strowdes_ } _duffel_ } _match-coats_. _blankets_, _yards of half-thicks_. _ruffled shirts_, _hats_, _flints_, _hoes_, _hatchets_, _pounds of vermilion_, _dozen of knives_, _dozen of gimblets_, _dozen of tobacco-tongs_, _pair of shoes_, _pair of stockings_, _pair of buckles_. whereupon the chiefs and all the _indians_, returned their solemn thanks; and _canassateego_ said, 'they had no more to say as to publick business at present; but they had somewhat under deliberation, which when they had duly considered they would communicate.' * * * * * at a council held at the proprietor's, _july_ , . present, the hon'ble george thomas esq; lieut. governor. _james logan_, _clement plumsted_, } _thomas lawrence_, _abraham taylor_, } esqrs; _robert strettell_, } mr. _richard peters_. _canassateego_, } and sundry chiefs of the _shickalamy_, } six nations. _sassoonan_, and _delawares_. _nutimus_, and _fork-indians_. _conrad weiser_, interpreter. _pisquetoman_, } _cornelius spring_, } interpreters to the _fork indians_. _nicholas scull_, } _canassateego_ said: '_brethren the governor and council_, the other day you informed us of the misbehaviour of our cousins the _delawares_, with respect to their continuing to claim, and refusing to remove from some land on the river _delaware_, notwithstanding their ancestors had sold it by a deed, under their hands and seals, to the proprietaries, for a valuable consideration, upwards of _fifty_ years ago; and notwithstanding that they themselves had about ---- years ago, after a long and full examination, ratified that deed of their ancestors, and given a fresh one under their hands and seals; and then you requested us to remove them, inforcing your request with a string of _wampum_.--afterwards you laid on the table our own letters by _conrad weiser_, some of our cousins letters, and the several writings, to prove the charge against our cousins, with a draught of the land in dispute.--we now tell you, we have perused all these several papers: we see with our own eyes, that they have been a very unruly people, and are altogether in the wrong in their dealings with you.--we have concluded to remove them, and oblige them to go over the river _delaware_, and quit all claim to any lands on this side for the future, since they have received pay for them, and it is gone thro' their guts long ago.--to confirm to you that we will see your request executed, we lay down this string of _wampum_ in return for yours.' then turning to the _delawares_, holding a belt of _wampum_ in his hand, he spoke to them as follows: '_cousins_, let this belt of _wampum_ serve to chastise you. you ought to be taken by the hair of the head and shaked severely, till you recover your senses and become sober. you don't know what ground you stand on, nor what you are doing. our brother onas's cause is very just and plain and his intentions to preserve friendship. on the other hand, your cause is bad; your heart far from being upright; and you are maliciously bent to break the chain of friendship with our brother onas and his people. we have seen with our eyes a deed sign'd by _nine_ of your ancestors above _fifty_ years ago for this very land, and a release sign'd, not many years since, by some of yourselves and chiefs now living, to the number of _fifteen_ or upwards.--but how came you to take upon you to sell land at all? we conquered you; we made women of you; you know you are women, and can no more sell land than women; nor is it fit you should have the power of selling lands, since you would abuse it. this land that you claim is gone through your guts; you have been furnish'd with cloaths, meat, and drink, by the goods paid you for it, and now you want it again, like children as you are.--but what makes you sell land in the dark? did you ever tell us that you had sold this land? did we ever receive any part, even the value of a pipe shank, from you for it? you have told us a blind story, that you sent a messenger to us to inform us of the sale, but he never came amongst us, nor we never heard any thing about it.--this is acting in the dark, and very different from the conduct our _six nations_ observe in their sales of land; on such occasions they give publick notice, and invite all the _indians_ of their united nations, and give them all a share of the present they receive for their lands.--this is the behaviour of the wise united nations.--but we find you are none of our blood: you act a dishonest part, not only in this, but in other matters: your ears are ever open to slanderous reports about our brethren; you receive them with as much greediness as lewd women receive the embraces of bad men. and for all these reasons we charge you to remove instantly; we don't give you the liberty to think about it. you are women. take the advice of a wise man, and remove immediately. you may return to the other side of _delaware_ where you came from: but we do not know whether, considering how you have demean'd yourselves, you will be permitted to live there; or whether you have not swallowed that land down your throats as well as the land on this side. we therefore assign you two places to go, either to _wyomen_ or _shamokin_. you may go to either of these places, and then we shall have you more under our eye, and shall see how you behave. don't deliberate; but remove away, and take this belt of _wampum_.' this being interpreted by _conrad weiser_ into _english_, and by _cornelius spring_ into the _delaware_ language, _canassateego_ taking a string of _wampum_, added further. 'after our just reproof, and absolute order to depart from the land, you are now to take notice of what we have further to say to you. this string of _wampum_ serves to forbid you, your children and grand-children, to the latest posterity for ever, medling in land affairs; neither you nor any who shall descend from you, are ever hereafter to presume to sell any land: for which purpose, you are to preserve this string, in memory, of what your uncles have this day given you in charge.--we have some other business to transact with our brethren, and therefore depart the council, and consider what has been said to you. _canassateego_ then spoke to the governor and council: '_brethren_, we called at our old friend _james logan's_ in our way to this city, and to our grief we found him hid in the bushes, and retired, through infirmities, from publick business. we press'd him to leave his retirement, and prevailed with him to assist once more on our account at your councils. we hope, notwithstanding his age, and the effects of a fit of sickness, which we understand has hurt his constitution, that he may yet continue a long time to assist this province with his councils. he is a wise man, and a fast friend to the _indians_. and we desire, when his soul goes to god, you may chuse in his room just such another person, of the same prudence and ability in counselling, and of the same tender disposition and affection for the _indians_. in testimony of our gratitude for all his services, and because he was so good as to leave his country-house, and follow us to town, and be at the trouble, in this his advanced age, to attend the council; we present him with this bundle of skins. '_brethren_, it is always our way, at the conclusion of a treaty, to desire you will use your endeavours with the traders, that they may sell their goods cheaper, and give us a better price for our deer-skins. whenever any particular sort of _indian_ goods is scarce, they constantly make us pay the dearer on that account. we must now use the same argument with them: our deer are killed in such quantities, and our hunting-countries grown less every day, by the settlement of white people, that game is now difficult to find, and we must go a great way in quest of it; they therefore ought to give us a better price for our skins; and we desire you would speak to them to do so. we have been stinted in the article of rum in town. we desire you will open the rum-bottle, and give it to us in greater abundance on the road. _to inforce this request, about the_ indian _traders, we present you with this bundle of skins._ '_brethren_, when we first came to your houses, we found them clean and in order: but we have staid so long as to dirty them; which is to be imputed to our different way of living from the white people: and therefore, as we cannot but have been disagreeable to you on this account, we present you with some skins to make your houses clean, and put them into the same condition they were in when we came amongst you. '_brethren_, the business the _five nations_ transact with you is of great consequence, and requires a skilful and honest person to go between us; one in whom both you and and [transcriber's note: repeated word in original] we can place a confidence.--we esteem our present interpreter to be such a person, equally faithful in the interpretation of whatever is said to him by either of us, equally allied to both; he is of our nation, and a member of our council as well as of yours. when we adopted him, we divided him into two equal parts: one we kept for our selves, and one we left for you. he has had a great deal of trouble with us, wore out his shoes in our messages, and dirty'd his cloaths by being amongst us, so that he is become as nasty as an _indian_. 'in return for these services, we recommend him to your generosity; and on our own behalf, we give him _five skins_ to buy him clothes and shoes with. '_brethren_, 'we have still one more favour to ask. our treaty, and all we have to say about publick business, is now over, and to morrow we design to leave you. we hope, as you have given us plenty of good provision whilst in town, that you will continue your goodness so far as to supply us with a little more to serve us on the road. and we likewise desire you will provide us with waggons, to carry our goods to the place where they are to be conveyed by water. to these several points the governor made the following reply. '_brethren of the six nations_, [transcriber's note: original has "brrthren"] 'the judgment you have just now pass'd on your cousins the _delawares_, confirms the high opinion we have ever entertained of the justice of the _six nations_. this part of your character, for which you are deservedly famed, made us wave doing our selves justice, in order to give you another opportunity of convincing the world of your inviolable attachment to your engagements. these unhappy people might have always liv'd easy, having never receiv'd the least injury from us; but we believe some of our own people were bad enough to impose on their credulity, and engage them in these wrong measures, which we wish, for their sakes, they had avoided. 'we hoped, from what we have constantly given in charge to the _indian_ traders, that they would have administred no just cause of complaint: if they do you wrong, it is against our inclinations, and contrary to our express directions. as you have exhibited no particular charge against them, we shall use our best endeavours to persuade them to give you as much for your skins as they can possibly afford; and to take care that their goods which they give in exchange for skins, be of the best sort. we will likewise order you some rum to serve you on your journey home, since you desire it. 'we wish there had been more room and better houses provided for your entertainment; but not expecting so many of you, we did the best we could. 'tis true there are a great many houses in town, but as they are the property of other people, who have their own families to take care of, it is difficult to procure lodgings for a large number of people, especially if they come unexpectedly. 'we entertain the same sentiments of the abilities and probity of the interpreter as you have express'd. we were induc'd at first to make use of him in this important trust, from his being known to be agreeable to you, and one who had lived amongst you for some years, in good credit and esteem with all your nations; and have ever found him equally faithful to both. we are pleas'd with the notice you have taken of him, and think he richly deserves it at your hands. we shall not be wanting to make him a suitable gratification, for the many good and faithful services he hath done this government. 'we have already given orders for waggons to carry your goods, and for a supply of provisions to serve you on the road in your return home, where we heartily wish you may arrive in good health.' after the governor had concluded [transcriber's note: original has "conclued"], mr. _logan_ return'd an answer to that part of _canassateego's_ speech which related to him, and said, 'that not only upon the account of his lameness, of which the _indians_ themselves were witnesses; but on account of another indisposition which about three years since had laid him under an incapacity of expressing himself with his former usual freedom, he had been obliged to live retired in the country. but that our first proprietor, the honourable _william penn_, who had ever been a father and true friend to all the _indians_, having above forty years since recommended them to his particular care, he had always, from his own inclination, as well as from that strict charge, endeavoured to convince all the _indians_, that he was their true friend; and was now well pleased, that after a tract of so many years, they were not insensible of it. he thanked them kindly for their present, and heartily joined with them in their desires, that this government may always be furnished with persons of equally good inclinations, and not only with such, but also with better abilities to serve them.' and then _canassateego_ said, he had forgot to mention, that _shickalamy_ and _caxhayn_, had been employ'd on several messages to this government, and desir'd that they might be consider'd on that account. * * * * * at a council held the th of _july, p.m._ . present, the hon'ble george thomas esq; lieut. governor. _james logan_, _samuel preston_, } _clement plumsted_, _thomas lawrence_, } esqrs; _samuel hasell_, _abraham taylor_, } _robert strettell_, } mr. _richard peters._ the board taking into consideration the regulation of the necessary expences of the _indians_ travelling down hither, and returning; and upon an estimate made by _conrad weiser_, amounting to about _one hundred pounds_, it appearing that the said sum of £ . will be necessary to be advanced to _conrad weiser_ to defray those expences, mr. _logan_ on the proprietaries behalf, proposes to advance _l._ and the treasurer declaring he had no publick money in his hands, and that if he had, he would not advance money without the assembly's order; it is recommended to mr. _preston_ and mr. _lawrence_, to confer with mr. _kinsey_, and know whether he, as speaker of the assembly, and trustee of the loan-office, will advance the other _l._ and the _indians_ having requested that they might have a small quantity of rum, to be added to their provisions, to comfort them on the road: the board is of opinion, that there be added to the said estimate ---- for twenty gallons of rum for the aforesaid use. and in return for their present of skins, at requesting that the _indian_ traders be enjoyn'd to sell their goods cheaper, the board directs that two strouds be presented. and that _five pounds_ be given to _caxhayn_ on the account of the province, for his services; and to _shickalamy_ the like sum. _a just copy; compared by_ _patrick baird_, secr'y. advertisement. of the printers of this _treaty_ may be had, [price _d_] the charge delivered from the _bench_ to the grand inquest, at a court of _oyer_ and _terminer_ and general _gaol delivery_, [transcriber's note: original has "goal"] held for the city and county of philadelphia; by the hon'ble james logan esq; _chief justice_ of the province of pensilvania. stories the iroquois tell their children [illustration] mabel powers (yeh sen noh wehs) american book company new york cincinnati chicago copyright, , by mabel powers. _all rights reserved._ w. p. [illustration] to all the children who ask how and why, especially those red children who see with wonder eyes, and those paleface children who yet believe in fairies, these stories are lovingly dedicated [illustration] contents page acknowledgment foreword by the chiefs introductory how the stories came to be why i was called the story-teller the little people story-telling time how the iroquois give thanks a firemaker and a peacemaker iroquois wonder stories how the white man came why the eagle defends americans how the turkey buzzard got his suit why the partridge drums how the indians learned to heal why dogs chase foxes why hermit thrush is so shy how good and evil came to be how a boy was cured of boasting why the cuckoo is so lazy how the coon outwitted the fox why the goldfinches look like the sun what the ash and the maple learned how the woman overcame the bear why the woodpecker bores for its food why the ice roof fell why the chipmunk has black stripes how two indian boys settled a quarrel how mice overcame the warriors why crows are poor why the indian loves his dog greedy fawn and the porridge why hounds outrun other animals why indians never shoot pigeons how old man winter was driven back why lightning sometimes strikes why the hare has a split lip and short tail corn plume and bean maiden how the robin burned his breast iroquois fairy stories how morning star lost her fish how little shooter lost his luck how an indian boy won his name how the fairies worked magic acknowledgment if the red children had not welcomed the writer to their lodge fires, these stories the iroquois tell their children could not have been retold. with one or two exceptions, the ideas found in the stories have been had from the lips of the indians themselves. to arthur c. parker--_ga wa so wa neh_--for his careful review of the stories and assistance in securing authentic iroquois illustrations; and to the following story-tellers who so kindly welcomed her to their lodges, and told her stories, the writer is most grateful. edward cornplanter (_so son do wah_--"great night") seneca wolf william patterson (_ga reh hwonts_--"power has come down") tuscarora deer moses shongo (_ho non da a suh_--"keeper of the hills") seneca wolf clifford shongo (_ouhn yah dah goh_--"very dark blue sky") seneca wolf charles doxon (_hoh squa sa ga dah_--"woodsman") onondaga turtle daniel george (_jo ha a ga dah_--"roadscraper") onondaga eel mary printup (_wah le sa loh_) mohawk snipe dan williams (_oh geh rah u reh ru ha neh_--"running bear") tuscarora bear eli henry tuscarora deer harriett pembleton (_gah do rehn tah_--"dropping husks") tuscarora turtle amos killbuck (_har wen do dyoh_--"he has forsaken early dawn") seneca wolf alfred jimeson (_har neh a oh_--"hatchet in his hands") seneca heron william hoag (_o no nah_--"very cold") seneca wolf ellen pierce shongo (_yea wen noh aih_--"the high word") seneca wolf baptist thomas (_sa ha whe_--"long feather") onondaga turtle albert cusick (_sha go na qua da_--"made them mad") onondaga eel theodore jimeson (_jah o yah_) seneca snipe david warrior (_dwen o gwah_) cayuga white heron willett jimeson (_so i as ah_--"owner of fine cornstalks") seneca wolf nancy greysquirrel (_gah gwah tah_--"one who lifts") seneca bear emily tallchief (_gi das was_--"wind blowing through corn") seneca turtle louise pierce logan (_ga yah was_--"the quivering heaven") seneca wolf thomas jones (_gah ne yehs_--"the dropping snow") seneca wolf foreword once our fathers own these lands of new york state. once the iroquois were great people. their council fires burn from hudson on east to lake erie on west, from rising to setting sun. then white man come. he ask for small seat size buffalo skin. he take larger and larger one, till indian have but small place to sit. now we have little left but stories of our fathers. they, too, will soon be lost and forgotten, but a voice has come to speak for us. _yeh sen noh wehs_--the one who tells the stories--will carry these stories of our fathers to paleface. she will help white man to understand indian, indian to be understood. she will have all men brothers. indian's heart is glad that _yeh sen noh wehs_, our white friend, has come to us. she have good eyes. she see right. she like things indian. she try to preserve them. our old men and women tell her the stories told them, many, many moons ago, when little children. _yeh sen noh wehs_ write down these stories so our children and our children's children may read and know them; and so paleface children may learn them also. indian tell these stories to his children to make them good and brave and kind and unselfish. may they teach paleface children how they should do. again we say, indian is glad to have some one speak for him. he is glad to have some one write down the great and beautiful thoughts in indian's mind and heart. we have spoken. _na ho._ chief of seneca nation, [illustration: handwritten signature] chief of onondagas, [illustration: handwritten signature] chief of tuscaroras, [illustration: handwritten signature] chief of oneidas, [illustration: handwritten signature] chief of cayugas, [illustration: handwritten signature] chief of mohawks, [illustration: handwritten signature] how the stories came to be out of the moons of long ago, these stories have come. then every tribe of the iroquois had its story-teller. when the old man of the north came out of his lodge, and the forests and rivers of the red children grew white with his breath, these story-tellers wandered from wigwam to wigwam. seated on warm skins by the fire, the story-teller would exclaim, "_hanio_!" this meant, "come, gather round, and i will tell a story." then all the red children would cry, "_heh_," and draw close to the fire. this meant that they were glad to hear the story. and as the flames leaped and chased one another along the fire trail, they would listen to these wonder stories of the little people, of the trees and flowers, of birds, of animals, and men. when the story-teller had finished, he said, "_na ho_." this meant, "it is the end." the earth was very young, when the red children first learned how everything came to be, and just why it is that things are as they are. they told these wonderful things to their children, and their children in turn told them to their children; and those children again in turn told them to theirs, that these things might not be forgotten. now, but few of the red children know these stories that the grandmothers and old men of the tribe used to tell. the story-teller is no longer seen wandering from wigwam to wigwam. [illustration] why i was called the story-teller some time ago the writer of these stories was asked to speak for an indian society. she accepted the invitation, and that night made her first indian friends. her new friends told her many beautiful things about the red children. the more the writer learned about the iroquois people, and things indian, the more interested she became. after a time she began to tell the paleface the things she had learned. soon, one of the tribes, the senecas--the tribe to which her new friends belonged--heard that she was speaking for them. they wished to honor her, so they asked her to be present at their green-corn feast, and become one of them. so when the green-corn moon hung her horn in the night sky, the writer found the trail to the land of the senecas. there the senecas adopted her into the snipe clan of their nation. she was called _yeh sen noh wehs_--"one who carries and tells the stories." thus it was that the writer became one of the red children, _yeh sen noh wehs_--the daughter of the senecas. the more _yeh sen noh wehs_ learned of the red children, and their simple stories, the more she loved them. one day, _yeh sen noh wehs_ said she would be the story-teller not only of the senecas, but of all the tribes of the iroquois. there are six great families of this people. each family is called a tribe or nation. once, the council fires of these six nations burned from the hudson on the east, to lake erie on the west, and they were a great and powerful people. it was at the time of the berry moon that _yeh sen noh wehs_ hit the story trail. since then she has journeyed through all the lands of the senecas, the onondagas, the cayugas, the oneidas, the mohawks, and the tuscaroras. like the story-teller of old, _yeh sen noh wehs_ wandered from lodge to lodge of the iroquois. "_hanio_," she would call, and as the indians gathered round, she would tell them one of the stories that other indian friends had told to her. sometimes this would remind the red children of another story, which _yeh sen noh wehs_ did not know, and they would tell it to her. it was in this way that these stories have been gathered. there were many days when _yeh sen noh wehs_ told her stories, but none were told in return. few members of the tribes--these usually the oldest--could remember the stories "they used to tell." sometimes _yeh sen noh wehs_ heard a story as she trudged along a furrow, beside a ragged indian who was plowing with a more ragged-looking team. or she would listen as she helped an indian woman prepare the evening meal, pick berries, or gather nuts. [illustration] sometimes, as _yeh sen noh wehs_ sat by a fire down in the depths of a beautiful wood, and watched the smoke of the sacred medicine rise, a medicine man would tell her a story; or an indian woman would drop a word, as she sat at her door weaving baskets or making beadwork. these stories _yeh sen noh wehs_ has made into a story book, that they might not be lost and forgotten; that all the iroquois red children and their children's children might know and tell them, and that paleface children might learn them as well. the american children have no fairies of their own. they must borrow their fairies from children of other nations. _yeh sen noh wehs_ thought it very sad, so she put a magic feather in her cap, and winged moccasins on her feet. then she went on the chase for real american wonder stories, and for real american fairies. [illustration] had there not been a feather in the magic cap she wore, _yeh sen noh wehs_ would not have found them. but the feather pointed the way to the nature wonder trail, and there she caught a glimpse of the "little people,"--the only true american fairies. the little people all children who live close to mother earth come to know and to see the fairies of the flowers, the woods, the rocks, and the waters. these fairies the iroquois call the _jo gah oh_, or "little people," because they are so small. the little people can do wonderful things. whatever they wish, they can do. they can fly through the air. they can dart under or through the water, into the earth and through the rocks, as they please, for they wear invisible moccasins and travel in winged canoes. their wee babies are carried on the little mothers' backs,--just like the indian's papoose. the little fathers have wonderful winged bows and arrows, that can shoot any distance they wish. [illustration] the little people bring good luck to the indians. whatever indian boys and girls wish for,--if they wish hard enough, the _jo gah oh_ will bring to them. it is said that there are three tribes of these little people,--those that live in the rocks beside streams and lakes, those that hover near the flowers and plants, and those that guard the dark places under the earth. the rock little people are very strong. they can uproot large trees and can hurl great rocks. sometimes they dare the indians to a test of strength with them. they also like to play ball with stones. the red children fear the stone throwers, as they call them. but they love the little folk that help the flowers to blossom, and the fruit and grains to grow and ripen. they remember these little people in their feasts of thanksgiving, for do the _jo gah oh_ not help the sweet waters of the maple to flow? do they not whisper to the growing seeds and show the way to the light? do they not guide the runners of the strawberries, turn the blossoms to the sun, and paint the berries red? they also tint the grains, and give to the corn its good taste. a third tribe of little people dwell under the earth. they guard the sacred white buffaloes, and keep the serpent monsters that live in the darkness below from coming to the surface to the red children. [illustration] there are trails that lead out to the sunlight, but the little people guard them close, although sometimes a great serpent will find the trail of a spring, and will follow it and poison the waters. often, at night, these elves of the dark come to the upper world to dance with the other little people. wherever you find a tree in a deep, dark part of the wood, around which no grass will grow, there you may be sure a dance ring has been formed. there the little people have danced till the moon dropped out of the sky. [illustration: dance rattle] story-telling time the old-time indians say that long, long ago, the little people made a law that stories must not be told in summer. summer is the time for work. bees must store their honey. squirrels must gather their nuts. men must grow their corn. trees and plants must leaf, and flower, and bear their fruit. if stories were told, plants, birds, animals, and men would stop their work to listen. this would mean poor crops and hungry people. animals would forget to grow their winter coats and lay by their winter stores. birds would fail to start in time for the south. the old indians say that the story-teller who disobeys this law of _jo gah oh_ will suffer some misfortune. winter is the time to tell the stories, for then the work of animals, plants, and men is done,--and the little people are fast asleep. no, it is not safe to tell stories in summer. no one knows when a bird, or a bee, or a butterfly may be listening, and may tell the chief of the little people. should the chief of the little people be offended, he might cause something dreadful to happen to the story-teller. last summer, the writer of these stories came very near being changed into an animal,--or something worse,--just for telling stories. so an old indian said. she does not know now how she escaped. she thinks it must have been because she was a white indian. this is how it happened. it was at the time of the harvest moon. _yeh sen noh wehs_ spoke for one of the tribes at their council house, and she told some of these wonder stories. all went well until the middle of the night. then a very old indian came to warn her of her danger. it seems that he had been at the council in the evening, and had heard the stories told, many of which he knew. he told _yeh sen noh wehs_ he had expected to see her change into something else right then and there. he said he would not dare to tell a story. "no, no, me 'fraid, evil come!" he said. then he wanted to know if _yeh sen noh wehs_ was a real indian. he had been told that she was a white indian, but when he heard her tell the stories, he said, he thought she was a real indian. when _yeh sen noh wehs_ told him that she had not a drop of indian blood running in her veins, he looked very solemn. at last he spoke. he told the interpreter to tell her,--for he spoke but a few words of english,--that the great spirit made a snake, a snake; a fox, a fox; a muskrat, a muskrat; a coon, a coon; a bear, a bear; an indian, an indian; a white indian, a white indian. each must be snake, fox, coon, bear, indian or white indian, as long as he lived. each must be himself. then the old man asked what disease _yeh sen noh wehs_ had, that made her go around with a feather in her hair, acting like a real indian, if she were a white indian. _yeh sen noh wehs_ had no answer. and she does not know to this day, what saved her from being changed into a rabbit, a katydid, or something worse, by the chief of the little people. she knows, however, that she is very glad she is telling the stories to you, in the winter time. [illustration] how the iroquois give thanks the iroquois red children are a grateful people. the true iroquois never rises after eating without saying, "_niaweh_," which means, "i am thankful." the others reply, "_niuh_,"--"it is well." the red children never pick a flower without thinking how kind the great spirit has been, to cause the flowers to grow. they like flowers, and no matter how poor the indian cabin, flowers are always to be found near. when the iroquois pick fruit, they give thanks to the great spirit. and always do they leave some, for the "little brothers of the wood." they do not try to pick every cherry or berry, or nut or apple, for themselves. fruits grow for the birds and animals as well as for men, and the little brothers of the wood must not be forgotten. some of everything that grows is left for them. [illustration: sap bucket] during the spring and summer, the iroquois give several thanksgiving feasts. the first is early in the spring, at maple-sugar time. as soon as the sap begins to flow, the maple feast is called. the indians gather about a large maple tree. a fire is lighted near, upon which one of their number sprinkles tobacco. as the smoke rises, a prayer of thanksgiving is made to the great spirit, for causing the sweet waters of the maple to flow. then the maple trees are thanked for their service to men, and protection is asked for the trees during the coming year. when "the leaf of the dogwood is the size of a squirrel's ear," it is planting time. then an indian maid goes into the fields and scatters a few grains of corn, asking the aid of the great spirit for the harvest. the indian always plants his seed with the growing moon, that it may grow with the moon. [illustration] the next feast is the strawberry feast and dance. the strawberry is one of the best gifts of the great spirit to his children. so greatly is it prized that it is thought to grow on the sky road that leads to the happy hunting ground. an indian who has been very ill, near death, will say, "i almost ate strawberries." when the strawberry ripens, the red children are happy. they sing their praises to the great spirit and dance with joy. they remember the little people who have helped to make the berries beautiful, and they have a song of praise and dance of thanks for them as well. without the help of the little people, the strawberries would not be so sweet and ripe. at the time of the harvest moon comes the last feast of the summer. this thanksgiving feast lasts four days. the indians not only give thanks for the ripening of the corn, but for every growing thing. therefore this feast is longer than the others, since it takes some time to name all the good gifts of the great spirit to the red children, and to give thanks for them all. there is a story[ ] of the corn in which the spirit of the corn is a maiden, not a handsome young chief, as one of the stories claims. this corn maiden was one of three sisters, and was called _ona tah_. [footnote : _myths and legends of the iroquois_, by harriet maxwell converse.] the three sister vegetables--the corn, the bean, and the squash--were called the _di o he ko_, which means "those we live on," since they are the life-giving vegetables. these sisters lived together on a hill and were very happy. but one day _ona tah_ wandered away in search of dews for her kernels. the evil spirit was watching. he seized _ona tah_, the spirit of the corn, and sent one of his monsters to blight her fields. the killing winds swept over the hill, and the spirits of the squash and bean fled before them. _ona tah_ was held for some time a prisoner in the darkness under the earth, by the evil spirit. [illustration] at last a sun ray found her and guided her back to her lost hilltop. there she found that her sisters had fled. she was alone. then _ona tah_ made a vow to the sun that she would never again leave her fields. but she sighs for her lost sisters, and mourns the blight that came upon her beautiful fields. for since the time when _ona tah_ wandered away and left her fields, the corn has not grown so tall or so beautiful as once it did. [illustration] a firemaker and a peacemaker [illustration] in the olden times, tribes of indians did not always live in one place as they do now. they sometimes wandered from one valley or woodland to another. when they came to a sheltered place, where there was pure running water, and where plenty of game and wood were to be found, they would build their lodges and light their council fires. there they might camp for one moon, or for many moons. as long as their arrows brought game on the hunting trails near, they would not break camp. but if game grew scarce, or if for any reason they did not like the camp ground, they would move farther on. sometimes they would go several days' journey, before they found a camping place such as they liked. the first thing that was done in making a camp was to secure fire and light the council fire. this fire was always kept burning. it never went out while they remained. the indians loved the fire. it was the gift of the great spirit to the red children. it kept them warm and cooked their food by day, and protected them by night. a line of fires was kept burning around the camp. this protected the red children from the wild animals, for all animals fear fire, and are charmed by it. they might prowl and howl all night long outside the fire ring, but never would they attempt to come within that ring. there the indians could sleep in peace, guarded by the spirits of the fire. [illustration] the indian that could make fire first became a chief and leader. when it was decided to camp at a certain place, a signal would be given. at this the young braves would leap into the woods, to see which one first could bring back fire. each had his own secret way of making it. usually a bowstring was twisted about a fire stick, and the stick was turned rapidly in a groove. in a few seconds, smoke would rise from the sawdust that formed. after a little fanning a flame would leap forth. the indian whose brain and hand worked swiftest and surest was the smartest and best man. he became a firemaker, and was made a chief of the tribe. he could do something that the rest could not,--at least he had proved himself to be more skillful. such a man, it was thought, had a better understanding of all things, and therefore could tell the rest of the tribe what ought to be done. he no longer was just a man who ate and slept, walked and ran. he was a man with a mind. he could think and could do things. so he became a firemaker chief, and he helped the tribe to think and do. the iroquois red children believe that there are three kinds of men: those that use the body only; those that use body and mind; and those that use body, mind, and spirit. now it happened that sometimes an indian grew to be so kind and so great, that he could not only strike the fire we see, but the fire we do not see,--the fire of love that burns in the hearts of people. [illustration] when an indian could strike this kind of fire, and warm the hearts not only of his own tribe but of all tribes, so that they came to love one another, he was a great chief, a peacemaker chief. such a man would go from tribe to tribe, teaching the people how they should do, so that all might live in peace and plenty, like brothers. to be a peacemaker was the highest seat an indian could take. few indians became peacemaker chiefs, and they were the great men of the tribe. indian women also might become peacemakers. at one time the iroquois had a peace wigwam, where all disputes and quarrels were settled. the most beautiful, just, and fair-minded woman of all the tribes was chosen to sit in this wigwam. it was her duty to tend the peace fire, and to see that it never went out. she also kept a pot of hominy always steaming over the fire. if two indians had a dispute, it was the custom for them to run to the peacemaker's wigwam. they entered from opposite sides. inside the wigwam, a deerskin curtain separated them from each other. [illustration] the peacemaker would listen to the grievance of the one and then to that of the other. then she would draw aside the curtain, get the enemies together, and settle the dispute with justice. the two would then eat of the hominy, and depart in peace,--no longer enemies, but friends. no nation could fight another nation without the consent of the peacemaker. because the peacewomen were wise, and just, and kind, and taught men to love, not fight each other, the iroquois were for many years at peace. but one day, it is said, a peacewoman proved untrue to her trust. she thought more of her own happiness than that of the nation. [illustration] this woman was very beautiful, and the people loved her. for some time she sat in the peace wigwam, and tended faithfully the peace fire. one day an oneida and a cayuga chief fell to quarreling. they sought the peace wigwam. as they entered and saw the young peacewoman tending the fire, each thought he had never seen a woman so beautiful. into the heart of each there leaped the desire that she might tend his wigwam fire. the peacemaker listened to the quarrel of the young chiefs and settled it justly. then each tried to persuade her to leave the peace fire and return with him to his lodge. but the peacemaker said, "no, i must tend the fire, it must be kept burning." the chiefs departed with heavy hearts. but the oneida chief could not forget the beautiful woman. when a moon had passed, he returned to the peace wigwam. this time he persuaded the peacemaker to leave her fire and return with him to sit at his wigwam door. the peace fire flickered and went out. the iroquois again went on the warpath, and for many, many moons, they fought and suffered and died. iroquois wonder stories [illustration] [illustration] how the white man came long, long before columbus came to america, the red children were here. they were the first and only real americans. from the big sea water on the east to the big sea water on the west, ranged these children of the sun, as they called themselves. happy and free as the sunlight and air about them, they ran through wide forests all their own, or plied their bark canoes up and down the streams. then the indian had a dream. this was long before columbus dreamed his dream of the western world. in his dream the indian saw a great white bird coming out of the east. its wings were stretched wide to the north and south. with great strength and speed, it swept toward the setting sun. in fear and wonder the indian watched this giant white bird appear and disappear. he knew its meaning, and the indian's heart was sad. then the white man came. from the big sea water on the east he came, in his great white-winged canoe. with one hand pointing to the great spirit, and with the other extended to the red man he came. he asked for a small seat. a seat the size of a buffalo skin would be quite large enough for him, he said. in the name of the great spirit, the red children greeted the white man, and called him "brother." they gave him the seat he asked. they gave him a large buffalo skin also, and showed him where he could spread it by their council fire. the white man took the buffalo skin. he thanked his red brother in the name of the great spirit. then he began to cut the skin into many, many small strips. [illustration] when the whole buffalo skin had been cut into narrow strips, he tied the strips together. they made a long cord that would reach over a long trail. in amazement the indians watched the white man while he measured off a seat as long and as broad as this cord would reach around. the "small seat," the size of a buffalo skin, became a tract of land. soon the white man asked for another seat. this time his seat took in the indians' lodges and camp fire. he asked the indians if they would move on a few arrow flights. this they did. then the white man wanted another seat. each time it took a larger skin for him to sit upon. this time the skin stretched so far that it covered a part of the indians' hunting and fishing grounds. again the indians moved on. again the white man followed. each time his seat grew larger, until the indian had a place but the size of a buffalo skin on which to sit. thus it was that the white man came. like a great white bird that swept from the big sea water on the east to the big sea water on the west, the white man came; and he drove the indian from the rising to the setting sun. [illustration] why the eagle defends americans many, many moons before the white man came, a little indian boy was left in the woods. it was in the days when animals and men understood each other better than they do now. an old mother bear found the little indian boy. she felt very sorry for him. she told the little boy not to cry, for she would take him home with her; she had a nice wigwam in the hollow of a big tree. old mother bear had two cubs of her own, but she had a place between her great paws for a third. she took the little papoose, and she hugged him warm and close. she fed him as she did her own little cubs. the boy grew strong. he was very happy with his adopted mother and brothers. they had a warm lodge in the hollow of the great tree. as they grew older, mother bear found for them all the honey and nuts that they could eat. [illustration] [illustration] from sunrise to sunset, the little indian boy played with his cub brothers. he did not know that he was different from them. he thought he was a little bear, too. all day long, the boy and the little bears played and had a good time. they rolled, and tumbled, and wrestled in the forest leaves. they chased one another up and down the bear tree. sometimes they had a matched game of hug, for every little bear must learn to hug. the one who could hug the longest and the tightest won the game. old mother bear watched her three dear children at their play. she would have been content and happy, but for one thing. she was afraid some harm would come to the boy. never could she quite forget the bear hunters. several times they had scented her tree, but the wind had thrown them off the trail. once, from her bear-tree window, she had thrown out rabbit hairs as she saw them coming. the wind had blown the rabbit hairs toward the hunters. as they fell near the hunters, they had suddenly changed into rabbits and the hunters had given chase. at another time, mother bear tossed some partridge feathers to the wind as the hunters drew near her tree. a flock of partridges went whirring into the woods with a great noise, and the hunters ran after them. [illustration] but on this day, mother bear's heart was heavy. she knew that now the big bear hunters were coming. no rabbits or partridges could lead these hunters from the bear trail, for they had dogs with four eyes. (foxhounds have a yellow spot over each eye which makes them seem double-eyed.) these dogs were never known to miss a bear tree. sooner or later they would scent it. mother bear thought she might be able to save herself and her cubs. but what would become of the boy? she loved him too well to let the bear hunters kill him. [illustration] just then the porcupine, the chief of the animals, passed by the bear tree. mother bear saw him. she put her head out the bear-tree window and called to him. he came and sat under the bear-tree window, and listened to mother bear's story of her fears for the boy. when she had finished, chief porcupine said he would call a council of the animals, and see if they could not save the boy. now the chief had a big voice. as soon as he raised his voice, even the animals away on the longest trails heard. they ran at once and gathered under the council tree. there was a loud roar, and a great flapping of wings, for the birds came, too. chief porcupine told them about the fears of mother bear, and of the danger to the boy. "now," said the chief, "which one of you will take the boy, and save him from the bear hunters?" it happened that some animals were present that were jealous of man. these animals had held more than one secret council, to plan how they could do away with him. they said he was becoming too powerful. he knew all they knew,--and more. the beaver did not like man, because men could build better houses than he. the fox said that man had stolen his cunning, and could now outwit him. the wolf and the panther objected to man, because he could conceal himself and spring with greater surety than they. [illustration] the raccoon said that man was more daring, and could climb higher than he. the deer complained that man could outrun him. so when chief porcupine asked who would take the boy and care for him, each of these animals in turn said that he would gladly do so. mother bear sat by and listened as each offered to care for the boy. she did not say anything, but she was thinking hard,--for a bear. at last she spoke. to the beaver she said, "you cannot take the boy; you will drown him on the way to your lodge." to the fox she said, "you cannot take him; you would teach him to cheat and steal, while pretending to be a friend; neither can the wolf or the panther have him, for they are counting on having something good to eat. "you, deer, lost your upper teeth for eating human flesh. and, too, you have no home, you are a tramp. "and you, raccoon, i cannot trust, for you would coax him to climb so high that he would fall and die. "no, none of you can have the boy." now a great bird that lives in the sky had flown into the council tree, while the animals were speaking. but they had not seen him. when mother bear had spoken, this wise old eagle flew down, and said, "give the boy to me, mother bear. no bird is so swift and strong as the eagle. i will protect him. on my great wings i will bear him far away from the bear hunters. "i will take him to the wigwam of an indian friend, where a little indian boy is wanted." mother bear looked into the eagle's keen eyes. she saw that he could see far. then she said, "take him, eagle, i trust him to you. i know you will protect the boy." the eagle spread wide his great wings. mother bear placed the boy on his back, and away they soared, far from the council woods. the eagle left the boy, as he had promised, at the door of a wigwam where a little indian boy was wanted. this was the first young american to be saved by an american eagle. the boy grew to be a noble chief and a great hunter. no hunter could hit a bear trail so soon as he, for he knew just where and how to find the bear trees. but never was he known to cut down a bear tree, or to kill a bear. however, many were the wolf, panther, and deerskins that hung in his lodge. the hunter's wife sat and made warm coats from the fox and beaver skins which the hunter father brought in from the chase. but never was the hunter, his wife, or his children seen to wear a bear-skin coat. [illustration] how the turkey buzzard got his suit [illustration] it was a long, long time ago, when the earth was very young. trees and flowers were growing everywhere, but there were no birds. one morning the great spirit drew back the blanket from the door of his wigwam in the sky. he looked upon the earth and smiled, for he saw that his work was good. "today," thought he, "i will make big butterflies, to fly in and out among the beautiful trees and flowers of the earth. they shall sing as they fly." then the great spirit spoke, and the tree tops were full of birds,--but they had no feathers. all day he watched them fly and listened to their songs. but their naked bodies and long legs did not please him. before the sun had set he had made feathered suits, of every size and color, to cover them. that night, as the birds hid their heads under their wings, the great spirit spoke to them. he told about the feathered suits he had made for them, and where these suits could be found. a council was called next day by the birds. they chose _gah gah go wah_, the turkey buzzard, to get the suits. he could fly over a long trail and not be tired. the birds told him that if he would go, he might have the first choice of the suits of feathers, but he must try on no suit more than once. turkey buzzard promised and set out toward the setting sun. twice the sun set, and three times it rose, before he found the feathered suits. there were many of them, and they were very beautiful. he could not make up his mind which one he would like best to wear. then he remembered that he could try on each suit of feathers once. so he began to put them on. the feathers of the first suit were too long. they trailed on the ground as he walked. neither could he fly well in them. turkey buzzard laid that suit aside. the next suit shone like gold. the feathers were a beautiful yellow. turkey buzzard put it on and strutted up and down the forest. "oh, how handsome i am!" he said. "but i must not keep this, for if i did, i should shine so like the face of the great spirit, that all the other birds would see me." and he slipped off the suit of yellow feathers as quickly as possible. a third suit was of pure white feathers. turkey buzzard thought it looked very beautiful. it was a perfect fit. "but it will get dirty too soon," he said. "i will not choose this." and this, too, was laid aside. there were not enough feathers in the fourth suit. turkey buzzard shivered with cold. it was not warm enough. he would not have it. there were too many feathers, and too many pieces, in the fifth suit. it took too much time to put it on. turkey buzzard did not want that. so he went from one suit to another, trying on and taking off. always he had some new fault to find. something was wrong with each one. nothing quite pleased him. no suit was just right. at last there was but one suit left. it was not pretty. it was a plain, dull color,--and very short of feathers at the neck and head. turkey buzzard put it on. he did not like it. it did not fit him well: it was cut too low in the neck. turkey buzzard thought it was the homeliest suit of all. but it was the last suit, so he kept it on. then _gah gah go wah_, the turkey buzzard, gathered up the suits and flew back to the bird lodge. he still wore the plain, dull-colored suit. the birds again called a council. each was told to select a suit from those that _gah gah go wah_ had brought, and put it on. this they did. then the birds in their beautiful feathered suits began to walk and fly about the turkey buzzard, and to make fun of his plain, dull dress. but _gah gah go wah_ held his head high. he walked proudly about among the birds. he looked with scorn on their beautiful suits. after a time he spoke. he said, "_gah gah go wah_, the turkey buzzard, does not want your suits. he had the pick of them all. he likes his own suit best." adapted from erminie smith's _myths of the iroquois_. [illustration] why the partridge drums [illustration] it was after the great spirit had made all the beautiful birds, that the evil spirit came along. he saw the beautiful birds and heard their beautiful songs. he saw that the earth people liked the birds and liked to hear them sing. now the evil spirit did not wish people to be happy, so he said, "i will make a bird that will make people afraid. i will make a big bird that will not sing, but will make a great noise." so the evil spirit went to work. in a short time he had made a big bird, that could not sing, but could drum. the big bird flew away into the wood. that night a drumming noise was heard in the wood. the people were afraid. they could not sleep, because of the noise. in the morning, they went into the woods to search for the noise. deep in the forest could still be heard that strange drumming. they followed it, until they came to a deep, dark place in the woods. there was a loud fluttering and whirring of wings, and a great bird flew out from among them, along the ground and over the trees. the people were afraid. they called to the great spirit to help them. the great spirit was near. he heard their cry, and went after the bird, for he was very angry. the great spirit said, "i will not have my people frightened by this great bird; it shall die." the big bird gave the great spirit a long chase. at last the great spirit came upon it. he seized it, and threw it against a large tree. as the big bird struck the tree, drops of blood flew in all directions. they changed into smaller birds that went whirring into the woods, just as the big bird had done. there they began to drum. like the big bird, these smaller birds like to startle people. they flutter out from under the leaves, and with a whirring noise they fly far into the wood. there they perch on an old log, or a rock, and drum with their wings. some of the earth people say they are drumming for their mates. but others still think that the birds drum to make people afraid. so this is how the indians say the partridges came to be. this is why they drum, and why some of the earth children still love to hunt partridges. how the indians learned to heal a long, long time ago, some indians were running along a trail that led to an indian settlement. as they ran, a rabbit jumped from the bushes and sat before them. [illustration: medicine rattle] the indians stopped, for the rabbit still sat up before them and did not move from the trail. they shot their arrows at him, but the arrows came back unstained with blood. a second time they drew their arrows. now no rabbit was to be seen. instead, an old man stood on the trail. he seemed to be weak and sick. [illustration] the old man asked them for food and a place to rest. they would not listen but went on to the settlement. slowly the old man followed them, down the trail to the wigwam village. in front of each wigwam, he saw a skin placed on a pole. this he knew was the sign of the clan to which the dwellers in that wigwam belonged. first he stopped at a wigwam where a wolf skin hung. he asked to enter, but they would not let him. they said, "we want no sick men here." on he went toward another wigwam. here a turtle's shell was hanging. but this family would not let him in. he tried a wigwam where he saw a beaver skin. he was told to move on. [illustration] the indians who lived in a wigwam where a deer skin was seen, were just as unkind. nor was he permitted to enter wigwams where hung hawk, snipe, and heron skins. at last he came to a wigwam where a bear skin hung. "i will ask once more for a place to rest," he thought. and here a kind old woman lived. she brought food for him to eat, and spread soft skins for him to lie upon. the old man thanked her. he said that he was very sick. he told the woman what plants to gather in the wood, to make him well again. this she did, and soon he was healed. a few days later the old man was again taken sick. again he told the woman what roots and leaves to gather. she did as she was told, and soon he was well. [illustration] many times the old man fell sick. each time he had a different sickness. each time he told the woman what plants and herbs to find to cure him. each time she remembered what she had been told. soon this woman of the bear clan knew more about healing than all the other people. one day, the old man told her that the great spirit had sent him to earth, to teach the indian people the secrets of healing. "i came, sick and hungry, to many a wigwam door. no blanket was drawn aside for me to pass in. you alone lifted the blanket from your wigwam door and bade me enter. "you are of the bear clan, therefore all other clans shall come to the bear clan for help in sickness. "you shall teach all the clans what plants, and roots, and leaves to gather, that the sick may be healed. "and the bear shall be the greatest and strongest of the clans." the indian woman lifted her face to the great spirit to thank him for this great gift and knowledge of healing. when she turned again to the man, he had disappeared. no one was there, but a rabbit was running swiftly down the trail. [illustration: medicine mask] [illustration] why dogs chase foxes a fox was running through the wood near a river. he had a fish in his mouth. the fish had been stolen from an indian who lived down the stream. the fox had been passing near the indian's wigwam. he saw the fish hanging by the fire. it was cleaned and ready to cook. "what a tasty breakfast!" thought the fox. "i think i will watch the man eat." soon the indian went into the wigwam. the fox slipped up to the fire. he seized the fish, and ran away with it. when the indian came back, he had no breakfast. the fish was gone. no fox was to be seen. the fox ran along, feeling much pleased with himself. "what a cunning fox i am," he chuckled. "i will play another foxy trick. this time it shall be on the bear i see coming." he ran up a tree that had been bent half way to earth by the west wind. there he began to eat his fish. he smacked his lips so loudly that the bear heard him. the bear stopped under the tree, and asked, "what are you eating that tastes so good?" for answer the fox threw down a bit of the fish. the bear smacked his lips and cried, "more! more!" "go to the river, swim out to the big log, and catch your own fish," called the fox. "it's very easy! just drop your tail into the water. hold it there till a fish comes along and bites, then pull it up. that is the way i catch my fish. you can catch all the fish you want with your own tail." the bear hurried on to the river. he swam to the log and dropped his tail into the water, as the fox had advised. all day he sat and fished with his tail,--for bears then had very long tails. the sun set, but no fish had pulled his tail. all night the bear sat on the log and fished. cold north wind blew his breath over the water. the river grew still and white. towards morning, the bear felt that his tail was getting very heavy. now at last he was sure he had a fish. he tried to pull it up. but alas! his tail was frozen fast in the ice. then the fox came along. he laughed long and loudly at the bear, and asked if the fishing was good. some dogs heard the fox, and came tearing through the thick underbrush. they saw the fox and started after him. the fox slyly led them on to the frozen river toward the bear. the bear saw them coming, and called to the fox to go around some other way. the fox made believe he did not hear, and came straight on to the bear to ask him what he had said. the dogs leaped upon the bear. the bear struggled. he gave one great pull, and freed himself from the ice. he struck at the dogs so fiercely with his great paws, that they soon left him, and went on after the fox. dogs have been running after foxes ever since. when the bear got his breath, he stood up and looked around at his tail. he found he had only a small piece left. most of his tail had been left in the ice. this is why bears have short tails, and why dogs still love to chase the fox. why hermit thrush is so shy [illustration] some moons after the council when the birds chose their feathered suits, a second council was called. the purpose of this council was to see which bird could fly to heaven, and bring a song to earth. when all the birds had arrived and were perched upon the council tree, the wise old owl spoke. "friends and brothers, listen," said the owl. "many of you have strong wings, but your voices are not beautiful. high, high up in the sky, a long trail beyond the clouds, is the happy hunting ground. "there live all our brothers of the wood, whom the great spirit has called. they sing songs more beautiful than any heard on earth. "the bird that can fly beyond the clouds will hear that singing. he shall bring a song to earth. who will fly the great sky trail, and bring a song to earth? who-whoo! who-whoo! who-whoo!" at this, all the birds that were swift of wing flew high in the air. they circled round and round to show their skill. then they disappeared in the clouds. but one by one they dropped to earth; for when they had reached the great sky trail beyond the clouds, they were too tired to take it. at last the eagle arose and stretched his great wings. "listen," he said, "for the chief of birds speaks. no other bird is so swift and so strong as the eagle. he has circled the earth. he has flown to the rim of the world. the eagle will fly the great sky trail and bring the song to earth." a little brown thrush sat near the eagle. "oh," he thought, "how i would like to bring that song to earth!" but he was so small, and his wings were so tired! then an idea popped into the little brown head of the thrush. he hopped softly to the back of the eagle, and hid in the thick feathers near the neck. so small and light was the thrush, that the eagle did not feel his weight. he did not know that the little brown thrush was on his back,--and the other birds did not tell him. the eagle spread his great wings. up, and up, and up, they soared. the council wood became a little speck and then was seen no more. over, and under, and through the clouds, on, and on, and on, they sailed, along the great sky trail. [illustration] at last the eagle's strength began to fail. he could go no further. the great wings of the chief of birds could beat the air no longer. they fell at his side. the little brown thrush felt the eagle quiver and begin to drop toward the earth. then away flew the little brown thrush. the air was so light it seemed easy to fly. on and on he went, for he was not tired. he had had a ride almost to heaven. "now," he thought, "i will go on and will get the song." for some time, the little brown thrush flew along the great sky trail. all at once the air seemed full of song. he knew he was nearing the happy hunting ground. he listened. one song seemed more beautiful to him than the rest. again and again he listened. he caught the notes. he sang them many times, until he was sure that he could carry the song to earth. then down, and down, and down, he floated, through clouds and storms and sunshine, back to mother earth. very happy, he flew toward the council wood. he was so full of his beautiful song and the wonderful sky trail, he thought he must pour out his song at once. but when he reached the council wood, he dared not open his mouth! he remembered that he had stolen his ride part way to heaven,--and he knew the other birds knew it. but that song! he must sing it! he thought his throat would burst, if he did not sing! so the little brown thrush flew off by himself, into a deep, dark part of the wood. there, hidden by the brush and the bushes, he poured forth the song he had heard on the great sky trail. men hearing it to-day, say, "listen, a hermit thrush! what a beautiful song! but he is such a shy bird, one seldom can catch a glimpse of him." they do not know why he keeps so close under cover. how good and evil came to be every boy has wondered how there came to be two of him. every girl has puzzled over how she happened to be twins. sometimes she is the good girl,--sometimes a naughty one. the indians say this is how it happened. the world was very young. there was no earth, only a cloud-like sea. the sea was filled with water animals, and water birds flew over it. all was dark. light had not yet come. then the cloud-sea began to call for light. the great spirit heard, and said, "it shall be so. i will make a new place for man to live in." the great spirit called the beautiful sky mother to him. her face was like the sun, she was so light of heart. the great spirit told the sky mother to look down. she, too, heard the cloud-sea calling, and she said, "i will go." as she began to descend, the animals saw her coming. "see the light," they cried. "where will it rest?" one of the water animals said, "i will go to the bottom of the sea and get something for it to rest on." he went down, but he never came back. other animals followed him. but they, too, did not come back. then the muskrat said, "i will go. i will be the earth bringer." he returned, with some mud in his mouth and claws. "it will grow fast," he cried, in a weak voice. "who will carry it?" the turtle offered his back. as the muskrat placed the mud on the turtle's shell he died. but the beaver came and slapped the mud down with his tail. the mud on the turtle's back grew very fast. soon it was a small island. the turtle became the earth bearer. he has continued to hold up the earth ever since. now, when the sea rises in great waves, or the earth shakes, the indians say, "the turtle is stretching. he is wiggling his back!" now, since there was a place for the light to rest on, the birds flew up to meet it. they found that the light was the beautiful sky mother. then the birds spread wide their great wings, and bore the sky mother through the air to the cloud-sea. they placed her on the island on the turtle's back. there the sky mother had rested some time, when she felt something stirring beneath her heart. she heard voices. one was soft and kind and full of love, the other was harsh and quarrelsome. soon the sky mother looked into the faces of the first-born of earth, for she had borne the twin brothers, the spirits of good and evil. as she looked into the face of the good mind, she said, "you shall be called the light one." then she looked into the face of his brother, and said, "you shall be named the dark one." the island became a beautiful land. the twin brother light one grew up happy, loving, peaceful, and kind. he wanted to make the new land the most beautiful place in which to live. the twin brother dark one grew up sullen, quarrelsome, hateful, and unkind. he tried to make the land the worst place in which to live. from his mother's beautiful face the light one made the sun. he set it in the eastern sky, that it might shine forever. then the dark one put darkness in the west to drive the sun from the sky. the light one gave his mother's body to the earth, the great mother from which springs all life. he made great mountains, and covered them with forests from which beautiful rivers ran. the dark one threw down the mountains, gnarled the forests, and bent the rivers which his brother had made. every beautiful thing which the good brother light one made, the bad brother dark one tried to destroy and ruin. and because the first-born of earth were the twin spirits, the good mind and the evil mind, there has been a good and bad spirit born into every boy and girl who has come into the world since. so the indians say! how a boy was cured of boasting there was once an indian boy, who thought he knew more and could do more than anyone else. he was so proud of himself that he walked around like a great chief, who wears a war shirt with many scalp locks on it. the other indian boys and girls called him spread feather, because he strutted about like a big turkey or a peacock. one day, spread feather was playing ball with the other boys. not once had he failed to drive or catch the ball with his crosse stick. twice he had thrown the ball with such force that some one had been hurt. spread feather grew more and more pleased with himself, as he played. he began to use tricks and to talk very large. [illustration] [illustration] "no one can play ball as i," he said. "i can catch the swiftest ball that can be thrown. i can throw the ball to the sky. i can run faster than the deer." spread feather boasted so loudly that a rabbit heard him. the rabbit came out of the bushes and sat up on his hind legs. he watched spread feather play, and listened to his boasting. soon a strange boy was standing where the rabbit had sat. the stranger said to spread feather, "i would like to play ball with you." "come on, then!" taunted the boastful boy. "spread feather will show the strange ball player how to catch a ball." they began to play. the stranger could run like a deer. his balls were so swift and so curved that spread feather could not see them. he could not catch one. they seemed to come from the sky. at last one ball hit spread feather on the mouth. he fell to the ground. his face was red with anger, and his lips were red with blood. he sprang to his feet and shouted to the stranger, "though i do not like the taste of your ball, yet i can throw you." "very well, then," said the stranger. "we will have a game of 'catch as catch can.'" this is the indian name for a game of wrestling. spread feather set his feet very hard on the ground. "my legs are as strong as the legs of a bear," he boasted. they began to wrestle. soon spread feather's arms fell at his sides. he panted for air. he had no breath and no strength. the stranger picked spread feather up and tossed him over his head like a ball. the boy fell without a word. when spread feather opened his eyes, a rabbit sprang into the bushes. all night, spread feather lay and thought, and thought. he was too weak and too sore to go back to his wigwam. nor was he eager to meet the other boys. at sunrise a rabbit hopped near. the rabbit slyly suggested that he might like to play another game of ball. the boy sat up and said to the rabbit, "spread feather is no more. he no longer struts like a turkey. he has nothing to say. he will win a new name. it will not be spread feather." why the cuckoo is so lazy the land was lean and hungry. the old man of the north lodge had breathed upon the valley. his breath had frozen the corn, and there was no bread for the people. the indian hunters took to the chase. they followed every track of deer or rabbit. if their arrows brought them meat, they threw it over their shoulders and ran to the village, that the hungry women and children might eat. but one indian remained in his wigwam. he sat by the fire with his wife and child, and waited for the hunters to bring game. this man refused to go on the hunt. he was lazy. all day he sat by the fire and smoked his pipe. once in a while, he would stir the water in the kettle which he kept boiling for the meat that he hoped the hunters might bring. whenever the child, his little son, begged him for food, he would say, "it isn't done yet." at last the little indian boy grew so sick and faint for want of food that he cried aloud. [illustration] the lazy indian father was angry. he seized the pudding stick, and struck the child to the ground. instantly a bird flew up and perched on the pole over the fire, from which the kettle hung. "now it's done!" said the bird solemnly, for it did not seem to have a light heart like other birds. now, strange as it may seem this father was no longer cruel and lazy. his lazy spirit seemed to have gone. he wanted to go at once on the chase, and hunt food for his wife and little boy. "to-night you shall have deer meat to eat," he said, as he spread a soft skin by the fire, for the boy to lie on. then he turned to place the child on the skin,--but no boy was there. he had no son. only that strange bird perched, joyless and alone, over the fire, on the pole from which the kettle hung. "now it's done!" the bird cried again, and with that it flew out of the wigwam. * * * * * that spring the indians discovered a new bird in the woods. the bird was too lazy to build a real nest. this bird did not weave together twigs and moss, leaves and ferns, bits of hair and thistledown, to make a cozy, warm, safe nest for its eggs and young, as did the other birds. this bird would lay its eggs anywhere. wherever a few sticks lay crosswise in a track, or in a little hollow of the ground, or where some twigs or dried ferns were caught loosely in a bush, there this lazy bird would lay its eggs and rear its young. it was too lazy to build a real nest, that was safe and warm for its little ones. [illustration] the indians called the bird "the cuckoo." but only one indian knew how the cuckoo came to be, and why it is too lazy to build a real nest. how the coon outwitted the fox a wise old raccoon sat up in a tree near the river where the bear lost his tail. the coon saw the fox play his foxy trick on the bear, and he did not like it. "the fox is getting a big head," said the coon. "this must not be. his head must be made smaller. some of the foxiness must be taken out of it. he is getting too foxy. he thinks he has the cunning of all the animals, and that no one can outwit him. some one must play a 'fox' trick on him." not many days later, the coon saw the fox coming down the trail. the coon was eating some juicy yellow apples that he had found on a tree not far away. as soon as he saw the fox, he ran up a tree, and began to smack his lips as the fox had done to tempt the bear. the fox stopped under the tree, just as the bear had stopped. "what tastes so good?" he asked. for answer the coon threw down an apple to the fox, just as the fox had thrown the piece of fish down to the bear. the fox took the apple and ate it. "fine! fine!" said the fox, when he had finished the last mouthful. "where did you get it?" [illustration] the coon then told the fox how to find the apple tree. he must follow the trail along the river, down to the pine bluff. then he must climb the bluff and run toward the setting sun, until he came to an open field. in the center of that field stood a great apple tree. it was filled with juicy yellow apples. [illustration] "but you can climb the tree and pick your own apples. how can i get them off the tree?" whined the fox. "oh, that's easy," said the coon. "just back off two bow shots from the tree, then lower your head,--so. run hard and butt the tree with your head. you have such a big head, it will shake the tree so hard that all the apples will fall at once. do as i tell you, and you will have all the apples you want for a long time." the fox thanked the coon and started at once. he found the apple tree, just as the coon had said. [illustration] "what a fine open place to run in," thought the fox. "i will get such a fine start that when i hit the tree it will shake the world." already he began, in his mind, to see the apples falling, like pine needles, and to feel the earth shake under his feet. the fox did as the coon had told him. one arrow flight he backed off, then another. then he closed his eyes, lowered his head, and ran swiftly over the thick grass. he struck the tree as hard as ever he could, with his big head. not an apple fell, but a dazed, foolish-looking fox fell to the ground. next morning as the sun rose, a shame-faced fox was seen running toward the woods beyond the pine bluff. he carried his head low, and he seemed to be playing no foxy tricks. why the goldfinches look like the sun it was some moons after the coon outwitted the fox, before they again met. the coon was hurrying by, when the fox saw him. now the fox had not forgotten the trick the coon had played on him. his head was still sore from that great thump against the apple tree. so the fox started after the coon. he was gaining, and would have caught him, had they not come to a tall pine tree. the coon ran to the very tiptop of the pine tree. there he was safe, for the fox could not climb. the fox lay down on the soft pine needles and waited for the coon to come down. the coon stayed up in the pine tree so long that the fox grew tired and sleepy. he closed his eyes and thought he would take a short nap. the coon watched, until he saw that the fox was sound asleep. then he took in his mouth some of the pitch from the pine tree. he ran down the tree and rubbed the pitch over the eyes of the sleeping fox. the fox awoke. he sprang up and tried to seize the coon, but, alas! he could not see what he was doing. the lids of his eyes were held fast with the pine gum. he could not open them. the coon laughed at the fox's plight, then ran and left him. the fox lay for some time under the tree. the pine gum, as it dried, held the lids of his eyes closer and closer shut. he thought he should never again see the sun. some birds were singing near by. he called them, and told them of his plight. he asked if they would be so kind as to pick open his eyes. the birds flew off and told the other birds. soon many of the little dark songsters flew back to where the fox lay. then peck, peck, peck, went the little bills on the eyelids of the fox. bit by bit they carefully pecked away the pine gum. if one grew tired, another bird would take its place. [illustration] at last the fox saw a streak of light. soon the lid of one eye flew open, then the other. the sun was shining, and the world looked very beautiful to the fox, as he opened his eyes. he was very grateful to the little birds for bringing him light. he told them to ask what they would, and he would give it to them. the little birds said, "we do not like the plain, dark suits which the turkey buzzard brought us. make us look like the sun we have brought to you." the fox looked about him. beautiful yellow flowers were growing near. he pressed some of the sun color from them, and with the tip of his tail as a brush, he began to paint the dark little birds like the sun. the birds fluttered so with joy, he thought he would paint the bodies first. before he could brush the wings and tails with the sun paint, each little bird had darted away, like a streak of sunshine. so happy and light of heart were the birds, that they could not wait for the fox to finish the painting. this is why goldfinches are yellow like the sun. it is why they have black wings and tails, why they flutter so with joy, and why they never finish their song. what the ash and the maple learned long ago, birds, trees, animals, and men knew each the language of the other, and all could talk together. in those days, the trees of the forest grew very large and strong. at last they came to know their strength too well. they became selfish, and proud, and quarrelsome. each tree boasted that he was the greatest and strongest. each one struggled to gain for himself the most earth, the best air, the brightest sun. no tree had a thought for the other. one day the trunk of a great maple tried to crowd out an ash. the ash, of course, thought he had as much right to stand there as the maple, and he said he would not stir a limb. "get out of my way," cried the maple. "i am greater than you, and of more use to man; for i furnish the sweet water for him to drink." "indeed, i will not!" said the ash. "i am greater than you, and of more use to man than you; for i furnish the tough wood from which he makes his bow." at this the trees fell to wrestling. back and forth, in and out they swayed, each trying to throw the other. they forgot that they were brothers in the wood. then the south wind came along. he heard the loud voices and stopped to find out what the quarrel was about. "i am greater than you, for i furnish the sweet water for man to drink," came the angry voice of the maple, as he threw his huge trunk against the ash. "no, you are not," retorted the ash, and he sent the maple back with a great push of his strong elbow. "i am greater than you, for i furnish the tough wood from which he makes his bow." [illustration] for a time, the south wind watched them writhe and twist and try to throw each other to the ground. then he said, softly, "you, o maple, do not cause the sweet water to flow for man; nor do you, o ash, make your wood to grow pliant and tough for his bow." "who does, then?" they asked defiantly. "listen," said the south wind, "and you shall hear." then the maple and ash forgot their quarrel. they bent their heads so low and close to listen, that an arm of the maple slipped through an arm of the ash. [illustration] and as they stood thus listening, each with an arm locked in an arm of the other, the south wind gently swayed them to and fro. then a voice was heard, singing, "_san noh-eh! san noh-eh! san noh-eh!_" which means, "the mother of all things." thus it was that the ash and the maple learned that it was mother earth who gave them their life, and power, and strength, and that they were brothers, because they had one mother. the ash and the maple whispered the secret to the birds. the birds came and listened to the voice, and went and told the animals. the animals came and listened, and went and told men. and thus all the earth children learned that there is one great mother of every living thing, and that all are brothers. and now, whenever two trees lock arms lovingly, and the south wind sways them gently to and fro, that same voice may be heard, singing, "_san noh-eh! san noh-eh! san noh-eh!_" how the woman overcame the bear an indian woman built a wigwam in the deep wood. she was a brave woman. she had no fear. one night, she heard something coming along the trail. thump, thump, thump, it came, to the very door of her wigwam. there was a rap. "come in," said the woman, but no one entered. again there came a rap. again the woman called, "come in." again the latch was not lifted. a third time the rap came. a third time the woman called, "come in," but no one entered. then the strange thump, thump, thump, was heard going down the trail. the next night, the same thing occurred. soon after dark, the woman heard the thump, thump, thump, coming along the trail. up to the very door of the wigwam it came. three times, a rap, rap, rap, was heard as before. three times the woman answered, "come in," but no one entered. then the same strange thump, thump, thump, was heard going down the trail again. the third night, the woman thought she would make sure who was calling. she stood for a long time, with her hand on the latch. at last she heard the visitor coming. thump, thump, thump, it came along the trail. there were three raps. "come in," called the woman, but the latch did not move in her hand. she waited. again came the raps. this time she threw wide open the door, and there stood a great black bear. he showed his sharp teeth and growled, "are you at home?" the woman looked him straight in the eye and replied, "i am at home." at once the bear turned on his heel and went down the trail, as fast as he could go. never again did the woman hear that strange thump, thump, thump; and never again did the bear call to see if she were at home. [illustration] why the woodpecker bores for its food once upon a time, the great spirit left the happy hunting ground and came to earth. he took the form of a poor, hungry man. he went from wigwam to wigwam, asking for food. sometimes he found the indians sitting around the fire, telling stories and talking of the great spirit. then the man would pass by unseen. one day, he came to a wigwam in which a woman was baking cakes. "i am very hungry," the man said. "will you please give me a cake?" the woman looked at the man, and then at the cake. she saw that it was too large to give away. she said, "i will not give you this cake, but i will bake you one, if you will wait." the hungry man said, "i will wait." [illustration] then the woman took a small piece of dough and made it into a cake and baked it. but when she took this cake from the coals, it was larger than the first. again the woman looked at her cake. again she saw it was too large to give away. again she said, "i will not give you this one, but i will bake you one, if you will wait." again the man said, "i will wait." this time the woman took a very, very, tiny bit of dough, and made it into a cake. "surely, this will be small enough to give away," she thought, yet when baked it was larger than both the others. the woman stood and looked at the three cakes. each was too large to give away. "i will not give you any of the cakes," she said to the man. "go to the woods, and find your food in the bark of trees." then the man stood up and threw off his ragged blanket and worn moccasins. his face shone like the sun, and he was very beautiful. the woman shrank into the shadow of the wigwam. she could not look upon his face, for the light. "i am the great spirit," said he, "and you are a selfish woman. women should be kind, and generous, and unselfish. you shall no longer be a woman and live in a warm wigwam, with plenty of cakes to bake. _you_ shall go to the forest and hunt _your_ food in the bark of trees. summer and winter, you shall eat worms of the same size as the cake you would have made for me." the woman began to grow smaller and smaller. feathers grew upon her body, and wings sprang from it. the great spirit touched her head, and it became red. [illustration] "always shall you wear this red hood," he said, "as a mark of your shame. always shall you hide from man. always shall you hunt for little worms, the size of the cake you made for me." at this a sharp cry was heard, and a bird flew into the fireplace of the wigwam, and up the chimney. as it passed out of the chimney, the soot left those long streaks of black which we see now on the woodpecker's back. ever since then, this woodpecker has had a red head, and has been hiding from man on the farther side of the tree trunk, and boring in the bark for _little_ worms. why the ice roof fell a great many winters ago, there lived at the foot of a certain lake a tribe of wicked indians. these indians were so fierce, and warlike, and wasteful, they went about destroying everything. they laid low a tract of beautiful forest trees, for no good purpose. they tore up shrubs and plants that gave them food and medicine. they shot their arrows into every bird or animal they saw, just for sport. [illustration] the great trees--their silent brothers of the wood--trembled and sighed when they heard these indians coming. the squirrels darted into hollow trees, and birds flew in alarm at their footsteps. the deer and rabbit ran from the trail. at last the great spirit became very angry with this tribe. always he had taught the indians never to kill an animal, unless for food and protection; never to fell a tree, unless for fuel or shelter; never to dig up shrubs or plants, unless for some good use. "all life," the great spirit had said, "is sacred and beautiful. it must not be wasted." and never before had he known the indians to waste the beautiful living things about them. the great spirit was very sad. the ice formed very thick on the lake that winter. one night, there came a great storm of wind and rain. the ice broke loose from the shores, and the wind blew it down the lake. at the foot of the lake, a mass of ice was piled high over the shore, where lived these wasteful indians. like a giant roof, the ice spread over the little indian village lying there asleep, but the indians did not know. they slept on, unaware of their danger, for a deep, heavy sleep had come upon them. just as the sun rose, the ice roof gave way and fell upon the sleeping indians, crushing them in their wigwams. the waste they had brought upon their brothers of the wood had brought punishment upon them. the great spirit had destroyed these wicked indians, that the good indians might keep his world beautiful. ever after, as long as the indians occupied the country, before the white man came, no trees were felled, and no animals or birds were killed, unless for some wise and useful purpose. why the chipmunk has black stripes at one time, the animals had tribes and chiefs, like men. it was when the porcupine was chief, that a council was called. a great fire was lighted, for it was night. when all the animals were seated around the fire, the porcupine spoke. [illustration] "friends," he said, "we have met here to settle a great question: 'shall we have night all the time, or day?'" at this, all the animals began to talk at once. there was great confusion. the night animals kept shouting, "night, night! always night!" others of the animals cried, "day, day! always day!" still others called for "day and night!" there was so much noise that it could not be decided what was best. at last the animals grew tired of calling. one by one the voices grew fainter, and the shouting ceased. of the night animals, the voice of the bear alone was heard. he had a big voice and still kept calling, "night, night! always night!" the animals who wanted day all the time, and those who wanted day and night, also became quiet,--all except the chipmunk. he chattered on, "we will have light--and then night. we will have light--and then night. chee, chee, chee!" then the bear, too, became tired. he was fat and lazy, and so sleepy! he thought he would take a short nap. but all night long the wide-awake little chipmunk kept up his song. not for a moment did he stop to rest. out of the dark came his voice, sure and cheery, "we will have light--and then night. we will have light--and then night! chee, chee, chee!" and before the animals knew it, the sun began to rise. at the first rays of light, the bear sat up, blinked, and rubbed his eyes. he saw that while he had slept, light had indeed come. he knew that he and the night animals had been beaten in the council, and that the chipmunk and the animals who wanted day and night had won. the bear was very angry. he struck at the chipmunk with his paw. but he was clumsy, and the chipmunk was spry! the chipmunk laughed and sprang into a hole of a hollow tree near by. but those black stripes on the chipmunk's back show where the paw of the black bear touched him as he slipped into the tree. ever since this council, and the little chipmunk called so long and loud for "light and night," we have had day and night. how two indian boys settled a quarrel [illustration] flying squirrel and lightning bow were two little indian boys. they lived by singing river, and they played from sunrise to sunset. they were as happy as the day was long. in the summer, they fished and swam in singing river, and they shot their arrows into chipmunk and woodpecker holes. sometimes they played "dodging arrows," a game their mother had taught them when they were very young. in the winter, they jumped into fleecy snowdrifts and rolled until their little bronze bodies took on a red-raspberry tint. then they would send their snow-snakes skimming over the hard crust of snow. snow-snakes were small rods of wood, polished smooth with resin, oil, or wax. they could be thrown long distances. long moose--lightning bow and flying squirrel's father--could throw a snow-snake a mile and a half, over the crust of the snow. but the snow-snakes he used were eight feet long and tipped with lead. it was the moon of berries. six times had flying squirrel and lightning bow seen the berry moon hang her horn in the night sky. and not once in all their lives had they quarreled. one morning, flying squirrel and lightning bow planned a foot race. seven times they were to run. three times, flying squirrel had made the goal first. three times, lightning bow had outrun him. the seventh race was claimed by each. no one saw them run, so no one could decide the game. and they fell to quarreling. [illustration] louder and louder their voices were raised. more and more angry they grew. white fawn, their mother, was baking corn bread on the coals of the wigwam fire. the angry voices reached her ears. she stepped to the door. "for shame!" she called. "go and set up your sticks." [illustration] then she showed lightning bow and flying squirrel how to set up three sticks so they would stand for many days. "now go into the wood, set up your sticks, and leave your quarrel there," she said. "when the berry moon has passed, you shall return and see if the sticks are still standing. "if they lean toward the rising sun, lightning bow was right. if they lean toward the setting sun, flying squirrel won. if they have fallen down, neither was right and neither won." lightning bow and flying squirrel went into the wood and set up their sticks. then they began to throw balls with willow wands, and soon they were happy again. * * * * * the sun had risen and set many times. the berry moon had passed. it was the thunder moon, when white fawn said to lightning bow and flying squirrel, "today you may go into the wood and see if your sticks are still standing." hand in hand, the two little indian boys ran into the wood. they found only a heap of rotting sticks. flying squirrel and lightning bow stood and looked at the sticks. they thought and thought. "what did we set up the sticks for?" each asked of the other. and for the life of them they could not remember what they had quarreled about, and why they had set up the sticks! how mice overcame the warriors once a tribe of the iroquois became very warlike and cruel. they liked to follow the warpath rather than the hunting trails. these warriors thought only of the war dance. they forgot to give thanks for the sweet waters of the maple, and for the planting season. neither did they remember to praise the great spirit, in song and dance, for the juicy strawberries, and the waving green corn, as once they had done. to fight was the one desire of their lives, the one thought that filled their minds. they boasted that none were so fierce and bloodthirsty as they. "our arrows fall like leaves of the pine," they said, "and always are they red with blood. our war shirts have many scalp locks on them." one day, a dispute arose with a neighboring tribe of their nation. the peace wigwam was not far away, but these warriors would not take their quarrel to it, as was the custom. the fighting indians would have none of the peace wigwam. [illustration] "let the women and papooses sit in the sun at the door of the peace wigwam," they said scornfully. "chiefs are for the warpath." a fierce cry was raised, and the war dance was begun. the chiefs painted their bodies, donned their war shirts, sharpened their tomahawks, tipped their arrows, and tightened their bowstrings. [illustration] but by the time they had made ready, the sun had set, and the blanket of darkness had fallen upon them. a council was quickly called. it was decided that they would not start to war until moonrise. so the warriors lay down to sleep. as they slept, another council was called. this was not a council of men, but of mice. from long and short trails they came, hundreds and hundreds of mice, for all had heard the warriors boast of their strength. "now," said the mice, "we will show these boasters how weak are men, and how strong are little mice." when all the mice were gathered about the council tree, the leader spoke thus: "my brothers, listen! the great spirit did not give men strength, that they should fight and kill one another. the great spirit did not make men powerful, that they should strike down and kill the weaker animals. let us show these fierce warriors that it is the weak who are strong, and the strong who are weak. let every mouse destroy at least one weapon before the moon shall rise." at this, all the mice set to work. snap, snap, snap, went the bowstrings on all sides. then the sharp little teeth began on the feathers that winged the poisoned arrows. soon the feathers lay in bits about the ground. next, the deerskin cords that bound the sling shots were cut in two, and before the moon had risen, every weapon had been made useless; every indian had been disarmed,--and the mice had scampered away. the warriors awoke. again the war cry was raised. they sprang to their feet and seized their weapons, but found them useless. their bows had no strings; their arrows, no wings; their slings, no cords. the warriors who boasted that they were the strongest and fiercest on the earth, had been made powerless by mice. [illustration] why crows are poor after the great spirit had made the red children and had given them this beautiful land in which to live, he sent them a great gift,--the gift of the corn. _ga gaah_, the crow, claims it was he who brought this gift. he says he was called to the wigwam of the great spirit in the sky. a grain of corn was placed in his ear, and he was told to carry it to earth, to the red children. therefore, as _ga gaah_ brought the gift, he claims he has a right to pull what corn he needs. _ga gaah_ says he does not "steal" corn. he simply takes what belongs to him, his rightful share. and surely _ga gaah_ is not greedy! he never takes more corn than he wants for himself. he never hides or stores it away. he takes just what he wishes to eat at the time, and no more, for crows never think of to-morrow. in summer, they are happy in the cornfields, guarding the roots from insect enemies, and pulling the tender blades whenever they are hungry. [illustration] but when winter comes, the crows are sad. many councils are held. sometimes a council tree will be black with crows. all are so poor and so hungry, that they get together to try to plan a better way to live. there is much noise and confusion at a crow council, for all the crows talk at once. all are saying, "no bird is so poor as the crow; he is always hungry. next summer, let us plant and raise a big crop of corn, and gather and save it for the winter. next winter, crows will not be hungry; they will have food. "we will no longer take from the fields of the red children just enough corn for a meal to-day. we will raise our own corn, and lay by a store for the winter." and having agreed that this is a wise plan, the council ends. a few days later, another council will be called. at this, the crows will plan how and where to plant the corn. some will be appointed to select a field, others to find seed, and still others to plant and tend the corn. but, alas! when spring comes, and skies are blue, and the sun shines warm, the crows forget the hunger of the winter, and the councils in the tree. they remember only that the skies are blue, and the sun shines warm, and now there is plenty of corn. happy and content, they walk up and down the fields of the red children. "we have all we want to-day," they say, "why should we think of to-morrow, or next winter? we had a good meal this morning, and we are sure of one to-night. is not this enough for a crow? what more can he ask?" and the next winter comes, and finds the crows as poor and as hungry as they were the last. again they are holding noisy councils in the council tree. again they are laying plans for the great crop of corn that they will raise next summer! [illustration] why the indian loves his dog the dog is the indian's best friend. he is the comrade by day and the protector by night. as long as the indian's dog has strength, he will fight for his friend. the indian says this is how the dog came to take his part. an indian and his dogs went into the woods to hunt. it was in the days when dogs and men could talk together, and each understood the language of the other. when they reached the woods, the dogs began to talk with the indian. they told him many wonderful things about the woods, which he did not know. they taught him many tricks of the chase: how to scent and track the game, and where to look for trails. [illustration] the man listened to what the dogs said, and he did as they told him. soon the sledge which the dogs had drawn to the woods was piled high with deer and other game. never had the indian's arrows brought him so much game. never had he met with such success in hunting. he was so pleased that he said to the dogs, "always shall i talk with you, give ear to what you say, and be one of you." "ah, but listen!" said the dogs. "if you wish to be one of us, you must live under the law of dogs, not men. animals have laws different from those of men. when two dogs meet for the first time, they try their strength to see which is the better dog. "men do not fight when strangers meet, they shake hands. as we fight strange dogs, so you, too, must fight strange men, to see which is the best man,--if you are to live under the law of dogs." the man said he would think it over, and at sunrise give his answer. indians always sleep before deciding a question. next morning, the man said he would live under the law of animals, and fight strange men. the following day, the man made ready to leave the woods. from the basswood, he made a strong harness for the dogs, so that they could draw the load of game back to the camp for him. [illustration] when the sun was high, the man and the dogs started with the sledge load of game. they had not gone far before they saw two strange indians coming. "now," said the dogs to the man, "remember you are living under the dog's law. you must fight these strange men." the man attacked first one indian and then the other. at last both turned on him, and when they left him, he was nearly dead. at this, the dogs took a hand. they leaped upon the indians and drove them from the woods. then they came back to where their friend lay on the ground, and began to talk with him and lick his face. the man could not speak for some time, but when his voice came to him, he said to the dogs, "no longer do i wish to live under the law of animals. no more shall i fight strangers. from this time, i shall shake hands with strangers, and bid them welcome. from this time, i shall be a man and live under the law of men." "then," said the dogs sadly, "we shall no longer be able to talk with you, and tell you the things that we know. but we will always stand by you. we will be your friends and will fight for you, when you need us as you did to-day." this is why the indian and his dog are now unable to speak each other's language. this is also why an indian's dog will fight to the death for his friend. not only is the dog a true friend to the indian in this world, but in the next as well. it seems that the soul of an indian on its journey to the happy hunting ground must cross a deep, swift-running stream. on either side of this dark river, there stand two dogs who hold in their teeth a great log upon which the souls pass. the soul of the indian who has been kind to his dog crosses the log easily, for the dogs stand guard. as the soul of such an indian reaches the river, they say, "this indian was kind to his dog. he gave him of his own food, and the dog always had a warm place by his fire. we will help this indian to cross." then the dogs grip the log firmly in their teeth, and hold it steady while the soul of the kind indian passes over. but if the soul of an indian who has been unkind to his dog comes to the river, the dogs say, "this man was cruel to his dog. he gave his dog no place by the fire, he beat him, he let him go hungry. this man shall not cross." then the dogs grip the log lightly in their teeth, and when the soul of the unkind indian is half way across, they turn it quickly to one side, and the soul is thrown into the deep, dark river. many an indian has been kind to his dog, that he might make sure of a safe crossing on that log. greedy fawn and the porridge [illustration] in the days when there was no one living in this country but the indians, there were no houses; there were only indian wigwams. there were no roads and no streets, but indian trails. at that time there grew a wonderful chestnut, which the indians used in their cooking. a very small bit of this chestnut grated into a kettle would make a potful of porridge. [illustration] in a certain wigwam lived deerheart and sky elk, and their little son greedy fawn. the mother was called deerheart because she was so loving, and gentle, and kind. the father was named sky elk because he was so strong and fleet of foot. greedy fawn, too, came rightly by his name. you will soon know why. one day, deerheart and sky elk went on a long trail. as they left the wigwam, they said to greedy fawn, "do not touch the chestnut, do not build a fire, while we are away." greedy fawn promised. he watched his father and mother disappear down the western trail. then he went back to the wigwam. "now," thought he, "i will have all the porridge i want." so he ran and gathered some sticks. he built a fire with the sticks. then he hung the kettle over the fire, and put some water in it. then he found the chestnut. he grated a little of the chestnut into the kettle, and began to stir. then he grated some more, and some more, and some more. faster and faster greedy fawn stirred the boiling porridge, for it began to swell and fill the kettle. larger and larger, it grew, and it grew, and it grew. greedy fawn was so frightened he did not know what to do. "oh, will it never stop swelling?" he thought. harder and harder he stirred to keep the porridge from boiling over. beads of perspiration ran down his little bronze face, yet still he stirred. he dared not stop. then he remembered that sometimes his mother would rap the kettle with the porridge stick, if it became too full. rap, rap, rap, went the porridge stick on the edge of the kettle. instantly the _kettle_ began to swell. larger, and larger, and larger it grew. greedy fawn was so frightened he did not know what to do. now greedy fawn could not reach across the kettle, to stir the porridge with his stick, so he began to run around it. and around, and around, and around the kettle he ran, stirring, and stirring, and stirring. at last the kettle was so large that it nearly filled the wigwam. there was just space enough left for greedy fawn to run around it. and around, and around, and around the kettle he ran, stirring, and stirring, and stirring. oh, how his little arms ached! and, oh, how tired his small legs were! but still he ran. he dared not stop. here was porridge enough to last a small boy a lifetime, and he could not stop to taste one mouthful! [illustration] at last greedy fawn could run no longer. he stumbled and fell by the side of the kettle. he was too weak to rise. the stick fell from his hand, and the porridge boiled on. higher, and higher, and higher it rose, until it ran over and down the sides of the kettle. closer, and closer the boiling porridge crept to the little indian boy, and soon greedy fawn and his stick were nearly buried in porridge. for once greedy fawn had all the porridge he wanted. and never again would he have wanted anything, had not deerheart and sky elk heard his cries, and come running like deer up the trail to save him. [illustration] why hounds outrun other animals a hound was chasing a hare through the woods. some wolves and panthers were chasing a bull that had been feeding in the valley near the woods. for some time they had been trying to run him down, but they did not seem to gain on him. [illustration] when the wolves and panthers saw that they were not gaining on the bull, they halted to take counsel. they decided that it would take a whole day of hard running to get the bull, and a hound was near! why not go for the hound? all agreed. they set off for the hound. now the bull had heard the wolves and panthers take council, and he, too, set off for the woods. as he neared the wood, the bull called to the hound and warned him that a pack of wolves and panthers was after him. just then they came into sight. the hound dared not meet them alone, and he knew not which way to turn. then the bull called, "come, jump on my back. i can outrun them." the hound ran and leaped on the back of the bull, and away they went. the bull and the hound talked as they ran. the bull said he thought the wolves would soon grow tired, fall back, and give up the chase. but he was wrong. they were too angry at being outwitted. "you think to take our game from us," they howled at the bull. "but we will eat hound meat to-night." the bull saw it was a run for life. all day he ran. for a time it was easy to outrun the wolves and panthers, but at last they began to press hard upon him. as the sun dropped out of the sky, the bull felt his knees begin to weaken. the weight of the hound was telling on him. a moment later, he stumbled and fell. in an instant, the pack was upon them. but with one leap, the hound cleared the pack and was off down the trail. the weaker wolves and panthers leaped upon the bull. the stronger went on. but now the best of them were no match for the hound. he was fresh and strong, for he had been riding all day. they were tired and worn from the long chase, and soon they gave it up. because the hound is able to save his strength for the end of the chase, he can now outrun not only wolves and panthers, but all the other animals. why indians never shoot pigeons an indian hunter went into the forest in search of game. the forest was so large that it would have taken three days to journey through it. all day he followed the track of the deer, but his arrows brought him no food. at night, he came to a dark, swift-running stream. he was tired and hungry. "here," said he, "i will lie down and rest until sunrise." he began to search for a bed of pine needles, for the indian loves the pine tree. it is his friend by day and by night. by day it is his forest guide. at night it gives him a soft, sweet-smelling bed on which to sleep, and it shields him from the storm. the hunter ran along the stream. it was very dark. he felt no soft pine needles under his moccasined feet, only the knotted roots of trees. suddenly the great roots of an oak tree reached out and caught him. he could not free his foot from the oak's grasp. the sun rose and set. the great tree still held the hunter fast. he was weak from pain and hunger. it was now two days since he had tasted food. four notches had been cut in his stick, for the indian measures time in this way. each sunrise and sunset, when he is on the trail, is marked by a notch on a small stick which he carries. three times did the sun again rise and set, yet the tree did not let go its hold. there were now ten notches on the stick, and the hunter was so weak that he could scarcely cut the last one. as the sun rose on the fifth day, a bird flew into the tree. he saw the hunter lying on the ground, and came close and spoke to him. the hunter understood, for in those days men and birds could talk together. the bird asked the man what he could do for him, and the hunter whispered, "you are strong. you can fly a long trail. go and tell the chief of my people." the bird flew swiftly away with the message. he did not wait until the sun was high. he did not stop to eat one berry or one worm. he did not fly high, nor fly low to talk with other birds. he went straight to the people the hunter had told him of. the west wind tried to blow him back. a black cloud came up to frighten him, but he went through it. on, and on, and on, he went. straight to the wigwam of the chief, he carried his message. the chief had called together the young men who were fleet of foot, and was about to send them forth to find the lost hunter. they were asking the chief what trails they had best take. before the chief could reply, a beautiful dove-colored bird had flown close to his ear and had spoken to him in soft, low tones. [illustration] the chief told the young men what the bird had said, and they set off on the trail the bird had named. before sunset, they had found the lost hunter. carefully they freed him from the grasp of the great oak and bore him to his people. that night there was a feast and a dance in his honor. ever since, the indians have loved the birds that carry the messages, and they never shoot a pigeon. how old man winter was driven back far away in the north sky lives old man winter. every year he leaves his wigwam in the sky and comes to earth. at the foot of a mountain, he builds a lodge of ice and snow, which no human being, animal, or bird can enter. there he lives for a time. north wind is the only friend of old man winter. when he passes near old man winter's lodge, he gives a loud shriek, and with his blustering breath he blows open the door and enters. near a fire which glows, but does not warm, north wind finds a seat. there he and old man winter sit and smoke, and lay their plans for the next snowstorm. when the council is ended, north wind departs, to drive up the snow and hail from the corners of the earth. old man winter also leaves his lodge. he stalks over the mountains and valleys of the red children. the land becomes white with his breath. the rivers are stilled, and all the voices of the wood are hushed as he passes. a deep sleep falls upon every living thing. no sound is heard in the forest but the rapping on the trees. old man winter carries a great hammer, and he strikes the trees a blow as he passes. the colder it grows, the louder and more frequently he raps. the trees snap, and the indian lodges crack with his blows. one day, as old man winter was stalking through a forest, he came upon a hunter's lodge. for days the snow had been falling. no track of deer or rabbit was to be seen, and the hunter and his little boy sat within, weak from hunger. they were also very cold, for the fire in the lodge burned low. old man winter laughed and shook his hammer in glee, as he drew near. once, twice, three times, he rapped. the little boy within heard him, and rapped three times in reply,--just as old man winter had done. at this, the hunter spoke. he told the boy that he must not mock a nature spirit, lest some harm should come to him. he might be captured and made to serve that spirit. now when old man winter heard the mocking raps of the little boy within the lodge, he was very angry. he breathed fiercely upon the little lodge. it shrank and shivered at his touch like a living thing. he struck it several sharp blows with his hammer, and passed on. the fire inside the lodge burned lower and lower. the hunter and his little son drew closer and watched the last flame flicker and die out. [illustration] as they sat by the ashes, numb with the cold, all of a sudden a new warmth filled the lodge. the south wind gently opened the door, and a young chieftain, with a face like the sun, entered. he saw the dying hunter and the boy, and he warmed them back to life. when they were stronger, he helped them to rekindle the fire. then he told them to take a few dried blackberries that they had in the lodge, and boil them in water. he said they must eat a portion of the blackberries, and throw the rest at old man winter when he returned. this would frighten him away, for he was terribly afraid of blackberries. [illustration] blackberries mean sunshine and summer heat. old man winter cannot stay where they are. he never visits the earth at blackberry time. the hunter and the little boy said they would do as they had been told. soon the young chieftain left the lodge, with the south wind. not many days later, old man winter returned, and again came rapping at their lodge. but this time the hunter and the little boy were ready. they threw the blackberries at him, as they had been told, and he ran in fear to his ice lodge. the south wind and the young chieftain with a face like the sun were near. they followed close upon the old man's track. when he was again inside the ice lodge, the south wind rapped gently at the door. "begone!" said the old man. "no one but north wind is welcome to my lodge." then the south wind breathed soft and warm upon the door of the ice lodge, and it melted at their feet. the young chieftain passed in and sat down by the strange fire that had no heat. the south wind stayed without, and sang, soft and low. the old man was very angry. he raged about the lodge and ordered the young chieftain with sunshine in his face and warmth in his breath to depart. "i am great and powerful," said the old man. "when i touch the sky, the snow falls. when i speak, hunters hide in their lodges; animals crawl into their holes; and birds fly in fear. "when my hand touches the earth, it grows cold and hard, and all life dies. begone! or i will make an ice man or a snow man of you." but the young chieftain moved not. he only sat and smiled at the bluster of the old man. slowly he filled a pipe, and handed it to the old man, saying, "here, smoke with me. it will give you strength to go to your lodge in the north sky. it is time for you to depart. you are old, and tired, and worn. you and north wind have had your day. the days that are to come belong to south wind and to me. "i, too, am powerful, and i am young! i do not fear you. when i touch the earth, it grows soft and warm. every living thing stirs in its sleep,--birds and bees, flowers and trees, animals and men. when i speak, the sleeping sun awakes. see! already he begins to send down his arrows. hasten! that they may not find you, on the trail to the north sky." the old man trembled. his legs and arms grew weak. icicles fell from his beard. great tears rolled down his cheeks. "who are you?" he whispered, as he was melting at the young chieftain's feet. "i am _go hay_--the spring," answered the young chieftain. "all the earth is glad, when i come to drive you back to your lodge in the north sky, for i bring sunshine, and love, and joy." but the old man did not hear. he was far on the north sky trail, and spring and south wind were masters of earth. [illustration] why lightning sometimes strikes an old man of the iroquois nation once wished to make a beautiful indian maiden his wife. the old man had many rare furs and valued strings of wampum. these he brought and laid at the door of the wigwam where the maiden lived. [illustration] the father and mother were pleased with the old man's gifts. they told him that when the planting moon should come, the maiden should go to his wigwam. now the maiden did not love the old man. she did not wish him to make her his wife. "i will never sit at his wigwam door," she said. it was midwinter, when the old man brought the gifts, the time of the pale, cold moon. from that time, the maiden watched, with a heavy heart, the moons wax and wane. at last the snows disappeared. no more was the north wind heard shrieking about the lodge. the gentle south wind had come, bringing with him the singing birds. the little brooks awoke and sang. they were happy that spring had come, and all the earth children were glad,--except the maiden. her heart grew more heavy and sad, as the face of the sun grew brighter. then the planting moon came. the maiden watched the moon hang her horn in the sky. then she ran swiftly to the great river that flowed not far from the lodge. lightly she sprang into her canoe. a few quick strokes, and the canoe was in midstream. the current ran swift and strong. the little craft was carried swiftly down the river toward the great falls known as niagara falls. as the canoe neared the falls, the maiden was seen to rise and stretch out her arms, as though about to leap. a smile was on her face, and a song was on her lips, as the canoe shot into the mist that overhung the water. then, from the caverns below a dark blanket floated upward, as though spread to catch the maiden. it was heno, the thunder spirit, who dwelt behind the falls. he had caught her in the folds of his blanket, and had saved her from the great rocks below. [illustration] heno took the maiden to live with him, in his lodge behind the falls. there she was very happy, so happy that her smile shone through the mist, and the indians cried, "see! a rainbow!" in her new home the maiden learned many wonderful things. she found she possessed strange powers, not known to her before. she could float on a cloud at will, and she seemed filled with a strange fire. one day, the young woman was given a son. heno and she were very happy. many moons the mother and child played together. when heno was away on one of his journeys through the sky, they would ride the great bubbles of foam that went dashing through the rocks. sometimes they would catch sunbeams in a net, as they sat on the edge of a cloud and fished. one day, heno asked the young woman if she would like to visit her people. "if you wish," he said, "you shall return for a time, taking our son with you. but remember, both of you possess powers unknown to the earth children. be careful how you use them. never let another child strike the boy, for that child would at once wither and die. never strike the boy yourself, for he would fall stunned to earth." [illustration: cradle board] the woman listened to heno's words. soon they were wrapped in his great cloud blanket, and were floating over the river. when they came to the home of her people, heno left the woman and the boy by the river, and went on further to the east. the people were glad to see the woman, whom they had mourned as dead. she told them of the wonderful things she had learned in her new home. she told them also how heno was freeing their land of a monster serpent, that trailed underneath the earth, poisoning their springs and causing sickness. always, she said, heno carried a basket of great rocks on his back, which he hurled at the monster whenever he saw him. soon he would kill the serpent, and they would be sick no more. during many days, the mother and the little boy stayed with the earth people. sometimes, when the child was playing by the river, he would see a dark cloud approaching. then he would clap his hands with joy and cry, "there comes my father!" the black cloud would float earthward, and heno would stop and have a word with the mother and the boy. as he left them he always said, "do not let anyone strike the boy." but one day, the mother did not watch the boy, and he fell to playing with some earth children. they grew angry as they played, and struck the boy. instantly these earth children fell dead to the ground. then the mother laid hands on the boy, to punish him, and he fell to earth. at this, there came a great rumbling and roaring through the sky, and heno appeared. he took the lifeless child in his arms, crying, "you have disobeyed. no longer shall you have this great power i gave you. you shall remain on earth and be simply an earth woman. i will take the boy to my abode. henceforth, our lodge shall be in the sky. there he will return to life, and ever after he will go with me on my journeys through the sky." then the sky shook and trembled. the door of the sky lodge opened, and heno and the boy were seen no more. now, when a rumbling and rolling through the sky is heard, the indians say, "'tis the voice of heno! he is coming from his lodge in the sky!" but when a flash of fire is seen, and a loud crash is heard, they say, "that is the boy! he is trying to hit the earth children with a fire stone. he remembers how they struck him, a long time ago." [illustration] why the hare has a split lip and short tail once a rabbit began to run back and forth through the woods, calling for snow, snow, snow! it was one of those large gray rabbits, with long ears, that people call hares. as this hare ran back and forth through the woods, he sang at the top of his voice, "_ah gon ne yah--yeh! ah gon ne yah-yeh! ah gon ne yah--yeh! dah gen, dah ton, ah gon ne yah--yeh! ah gon ne yah--yeh!_" this meant, "snow, snow, snow! how i would run if i had snow! snow, snow, snow! how i would run if i had snow!" now, strange as it may seem, as this hare ran back and forth singing for snow, snow, snow, some flakes of snow began to fall. the hare was so delighted that he jumped up and down for joy. "_ah gon ne yah--yeh! ah gon ne yah--yeh! ah gon ne yah--yeh!_" he sang, in short, quick notes of joy. and the higher he jumped, and the louder he sang, the faster and thicker the snow came. the hare was so delighted that he again began to run. all day long he ran, back and forth through the woods, calling for "snow, snow, snow! how i would run if i had snow!" and the snow fell faster and faster. thicker and thicker it came. the path in which the rabbit ran grew higher and higher, as the snow fell deeper and deeper. but at last the hare was so tired that he could run no longer. he no longer sang for "snow, snow, snow! how i would run if i had snow," for he now had more snow than he wanted. the snow was up to the tiptops of the trees, and it was very hard to run. the hare was very tired. he thought he must take a rest. night was coming on. he looked about him. near the path were the top branches of a willow tree, sticking out above the snow. he sprang into a crotch of those branches. there he could sit and rest for a time. soon he fell asleep. he slept all night and part of the next day. that night it began to rain, and it rained very, very hard. the snow began to melt, and it melted very, very fast, and when that hare awoke, not a flake of snow was to be seen! but there was the hare away up in the tiptop of that willow tree! what to do he did not know. he was very hungry. he wondered how long he could stay there and not starve. he saw some tender buds on the branches. he ate those, and then he gnawed bark for a time. however, sooner or later, the hare knew he must jump or starve. he looked down at the earth. it looked very good to him. he could see some fresh green moss and some beautiful grass. one jump, and they were his! but what a jump! at last the hare whipped his courage up to the jumping point. he shut his eyes, and gave one great jump to earth. but when he jumped, he caught his tail on the branch of the willow tree and left part of it up there. and when he jumped, he struck the front of his face on a sharp stone, and the stone split his upper lip in two. ever since then, hares have had split lips and short tails, and ever since then, willow trees have had tails, or catkins, on them, in the spring. corn plume and bean maiden the great spirit had smiled upon his red children. the land was filled with plenty, for the great spirit had given to them the three sustainers of life, the corn, the bean, and the squash. flowers bloomed, birds sang, and all the earth was glad with the red children, for the gifts of the great spirit. on one side of a hill grew the tall, waving corn, with its silk tassels and plumes. on another side, beans, with their velvety pods, climbed toward the sky. some distance down a third slope, beautiful yellow squashes turned their faces to the sun. one day, the spirit of the corn grew restless. there came a rustling through the waving leaves, and a great sigh burst from the heart of the tall stalks. the spirit of the corn was lonely. after that, every morning at sunrise, a handsome young chief was seen to come and stand on the brow of the hill. on his head were shining red plumes. tall, and strong, and splendid he stood, wrapped in the folds of his waving blanket, whose fringed tassels danced to the summer breeze. "_che che hen! che che hen!_ some one i would marry! some one i would marry!" the young chieftain would sing, many, many times. one day, his voice reached the squash maiden, on the other side of the hill. the squash maiden drew about her a rich green blanket, into which she had woven many flaunting gold trumpet-shaped flowers. then she ran swiftly to the young chieftain. [illustration] "marry me! marry me!" said the squash maiden, as she spread her beautiful gold and green blanket at his feet. corn plume looked down at the squash maiden sitting on her blanket at his feet. she was good to look upon, and yet corn plume was not content. he wanted a maiden who would stand by his side, not always sit at his feet. then corn plume spoke thus to the squash maiden. "corn plume cannot marry squash maiden. she is very beautiful, but she will not make song in corn plume's heart. squash maiden will grow tired of his lodge. she will not stay in his wigwam. she likes to go a long trail, and wander far from the lodge. "corn plume cannot make squash maiden his wife, for he is not content with her. but she shall be corn plume's sister, and sit in his lodge whenever she will. the maiden corn plume weds must be ever at his side. she must go where he goes, stay where he stays." next morning at sunrise, the voice of corn plume was again heard, singing from the hilltop, "_che che hen! che che hen!_ some one i would marry! some one i would marry! _che che hen! che che hen!_" this time his song reached the ears of the bean maiden. her heart sang, when she heard the voice of corn plume, for she knew that he was calling her. so light of heart was bean maiden, that she ran like a deer up the hillside. on and on, up and over the brow of the hill she climbed, till she reached the young chieftain's side. then corn plume turned and beheld the most beautiful maiden he had ever seen. her eyes were deep and dark, like mountain pools. her breath was sweet as the waters of the maple. she threw off her blanket of green, and purple, and white, and stretched her twining arms to him. corn plume desired to keep bean maiden forever close to him. he bent his tall plumed head to her. her arms wound round and round the young chieftain, and corn plume was content. so closely were the arms of corn plume and the bean maiden entwined, so truly were they wed, that the indians never attempted to separate them. ever after, corn and beans were planted in the same hill, and often a squash seed was added. since the great spirit had placed the corn, the bean, and the squash together on a hill, the indian said they should continue to live and grow and occupy a hill together. the door of corn plume's lodge was ever open to the squash maiden, if she chose to enter. but seldom did she stay in his wigwam. more often, she was found running off on a long trail. but bean maiden remained true to corn plume. always she was found by his side. never did she leave the lodge unless he went with her. corn plume's lodge was her lodge, and her trail was his trail. and because the spirits of the corn and the bean are as one, the indians not only plant and grow them together, but cook and eat them together. "in life, they were one," they say, "we will not separate them in death." and now, when a great rustling and sighing of the corn is heard in the white man's land, the indians often say, "'tis the spirit of corn plume, crying for his lost bean maiden!" [illustration] how the robin burned his breast some indian hunters once made their way north, to hunt for moose. it was at the time of falling leaves. they journeyed for several days, until they came to a lake. close by the lake they built a log cabin. moss was placed between the logs to keep out the wind, and a thick roof was made from hemlock boughs. in the center of the roof, a small opening was left for the smoke from the lodge fire to pass out. here the hunters lived during the moon of falling leaves. every day they went on the moose trail, but they found no moose. their arrows brought them little game of any kind. they became discouraged and sick, and one by one the hunters lay down and died. at last there was but one hunter left. he, too, was sick, and he grew weaker day by day. his food was nearly gone. it was growing cold, and there was little wood in the cabin to burn. but the man did not give up. again and again he cried aloud, "some one will come and help me! some one will come and help me!" one day, as he lay there too weak to rise, the fire flickered and went out. it seemed that he must die. but even then he did not give up. again and again, with his weak voice he cried, "some one will come and help me! some one will come and help me!" and some one did come and help him. his cry was heard, for a bird came flying in through the smoke hole in the roof of the lodge. the bird had such a cheery, brave voice that the man felt better the moment he flew in. the bird said to the man, "i was near; i heard you calling. i have come to help you." then the bird saw that the fire was out, and that the man was cold. he fluttered among the ashes until he found a bit of live coal. with a glad chirp, he flew out through the roof. soon he was back, with his bill full of dried twigs. he placed them on the fire and began to fan them into flame with his wings. soon the twigs were blazing. then he flew out for more twigs,--and more, and more, and more. the brave little bird kept on carrying twigs until the fire burned hot, and the lodge was warm once more. when the bird had flown into the lodge, he had had a clean, white breast. after the fire was built, his breast was covered with red and brown spots. he tried to pick them off with his bill, but they would not come off. instead, they seemed to spread, and his whole breast became red-brown. then the bird knew that he must have burned his breast to a red-brown, when he was fanning the fire into flame. but the little bird did not care if he had soiled his white breast, and burned it red-brown. had he not brought cheer and life to a dying man? he chirped a few glad notes, then said to the man, "i will go now, but i shall be near your lodge. when you need me, call, and i will come again." later in the day, the man again called for help. the fire was getting low, and he was not yet strong enough to go out and gather twigs. again the bird came to his aid. in and out he flew, many times, after small branches and twigs, until they were piled high on the fire, and once more it crackled and burned. there was a little wood in the lodge. the man placed it on the fire, and the warmth healed the man, so that soon he was well and strong again. every day the man talked with the bird, for he was always near, and his cheery voice and brave words gave the man courage. once more he went on the moose trail, and this time his arrows brought him moose. in a short time the hunter had all the meat, skins, and moose hair he wanted. the moose hair he was taking to his wife, to work into pretty forms on moccasins. the first snow was falling, as the hunter started south on the home trail. the bird hopped along by his side for a little way, then said, "i must leave you now. winter is coming, and i must be on my way to the southland, or the snow will catch me. in the spring you will see me again." when spring came, the bird with the red-brown breast came with his mate, and built a nest close to the hunter's home lodge. in the nest, that summer, there grew up five little birds, and they, too, had red and brown breasts. and ever since, robin redbreast has continued to come and build his nest close to the lodges of men, for robin redbreast is a friend to man. [illustration] iroquois fairy stories [illustration] how morning star lost her fish once the little people, the indian fairies, ran with the red children through the woods, and played with them beside the streams. now they are not often seen, for the white man drove them out of the woods with the indians, and away from the waters, with his big steam noises. but before steamboats and great mills were on the streams, the little people were there. they were often seen paddling their tiny canoes, or sliding down the great rocks on the banks. they loved to slide down a bank where one rock jutted out, for then they had a big bounce. they also liked to sport and jump with the fish. there was a young indian girl whose name was morning star. she was called morning star because her face was so bright, and she was always up early in the morning. morning star lived with her father in a comfortable wigwam by a river. every day she would get up with the sun, and run down to the river where the great rocks were, to catch fish for breakfast. morning star caught her fish in a basket. at night, she would go and fasten her basket between the rocks, in a narrow place of the stream. then, when the fish swam through in the night, they would get caught in it, and morning star would find plenty of fish waiting for her. in the morning, she would take the basket of fish back to the wigwam, and soon the smell of fish frying on hot coals would come from the lodge. never since morning star began to fish with her basket, had chief little wolf, her father, had to wait for his fish breakfast before starting on the chase. but one morning, neither chief little wolf nor morning star breakfasted on fish. this is how it happened. on this morning, the indian girl was up as usual with the sun. she ran down the river just as the great spirit lifted the sun's smiling face. morning star had such a light heart that she was glad just to be alive, and she sang a song of praise as she ran. all true indians at sunrise lift their arms and faces to the sun, and thank the great spirit that he has smiled upon them again. happy and fleet as a deer, morning star ran on until she came to the great rocks. there she saw a whole tribe of tiny little folk gathered about her basket. some of them were perched on the sides of the basket, laughing and singing. others were lifting the fish from it and throwing them into the stream. still others were opening and closing the splints of the basket for the fish to slip through. morning star knew that these tiny folk were the _jo gah oh_. she knew also that these little people were friends of the fish. they know every twist of a fish net and every turn of a hook. often they have been known to set fish free, and to guide them into deep, quiet places, far away from the men who fish. morning star called to the little people and begged them not to let all the fish go. then she began to climb down the rocks, as fast as she could. the little chief called up to her, "fish, like indian girls, like to be alive." then he told the little people to keep on setting the fish free. when morning star reached her basket, a few fish were still in it. she put out her hand to take them from the little people,--and not a fish, nor a _jo gah oh_ was to be seen. the little people had darted into the rocks, for they go through anything, and the fish had slipped through the tiny spaces between the splints of the basket. [illustration] morning star heard the laughter of the little people echo deep within the rocks, for they like to play pranks with the earth children. and far down the stream, she saw the fish leap with joy at being still alive. she took up her empty basket and went back to the wigwam. that morning for breakfast, morning star baked corn cakes on the hot coals. as she ate the hot cakes, she thought they tasted almost as good as fish. ever after, when morning star saw a fish leap from the stream, she remembered what the _jo gah oh_ had said: "fish, like indian girls, like to be alive." how little shooter lost his luck one day, an indian boy was playing beside a stream, when one of the little elf men came along in his canoe. the boy had his bow and arrow with him; so had the little elf man. the little man stopped and offered to trade bows and arrows. the indian boy looked first at his bow, and then at that of the little man. his bow was large. the little man's bow was very small. the boy thought his own bow was better, so he said he would not trade. the little elf man laughed and drew his bow. "you think only big things are great," he said. "some day you will learn better. some day you will want this little bow and these little arrows. some day you will wish you had traded." then he shot an arrow into the clouds, sprang into his canoe, and paddled off up the stream. as he disappeared, he called back to the boy, "you will see me again, sometime!" the indian boy ran to his wigwam home. he told his father about the little man he had seen, and how the man wanted to trade bow and arrows. "and you did not trade?" exclaimed the father. "no," said the boy, "his bow was small; mine is large." "foolish boy!" said the father. "that little man was a _jo gah oh_, one of the little people. they do wonderful things. their arrows are winged with power. had you traded bows, you would have become a great hunter, and been able to get near the animals. "those little arrows of the _jo gah oh_ fly swift and far, and always bring back game. the boy who has a _jo gah oh_ bow and arrow always has good luck. one arrow of theirs is worth a flight of yours. had you traded bow and arrows, you would have been called 'he shoots the sky.' now you shall be called 'little shooter.'" little shooter grew to be a man. he went often on the chase, but his arrows did not bring much game. many times, he wished he could meet the little elf man again, and trade bow and arrows, for sometimes he ran for days and found no track of deer or rabbit. but the little elf man never came. one day, when little shooter had grown to be quite an old man, he was walking in the woods. he stopped under a tree to rest. several times he felt something fall on his head. at last he looked up to see what it was. there sat the little elf man, swinging on the tip of a branch, and throwing nuts and twigs at him. he looked just as he did when little shooter met him by the stream long before. he had not grown old or changed at all. "how long have you been here?" asked little shooter. "i have always been here," said the little man. "i have been in the world ever since the stones were soft." then he laughed, and asked, "does little shooter now like big bow and arrows best, or has he learned that sometimes small things are great? next time, he had better trade with the little man," and aiming another nut at little shooter's head, he disappeared in the tree trunk. [illustration] how an indian boy won his name it was bluebird time, many moons ago. little brooks laughed and danced, and all the forest was glad. an indian boy came running through the forest. he, too, was glad, for it was spring! as he ran down the trail, he saw something hanging from a bush. the bush was but a few rabbit jumps from the trail, so he stopped to see what new flower the spring had brought. he found the new flower to be a tiny papoose cradle. the boy picked the cradle from the bush, and held it in the palm of his hand. as he looked closer, he saw that there was a tiny papoose in the little cradle. the wee papoose laughed in his face, as he spoke to it. the boy had never seen so tiny a papoose, and he thought he would take it home to his mother, it was so cunning. she had but nine of her own. he was sure she would like one more, and that there would be a place for the tiny stranger in their wigwam. he started to run on down the trail, but something seemed to hold him fast. he could not get away. three times he tried to run, but each time he only circled round that bush. something held him to the spot. just then there came a sharp cry from up the trail. the boy thought some animal must be hurt or in pain. he turned to look and saw a little woman coming. she was less than a foot high, but she ran like a deer to the boy, and cried and begged him to give back her baby. then the boy knew it was the love of that little mother that had held him fast. he could not break the love cord between that mother and her baby. now the boy had a heart that was soft and kind. he liked to see everything happy. when he saw the little mother crying and begging for her baby, he felt sorry for her. [illustration] many times he had heard his mother tell how every mother bird loves her young; every mother bear, her cub; every mother deer, her fawn; every indian mother, her papoose. and he knew this little fairy mother must also love her fairy baby, so he put it on the little mother's back, and told her she should have her papoose. the little mother gave a glad cry, as she felt the baby on her back once more. then she drew a stone from a bag which she carried, and slipped it on a string of beads that hung from the boy's neck. the stone shone on his breast like a dewdrop. "because you are good, and kind, and unselfish, and because you make everything happy," she said, "you shall wear this good-luck stone. it will bring you whatever you want. "we little people give this stone to those earth children only, who are strong and yet protect the weak. wear it always on your breast. never take it off, and you will become a mighty chief." then the little mother gave another glad cry, and with her baby on her back she disappeared into an oak. the boy ran on. his heart grew lighter and the stone brighter, as he ran. before he reached his mother's wigwam, his arrows had brought back game for their evening meal. from the day when the boy met the little _jo gah oh_ mother in the wood, and was given the stone, he had good luck. whatever he did, all went well with him. if he went on the chase, he brought back deer. if he planted corn, it grew tall and fine. no boy could throw a ball as far, or could run as fast as he. he could shoot his arrows to the sky, and could send his snow-snakes skimming far beyond the rest. so lucky was this indian boy, that his tribe called him "luck-in-all-moons." "he wears the good-luck stone," the old people said as they sat around the fire, and they nodded their heads knowingly. but they never knew how he came by it, or why he won the stone. and when "luck-in-all-moons" grew to be a man, his tribe made him a great chief. just as the little _jo gah oh_ mother had said, he became a chief, though not in the chieftain line. because he stood so strong and straight, serving the people, protecting the weak, and doing great deeds, he was called the pine-tree chief. "his feet are planted deep in wisdom and strength," they said, "and his head is not far from the sky. he sees far and points us the way. as the topmost branch of the pine points always to the east, so luck-in-all-moons shall guide us to the sun rising. he shall be our pine-tree chief." how the fairies worked magic once a little indian girl was very sad and unhappy. the great spirit had taken her father and mother, and she had gone to live with relatives who did not want her. often she went to sleep hungry, for only the scraps of food that were left from a meal were given to her. one day, the relatives of the little girl brought in a fine deer from the chase, and made ready for a feast. they told the girl to get out of the lodge, for there was neither room, nor meat for her. the little girl ran and hid herself in a great field of corn. there she cried aloud. soon a band of strange little people gathered about her, to comfort her. on all sides, from the folds of the green cornstalks they came. they stroked her head, wiped the tears from her eyes, and said, "don't cry, little girl. we will take care of you. you shall come and live with us. we will make a feast for you. we know why you are sad, for we can read the thoughts of all the earth children. come with us, and we will show you more wonderful things than you have ever seen." at this the little girl dried her tears, and smiled at the kind little people. "you are very good to me," she said. "who are you?" "we are the _jo gah oh_," they replied, "the little people. come, and we will show you what we can do." then they slipped some winged moccasins upon her feet. they wrapped her in an invisible blanket and put a magic corn plume in her hair, and the next moment all were flying through the air. they flew to a ledge of great rocks. at the touch of the little people, the rocks opened, and they passed within. the girl found herself in a beautiful lodge. kind _jo gah oh_ mothers were baking cakes and roasting meat. they welcomed the girl, and soon a feast was spread in her honor. now the heart of the little girl was so light that she danced with joy. "what wonderful people you are! can you go anywhere, or do anything you wish?" "yes," said the little chief, "the _jo gah oh_ are small, but they are great. come with us, and you shall see what we can do." again they were flying through the air. soon they reached the lodge where the little girl had lived. it was night, and her relatives were asleep, but she could see the deer that hung outside ready for the feast. "now," said the _jo gah oh_ chief, "we will call out a pack of wolves from the wood yonder, and there will be no fat deer for this selfish feast, at sunrise." now no wolves had been seen in that wood for many moons. but at the call of the fairies, a pack sprang from it, ran to the lodge, seized the deer, and tore it into shreds. then they again disappeared in the wood. the little girl's eyes were large now with wonder, as they flew back to the fairy lodge in the rocks, but she was not afraid of these strange little people. she was so happy with them she wished she might always live in a _jo gah oh_ lodge. one morning, the little chief said, "today we shall see more wonders." this time a tiny canoe was waiting. they stepped into it and sailed down a river until they came to a great tree. "in that tree," said the little chief, "lives a great, black bear. every day he comes out that door you see high up in the bear tree. i will make the door fast so he cannot open it. a deep sleep will fall on him. he will sleep for many moons." then the chief threw three stones through the open door of the bear tree. each time, a flame spread like a blanket over the door. a growling and scratching was heard within. then all became still. "now," said the chief, "the bear will sleep until i call him in the spring. he is locked up for the winter. come, let us go on." the little girl drew her invisible blanket closer, as the canoe went sailing with the birds through the clouds. the birds that were swift of wing called loudly for a race. "come on!" said the fairy chief. then he spread wide the invisible sails of his canoe, and they flew past the birds like a streak of lightning. even the eagle was left far behind. they seemed to shoot through the sky. and, oh, what fun it was to be a bird! the little girl would have sailed on forever, but the little chief said, "you shall now return to your people. we have given them soft hearts and kind minds. they are calling for you. they will be glad to see you." and soon the little girl was again in the wigwam of her relatives, sitting by the warm fire. they greeted her with joy, spread a soft skin for her to sit upon, and gave her the best food. and the little girl lived with them, ever after, and was happy. and the online distributed proofing team. this file was produced from images generously made available by the canadian institute for historical microreproductions. the publications of the prince society established may th, . radisson's voyages. voyages of peter esprit radisson, being an account of his travels and experiences among the north american indians, from to . transcribed from original manuscripts in the bodleian library and the british museum. with historical illustrations and an introduction, by gideon d. scull, london, england. preface. it may be regarded as a fortunate circumstance that we are able to add to the society's publications this volume of radisson's voyages. the narratives contained in it are the record of events and transactions in which the author was a principal actor. they were apparently written without any intention of publication, and are plainly authentic and trustworthy. they have remained in manuscript more than two hundred years, and in the mean time appear to have escaped the notice of scholars, as not even extracts from them have, so far as we are aware, found their way into print. the author was a native of france, and had an imperfect knowledge of the english language. the journals, with the exception of the last in the volume, are, however, written in that language, and, as might be anticipated, in orthography, in the use of words, and in the structure of sentences, conform to no known standard of english composition. but the meaning is in all cases clearly conveyed, and, in justice both to the author and the reader, they have been printed _verbatim et literatim_, as in the original manuscripts. we desire to place upon record our high appreciation of the courtesy extended to the editor of this volume by the governors of the bodleian library and of the british museum, in allowing him to copy the original manuscripts in their possession. our thanks likewise are here tendered to mr. edward denham for the gratuitous contribution of the excellent index which accompanies the volume. edmund f. slafter, _president of the prince society_. boston, berkeley street, november , . table of contents. preface introduction first voyage of peter esprit radisson second voyage, made in the upper country of the iroquoits third voyage, made to the great lake of the hurons, upper sea of the east, and bay of the north fourth voyage of peter esprit radisson relation of a voyage to the north parts of america in the years and relation of the voyage anno officers of the prince society the prince society publications of the prince society volumes in preparation by the prince society index introduction. the author of the narratives contained in this volume was peter esprit radisson, who emigrated from france to canada, as he himself tells us, on the th day of may, . he was born at st. malo, and in , at three rivers, in canada, married elizabeth, the daughter of madeleine hainault. [footnote: vide _history of the ojibways_, by the rev. e. d. neill, ed. .] radisson says that he lived at three rivers, where also dwelt "my natural parents, and country-people, and my brother, his wife and children." [footnote: the abbe cyprian tanguay, the best genealogical authority in canada, gives the following account of the family: francoise radisson, a daughter of pierre esprit, married at quebec, in , claude volant de st. claude, born in , and had eight children. pierre and claude, eldest sons, became priests. francoise died in infancy: marguerite married noel le gardeur; francoise died in infancy; etienne, born october , , married in at sorel, but seems to have had no issue. jean francois married marguerite godfrey at montreal in . nicholas, born in , married genevieve niel, july , , and both died in , leaving two of their five sons surviving. there are descendants of noel le gardeur who claim radisson as their ancestor, and also descendants of claude volant, apparently through nicholas. among these descendants of the volant family is the rt. rev. joseph thomas duhamel, who was consecrated bishop of ottawa, canada, october , . of medard chouart's descendants, no account of any of the progeny of his son jean baptiste, born july , , can be found.] this brother, often alluded to in radisson's narratives as his companion on his journeys, was medard chouart, "who was the son of medard and marie poirier, of charly st. cyr, france, and in , when only sixteen years old, came to canada." [footnote: chouart's daughter marie antoinette, born june , , married first jean jalot in . he was a surgeon, born in , and killed by the iroquois, july , . he was called des groseilliers. she had nine children by jalot, and there are descendants from them in canada. on the th december, , she married, secondly, jean bouchard, by whom she had six children. the bouchard-dorval family of montreal descends from this marriage. vide _genealogical dictionary of canadian families_, quebec, .] he was a pilot, and married, rd september, , helen, the daughter of abraham martin, and widow of claude etienne. abraham martin left his name to the celebrated plains of abraham, near quebec. she dying in , chouart married, secondly, at quebec, august , , the sister of radisson, margaret hayet, the widow of john veron grandmenil. in canada, chouart acted as a donne, or lay assistant, in the jesuit mission near lake huron. he left the service of the mission about , and commenced trading with the indians for furs, in which he was very successful. with his gains he is supposed to have purchased some land in canada, as he assumed the seigneurial title of "sieur des groseilliers." radisson spent more than ten years trading with the indians of canada and the far west, making long and perilous journeys of from two to three years each, in company with his brother-in-law, des groseilliers. he carefully made notes during his wanderings from to , which he afterwards copied out on his voyage to england in . between these years he made four journeys, and heads his first narrative with this title: "the relation of my voyage, being in bondage in the lands of the irokoits, which was the next year after my coming into canada, in the yeare , the th day of may." in a roving band of iroquois, who had gone as far north as the three rivers, carried our author as a captive into their country, on the banks of the mohawk river. he was adopted into the family of a "great captayne who had killed nineteen men with his own hands, whereof he was marked on his right thigh for as many as he had killed." in the autumn of he accompanied the tribe in his village on a warlike incursion into the dutch territory. they arrived "the next day in a small brough of the hollanders," rensselaerswyck, and on the fourth day came to fort orange. here they remained several days, and radisson says: "our treaty's being done, overladened with bootyes abundantly, we putt ourselves in the way that we came, to see again our village." at fort orange radisson met with the jesuit father, joseph noncet, who had also been captured in canada by the mohawks and taken to their country. in september he was taken down to fort orange by his captors, and it is mentioned in the jesuit "relations" of , chapter iv., that he "found there a young man captured near three rivers, who had been ransomed by the dutch and acted as interpreter." a few weeks after the return of the indians to their village, radisson made his escape alone, and found his way again to fort orange, from whence he was sent to new amsterdam, or menada, as he calls it. here he remained three weeks, and then embarked for holland, where he arrived after a six weeks' voyage, landing at amsterdam "the / of january, . a few days after," he says, "i imbarqued myself for france, and came to rochelle well and safe." he remained until spring, waiting for "the transport of a shipp for new france." the relation of the second journey is entitled, "the second voyage, made in the upper country of the irokoits." he landed in canada, from his return voyage from france, on the th of may, , and on the th set off to see his relatives at three rivers. he mentions that "in my absence peace was made betweene the french and the iroquoits, which was the reson i stayed not long in a place. the yeare before the ffrench began a new plantation in the upper country of the iroquoits, which is distant from the low iroquoits country some four score leagues, wher i was prisoner and been in the warrs of that country.... at that very time the reverend fathers jesuits embarked themselves for a second time to dwell there and teach christian doctrine. i offered myself to them and was, as their custome is, kindly accepted. i prepare meselfe for the journey, which was to be in june, ." charlevoix [footnote: _charlevoix's history of new france_, shea's ed., vol. ii. p. .] says: "in occurred the almost complete destruction of the huron nation. peace was concluded in . father le moyne went in , to ratify the treaty of peace, to onondaga, and told the indians there he wished to have his cabin in their canton. his offer was accepted, and a site marked out of which he took possession. he left quebec july , , and returned september . in fathers chaumont and dablon were sent to onondaga, and arrived there november , and began at once to build a chapel. [footnote: _charlevoix's hist. of new france_, shea's ed., vol. ii. p. .] "father dablon, having spent some months in the service of the mission at onondaga, was sent back to montreal, march, , for reinforcements. he returned with father francis le mercier and other help. they set out from quebec may, , with a force composed of four nations: french, onondagas, senecas, and a few hurons. about fifty men composed the party. sieur dupuys, an officer of the garrison, was appointed commandant of the proposed settlement at onondaga. on their arrival they at once proceeded to erect a fort, or block-house, for their defence. "while these things were passing at onondaga, the hurons on the isle orleans, where they had taken refuge from the iroquois, no longer deeming themselves secure, sought an asylum in quebec, and in a moment of resentment at having been abandoned by the french, they sent secretly to propose to the mohawks to receive them into their canton so as to form only one people with them. they had no sooner taken this step than they repented; but the mohawks took them at their word, and seeing that they endeavored to withdraw their proposition, resorted to secret measures to compel them to adhere to it." [footnote: _ibid._, vol. ii. p. .] the different families of the hurons held a council, and "the attignenonhac or cord family resolved to stay with the french; the arendarrhonon, or rock, to go to onondaga; and the attignaonanton, or bear, to join the mohawks." [footnote: _relation nouvelle france_, and _charlevoix_, shea's ed., vol. ii. p .] "in onondagas had arrived at montreal to receive the hurons and take them to their canton, as agreed upon the year previous." [footnote: _charlevoix_, shea's ed., vol. iii. p. .] some frenchmen and two jesuits were to accompany them. one of the former was radisson, who had volunteered; and the two jesuits were fathers paul ragueneau and joseph inbert duperon. the party started on their journey in july, . the relation of this, the writer's second voyage, is taken up entirely with the narrative of their journey to onondaga, his residence at the mission, and its abandonment on the night of the th of march, . on his way thither he was present at the massacre of the hurons by the iroquois, in august, . his account of the events of and , concerning the mission, will be found to give fuller details than those of charlevoix, [footnote: _ibid_., vol. iii. p. .] and the jesuit relations written for those years by father ragueneau. radisson, in concluding his second narrative, says: "about the last of march we ended our great and incredible dangers. about fourteen nights after we went downe to the three rivers, where most of us stayed. a month after, my brother and i resolves to travell and see countreys. wee find a good opportunity in our voyage. we proceeded three years; during that time we had the happiness to see very faire countreys." he says of the third voyage: "now followeth the auxoticiat, or auxotacicae, voyage into the great and filthy lake of the hurrons upper sea of the east and bay of the north." he mentions that "about the middle of june, , we began to take leave of our company and venter our lives for the common good." concerning the third voyage, radisson states above, "wee proceeded three years." the memory of the writer had evidently been thrown into some confusion when recording one of the historical incidents in his relation, as he was finishing his narrative of the fourth journey. at the close of his fourth narrative, on his return from the lake superior country, where he had been over three years, instead of over two, as he mentions, he says: "you must know that seventeen ffrenchmen made a plott with four algonquins to make a league with three score hurrons for to goe and wait for the iroquoits in the passage." this passage was the long sault, on the ottawa river, where the above seventeen frenchmen were commanded by a young officer of twenty-five, adam dollard, sieur des ormeaux. the massacre of the party took place on may , , and is duly recorded by several authorities; namely, dollier de casson [footnote: _histoire de montreal, relation de la nouvelle france_, , p. .], m. marie [footnote: _de l'incarnation_, p. .], and father lalemont [footnote: _journal_, june , .]. as radisson has placed the incident in his manuscript, he would make it appear as having occurred in may, . he writes: "it was a terrible spectacle to us, for wee came there eight dayes after that defeat, which saved us without doubt." he started on this third journey about the middle of june, , and it would therefore seem he was only absent on it two years, instead of over three, as he says. charlevoix gives the above incident in detail. [footnote: shea's edition, vol. iii. p. , n.] during the third voyage radisson and his brother-in-law went to the mississippi river in / . he says, "wee mett with severall sorts of people. wee conversed with them, being long time in alliance with them. by the persuasion of som of them wee went into the great river that divides itself in two where the hurrons with some ottanake and the wild men that had warrs with them had retired.... the river is called the forked, because it has two branches: the one towards the west, the other towards the south, which we believe runs towards mexico, by the tokens they gave." they also made diligent inquiry concerning hudson's bay, and of the best means to reach that fur-producing country, evidently with a view to future exploration and trade. they must have returned to the three rivers about june , . radisson says: "wee stayed att home att rest the yeare. my brother and i considered whether we should discover what we have seen or no, and because we had not a full and whole discovery which was that we have not ben in the bay of the north (hudson's bay), not knowing anything but by report of the wild christinos, we would make no mention of it for feare that those wild men should tell us a fibbe. we would have made a discovery of it ourselves and have an assurance, before we should discover anything of it." in the fourth narrative he says: "the spring following we weare in hopes to meet with some company, having ben so fortunat the yeare before. now during the winter, whether it was that my brother revealed to his wife what we had seene in our voyage and what we further intended, or how it came to passe, it was knowne so much that the ffather jesuits weare desirous to find out a way how they might gett downe the castors from the bay of the north, by the sacques, and so make themselves masters of that trade. they resolved to make a tryall as soone as the ice would permitt them. so to discover our intentions they weare very earnest with me to ingage myselfe in that voyage, to the end that my brother would give over his, which i uterly denied them, knowing that they could never bring it about." they made an application to the governor of quebec for permission to start upon this their fourth voyage; but he refused, unless they agreed to certain hard conditions which they found it impossible to accept. in august they departed without the governor's leave, secretly at midnight, on their journey, having made an agreement to join a company of the nation of the sault who were about returning to their country, and who agreed to wait for them two days in the lake of st. peter, some six leagues from three rivers. their journey was made to the country about lake superior, where they passed much of their time among the nations of the sault, fire, christinos (knisteneux), beef, and other tribes. being at lake superior, radisson says they came "to a remarkable place. it's a banke of rocks that the wild men made a sacrifice to,... it's like a great portall by reason of the beating of the waves. the lower part of that opening is as bigg as a tower, and grows bigger in the going up. there is, i believe, six acres of land above it; a shipp of tuns could passe by, soe bigg is the arch. i gave it the name of the portail of st. peter, because my name is so called, and that i was the first christian that ever saw it." concerning hudson's bay, whilst they were among the christinos at lake assiniboin, radisson mentions in his narrative that "being resolved to know what we heard before, we waited untill the ice should vanish." the governor was greatly displeased at the disobedience of radisson and his brother-in-law in going on their last voyage without his permission. on their return, the narrative states, "he made my brother prisoner for not having obeyed his orders; he fines us l. , to make a fort at the three rivers, telling us for all manner of satisfaction that he would give us leave to put our coat of armes upon it; and moreover l. , for the country, saying that wee should not take it so strangely and so bad, being wee were inhabitants and did intend to finish our days in the same country with our relations and friends.... seeing ourselves so wronged, my brother did resolve to go and demand justice in france." failing to get restitution, they resolved to go over to the english. they went early in to port royal, nova scotia, and from thence to new england, where they engaged an english or new england ship for a trading adventure into hudson's straits in deg. north. this expedition was attempted because radisson and des groseilliers, on their last journey to lake superior, "met with some savages on the lake of assiniboin, and from them they learned that they might go by land to the bottom of hudson's bay, where the english had not been yet, at james bay; upon which they desired them to conduct them thither, and the savages accordingly did it. they returned to the upper lake the same way they came, and thence to quebec, where they offered the principal merchants to carry ships to hudson's bay; but their project was rejected. des groseilliers then went to france in hopes of a more favorable hearing at court; but after presenting several memorials and spending a great deal of time and money, he was answered as he had been at quebec, and the project looked upon as chimerical." [footnote: oldmixon, vol. i. p. .] this voyage to hudson's straits proved unremunerative. "wee had knowledge and conversation with the people of those parts, but wee did see and know that there was nothing to be done unlesse wee went further, and the season of the year was far spent by the indiscretion of our master." radisson continues: "wee were promissed two shipps for a second voyage." one of these ships was sent to "the isle of sand, there to fish for basse to make oyle of it," and was soon after lost. in new england, in the early part of the year , radisson and des groseilliers met with two of the four english commissioners who were sent over by charles ii in to settle several important questions in the provinces of new york and new england. they were engaged in the prosecution of their work in the different governments from to / . the two frenchmen, it appears, were called upon in boston to defend themselves in a lawsuit instituted against them in the courts there, for the annulling of the contract in the trading adventure above mentioned, whereby one of the two ships contracted for was lost. the writer states, that "the expectation of that ship made us loose our second voyage, which did very much discourage the merchants with whom wee had to do; they went to law with us to make us recant the bargaine that wee had made with them. after wee had disputed a long time, it was found that the right was on our side and wee innocent of what they did accuse us. so they endeavoured to come to an agreement, but wee were betrayed by our own party. "in the mean time the commissioners of the king of great britain arrived in that place, & one of them would have us goe with him to new york, and the other advised us to come to england and offer ourselves to the king, which wee did." the commissioners were colonel richard nicolls, sir robert carr, colonel george cartwright, and samuel mavericke. sir robert carr wished the two frenchmen to go with him to new york, but colonel george cartwright, erroneously called by radisson in his manuscript "cartaret," prevailed upon them to embark with him from nantucket, august , . on this voyage cartwright carried with him "all the original papers of the transactions of the royal commissioners, together with the maps of the several colonies." they had also as a fellow passenger george carr, presumably the brother of sir robert, and probably the acting secretary to the commission. colonel richard nicolls, writing to secretary lord arlington, july , , says, "he supposes col. geo. cartwright is now at sea." george carr, also writing to lord arlington, december , , tells him that "he sends the transactions of the commissioners in new england briefly set down, each colony by itself. the papers by which all this and much more might have been demonstrated were lost in obeying his majesty's command by keeping company with captain pierce, who was laden with masts; for otherwise in probability we might have been in england ten days before we met the dutch 'caper,' who after two hours' fight stripped and landed us in spain. hearing also some frenchmen discourse in new england of a passage from the west sea to the south sea, and of a great trade of beaver in that passage, and afterwards meeting with sufficient proof of the truth of what they had said, and knowing what great endeavours have been made for the finding out of a north western passage, he thought them the best present he could possibly make his majesty, and persuaded them to come to england. begs his lordship to procure some consideration for his loss, suffering, and service." colonel cartwright, upon his capture at sea by the dutch "caper," threw all his despatches and papers overboard. no doubt the captain of the dutch vessel carefully scrutinized the papers of radisson and his brother-in-law, and, it may be, carried off some of them; for there is evidence in one part at least of the former's narration of his travels, of some confusion, as the writer has transposed the date of one important and well-known event in canadian history. it is evident that the writer was busy on his voyage preparing his narrative of travels for presentation to the king. towards the conclusion of his manuscript he says: "we are now in the passage, and he that brought us, which was one of the commissioners called collonell george cartaret, was taken by the hollanders, and wee arrived in england in a very bad time for the plague and the warrs. being at oxford, wee went to sir george cartaret, who spoke to his majesty, who gave good hopes that wee should have a shipp ready for the next spring, and that the king did allow us forty shillings a week for our maintenance, and wee had chambers in the town by his order, where wee stayed three months. afterwards the king came to london and sent us to windsor, where wee stayed the rest of the winter." charles ii., with his court, came to open parliament and the courts of law at oxford, september , , and left for hampton court to reside, january , . radisson and des groseilliers must have arrived there about the th of october. dewitt, the dutch statesman, and grand pensionary of the states of holland from , becoming informed by the captain of the dutch "caper" of the errand of radisson and his companion into england, despatched an emissary to that country in to endeavor to entice them out of the english into the service of the dutch. sir john colleton first brought the matter before the notice of lord arlington in a letter of november th. the agent of dewitt was one elie godefroy touret, a native of picardy, france, and an acquaintance of groseilliers. touret had lived over ten years in the service of the rhinegrave at maestricht. thinking it might possibly aid him in his design, he endeavored to pass himself off in london as groseilliers' nephew. one monsieur delheure deposed that groseilliers "always held touret in suspicion for calling himself his nephew, and for being in england without employment, not being a person who could live on his income, and had therefore avoided his company as dangerous to the state. has heard touret say that if his uncle groseilliers were in service of the states of holland, he would be more considered than here, where his merits are not recognised, and that if his discovery were under the protection of holland, all would go better with him." on the st of november a warrant was issued to the keeper of the gate house, london, "to take into custody the person of touret for corresponding with the king's enemies." on the d of december touret sent in a petition to lord arlington, bitterly complaining of the severity of his treatment, and endeavored to turn the tables upon his accuser by representing that groseilliers, radisson, and a certain priest in london tried to persuade him to join them in making counterfeit coin, and for his refusal had persecuted and entered the accusation against him. to des groseilliers and radisson must be given the credit of originating the idea of forming a settlement at hudson's bay, out of which grew the profitable organization of the hudson's bay company. they obtained through the english ambassador to france an interview with prince rupert, and laid before him their plans, which had been before presented to the leading merchants of canada and the french court. prince rupert at once foresaw the value of such an enterprise, and aided them in procuring the required assistance from several noblemen and gentlemen, to fit out in two ships from london, the "eagle," captain stannard, and the "nonsuch," ketch, captain zechariah gillam. this gillam is called by oldmixon a new englander, and was probably the same one who went in / with radisson and groseilliers to hudson's strait on the unsuccessful voyage from boston. radisson thus alludes to the two ships that were fitted out in london by the help of prince rupert and his associates. the third year after their arrival in england "wee went out with a new company in two small vessels, my brother in one and i in another, and wee went together four hundred leagues from the north of ireland, where a sudden greate storme did rise and put us asunder. the sea was soe furious six or seven hours after, that it did almost overturne our ship. so that wee were forced to cut our masts rather then cutt our lives; but wee came back safe, god be thanked; and the other, i hope, is gone on his voyage, god be with him." captain gillam and the ketch "nonsuch," with des groseilliers, proceeded on their voyage, "passed thro hudson's streights, and then into baffin's bay to deg. north, and thence southwards into deg., where, in a river afterwards called prince rupert river, he had a friendly correspondence with the natives, built a fort, named it charles fort, and returned with success." [footnote: oldmixon, _british empire_, ed. , vol. i. p. ] when gillam and groseilliers returned, the adventurers concerned in fitting them out "applied themselves to charles ii. for a patent, who granted one to them and their successors for the bay called hudson's streights." [footnote: _ibid._, vol. i. p. .] the patent bears date the d of may, in the twenty-second year of charles ii., . in ellis's manuscript papers [footnote: _ibid_., vol. v. p. ] has been found the following original draft of an "answer of the hudson's bay company to a french paper entitled memoriall justifieing the pretensions of france to fort bourbon." / . "the french in this paper carrying their pretended right of discovery and settlement no higher then the year , and their being dispossessed in . wee shall briefly shew what sort of possession that was, and how those two actions were managed. mr. radisson, mentioned in the said paper to have made this settlement for the french at port nelson in , was many years before settled in england, and marryed an english wife, sir john kirke's daughter, and engaged in the interest and service of the english upon private adventure before as well as after the incorporation of the hudson's bay company. in , when prince rupert and other noblemen set out two shipps, radisson went in the eagle, captain stannard commander, and in that voyage the name of rupert's river was given. again in and in , and in this voyage directed his course to port nelson, and went on shore with one bayly (designed governor for the english), fixed the king of england's arms there, & left some goods for trading. in three ships were set out from london by the hudson's bay company, then incorporated, and radisson went in one of them in their service, settled moose river, & went to port nelson, where he left some goods, and wintered at rupert's river. in , upon some difference with the hudson's bay company, radisson returned into france and was there persuaded to go to canada. he formed severall designs of going on private accounts for the french into hudson's bay, which the governor, monsr. frontenac, would by no means permitt, declaring it would break the union between the two kings." oldmixon says [footnote: oldmixon, vol. i. p. .] that the above-mentioned charles baily, with whom went radisson and ten or twenty men, took out with him mr. thomas gorst as his secretary, who at his request kept a journal, which eventually passed into the possession of oldmixon. the following extracts give some idea of the life led by the fur-traders at the fort: "they were apprehensive of being attacked by some indians, whom the french jesuits had animated against the english and all that dealt with them. the french used many artifices to hinder the natives trading with the english; they gave them great rates for their goods, and obliged mr baily to lower the price of his to oblige the indians who dwelt about moose river, with whom they drove the greatest trade. the french, to ruin their commerce with the natives, came and made a settlement not above eight days' journey up that river from the place where the english traded. 'twas therefore debated whether the company's agents should not remove from rupert's to moose river, to prevent their traffick being interrupted by the french. on the d of april, , a council of the principal persons in the fort was held, where mr baily, the governor, captain groseilliers, and captain cole were present and gave their several opinions. the governor inclined to move. captain cole was against it, as dangerous, and captain groseilliers for going thither in their bark to trade. [footnote: oldmixon, vol. i. p. .] ... the governor, having got everything ready for a voyage to moose river, sent captain groseilliers, captain cole, mr gorst, and other indians to trade there. they got two hundred and fifty skins, and the captain of the tabittee indians informed them the french jesuits had bribed the indians not to deal with the english, but to live in friendship with the indian nations in league with the french.... the reason they got no more peltry now was because the indians thought groseilliers was too hard for them, and few would come down to deal with him." [footnote: oldmixon, vol. i. p. .] after captain baily [footnote: _ibid._, vol. i. p. .] had returned from a voyage in his sloop to trade to the fort, "on the th aug a missionary jesuit, born of english parents, arrived, bearing a letter from the governor of quebec to mr baily, dated the th of october, . "the governor of quebec desired mr baily to treat the jesuit civilly, on account of the great amity between the two crowns. mr baily resolved to keep the priest till ships came from england. he brought a letter, also, for capt groseilliers, which gave jealousy to the english of his corresponding with the french. his son-in-law lived in quebec, and had accompanied the priest part of the way, with three other frenchmen, who, being afraid to venture among strange indians, returned.... provisions running short, they were agreed, on the th sept, they were all to depart for point comfort, to stay there till the d, and then make the best of their way for england. in this deplorable condition were they when the jesuit, capt groseilliers, & another papist, walking downwards to the seaside at their devotions, heard seven great guns fire distinctly. they came home in a transport of joy, told their companions the news, and assured them it was true. upon which they fired three great guns from the fort to return the salute, though they could ill spare the powder upon such an uncertainty." the ship "prince rupert" had arrived, with captain gillam, bringing the new governor, william lyddel, esq. groseilliers and radisson, after remaining for several years under the hudson's bay company, at last in felt obliged to sever the connection, and went over again to france. radisson told his nephew in that the cause was "the refusal, that showed the bad intention of the hudson's bay company to satisfy us." several influential members of the committee of direction for the company were desirous of retaining them in their employ; among them the duke of york, prince rupert their first governor, sir james hayes, sir william young, sir john kirke, and others; but it is evident there was a hostile feeling towards radisson and his brother-in-law on the part of several members of the committee, for even after his successful expedition in they found "some members of the committee offended because i had had the honour of making my reverence to the king and to his royal highness." from to , radisson seems to have remained stanch in his allegiance to louis xiv. in his narrative of the years and he shews that colbert endeavored to induce him to bring his wife over into france, it would appear to remain there during his absence in hudson's bay, as some sort of security for her husband's fidelity to the interests of the french monarch. after his return from this voyage in he felt himself again unfairly treated by the french court, and in , as he relates in his narrative, he "passed over to england for good, and of engaging myself so strongly to the service of his majesty, and to the interests of the nation, that any other consideration was never able to detach me from it." we again hear of radisson in hudson's bay in ; and this is his last appearance in public records or documents as far as is known. a canadian, captain berger, states that in the beginning of june, , "he and his crew ascended four leagues above the english in hudson's bay, where they made a small settlement. on the th of july they set out to return to quebec. on the th they met with a vessel of ten or twelve guns, commanded by captain oslar, on board of which was the man named bridgar, the governor, who was going to relieve the governor at the head of the bay. he is the same that radisson brought to quebec three years ago in the ship monsieur de la barre restored to him. berger also says he asked a parley with the captain of mr bridgar's bark, who told him that radisson had gone with mr chouart, his nephew, fifteen days ago, to winter in the river santa theresa, where they wintered a year." [footnote: _new york colonial documents_, vol. ix.] after this date the english and the french frequently came into hostile collision in hudson's bay. in king james demanded satisfaction from france for losses inflicted upon the company. then the jesuits procured neutrality for america, and knew by that time they were in possession of fort albany. in the french took the "hayes" sloop, an infraction of the treaty. in they took three ships, valued, in all, at l. , ; l. , damage in time of peace. in the company set out four ships to recover fort albany, taken in . in the french took york, alias fort bourbon. in the english retook it from them. on the th september, , the french retook it and kept it. the peace was made september , . [footnote: _minutes relating to hudson's bay company_.] in the stock rose from l. to near l. , . notwithstanding the losses sustained by the company, amounting to l. , between and , they were able to pay in the shareholders a dividend of fifty per cent. radisson brought home in a cargo of , beaver skins. oldmixon says, " , beavers, in all their factories, was one of the best years of trade they ever had, besides other peltry." again in a dividend of fifty per cent was made, and in one of twenty-five per cent. in , without any call being made, the stock was trebled, while at the same time a dividend of twenty-five per cent was paid on the increased or newly created stock. at the peace of utrecht, in , the forts captured by the french in were restored to the company, who by had again trebled their capital, with a call of only ten per cent. after a long and fierce rivalry with the northwest fur company, the two companies were amalgamated in . [footnote: encyclopaedia britannica.] radisson commences his narrative of in a reverent spirit, by inscribing it "a la plus grande gloire de dieu." all his manuscripts have been handed down in perfect preservation. they are written out in a clear and excellent handwriting, showing the writer to have been a person of good education, who had also travelled in turkey and italy, and who had been in london, and perhaps learned his english there in his early life. the narrative of travels between the years and was for some time the property of samuel pepys, the well-known diarist, and secretary of the admiralty to charles ii. and james ii. he probably received it from sir george cartaret, the vice-chamberlain of the king and treasurer of the navy, for whom it was no doubt carefully copied out from his rough notes by the author, so that it might, through him, be brought under the notice of charles ii. some years after the death of pepys, in , his collection of manuscripts was dispersed and fell into the hands of various london tradesmen, who bought parcels of it to use in their shops as waste-paper. the most valuable portions were carefully reclaimed by the celebrated collector, richard rawlinson, who in writing to his friend t. rawlins, from. "london house, january th, / ," says: "i have purchased the best part of the fine collection of mr pepys, secretary to the admiralty during the reigns of charles d and james d. some are as old as king henry viii. they were collected with a design for a lord high admiral such as he should approve; but those times are not yet come, and so little care was taken of them that they were redeemed from _thus et adores vendentibus_." the manuscript containing radisson's narrative for the years and was "purchased of rodd, th july, ," by the british museum. the narrative in french, for the year , was bought by sir hans sloane from the collection of "nicolai joseph foucault, comitis consistoriani," as his bookplate informs us. with the manuscript this gentleman had bound up in the same volume a religious treatise in manuscript, highly illuminated, in italian, relating to some of the saints of the catholic church. [footnote: i am under obligations to mr. john gilmary shea for valuable information.] voyages of peter esprit radisson. _the relation of my voyage, being in bondage in the lands of the irokoits, which was the next yeare after my coming into canada, in the yeare , the th day of may._ being persuaded in the morning by two of my comrades to go and recreat ourselves in fowling, i disposed myselfe to keepe them company; wherfor i cloathed myselfe the lightest way i could possible, that i might be the nimbler and not stay behinde, as much for the prey that i hoped for, as for to escape the danger into which wee have ventered ourselves of an enemy the cruelest that ever was uppon the face of the earth. it is to bee observed that the french had warre with a wild nation called iroquoites, who for that time weare soe strong and so to be feared that scarce any body durst stirre out either cottage or house without being taken or kill'd, [footnote: in - father vimont writes: "i had as lief be beset by goblins as by the iroquois. the one are about as invisible as the other. our people on the richelieu and at montreal are kept in a closer confinement than ever were monks or nuns in our smallest convents in france."] saving that he had nimble limbs to escape their fury; being departed, all three well armed, and unanimiously rather die then abandon one another, notwithstanding these resolutions weare but young mens deboasting; being then in a very litle assurance and lesse security. at an offspring of a village of three rivers we consult together that two should go the watter side, the other in a wood hardby to warne us, for to advertise us if he accidentaly should light [upon] or suspect any barbars in ambush, we also retreat ourselves to him if we should discover any thing uppon the river. having comed to the first river, which was a mile distant from our dwellings, wee mett a man who mett a man who kept cattell, and asked him if he had knowne any appearance of ennemy, and likewise demanded which way he would advise us to gett better fortune, and what part he spied more danger; he guiding us the best way he could, prohibiting us by no means not to render ourselves att the skirts of the mountains; ffor, said he, i discovered oftentimes a multitude of people which rose up as it weare of a sudaine from of the earth, and that doubtless there weare some enemys that way; which sayings made us looke to ourselves and charge two of our fowling peeces with great shot the one, and the other with small. priming our pistols, we went where our fancy first lead us, being impossible for us to avoid the destinies of the heavens; no sooner tourned our backs, but my nose fell ableeding without any provocation in the least. certainly it was a warning for me of a beginning of a yeare and a half of hazards and of miseryes that weare to befall mee. we did shoot sometime and killed some duks, which made one of my fellow travellers go no further. i seeing him taking such a resolution, i proferred some words that did not like him, giving him the character of a timourous, childish humor; so this did nothing prevaile with him, to the contrary that had with him quite another isue then what i hoped for; ffor offending him with my words he prevailed so much with the others that he persuaded them to doe the same. i lett them goe, laughing them to scorne, beseeching them to helpe me to my fowles, and that i would tell them the discovery of my designes, hoping to kill meat to make us meate att my retourne. i went my way along the wood some times by the side of the river, where i finde something to shute att, though no considerable quantitie, which made me goe a league off and more, so i could not go in all further then st. peeter's, which is nine mile from the plantation by reason of the river ovamasis, which hindered me the pasage. i begun'd to think att my retourne how i might transport my fowle. i hide one part in a hollow tree to keep them from the eagles and other devouring fowles, so as i came backe the same way where before had no bad incounter. arrived within one halfe a mile where my comrades had left me, i rested awhile by reason that i was looden'd with three geese, tenn ducks, and one crane, with some teales. after having layd downe my burden uppon the grasse, i thought to have heard a noise in the wood by me, which made me to overlook my armes; i found one of my girdle pistols wette. i shott it off and charged it againe, went up to the wood the soffliest i might, to discover and defend myselfe the better against any surprise. after i had gone from tree to tree some paces off i espied nothing; as i came back from out of the wood to an adjacent brooke, i perceived a great number of ducks; my discovery imbouldened me, and for that there was a litle way to the fort, i determined to shute once more; coming nigh preparing meselfe for to shute, i found another worke, the two young men that i left some tenne houres before heere weare killed. whether they came after mee, or weare brought thither by the barbars, i know not. however [they] weare murthered. looking over them, knew them albeit quite naked, and their hair standing up, the one being shott through with three boulletts and two blowes of an hatchett on the head, and the other runne thorough in severall places with a sword and smitten with an hatchett. att the same instance my nose begun'd to bleed, which made me afraid of my life; but withdrawing myselfe to the watter side to see if any body followed mee, i espied twenty or thirty heads in a long grasse. mightily surprized att the view, i must needs passe through the midst of them or tourne backe into the woode. i slipped a boullet uppon the shott and beate the paper into my gunne. i heard a noise, which made me looke on that side; hopeing to save meselfe, perswading myselfe i was not yet perceived by them that weare in the medow, and in the meane while some gunns weare lett off with an horrid cry. seeing myselfe compassed round about by a multitude of dogges, or rather devils, that rose from the grasse, rushesse, and bushesse, i shott my gunne, whether un warrs or purposly i know not, but i shott with a pistolle confidently, but was seised on all sids by a great number that threw me downe, taking away my arme without giving mee one blowe; ffor afterwards i felt no paine att all, onely a great guidinesse in my heade, from whence it comes i doe not remember. in the same time they brought me into the wood, where they shewed me the two heads all bloody. after they consulted together for a while, retired into their boats, which weare four or five miles from thence, and wher i have bin a while before. they layed mee hither, houlding me by the hayre, to the imbarking place; there they began to errect their cottages, which consisted only of some sticks to boyle their meate, whereof they had plenty, but stuncke, which was strange to mee to finde such an alteration so sudaine. they made [me] sitt downe by. after this they searched me and tooke what i had, then stripped me naked, and tyed a rope about my middle, wherin i remained, fearing to persist, in the same posture the rest of the night. after this they removed me, laughing and howling like as many wolves, i knowing not the reason, if not for my skin, that was soe whit in respect of theirs. but their gaping did soone cease because of a false alarme, that their scout who stayed behind gave them, saying that the ffrench and the wild algongins, friends to the ffrench, came with all speed. they presently put out the fire, and tooke hould of the most advantageous passages, and sent men to discover what it meant, who brought certaine tydings of assurance and liberty. in the meanewhile i was garded by men, who gave me a good part of my cloathes. after kindling a fire againe, they gott theire supper ready, which was sudenly don, ffor they dresse their meat halfe boyled, mingling some yallowish meale in the broath of that infected stinking meate; so whilst this was adoing they combed my head, and with a filthy grease greased my head, and dashed all over my face with redd paintings. so then, when the meat was ready, they feeded me with their hod-pot, forcing me to swallow it in a maner. my heart did so faint at this, that in good deede i should have given freely up the ghost to be freed from their clawes, thinking every moment they would end my life. they perceived that my stomach could not beare such victuals. they tooke some of this stinking meate and boyled it in a cleare watter, then mingled a litle indian meale put to it, which meale before was tossed amongst bourning sand, and then made in powder betwixt two rocks. i, to shew myselfe cheerfull att this, swallowed downe some of this that seemed to me very unsavoury and clammie by reason of the scume that was upon the meat. having supped, they untyed mee, and made me lye betwixt them, having one end of one side and one of another, and covered me with a red coverlet, thorough which i might have counted the starrs. i slept a sound sleep, for they awaked me uppon the breaking of the day. i dreamed that night that i was with the jesuits at quebuc drinking beere, which gave me hopes to be free sometimes, and also because i heard those people lived among dutch people in a place called menada [footnote: _menada_, manhattan, or new netherlands, called by the french of canada "manatte."], and fort of orang, where without doubt i could drinke beere. i, after this, finding meselfe somewhat altered, and my body more like a devil then anything else, after being so smeared and burst with their filthy meate that i could not digest, but must suffer all patiently. finally they seemed to me kinder and kinder, giving me of the best bitts where lesse wormes weare. then they layd [me] to the watter side, where there weare and boats, ffor each of them imbark'd himselfe. they tyed me to the barre in a boat, where they tooke at the same instance the heads of those that weare killed the day before, and for to preserve them they cutt off the flesh to the skull and left nothing but skin and haire, putting of it into a litle panne wherein they melt some grease, and gott it dry with hot stones. they spread themselves from off the side of the river a good way, and gathered together againe and made a fearfull noise and shott some gunns off, after which followed a kind of an incondit singing after nots, which was an oudiousom noise. as they weare departing from thence they injoyned silence, and one of the company, wherein i was, made three shouts, which was answered by the like maner from the whole flocke; which done they tooke their way, singing and leaping, and so past the day in such like. they offered mee meate; but such victuals i reguarded it litle, but could drinke for thirst. my sperit was troubled with infinite deale of thoughts, but all to no purpose for the ease of my sicknesse; sometimes despairing, now againe in some hopes. i allwayes indeavoured to comfort myselfe, though half dead. my resolution was so mastered with feare, that at every stroake of the oares of these inhumans i thought it to be my end. by sunsett we arrived att the isles of richelieu, a place rather for victors then for captives most pleasant. there is to be seen wild cowes together, a number of elks and beavers, an infinit of fowls. there we must make cottages, and for this purpose they imploy all together their wits and art, ffor of these islands are drowned in spring, when the floods begin to rise from the melting of the snow, and that by reason of the lowness of the land. here they found a place fitt enough for men that their army consisted [of]. they landed mee & shewed mee great kindnesse, saying chagon, which is as much [as] to say, as i understood afterwards, be cheerfull or merry; but for my part i was both deafe and dumb. their behaviour made me neverthelesse cheerfull, or att least of a smiling countenance, and constraine my aversion and feare to an assurance, which proved not ill to my thinking; ffor the young men tooke delight in combing my head, greasing and powdering out a kinde of redd powder, then tying my haire with a redd string of leather like to a coard, which caused my haire to grow longer in a short time. the day following they prepared themselves to passe the adjacent places and shoote to gett victualls, where we stayed dayes, making great cheere and fires. i more and more getting familiarity with them, that i had the liberty to goe from cottage, having one or two by mee. they untyed mee, and tooke delight to make me speake words of their language, and weare earnest that i should pronounce as they. they tooke care to give me meate as often as i would; they gave me salt that served me all my voyage. they also tooke the paines to put it up safe for mee, not takeing any of it for themselves. there was nothing else but feasting and singing during our abode. i tooke notice that our men decreased, ffor every night one other boate tooke his way, which persuaded mee that they went to the warrs to gett more booty. the fourth day, early in the morning, my brother, viz., he that tooke me, so he called me, embarked me without tying me. he gave me an oare, which i tooke with a good will, and rowed till i sweate againe. they, perceaving, made me give over; not content with that i made a signe of my willingnesse to continue that worke. they consent to my desire, but shewed me how i should row without putting myselfe into a sweat. our company being considerable hitherto, was now reduced to three score. mid-day wee came to the river of richlieu, where we weare not farre gon, but mett a new gang of their people in cottages; they began to hoop and hollow as the first day of my taking. they made me stand upright in the boat, as they themselves, saluting one another with all kindnesse and joy. in this new company there was one that had a minde to doe me mischiefe, but prevented by him that tooke me. i taking notice of the fellow, i shewed him more friendshipe. i gott some meate roasted for him, and throwing a litle salt and flower over it, which he finding very good tast, gave it to the rest as a rarity, nor did afterwards molest mee. they tooke a fancy to teach mee to sing; and as i had allready a beginning of their hooping, it was an easy thing for me to learne, our algonquins making the same noise. they tooke an exceeding delight to heare mee. often have i sunged in french, to which they gave eares with a deepe silence. we passed that day and night following with litle rest by reason of their joy and mirth. they lead a dance, and tyed my comrades both their heads att the end of a stick and hopt it; this done, every one packt and embarked himselfe, some going one way, some another. being separated, one of the boats that we mett before comes backe againe and approaches the boat wherein i was; i wondered, a woman of the said company taking hould on my haire, signifying great kindnesse. shee combs my head with her fingers and tyed my wrist with a bracelett, and sunged. my wish was that shee would proceed in our way. after both companys made a shout wee separated, i was sorry for this woman's departure, ffor having shewed me such favour att her first aspect, doubtlesse but shee might, if neede required, saved my life. our journey was indifferent good, without any delay, which caused us to arrive in a good and pleasant harbour. it was on the side of the sand where our people had any paine scarce to errect their cottages, being that it was a place they had sejourned [at] before. the place round about [was] full of trees. heare they kindled a fire and provided what was necessary for their food. in this place they cutt off my hair in the front and upon the crowne of the head, and turning up the locks of the haire they dab'd mee with some thicke grease. so done, they brought me a looking-glasse. i viewing myselfe all in a pickle, smir'd with redde and black, covered with such a cappe, and locks tyed up with a peece of leather and stunked horridly, i could not but fall in love with myselfe, if not that i had better instructions to shun the sin of pride. so after repasting themselves, they made them ready for the journey with takeing repose that night. this was the time i thought to have escaped, ffor in vaine, ffor i being alone feared least i should be apprehended and dealt with more violently. and moreover i was desirous to have seene their country. att the sun rising i awaked my brother, telling him by signes it was time to goe. he called the rest, but non would stirre, which made him lye downe againe. i rose and went to the water side, where i walked awhile. if there weare another we might, i dare say, escape out of their sight. heere i recreated myselfe running a naked swoord into the sand. one of them seeing mee after such an exercise calls mee and shews me his way, which made me more confidence in them. they brought mee a dish full of meate to the water side. i began to eat like a beare. in the mean time they imbark'd themselves, one of them tooke notice that i had not a knife, brings me his, which i kept the rest of the voyage, without that they had the least feare of me. being ready to goe, saving my boat that was ammending, which was soone done. the other boats weare not as yett out of sight, and in the way my boat killed a stagg. they made me shoot att it, and not quite dead they runed it thorough with their swoords, and having cutt it in peeces, they devided it, and proceeded on their way. at of the clock in the afternoone we came into a rappid streame, where we weare forced to land and carry our equipages and boats thorough a dangerous place. wee had not any encounter that day. att night where we found cottages ready made, there i cutt wood as the rest with all dilligence. the morning early following we marched without making great noise, or singing as accustomed. sejourning awhile, we came to a lake leagues wide, about it a very pleasant country imbellished with great forests. that day our wild people killed bears, one monstrous like for its biggnesse, the other a small one. wee arrived to a fine sandy bancke, where not long before many cabbanes weare errected and places made where prisoners weare tyed. in this place our wild people sweated after the maner following: first heated stones till they weare redd as fire, then they made a lantherne with small sticks, then stoaring the place with deale trees, saving a place in the middle whereinto they put the stoanes, and covered the place with severall covers, then striped themselves naked, went into it. they made a noise as if the devil weare there; after they being there for an hour they came out of the watter, and then throwing one another into the watter, i thought veryly they weare insensed. it is their usual custome. being comed out of this place, they feasted themselves with the two bears, turning the outside of the tripes inward not washed. they gave every one his share; as for my part i found them [neither] good, nor savory to the pallet. in the night they heard some shooting, which made them embark themselves speedily. in the mean while they made me lay downe whilst they rowed very hard. i slept securely till the morning, where i found meselfe in great high rushes. there they stayed without noise. from thence wee proceeded, though not without some feare of an algonquin army. we went on for some dayes that lake. att last they endeavoured to retire to the woods, every one carrying his bundle. after a daye's march we came to a litle river where we lay'd that night. the day following we proceeded on our journey, where we mett men, with whome our wild men seemed to be acquainted by some signes. these men began to speake a longe while. after came a company of women, in number, that brought us dry fish and indian corne. these women loaded themselves, after that we had eaten, like mules with our baggage. we went through a small wood, the way well beaten, untill the evening we touched a place for fishing, of cabbans. there they weare well received but myselfe, who was stroaken by a yong man. he, my keeper, made a signe i should to him againe. i tourning to him instantly, he to me, taking hould of my haire, all the wild men came about us, encouraging with their cryes and hands, which encouraged me most that non helpt him more then mee. wee clawed one another with hands, tooth, and nailes. my adversary being offended i have gotten the best, he kick't me; but my french shoes that they left mee weare harder then his, which made him [give up] that game againe. he tooke me about the wrest, where he found himselfe downe before he was awarre, houlding him upon the ground till some came and putt us asunder. my company seeing mee free, began to cry out, giving me watter to wash me, and then fresh fish to relish me. they encouraged me so much, the one combing my head, the other greasing my haire. there we stayed dayes, where no body durst trouble me. in the same cabban that i was, there has bin a wild man wounded with a small shott. i thought i have seen him the day of my taking, which made me feare least i was the one that wounded him. he knowing it to be so had shewed me as much charity as a christian might have given. another of his fellowes (i also wounded) came to me att my first coming there, whom i thought to have come for reveng, contrarywise shewed me a cheerfull countenance; he gave mee a box full of red paintings, calling me his brother. i had not as yett caryed any burden, but meeting with an ould man, gave me a sacke of tobacco of pounds' weight, bearing it uppon my head, as it's their usuall custome. we made severall stayes the day by reason of the severall encounters of their people that came from villages, as warrs others from fishing and shooting. in that journey our company increased, among others a great many hurrons that had bin lately taken, and who for the most part are as slaves. we lay'd in the wood because they would not goe into their village in the night time. the next day we marched into a village where as wee came in sight we heard nothing but outcryes, as from one side as from the other, being a quarter of a mile from the village. they satt downe and i in the midle, where i saw women and men and children with staves and in array, which put me in feare, and instantly stripped me naked. my keeper gave me a signe to be gone as fast as i could drive. in the meane while many of the village came about us, among which a good old woman, and a boy with a hatchet in his hand came near mee. the old woman covered me, and the young man tooke me by the hand and lead me out of the company. the old woman made me step aside from those that weare ready to stricke att mee. there i left the heads of my comrades, and that with comforted me yet i escaped the blowes. then they brought me into their cottage; there the old woman shewed me kindnesse. shee gave me to eate. the great terror i had a litle before tooke my stomack away from me. i stayed an hower, where a great company of people came to see mee. heere came a company of old men, having pipes in their mouthes, satt about me. after smoaking, they lead me into another cabban, where there weare a company all smoaking; they made [me] sitt downe by the fire, which made [me] apprehend they should cast me into the said fire. but it proved otherwise; for the old woman followed mee, speaking aloud, whom they answered with a loud ho, then shee tooke her girdle and about mee shee tyed it, so brought me to her cottage, and made me sitt downe in the same place i was before. then shee began to dance and sing a while, after [she] brings downe from her box a combe, gives it to a maide that was neare mee, who presently comes to greas and combe my haire, and tooke away the paint that the fellows stuck to my face. now the old woman getts me some indian corne toasted in the fire. i tooke paines to gether it out of the fire; after this shee gave me a blew coverlett, stokins and shoos, and where with to make me drawers. she looked in my cloathes, and if shee found any lice shee would squeeze them betwixt her teeth, as if they had ben substantiall meate. i lay'd with her son, who tooke me from those of my first takers, and gott at last a great acquaintance with many. i did what i could to gett familiarity with them, yeat i suffered no wrong att their hands, taking all freedom, which the old woman inticed me to doe. but still they altered my face where ever i went, and a new dish to satisfy nature. i tooke all the pleasures imaginable, having a small peece at my command, shooting patriges and squerells, playing most part of the day with my companions. the old woman wished that i would make meselfe more familiar with her daughters, which weare tolerable among such people. they weare accustomed to grease and combe my haire in the morning. i went with them into the wilderness, there they would be gabling which i could not understand. they wanted no company but i was shure to be of the number. i brought all ways some guifts that i received, which i gave to my purse-keeper and refuge, the good old woman. i lived weeks without thinking from whence i came. i learned more of their maners in weeks then if i had bin in ffrance months. att the end i was troubled in minde, which made her inquire if i was anjonack, a huron word. att this i made as if i weare subported for speaking in a strang language, which shee liked well, calling me by the name of her son who before was killed, orinha, [footnote: called _orimha_, over-leaf.] which signifies ledd or stone, without difference of the words. so that it was my lordshippe. shee inquired [of] mee whether i was asserony, a french. i answering no, saying i was panugaga, that is, of their nation, for which shee was pleased. my father feasted men that day. my sisters made me clean for that purpos, and greased my haire. my mother decked me with a new cover and a redd and blew cappe, with necklace of porcelaine. my sisters tyed me with braceletts and garters of the same porcelaine. my brother painted my face, and [put] feathers on my head, and tyed both my locks with porcelaine. my father was liberall to me, giving me a garland instead of my blew cap and a necklace of porcelaine that hung downe to my heels, and a hattchet in my hand. it was hard for me to defend myselfe against any encounter, being so laden with riches. then my father made a speech shewing many demonstrations of vallor, broak a kettle full of cagamite [footnote: _cagamite, cagaimtie, sagamite_, a mush made of pounded indian corn boiled with bits of meat or fish.] with a hattchett so they sung, as is their usual coustom. they weare waited on by a sort of yong men, bringing downe dishes of meate of oriniacke, [footnote: _oriniacke, auriniacks, horiniac_, the moose, the largest species of deer. called by the french writers-- sagard-theodat, la hontan, and charlevoix--_eslan, orinal_, or _orignal_.] of castors, and of red deer mingled with some flowers. the order of makeing was thus: the corne being dried between stones into powder, being very thick, putt it into a kettle full of watter, then a quantity of bear's grease. this banquett being over, they cryed to me shagon, orimha, that is, be hearty, stone or ledd. every one withdrew into his quarters, and so did i. but to the purpose of my history. as i went to the fields once, where i mett with of my acquaintance, who had a designe for to hunt a great way off, they desired me to goe along. i lett them know in huron language (for that i knew better then that of the iroquoits) i was content, desiring them to stay till i acquainted my mother. one of them came along with mee, and gott leave for me of my kindred. my mother gott me presently a sack of meale, paire of shoos, my gun, and tourned backe where the stayed for us. my sisters accompanied me even out of the wildernesse and carried my bundle, where they tooke leave. we marched on that day through the woods till we came by a lake where we travelled without any rest. i wished i had stayed att home, for we had sad victualls. the next day about noone we came to a river; there we made a skiffe, so litle that we could scarce go into it. i admired their skill in doing of it, ffor in lesse then hours they cutt the tree and pulled up the rind, of which they made the boat. we embarked ourselves and went to the lower end of the river, which emptied it selfe into a litle lake of about miles in length and a mile in breadth. we passed this lake into another river broader then the other; there we found a fresh track of a stagge, which made us stay heere a while. it was five of the clock att least when of our men made themselves ready to looke after that beast; the other and i stayed behind. not long after we saw the stagge crosse the river, which foarding brought him to his ending. so done, they went on their cours, and came backe againe att of the clocke with bears, a castor, and the stagge which was slaine att our sight. how did wee rejoice to see that killed which would make the kettle boyle. after we have eaten, wee slept. the next day we made trappes for to trapp castors, whilst we weare bussie, one about one thing, one about another. as of us retourned homewards to our cottage we heard a wild man singing. he made us looke to our selves least he should prove an ennemy, but as we have seene him, called to him, who came immediately, telling us that he was in pursuite of a beare since morning, and that he gave him over, having lost his doggs by the same beare. he came with us to our cottage, where we mett our companion after having killed one beare, staggs, and mountain catts, being in number. whilst the meat was a boyling that wild man spoake to me the algonquin language. i wondred to heare this stranger; he tould me that he was taken years agoe; he asked me concerning the rivers and of quebuck, who wished himselfe there, and i said the same, though i did not intend it. he asked me if i loved the french. i inquired [of] him also if he loved the algonquins? mary, quoth he, and so doe i my owne nation. then replyed he, brother, cheare up, lett us escape, the rivers are not a farre off. i tould him my comrades would not permitt me, and that they promissed my mother to bring me back againe. then he inquired whether i would live like the hurrons, who weare in bondage, or have my owne liberty with the ffrench, where there was good bread to be eaten. feare not, quoth he, shall kill them all this night when they will bee a sleepe, which will be an easy matter with their owne hatchetts. att last i consented, considering they weare mortall ennemys to my country, that had cutt the throats of so many of my relations, burned and murdered them. i promissed him to succour him in his designe. they not understanding our language asked the algonquin what is that that he said, but tould them some other story, nor did they suspect us in the least. their belly full, their mind without care, wearyed to the utmost of the formost day's journey, fell a sleepe securely, leaning their armes up and downe without the least danger. then my wild man pushed me, thinking i was a sleepe. he rises and sitts him downe by the fire, behoulding them one after an other, and taking their armes a side, and having the hattchetts in his hand gives me one; to tell the truth i was loathsome to do them mischif that never did me any. yett for the above said reasons i tooke the hattchet and began the execution, which was soone done. my fellow comes to him that was nearest to the fire (i dare say he never saw the stroake), and i have done that like to an other, but i hitting him with the edge of the hattchett could not disingage [it] presently, being so deep in his head, rises upon his breast, butt fell back sudainly, making a great noise, which almost waked the third; but my comrade gave him a deadly blow of a hattchet, and presently after i shott him dead. then we prepared our selves with all speed, throwing their dead corps, after that the wild man took off their heads, into the watter. we tooke guns, leaving the th, their swoords, their hattchetts, their powder and shott, and all their porselaine; we tooke also some meale and meate. i was sorry for to have ben in such an incounter, but too late to repent. wee tooke our journey that night alongst the river. the break of day we landed on the side of a rock which was smooth. we carryed our boat and equippage into the wood above a hundred paces from the watter side, where we stayed most sadly all that day tormented by the maringoines; [footnote: _musquetos_.] we tourned our boat upside downe, we putt us under it from the raine. the night coming, which was the fitest time to leave that place, we goe without any noise for our safty. wee travelled nights in that maner in great feare, hearing boats passing by. when we have perceaved any fire, left off rowing, and went by with as litle noise as could [be] possible. att last with many tournings by lande and by watter, wee came to the lake of st. peeter's. we landed about of the clock, leaving our skiff in among rushes farr out of the way from those that passed that way and doe us injury. we retired into the wood, where we made a fire some paces from the river. there we roasted some meat and boyled meale; after, we rested ourselves a while from the many labours of the former night. so, having slept, my companion awaks first, and stirrs me, saying it was high time that we might by day come to our dweling, of which councel i did not approve. [i] tould him the ennemys commonly weare lurking about the river side, and we should doe very well [to] stay in that place till sunnsett. then, said he, lett us begon, we [are] passed all feare. let us shake off the yoake of a company of whelps that killed so many french and black-coats, and so many of my nation. nay, saith he, brother, if you come not, i will leave you, and will go through the woods till i shall be over against the french quarters. there i will make a fire for a signe that they may fetch me. i will tell to the governor that you stayed behind. take courage, man, says he. with this he tooke his peece and things. att this i considered how if [i] weare taken att the doore by meere rashnesse; the next, the impossibility i saw to go by myselfe if my comrad would leave me, and perhaps the wind might rise, that i could [only] come to the end of my journey in a long time, and that i should be accounted a coward for not daring to hazard myselfe with him that so much ventured for mee. i resolved to go along through the woods; but the litle constancy that is to be expected in wild men made me feare he should [take] to his heels, which approved his unfortunate advice; ffor he hath lost his life by it, and i in great danger have escaped by the helpe of the almighty. i consent to goe by watter with him. in a short time wee came to the lake. the watter very calme and cleare. no liklyhood of any storme. we hazarded to the other side of the lake, thinking ffor more security. after we passed the third part of the lake, i being the foremost, have perceaved as if it weare a black shaddow, which proved a real thing. he at this rises and tells mee that it was a company of buzards, a kinde of geese in that country. we went on, where wee soone perceaved our owne fatall blindnesse, ffor they weare ennemys. we went back againe towards the lande with all speed to escape the evident danger, but it was too late; ffor before we could come to the russhes that weare within halfe a league of the waterside we weare tired. seeing them approaching nigher and nigher, we threw the heads in the watter. they meet with these heads, which makes them to row harder after us, thinking that we had runn away from their country. we weare so neere the lande that we saw the bottom of the watter, but yett too deepe to step in. when those cruel inhumans came within a musquett shott of us, and fearing least the booty should gett a way from them, shott severall times att us, and deadly wounding my comrade, [who] fell dead. i expected such another shott. the litle skiff was pierced in severall places with their shooting, [so] that watter ran in a pace. i defended me selfe with the arms. att last they environed me with their boats, that tooke me just as i was a sinking. they held up the wild man and threw him into one of their boats and me they brought with all diligence to land. i thought to die without mercy. they made a great fire and tooke my comrade's heart out, and choped off his head, which they put on an end of a stick and carryed it to one of their boats. they cutt off some of the flesh of that miserable, broyled it and eat it. if he had not ben so desperately wounded they had don their best to keepe him alive to make him suffer the more by bourning him with small fires; but being wounded in the chin, and [a] bullet gon through the troat, and another in the shoulder that broake his arme, making him incurable, they burned some parte of his body, and the rest they left there. that was the miserable end of that wretch. lett us come now to the beginning of my miseries and calamities that i was to undergo. whilst they weare bussie about my companion's head, the others tyed me safe and fast in a strang maner; having striped me naked, they tyed me above the elbows behind my back, and then they putt a collar about me, not of porcelaine as before, but a rope wrought about my midle. so [they] brought me in that pickle to the boat. as i was imbarqued they asked mee severall questions. i being not able to answer, gave me great blowes with their fists. [they] then pulled out one of my nailes, and partly untied me. what displeasure had i, to have seen meselfe taken againe, being almost come to my journey's end, that i must now goe back againe to suffer such torments, as death was to be expected. having lost all hopes, i resolved alltogether to die, being a folly to think otherwise. i was not the [only] one in the clawes of those wolves. their company was composed of men. these tooke about quebucq and other places frenchmen, one french woman, hurrons, men as [well as] women. they had eleven heads which they sayd weare of the algonquins, and i was the rd victime with those cruels. the wild men that weare prisners sang their fatal song, which was a mornfull song or noise. the couleurs (which weare heads) stood out for a shew. we prisoners weare separated, one in one boat, one in an other. as for me, i was put into a boat with a huron whose fingers weare cutt and bourned, and very [few] amongst them but had the markes of those inhuman devils. they did not permitt me to tarry long with my fellow prisoner, least i should tell him any news, as i imagine, but sent me to another boat, where i remained the rest of the voyage by watter, which proved somewhat to my disadvantage. in this boat there was an old man, who having examined me, i answered him as i could best; tould him how i was adopted by such an one by name, and as i was a hunting with my companions that wildman that was killed came to us, and after he had eaten went his way. in the evening [he] came back againe and found us all a sleepe, tooke a hattchett and killed my companions, and awaked me, and so embarked me and brought me to this place. that old man believed me in some measure, which i perceived in him by his kindnesse towards me. but he was not able to protect me from those that [had] a will to doe me mischief. many slandred me, but i tooke no notice. some leagues thence they erected cottages by a small river, very difficult to gett to it, for that there is litle watter on a great sand [bank] a league wide. to this very houre i tooke notice how they tyed their captives, though att my owne cost. they planted severall poastes of the bignesse of an arme, then layd us of a length, tyed us to the said poasts far a sunder from one another. then tyed our knees, our wrists, and elbows, and our hairs directly upon the crowne of our heads, and then cutt barrs of the bignesse of a legge & used thus. they tooke for the necke, puting one of each side, tying the ends together, so that our heads weare fast in a hole like a trappe; likewayes they did to our leggs. and what tormented us most was the maringoines and great flyes being in abundance; did all night but puff and blow, that by that means we saved our faces from the sting of those ugly creatures; having no use of our hands, we are cruelly tormented. our voyage was laborious and most miserable, suffering every night the like misery. when we came neere our dwellings we mett severall gangs of men to our greatest disadvantage, for we weare forced to sing, and those that came to see us gave porcelaine to those that most did us injury. one cutt of a finger, and another pluck'd out a naile, and putt the end of our fingers into their bourning pipes, & burned severall parts in our bodyes. some tooke our fingers and of a stick made a thing like a fork, with which [they] gave severall blowes on the back of the hands, which caused our hands to swell, and became att last insensible as dead. having souffred all these crueltyes, which weare nothing to that they make usually souffer their prisoners, we arrived att last to the place of execution, which is att the coming in to their village, which wheere not [long] before i escaped very neere to be soundly beaten with staves and fists. now i must think to be no lesse traited by reason of the murder of the men, but the feare of death takes away the feare of blowes. nineteen of us prisoners weare brought thither, and left behind with the heads. in this place we had coulours. who would not shake att the sight of so many men, women, and children armed with all sorte of instruments: staves, hand irons, heelskins wherein they putt halfe a score [of] bullets? others had brands, rods of thorne, and all suchlike that the crueltie could invent to putt their prisoners to greater torments. heere, no help, no remedy. we must passe this dangerous passage in our extremity without helpe. he that is the fearfullest, or that is observed to stay the last, getts nothing by it butt more blowes, and putt him to more paine. for the meanest sort of people commonly is more cruell to the fearfullest then to the others that they see more fearfull, being att last to suffer chearfuly and with constancy. they begun to cry to both sides, we marching one after another, environed with a number of people from all parts to be witnesse to that hidious sight, which seriously may be called the image of hell in this world. the men sing their fatall song, the women make horrible cryes, the victores cryes of joy, and their wives make acclamations of mirth. in a word, all prepare for the ruine of these poore victimes who are so tyed, having nothing saving only our leggs free, for to advance by litle and litle according [to] the will of him that leades; ffor as he held us by a long rope, he stayed us to his will, & often he makes us falle, for to shew them cruelty, abusing you so for to give them pleasure and to you more torment. as our band was great, there was a greater crew of people to see the prisoners, and the report of my taking being now made, and of the death of the men, which afflicted the most part of that nation, great many of which came through a designe of revenge and to molest me more then any other. but it was altogether otherwise, for among the tumult i perceaved my father & mother with their daughters. the mother pushes in among the crew directly to mee, and when shee was neere enough, shee clutches hould of my haire as one desperat, calling me often by my name; drawing me out of my ranck, shee putts me into the hands of her husband, who then bid me have courage, conducting me an other way home to his cabban, when he made me sitt downe. [he] said to me: you senselesse, thou was my son, and thou rendered thyselfe enemy, and thou rendered thyself enemy, thou lovest not thy mother, nor thy father that gave thee thy life, and thou notwithstanding will kill me. bee merry; conharrassan, give him to eate. that was the name of one of the sisters. my heart shook with trembling and feare, which tooke away my stomach. neverthelesse to signifie a bould countenance, knowing well a bould generous minde is allwayes accounted among all sort of nations, especially among wariors, as that nation is very presumptious and haughty. because of their magnanimity and victories opposing themselves into all dangers and incounters what ever, running over the whole land for to make themselves appeere slaining and killing all they meete in exercising their cruelties, or else shewing mercy to whom they please to give liberty. god gave mee the grace to forgett nothing of my duty, as i tould my father the successe of my voyage in the best tearme i could, and how all things passed, mixturing a litle of their languag with that of the hurrons, which i learned more fluently then theirs, being longer and more frequently with the hurrons. every one attentively gave ears to me, hoping by this means to save my life. uppon this heere comes a great number of armed men, enters the cabban, where finding mee yett tyed with my cords, fitting by my parents, made their addresses to my father, and spak to him very loud. after a while my father made me rise and delivers me into their hands. my mother seeing this, cryes and laments with both my sisters, and i believing in a terrible motion to goe directly on to the place of execution. i must march, i must yeeld wheere force is predominant att the publique place. i was conducted where i found a good company of those miserable wretches, alltogether beaten with blowes, covered with blood, and bourned. one miserable frenchman, yett breathing, having now ben consumed with blowes of sticks, past so through the hands of this inraged crew, and seeing he could [bear] no more, cutt off his head and threw it into the fire. this was the end of this execrable wofull body of this miserable. they made me goe up the scaffold where weare men, women, and children captives, and i made the eleventh. there weare severall scaffolds nigh one an other, where weare these wretches, who with dolefull singings replenished the heavens with their cryes. for i can say that an houre before the weather approved very faire, and in an instant the weather changed and rayned extremely. the most part retired for to avoid this hayle, and now we must expect the full rigour of the weather by the retiration of those perfidious [persons], except one part of the band of hell who stayed about us for to learn the trade of barbary; ffor those litle devils seeing themselves all alone, continued [a] thousand inventions of wickednesse. this is nothing strang, seeing that they are brought up, and suck the crueltie from their mother's brest. i prolong a litle from my purpose of my adventure for to say the torments that i have seen souffred att coutu, after that they have passed the sallett, att their entering in to the village, and the rencounters that they meet ordinarily in the wayes, as above said. they tie the prisoners to a poast by their hands, their backs tourned towards the hangman, who hath a bourning fire of dry wood and rind of trees, which doth not quench easily. they putt into this fire hattchets, swords, and such like instruments of iron. they take these and quench them on human flesh. they pluck out their nailes for the most part in this sort. they putt a redd coale of fire uppon it, and when it is swolen bite it out with their teeth. after they stop the blood with a brand which by litle and litle drawes the veines the one after another from off the fingers, and when they draw all as much as they can, they cutt it with peeces of redd hott iron; they squeeze the fingers between stones, and so draw the marrow out of the boanes, and when the flesh is all taken away, they putt it in a dishfull of bourning sand. after they tye your wrist with a corde, putting two for this effect, one drawing him one way, another of another way. if the sinews be not cutt with a stick, putting it through & tourning it, they make them come as fast as they can, and cutt them in the same way as the others. some others cutt peeces of flesh from all parts of the body & broyle them, gett you to eat it, thrusting them into yor mouth, puting into it a stick of fire. they breake your teeth with a stoane or clubbs, and use the handle of a kettle, and upon this do hang or hattchetts, red hott, which they hang about their neck and roast your leggs with brands of fire, and thrusting into it some sticks pointed, wherein they put ledd melted and gunnepowder, and then give it fire like unto artificiall fire, and make the patient gather it by the stumps of his remalning fingers. if he cannot sing they make him quack like a henne. i saw two men tyed to a rope, one att each end, and hang them so all night, throwing red coales att them, or bourning sand, and in such like bourne their feet, leggs, thighs, and breech. the litle ones doe exercise themselves about such cruelties; they deck the bodyes all over with hard straw, putting in the end of this straw, thornes, so leaves them; now & then gives them a litle rest, and sometimes gives them fresh watter and make them repose on fresh leaves. they also give them to eat of the best they have that they come to themselves againe, to give them more torments. then when they see that the patient can no more take up his haire, they cover his head with a platter made of rind full of bourning sand, and often getts the platter a fire. in the next place they cloath you with a suit made of rind of a tree, and this they make bourne out on your body. they cutt off your stones and the women play with them as with balles. when they see the miserable die, they open him and pluck out his heart; they drink some of his blood, and wash the children's heads with the rest to make them valient. if you have indured all the above said torments patiently and without moanes, and have defied death in singing, then they thrust burning blades all along your boanes, and so ending the tragedie cutt off the head and putt it on the end of a stick and draw his body in quarters which they hawle about their village. lastly [they] throw him into the watter or leave [him] in the fields to be eaten by the crowes or doggs. now lett me come to our miserable poore captives that stayed all along [through] the raine upon the scaffold to the mercy of or rogues that shott us with litle arrowes, and so drew out our beards and the haire from those that had any. the showre of rayne being over, all come together againe, and having kindled fires began to burne some of those poore wretches. that day they pluckt nailes out of my fingers, and made me sing, though i had no mind att that time. i became speechlesse oftentimes; then they gave me watter wherin they boyled a certain herbe that the gunsmiths use to pollish their armes. that liquour brought me to my speech againe. the night being come they made me come downe all naked as i was, & brought to a strang cottage. i wished heartily it had ben that of my parents. being come, they tyed me to a poast, where i stayed a full houre without the least molestation. a woman came there with her boy, inticed him to cutt off one of my fingers with a flint stoan. the boy was not yeares old. this [boy] takes my finger and begins to worke, but in vaine, because he had not the strength to breake my fingers. so my poore finger escaped, having no other hurt don to it but the flesh cutt round about it. his mother made him suck the very blood that runn from my finger. i had no other torment all that day. att night i could not sleepe for because of the great paine. i did eat a litle, and drunk much watter by reason of a feaver i caught by the cruel torment i suffred. the next morning i was brought back againe to the scaffold, where there were company enough. they made me sing a new, but my mother came there and made [me] hould my peace, bidding me be cheerfull and that i should not die. shee brought mee some meate. her coming comforted me much, but that did not last long; ffor heare comes severall old people, one of which being on the scaffold, satt him downe by me, houlding in his mouth a pewter pipe burning, tooke my thumb and putt it on the burning tobacco, and so smoaked pipes one after another, which made my thumb swell, and the nayle and flesh became as coales. my mother was allwayes by me to comfort me, but said not what i thought. that man having finished his hard worke, but i am sure i felt it harder to suffer it. he trembled, whether for feare or for so much action i cannot tell. my mother tyed my fingers with cloath, and when he was gon shee greased my haire and combed my haire with a wooden comb, fitter to combe a horse's tayle then anything else. shee goes back againe. that day they ended many of those poore wretches, flinging some all alive into the midle of a great fire. they burned a frenchwoman; they pulled out her breasts and tooke a child out of her belly, which they broyled and made the mother eat of it; so, in short, [she] died. i was not abused all that day till the night. they bourned the soales of my feet and leggs. a souldier run through my foot a swoord red out of the fire, and plucked severall of my nailes. i stayed in that maner all night. i neither wanted in the meane while meate nor drinke. i was supplied by my mother and sisters. my father alsoe came to see me & tould me i should have courage. that very time there came a litle boy to gnaw with his teeth the end of my fingers. there appears a man to cutt off my thumb, and being about it leaves me instantly & did no harme, for which i was glad. i believe that my father dissuaded him from it. a while after my father was gon came to the scaffold who swore they would me a mischiefe, as i thinke, for yet he tied his leggs to mine, called for a brand of fire, and layd it between his leggs and mine, and sings: but by good lucke it was out on my side, and did no other effect then bourne my skin, but bourned him to some purpos. in this posture i was to follow him, & being not able to hould mee, draweth mee downe. one of the company cutt the rope that held us with his knife, and makes mee goe up againe the scaffold and then went their way. there i stayed till midday alone. there comes a multitude of people who make me come downe and led mee into a cottage where there weare a number of sixty old men smoaking tobacco. here they make mee sitt downe among them and stayed about halfe an houre without that they asked who and why i was brought thither, nor did i much care. for the great torments that i souffred, i knew not whether i was dead or alive. and albeit i was in a hott feavor & great pain, i rejoyced att the sight of my brother, that i have not seene since my arrivement. he comes in very sumptuously covered with severall necklaces of porcelaine,[footnote: _porcelaine_, the french for wam-pum, or shell beads.] & a hattchett in his hand, satt downe by the company and cast an eye on me now and then. presently and comes in my father with a new and long cover, and a new porcelaine about him, with a hatchett in his hands, likewise satt downe with the company. he had a calumet of red stoane in his hands, a cake [footnote: _cake_, meaning a medicine-bag.] uppon his shoulders, that hanged downe his back, and so had the rest of the old men. in that same cake are incloased all the things in the world, as they tould me often, advertising mee that i should [not] disoblige them in the least nor make them angry, by reason they had in their power the sun, and moone, and the heavans, and consequently all the earth. you must know in this cake there is nothing but tobacco and roots to heale some wounds or sores; some others keepe in it the bones of their deceased friends; most of them wolves' heads, squirrels', or any other beast's head. when there they have any debatement among them they sacrifice to this tobacco, that they throw into the fire, and make smoake, of that they puff out of their pipes; whether for peace or adversity or prosperity or warre, such ceremonies they make very often. my father, taking his place, lights his pipe & smoaks as the rest. they held great silence. during this they bring prisoners; to wit, women and men, more [then] children from the age of to years, having placed them all by mee, who as yett had my armes tyed. the others all att liberty, being not tyed, which putt me into some despaire least i should pay for all. awhile after one of the company rises and makes a long speech, now shewing the heavens with his hands, and then the earth, and fire. this good man putt himselfe into a sweate through the earnest discours. having finished his panigerique, another begins, and also many, one after another. they gave then liberty to some, butt killed children with hattchetts, and a woman of years old, and threw them out of the cottage (saving onely myselfe) att full liberty. i was left alone for a stake, they contested together [upon] which my father rose and made a speech which lasted above an houre, being naked, having nothing on but his drawers and the cover of his head, and putt himselfe all in a heate. his eyes weare hollow in his head; he appeared to me like [as if] mad, and naming often the algonquins in their language [that is, eruata], which made me believe he spoake in my behalfe. in that very time comes my mother, with two necklaces of porcelaine, one in her armes, and another about her like a belt. as soone as shee came in shee began to sing and dance, and flings off one of her necklaces in the midle of the place, having made many tourns from one end to the other. shee takes the other necklace and gives it mee, then goes her way. then my brother rises and holding his hattchett in his hand sings a military song. having finished [he] departs. i feared much that he was first to knock me in the head; and happy are those that can escape so well, rather then be bourned. my father rises for a second time and sings; so done, retired himselfe. i thought all their guifts, songs, and speeches should prevaile nothing with mee. those that stayed held a councell and spoake one to an other very long, throwing tobacco into the fire, making exclamations. then the cottage was open of all sides by those that came to view, some of the company retires, and place was made for them as if they weare kings. forty staye about me, and nigh about my cottage, of men, women, and children. those that went their way retourned presently. being sett downe, smoaked againe whilest my father, mother, brother, and sisters weare present. my father sings a while; so done, makes a speech, and taking the porcelaine necklace from off me throws it att the feet of an old man, and cutts the cord that held me, then makes me rise. the joy that i receaved att that time was incomparable, for suddenly all my paines and griefs ceased, not feeling the least paine. he bids me be merry, makes me sing, to which i consented with all my heart. whilst i did sing they hooped and hollowed on all sids. the old man bid me "ever be cheerfull, my son!" having don, my mother, sisters, and the rest of their friends [sung] and danced. then my father takes me by the arme and leads me to his cabban. as we went along nothing was heard but hooping and hollowing on all parts, biding me to take great courage. my mother was not long after me, with the rest of her friends. now i see myselfe free from death. their care att this was to give me meate. i have not eaten a bitt all that day, and for the great joy i had conceaved, caused me to have a good stomach, so that i did eat lustily. then my mother begins to cure my sores and wounds. then begins my paines to [break out] a new; ffor shee cleans my wounds and scrapes them with a knife, and often thrusts a stick in them, and then takes watter in her mouth, and spouts it to make them cleane. the meanwhile my father goes to seeke rootes, and my sister chaws them, and my mother applyes them to my sores as a plaster. the next day the swelling was gone, but worse then before; but in lesse then a fortnight my sores weare healed, saving my feete, that kept [me] more then a whole month in my cabban. during this time my nailes grewed a pace. i remained onely lame of my midle finger, that they have squeezed between two stoanes. every one was kind to mee as beforesaid, and [i] wanted no company to be merry with. i should [be] kept too long to tell you the particulars that befell me during my winter. i was beloved of my parents as before. my exercise was allwayes a hunting without that any gave me the least injury. my mother kept me most brave, and my sisters tooke great care of mee. every moneth i had a white shirt, which my father sent for from the flemeings, who weare not a farr off our village. i could never gett leave to goe along with my brother, who went there very often. finally, seeing myselfe in the former condition as before, i constituted as long as my father and fortune would permitt mee to live there. dayly there weare military feasts for the south nations, and others for the algonquins and for the french. the exclamations, hoopings and cryes, songs and dances, signifies nothing but the murdering and killing, and the intended victory that they will have the next yeare, which is in the beginning of spring. in those feasts my father heaves up his hattchett against the algonquins. for this effect [he] makes great preparations for his next incamping. every night [he] never failes to instruct and encourage the young age to take armes and to reveng the death of so many of their ennemy that lived among the french nation. the desire that i had to make me beloved, for the assurance of my life made me resolve to offer myselfe for to serve, and to take party with them. but i feared much least he should mistrust me touching his advis to my resolution. neverthelesse i finding him once of a good humour and on the point of honnour encourages his son to break the kettle and take the hattchett and to be gon to the forraigne nations, and that was of courage and of great renowne to see the father of one parte and the son of another part, & that he should not mispraise if he should seperat from him, but that it was the quickest way to make the world tremble, & by that means have liberty everywhere by vanquishing the mortall enemy of his nation; uppon this i venture to aske him what i was. [he] presently answers that i was a iroquoite as himselfe. lett me revenge, said i, my kindred. i love my brother. lett me die with him. i would die with you, but you will not because you goe against the ffrench. lett me a gaine goe with my brother, the prisoners & the heads that i shall bring, to the joy of my mother and sisters, will make me undertake att my retourne to take up the hattchett against those of quebecq, of the rivers, and monteroyall in declaring them my name, and that it's i that kills them, and by that you shall know i am your son, worthy to beare that title that you gave me when you adopted me. he sett [up] a great crye, saying, have great courage, son oninga, thy brother died in the warrs not in the cabban; he was of a courage not of a woman. i goe to aveng his death. if i die, aveng you mine. that one word was my leave, which made me hope that one day i might escape, having soe great an opportunity; or att least i should have the happinesse to see their country, which i heard so much recommended by the iroquoites, who brought wondrous stories and the facilitie of killing so many men. thus the winter was past in thoughts and preparing for to depart before the melting of the snow, which is very soone in that country. i began to sett my witts together how i should resolve this my voyage; for my mother opposed against it mightily, saying i should bee lost in the woods, and that i should gett it [put] off till the next yeare. but at last i flattered with her and dissembled; besides, my father had the power in his hands. shee daring not to deny him any thing because shee was not borne in my father's country, but was taken [when] little in the huronit's country. notwithstanding [she was] well beloved of her husband, having lived together more then fourty years, and in that space brought him children, males and females. two girls died after a while, and sons killed in the warrs, and one that went years before with a band of men to warre against a fiery nation which is farre beyonde the great lake. the th had allready performed voyages with a greate deale of successe. my father was a great captayne in warrs, having ben commander in all his times, and distructed many villages of their ennemy, having killed men with his owne hands, whereof he was marked [on] his right thigh for as many [as] he killed. he should have as many more, but that you must know that the commander has not amused himselfe to kille, but in the front of his army to encourage his men. if by chance he tooke any prisoners, he calles one of his men and gives him the captives, saying that it's honour enough to command the conquerors, and by his example shews to the yong men that he has the power as much as the honour. he receaved gunn shots and arrows shotts, and was runne through the shoulders with a lance. he was aged score years old, he was talle, and of an excellent witt for a wild man. when our baggage was ready, my father makes a feast to which he invites a number of people, & declares that he was sorry he had resolved to go to warre against an ennemy which was in a cold country, which hindred him to march sooner then he would, but willing to see his sonnes before him, and that this banquett was made for his sons' farewell. then he tould that his adopted son was ready to go with his owne son to be revenged of the death of their brothers, and desired the commander to have a care of us both. this commander loved us both, said that the one which [was] meselfe should be with him to the end. if anything should oppose he would make me fight him. i was not att home when he spoke those words, but my mother toald me it att my retourne. i was a fishing by with my sisters & brother. when wee came back wee found all ready, butt with a heart broken that our mother and sisters lett us goe. few days after i was invited to a military banquett where was the captayne, a yong gallant of years old, with a company of , and i made the th. we all did sing and made good cheare of a fatt beare. we gave our things to slaves, we carried only our musquetts. our kindred brought us a great way. my sister could not forbeare crying, yett tould me to be of a stout heart. we tooke att last [leave and] bid them adieu. we tooke on our journey over great snowes for to come to the great lake before the spring. we travelled days through woods and indifferent country, easie in some places and others difficult. the rivers weare frozen, which made us crosse with a great deale of ease. wee arrived the th day in a village called nojottga [footnote: _nojottga_, or oneioutga, oneida.], where we stayed days. from thence came a young man with us. we arrived into another village, nontageya [footnote: _nontageya_, onontaguega, or onondaga.], where we stayed foure days. wee had allways great preparations, and weare invited or tenne times a day. our bellyes had not tyme to emptie themselves, because we feeded so much, and that what was prepared for us weare severall sortes, stagg, indian corne, thick flower, bears, and especially eels. we have not yett searched our baggs wheare our provision was. in this place wee mended them. for my part i found in myne pounds of powder and more then pounds of shott, shirts, a capp, pairs of shoes, and wherewith to make a paire of breeches, and about graines of black and white porcelaine, and my brother as many. wee had new covers, one to our body, another hung downe from our shoulders like a mantle. every one [had] a small necklace of porcelaine and a collar made with a thread of nettles to tye the prisoners. i had a gunne, a hattchett, and a dagger. that was all we had. our slaves brought the packs after us. after we marched dayes, we came to a village, sonon-teeonon,[footnote: _sononteeonon_, tionnontonan, or seneca.] there we layd a night. the next day, after a small journey, we came to the last village of their confederates. heere they doe differ in their speech though of [our] nation. it's called oiongoiconon. [footnote: _oiongoiconon_ is cayuga.] here we stay dayes, and sent away our slaves and carryed our bundles ourselves, going allwayes through the woods. we found great plaines of leagues and a halfe journey without a tree. we saw there stagges, but would not goe out of our way to kill them. we went through villages of this nation neare one another. they admired to see a frenchman accompanying wild men, which i understood by their exclamations. i thought i grewed leane to take litle voyage, but the way seemed tedious to all. the raquett alwayes with the feet and sometimes with the hands, which seemed to me hard to indure, yett have i not complained. att the parting of the slaves, i made my bundle light as the rest. we found snowes in few places, saving where the trees made a shaddow, which hindred the snow to thaw, which made us carry the raquetts with our feete, and sometimes with the hands. after days' march [we completed our journey] through a country covered with water, and where also are mountaines and great plaines. in those plaines wee kill'd stagges, and a great many tourquies. thence we came to a great river of a mile wide which was not frozen, which made us stay there or dayes making skiffs of the rind of walnut trees. we made good cheere and wished to stay there longer. we made skiffs to hould men, and one to hould two. we imbarked though there weare ice in many places, and yett no hinderance to us going small journeys, fearing least what should befall us. in dayes we came to a lake much frozen; covered in some places with ice by reason of the tossing of the wind, and the ground all covered with snow. heere we did our best to save us from the rigour of the aire, and must stay dayes. the wild men admired that the season of the yeare was so backward. att the end the wind changes southerly, which made the lake free from ice and cleare over all the skirts of it, without either snow or ice. there was such a thawing that made the litle brookes flow like rivers, which made us imbarque to wander [over] that sweet sea. the weather lovely, the wind fayre, and nature satisfied. tending forwards, singing and playing, not considering the contrary weather past, continued so days upon the lake and rested the nights ashore. the more we proceeded in our journey, the more the pleasant country and warmer. ending the lake, we entered into a beautifull sweet river, a stoan-cast wide. after halfe a day we rid on it, weare forced to bring both barks and equipage uppon our backs to the next streame of that river. this done above times, hawling our boats after us all laden. we went up that river att least or leagues. att last [it] brought us to a lake of some miles in length. being comed to the highest place of the lake, we landed and hid our boats farr enough in the woods, [and] tooke our bundles. we weare dayes going through a great wildernesse where was no wood, not so much as could make us fire. then the thickned flower did serve us instead of meate, mingling it with watter. we foorded many litle rivers, in swiming & sayling. our armes, which we putt uppon some sticks tyed together of such wood as that desolat place could afford, to keepe them from the weatt. the evening we came on the side of a violent river, uppon which we made bridges of trees that we [made] to meet, to go over. we left this place after being there dayes. we went up that river in dayes; there we killed stagges. after we came to a mouth of another river. we made a litle fort, where it was commanded by our captayne to make no noise. they desired me to be very quiet, which i observed strictly. after refreshment we imbarked, though unseasonably, in the night, for to make som discovery. some went one way, some another. we went a great way, but not farr off our fort. the next day we meet altogether & made some councell, where it was decreed that should go to the furthermost part of a small river in a boat, to make a discovery, and see if there weare tracks of people there, whilst the other should take notice of a villag, that they knew'd to be nigh, and because it was lesse danger to make there a discovery. the youngest of the company and me are pitched [upon] to goe into the river. we tooke the lightest boat. it was well, [for] that in some places of the river there was not watter enough to carry us. we weare fained to draw the boat after us. i believe not that ever a wild man went that way because of the great number of trees that stops the passage of the river. after we have gon the best part of the day, we found ourselves att the end of a small lake some mile in length, and seeing the woods weare not so thick there as wheare wee passed, we hid our boat in some bushes, taking onely our armes along, intending on still to pretend some discovery. we scarce weare in the midle of the lake when we perceave persons goeing on the watter side, att the other side of the lake; so my comrade getts him up a tree to discerne better if there weare any more. after he stayed there a while [he] comes [down] & tells me that he thought they weare women, and that we might goe kill them. doubtlesse, said i, if they are women the men are not afarre from them, and we shall be forced to shoote. wee are alone, and should runne the hazzard of women for to be discovered. our breethren also would be in danger that knowes nothing. moreover it's night; what dost thou intend to doe? you say well, replyes he; lett us hide ourselves in the wood, for we cannot goe downe in the river in the night time. att breake of day we will [goe] back to our companions where we will finde them in the fort. here we came without any provisions, where we must lie under a rotten tree. that night it rayned sadly. we weare wett; but a naturall exercise is good fire. we weare in our boat early in the morning, and with great diligence we came back better then we went up, for the river grewed mighty high by reason of so much that fell of raine. i will not omitt a strange accident that befell us as we came. you must know that as we past under the trees, as before mentioned, there layd on one of the trees a snake with foure feete, her head very bigg, like a turtle, the nose very small att the end, the necke of thumbs wide, the body about feet, and the tayle of a foot & a halfe, of a blackish collour, onto a shell small and round, with great eyes, her teeth very white but not long. that beast was a sleepe upon one of the trees under which wee weare to goe; neither of us ever seeing such a creature weare astonished. we could not tell what to doe. it was impossible to carry our boat, for the thicknesse of the wood; to shoot att her wee would att least be discovered, besides it would trouble our company. att last we weare resolved to goe through att what cost soever, and as we weare under that hellish beast, shee started as shee awaked, and with that fell'd downe into our boat, there weare herbes that served [to secure] us from that dreadfull animal. we durst not ventur to kill her, for feare of breaking of our boat. there is the question who was most fearfull? as for me, i quaked. now seeing shee went not about to doe us hurt, and that shee was fearfull, we lett her [be] quiet, hoping shortly to land and to tourne upsid downe of our boat to be rid of such a devill. then my comrad began to call it, and before we weare out of the litle river our feare was over; so we resolved to bring her to the fort, and when once arrived att the great river, nothing but crosse over it to be neare our fort. but in the mean while a squirrell made us good spoart for a quarter of an houre. the squirrell would not leap into the water; did but runne, being afraid of us, from one end of the boat to the other; every time he came nearer, the snake opened her wide mouth & made a kind of a noise, & rose up, having her fore feet uppon the side of the boat, which persuaded us that shee would leave us. we leaned on that side of the boat, so with our owers thrusted her out; we seeing her swime so well, hasted to kill her with our owers, which shee had for her paines. [footnote: radisson's description of this reptile has been shown to one of the most eminent herpetologists in america, who writes that "no such reptile has ever been described by scientific writers."] the squirrell tooke the flight, soe we went, longing to be with our comrades to tell them of what we have seene. we found one of our company watching for us att the side of a woode, for they weare in feare least wee should be taken, & expected us all night long. as for their part they neither have seen nor heard anything. wherefore resolved to goe further, but the news we brought them made them alter their resolution. wee layd all night in our fort, where we made good cheare and great fires, fearing nothing, being farr enough in the wood. the next day before the breaking of the day we foorded the river, & leaving our boats in the wood, went a foot straight towards the place where we have seene the persons; & before we came to the lake we tooke notice of some fresh trakes which made us look to ourselves, and followed the trakes, which brought us to a small river, where no sooner came but we saw a woman loaden with wood, which made us believ that some cottage or village was not afar off. the captaine alone takes notice of the place where abouts the discovery was, who soone brought us [to see] that there weare men & women a fishing. we wagged [sic] att this the saffest [way] to come unawarre uppon them, and like starved doggs or wolves devoured those poore creatures who in a moment weare massacred. what we gott by this was not much, onely stagges' skins with some guirdles made of goate's hair, of their owne making. these weare in great estime among our wild men. two of ours goes to the cabban which was made of rushes, where they founde an old woman. they thought it charity to send her into the other world, with two small children whome also they killed; so we left that place, giving them to the fishes their bodyes. every one of us had his head, and my brother two; our share being considerable [we] went on along the river till we came to a small lake. not desiring to be discovered, we found a faire road close by a wood, withtooke ourselves out of it with all haste, and went towards a village. there we came by night, where we visited the wildernesse to find out a secure place for security to hide ourselves; but [finding] no conveniencies we [went] into the wood in a very cleare place. heere we layd downe uppon our bellies. we did eat, among other things, the fish we gott in the cabban of the fishermen. after dispatching one of the company bouldly into the village, being thirsty after eating, for heere we had no water, [which] brings us [so] that we are all very quiett. the great desire we had to catch and take made us to controule the buissinesse. early in the morning we came to the side of the wildernesse, where we layd in an ambush, but could see nobody that morning. att two of the clock in the after non we see , as well men as women, a great way from us. we went to the wood, whence we perceived many att worke in the fields. att evening [they] passed by very nigh us, but they neither see nor perceived us. they went to cutt wood; whilst they weare att worke there comes foure men and three women, that tooke notice of our ambush. this we could not avoid, so weare forced to appeare to their ruine. we tooke the women and killed men. the other thought to escape, but weare stayed with our peeces; the other that weare aworking would runne away, but one was taken, the other escaped. the news was brought over all those parts. thence we runne away with our prisoners and the new heads with all speed. the women could not goe fast enough, and therefore killed them after they went a whole night; their corps we threwed into the river; heere we found a boat which served us to goe over. we marched all that day without any delay; being come to an open field we hid ourselves in bushes till thee next day. we examined our prisoners, who tould us no news; non could understand them, although many huron words weare in their language. in this place we perceived men a hunting afarre off; we thought [it] not convenient to discover ourselves, least we should be discovered and passe our aime. we tooke another day, before and the rest after, thee prisoners in the midle. we speedily went the rest of thee day through a burned country, and the trees blowne downe with some great windes. the fire over came all, over leagues in length and in breadth. we layd in the very midle of that country upon a faire sandy place where we could see or leagues off round about us, and being secure we made the prisoners sing which is their acconroga before death. there we made a litle fire to make our kettle boyle a tourkey, with some meale that was left. seeing no body persued, we resolved to goe thence before daylight to seeke for more booty. we stayed nights before we turned back to the village, during which time we mett with nothing, and having gon on all sides with great paines without victualls. att last we came to kill stagges, but did not suffice of us. we weare forced to gather the dung of the stagges to boyle it with the meat, which made all very bitter. but good stomachs make good favour. hunger forced us to kill our prisoners, who weare chargeable in eating our food, for want of which have eaten the flesh. so by that means we weare freed from the trouble. the next day we came neere a village. att our coming we killed a woman with her child, & seeing no more for us that way we tourned backe againe for feare of pursueing, and resolved to goe backe to the first village that was days' journey; but on the way we mett with and or men and women, who discovered us, which made [us] go to it. they fought & defended themselves lustily; but [there is] no resisting the strongest party, for our guns were a terrour to them, and made them give over. during the fight the women ranne away. five of the men weare wounded with arrowes and foure escaped, but he that was sent with me att first to make a discovery was horribly wounded with arrowes and a blow of a club on the head. if he had stuck to it as we, he might proceed better. we burned him with all speed, that he might not languish long, to putt ourselves in safty. we killed of them, & prisoners wee tooke, and came away to where we left our boats, where we arrived within days without resting, or eating or drinking all the time, saveing a litle stagge's meate. we tooke all their booty, which was of sacks of indian corne, stagges' skins, some pipes, some red and green stoanes, and some tobacco in powder, with some small loaves of bread, and some girdles, garters, necklaces made of goats' haire, and some small coyne of that country, some bowes and arrowes, and clubbs well wrought. the tournes of their heads weare of snakes' skin with bears' pawes. the hayre of some of them very long, & all proper men. we went on the other side of the river the soonest we could, and came to our fort. after we looked about us least we should be surprised, and perceiving nothing, we went about to gett meat for our wants & then to sleepe. att midnight we left that place. six of us tooke a boate, an other, and the litle one. we row the rest of the night with all strength, & the breaking of the day hid ourselves in very long rushes & our boats. the litle boat went att the other side of the river, those hid it in the wood. one of them went up a tree to spie about, in case he could perceive any thing, to give notice to his comrades, & he was to come within sight of us to warne us. we weare in great danger going downe the streame of that river in the night time. we had trouble enough to carry all our baggage without the least noise. being come to the end of the river which empties it selfe into a lake of some or leagues in compasse, we went into a small river to kill salmons, as in deed we tooke great many with staves, and so sturgeons, of which we made provision for a long while. att last finding our selves out of all feare & danger, we went freely a hunting about the lake, where we tarried dayes, and of our company mett with women that runned away from the sanoutin's country, which is of the iroquoit nation. those poore creatures having taken so much paines to sett themselves att liberty to goe to their native country, found themselves besett in a greater slavery then before, they being tyed [and] brought to us. the next day we went from thence with the prisoners & the heads. so much for the litlenesse of our boats as for the weight we had to putt upon them, being in danger, which made us make the more hast to the place where we intended to make new boats. for days we went through dangerous places which weare like so many precipices with horrible falling of watters. we weare forced to carry our boats after the same maner as before, with great paines. we came att last to a lake where we contrived other boats, and there we parted our acquisited booty, and then each had care of his owne. we ordered the biggest boat should hould men and prisoners; the next men and the women that last weare taken; the d should hould and the other prisoner. my brother and i had a man & woman with heads to our share, and so the rest accordingly without dispute or noise. we wandered severall dayes on that lake. it was a most delightfull place, and a great many islands. here we killed great many bears. after we came to a most delightfull place for the number of stagges that weare there. thence into a straight river. from thence weare forced to make many carriages through many stony mountains, where we made severall trappes for castors. we tooke above castors there, and fleaced off the best skins. there weare some skins so well dressed that [they] held the oyle of beares as pure bottles. during that time we mett severall huntsmen of our country; so we heard news of our friends. only our father was not yett retourned from the warrs against the french and algonquins. we left our small boats, that weare purposely confected for our hunting, & tooke our great boats that could carry us and all our luggage. we went up the same river againe, not without great labour. att last with much ado we arrived at the landing place where wee made a stay of days; where many iroquoites women came, and among others my sisters, that received me with great joy, with a thousand kindnesses and guifts, as you may think. i gave them the heads that i had, keeping the woman for my mother, to be her slave. there was nothing but singing & dancing out of meere joy for our safe retourne. i had castors for my share, with skins full of oyle of beare and another full of oriniack and stagge's grease. i gave to each of my sisters stagges' skins to make them coats. i kept the grease for my mother, to whome it is convenient to give what is necessary for the family. we made our slaves carry all our booty, & went on to litle journeys through woods with ease, because the woods weare not thick and the earth very faire and plaine. all the way the people made much of me, till we came to the village, and especially my sisters, that in all they shewed their respects, giveing me meate every time we rested ourselves, or painting my face or greasing my haire or combing my head. att night they tooke the paines to pull off my stokins, & when i supped they made me lay downe by them and cover me with their coats, as if the weather had ben cold. this voyage being ended, albeit i came to this village, & twice with feare & terror, the d time notwithstanding with joy & contentment. as we came neare the village, a multitude of people came to meete us with great exclamations, and for the most part for my sake, biding me to be cheerfull & qualifying me dodcon, that is, devil, being of great veneration in that country to those that shew any vallour. being arrived within halfe a league of the village, i shewed a great modesty, as usually warriors use to doe. the whole village prepares to give the scourge to the captives, as you [have] heard before, under which i myselfe i was once to undergoe. my mother comes to meet mee, leaping & singing. i was accompanied with both [of] my sisters. shee takes the woman, slave that i had, and would not that any should medle with her. but my brother's prisoner, as the rest of the captives, weare soundly beaten. my mother accepted of my brother's heads. my brother's prisoner was burned the same day, and the day following i received the sallery of my booty, which was of porcelaine necklaces, tourns of beads, pendants, and girdles. there was but banqueting for a while. the greatest part of both young men & women came to see me, & the women the choicest of meats, and a most dainty and cordiall bit which i goe to tell you; doe not long for it, is the best that is among them. first when the corne is greene they gather so much as need requireth, of which leaves they preserve the biggest leaves for the subject that followes. a dozen more or lesse old women meet together alike, of whome the greatest part want teeth, and seeth not a jott, and their cheeks hange downe like an old hunting-dogg, their eyes full of watter and bloodshott. each takes an eare of corne and putts in their mouths, which is properly as milke, chawes it, and when their mouths are full, spitts it out in their hands, which possibly they wash not once one yeare; so that their hands are white inside by reason of the grease that they putt to their haire & rubbing of it with the inside of their hands, which keeps them pretty clean, but the outside in the rinknesse of their rinkled hands there is a quarter of an ounze of filth and stinking grease. and so their hands being full of that mince meate minced with their gumms and [enough] to fill a dish. so they chaw chestnutts; then they mingle this with bear's grease or oyle of flower (in french we call it tourne sol) with their hands. so made a mixture, they tye the leaves att one end & make a hodgepot & cover it with the same leaves and tye the upper end so that what is within these leaves becomes a round ball, which they boile in a kettle full of watter or brouth made of meate or fish. so there is the description of the most delicious bitt of the world. i leave you taste of their salmi gondy, which i hope to tell you in my following discourses of my other voyages in that country, and others that i frequented the space of tenne years. to make a period of this my litle voyage. after i stayed awhile in this village with all joy & mirth, for feasts, dances, and playes out of meere gladnesse for our small victorious company's hapy retourne, so after that their heads had sufficiently danced, they begin to talke [of going] to warre against the hollanders. most of us are traited againe for the castors we bestowed on them. they resolve unanimously to goe on their designe. every thing ready, we march along. the next day we arrived in a small brough [footnote: _brough_ probably means borough, used, as the french applied it to "bourgade," for a town of indians or whites.] of the hollanders, where we masters them, without that those beere-bellies had the courage to frowne att us. whether it was out of hope of lucre or otherwise, we with violence tooke the meate out of their potts, and opening their coubards [cupboards] we take and eat what we [can] gett. for drinking of their wine we weare good fellowes. so much that they fought with swords among themselves without the least offer of any misdeed to me. i drunk more then they, but more soberly, letting them make their quarrells without any notice. the th day we come to the fort, of orange, wher we weare very well received, or rather our castors, every one courting us; and was nothing but pruins and reasins and tobbacco plentifully, and all for ho, ho, which is thanks, adding _nianonnha_, thanke you. we went from house to house. i went into the fort with my brother, and have not yett ben knowne a french. but a french souldier of the fort speaks to me in iroquois language, & demanded if i was not a stranger, and did veryly believe i was french, for all that i was all dabbled over with painting and greased. i answered him in the same language, that no; and then he speaks in swearing, desiring me [to tell him] how i fell in the hands of those people. and hearing him speake french, amazed, i answered him, for which he rejoyced very much. as he embraces me, he cryes out with such a stirre that i thought him senselesse. he made a shame for all that i was wild but to blush red. i could be no redder then what they painted me before i came there. all came about me, ffrench as well as duch, every one makeing [me] drink out of the bottles, offering me their service; but my time yett was not out, so that i wanted not their service, for the onely rumour of my being a frenchman was enough. the flemish women drawed me by force into their houses, striving who should give, one bread, other meate, to drinke and to eate, and tobacco. i wanted not for those of my nation, iroquois, who followed me in a great squadroon through the streets, as if i had bin a monster in nature or a rare thing to be seen. i went to see the governor, & talked with me a long time, and tould him the life that i lead, of which he admired. he offred me to buy me from them att what prise so ever, or else should save me, which i accepted not, for severall reasons. the one was for not to be behoulding to them, and the other being loathsome to leave such kind of good people. for then i began to love my new parents that weare so good & so favourable to me. the d reason was to watch a better opportunity for to retyre to the french rather then make that long circuit which after i was forced to doe for to retyre to my country more then , leagues; and being that it was my destiny to discover many wild nations, i would not to strive against destinie. i remitted myselfe to fortune and adventure of time, as a thing ordained by god for his greatest glorie, as i hope it will prove. our treatis being done, overladend with bootyes abundantly, we putt ourselves in the way that we came to see againe our village, and to passe that winter with our wives, and to eat with them our cagaimtie in peece, hoping that nobody should trouble us during our wintering, and also to expect or finde our fathers retourning home. leaving that place, many cryed to see me among a company of wolves, as that souldier tould me who knowed me the first houre; and the poore man made the tears come to my eyes. the truth is, i found many occasions to retire for to save me, but have not yett souffred enough to have merited my deliverence. in dayes' journey we weare retourned to our cabbans, where every one of us rendered himself to his dearest kindred or master. my sisters weare charged of porcelaine, of which i was shure not to faile, for they weare too liberall to mee and i towards them. i was not dayes retourned, but that nature itselfe reproached me to leade such a life, remembering the sweet behaviour and mildnesse of the french, & considered with meselfe what end should i expect of such a barbarous nation, enemy to god and to man. the great effect that the flemings shewed me, and the litle space was from us there; can i make that journey one day? the great belief that that people had in me should make them not to mistrust me, & by that i should have greater occasion to save me without feare of being pursued. all these reasons made one deliberat to take a full resolution, without further delay, of saving meselfe to the flemings; ffor i could be att no safty among such a nation full of reveng. if in case the ffrench & algonquins defeats that troupe of theirs, then what spite they will have will reveng it on my boanes; ffor where is no law, no faith to undertake to goe to the ffrench. i was once interrupted, nor have i had a desire to venture againe for the second time. i should delight to be broyled as before in pitifull torments. i repented of a good occasion i lett slippe, finding meselfe in the place with offers of many to assist me. but he that is of a good resolution must be of strong hopes of what he undertakes; & if the dangers weare considered which may be found in things of importancy, you ingenious men would become cooks. finally, without expecting my father's retourne, putting away all feare & apprehension, i constituted to deliver meselfe from their hands at what ever rate it would come too. for this effect i purposed to faine to goe a hunting about the brough; & for to dissemble the better, i cutt long sticks to make handles for a kind of a sword they use, that thereby they might not have the least suspition. one day i tooke but a simple hattchett & a knife, if occasion presented to cutt some tree, & for to have more defence, if unhappily i should be rencountred, to make them believe that i was lost in the woods. moreover, as the whole nation tooke me for proud, having allways great care to be guarnished with porcelaine, & that i would fly away like a beggar, a thing very unworthy, in this deliberation i ventured. i inquired [of] my brother if he would keepe me company. i knewed that he never thought, seeing that he was courting of a young woman, who by the report of many was a bastard to a flemish. i had no difficulty to believe, seeing that the colour of her hayre was much more whiter then that of the iroquoits. neverthelesse, shee was of a great familie. i left them to their love. in shorte, that without any provision i tooke journey through the forests guided by fortune. no difficulty if i could keepe the highway, which is greatly beatten with the great concours of that people that comes & goes to trade with the flemings; but to avoid all encounters i must prolong a farre off. soe being assisted by the best hope of the world, i made all diligence in the meene while that my mother nor kindred should mistrust me in the least. i made my departure att of the clock in the morning the th bre, [ ]. i marched all that journey without eating, but being as accustomed to that, without staying i continued my cours att night. before the breaking of the day i found myselfe uncapable because of my feeblenesse and faintnesse for want of food and repose after such constraint. but the feare of death makes vertu of necessity. the morning commanded me to goe, for it's faire and could ayre, which [was] somewhat advantageous to keepe [me] more cheerfull. finally the resolution reterning my courage, att of the clocke att evening, the next daye i arrived in a place full of trees cutt, which made mee looke to myselfe, fearing to approach the habitation, though my designe was such. it is a strange thing that to save this life they abhorre what they wish, & desire which they apprehend. approaching nigher and nigher untill i perceived an opening that was made by cutting of wood where was one man cutting still wood, i went nearer and called him. [he] incontinently leaves his work & comes to me, thinking i was iroquoise. i said nothing to him to the contrary. i kept him in that thought, promissing him to treat with him all my castors att his house, if he should promise me there should be non of my brother iroquoise there, by reson we must be liberall to one another. he assured me there was non then there. i tould him that my castors were hidden and that i should goe for them to-morrow. so satisfied [he] leads me to his cabban & setts before me what good cheare he had, not desiring to loose time because the affaire concerned me much. i tould him i was savage, but that i lived awhile among the ffrench, & that i had something valuable to communicate to the governor. that he would give me a peece of paper and ink and pen. he wondered very much to see that, what he never saw before don by a wildman. he charges himself with my letter, with promise that he should tell it to nobody of my being there, and to retourne the soonest he could possible, having but litle miles to the fort of orange. in the meane while of his absence shee shews me good countenance as much as shee could, hoping of a better imaginary profit by me. shee asked me if we had so much libertie with the ffrench women to lye with them as they; but i had no desire to doe anything, seeing myselfe so insnared att death's door amongst the terrible torments, but must shew a better countenance to a worse game. in the night we heard some wild men singing, which redoubled my torments and apprehension, which inticed me to declare to that woman that my nation would kill [me] because i loved the ffrench and the flemings more than they, and that i resolved hereafter to live with the flemings. shee perceiving my reason hid me in a corner behind a sack or two of wheat. nothing was to me but feare. i was scarcely there an houre in the corner, but the flemings came, in number, whereof that french man [who] had knowne me the first, who presently getts me out & gives me a suite that they brought purposely to disguise me if i chanced to light upon any of the iroquoits. i tooke leave of my landlady & landlord, yett [it] grieved me much that i had nothing to bestow upon them but thanks, being that they weare very poore, but not so much [so] as i. i was conducted to the fort of orange, where we had no incounter in the way, where i have had the honnour to salute the governor, who spoake french, and by his speech thought him a french man. the next day he caused an other habit to be given me, with shoos & stokins & also linnen. a minister that was a jesuit [footnote: "a minister that was a jesuit." this was the jesuit father, joseph noncet. see introduction, page .] gave me great offer, also a marchand, to whom i shall ever have infinit obligations, although they weare satisfied when i came to france att rochel. i stayed dayes inclosed in the fort & hidden. many came there to search me, & doubt not but my parents weare of the party. if my father had ben there he would venture hard, & no doubt but was troubled att it, & so was my mother, & my parents who loved me as if i weare their owne naturall son. my poore sisters cryed out & lamented through the town of the flemings, as i was tould they called me by my name, ffor they came there the rd day after my flight. many flemings wondered, & could not perceive how those could love me so well; but the pleasure caused it, as it agrees well with the roman proverbe, "doe as they doe." i was imbarked by the governor's order; after taking leave, and thanks for all his favours, i was conducted to menada, a towne faire enough for a new country, where after some weekes i embarked in one of their shipps for holland, where we arrived after many boisterous winds and ill weather, and, after some six weeks' sayle and some days, we landed att amsterdam the th of january, [ ]. some days after i imbarked myselfe for france and came to rochelle well & safe, not without blowing my fingers many times as well as i [had] done before [when] i arrived in holland. i stayed till spring, expecting the transporte of a shippe for new france. _the second voyage made in the upper country of the iroquoits._ the th day of may i embarked in a fisherboat to go for peerce island, which is score leagues off quebecq, being there arrived the th of may. i search diligently the means possible for to end my voyage & render meselfe neere my naturall parents & country people. att last i found an occasion to goe by some shallops & small boats of the wildernesse, which went up as farre as the ffrench habitation, there to joyne with the algonquins & mountaignaies to warre against the iroquoits from all times, as their histories mentions. their memory is their chronicle, for it [passes] from father to son, & assuredly very excellent for as much as i know & many others has remarked. i embarked into one of their shallops & had the wind favorable for us n. e. in dayes came to quebecq, the first dwelling place of the ffrench. i mean not to tell you the great joy i perceivd in me to see those persons that i never thought to see more, & they in like maner with me thought i was dead long since. in my absence peace was made betweene the french & the iroquoits, which was the reason i stayed not long in a place. the yeare before, the french began a new plantation [footnote: "began a new plantation," at onondaga.] in the upper country of the iroquoits, which is distant from the low iroquois country som fourscore leagues, where i was prisoner, & been in the warrs of that country. i tooke great notice of it, as i mentioned in my formest voyage, which made me have mind to goe thither againe, by the reason peace was concluded among them. friends, i must confesse i loved those poore people entirely well; moreover, nothing was to be feared by reason of the great distance which causes a difference in their speech, yett they understand one another. at that very time the reverend fathers jesuits embarked themselves for a second time to dwell there and teach christian doctrin. i offered myselfe to them, and was, as their custome is, kindly accepted. i prepare meselfe for the journey, which was to be in june. you must know that the hurrons weare contained in the article of peace, but not the algonquins, which caused more difficulty; for those iroquoits who imbarqued us durst not come downe the rivers where the french should embarque, because it is the dwelling place of the algonquin. to remedy this the ffrench and the barbarrs that weare to march, must come to mont royall, the last french inhabitation, in shalopps. it will not be amisse to leave the following of the voyage for to repeat the reasons why those poor hurrons ventured themselves into their hands, who have bin ennemy one to another all their life time, and that naturally. you must know that the hurrons, so called by the ffrench, have a bush of a hair rised up artificially uppon the heads like to a cock's comb. those people, i say, weare or , by report of many not years ago. their dwelling is neere the uper lake, so called by name of the ffrench. that people tell us of their pedegree from the beginning, that their habitation above the lake, many years agoe, and as they increased, many, great many, began to search out another country. for to tend towards the south they durst not, for the multitude of people that was there, and besides some of their owne nations had against them. then [they] resolved to goe to the north parts, for westward there was much watter, which was without end. moreover many inhabitants, monstruous for the greatnesse of body. we will speake about this in another place more att large, where will give an exact account of what came to our knowledge dureing our travells, and the land we have discovered since. if eastward, they had found the iroquoits who possessed some parts of the river of canada, and their dwelling was where quebecq is situated, and about that place, & att the upper end of montmerency leagues from quebecq, where was a great village where now is seene a desolat country, that is, for woods and forests, nor more nor lesse then what small bushes nigh the river's side in the place called the cape de magdelaine. it's such a country that the ffrench calls it the burned country miles about, and in many places the same is to be seene where there weare forests. so seeing that the north regions weare not so peopled, they pursued [their] route of that way, and for the purpose provided themselves provision for a twelvemonth to live, with all their equipage imbarqued in the begining of the spring. after that they passed great wayes, coming to a lake which conducts them into a great river, [footnote: "coming to a lake which conducts them into a great river." moose river, which leads into hudson's bay.] which river leads them to a great extent of salt watter; so as they being good fishers want no fish. they coasted this great watter for a long time, finding allways some litle nation whose language they knew not, haveing great feare of one another. finally, finding but a fearfull country full of mountains and rocks, they made great boats that might hould some men to traverse with more assurance the great bay for to decline from the tediousnesse of the highway, which they must doe, having but small boats; whence they came to a country full of mountains of ice, which made us believe that they descended to the goulden arme. so, fearing the winter should come on, they made sayles wherein they made greate way when the wind was behind; otherwyse they could not make use of their sayles, and many of their boats weare lost, but still went on, hoping of a better country. they wandered so many moons with great danger and famine, ffor they began to misse such plenty as they [were] used [to]. att last [they] gott out, and coasting the skirts of the sea, and enters as it weare into a country where the sumer begins againe, they weare incouraged to greater hopes, insomuch that the poore people became from their first origine to lead another life. being only conducted by their imaginary idea or instinct of nature ffor steering, they knewed nothing but towards the roote of the sun, and likewise by some starrs. finally the coast brings them to the great river st. lawrence, river of canada; knowing not that it was a river till they came just opposit against the mounts of our blessed lady, where they then perceaved to [be] betwixt lands, albeit that litle summer was past, and that the season of the yeare growing on somewhat sharpe, which made them think to search for winter. [they] mounted allways up the river, and finding one side most beautifull for the eye, they passed it over, and planted their cabbans in many parts by reason of the many streams there flowing with quantity of fish, whereof they made a good store for their wintering. after a while that upon this undertaking they made cognicence and commerced with the highlanders, inhabitants of that country, who gave them notice that there weare a nation higher who should understand them, being that they weare great travellers, that they should goe on the other side and there should find another river named tatousac. they seeing the winter drawing on they made a fort and sent to discover the said place a band of their men to tatousac. they finde a nation that understands them not more then the first, but by chance some that escaped the hands of their ennemy iroquoits, and doubts that there is great difference of language between the iroquoits and the hurrons. they weare heard; & further you must note that neere the lake of the hurrons some leagues eastward there is another lake belonging to the nation of the castors, which is miles about. this nation have no other trafick nor industry then huntsmen. they use to goe once a yeare to the furthest place of the lake of the hurrons to sell their castors for indian corne, for some collors made of nettles, for sacks, & such things, for which they weare curious enough. so coming backe to their small lake againe, those marchandises weare transported to a nation beyond that lake towards n. n. e., and that nation had commerce with a people called the white fish, which is norwest to the rivers some leagues in the land. that nation had intelligence with the saguenes, who are those that liveth about tadousac, so that the nations have great correspondency with one another because of their mutual language, saving that each one have a particular letter and accent. finding that nation of the castors, who for the most part understands the hurron idiom, they conversed together & weare supplied with meat by that wandring nation that lives onely by what they may or can gett. contrary wise the hurrons are seditious. we shall speak of them more amply in its place. so those miserable adventurers had ayd during that winter, who doubtlesse should souffer without this favor. they consulted together often, seeing themselves renforced with such a succour of people for to make warrs against the iroqois. the next spring their warre was conducted with success, ffor they chassed the iroquois out of their country which they lost some winters before. they march up to the furthest part of the lake champlaine, to know if that was their formest dwelling, but they speak no further of it. those iroquoits to wander up and downe and spread themselves as you have heard to the lake d'ontario, of which i will after make mention. i heard all this from frenchmen that knewed the huron speech better then i myselfe, and after i heard it from the wildmen, & it's strang (being if it be so as the french as [well] as wildmen do already) that those people should have made a circuit of that litle world. the iroquoits after being putt out of that country of quebecq, the hurrons and algonquins made themselves masters in it; that is to say, they went up above monmorency after that they left the place of their wintring, which was over against tadousac, att the height of the chaudiere (so called in french), and after many years they retourned to live att the gape of their lake, which is leagues long & or leagues large. those hurrons lived in a vast country that they found unhabited, & they in a great number builded villages & they multiplied very many. the iroquoits also gott a great country, as much by sweetnesse as by force. they became warriors uppon their owne dispences and cost. they multiplied so much, but they became better souldiers, as it's seene by the following of this discourse. the hurrons then inhabited most advantageously in that place, for as much as for the abundance of dears and staggs, from whence they have the name since of staggy. it's certaine that they have had severall other callings, according as they have builded villages. fishing they have in abundance in his season of every kind; i may say, more then wee have in europe. in some places in this lake where is an innumerable quantity of fish, that in houres they load their boat with as many as they can carry. at last [they] became so eminent strong that they weare of a minde to fight against the neighbouring nation. hearing that their sworne ennemys the iroquoits retired towards the nation called andasstoueronom, which is beyond the lake d'ontario, between virginia & that lake, they resolved to goe & search them for to warre against them; but they shall find it to their ruine, which i can affirme & assure, because the iroquoits in the most part of their speeches, which comes from father to son, says, we bears (for it's their name) whilst we scraped the earth with our pawes, for to make the wheat grow for to maintaine our wives, not thinking that the deare shall leape over the lake to kill the beare that slept; but they found that the beare could scratch the stagge, for his head and leggs are small to oppose. such speeches have they commonly together, in such that they have had warrs many years. the holanders being com'd to inhabit menada, furnished that nation with weopens, by which means they became conquerors. the ffrench planters in newfrance came up to live among this nation. in effect they doe live now many years; but the ambition of the fathers jesuits not willing to permitt ffrench families to goe there, for to conserve the best to their profitt, houlding this pretext that yong men should frequent the wild women, so that the christian religion by evil example could not be established. but the time came that they have forsook it themselves. for a while after the iroquoits came there, the number of seaven hundred, on the snow in the beginning of spring, where they make a cruell slaughter as the precedent years, where some ghostly fathers or brothers or their servants weare consumed, taken or burnt, as their relation maks mention. this selfesame yeare they tooke prisoners of or , of those poore people in a village att [in] sight of the jesuits' fort, which had the name saint, but [from] that houre it might have the name of feare. heere follows sicknesse, and famine also was gott among these people, flying from all parts to escape the sword. they found a more rude and cruell enemy; for some after being taken gott their lives, but the hunger and their treachery made them kill one another, be it for booty or whatsoever other. none escaped, saving some hundred came to quebecq to recover their first liberty, but contrary they found their end. so the ffathers left walls, wildernesse, and all open wide to the ennemy and came to quebecq with the rest of the poore fugitives. they were placed in the wildernesse neere the habitation of quebecq; but being not a convenient place, they weare putt to the isle of orleans, leagues below quebecq, in a fort that they made with the succour of the ffrench, where they lived some years planting & sowing indian corne for their nourishment, and greased robes of castors, of which grease the profit came to the ffathers, the summe of , livres tournois yearly. in this place they weare catched when they least thought of it, not without subject of conivance. god knoweth there weare escaped that time about women and some men. the rest are all killed, taken and brought away, of which for the most part weare sett at liberty in the country of their ennemy, where they found a great number of their kindred and relations who lived with all sorte of liberty, and went along with the iroquois to warre as if they weare natives, in them was no trust to be given, ffor they weare more cruell then the iroquois even to their proper country, in soe much that the rest resolved to surrender themselves then undergoe the hazard to be taken by force. the peace was made by the instancy of the ffather jesuits. as before, some weare going there to live, as they have already begun. they seeing our departure & transporting of our goods to mount royall for to runne yea the hazard, they also must come. to lett you know [if] our fortune or theirs be better or worse, it should be a hard thing for me to declare; you may judge yourselfe. lett us come to our purpose and follow our voyage. being arrived att the last french habitation, where we must stay above dayes, ffor to pass that place without guide was a thing impossible, but after the time expired, our guides arrived. it was a band of iroquois that was appointed to fetch us, and conduct us into their country. one day att of the clock in the morning, when we least thought of any, saw severall boats coming from the point of st louis, directly att the foot of a hill so called some miles from mont royall. then rejoycing all to see coming those that they never thought to have seene againe, ffor they promissed to come att the beginning of spring and should arrive dayes before us, but seeing them, every one speakes but of his imbarcation. the hurrons that weare present began to make speeches to encourage their wives to make ready with all their stuffe and to feare nothing, being that the heavans would have it so disposed, & that it was better to die in iroquois country and peace with their brethren, then stay in the knott of their nativity, that is their country, to be murthered, & better in the iroquois country in warre for to be burned. all things so disposed, they prepare themselves to receave the iroquois, who weare no more then , in number, [footnote: "no more than , in number," meaning, no doubt, that number at onondaga and its vicinity.] and made a halt for to hold councell to know what they must say that they thought of every one and of the hurrons. but those barbars had an other designe, ffor their destiny was to doe, and not to speake; but for to doe this, this must be a treachery in which they are experted. you must know that that bande [of] irokois [in] descending the last streame or falling watter one of their skiffs made shipwrake in which weare seaven, all drowned without none could souccour them. a thing remarkable, that every one strive to help himselfe without that they will give ayde or assistance to an other; uppon this, that untoward army, those wild barbarous with vengence, held councell, as is before said, for to be revenged of the losse of their compagnions, where they determined, being that they come to fetch the french and the hurrons, to revenge this uppon them and kill them as soone as they should be in their jurisdiction; but considering after that wee french had a fort in their country with a good strong guard, and that that should cause affairs, it was concluded that there furor should not be discharged but uppon the poore hurrons. upon this deliberation they broke councell and arrived att the fort. their speech was cleare contrary to their designe, and promises inviolably ffriendshipp. there was presents and guifts given of both party, but when they pertooke the death of their compagnions they must make other presents perhaps that prevailed somewhat in their thoughts, and tourne them from their perfidious undertakings. for often the liberalitie of those savage was seene executed, but the desire brings great booty, and observance causes that covetousnesse will prove deare to the ffrench as to the hurrons in few days. presently they procure some boats, ffor the iroquoits had but eleven and the hurrons none, for they came in the ffrench shallope. so that it must be contrivance for the one and other, which was soone done. in lesse then dayes parted the dwelling we found more then boats, and all very great, we being also so many in company, iroquoits, some hundred huron women and some or men, ffrench with two ffathers jesuits. in this manner we departed mont royall, every one loaded with his burden. wee passed the same journie. wee passed the gulfe of st louis, and made cabbans in the furthermost part of the streame. that day was laborious to us, so much that the iroquoits resolved to be backe againe, and make a company to fight against the algonquins of quebecq. upon this, left us. the next day we embarqued though not without confusion, because many weare not content nor satisfied. what a pleasure the two ffathers to see them trott up and downe the rocks to gett their menage into the boat, which with much adoe they gott in. the boats weare so loaden that many could not proceed if bad weather should happen. the journey but small came only to the lake of st louis, leagues beyond the streame. there the savage threwed the ffathers' bundle on the watter side, and would take no care for them; seeing many of their men gone, the french as well as hurrons, who would have disputed their lives with them for their lives, and had prevented them if their designe had bin discovered. so that after a great debat we must yeeld to the strongest party for the next embarking. the ffathers' merchandises weare left behind to oblige the ffrench to stay with it, and seaven of us onely embarqued, one of the ffathers with more, and the rest stayed to bring what was left behind, so that ours weare diminished above men. wee embarqued indifferently one with another, ffrench, iroquoits, and hurrons. after we came to the highest of the isle of montroyall; we saw the separation, or rather the great two rivers that of canada are composed; the one hath its origine from the west and the other from south southeast. it was the last that wee sayled, coming to the end of that lake, which is or leagues long and in breadth. we must make carriages which are high withall, and the boats by lande because no other way to passe. the trainage is where the watter is not so trepid. we draw the boats loaden after us, and when there is not water enough, every one his bundle by land. having proceeded dayes' journey on the river, we entered another lake somewhat bigger; it's called st. francis. this is delightfull to the eye as the formost. i speak not of the goodnesse, for there are many things to be spoaken off. i am satisfied to assure you that it is a delightfull & beautifull country. we wanted nothing to the view passing those skirts, killing staggs, auriniacks & fowles. as for the fish, what a thing it is to see them in the bottom of the watter, & take it biting the hooke or lancing it with lance or cramp iron. in this lake the hurrons began to suspect the treachery conspirated against them, ffor they observed that the iroquoits allways consulted privately together, not giving them the least notice, which made a hurron with men & women goe away & run away to the ffrench of quebecq; & for this intent one very morning, after being imbarqued as the rest, went in to the midle of the river, where they began to sing & take their leave, to the great astonishment of the rest & to the great discontent of the iroquoits, that saw themselves so frustrated of so much booty that they exspected. but yett they made no signe att the present, but lett them goe without trouble for feare the rest would doe the same, & so be deprived of the conspiracy layde for the death of their compagnions. to that purpose knowing the place where they weare to land, which was in an island in the midle of the river, a league long & a quarter broade, they resolved to murder them in the said place, which was promptly executed in this maner following:-- they embarqued both hurron men and women in their boats, and among them made up som that embarked themselves in of their boats, in a posture as if they should goe to the warrs, & went before the breake of day. we weare but frenchmen, & they put us [in] several boats. i find meselfe with iroquoits & one hurron man. coming within sight of the isle where they weare to play their game, one of the iroquoits in the same boate as i landed, takes his gunne & charges it. the hurron and i saw this, but neither dreamed of the tragedy that was att hand. after goes into the woode, & the iroquois that governed the boat takes up a hattchett & knocks downe the poore hurron, that never thought to be so ended, and the other that charged his musket in the wood shoots him and fell downe uppon my heels. my feet soone swims in the miserable hurron's bloode. he did quiver as if he had an ague, and was wounded with great many wounds, that still they doubled. both iroquoits came to me and bid [me have] courage, ffor they would not hurt me; but [as] for him that was killed, he was a dogg, good for nothing. the small knowledge that i have had of their speech made of a better hope; but one that could not have understood them would have ben certainly in a great terror. this murder could not be committed so but that the rest of the boats should heare it, and therefore in that very time we heard sad moans and cryes horidly by hurron women. they threwed the corps immediately into the water and went the other side of the river into the abovesaid isle. being landed together, the poore women went in a flock like sheep that sees the wolves ready to devour them. there were hurron men that tooke theire armes. the iroquoits not hindering them in the least, but contrarily the captayne of the iroquoits appeared to defend their cause, giving sharp apprehensions to those that held up armes, and so farr that he did beat those that offered to hurt them. in this example you may perceive the dissimulation & vengence of this cursed people. so that the company, reassured in some respects, the affrighted company, made them goe up to the toppe of the hill and there errect cottages some paces from them; during the while i walked on the side where they weare hard at work and firmly believed that the poore hurron was killed by the iroquoit out of malice, so much trust i putt in the traiterous words. as i was directly coming where the hurrons weare, what should i see? a band of iroquoits all daubed, rushing out of a wood all painted, which is the signe of warre. i thought they weare those that i have seene in [the] morning before, as effectually they weare. i came to the place where weare all those poore victims. there was the good ffather comforting the poore innocent women. the chief of them satt by a valliant huron who all his life time killed many iroquoits, and by his vallour acquired the name of great captayne att home and abroad. the iroquoit spake to him, as the ffather told us, and as i myself have heard. "brother, cheare up," says he, "and assure yourselfe you shall not be killed by doggs; thou art both man and captayne, as i myselfe am, and will die in thy defence." and as the afforesaid crew shewed such a horrid noise, of a sudaine the captayne tooke hold of the chaine that was about him, thou shalt not be killed by another hand then by mine. att that instant the cruell iroquoits fell upon those hurrons, as many wolves, with hattchetts, swords, and daggers, & killed as many [as] there weare, save onely one man. that hurron captayne seeing himselfe so basly betrayed, he tooke hold of his hattchett that hunged downe his side, and strook downe a iroquoit; but the infinit deale tooke his courage and life away. this that was saved was an old man, who in his time had ben att the defeat and taking of severall iroquoits. he in authority by his means saved some. this news brought to them and his name as benefactor, which deed then saved his life. heere you see a good example, that it is decent to be good to his ennemy. after this was done & their corps throwne into the watter, the women weare brought together. i admired att them, seeing them in such a deepe silence, looking on the ground with their coverletts uppon their heads, not a sigh heard, where a litle before they made such a lamentable noise for the losse of their companyion that was killed in my boate. some howers all was pacified & the kettle almost ready for [to] goe to worke. in this very moment there calls a councell. the ffather was called as a statsman to that councell, where he hears their wild reasons; that what they had done was in reveng of their deare comrades that weare drowned in coming for them, and also to certifie the ffrench of their good will. so done, the meate was dressed, we weare invited. the ffather comes to take his dish, and finds us all in armes, resolving to die valiently, thinking the councell was called to conclud our death as the hurron's. the th was not able to menage armes, being a litle boy. the ffather gave us a brother of his company who had invincible good looke and a stout heart. we waited onely for his shooting. the ffather could not persuade him to draw. we told him if he would not fight, to leave our company; which perceived by the iroquoits, made them looke to themselves. they came & assured us of their good will. the frenchmen that understood not longed for the schermish & die for it. att last the ffather prevailed with us, & tould us what was done in councell. two iroquoits came to us with weapons, who signifies there is nothing layd against you, & commanded their compagnions to put by their armes, that they weare our brethren. the agreement was made. some went to the feast, some stayed. having eaten, the ffather calls them againe to councell, & for that purpose borrows some porcelaine from the captayne to make guifts. all being together the ffather begins his speech, throwing the first guift into the midle of the place, desiring that it might be accepted for the conservation of the ffriendshipe that had ben long between them and us, and so was accepted with a ho, ho, which is an assurance & a promise, as thanks. the nd was for the lives of the women which weare in their hands, & to conduct them with saftie into their country, which was accepted in like manner. the rd was to encourage them to bring us to their owne country & carry our marchandises in such [manner] that they may not be wett, nor leave them behind, which was, as abovesaid, punctually observed. the councell being ended, the captaynes made speeches to encourage the masters of the boats to take a bundle to his care & charge, & give an account of it in the country. i wish the lotts weare so distributed before we came from mont royall, but that it is the miserable comfort, better late then never. att night every one to his cabben, and the women dispersed into every cabban with their children, which was a sight of compassion. the day following being the th day of our departure, some went a hunting, some stayed att home. the next day to that we embarqued all a sunder, a boat for each. i was more chearfull then the rest, because i knewed a litle of their language, and many saw me in the low country. wherefore [they] made me embarque with a yong man, taller & properer then myselfe. we had paines and toyles enough; especially my sperit was grieved, and have souffred much troubles weeks together. i thought we should come to our journey's end & so help one another by things past; ffor a man is glad to drive away the time by honest, ingenuous discours, and i would rejoyce very much to be allwayes in company uppon my journey. it was contrary to me all the voyage, ffor my boat and an other, wherein weare men & a woman iroquoit, stayed behind without seeing or hearing from one another. i leave with you to think if they weare troubled for me or i for them. there was a great alteration a litle before; a whole fleete of boats, now to be reduced [to] onely. but patience perforce. we wandered on that gay river by the means of high and low gulfs that are in it; ffor since i made reflection of the quantity of water that comes in that river that comes from off the top of the high mountains with such a torrent that it causes a mighty noise which would make the bouldest men afraid. we went on some journeys with a deale of paines and labour becaus for our weeknesse, and moreover a man of the other boat fell sick of the ague, soe that one of us must helpe him either in the carriag or drawing the boat; and, which was wors, my compagnion was childish and yong as i. the long familiarity we had with one another breeded contempt, so that we would take nothing from one another, which made us goe together by the ears, and fought very often till we weare covered in blood. the rest tooke delight to see us fight; but when they saw us take either gun or sword, then came they to putt us a sunder. when we weare in the boat we could not fight but with our tongues, flying water att one another. i believe if the fathers' packet had ben there, the guift could not keepe it from wetting. as for meat we wanted none, and we had store of large staggs along the watter side. we killed some almost every day, more for sport then for neede. we finding them sometimes in islands, made them goe into the watter and after we killed about a score, we clipped the ears of the rest and hung a bell to it, and then let them loose. what a sporte to see the rest flye from that that had the bell! as i satt with my compagnion i saw once of an evening a very remarquable thing. there comes out of a vast forest a multitud of bears, att least together, making a horrid noise, breaking small trees, throwing the rocks downe by the watter side. we shot att them but [they] stirred not a step, which frightned us that they slighted our shooting. we knewed not whether we killed any or no, because of the darke, neither dare we venter to see. the wild men tould me that they never heard their father speake of so many together. we went to the other side to make cabbans, where being arrived, where we made fire & put the kettle on. when it was ready we eat our belly full. after supper the sick wild man tould me a story and confirmed it to be true, which happened to him, being in warre in the upper country of the iroquoits neere the great river that divides it self in two. "brother," sayes he, "it's a thing to be admired to goe afar to travell. you must know, although i am sick i am [a] man, and fought stoutly and invaded many. i loved alwayes the ffrench for their goodnesse, but they should [have] given us [to] kill the algonkins. we should not warre against the ffrench, but traited with them for our castors. you shall know i am above years (yett the fellow did not looke as if he had ). i was once a captayne," says he, "of men, against the nation of the fire & against the stairing hairs, our ennemys. we stayed whole winters from our country, and most of that time among our ennemy, but durst not appeare because of the small number we had against a multitude, which made us march in the night and hide ourselves in the daytime in forests. att last we are weary to be so long absent from our wives & countrey. we resolved some more execution, & take the first nation that we should incountre. we have allready killed many. we went some dayes on that river, which is bordered of fine sands; no rocks there to be seene. being landed one morning to goe out of the way least we should be discovered, and for [to] know the place that we weare, sent two of our men to make a discovery, who coming back brought us [word] that they have seen devils, and could not believe that they weare men. we presently putt ourselves on our gards, and looke to our armes, thought to have ben lost, but tooke a strong resolution to die like men, and went to meet those monsters. we weare close to one an other, saveing they that made a discovery, that went just before us, tould us, being neere the waterside, that they have seene afar off (as they thought) a great heape of stoanes. we needing them mightily we went to gett some. within paces nigh we found them converted into men, who weare of an extraordinary height, lying all along the strand asleepe. brother, you must know that we weare all in feare to see such a man and woman of a vast length. they weare by two feete taller then i, and big accordingly. they had by them two basquetts, a bow and arrows. i came nigh the place. their arrows weare not so long as ours, but bigger, and their bows the same; each had a small stagg's skin to cover their nakednesse. they have noe winter in their country. after being gone we held a councell to consider what was to be done. we weare two boats; the one did carry men, the other . that of would goe back againe, but that of would goe forward into another river. so we departed. the night being come, as precedent nights, we saw fires in severall places on the other side of the river, which made us goe there att the breake of day, to know what it was, which was men as tall as the other man and woman, and great many of them together a fishing. we stealed away without any noise and resolved not to stay longer in them parts, where every thing was so bigg. the fruits of trees are as bigg as the heart of an horiniac, which is bigger then that of an oxe. "the day after our retourne, being in cottages covered with bushes, we heard a noise in the wood, which made us speedily take our weopens, every one hiding himselfe behind a tree the better to defend himselfe, but perceaved it was a beast like a dutch horse, that had a long & straight horne in the forehead, & came towards us. we shott twice at him; [he] falls downe on the ground, but on a sudaine starts up againe and runs full boot att us; and as we weare behind the trees, thrusts her home very farr into the tree, & so broak it, and died. we would eat non of her flesh, because the flemings eat not their horses' flesh, but tooke off the skin, which proved heavy, so we left it there. her horne feet long, and bigger then the biggest part of an arme." [footnote: in o'callaghan's _documentary history of new york_, vol. iv. p. , , is given an engraving of this animal, with the title, "wild animals of new netherlands," taken from a dutch work published in amsterdam in . in this work it is thus described: "on the borders of canada animals are now and again seen somewhat resembling a horse; they have cloven hoofs, shaggy manes, a horn right out of the forehead, a tail like that of the wild hog, black eyes, a stag's neck, and love the gloomiest wildernesses, are shy of each other. so that the male never feeds with the female except when they associate for the purpose of increase. then they lay aside their ferocity. as soon as the rutting season is past, they again not only become wild but even attack their own."] we still proceeded in our journey. in dayes we overtook the boat that left us. now whether it was an unicorne, or a fibbe made by that wild man, yet i cannot tell, but severall others tould me the same, who have seene severall times the same beast, so that i firmly believe it. so his story ended, which lasted a great while; ffor having an excellent memory, tould me all the circumstances of his rencounters. we [went] from thence the next morning. we came to a beatifull river, wide one league and a halfe, which was not violent nor deepe, soe that we made no carriages for or leagues, where we had the view of eagles and other birds taking fishes, which we ourselves have done, & killed salmons with staves. one of my compagnions landed a sturgeon six fadoms deepe and brought it. going along the woodside we came where a greate many trees weare cutt, as it weare intended for a fort. at the end of it there was a tree left standing, but the rind taken away from it. upon it there was painted with a coale men hanged, with their heads at their feete, cutt off. they weare so well drawen, that the one of them was father by the shortnesse of his haire, which lett us know that the french that was before us weare executed. a litle further an other was painted of boats, one of men, an other of , whereof one was standing with a hattchett in his hands striking on the head. att an other weare represented boats, pursueing bears, a man drawn as if he weare on land with his gune shooting a stagge. i considering these things, troubled me very much, yea, caused my heart to tremble within me; and moreover when those that weare with me certified me of what i was too sure, telling me the ffrenchmen weare dead, but tould me to be cheerfull, that i should not die. after i found so much treachery in them i could but trust litle in their words or promisses, yett must shew good countenance to a wors game then i had a minde, telling me the contrary of what they told me of the death of the frenchmen, to shew them that i was in no feare. being embarqued, the wild men tould me we should goe on the other side of that broad river. it was extreamly hott, no wind stiring. i was ready that both should be together for the better assurance of my life. i perceived well that he alone was not able to performe the voyage; there was the other sick of the other boat, that did row but very slowly. i thought to meselfe they must needs bring me into their countrey if they meet non by the way, and so i comforted meselfe with better hope. we soone came to the other side of the river. the other boat followed not, being nigh the land. my comrade perceaved an eagle on a tree, the feathers of which are in esteeme among them. he lands and takes his gunne, charges it, and goes into the wood. i was in feare, without blame, for i knewed not what he meant. i remembered how the poore hurron was served so a litle before in his boat, and in like manner. as he went about, i could not imagine what was best, but resolved to kill [rather] then be killed. upon this i take my gunne, which the other saw, desires me not to make any noise, shewing me the eagle, that as yett i have not seene. to obey him i stoope downe like a monkey, visiting my weopon that he should not suspect. my eyes neverthelesse followed for feare. i see at last the truth of his designe; he shoots and kills the eagle. [we] after imbarqued ourselves, the night drawing on, and must think to goe to the other boat or he to us, which he did. i admired the weather, cleare and calme that we could scarce see him, yet that we should heare them speake, and understand, as if they weare but or paces from us. he being come, we sought for conveniency to make cottages, which soone was done. the others sooner landed then we. they came to receive us att our landing. one tooke my gunne, the other a litle bondle of mine. i was surprised att this. then they asked me [for] my powder and shott, and opened my bagge, began to partage my combs & other things that i had. i thought it the consultest way to submitt to the strongest party, therefore i tooke [no] notice of what they did. the woman kindled the fire. seeing myselfe out of care of my fright, satt me selfe downe by the woman. shee looked now and then uppon me, which made me more and more mistrust. in the meane while he that was sick calls me. i came and asked him what he pleased. "i will," sayd he, "that you imbarque your selfe by me," and throws his cappot away, bidding me also to leave my capot. he takes his hattchett, and hangs it to his wrest, goes into the boat, & i with him. i would have carryed my gunne. i tooke it from the place where they layd it. they, seeing, laughed & gave a shout, as many beasts, yett it was not in their power to make me goe to the boat without my weapon; so lett me have it, and went straight as if we weare to goe on the other side of the river. about the midle the wild man bids mee goe out, to which i would not consent. i bid him goe. after we disputed awhile, i not obeying, began to consider if he had a minde to drowne me, that he himselfe would not go in the water. being come a litle to myselfe i perceaved that the water was not foote deepe. it was so darke, yett one might perceive the bottom covered with muskles. having so much experience, i desired him to have patience; so gott of my shirt & lep't into the watter & gathered about half a bushell of those shells or mussells. i made sure that the boat should not leave me, for i fastened my girdle to it, and held the end. mistrust is the mother of safety. we came back againe. we found the kettle ready; they gave me meat and a dish of broth, which exercised me a while. having done, the man comes and makes me pull of my shirt, having then nothing but my drawers to cover my nackednesse. he putts on my shirt on his back, takes a knif and cutts a medail that hung to my necke. he was a great while searching me and feeling if i was fatt. i wished him farr enough. i looked [for] an opportunity to be from him, thinking to be better sheltered by the woman. i thought every foot he was to cutt my troat. i could [not] beare [it]. i had rather dye [at] once then being so often tormented. i rose and satt me downe by the woman, in whome was all my trust. shee perceived i was in great feare, whether by collour of my face or other, i know not. shee putts her hands uppon my head & combs it downe with her fingers. "my son," says shee, "be chearfull. it is my husband; he will not hurt thee; he loves me and knoweth that i love thee, and have a mind to have thee to our dwelling." then shee rose and takes my shirt from her husband and brings it me. shee gave me one of her covers. "sleepe," said shee. i wanted not many persuasions. so chuse rather the fatall blow sleeping then awake, for i thought never to escape. the next morning i finding meselfe freed, which made me hope for the future. i have reason to remember that day for two contrary things; first, for my spirits being very much perplexed, and the other for that the weather was contrary though very lovely. that morning they rendered all my things againe, & filled my bagge with victualls. we left this place, which feared me most then hurt was done. some laughed att me afterwards for my feares wherein i was, which i more & more hoped for better intertainment. the weather was fair all that day, but the next wee must make a waynage, which [was] not very hard; but my comrade drew carelessly, and the boat slipps from his hands, which turned with such force that it had me along if i had not lett my hould goe, chusing [rather] that then venter my selfe in danger. soe that it [no] sooner gott downe then we gott it up againe; but by fortune was not hurted, yett it runn'd aground among rocks. we must goe downe the river. i was driven to swime to it, where i found it full of watter, and a hole that fists might goe through it, so that i could not drive it to land without mending it. my compagnion must also in the water like a watter dogg, comes and takes hould of the foure oares. all the wild men swims like watter doggs, not as we swime. we mende the boat there neatly, not without miscalling one another. they spoake to me a word that i understood not because of the difference betweene the low iroquoits and their speech, and in the anger and heat we layde the blame uppon one another to have lett the boat flippe purposely. i tooke no heed of what he alleadged. he comes sudainly uppon me & there cuffed one another untill we weare all in bloode. being weary, att last, out of breath, we gave over like cocks over tyred with fighting. we could not fight longer, but must find strength to draw up the boat against the streame and overtake the other, which was a good way from us. it was impossible to overtake the day, nor the next. so that we must lay nights by our selves. the third day we arrived to a vast place full of isls, which are called the isles of toniata, where we overtooke our compagnions, who stayd for us. there they killed a great bigg and fatt beare. we tooke some of it into our boats & went on our journey together. we came thence to a place like a bazon, made out of an isle like a halfe moone. here we caught eeles five fadoms or more deepe in the waiter, seeing cleerly the bottome in abundance of fishes. we finde there low country iroquoits in their cabbans that came back from the warre that was against the nation of the catts. they had with them women with a young man of years & a girle of years, all prisoners. they had a head with short haire of one of that nation, that uses to have their hair turned up like the prickles of an headg hogge. we cottaged ourselves by them. some of them knewed me & made much of mee. they gave me a guirland of porcelaine & a girdle of goat's haire. they asked when should i visit my ffriends. i promissed to come there as soone as i could arrive att the upper village. i gave them my hattchett to give to my ffather, and dozen of brass rings & shooting-knives for my sisters, promissing to bring a cover for my mother. they inquired what was it that made me goe away, and how. i tould them through woods & arrived att the rivers in dayes, and that i souffred much hunger by the way. i would not tell them that i escaped by reason of the duch. they called me often devill to have undertaken such a task. i resolved to goe along with them. heere i found certainty, and not till then, of the ffrenchmen, whom they have seene seaven dayes before att the coming in of the great lake d'ontario; and that undoubtedly the markes we have seene on the trees weare done by seaven other boats of their owne nation that came backe from the warres in the north, that mett hurron boats of men, who fought & killed iroquoits and wounded others. of the hurrons weare slained, one taken alive, and the other escaped. those boats weare going to the ffrench to live there. that news satisfied much my wild men, and much more i rejoiced at this. we stayed with them the next day, feasting one another. they cutt and burned the fingers of those miserable wretches, making them sing while they plucked out some of their nailes, which done, wee parted well satisfied for our meeting. from that place we came to lye att the mouth of a lake in an island where we have had some tokens of our frenchmen by the impression of their shooes on the sand that was in the island. in that island our wild men hid caskes of indian corne, which did us a kindnesse, ffor there was no more veneson pye to be gotten. the next day we make up our bundles in readinesse to wander uppon that sweet sea, as is the saying of the iroquoits, who rekens by their daye's journey. this was above leagues in length & in breadth. seeing the water so calme and faire, we ventured some leagues, to gaine a point of the firme land, that by that means we should shorten or leagues in our way. we went on along the lake in that maner with great delight, sometimes with paine and labour. as we went along the water side, the weather very faire, it comes to my mind to put out a cover instead of a saile. my companion liked it very well, for generally wild men are given to leasinesse. we seeing that our sayle made us goe faster then the other boat, not perceiving that the wind came from the land, which carried us far into the lake, our compagnions made a signe, having more experience then wee, and judged of the weather that was to come. we would not heare them, thinking to have an advantage. soone after the wind began to blow harder, made us soone strike sayle, and putt our armes to worke. we feeled not the wind because it was in our backs, but turning aside we finde that we had enough to doe. we must gett ourselves to a better element then that [where] we weare. instantly comes a shower of raine with a storme of winde that was able to perish us by reason of the great quantity of watter that came into our boat. the lake began to vapour and make a show of his neptune's sheep. seeing we went backwards rather then forwards, we thought ourselves uterly lost. that rogue that was with me sayd, "see thy god that thou sayest he is above. will you make me believe now that he is good, as the black-coats [the ffather jesuits] say? they doe lie, and you see the contrary; ffor first you see that the sun burns us often, the raine wetts us, the wind makes us have shipwrake, the thundering, the lightnings burns and kills, and all come from above, and you say that it's good to be there. for my part i will not goe there. contrary they say that the reprobats and guilty goeth downe & burne. they are mistaken; all is goode heare. doe not you see the earth that nourishes all living creatures, the water the fishes, and the yus, and that corne and all other seasonable fruits for our foode, which things are not soe contrary to us as that from above?" as he said so he coursed vehemently after his owne maner. he tooke his instruments & shewed them to the heavens, saying, "i will not be above; here will [i] stay on earth, where all my friends are, and not with the french, that are to be burned above with torments." how should one think to escape this torments and storms, but god who through his tender mercy ceas'd the tempest and gave us strength to row till we came to the side of the water? i may call it a mighty storme by reason of the litlenesse of the boat, that are all in watter to the breadth of fingers or lesse. i thought uppon it, and out of distress made a vertue to seeke the means to save ourselves. we tyed a sack full of corne in the fore end of our boat, & threw it into the watter, which hung downe some foure fathoms, and wee putt our selves in the other end, so that the end that was towards the wind was higher then the other, and by that means escaped the waves that without doubt, if we had not used that means, we had sunk'd. the other boat landed to lett that storme [pass] over. we found them in the even att their cottages, and thought impossible for us to escape. after severall dayes' travell we came to an isle where we made cottages. we went so farre that evening that we might be so much the neerer to take a broader passage which should shorten our voyage above leagues. att night wee saw severall fires uppon the land. we all judged that it was our company that went before us. before brake of day we did what we could to overtake them, not without hazard, by reason the winds that blewed hard, which we could not perceive before. being come to the bay of the isle we could not turne back without greater danger, so resolved to proceede. we came to the very place where we saw the fires, & found that we weare not mistaken in our opinions. by good looke they weare there, else we had perished for all being so neere the land, for the lake swelled by reason of the great wind that blew, which stayed them there above nights. neither for this reason was there any landing, because of a great banck or heape of rocks, untill those that weare ashore came to us into the watter to their oxtars [footnote: _oxtars_, up to their armpits.] and stoped our boats. we then cast our selves and all that we had overboord, leaving our boats there, which weare immediately in thousands [of] peaces. being arrived, we placed our cottages by a most pleasant delicat river, where for delightfullnesse was what man's heart could wish. there weare woods, forests, meddows. there we stayed dayes by reason of the weather. one night i layd neare a faire comely lasse that was with us. there they take no notice, for they live in so great liberty that they are never jealous one of another. i admired of a sudaine to heare new musick. shee was in travell and immediately delivered. i awaked all astonished to see her drying her child by the fire side. having done, [she] lapt the child in her bosome and went to bed as if that had ben nothing, without moan or cry, as doe our europian women. before we left the place that babe died. i had great mind to baptize him, but feared least they should accuse me to be the cause of his death. being come to the above named place, where weare the ghostly ffathers with other french, came to meet us from the fort, which weare but leagues off, where i have receaved a censure for being so timidous, [in] not dareing to ffling watter on the head of that poore innocent to make him happy. we frenchmen began to tell our adventures, having ben out of hopes of ever to see one another, being exceeding glad that we weare deceaved in our opinions. some leaves us & went by land to their cabbans. the rest stayes for faire weather to come to our journey's ende. we wanted not slaves from that place to carry our packs. we came into a river towards the fort which was dangerous for its swiftnesse. from that river that brought us within leagues of the lake we came into a narrower river from a small lake where a french fort was built. this river was leagues long & the lake in compasse. about it a most pleasant country, very fruitfull. goeing up that same river we meet french that weare fishing a kind of fish called dab, which is excellent, & have done us great kindnesse, having left no more provision then what we needed much. having come to the landing place att the foot of the fort, we found there a most faire castle very neatly built, great & small ones. the bottom was built with great trees & well tyed in the topp with twiggs of ashure, strengthened with two strong walles & bastions, which made the fort imppregnable of the wild men. there was also a fine fall of woods about it. the french corne grewed there exceeding well, where was as much as covered half a league of land. the country smooth like a boord, a matter of some or leagues about. severall fields of all sides of indian corne, severall of french tournaps, full of chestnutts and oakes of accorns, with thousand such like fruit in abundance. a great company of hoggs so fatt that they weare not able to goe. a plenty of all sortes of fowles. the ringdoves in such a number that in a nett or att once might be taken. so this was not a wild country to our imagination, but plentyfull in every thing. we weare humanly receaved by the reverend ffathers jesuits and some other frenchmen, as well domestiques as volontiers. we prepared ourselves to take the country's recreation, some to hunt, some to fish, but prevented by a feaver that seised on us all. some continued a month, some more and some lesse, which is the tribut that one must pay for the changment of climat. some dayes after we had news that another company of iroquoits weare arrived att mont royall. as soone [as] we went from thence the father & the rest of the ffrench that did stay behind did imbark themselves with them and followed us so close that ere long would be at us. as they went up to make cottages in the island of the massacre, which was dayes before our departure, one of the company goes to shute for his pleasure, finds a woman half starved for hunger, lying on a rock by a water. he brings her to the cottages & made so much by giving her some luckwarme water, which he boyled with flower & grease, that she came to herselfe entirely againe. shee was examined. shee told them what is above said, and when it happened. shee hid her selfe in a rotten tree during the slaughter, where shee remained dayes; after we weare gone shee came foorth for to gett some food, and found nothing, but founde onely some small grapes, of roots the first dayes, & nothing else. shee finding her selfe feeble and weake, not able to sustaine such, resolved for death. the father, knowing her to be a christian, had a singular care for her, & brought her where i overtooke the said father with the french. being brought [she] was frightened againe for seeing a man charging his gunne to kill her, as shee said, so went away that night, & non knowes what became of her. being weake, not thoroughly healed, shee fancied that such a thing might be done. by this, we poore, many have recovered. the father arrives, that affirmes this newes to us, being very sorry for the losse of this poore creature that god has so long preserved without any subsistance, which shews us apparently that wee ought not to despaire, & that keeps those that lives in his feare. we went to meete the father, i meane those that weare able, to bid the father welcome & his company. being come safe & in a good disposition together, we rendered god thanks. there weare many that waited for us, desiring to tourne back againe to quebecq, obtaining their desier from the fathers & the governour of the fort. they weare in number & one father. after weeks end we recovered our health. so we went to bring them a part of the way, some to the water side, some to the laksende, where we tooke of one another farewell, with such ceremonys as are used when friends depart. some dayes after we heare that the poore woman was in the woods; not that shee knew'd which way to tourne, but did follow her owne fancy whersoever it lead her, & so wandered dayes, getting some times for her subsistance wild garlick, yong buds of trees, & roots. shee was seene in an evening by a river, whereby shee was for dayes, by hurrons renegades. they tooke her, but in a sad condition. they not considering that shee was of their owne nation, stript her. it is the custom to strip whomsoever is lost in the woods. they brought her to the village, where the father was that brought her from the place of murdering to that place whence shee runned away the second time. this father, knowing her, brings her to our fort, that we might see her as a thing incredible but by the mercy of god. i was in the village with the father and with another frenchman, where we see the crudest thing in nature acted. those iroquoits that came along the river with us, some weare about fishing, some a hunting, they seeing this woman makes her [their] slave. one day a man or theirs was forwearned for his insolency, for not referring to the governor, doing all out of his owne head. [he him] selfe was to come that day, leading women with their children, he not intending to give an account of anything but by his owne authority. the elders, heering this, goes and meets him some paces out of the village for to maintaine their rights. they stayed this man. what weare those beasts? he answered they weare his; he no sooner had spoaken, but one old man spoak to him thus: "nephew, you must know that all slaves, as well men as women, are first brought before the councell, and we alone can dispose [of] them." so said, & turned to the other side, and gave a signe to some soldiers that they brought for that purpose, to knock those beasts in the head, who executed their office & murdered the women. one tooke the child, sett foot on his head, taking his leggs in his hands, wrought the head, by often turning, from off the body. an other souldier tooke the other child from his mother's brest, that was not yett quite dead, by the feete and knocks his head against the trunck of a tree. this [is] a daily exercise with them, nor can i tell the one half of their cruelties in like sortes. those with many others weare executed, some for not being able to serve, and the children for hindering their mothers to worke. so they reckne a trouble to lett them live. o wicked and barbarious inhumanity! i forgott to tell that the day the woman layed in, some houres before, shee and i roasted some indian corn in the fire: being ready, shee pulled out the grains one by one with a stick, and as shee was so doing, shee made a horrid outcry, shewing me a toad, which was in the breadth of a dish, which was in the midle of the redd ashes striving to gett out. we wondered, for the like was never seene before. after he gott out of the fire we threwed stoanes & staves att him till it was killed. that toad lived dayes in or under the fire. having remained in that village dayes, we have seene horrible cruelties committed. three of us resolved to turne back to our fort, which was miles off. we brought above women, hurron slaves & others, all loadened with corne. we weare allwayes in scarcity for pollicy, though we had enough, ffor certainty is farre better then the incertainry. before we departed this base place we received [news] that the hurron who was saved by the consent of the rest in the isle of massacre, as is above said, dayes after his deliverance run'd away by night towards the lower country of the iroquoits, where he arrived safe, not without sufferings in the way, ffor such long voyages cannot be performed otherwise, having gon through vast forests, finding no inn in the way, neither having the least provision. att his coming there he spoake whatever the reveng, wrath, and indignation could provoke or utter against the ffrench, especially against the ffathers, saying that it was they that have sold and betrayed them; and that he would bestow the same uppon them if ever he should meet with them. as for him, he gave heaven thanks that he was yett living; that he had his life saved by them to whome he would render like service, warning them not to lett the french build a fort, as the upper iroquoits had done; that he could tell them of it by experience; that they should remember the nation of the stagges so bigg. as soone as the french came there, nothing but death and slaughter was expected, having caused their death by sorcery, which brought a strange sicknesse amongst them. such things can prevaile much uppon such a wild, credulous nation; their minds alltogether for the warrs in which they delight most of any thing in the world. we came our way; this news troubled us very much, knowing the litle fidelity that is [in] that wild nation, that have neither faith nor religion, neither law nor absolut government, as we shall heare the effects of it. the autumn scarce began but we heare that the lower iroquoits contrived a treason against the ffrench. so having contrived & discovered that they weare resolved to leavy an armie of men of their owne nation, who are esteemed the best souldiers, having the anojot to assist them; a bold, rash nation, and so thought to surprise the inhabitants of that place. as they weare contriving and consequently seased upon the fort and towne, thinking to execute their plot with ease, because of their assurance, trusting (if contrary to their contrivance) to the peace, saying that the ffrench weare as many hoggs layed up to be fatted in their country. but, o liberality, what strength hast thou! thou art the onely means wherby men know all and pierce the hearts of the most wild & barbarous people of the world. hearing such news, we make friends by store of guifts, yea such guifts that weare able to betray their country. what is that, that interrest will not do? we discover dayly new contryvances of treason by a councellor. there is nothing done or said but we have advice of it. their dayly exercise is feasting, of warrs, songs, throwing of hattchetts, breaking kettles. what can we do? we are in their hands. it's hard to gett away from them. yea, as much as a ship in full sea without pilot, as passengers without skill. we must resolve to be uppon our guard, being in the midle of our ennemy. for this purpose we begin to make provisions for the future end. we are tould that a company of the aniot nation volontiers was allready in their march to breake heads & so declare open warres. this company finds enough to doe att mount royall; ffor the ffrench being carelesse of themselves, working incomparably afarre from their fortifications without the least apprehension. they killed french and brought them away in triumph, their heads sett up for a signe of warrs. we seeing no other remedy but must be gon and leave a delightful country. the onely thing that we wanted most was that wee had no boats to carry our bagage. it's sad to tend from such a place that is compassed with those great lakes that compose that empire that can be named the greatest part of the knowne world. att last they contrived some deale boords to make shipps with large bottoms, which was the cause of our destruction sooner then was expected. you have heard above said how the ffathers inhabited the hurron country to instruct them in christian doctrine. they preach the mighty power of the almighty, who had drowned the world for to punish the wicked, saving onely our father noe with his familie was saved in an arke. one came bringing indian corne, named jaluck, who escaped the shipwrake that his countrymen had gone, being slave among us. he received such instructions of those deale boords, & reflected soundly upon the structure that he thought verily they weare to make an other arke to escape their hands, and by our inventions cause all the rest to be drowned by a second deluge. they imputing so much power to us, as noe had that grace from god, thought that god at least commanded us so to doe. all frightened [he] runns to his village. this comes back makes them all afraid. each talkes of it. the elders gathered together to consult what was to be done. in their councell [it] was concluded that our fort should be visited, that our fathers should be examined, & according to their answers deliberation should be taken to preserve both their life and countrey. we had allwayes spyes of our side, which weare out of zele and obedience. the ffathers jesuits and others voluntarily ventured their lives for the preservation of the common liberty. they remaine in the village of those barbars to spie what their intent should be, houlding correspondence with some of those of the councell by giving them guifts, to the end that we might know what was concluded in the councell & give us advise with all speede. we by these means had intelligence that they weare to come & visit our forts. to take away all suspicion of our innocency from thinking to build any shipp, which if it had come to their knowledge had don a great prejudice to our former designe, a shippe then uppon the docke almost finished. heere we made a double floore in the hall where the shippe was abuilding, so that the wild men, being ignorant of our way of building, could not take any notice of our cuningnesse, which proved to our desire. so done, finding nothing that was reported, all began to be quiet and out of feare. by this we weare warned from thencefoorth, mistrusting all that came there, so preserved ourselves, puting nothing in fight that should give the least suspition. both shipps weare accomplished; we kept them secretly & covered them with boats of rind that we kept for fishing and hunting. the wildmen knewed of these small things, but suspected nothing, believing that the french would never suspect to venture such a voyage for the difficultie of the way and violence of the swiftnesse of the rivers and length of the way. we stayed for opportunity in some quietnesse, devising to contrive our game as soone as the spring should begin. the winter we past not without apprehensions, having had severall allarmes, false as [well] as true; for often weare we putt to our armes, in so much that one of our sentryes was once by force drawen from the doore of the fort. he, to avoid the danger, drawes his sword & wounds one of them & comes to the fort, crying, "to your armes." this was soone appeased; some guifts healed the wound. the season drawing nigh we must think of some stratageme to escape their hands and the rest of ours that weare among them; which was a difficulty, because they would have some of us by them allwaye for the better assurance. but all their contrivances & wit weare too weake to strive against our plotts which weare already invented to their deceipt that would deceave us. we lett them understand that the time drew neere that the french uses to trait their friends in feasting and meriment, and all should be welcome, having no greater ffriends then they weare. they, to see our fashions as well as to fill their gutts, gave consent. by that means the considerablest persons are invited, the ffather & ffrench. there they weare made much of dayes with great joy, with sounds of trompetts, drumms, and flageoletts, with songs in french as wild. so done, they are sent away, the ffather with them. he was not a mile off but fains to gett a falle and sighed that his arme was broken. the wild men being much troubled att this accident brings the father back and makes guifts that he may be cured. a plaster was sett to his arme, which done [he is] putt into a bed. then all the wildmen came to see him; he incouraged them that he should soone recover and see them. the french that knewed not the plott cryed for the ffather, which confirmed the belief of the wildmen. they all retyred to their village and we [sought] the meanes to embarke ourselves. we resolved once more to make another feast when we should have everything ready for our purpose; that is, when the father should be well of his fayned sicknesse, ffor they allso doe delight in feasting, which was to be done for the safe recovery of the ffather's health. we dayly had messengers from the elders of the country to know how he did, who (after the lake was opened from the ice that was covered with ice) should be in good disposition. many wished to have the suneshine ardently, their desire was so great to be gone. att last our patient begins to walke with a scharfe about his armes. when the shippes and boats weare ready, we sent them word that the father was well, & for joy would make a feast. the elders are invited. they weare sure not to faile, but to be first. being come, there are speeches made to incourage them to sing and eat. it's folly to induce them to that, for they goe about it more bould then welcome. they are told that the morow should be the day of mirth. heare is but play and dances, the ffrench by turns, to keepe them still in exercise, shewing them tricks to keepe them awake, as the bird-catcher doth to teach the bird to sing and not to fly away, as we then intended. not one wildman was admitted to come into the fort that day, saying it was not our coustomes to shew the splendour of our banquetts before they should be presented att table. the wildmen have no other then ground for their table. in the meantime we weare not idle, the impatient father exercising himselfe as the rest. the evening being come, the wildmen are brought to the place destinated, not far from our fort. every one makes his bundle of provisions & marchandises & household stuff, gunns, &c., some hid in the ground, and the rest scattered because we could not save them. we made excellent bisquetts of the last year's corne, & forgott not the hoggs that weare a fatning. att last the trumpetts blowes, putt yourselves in order; there is nothing but outcryes, clapping of hands, & capering, that they may have better stomach to their meat. there comes a dozen of great kettles full of beaten indian corne dressed with mince meate. the wisest begins his speech, giving heaven thanks to have brought such generous ffrench to honnour them so. they eate as many wolves, having eyes bigger then bellies; they are rare att it without noise. the time was not yett com'd to acknowledge the happinesse we received from such incompareable hosts. heare comes great kettles full of bussards broyled & salted before the winter, with as many kettles full of ducks. as many turtles was taken in the season by the nett. heere att this nothing but hooping to man's admiration whilst one was a eating, and other sort comes, as divers of fish, eels, salmon, and carps, which gives them a new stomach. weare they to burst, heere they will shew their courage. the time comes on. the best is that we are sure none will forsake his place, nor man nor woman. a number of french entertaines them, keeping them from sleepe in dancing & singing, for that is the custome. their lutrill, an instrumentall musick, is much heere in use. yett nothing is done as yett, ffor there comes the thickened flower, the oyle of bears, venison. to this the knif is not enough; the spunes also are used. wee see allready severall postures: the one beats his belly, the other shakes his head, others stopp their mouthes to keepe in what they have eaten. they weare in such an admiration, making strange kinds of faces, that turned their eyes up and downe. we bid them cheare up, & tould them it was an usuall custome with the ffrench to make much of themselves & of their friends. "they affect you, and yee must shew such like to them by shewing your respects to them that they so splendidly trait you. cheere up like brave men. if your sleepe overcomes you, you must awake; come, sound [the] drumme, it is not now to beat the gien; [footnote: "to beat the gien," probably meaning the guitar, as charlevoix mentions that at the feast to the indians one of the french young men played upon that instrument for their amusement.] come, make a noise. trumpett blow and make thy cheeks swell, to make the belly swell alsoe." in the end nothing [is] spared that can be invented to the greater confusion. there is a strife between the french who will make the greatest noise. but there is an end to all things; the houre is come, ffor all is embarked. the wildman can hold out no longer; they must sleepe. they cry out, _skenon_, enough, we can beare no more. "lett them cry _skenon_; we will cry _hunnay_, we are a going," sayes we. they are told that the ffrench are weary & will sleepe alsoe awhile. they say, "be it so." we come away; all is quiet. nobody makes a noise after such a hurly-burly. the fort is shutt up as if we had ben in it. we leave a hogg att the doore for sentery, with a rope tyed to his foot. he wanted no meat for the time. here we make a proposition, being three and fifty ffrench in number, to make a slaughter without any difficulty, they being but beasts not able to budge, & as many women. that done, we could goe to their village att the breake of the day, where we weare sure there weare not men left, nor yong nor old. it was no great matter to deale with or women, & may be children; besides, the huntsmen should not be ready this moneths to come home. having done so, we might have a great hole in the skirts of that untoward & pervers nation, that it was in way of revenge, because of their disloyalty, breaking the peace & watching an opportunity to doe the like to us, that we should by that means have a better opportunity to escape; shewing by this whosoever intends to betray, betrays himselfe. the ffathers' answer was to this, that they weare sent to instruct the people in the faith of jesus christ and not to destroy; that the crosse must be their sword; moreover that they are told that we weare able to keepe the place, having victualls for the space of yeares, with other provisions. [footnote: the new governor, viscount d'argenson, who arrived in canada a few months after, disapproved of the evacuation of onondaga. "the location of this fortification was probably about three quarters of a mile below green point, on the farm now occupied [in ] by mr. myrick bradley, in the town of salina, where the embankment and outlines were plain to be seen fifty years ago." _history of onondaga_, by j. v. h. clarke, vol. i. p. , n., .] so done, in the meanewhile some french should goe downe to the french & tell the news; ffor the rest they weare able to oppose all the iroquoits, having such a strong fort, and before the time could be expired some succour was to be expected out of ffrance, as well as with the helpe of some of the wildmen, their allies, make an assault, and so free ourselves of such a slavery & the many miseries wherin we weare dayly to undergoe, that by that means we might save the lives of many french and cleare a way from such inhumans. it was in vaine to think to convert them, but the destroying of them was to convert them. so discover nations and countryes, and that the ffrench finding some fourty resolut brothers that would have ventured themselves full liberty & assurance of their lives to preserve them from the cruelest enemy that ever was found uppon the earth. all these sayings could prevaile nothing uppon people that will avoid all slaughter. so to be obedient to our superiours, without noise of trompet or drum, but zeal with griefe, we left that place. we are all embarked, and now must looke for the mouth of the river; and weare put to it, ffor it frized every night and the ice of good thicknesse, and consequently dangerous to venture our boats against it. we must all the way breake the ice with great staves to make a passage. this gave us paines enough. att the breake of day we weare in sight att the mouth of the river, where we weare free from ice. if those had but the least suspicion or had looked out, they had seene us. we soone by all diligence putt ourselves out of that apprehension, and came att the first rising of the river, where freed from ice tenne leagues from the fort, where we kept a good watch. the day following we came to the lake d'ontario. the wind being boisterous, could goe no further. there we sought for a place to make cottages, which was in an island very advantageous, where we stayed dayes for the weather. we weare not without feare, thinking that the wildmen should follow us. they contrary wise stayed (as we heard) seaven nights, thinking that we weare asleepe, onely that some rose now and then, and rung the litle bell which stooke to the hogg's foot. so mystifying the businesse affaire, [they] went & brought news to the village, which made them come and looke over the pallisados, and saw in good earnest the anomiacks weare gone. in our journey [we had] bad weather, high winds, snow, and every day raine on our backs. we came to the river att last, where was difficulty enough by reason of the goeing out of the lake, which is hard to find, by the many isles that are about the opening of the river. we weare in a maner of sheepe scattered. after many crossings to and fro we find ourselves att the first streame; the watters high, went on without danger, but the navigation proved worse & worse because we came into a coulder country and into the most dangerousest precipices. now the river [was] covered over with ice and snow which made the river give a terrible noise. the land also covered all over with snow, which rendered us incapable of knowledge where we weare, & consequently found ourselves in great perils. it was well that the river swelled, for not a mother's son of us could else escape; ffor where we might have made carriages we [would] innocently have gone uppon those currents. one of our greatest vessells runned on sand and soone full by reason of the running of the stream, but by tournings, with much adoe we gott it out againe, and by all dexterity brought to a harbour, which is hard to find in that place, ffor the ice and the streame continually cutts the coasts steepe downe, & so no landing thereabouts. heere a boat of men made shipwrake. heere every one for himselfe & god for all. heere is no reliefe. there the that could swime weare drowned, because they held not [to] the boat, but would swime to land. the other that had held it was saved with much adoe. afterwards we came where the streame was not so swifte at all, but as dangerous for its ice. we cutt the ice with hattchetts & we found places where [it] was rotten, so we hazarded ourselves often to sinke downe to our necks. we knewed the isle of murder againe because of the woman that runn'd away was with us. shee had reason to know it, though all covered with snow. the ffathers some dayes before our departur caused her to come to the fort to deliver her out of the hands of her ennemy, because she was a christian. in short time after her arrivall att quebecq [she] was marry'd, and died in childbed. six weeks being expired we came to the hight of st louis, leagues from mont royal, the first habitation of the ffrench. we went all that hight without making carriages, trusting to the depth of the watter, & passed it by god's providence, that have made us that passage free; ffor if we had come there the day before we could not possibly passe (by the report of the ffrench), by reason that underneath the water was mighty swift, the river was frozen and covered with ice, and could not have turned back, for the streame could bring us against our will under the ice. it was our lott to come after the ice was melted. the french inquire who is there with astonishment, thinking that it should be the charge of the iroquoits. we thanked god for our deliverance. heere we had time to rest ourselves awhile att ease, which was not permitted by the way. about the last of march we ended our great paines and incredible dangers. about nights after we went downe the rivers, where most of us stayed. a month after my brother and i resolves to travell and see countreys. we find a good opportunity. in our voyage wee proceeded three yeares. during that time we had the happinesse to see very faire countryes. _the ende of the second voyage made in the upper country of the iroquoits_. _now followeth the auxoticiat voyage into the great and filthy lake of the hurrons, upper sea of the east, and bay of the north_. being come to the rivers, where i found my brother who the yeare before came back from the lake of the hurrons with other french, both weare upon the point of resolution to make a journey a purpose for to discover the great lakes that they heard the wild men speak off; yea, have seene before, ffor my brother made severall journeys when the ffathers lived about the lake of the hurrons, which was upon the border of the sea. so my brother seeing me back from those dangerous voyages, so much by the cruelties of the barbars as for the difficulties of the wayes, for this reason he thought i was fitter & more faithfull for the discovery that he was to make. he plainly told me his minde. i knowing it, longed to see myselfe in a boat. there weare severall companies of wild men expected from severall places, because they promissed the yeare before, & [to] take the advantage of the spring (this for to deceive the iroquoits, who are allwayes in wait for to destroy them), and of the rivers which is by reason of the melting of the great snows, which is onely that time, ffor otherwise no possibility to come that way because for the swift streams that runs in summer, and in other places the want of watter, so that no boat can come through. we soone see the performance of those people, ffor a company came to the rivers where we weare. they tould us that another company was arrived att mont royal, and that more weare to come shortly, the one to the three rivers, the other to saegne, [footnote: _saegne, sacgnes, sacquenes,_ or the river saguenay.] a river of tudousack, who arrived within dayes after. they divided themselves because of the scant of provision; ffor if they weare together they could not have victualls enough. many goes and comes to quebecq for to know the resolution of mr. governor, who together with the ffathers thought fitt to send a company of ffrench to bring backe, if possible, those wildmen the next yeare, or others, being that it is the best manna of the countrey by which the inhabitants doe subsist, and makes the ffrench vessells to come there and goe back loaden with merchandises for the traffique of furriers who comes from the remotest parts of the north of america. as soone as the resolution was made, many undertakes the voyage; for where that there is lucre there are people enough to be had. the best and ablest men for that businesse weare chosen. they make them goe up the rivers with the band that came with the sacques. there take those that weare most capable for the purpose. two ffathers weare chosen to conduct that company, and endeavoured to convert some of those foraigners of the remotest country to the christian faith. we no sooner heard their designe, but saw the effects of the buisnesse, which effected in us much gladnesse for the pleasure we could doe to one another, & so abler to oppose an ennemy if by fortune we should meet with any that would doe us hurt or hinder us in our way. about the midle of june we began to take leave of our company and venter our lives for the common good. we find and men, some inhabitants, some gailliards that desired but doe well. what fairer bastion then a good tongue, especially when one sees his owne chimney smoak, or when we can kiss our owne wives or kisse our neighbour's wife with ease and delight? it is a strange thing when victualls are wanting, worke whole nights & dayes, lye downe on the bare ground, & not allwayes that hap, the breech in the watter, the feare in the buttocks, to have the belly empty, the wearinesse in the bones, and drowsinesse of the body by the bad weather that you are to suffer, having nothing to keepe you from such calamity. att last we take our journey to see the issue of a prosperous adventure in such a dangerous enterprise. we resolved not to be the first that should complaine. the ffrench weare together in order, the wildmen also, saving my brother & i that weare accustomed to such like voyages, have foreseene what happened afterwards. before our setting forth we made some guifts, & by that means we weare sure of their good will, so that he & i went into the boats of the wild men. we weare nine and twenty french in number and wildmen. we embarked our traine in the night, because our number should not be knowne to some spyes that might bee in some ambush to know our departure; ffor the iroquoits are allwayes abroad. we weare nights to gett to mont royall, where octanac stayed for us & ffrench. if not for that company, we had passed the river of the meddowes, which makes an isle of mont royall and joines itselfe to the lake of st louis, leagues further then the hight of that name. we stayed no longer there then as the french gott themselves ready. we tooke leave without noise of gun. we cannot avoid the ambush of that eagle, which is like the owle that sees better in the night then in the day. we weare not sooner come to the first river, but our wildmen sees sorts of people of divers countrys laden with marchandise and gunns, which served them for a shew then for defence if by chance they should be sett on. so that the glorie begins to shew itsselfe, no order being observed among them. the one sings, the other before goes in that posture without bad encounter. we advanced dayes. there was no need of such a silence among us. our men composed onely of seaven score men, we had done well if we had kept together, not to goe before in the river, nor stay behind some or leagues. some or boats now & then to land to kill a wild beast, & so putt themselves into a danger of their lives, & if there weare any precipice the rest should be impotent to helpe. we warned them to looke to themselves. they laughed att us, saying we weare women; that the iroquoits durst not sett on them. that pride had such power that they thought themselves masters of the earth; but they will see themselves soone mistaken. how that great god that takes great care of the most wild creatures, and will that every man confesses his faults, & gives them grace to come to obedience for the preservation of their lives, sends them a remarquable power & ordnance, which should give terrour and retinue to those poore misled people from the way of assurance. as we wandered in the afforesaid maner all a sunder, there comes a man alone out of the wood with a hattchett in his hand, with his brayer, & a cover over his shoulders, making signes aloud that we should come to him. the greatest part of that flock shewed a palish face for feare att the sight of this man, knowing him an ennemy. they approached not without feare & apprehension of some plot. by this you may see the boldnesse of those buzards, that think themselves hectors when they see but their shadowes, & tremble when they see a iroquoit. that wild man seeing us neerer, setts him downe on the ground & throwes his hattchett away & raises againe all naked, to shew that he hath no armes, desires them to approach neerer for he is their friend, & would lose his life to save theirs. hee shewed in deed a right captayne for saveing of men that runned to their ruine by their indiscretion & want of conduct; and what he did was out of meere piety, seeing well that they wanted wit, to goe so like a company of bucks, every one to his fancy, where his litle experience leads him, nor thinking that danger wherin they weare, shewing by their march they weare no men, for not fearing. as for him, he was ready to die to render them service & prisoner into their hands freely. "for," saith he, "i might have escaped your sight, but that i would have saved you. i feare," sayth he, "not death"; so with that comes downe into the watter to his midle. there comes many boats about him, takes him into one of the boats, tying a coard fast about his body. there is he fastned. he begins to sing his fatal song that they call a nouroyall. that horrid tone being finished, makes a long, a very long speech, saying, "brethren, the day the sunne is favourable to mee, appointed mee to tell you that yee are witlesse before i die, neither can they escape their ennemys, that are spred up and downe everywhere, that watches all moments their coming to destroy them. take great courage, brethren, sleepe not; the ennemy is att hand. they wait for you; they are soe neare that they see you, and heare you, & are sure that you are their prey. therefore i was willing to die to give you notice. for my part that what i have ben i am a man & commander in the warrs, and tooke severall prisoners; yet i would put meselfe in death's hands to save your lives. believe me; keepe you altogether; spend not your powder in vaine, thinking to frighten your enemys by the noise of your guns. see if the stoanes of your arrowes be not bent or loose; bend your bowes; open your ears; keepe your hattchetts sharpe to cutt trees to make you a fort; doe not spend soe much greas to greas yourselves, but keep it for your bellies. stay not too long in the way. it's robbery to die with conduct." that poore wretch spake the truth & gave good instructions, but the greatest part did not understand what he said, saving the hurrons that weare with him, and i, that tould them as much as i could perceive. every one laughs, saying he himself is afraid & tells us that story. we call him a dogg, a woman, and a henne. we will make you know that we weare men, & for his paines we should burne him when we come to our country. here you shall see the brutishnesse of those people that think themselves valliant to the last point. no comparison is to be made with them for vallour, but quite contrary. they passe away the rest of that day with great exclamations of joy, but it will not last long. that night wee layd in our boats and made not the ketle boyle, because we had meat ready dressed. every boat is tyed up in the rushes, whether out of feare for what the prisoner told them, or that the prisoner should escape, i know not. they went to sleepe without any watch. the ffrench began to wish & moane for that place from whence they came from. what will it be if wee heare yeatt cryes & sorrows after all? past the breake of day every one takes his oare to row; the formost oares have great advantage. we heard the torrent rumble, but could not come to the land that day, although not farr from us. some twelve boats gott afore us. these weare saluted with guns & outcrys. in the meane while one boat runs one way, one another; some men lands and runs away. we are all put to it; non knowes where he is, they are put to such a confusion. all those beasts gathers together againe frighted. seeing no way to escape, gott themselves all in a heape like unto ducks that sees the eagle come to them. that first feare being over a litle, they resolved to land & to make a fort with all speed, which was done in lesse then two houres. the most stupidest drowsy are the nimblest for the hattchett & cutting of trees. the fort being finished, every one maketh himselfe in a readiness to sustaine the assult if any had tempted. the prisoner was brought, who soone was despatched, burned & roasted & eaten. the iroquoits had so served them, as many as they have taken. we mist of our company, but some came safe to us, & lost that weare killed & taken in that defeat. the iroquoite finding himselfe weake would not venture, & was obliged to leave us least he should be discovered & served as the other. neverthelesse they shewed good countenances, went & builded a fort as we have done, where they fortified themselves & feed on human flesh which they gott in the warres. they weare afraid as much as we, but far from that; ffor the night being come, every one imbarks himselfe, to the sound of a low trumpet, by the help of the darknesse. we went to the other side, leaving our marchandises for our ransome to the ennemy that used us so unkindly. we made some cariages that night with a world of paines. we mist of our boats, so that we must alter our equipages. the wildmen complained much that the ffrench could not swime, for that they might be together. the ffrench seeing that they weare not able to undergo such a voyage, they consult together & for conclusion resolved to give an end to such labours & dangers; moreover, found themselves incapable to follow the wildmen who went with all the speed possible night & day for the feare that they weare in. the ffathers, seeing our weaknesse, desired the wildmen that they might have one or two to direct them, which by no means was granted, but bid us doe as the rest. we kept still our resolution, & knowing more tricks then they, would not goe back, which should be but disdainful & prejudiciall. we told them so plainly that we would finish that voyage or die by the way. besides that the wildmen did not complaine of us att all, but incouraged us. after a long arguing, every one had the liberty to goe backwards or forwards, if any had courage to venter himselfe with us. seeing the great difficulties, all with one consent went back againe, and we went on. the wildmen weare not sorry for their departure, because of their ignorance in the affaire of such navigation. it's a great alteration to see one and reduced to . we encouraged one another, both willing to live & die with one another; & that [is] the least we could doe, being brothers. before we [went] to the lake of the hurrons we had crosses enough, but no encounter. we travelled onely in the night in these dangerous places, which could not be done without many vexations & labours. the vanity was somewhat cooler for the example we have seene the day before. the hungar was that tormented us most; for him we could not goe seeke for some wild beasts. our chiefest food was onely some few fishes which the wildmen caught by a line, may be two dozens a whole day, no bigger then my hand. being come to the place of repose, some did goe along the water side on the rocks & there exposed ourselves to the rigour of the weather. upon these rocks we find some shells, blackish without and the inner part whitish by reason of the heat of the sun & of the humidity. they are in a maner glued to the rock; so we must gett another stone to gett them off by scraping them hard. when we thought to have enough [we] went back again to the cottages, where the rest weare getting the litle fishes ready with trips, [footnote: _trips_,--meaning "tripe des boiled resolves itself into a black glue, roche, a species of lichen, which being nauseous but not without nourishment." _discovery of the great west_, by parkman.] gutts and all. the kittle was full with the scraping of the rocks, which soone after it boyled became like starch, black and clammie & easily to be swallowed. i think if any bird had lighted upon the excrements of the said stuff, they had stuckt to it as if it weare glue. in the fields we have gathered severall fruits, as goosberyes, blackberrys, that in an houre we gathered above a bushell of such sorte, although not as yett full ripe. we boyled it, and then every one had his share. heere was daintinesse slighted. the belly did not permitt us to gett on neither shoos nor stockins, that the better we might goe over the rocks, which did [make] our feet smart [so] that we came backe. our feet & thighs & leggs weare scraped with thorns, in a heape of blood. the good god looked uppon those infidels by sending them now & then a beare into the river, or if we perceived any in an isle forced them to swime, that by that means we might the sooner kill them. but the most parts there abouts is so sterill that there is nothing to be seene but rocks & sand, & on the high wayes but deale trees that grow most miraculously, for that earth is not to be seene than can nourish the root, & most of them trees are very bigg & high. we tooke a litle refreshment in a place called the lake of castors, which is some leagues from the first great lake. some of those wildmen hid a rest [footnote: "hid a rest," or cache.] as they went down to the ffrench; but the lake was so full of fishes we tooke so much that served us a long while. we came to a place where weare abundance of otters, in so much that i believe all gathered to hinder our passage. we killed some with our arrows, not daring to shoote because we discovered there abouts some tracks, judging to be our ennemy by the impression of their feet in the sand. all knowes there one another by their march, for each hath his proper steps, some upon their toes, some on their heele, which is natural to them, for when they are infants the mother wrapeth them to their mode. heer i speake not of the horrid streams we passed, nor of the falls of the water, which weare of an incredible height. in some parts most faire & delicious, where people formerly lived onely by what they could gett by the bow & arrows. we weare come above leagues allwayes against the streame, & made carriages, besides drawing, besides the swift streams we overcame by the oares & poles to come to that litle lake of castors which may be or leagues in compasse. the upper end of it is full of islands, where there is not time lost to wander about, finding wherewithall to make the kettle boyle with venison, great bears, castors & fishes, which are plenty in that place. the river that we goe to the great lake is somewhat favorable. we goe downe with ease & runing of the watter, which empties itsselfe in that lake in which we are now coming in. this river hath but high & violent streams, which is some leagues in length. the place where we weare is a bay all full of rocks, small isles, & most between wind and water which an infinite [number] of fishes, which are seene in the water so cleare as christiall. that is the reason of so many otters, that lives onely uppon fish. each of us begins to looke to his bundle & merchandizes and prepare himselfe for the bad weather that uses to be on that great extent of water. the wildmen finds what they hid among the rocks months before they came up to the french. heere we are stiring about in our boats as nimble as bees and divided ourselves into companys. seaven boats went towards west norwest and the rest to the south. after we mourned enough for the death of our deare countrymen that weare slained coming up, we take leave of each other with promise of amitie & good correspondence one with another, as for the continuance of peace, as for the assistance of strength, if the enemy should make an assault. that they should not goe to the french without giving notice one to another & soe goe together. we that weare for the south went on severall dayes merily, & saw by the way the place where the ffathers jesuits had heretofore lived; a delicious place, albeit we could but see it afarre off. the coast of this lake is most delightfull to the minde. the lands smooth, and woods of all sorts. in many places there are many large open fields where in, i believe, wildmen formerly lived before the destruction of the many nations which did inhabit, and tooke more place then leagues about; for i can well say that from the river of canada to the great lake of the hurrons, which is neere leagues in length & in breadth, as i guesse, for i have [been] round about it, plenty of fish. there are banks of sand or leagues from the waterside, where such an infinite deale of fish that scarcely we are able to draw out our nett. there are fishes as bigg as children of years old. there is sturgeon enough & other sorte that is not knowne to us. the south part is without isles, onely in some bayes where there are some. it is delightfull to goe along the side of the watter in summer where you may pluck the ducks. we must stay often in a place or dayes for the contrary winds; ffor [if] the winds weare anything high, we durst not venter the boats against the impetuosity of the waves, which is the reason that our voyages are so long and tedious. a great many large deep rivers empties themselves in that lake, and an infinit number of other small rivers, that cann beare boats, and all from lakes & pools which are in abundance in that country. after we travelled many dayes we arrived att a large island where we found their village, their wives & children. you must know that we passed a strait some leagues beyond that place. the wildmen give it a name; it is another lake, but not so bigg as that we passed before. we calle it the lake of the staring hairs, because those that live about it have their hair like a brush turned up. they all have a hole in their nose, which is done by a straw which is above a foot long. it barrs their faces. their ears have ordinarily holes, where one may putt the end of his finger. they use those holes in this sort: to make themselves gallant they passe through it a skrew of coper with much dexterity, and goe on the lake in that posture. when the winter comes they weare no capes because of their haire tourned up. they fill those skrews with swan's downe, & with it their ears covered; but i dare say that the people doe not for to hold out the cold, but rather for pride, ffor their country is not so cold as the north, and other lakes that we have seene since. it should be difficult to describe what variety of faces our arrivement did cause, some out of joy, others out of sadnesse. neverthelesse the numbers of joyfull exceeded that of the sorrowfull. the season began to invite the lustiest to hunting. we neither desire to be idle in any place, having learned by experience that idlenesse is the mother of all evil, for it breeds most part of all sicknesse in those parts where the aire is most delightfull. so that they who had most knowledge in these quarters had familiarity with the people that live there about the last lake. the nation that we weare with had warrs with the iroquoits, and must trade. our wildmen out of feare must consent to their ennemy to live in their land. it's true that those who lived about the first lake had not for the most part the conveniency of our french merchandise, as since, which obliged most of the remotest people to make peace, considering the enemy of theirs that came as a thunder bolt upon them, so that they joyned with them & forgett what was past for their owne preservation. att our coming there we made large guifts, to dry up the tears of the friends of the deceased. as we came there the circumjacent neighbours came to visit us, that bid us welcome, as we are so. there comes newes that there weare ennemy in the fields, that they weare seene att the great field. there is a councell called, & resolved that they should be searched & sett uppon them as [soon as] possible may be, which [was] executed speedily. i offered my service, soe went and looked for them dayes; finding them the rd day, gave them the assault when they least thought off it. we played the game so furiously that none escaped. the day following we returned to our village with of our enemys dead and alive. the dead weare eaten & the living weare burned with a small fire to the rigour of cruelties, which comforted the desolat to see them revenged of the death of their relations that was so served. we weare then possessed by the hurrons and octanac; but our minde was not to stay in an island, but to be knowne with the remotest people. the victory that we have gotten made them consent to what we could desire, & because that we shewed willing [ness] to die for their defence. so we desired to goe with a company of theirs that was going to the nation of the stairing haires. we weare wellcomed & much made of, saying that we weare the gods & devils of the earth; that we should fournish them, & that they would bring us to their ennemy to destroy them. we tould them [we] were very well content. we persuaded them first to come peaceably, not to destroy them presently, and if they would not condescend, then would wee throw away the hattchett and make use of our thunders. we sent ambassadors to them with guifts. that nation called pontonatemick without more adoe comes & meets us with the rest, & peace was concluded. feasts were made & dames with guifts came of each side, with a great deale of mirth. we visited them during that winter, & by that means we made acquaintance with an other nation called escotecke, which signified fire, a faire proper nation; they are tall & bigg & very strong. we came there in the spring. when we arrived there weare extraordinary banquetts. there they never have seen men with beards, because they pull their haires as soone as it comes out; but much more astonished when they saw our armes, especially our guns, which they worshipped by blowing smoake of tobacco instead of sacrifice. i will not insist much upon their way of living, ffor of their ceremonys heere you will see a pattern. in the last voyage that wee made i will lett you onely know what cours we runned in years' time. we desired them to lett us know their neighboring nations. they gave us the names, which i hope to describe their names in the end of this most imperfect discours, at least those that i can remember. among others they told us of a nation called nadoneceronon, which is very strong, with whome they weare in warres with, & another wandering nation, living onely uppon what they could come by. their dwelling was on the side of the salt watter in summer time, & in the land in the winter time, for it's cold in their country. they calle themselves christinos, & their confederats from all times, by reason of their speech, which is the same, & often have joyned together & have had companys of souldiers to warre against that great nation. we desired not to goe to the north till we had made a discovery in the south, being desirous to know what they did. they told us if we would goe with them to the great lake of the stinkings, the time was come of their trafick, which was of as many knives as they could gett from the french nation, because of their dwellings, which was att the coming in of a lake called superior, but since the destructions of many neighboring nations they retired themselves to the height of the lake. we knewed those people well. we went to them almost yearly, and the company that came up with us weare of the said nation, but never could tell punctually where they lived because they make the barre of the christinos from whence they have the castors that they bring to the french. this place is leagues off, by reason of the circuit that we must doe. the hurrons & the octanacks, from whence we came last, furnishes them also, & comes to the furthest part of the lake of the stinkings, there to have light earthen pots, and girdles made of goat's hairs, & small shells that grow art the sea side, with which they trim their cloath made of skin. we finding this opportunity would not lett it slippe, but made guifts, telling that the other nation would stand in feare of them because of us. we flattered them, saying none would dare to give them the least wrong, in so much that many of the octanacks that weare present to make the same voyage. i can assure you i liked noe country as i have that wherein we wintered; ffor whatever a man could desire was to be had in great plenty; viz. staggs, fishes in abundance, & all sort of meat, corne enough. those of the nations would not come with us, but turned back to their nation. we neverthelesse put ourselves in hazard, for our curiosity, of stay or years among that nation. we ventured, for that we understand some of their idiome & trusted to that. we embarked ourselves on the delightfullest lake of the world. i tooke notice of their cottages & of the journeys of our navigation, for because that the country was so pleasant, so beautifull & fruitfull that it grieved me to see that the world could not discover such inticing countrys to live in. this i say because that the europeans fight for a rock in the sea against one another, or for a sterill land and horrid country, that the people sent heere or there by the changement of the aire ingenders sicknesse and dies thereof. contrarywise those kingdoms are so delicious & under so temperat a climat, plentifull of all things, the earth bringing foorth its fruit twice a yeare, the people live long & lusty & wise in their way. what conquest would that bee att litle or no cost; what laborinth of pleasure should millions of people have, instead that millions complaine of misery & poverty! what should not men reape out of the love of god in converting the souls heere, is more to be gained to heaven then what is by differences of nothing there, should not be so many dangers committed under the pretence of religion! why so many thoesoever are hid from us by our owne faults, by our negligence, covetousnesse, & unbeliefe. it's true, i confesse, that the accesse is difficult, but must say that we are like the cockscombs of paris, when first they begin to have wings, imagining that the larks will fall in their mouths roasted; but we ought [to remember] that vertue is not acquired without labour & taking great paines. we meet with severall nations, all sedentary, amazed to see us, & weare very civil. the further we sejourned the delightfuller the land was to us. i can say that [in] my lifetime i never saw a more incomparable country, for all i have ben in italy; yett italy comes short of it, as i think, when it was inhabited, & now forsaken of the wildmen. being about the great sea, we conversed with people that dwelleth about the salt water, [footnote: "that dwelleth about the salt water;" namely, hudson's bay.] who tould us that they saw some great white thing sometimes uppon the water, & came towards the shore, & men in the top of it, and made a noise like a company of swans; which made me believe that they weare mistaken, for i could not imagine what it could be, except the spaniard; & the reason is that we found a barill broken as they use in spaine. those people have their haires long. they reape twice a yeare; they are called tatarga, that is to say, buff. they warre against nadoneceronons, and warre also against the christinos. these doe no great harme to one another, because the lake is betweene both. they are generally stout men, that they are able to defend themselves. they come but once a year to fight. if the season of the yeare had permitted us to stay, for we intended to goe backe the yeare following, we had indeavoured to make peace betweene them. we had not as yett seene the nation nadoneceronons. we had hurrons with us. wee persuaded them to come along to see their owne nation that fled there, but they would not by any means. we thought to gett some castors there to bring downe to the ffrench, seeing [it] att last impossible to us to make such a circuit in a twelve month's time. we weare every where much made of; neither wanted victualls, for all the different nations that we mett conducted us & furnished us with all necessaries. tending to those people, went towards the south & came back by the north. the summer passed away with admiration by the diversity of the nations that we saw, as for the beauty of the shore of that sweet sea. heere we saw fishes of divers, some like the sturgeons & have a kind of slice att the end of their nose some fingers broad in the end and onely neere the nose, and some thumbs long, all marbled of a blakish collor. there are birds whose bills are two and thumbs long. that bird swallows a whole salmon, keeps it a long time in his bill. we saw alsoe shee-goats very bigg. there is an animal somewhat lesse then a cow whose meat is exceeding good. there is no want of staggs nor buffes. there are so many tourkeys that the boys throws stoanes att them for their recreation. we found no sea-serpents as we in other laks have seene, especially in that of d'ontario and that of the stairing haires. there are some in that of the hurrons, but scarce, for the great cold in winter. they come not neere the upper lake. in that of the stairing haires i saw yong boy [who] was bitten. he tooke immediately his stony knife & with a pointed stick & cutts off the whole wound, being no other remedy for it. they are great sorcerors & turns the wheele. i shall speake of this at large in my last voyage. most of the shores of the lake is nothing but sand. there are mountains to be seene farre in the land. there comes not so many rivers from that lake as from others; these that flow from it are deeper and broader, the trees are very bigg, but not so thick. there is a great distance from one another, & a quantitie of all sorts of fruits, but small. the vines grows all by the river side; the lemons are not so bigg as ours, and sowrer. the grape is very bigg, greene, is seene there att all times. it never snows nor freezes there, but mighty hot; yett for all that the country is not so unwholsom, ffor we seldome have seene infirmed people. i will speake of their manners in my last voyage, which i made in october. we came to the strait of the lakes of the stinkings and the upper lake, where there are litle isles towards norwest, ffew towards the southest, very small. the lake towards the north att the side of it is full of rocks & sand, yett great shipps can ride on it without danger. we being of nations arrived there with booty, disputed awhile, ffor some would returne to their country. that was the nation of the fire, & would have us backe to their dwelling. we by all means would know the christinos. to goe backe was out of our way. we contented the hurrons to our advantage with promises & others with hope, and persuaded the octonack to keepe his resolution, because we weare but small fine dayes from those of late that lived in the sault of the coming in of the said upper lake, from whence that name of salt, which is _panoestigonce_ in the wild language, which heerafter we will call the nation of the salt. not many years since that they had a cruell warre against the nadoneseronons. although much inferiour in numbers, neverthelesse that small number of the salt was a terror unto them, since they had trade with the ffrench. they never have seene such instruments as the ffrench furnished them withall. it is a proude nation, therfore would not submitt, although they had to doe with a bigger nation times then they weare, because that they weare called ennemy by all those that have the accent of the algonquin language, that the wild men call nadone, which is the beginning of their name. the iroquoits have the title of bad ennemy, maesocchy nadone. now seeing that the christinos had hattchetts & knives, for that they resolved to make peace with those of the sault, that durst not have gon hundred of leagues uppon that upper lake with assurance. they would not hearken to anything because their general resolved to make peace with those of the christinos & an other nation that gott gunns, the noise of which had frighted them more then the bulletts that weare in them. the time approached, there came about of the nation of the sault to those that lived towards the north. the christinos gott a bigger company & fought a batail. some weare slaine of both sids. the captayne of these of the sault lost his eye by an arrow. the batail being over he made a speech, & said that he lost his fight of one side, & of the other he foresee what he would doe; his courage being abject by that losse, that he himselfe should be ambassador & conclud the peace. he seeing that the iroquoits came too often, a visit i must confesse very displeasing, being that some [of] ours looses their lives or liberty, so that we retired ourselves to the higher lake neerer the nation of the nadoneceronons, where we weare well receaved, but weare mistrusted when many weare seene together. we arrived then where the nation of the sault was, where we found some french men that came up with us, who thanked us kindly for to come & visit them. the wild octanaks that came with us found some of their nations slaves, who weare also glad to see them. for all they weare slaves they had meat enough, which they have not in their owne country so plentifull, being no huntsmen, but altogether ffishers. as for those towards the north, they are most expert in hunting, & live uppon nothing else the most part of the yeare. we weare long there before we gott acquaintance with those that we desired so much, and they in lik maner had a fervent desire to know us, as we them. heer comes a company of christinos from the bay of the north sea, to live more at ease in the midle of woods & forests, by reason they might trade with those of the sault & have the conveniency to kill more beasts. there we passed the winter & learned the particularitie that since wee saw by experience. heere i will not make a long discours during that time, onely made good cheere & killed staggs, buffes, elends, and castors. the christinos had skill in that game above the rest. the snow proved favourable that yeare, which caused much plenty of every thing. most of the woods & forests are very thick, so that it was in some places as darke as in a cellar, by reason of the boughs of trees. the snow that falls, being very light, hath not the strenght to stopp the eland, [footnote: _elend_, plainly the moose. "they appear to derive their dutch appellation (_eelanden_) from _elende_, misery, they die of the smallest wound." _documentary history of new york_, by o'callaghan, vol. iv. p. .] which is a mighty strong beast, much like a mule, having a tayle cutt off or or thumbes long, the foot cloven like a stagge. he has a muzzle mighty bigge. i have seene some that have the nostrills so bigg that i putt into it my fists att once with ease. those that uses to be where the buffes be are not so bigg, but about the bignesse of a coach horse. the wildmen call them the litle sort. as for the buff, it is a furious animal. one must have a care of him, for every yeare he kills some nadoneseronons. he comes for the most part in the plaines & meddows; he feeds like an ox, and the oriniack so but seldom he galopps. i have seene of their hornes that a man could not lift them from of the ground. they are branchy & flatt in the midle, of which the wildman makes dishes that can well hold quarts. these hornes fall off every yeare, & it's a thing impossible that they will grow againe. the horns of buffs are as those of an ox, but not so long, but bigger, & of a blackish collour; he hath a very long hairy taile; he is reddish, his haire frized & very fine. all the parts of his body much [like] unto an ox. the biggest are bigger then any ox whatsoever. those are to be found about the lake of the stinkings & towards the north of the same. they come not to the upper lake but by chance. it's a pleasur to find the place of their abode, for they tourne round about compassing or acres of land, beating the snow with their feete, & coming to the center they lye downe & rise againe to eate the bows of trees that they can reach. they go not out of their circle that they have made untill hunger compells them. we did what we could to have correspondence with that warlick nation & reconcile them with the christinos. we went not there that winter. many weare slained of both sides the summer last. the wound was yett fresh, wherfore it was hard to conclude peace between them. we could doe nothing, ffor we intended to turne back to the ffrench the summer following. two years weare expired. we hoped to be att the years end with those that gave us over for dead, having before to come back at a year's end. as we are once in those remote countreys we cannot doe as we would. att last we declared our mind first to those of the sault, encouraging those of the north that we are their brethren, & that we would come back & force their enemy to peace or that we would help against them. we made guifts one to another, and thwarted a land of allmost leagues before the snow was melted. in the morning it was a pleasur to walke, for we could goe without racketts. the snow was hard enough, because it freezed every night. when the sun began to shine we payed for the time past. the snow sticks so to our racketts that i believe our shoes weighed pounds, which was a paine, having a burden uppon our backs besides. we arrived, some of us, men & women, to a river side, where we stayed weeks making boats. here we wanted not fish. during that time we made feasts att a high rate. so we refreshed ourselves from our labours. in that time we tooke notice that the budds of trees began to spring, which made us to make more hast & be gone. we went up that river dayes till we came to a nation called pontonatenick & matonenock; that is, the scrattchers. there we gott some indian meale & corne from those nations, which lasted us till we came to the first landing isle. there we weare well received againe. we made guifts to the elders to encourage the yong people to bring us downe to the ffrench. but mightily mistaken; ffor they would reply, "should you bring us to be killed? the iroquoits are every where about the river & undoubtedly will destroy us if we goe downe, & afterwards our wives & those that stayed behinde. be wise, brethren, & offer not to goe downe this yeare to the ffrench. lett us keepe our lives." we made many private suits, but all in vaine. that vexed us most that we had given away most of our merchandises & swapped a great deale for castors. moreover they made no great harvest, being but newly there. beside, they weare no great huntsmen. our journey was broaken till the next yeare, & must per force. that summer i went a hunting, & my brother stayed where he was welcome & putt up a great deale of indian corne that was given him. he intended to furnish the wildmen that weare to goe downe to the ffrench if they had not enough. the wild men did not perceive this; ffor if they wanted any, we could hardly kept it for our use. the winter passes away in good correspondence one with another, & sent ambassadors to the nations that uses to goe downe to the french, which rejoyced them the more & made us passe that yeare with a greater pleasur, saving that my brother sell into the falling sicknesse, & many weare sorry for it. that proceeded onely of a long stay in a new discovered country, & the idlenesse contributs much to it. there is nothing comparable to exercise. it is the onely remedy of such diseases. after he languished awhile god gave him his health againe. the desire that every one had to goe downe to the ffrench made them earnestly looke out for castors. they have not so many there as in the north part, so in the beginning of spring many came to our isle. there weare no lesse, i believe, then men that weare willing to venter themselves. the corne that my brother kept did us a world of service. the wildmen brought a quantity of flesh salted in a vesell. when we weare ready to depart, heere comes strang news of the defeat of the hurrons, which news, i thought, would putt off the voyage. there was a councell held, & most of them weare against the goeing downe to the ffrench, saying that the iroquoits weare to barre this yeare, & the best way was to stay till the following yeare. and now the ennemy, seeing himselfe frustrated of his expectation, would not stay longer, thinking thereby that we weare resolved never more to go downe, and that next yeare there should be a bigger company, & better able to oppose an ennemy. my brother & i, feeing ourselves all out of hopes of our voyage, without our corne, which was allready bestowed, & without any merchandise, or scarce having one knife betwixt us both, so we weare in a great apprehension least that the hurrons should, as they have done often, when the ffathers weare in their country, kill a frenchman. seeing the equipage ready & many more that thought long to depart thence for marchandise, we uppon this resolved to call a publique councell in the place; which the elders hearing, came and advised us not to undertake it, giving many faire words, saying, "brethren, why are you such ennemys to yourselves to putt yourselves in the hands of those that wait for you? they will destroy you and carry you away captives. will you have your brethren destroyed that loves you, being slained? who then will come up and baptize our children? stay till the next yeare, & then you are like to have the number of men in company with you. then you may freely goe without intermission. yee shall take the church along with you, & the ffathers & mothers will send their children to be taught in the way of truth of the lord." our answer was that we would speake in publique, which granted, the day appointed is come. there gathered above men to see who should have the glorie in a round. they satt downe on the ground. we desired silence. the elders being in the midle & we in their midle, my brother began to speake. "who am i? am i a foe or a friend? if i am a foe, why did you suffer me to live so long among you? if i am friend, & if you take so to be, hearken to what i shall say. you know, my uncles & brethren, that i hazarded my life goeing up with you; if i have no courage, why did you not tell me att my first coming here? & if you have more witt then we, why did not you use it by preserving your knives, your hattchetts, & your gunns, that you had from the ffrench? you will see if the ennemy will sett upon you that you will be attraped like castors in a trape; how will you defend yourselves like men that is not courageous to lett yourselves be catched like beasts? how will you defend villages? with castors' skins? how will you defend your wives & children from the ennemy's hands?" then my brother made me stand up, saying, "shew them the way to make warrs if they are able to uphold it." i tooke a gowne of castors' skins that one of them had uppon his shoulder & did beat him with it. i asked the others if i was a souldier. "those are the armes that kill, & not your robes. what will your ennemy say when you perish without defending yourselves? doe not you know the ffrench way? we are used to fight with armes & not with robes. you say that the iroquoits waits for you because some of your men weare killed. it is onely to make you stay untill you are quite out of stocke, that they dispatch you with ease. doe you think that the ffrench will come up here when the greatest part of you is slained by your owne fault? you know that they cannot come up without you. shall they come to baptize your dead? shall your children learne to be slaves among the iroquoits for their ffathers' cowardnesse? you call me iroquoit. have not you seene me disposing my life with you? who has given you your life if not the ffrench? now you will not venter because many of your confederates are come to visit you & venter their lives with you. if you will deceave them you must not think that they will come an other time for shy words nor desire. you have spoaken of it first, doe what you will. for myne owne part, i will venter choosing to die like a man then live like a beggar. having not wherewithal to defend myselfe, farewell; i have my sack of corne ready. take all my castors. i shall live without you." & then departed that company. they weare amazed of our proceeding; they stayed long before they spoake one to another. att last sent us some considerable persons who bid us cheare up. "we see that you are in the right; the voyage is not broaken. the yong people tooke very ill that you have beaten them with the skin. all avowed to die like men & undertake the journey. you shall heare what the councell will ordaine the morrow. they are to meet privatly & you shall be called to it. cheare up & speake as you have done; that is my councell to you. for this you will remember me when you will see me in your country; ffor i will venter meselfe with you." now we are more satisfied then the day before. we weare to use all rhetorique to persuade them to goe downe, ffor we saw the country languish very much, ffor they could not subsist, & moreover they weare afraid of us. the councell is called, but we had no need to make a speech, finding them disposed to make the voyage & to submitt. "yee women gett your husbands' bundles ready. they goe to gett wherwithall to defend themselves & you alive." our equipage was ready in dayes. we embarked ourselves. we weare in number about , all stout men. we had with us a great store of castors' skins. we came to the south. we now goe back to the north, because to overtake a band of men that went before to give notice to others. we passed the lake without dangers. we wanted nothing, having good store of corne & netts to catch fish, which is plentyfull in the rivers. we came to a place where iroquoits wintered. that was the company that made a slaughter before our departure from home. our men repented now they did not goe sooner, ffor it might be they should have surprised them. att last we are out of those lakes. one hides a caske of meale, the other his campiron, & all that could be cumbersome. after many paines & labours wee arrived to the sault of columest, so called because of the stones that are there very convenient to make tobacco pipes. we are now within leagues of the french habitation, & hitherto no bad encounter. we still found tracks of men which made us still to have the more care and guard of ourselves. some leagues from this place we killed wild cowes & then gott ourselves into cottages, where we heard some guns goe off, which made us putt out our fires & imbark ourselves with all speed. we navigated all that night. about the breake of day we made a stay, that not to goe through the violent streames for feare the ennemy should be there to dispute the passage. we landed & instantly sent men to know whether the passage was free. they weare not halfe a mile off when we see a boat of the ennemy thwarting the river, which they had not done without discovering our boats, having nothing to cover our boats nor hide them. our lightest boats shewed themselves by pursueing the ennemy. they did shoot, but to no effect, which made our two men come back in all hast. we seeing ourselves but merchandmen, so we would not long follow a man of warre, because he runned swifter then ours. we proceeded in our way with great diligence till we came to the carriage place, where the one halfe of our men weare in readinesse, whilst the other halfe carried the baggage & the boats. we had a great alarum, but no hurt done. we saw but one boat, but have seene foure more going up the river. methinks they thought themselves some what weake for us, which persuaded us [of] things: st, that they weare afraid; andly, that they went to warne their company, which thing warned us the more to make hast. the nd day att evening after we landed & boyled an horiniack which we killed. we then see boats of our ennemy coming. they no sooner perceived us but they went on the other side of the river. it was a good looke for us to have seene them. our wildmen did not say what they thought, ffor they esteemed themselves already lost. we encouraged them & desired them to have courage & not [be] afraid, & so farr as i think we weare strong enough for them, that we must stoutly goe & meet them, and they should stand still. we should be alltogether, & put our castors' skins upon pearches, which could keepe us from the shott, which we did. we had foure & gunns ready, and gave them to the hurrons, who knewed how to handle them better then the others. the iroquoits seeing us come, & that we weare to , could not imagine what to doe. neverthelesse they would shew their courage; being that they must passe, they putt themselves in array to fight. if we had not ben with some hurrons that knewed the iroquoits' tricks, i believe that our wild men had runned away, leaving their fusiques behind. we being neere one another, we commanded that they should row with all their strength towards them. we kept close one to another to persecut what was our intent. we begin to make outcryes & sing. the hurrons in one side, the algonquins att the other side, the ottanak, the panoestigons, the amickkoick, the nadonicenago, the ticacon, and we both encouraged them all, crying out with a loud noise. the iroquoits begin to shoot, but we made ours to goe one forwards without any shooting, and that it was the onely way of fighting. they indeed turned their backs & we followed them awhile. then was it that we weare called devils, with great thanks & incouragements that they gave us, attributing to us the masters of warre and the only captaynes. we desired them to keepe good watch and sentry, and if we weare not surprized we should come safe and sound without hurt to the ffrench. the iroquoite seeing us goe on our way, made as if they would leave us. we made carriages that day, where the ennemy could doe us mischief if they had ben there. the cunning knaves followed us neverthelesse pritty close. we left boats behind that weare not loaden. we did so to see what invention our enemy could invent, knowing very well that his mind was to surprize us. it is enough that we are warned that they follow us. att last we perceived that he was before us, which putt us in some feare; but seeing us resolut, did what he could to augment his number. but we weare mighty vigilent & sent some to make a discovery att every carriage through the woods. we weare told that they weare in an ambush, & there builded a fort below the long sault, where we weare to passe. our wildmen said doubtlesse they have gott an other company of their nation, so that some minded to throw their castors away & returne home. we told them that we weare almost att the gates of the ffrench habitation, & bid [them] therefore have courage, & that our lives weare in as great danger as theirs, & if we weare taken we should never escape because they knewed us, & i because i runned away from their country having slained some of their brethren, & my brother that long since was the man that furnished their enemy with arms. they att last weare persuaded, & landed within a mile of the landing place, & sent men before armed. we made them great bucklers that the shot could not pearce in some places. they weare to be carryed if there had ben occasion for it. being come neere the torrent, we finding the iroquoits lying in ambush, who began to shoot. the rest of our company went about cutting of trees & making a fort, whilst some brought the boats; which being come, we left as few means possible might bee. the rest helped to carry wood. we had about men that weare gallant souldiers. the most weare hurrons, pasnoestigons, & amickkoick frequented the ffrench for a time. the rest weare skillfull in their bows & arrows. the iroquoits perceiving our device, resolved to fight by forceing them to lett us passe with our arms. they did not know best what to doe, being not so munished nor so many men above a hundred and fifty. they forsooke the place & retired into the fort, which was underneath the rapide. we in the meane while have slained of theirs, & not one of ours hurted, which encouraged our wildmen. we bid them still to have good courage, that we should have the victory. wee went & made another fort neere theirs, where of our men weare wounded but lightly. it is a horrid thing to heare [of] the enormity of outcryes of those different nations. the iroquoits sung like devils, & often made salleys to make us decline. they gott nothing by that but some arrows that did incommodat them to some purpose. we foresee that such a batail could not hold out long for want of powder, of shott & arrows; so by the consent of my brother & the rest, made a speech in the iroquoit language, inducing meselfe with armours that i might not be wounded with every bullett or arrow that the ennemy sent perpetually. then i spoake. "brethren, we came from your country & bring you to ours, not to see you perish unlesse we perish with you. you know that the ffrench are men, & maks forts that cannot be taken so soone therefore cheare upp, ffor we love you & will die with you." this being ended, nothing but howling & crying. we brought our castors & tyed them by , and rowled them before us. the iroquoits finding that they must come out of their fort to the watterside, where they left their boats, to make use of them in case of neede, where indeed made an escape, leaving all their baggage behind, which was not much, neither had we enough to fill our bellyes with the meat that was left; there weare kettles, broaken gunns, & rusty hattchetts. they being gone, our passage was free, so we made hast & endeavoured to come to our journey's end; and to make the more hast, some boats went downe that swift streame without making any carriage, hopeing to follow the ennemy; but the bad lacke was that where my brother was the boat turned in the torrent, being seaven of them together, weare in great danger, ffor god was mercifull to give them strength to save themselves, to the great admiration, for few can speed so well in such precipices. when they came to lande they cutt rocks. my brother lost his booke of annotations of the last yeare of our being in these foraigne nations. we lost never a castor, but may be some better thing. it's better [that one] loose all then lose his life. we weare moneths in our voyage without doeing any thing but goe from river to river. we mett severall sorts of people. we conversed with them, being long time in alliance with them. by the persuasion of som of them we went into the great river that divides itselfe in , where the hurrons with some ottanake & the wild men that had warrs with them had retired. there is not great difference in their language, as we weare told. this nation have warrs against those of [the] forked river. it is so called because it has branches, the one towards the west, the other towards the south, which we believe runns towards mexico, by the tokens they gave us. being among these people, they told us the prisoners they take tells them that they have warrs against a nation, against men that build great cabbans & have great beards & had such knives as we have had. moreover they shewed a decad of beads & guilded pearls that they have had from that people, which made us believe they weare europeans. they shewed one of that nation that was taken the yeare before. we understood him not; he was much more tawny then they with whome we weare. his armes & leggs weare turned outside; that was the punishment inflicted uppon him. so they doe with them that they take, & kill them with clubbs & doe often eat them. they doe not burne their prisoners as those of the northern parts. we weare informed of that nation that live in the other river. these weare men of extraordinary height & biggnesse, that made us believe they had no communication with them. they live onely uppon corne & citrulles, [footnote: _citrulles_, pumpkins.] which are mighty bigg. they have fish in plenty throughout the yeare. they have fruit as big as the heart of an oriniak, which grows on vast trees which in compasse are three armefull in compasse. when they see litle men they are affraid & cry out, which makes many come help them. their arrows are not of stones as ours are, but of fish boans & other boans that they worke greatly, as all other things. their dishes are made of wood. i having seene them, could not but admire the curiosity of their worke. they have great calumetts of great stones, red & greene. they make a store of tobacco. they have a kind of drink that makes them mad for a whole day. this i have not seene, therefore you may believe as you please. when i came backe i found my brother sick, as i said before. god gave him his health, more by his courage then by any good medicine, ffor our bodyes are not like those of the wildmen. to our purpose; we came backe to our carriage, whilst wee endeavoured to ayde our compagnions in their extremity. the iroquoits gott a great way before, not well satisfied to have stayed for us, having lost of their men; of them weare not nimble enough, ffor our bulletts & arrows made them stay for good & all. seaven of our men weare sick, they have ben like to be drowned, & the other two weare wounded by the iroquoits. the next day we went on without any delay or encounter. i give you leave if those of mont royall weare not overjoyed to see us arrived where they affirme us the pitifull conditions that the country was by the cruelty of these cruell barbars, that perpetually killed & slaughtered to the very gate of the ffrench fort. all this hindered not our goeing to the ffrench att the rivers after we refreshed ourselves dayes, but like to pay dearly for our bold attempt. inhabitants came downe with us in a shawlopp. as we doubled the point of the river of the meddows we weare sett uppon by severall of the iroquoits, but durst not come neare us, because of two small brasse pieces that the shalop carryed. we tyed our boats together & made a fort about us of castors' skins, which kept us from all danger. we went downe the streame in that posture. the ennemy left us, & did well; for our wildmen weare disposed to fight, & our shaloupp could not come neare them because for want of watter. we came to quebecq, where we are saluted with the thundring of the guns & batteryes of the fort, and of the shipps that weare then att anchor, which had gon back to france without castors if we had not come. we weare well traited for dayes. the governor made guifts & sent brigantins to bring us to the rivers, where we arrived the nd day of, & the th day they went away. that is the end of our years' voyage & few months. after so much paine & danger god was so mercifull [as] to bring us back saf to our dwelling, where the one was made much off by his wife, the other by his friends & kindred. the ennemy that had discovered us in our goeing downe gott more company, with as many as they could to come to the passages, & there to waite for the retourne of those people, knowinge well that they could not stay there long because the season of the yeare was almost spent; but we made them by our persuasions goe downe to quebecq, which proved well, ffor the iroquoits thought they weare gone another way. so came the next day after our arrivall to make a discovery to the rivers, where being perceived, there is care taken to receive them. the ffrench cannot goe as the wildmen through the woods, but imbarks themselves in small boats & went along the river side, knowing that if the ennemy was repulsed, he would make his retreat to the river side. some algonquins weare then att the habitation, who for to shew their vallour disposed themselves to be the first in the poursuit of the enemy. some of the strongest and nimblest ffrench kept them company, with an other great number of men called ottanacks, so that we weare soone together by the ears. there weare some men of the enemy that came in the space of a fourteen night together; but when they saw us they made use of their heels. we weare about ; but the better to play their game, after they runned half a mile in the wood they turned againe, where then the batail began most furiously by shooting att one another. that uppermost nation, being not used to shooting nor heare such noise, began to shake off their armours, and tooke their bows and arrows, which indeed made [more] execution then all the guns that they had brought. so seeing algonquins & ffrench keep to it, they resolved to stick to it also, which had not long lasted; ffor seeing that their arrows weare almost spent & they must close together, and that the enemy had an advantage by keeping themselves behind the trees, and we to fall uppon we must be without bucklers, which diminished much our company that was foremost, we gave them in spight us place to retire themselves, which they did with all speed. having come to the watter side, where their boats weare, saw the ffrench all in a row, who layd in an ambush to receive them, which they had done if god had not ben for us; ffor they, thinking that the enemy was att hand, mistrusted nothing to the contrary. the ffrench that weare in the wood, seeing the evident danger where their countrymen layd, encouraged the ottanaks, who tooke their armes againe and followed the enemy, who not feared that way arrived before the ffrench weare apprehended, by good looke. one of the iroquoits, thinking his boat would be seene, goes quickly and putts it out of sight, & discovers himselfe, which warned the ffrench to hinder them to goe further uppon that score. our wildmen made a stand and fell uppon them stoutly. the combat begins a new; they see the ffrench that weare uppon the watter come neere, which renforced them to take their boats with all hast, and leave their booty behind. the few boats that the french had brought made that could enter but the ffrench, who weare enough. the wildmen neverthelesse did not goe without their prey, which was of three men's heads that they killed att the first fight; but they left eleven of theirs in the place, besides many more that weare wounded. they went straight to their countrey, which did a great service to the retourne of our wildmen, and mett with non all their journey, as we heard afterwards. they went away the next day, and we stayed att home att rest that yeare. my brother and i considered whether we should discover what we have seene or no; and because we had not a full and whole discovery, which was that we have not ben in the bay of the north, not knowing anything but by report of the wild christinos, we would make no mention of it for feare that those wild men should tell us a fibbe. we would have made a discovery of it ourselves and have an assurance, before we should discover anything of it. _the ende of the auxotacicac voyage, which is the third voyage_. _[fourth voyage of peter esprit radisson]_ the spring following we weare in hopes to meet with some company, having ben so fortunat the yeare before. now during the winter, whether it was that my brother revealed to his wife what we had seene in our voyage and what we further intended, or how it came to passe, it was knowne; so much that the ffather jesuits weare desirous to find out a way how they might gett downe the castors from the bay of the north by the sacgnes, and so make themselves masters of that trade. they resolved to make a tryall as soone as the ice would permitt them. so to discover our intentions they weare very earnest with me to ingage myselfe in that voyage, to the end that my brother would give over his, which i uterly denied them, knowing that they could never bring it about, because i heard the wild men say that although the way be easy, the wildmen that are feed att their doors would have hindred them, because they make a livelyhood of that trade. in my last voyage i tooke notice of that that goes to three lands, which is first from the people of the north to another nation, that the ffrench call squerells, and another nation that they call porquepicque, and from them to the montignes & algonquins that live in or about quebucque; but the greatest hinderance is the scant of watter and the horrid torrents and want of victuals, being no way to carry more then can serve dayes' or weeks' navigation on that river. neverthelesse the ffathers are gone with the governor's son of the three rivers and other ffrench and wildmen. during that time we made our proposition to the governor of quebuc that we weare willing to venture our lives for the good of the countrey, and goe to travell to the remotest countreys with hurrons that made their escape from the iroquoits. they wished nothing more then to bee in those parts where their wives and families weare, about the lake of the stairing haire; to that intent would stay untill august to see if any body would come from thence. my brother and i weare of one minde; and for more assurance my brother went to mont royall to bring those two men along. he came backe, being in danger. the governor gives him leave, conditionaly that he must carry two of his servants along with him and give them the moitie of the profit. my brother was vexed att such an unreasonable a demand, to take inexperted men to their ruine. all our knowledge and desir depended onely of this last voyage, besides that the governor should compare of his servants to us, that have ventured our lives so many years and maintained the countrey with our generosity in the presence of all; neither was there one that had the courage to undertake what wee have done. we made the governor a slight answer, and tould him for our part we knewed what we weare, discoverers before governors. if the wild men came downe, the way for them as for us, and that we should be glad to have the honnour of his company, but not of that of his servants, and that we weare both masters and servants. the governor was much displeased att this, & commanded us not to go without his leave. we desired the ffathers to speake to him about it. our addresses were slight because of the shame was putt uppon them the yeare before of their retourne, besids, they stayed for an opportunity to goe there themselves; ffor their designe is to further the christian faith to the greatest glory of god, and indeed are charitable to all those that are in distresse and needy, especially to those that are worthy or industrious in their way of honesty. this is the truth, lett who he will speak otherwise, ffor this realy i know meselfe by experience. i hope i offend non to tell the truth. we are forced to goe back without doeing any thing. the month of august that brings a company of the sault, who weare come by the river of the three rivers with incredible paines, as they said. it was a company of seaven boats. we wrote the news of their arrivement to quebuc. they send us word that they will stay untill the fathers be turned from sacquenes, that we should goe with them. an answer without reason. necessity obliged us to goe. those people are not to be inticed, ffor as soone as they have done their affaire they goe. the governor of that place defends us to goe. we tould him that the offense was pardonable because it was every one's interest; neverthelesse we knewed what we weare to doe, and that he should not be blamed for us. we made guifts to the wildmen, that wished with all their hearts that we might goe along with them. we told them that the governor minded to send servants with them, and forbids us to goe along with them. the wild men would not accept of their company, but tould us that they would stay for us two dayes in the lake of st peter in the grasse some leagues from the rivers; but we did not lett them stay so long, for that very night, my brother having the keys of the brough as being captayne of the place, we embarqued ourselves. we made ready in the morning, so that we went, of us, about midnight. being come opposit to the fort, they aske who is there. my brother tells his name. every one knows what good services we had done to the countrey, and loved us, the inhabitants as well as the souldiers. the sentrey answers him, "god give you a good voyage." we went on the rest of that night. att in the morning we are arrived to the appointed place, but found no body. we weare well armed, & had a good boat. we resolved to goe day and night to the river of the meddows to overtake them. the wildmen did feare that it was somewhat else, but leagues beyond that of the fort of richlieu we saw them coming to us. we putt ourselves uppon our guards, thinking they weare ennemy; but weare friends, and received us with joy, and said that if we had not come in dayes' time, they would have sent their boats to know the reason of our delay. there we are in that river waiting for the night. being come to the river of the medows, we did separat ourselves, into boats. the man that we have taken with us was putt into a boat of men and a woman, but not of the same nation as the rest, but of one that we call sorcerors. they weare going downe to see some friends that lived with the nation of the fire, that now liveth with the ponoestigonce or the sault. it is to be understood that this river is divided much into streams very swift & small before you goe to the river of canada; [on account] of the great game that there is in it, the ennemy is to be feared, which made us go through these torrents. this could make any one afraid who is inexperted in such voyages. we suffered much for dayes and nights without rest. as we went we heard the noise of guns, which made us believe firmly they weare ennemyes. we saw boats goe by, and heard others, which daunted our hearts for feare, although wee had boats in number; but weare a great distance one from another, as is said in my former voyage, before we could gaine the height of the river. the boat of the sorcerors where was one of us, albeit made a voyage into the hurrons' country before with the ffathers, it was not usefull, soe we made him embark another, but stayed not there long. the night following, he that was in the boat dreamed that the iroquoits had taken him with the rest. in his dreame he cryes out aloud; those that weare att rest awakes of the noise. we are in alarum, and ready to be gone. those that weare with the man resolved to goe back againe, explicating that an evill presage. the wildmen councelled to send back the ffrenchman, saying he should die before he could come to their countrey. it's usually spoken among the wildmen when a man is sick or not able to doe anything to discourage him in such sayings. here i will give a relation of that ffrenchman before i goe farther, and what a thing it is to have an intrigue. the next day they see a boat of their ennemys, as we heard since. they presently landed. the wild men runned away; the ffrenchman alsoe, as he went along the watter side for fear of loosing himselfe. he finds there an harbour very thick, layes himselfe downe and falls asleepe. the night being come, the wildmen being come to know whether the ennemy had perceived them, but non pursued them, and found their boat in the same place, and imbarques themselves and comes in good time to mount royall. they left the poore ffrenchman there, thinking he had wit enough to come along the watter side, being not above tenne leagues from thence. those wild men, after their arrivement, for feare spoak not one word of him, but went downe to the rivers, where their habitation was. fourteen days after some boats ventured to goe looke for some oriniaks, came to the same place, where they made cottages, and that within a quarter of mille where this wrech was. one of the ffrench finds him on his back and almost quite spent; had his gunne by him. he was very weake, and desirous that he should be discovered by some or other. he fed as long as he could on grappes, and at last became so weake that he was not able any further, untill those ffrench found him. after awhile, being come to himselfe, he tends downe the three rivers, where being arrived the governor emprisons him. he stayed not there long. the inhabitants seeing that the ennemy, the hunger, and all other miseries tormented this poore man, and that it was by a divine providence he was alive, they would not have souffred such inhumanity, but gott him out. three dayes after wee found the tracks of seaven boats, and fire yett burning. we found out by their characters they weare no ennemys, but imagined that they weare octanaks that went up into their countrey, which made us make hast to overtake them. we tooke no rest till we overtooke them. they came from mount royall and weare gone to the great river and gone by the great river. so that we weare now boats together, which weare to goe the same way to the height of the upper lake. the day following wee weare sett uppon by a company of iroquoits that fortified themselves in the passage, where they waited of octanack, for they knewed of their going downe. our wildmen, seeing that there was no way to avoid them, resolved to be together, being the best way for them to make a quick expedition, ffor the season of the yeare pressed us to make expedition. we resolved to give a combat. we prepared ourselves with targetts. now the businesse was to make a discovery. i doubt not but the ennemy was much surprised to see us so in number. the councell was held and resolution taken. i and a wildman weare appointed to goe and see their fort. i offered myselfe with a free will, to lett them see how willing i was to defend them; that is the onely way to gaine the hearts of those wildmen. we saw that their fort was environed with great rocks that there was no way to mine it, because there weare no trees neere it. the mine was nothing else but to cutt the nearest tree, and so by his fall make a bracke, and so goe and give an assault. their fort was nothing but trees one against another in a round or square without sides. the ennemy seeing us come neere, shott att us, but in vaine, ffor we have fforewarned ourselves before we came there. it was a pleasur to see our wildmen with their guns and arrows, which agreed not together. neverthelesse we told them when they received a breake their guns would be to no purpose; therefore to putt them by and make use of their bows and arrows. the iroquoits saw themselves putt to it, and the evident danger that they weare in, but to late except they would runne away. yett our wildmen weare better wild footemen then they. these weare ffrenchmen that should give them good directions to overthrow them, resolved to speake for peace, and throw necklaces of porcelaine over the stakes of their fort. our wildmen weare dazelled att such guifts, because that the porcelaine is very rare and costly in their countrey, and then seeing themselves flattered with faire words, to which they gave eare. we trust them by force to putt their first designe in execution, but feared their lives and loved the porcelaine, seeing they had it without danger of any life. they weare persuaded to stay till the next day, because now it was almost night. the iroquoits make their escape. this occasion lost, our consolation was that we had that passage free, but vexed for having lost that opportunity, & contrarywise weare contented of our side, for doubtlesse some of us had ben killed in the bataill. the day following we embarqued ourselves quietly, being uppon our guard for feare of any surprize, ffor that ennemy's danger scarcely begane, who with his furour made himselfe so redoubted, having ben there up and downe to make a new slaughter. this morning, in assurance enough; in the afternoone the two boats that had orders to land some paces from the landing place, one tooke onely a small bundle very light, tends to the other side of the carriage, imagining there to make the kettle boyle, having killed staggs two houres agoe, and was scarce halfe way when he meets the iroquoits, without doubt for that same businesse. i think both weare much surprized. the iroquoits had a bundle of castor that he left behind without much adoe. our wild men did the same; they both runne away to their partners to give them notice. by chance my brother meets them in the way. the wild men seeing that they all weare frightned and out of breath, they asked the matter, and was told, _nadonnee_, and so soone said, he letts fall his bundle that he had uppon his back into a bush, and comes backe where he finds all the wildmen dispaired. he desired me to encourage them, which i performed with all earnestnesse. we runned to the height of the carriage. as we weare agoing they tooke their armes with all speed. in the way we found the bundle of castors that the ennemy had left. by this means we found out that they weare in a fright as wee, and that they came from the warrs of the upper country, which we told the wildmen, so encouraged them to gaine the watter side to discover their forces, where wee no sooner came but boats weare landed & charged their guns, either to defend themselves or to sett uppon us. we prevented this affair by our diligence, and shott att them with our bows & arrows, as with our gunns. they finding such an assault immediately forsooke the place. they would have gone into their boats, but we gave them not so much time. they threwed themselves into the river to gaine the other side. this river was very narrow, so that it was very violent. we had killed and taken them all, if boats of theirs had not come to their succour, which made us gave over to follow them, & looke to ourselves, ffor we knewed not the number of their men. three of their men neverthelesse weare killed; the rest is on the other side of the river, where there was a fort which was made long before. there they retired themselves with all speed. we passe our boats to augment our victory, seeing that they weare many in number. they did what they could to hinder our passage, butt all in vaine, ffor we made use of the bundle of castors that they left, which weare to us instead of gabbions, for we putt them att the heads of our boats, and by that means gott ground in spight of their noses. they killed one of our men as we landed. their number was not to resist ours. they retired themselves into the fort and brought the rest of their [men] in hopes to save it. in this they were far mistaken, for we furiously gave an assault, not sparing time to make us bucklers, and made use of nothing else but of castors tyed together. so without any more adoe we gathered together. the iroquoits spared not their powder, but made more noise then hurt. the darknesse covered the earth, which was somewhat favorable for us; but to overcome them the sooner, we filled a barill full of gun powder, and having stoped the whole of it well and tyed it to the end of a long pole, being att the foote of the fort. heere we lost of our men; our machine did play with an execution. i may well say that the ennemy never had seen the like. moreover i tooke or pounds of powder; this i put into a rind of a tree, then a fusy to have the time to throw the rind, warning the wildmen as soone as the rind made his execution that they should enter in and breake the fort upside down, with the hattchett and the sword in their hands. in the meane time the iroquoits did sing, expecting death, or to their heels, att the noise of such a smoake & noise that our machines made, with the slaughter of many of them. seeing themselves soe betrayed, they lett us goe free into their fort, that thereby they might save themselves; but having environed the fort, we are mingled pell mell, so that we could not know one another in that skirmish of blowes. there was such an noise that should terrifie the stoutest men. now there falls a showre of raine and a terrible storme, that to my thinking there was somthing extraordinary, that the devill himselfe made that storme to give those men leave to escape from our hands, to destroy another time more of these innocents. in that darknesse every one looked about for shelter, not thinking of those braves, that layd downe halfe dead, to pursue them. it was a thing impossible, yett doe believe that the ennemy was not far. as the storme was over, we came together, making a noise, and i am persuaded that many thought themselves prisoners that weare att liberty. some sang their fatall song, albeit without any wounds. so that those that had the confidence to come neare the others weare comforted by assuring them the victory, and that the ennemy was routed. we presently make a great fire, and with all hast make upp the fort againe for feare of any surprize. we searched for those that weare missing. those that weare dead and wounded weare visited. we found of our ennemy slain'd and onely of ours, besides seaven weare wounded, who in a short time passed all danger of life. while some weare busie in tying of the ennemy that could not escape, the others visited the wounds of their compagnions, who for to shew their courage sung'd lowder then those that weare well. the sleepe that we tooke that night did not make our heads guidy, although we had need of reposeing. many liked the occupation, for they filled their bellyes with the flesh of their ennemyes. we broiled some of it and kettles full of the rest. we bourned our comrades, being their custome to reduce such into ashes being stained in bataill. it is an honnour to give them such a buriall. att the brake of day we cooked what could accommodate us, and flung the rest away. the greatest marke of our victory was that we had heads & foure prisoners, whom we embarqued in hopes to bring them into our countrey, and there to burne them att our owne leasures for the more satisfaction of our wives. we left that place of masacre with horrid cryes. forgetting the death of our parents, we plagued those infortunate. we plucked out their nailes one after another. the next morning, after we slept a litle in our boats, we made a signe to begone. they prayed to lett off my peece, which made greate noise. to fullfill their desire, i lett it of. i noe sooner shott, butt perceived seaven boats of the iroquoits going from a point towards the land. we were surprised of such an incounter, seeing death before us, being not strong enough to resist such a company, ffor there weare or in every boat. they perceiving us thought that we weare more in number, began in all hast to make a fort, as we received from two discoverers that wee sent to know their postures. it was with much adoe that those two went. dureing we perswaded our wildmen to send seaven of our boats to an isle neare hand, and turne often againe to frighten our adversaryes by our shew of our forces. they had a minde to fortifie themselves in that island, but we would not suffer it, because there was time enough in case of necessity, which we represent unto them, making them to gather together all the broaken trees to make them a kind of barricado, prohibiting them to cutt trees, that thereby the ennemy might not suspect our feare & our small number, which they had knowne by the stroaks of their hattchetts. those wildmen, thinking to be lost, obeyed us in every thing, telling us every foot, "be chearfull, and dispose of us as you will, for we are men lost." we killed our foure prisoners because they embarassed us. they sent, as soone as we weare together, some fourty, that perpetually went to and againe to find out our pollicy and weaknesse. in the meane time we told the people that they weare men, & if they must, die altogether, and for us to make a fort in the lande was to destroy ourselves, because we should put ourselves in prison; to take courage, if in case we should be forced to take a retreat the isle was a fort for us, from whence we might well escape in the night. that we weare strangers and they, if i must say so, in their countrey, & shooting ourselves in a fort all passages would be open uppon us for to save ourselves through the woods, was a miserable comfort. in the mean time the iroquoits worked lustily, think att every step we weare to give them an assault, but farr deceived, ffor if ever blind wished the light, we wished them the obscurity of the night, which no sooner approached but we embarqued ourselves without any noise, and went along. it's strang to me that the ennemy did not encounter us. without question he had store of prisoners and booty. we left the iroquoits in his fort and the feare in our breeches, for without apprehension we rowed from friday to tuesday without intermission. we had scarce to eat a bitt of sault meat. it was pitty to see our feete & leggs in blood by drawing our boats through the swift streames, where the rocks have such sharp points that there is nothing but death could make men doe what we did. on the third day the paines & labour we tooke forced us to an intermission, ffor we weare quite spent. after this we went on without any encounter whatsoever, having escaped very narrowly. we passed a sault that falls from a vast height. some of our wildmen went underneath it, which i have seene, & i myselfe had the curiosity, but that quiver makes a man the surer. the watter runs over the heads with such impetuosity & violence that it's incredible. wee went under this torrent a quarter of a mille, that falls from the toppe above fourty foot downwards. having come to the lake of the castors, we went about the lake of the castors for some victuals, being in great want, and suffered much hunger. so every one constituts himselfe; some went a hunting, some a fishing. this done, we went downe the river of the sorcerers, which brought us to the first great lake. what joy had we to see ourselves out of that river so dangerous, after we wrought two and twenty dayes and as many nights, having not slept one houre on land all that while. now being out of danger, as safe from our enemy, perhaps we must enter into another, which perhaps may give practice & trouble consequently. our equipage and we weare ready to wander uppon that sweet sea; but most of that coast is void of wild beasts, so there was great famine amongst us for want. yett the coast afforded us some small fruits. there i found the kindnesse & charity of the wildmen, ffor when they found any place of any quantity of it they called me and my brother to eat & replenish our bellys, shewing themselves far gratfuller then many christians even to their owne relations. i cannot forgett here the subtilty of one of these wildmen that was in the same boat with me. we see a castor along the watter side, that puts his head out of the watter. that wildman no sooner saw him but throwes himself out into the watter and downe to the bottom, without so much time as to give notice to any, and before many knewed of anything, he brings up the castor in his armes as a child, without fearing to be bitten. by this we see that hunger can doe much. afterwardes we entered into a straight which had leagues in length, full of islands, where we wanted not fish. we came after to a rapid that makes the separation of the lake of the hurrons, that we calle superior, or upper, for that the wildmen hold it to be longer & broader, besids a great many islands, which maks appeare in a bigger extent. this rapid was formerly the dwelling of those with whome wee weare, and consequently we must not aske them if they knew where they have layed. wee made cottages att our advantages, and found the truth of what those men had often [said], that if once we could come to that place we should make good cheare of a fish that they call _assickmack_, which signifieth a white fish. the beare, the castors, and the oriniack shewed themselves often, but to their cost; indeed it was to us like a terrestriall paradise. after so long fastning, after so great paines that we had taken, finde ourselves so well by chossing our dyet, and resting when we had a minde to it, 'tis here that we must tast with pleasur a sweet bitt. we doe not aske for a good sauce; it's better to have it naturally; it is the way to distinguish the sweet from the bitter. but the season was far spent, and use diligence and leave that place so wished, which wee shall bewaile, to the coursed iroquoits. what hath that poore nation done to thee, and being so far from thy country? yett if they had the same liberty that in former dayes they have had, we poore ffrench should not goe further with our heads except we had a strong army. those great lakes had not so soone comed to our knowledge if it had not ben for those brutish people; two men had not found out the truth of these seas so cheape; the interest and the glorie could not doe what terror doth att the end. we are a litle better come to ourselves and furnished. we left that inn without reckoning with our host. it is cheape when wee are not to put the hand to the purse; neverthelesse we must pay out of civility: the one gives thanks to the woods, the other to the river, the third to the earth, the other to the rocks that stayes the ffish; in a word, there is nothing but _kinekoiur_ of all sorts; the encens of our encens (?) is not spared. the weather was agreable when we began to navigat upon that great extent of watter, finding it so calme and the aire so cleare. we thwarted in a pretty broad place, came to an isle most delightfull for the diversity of its fruits. we called it the isle of the foure beggars. we arrived about of the clocke in the afternone that we came there. we sudainly put the kettle to the fire. we reside there a while, and seeing all this while the faire weather and calme. we went from thence att tenne of the clocke the same night to gaine the firme lande, which was leagues from us, where we arrived before day. here we found a small river. i was so curious that i inquired my dearest friends the name of this streame. they named me it _pauabickkomesibs_, which signifieth a small river of copper. i asked him the reason. he told me, "come, and i shall shew thee the reason why." i was in a place which was not paces in the wood, where many peeces of copper weare uncovered. further he told me that the mountaine i saw was of nothing else. seeing it so faire & pure, i had a minde to take a peece of it, but they hindred me, telling my brother there was more where we weare to goe. in this great lake of myne owne eyes have seene which are admirable, and cane maintaine of a hundred pounds teem will not be decayed. [footnote: "of a hundred pounds teem." this sentence seems somewhat obscure. the writer perhaps meant to say that he had seen masses of copper not less than a hundred pounds weight.] from this place we went along the coasts, which are most delightfull and wounderous, for it's nature that made it so pleasant to the eye, the sperit, and the belly. as we went along we saw banckes of sand so high that one of our wildmen went upp for curiositie; being there, did shew no more then a crow. that place is most dangerous when that there is any storme, being no landing place so long as the sandy bancks are under watter; and when the wind blowes, that sand doth rise by a strang kind of whirling that are able to choake the passengers. one day you will see small mountaines att one side, and the next day, if the wind changes, on the other side. this putts me in mind of the great and vast wildernesses of turkey land, as the turques makes their pylgrimages. some dayes after we observed that there weare some boats before us, but knewed not certainely what they weare. we made all the hast to overtake them, fearing the ennemy no more. indeed the faster we could goe the better for us, because of the season of the yeare, that began to be cold & freeze. they weare a nation that lived in a land towards the south. this nation is very small, being not in all, men & women together. as we came neerer them they weare surprized of our safe retourne, and astonied to see us, admiring the rich marchandises that their confederates brought from the ffrench, that weare hattchetts and knives and other utensils very commodious, rare, precious, and necessary in those countreys. they told the news one to another whilst we made good cheere and great fires. they mourned for the death of [one] of their comrades; the heads of their ennemy weare danced. some dayes [after] we separated ourselves, and presented guiftes to those that weare going an other way, for which we received great store of meate, which was putt up in barrills, and grease of bears & oriniacke. after this we came to a remarquable place. it's a banke of rocks that the wild men made a sacrifice to; they calls it _nanitoucksinagoit_, which signifies the likenesse of the devill. they fling much tobacco and other things in its veneration. it is a thing most incredible that that lake should be so boisterous, that the waves of it should have the strength to doe what i have to say by this my discours: first, that it's so high and soe deepe that it's impossible to claime up to the point. there comes many sorte of birds that makes there nest here, the goilants, which is a white sea-bird of the bignesse of pigeon, which makes me believe what the wildmen told me concerning the sea to be neare directly to the point. it's like a great portail, by reason of the beating of the waves. the lower part of that oppening is as bigg as a tower, and grows bigger in the going up. there is, i believe, acres of land. above it a shipp of tuns could passe by, soe bigg is the arch. i gave it the name of the portail of st peter, because my name is so called, and that i was the first christian [footnote: "the first christian that ever saw it." french jesuits and fur-traders pushed deeper and deeper into the wilderness of the northern lakes. in jacques and raynbault preached the faith to a concourse of indians at the outlet of lake superior. then came the havoc and desolation of the iroquois war, and for years further exploration was arrested. at length, in , two daring traders penetrated to lake superior, wintered there, and brought back the tales they had heard of the ferocious sioux, and of a great western river on which they dwelt. two years later the aged jesuit mesnard attempted to plant a mission on the southern shore of the lake, but perished in the forest by famine or the tomahawk. allouez succeeded him, explored a part of lake superior, and heard in his turn of the sioux and their great river, the "messipi."--introduction to parkman's _discovery of the great west_. there can be no doubt but that the "two daring traders who in penetrated to lake superior," and dwelt on the great river, were radisson and des groseilliers, who repeated their journey a few years after, described in this narrative. the "pictured rocks" and the "doric rock" were so named in governor cass's and schoolcraft's _travels_ in .] that ever saw it. there is in that place caves very deepe, caused by the same violence. we must looke to ourselves, and take time with our small boats. the coast of rocks is or leagues, and there scarce a place to putt a boat in assurance from the waves. when the lake is agitated the waves goeth in these concavities with force and make a most horrible noise, most like the shooting of great guns. some dayes afterwards we arrived to a very beautifull point of sand where there are beautifull islands, [footnote: "three beautiful islands." in cass's and schoolcraft's _travels_ ( ) through the chain of american lakes these islands are called huron islands, and the bay beyond is marked on their map "keweena bay."] that we called of the trinity; there be in triangle. from this place we discovered a bay very deepe, where a river empties its selfe with a noise for the quantitie & dept of the water. we must stay there dayes to wait for faire weather to make the trainage, which was about leagues wide. soe done, we came to the mouth of a small river, where we killed some oriniacks. we found meddows that weare squared, and leagues as smooth as a boord. we went up some leagues further, where we found some pools made by the castors. we must breake them that we might passe. the sluce being broaken, what a wounderfull thing to see the industrie of that animal, which had drowned more then leagues in the grounds, and cutt all the trees, having left non to make a fire if the countrey should be dried up. being come to the height, we must drague our boats over a trembling ground for the space of an houre. the ground became trembling by this means: the castor drowning great soyles with dead water, herein growes mosse which is foot thick or there abouts, and when you think to goe safe and dry, if you take not great care you sink downe to your head or to the midle of your body. when you are out of one hole you find yourselfe in another. this i speake by experience, for i meselfe have bin catched often. but the wildmen warned me, which saved me; that is, that when the mosse should breake under i should cast my whole body into the watter on sudaine. i must with my hands hold the mosse, and goe soe like a frogg, then to draw my boat after me. there was no danger. having passed that place, we made a carriage through the land for leagues. the way was well beaten because of the commers and goers, who by making that passage shortens their passage by dayes by tourning about the point that goes very farr in that great lake; that is to say, to come to the point, and for to come to the landing of that place of cariage. in the end of that point, that goeth very farre, there is an isle, as i was told, all of copper. this i have not seene. they say that from the isle of copper, which is a league in the lake when they are minded to thwart it in a faire and calme wether, beginning from sun rising to sun sett, they come to a great island, from whence they come the next morning to firme lande att the other side; so by reason of leagues a day that lake should be broad of score and leagues. the wildmen doe not much lesse when the weather is faire. five dayes after we came to a place where there was a company of christinos that weare in their cottages. they weare transported for joy to see us come backe. they made much of us, and called us men indeed, to performe our promisse to come and see them againe. we gave them great guifts, which caused some suspicion, for it is a very jealous nation. but the short stay that we made tooke away that jealousy. we went on and came to a hollow river which was a quarter of a mile in bredth. many of our wildmen went to win the shortest way to their nation, and weare then and boats, for we mett with some in that lake that joyned with us, and came to keepe us company, in hopes to gett knives from us, which they love better then we serve god, which should make us blush for shame. seaven boats stayed of the nation of the sault. we went on half a day before we could come to the landing place, and wear forced to make another carriage a point of leagues long and some paces broad. as we came to the other sid we weare in a bay of leagues about, if we had gone in. by goeing about that same point we passed a straight, for that point was very nigh the other side, which is a cape very much elevated like piramides. that point should be very fitt to build & advantgeous for the building of a fort, as we did the spring following. in that bay there is a chanell where we take great store of fishes, sturgeons of a vast biggnesse, and pycks of seaven foot long. att the end of this bay we landed. the wildmen gave thanks to that which they worship, we to god of gods, to see ourselves in a place where we must leave our navigation and forsake our boats to undertake a harder peece of worke in hand, to which we are forced. the men told us that wee had great dayes' journeys before we should arrive where their wives weare. we foresee the hard task that we weare to undergoe by carrying our bundles uppon our backs. they weare used to it. here every one for himselfe & god for all. we finding ourselves not able to performe such a taske, & they could not well tell where to finde their wives, fearing least the nadoneceronons had warrs against their nation and forced them from their appointed place, my brother and i we consulted what was best to doe, and declared our will to them, which was thus: "brethren, we resolve to stay here, being not accustomed to make any cariage on our backs as yee are wont. goe yee and looke for your wives. we will build us a fort here. and seeing that you are not able to carry all your marchandizes att once, we will keepe them for you, and will stay for you dayes. before the time expired you will send to us if your wives be alive, and if you find them they will fetch what you leave here & what we have; ffor their paines they shall receive guifts of us. soe you will see us in your countrey. if they be dead, we will spend all to be revenged, and will gather up the whole countrey for the next spring, for that purpose to destroy those that weare the causers of their death, and you shall see our strenght and vallour. although there are seaven thousand fighting men in one village, you'll see we will make them runne away, & you shall kill them to your best liking by the very noise of our armes and our presence, who are the gods of the earth among those people." they woundered very much att our resolution. the next day they went their way and we stay for our assurance in the midst of many nations, being but two almost starved for want of food. we went about to make a fort of stakes, which was in this manner. suppose that the watter side had ben in one end; att the same end there should be murtherers, and att need we made a bastion in a triangle to defend us from an assault. the doore was neare the watter side, our fire was in the midle, and our bed on the right hand, covered. there weare boughs of trees all about our fort layed a crosse, one uppon an other. besides these boughs we had a long cord tyed with some small bells, which weare senteryes. finally, we made an ende of that fort in dayes' time. we made an end of some fish that we putt by for neede. but as soone as we are lodged we went to fish for more whilst the other kept the house. i was the fittest to goe out, being yongest. i tooke my gunne and goes where i never was before, so i choosed not one way before another. i went to the wood some or miles. i find a small brooke, where i walked by the sid awhile, which brought me into meddowes. there was a poole where weare a good store of bustards. i began to creepe though i might come neare. thought to be in canada, where the fowle is scared away; but the poore creatures, seeing me flatt uppon the ground, thought i was a beast as well as they, so they come neare me, whisling like gosslings, thinking to frighten me. the whistling that i made them heare was another musick then theirs. there i killed and the rest scared, which neverthelesse came to that place againe to see what sudaine sicknesse befeled their comrads. i shott againe; two payed for their curiosity. i think the spaniards had no more to fullfill then as kill those birds, that thought not of such a thunder bolt. there are yett more countreys as fruitfull and as beautifull as the spaniards to conquer, which may be done with as much ease & facility, and prove as rich, if not richer, for bread & wine; and all other things are as plentifull as in any part of europ. this i have seene, which am sure the spaniards have not in such plenty. now i come backe with my victory, which was to us more then tenne thousand pistoles. we lived by it dayes. i tooke good notice of the place, in hopes to come there more frequent, but this place is not onely so. there we stayed still full dayes without any news, but we had the company of other wild men of other countreys that came to us admiring our fort and the workmanshipp. we suffered non to goe in but one person, and liked it so much the better, & often durst not goe in, so much they stood in feare of our armes, that weare in good order, which weare guns, two musquetons, fowling-peeces, paire of great pistoletts, and paire of pockett ons, and every one his sword and daggar. so that we might say that a coward was not well enough armed. mistrust neverthelesse is the mother of safety, and the occasion makes the thief. during that time we had severall alarums in the night. the squerels and other small beasts, as well as foxes, came in and assaulted us. one night i forgott my bracer, which was wett; being up and downe in those pooles to fetch my fowles, one of these beasts carried it away, which did us a great deal of wrong, and caused the life to great many of those against whom i declared myselfe an ennemy. we imagined that some wildmen might have surprized us; but i may say they weare far more afrayd then we. some dayes after we found it one half a mile from the fort in a hole of a tree, the most part torne. then i killed an oriniack. i could have killed more, but we liked the fowles better. if we had both libertie to goe from our fort, we should have procured in a month that should serve us a whole winter. the wildmen brought us more meate then we would, and as much fish as we might eate. the th day we perceived afarr off some yong men coming towards us, with some of our formest compagnions. we gave them leave to come into our fort, but they are astonied, calling us every foot devills to have made such a machine. they brought us victualls, thinking we weare halfe starved, but weare mightily mistaken, for we had more for them then they weare able to eate, having score bussards and many sticks where was meate hanged plentifully. they offred to carry our baggage, being come a purpose; but we had not so much marchandize as when they went from us, because we hid some of them, that they might not have suspicion of us. we told them that for feare of the dayly multitud of people that came to see us, for to have our goods would kill us. we therefore tooke a boat and putt into it our marchandises; this we brought farre into the bay, where we sunke them, biding our devill not to lett them to be wett nor rusted, nor suffer them to be taken away, which he promised faithlesse that we should retourne and take them out of his hands; att which they weare astonished, believing it to be true as the christians the gospell. we hid them in the ground on the other sid of the river in a peece of ground. we told them that lye that they should not have suspicion of us. we made good cheere. they stayed there three dayes, during which time many of their wives came thither, and we traited them well, for they eat not fowle att all, scarce, because they know not how to catch them except with their arrowes. we putt a great many rind about our fort, and broake all the boats that we could have, for the frost would have broaken them or wild men had stolen them away. that rind was tyed all in length to putt the fire in it, to frighten the more these people, for they could not approach it without being discovered. if they ventured att the going out we putt the fire to all the torches, shewing them how we would have defended ourselves. we weare cesars, being nobody to contradict us. we went away free from any burden, whilst those poore miserable thought themselves happy to carry our equipage, for the hope that they had that we should give them a brasse ring, or an awle, or an needle. there came above foure hundred persons to see us goe away from that place, which admired more our actions [than] the fools of paris to see enter their king and the infanta of spaine, his spouse; for they cry out, "god save the king and queene!" those made horrid noise, and called gods and devills of the earth and heavens. we marched foure dayes through the woods. the countrey is beautifull, with very few mountaines, the woods cleare. att last we came within a league of the cabbans, where we layed that the next day might be for our entrey. we poore adventurers for the honneur of our countrey, or of those that shall deserve it from that day; the nimblest and stoutest went before to warne before the people that we should make our entry to-morow. every one prepares to see what they never before have seene. we weare in cottages which weare neare a litle lake some leagues in circuit. att the watterside there weare abundance of litle boats made of trees that they have hollowed, and of rind. the next day we weare to embarque in them, and arrived att the village by watter, which was composed of a hundred cabans without pallasados. there is nothing but cryes. the women throw themselves backwards uppon the ground, thinking to give us tokens of friendship and of wellcome. we destinated presents, one for the men, one for the women, and the other for the children, to the end that they should remember that journey; that we should be spoaken of a hundred years after, if other europeans should not come in those quarters and be liberal to them, which will hardly come to passe. the first was a kettle, two hattchetts, and knives, and a blade for a sword. the kettle was to call all nations that weare their friends to the feast which is made for the remembrance of the death; that is, they make it once in seaven years; it's a renewing of ffriendshippe. i will talke further of it in the following discours. the hattchetts weare to encourage the yong people to strengthen themselves in all places, to preserve their wives, and shew themselves men by knocking the heads of their ennemyes with the said hattchetts. the knives weare to shew that the ffrench weare great and mighty, and their confederats and ffriends. the sword was to signifie that we would be masters both of peace and warrs, being willing to healpe and relieve them, & to destroy our ennemyes with our armes. the second guift was of and awles, needles, gratters of castors, ivory combs and wooden ones, with red painte, looking-glasses of tin. the awles signifieth to take good courage, that we should keepe their lives, and that they with their hushands should come downe to the ffrench when time and season should permitt. the needles for to make them robes of castor, because the ffrench loved them. the gratters weare to dresse the skins; the combes, the paint, to make themselves beautifull; the looking-glasses to admire themselves. the rd guift was of brasse rings, of small bells, and rasades of divers couleurs, and given in this maner. we sent a man to make all the children come together. when they weare there we throw these things over their heads. you would admire what a beat was among them, every one striving to have the best. this was done uppon this consideration, that they should be allwayes under our protection, giving them wherewithall to make them merry & remember us when they should be men. this done, we are called to the councell of welcome and to the feast of ffriendshipp, afterwards to the dancing of the heads; but before the dancing we must mourne for the deceased, and then, for to forgett all sorrow, to the dance. we gave them foure small guifts that they should continue such ceremonyes, which they tooke willingly and did us good, that gave us authority among the whole nation. we knewed their councels, and made them doe whatsoever we thought best. this was a great advantage for us, you must think. amongst such a rowish kind of people a guift is much, and well bestowed, and liberality much esteemed; but not prodigalitie is not in esteeme, for they abuse it, being brutish. wee have ben useing such ceremonyes whole dayes, & weare lodged in the cabban of the chiefest captayne, who came with us from the ffrench. we liked not the company of that blind, therefore left him. he wondred at this, but durst not speake, because we weare demi-gods. we came to a cottage of an ancient witty man, that had had a great familie and many children, his wife old, neverthelesse handsome. they weare of a nation called malhonmines; that is, the nation of oats, graine that is much in that countrey. of this afterwards more att large. i tooke this man for my ffather and the woman for my mother, soe the children consequently brothers and sisters. they adopted me. i gave every one a guift, and they to mee. having so disposed of our buissinesse, the winter comes on, that warns us; the snow begins to fall, soe we must retire from the place to seeke our living in the woods. every one getts his equipage ready. so away we goe, but not all to the same place; two, three att the most, went one way, and so of an other. they have so done because victuals weare scant for all in a place. but lett us where we will, we cannot escape the myghty hand of god, that disposes as he pleases, and who chastes us as a good & a common loving ffather, and not as our sins doe deserve. finaly wee depart one from an other. as many as we weare in number, we are reduced to a small company. we appointed a rendezvous after two months and a half, to take a new road & an advice what we should doe. during the said terme we sent messengers everywhere, to give speciall notice to all manner of persons and nation that within moons the feast of death was to be celebrated, and that we should apeare together and explaine what the devill should command us to say, and then present them presents of peace and union. now we must live on what god sends, and warre against the bears in the meane time, for we could aime att nothing else, which was the cause that we had no great cheare. i can say that we with our comrades, who weare about , killed in the space of moons and a halfe, a thousand moons [footnote: the writer no doubt meant that they killed so many that they had bear's grease enough to last for a thousand moons.] we wanted not bear's grease to annoint ourselves, to runne the better. we beated downe the woods dayly for to discover novellties. we killed severall other beasts, as oriniacks, staggs, wild cows, carriboucks, fallow does and bucks, catts of mountains, child of the devill; in a word, we lead a good life. the snow increases dayly. there we make raketts, not to play att ball, but to exercise ourselves in a game harder and more necessary. they are broad, made like racketts, that they may goe in the snow and not sinke when they runne after the eland or other beast. we are come to the small lake, the place of rendezvous, where we found some company that weare there before us. we cottage ourselves, staying for the rest, that came every day. we stayed dayes in this place most miserable, like to a churchyard; ffor there did fall such a quantity of snow and frost, and with such a thick mist, that all the snow stoocke to those trees that are there so ruffe, being deal trees, prusse cedars, and thorns, that caused the darknesse uppon the earth that it is to be believed that the sun was eclipsed them months; ffor after the trees weare so laden with snow that fel'd afterwards, was as if it had been sifted, so by that means very light and not able to beare us, albeit we made racketts of foot long and a foot and a halfe broad; so often thinking to tourne ourselves we felld over and over againe in the snow, and if we weare alone we should have difficultie enough to rise againe. by the noyse we made, the beasts heard us a great way off; so the famine was among great many that had not provided before hand, and live upon what they gett that day, never thinking for the next. it grows wors and wors dayly. to augment our misery we receive news of the octanaks, who weare about a hundred and fifty, with their families. they had a quarell with the hurrons in the isle where we had come from some years before in the lake of the stairing hairs, and came purposely to make warres against them the next summer. but lett us see if they brought us anything to subsist withall. but are worst provided then we; having no huntsmen, they are reduced to famine. but, o cursed covetousnesse, what art thou going to doe? it should be farr better to see a company of rogues perish, then see ourselves in danger to perish by that scourg so cruell. hearing that they have had knives and hattchetts, the victualls of their poore children is taken away from them; yea, what ever they have, those doggs must have their share. they are the coursedest, unablest, the unfamous & cowarliest people that i have seene amongst fower score nations that i have frequented. o yee poore people, you shall have their booty, but you shall pay dearly for it! every one cryes out for hungar; the women become baren, and drie like wood. you men must eate the cord, being you have no more strength to make use of the bow. children, you must die. ffrench, you called yourselves gods of the earth, that you should be feared, for your interest; notwithstanding you shall tast of the bitternesse, and too happy if you escape. where is the time past? where is the plentynesse that yee had in all places and countreys? here comes a new family of these poore people dayly to us, halfe dead, for they have but the skin & boans. how shall we have strength to make a hole in the snow to lay us downe, seeing we have it not to hale our racketts after us, nor to cutt a litle woad to make a fire to keepe us from the rigour of the cold, which is extreame in those countreyes in its season. oh! if the musick that we heare could give us recreation, we wanted not any lamentable musick nor sad spectacle. in the morning the husband looks uppon his wife, the brother his sister, the cozen the cozen, the oncle the nevew, that weare for the most part found deade. they languish with cryes & hideous noise that it was able to make the haire starre on the heads that have any apprehension. good god, have mercy on so many poore innocent people, and of us that acknowledge thee, that having offended thee punishes us. but wee are not free of that cruell executioner. those that have any life seeketh out for roots, which could not be done without great difficultie, the earth being frozen or foote deepe, and the snow or above it. the greatest susibstance that we can have is of rind tree which growes like ivie about the trees; but to swallow it, we cutt the stick some foot long, tying it in faggott, and boyle it, and when it boyles one houre or two the rind or skinne comes off with ease, which we take and drie it in the smoake and then reduce it into powder betwixt two graine-stoans, and putting the kettle with the same watter uppon the fire, we make it a kind of broath, which nourished us, but becam thirstier and drier then the woode we eate. the first weeke we did eate our doggs. as we went backe uppon our stepps for to gett any thing to fill our bellyes, we weare glad to gett the boans and carcasses of the beasts that we killed. and happy was he that could gett what the other did throw away after it had ben boyled or foure times to gett the substance out of it. we contrived an other plott, to reduce to powder those boanes, the rest of crows and doggs. so putt all that together halfe foot within grounde, and so makes a fire uppon it, we covered all that very well with earth, soe seeling the heat, and boyled them againe and gave more froth then before; in the next place, the skins that weare reserved to make us shoose, cloath, and stokins, yea, most of the skins of our cottages, the castors' skins, where the children beshit them above a hundred times. we burned the haire on the coals; the rest goes downe throats, eating heartily these things most abhorred. we went so eagerly to it that our gumms did bleede like one newly wounded. the wood was our food the rest of sorrowfull time. finaly we became the very image of death. we mistook ourselves very often, taking the living for the dead and the dead for the living. we wanted strength to draw the living out of the cabans, or if we did when we could, it was to putt them four paces in the snow. att the end the wrath of god begins to appease itselfe, and pityes his poore creatures. if i should expresse all that befell us in that strange accidents, a great volume would not centaine it. here are above dead, men, women, and children. it's time to come out of such miseryes. our bodyes are not able to hold out any further. after the storme, calme comes. but stormes favoured us, being that calme kills us. here comes a wind and raine that putts a new life in us. the snow sails, the forest cleers itselfe, att which sight those that had strings left in their bowes takes courage to use it. the weather continued so dayes that we needed no racketts more, for the snow hardned much. the small staggs are [as] if they weare stakes in it after they made or capers. it's an easy matter for us to take them and cutt their throats with our knives. now we see ourselves a litle fournished, but yett have not payed, ffor it cost many their lives. our gutts became very straight by our long fasting, that they could not centaine the quantity that some putt in them. i cannot omitt the pleasant thoughts of some of them wildmen. seeing my brother allwayes in the same condition, they said that some devill brought him wherewithall to eate; but if they had seene his body they should be of another oppinion. the beard that covered his face made as if he had not altered his face. for me that had no beard, they said i loved them, because i lived as well as they. from the second day we began to walke. there came men from a strange countrey who had a dogg; the buissinesse was how to catch him cunningly, knowing well those people love their beasts. neverthelesse wee offred guifts, but they would not, which made me stubborne. that dogge was very leane, and as hungry as we weare, but the masters have not suffered so much. i went one night neere that same cottage to doe what discretion permitts me not to speake. those men weare nadoneseronons. they weare much respected that no body durst not offend them, being that we weare uppon their land with their leave. the dogg comes out, not by any smell, but by good like. i take him and bring him a litle way. i stabbed him with my dagger. i brought him to the cottage, where [he] was broyled like a pigge and cutt in peeces, gutts and all, soe every one of the family had his share. the snow where he was killed was not lost, ffor one of our company went and gott it to season the kettles. we began to looke better dayly. we gave the rendezvous to the convenientest place to celebrat that great feast. some moons after there came ambassadors from the nation of nadoneseronons, that we will call now the nation of the beefe. those men each had wives, loadened of oats, corne that growes in that countrey, of a small quantity of indian corne, with other grains, & it was to present to us, which we received as a great favour & token of friendshippe; but it had been welcome if they had brought it a month or two before. they made great ceremonys in greasing our feete and leggs, and we painted them with red. they stript us naked and putt uppon us cloath of buffe and of white castors. after this they weeped uppon our heads untill we weare wetted by their tears, and made us smoake in their pipes after they kindled them. it was not in common pipes, but in pipes of peace and of the warrs, that they pull out but very seldom, when there is occasion for heaven and earth. this done, they perfumed our cloaths and armour one after an other, and to conclude did throw a great quantity of tobbacco into the fire. we told them that they prevented us, for letting us know that all persons of their nation came to visite us, that we might dispose of them. the next morning they weare called by our interpretor. we understood not a word of their language, being quit contrary to those that we weare with. they are arrived, they satt downe. we made a place for us more elevated, to be more att our ease & to appeare in more state. we borrowed their calumet, saying that we are in their countrey, and that it was not lawfull for us to carry anything out of our countrey. that pipe is of a red stone, as bigge as a fist and as long as a hand. the small reede as long as five foot, in breadth, and of the thicknesse of a thumb. there is tyed to it the tayle of an eagle all painted over with severall couleurs and open like a fan, or like that makes a kind of a wheele when he shuts; below the toppe of the steeke is covered with feathers of ducks and other birds that are of a fine collour. we tooke the tayle of the eagle, and instead of it we hung iron bows in the same manner as the feathers weare, and a blade about it along the staffe, a hattchett planted in the ground, and that calumet over it, and all our armours about it uppon forks. every one smoaked his pipe of tobacco, nor they never goe without it. during that while there was a great silence. we prepared some powder that was litle wetted, and the good powder was precious to us. our interpreter told them in our name, "brethren, we have accepted of your guifts. yee are called here to know our will and pleasur that is such: first, we take you for our brethren by taking you into our protection, and for to shew you, we, instead of the eagles' tayle, have putt some of our armours, to the end that no ennemy shall approach it to breake the affinitie that we make now with you." then we tooke the iron off the bowes and lift them up, telling them those points shall passe over the whole world to defend and destroy your ennemyes, that are ours. then we putt the irons in the same place againe. then we tooke the sword and bad them have good courage, that by our means they should vanquish their ennemy. after we tooke the hattchett that was planted in the ground, we tourned round about, telling them that we should kill those that would warre against them, and that we would make forts that they should come with more assurance to the feast of the dead. that done, we throw powder in the fire, that had more strenght then we thought; it made the brands fly from one side to the other. we intended to make them believe that it was some of our tobacco, and make them smoake as they made us smoake. but hearing such a noise, and they seeing that fire fled of every side, without any further delay or looke for so much time as looke for the dore of the cottage, one runne one way, another an other way, ffor they never saw a sacrifice of tobacco so violent. they went all away, and we onely stayed in the place. we followed them to reassure them of their faintings. we visited them in their appartments, where they received [us] all trembling for feare, believing realy by that same meanes that we weare the devils of the earth. there was nothing but feasting for dayes. the time now was nigh that we must goe to the rendezvous; this was betwixt a small lake and a medow. being arrived, most of ours weare allready in their cottages. in dayes' time there arrived eighten severall nations, and came privatly, to have done the sooner. as we became to the number of , we held a councell. then the shouts and cryes and the encouragments weare proclaimed, that a fort should be builded. they went about the worke and made a large fort. it was about score paces in lenght and in breadth, so that it was a square. there we had a brooke that came from the lake and emptied itselfe in those medows, which had more then foure leagues in lenght. our fort might be seene afar off, and on that side most delightfull, for the great many stagges that took the boldnesse to be carried by quarters where att other times they made good cheare. in two dayes this was finished. soone yong men of the nation of the beefe arrived there, having nothing but bows and arrows, with very short garments, to be the nimbler in chasing the stagges. the iron of their arrows weare made of staggs' pointed horens very neatly. they weare all proper men, and dressed with paint. they weare the discoverers and the foreguard. we kept a round place in the midle of our cabban and covered it with long poles with skins over them, that we might have a shelter to keepe us from the snow. the cottages weare all in good order; in each , twelve companies or families. that company was brought to that place where there was wood layd for the fires. the snow was taken away, and the earth covered with deale tree bows. severall kettles weare brought there full of meate. they rested and eat above houres without speaking one to another. the considerablest of our companyes went and made speeches to them. after one takes his bow and shoots an arrow, and then cryes aloud, there speaks some few words, saying that they weare to lett them know the elders of their village weare to come the morrow to renew the friendship and to make it with the ffrench, and that a great many of their yong people came and brought them some part of their wayes to take their advice, ffor they had a minde to goe against the christinos, who weare ready for them, and they in like manner to save their wives & children. they weare scattered in many cabbans that night, expecting those that weare to come. to that purpose there was a vast large place prepared some hundred paces from the fort, where everything was ready for the receiving of those persons. they weare to sett their tents, that they bring uppon their backs. the pearches weare putt out and planted as we received the news; the snow putt aside, and the boughs of trees covered the ground. the day following they arrived with an incredible pomp. this made me thinke of the intrance that the polanders did in paris, saving that they had not so many jewells, but instead of them they had so many feathers. the ffirst weare yong people with their bows and arrows and buckler on their shoulders, uppon which weare represented all manner of figures, according to their knowledge, as of the sun and moone, of terrestriall beasts, about its feathers very artificialy painted. most of the men their faces weare all over dabbed with severall collours. their hair turned up like a crowne, and weare cutt very even, but rather so burned, for the fire is their cicers. they leave a tuff of haire upon their crowne of their heads, tye it, and putt att the end of it some small pearles or some turkey stones, to bind their heads. they have a role commonly made of a snake's skin, where they tye severall bears' paws, or give a forme to some bitts of buff's horns, and put it about the said role. they grease themselves with very thick grease, & mingle it in reddish earth, which they bourne, as we our breeks. with this stuffe they gett their haire to stand up. they cutt some downe of swan or other fowle that hath a white feather, and cover with it the crowne of their heads. their ears are pierced in places; the holes are so bigg that your little finger might passe through. they have yallow waire that they make with copper, made like a starr or a half moone, & there hang it. many have turkeys. they are cloathed with oriniack & staggs' skins, but very light. every one had the skin of a crow hanging att their guirdles. their stokens all inbrodered with pearles and with their own porke-pick worke. they have very handsome shoose laced very thick all over with a peece sowen att the side of the heele, which was of a haire of buff, which trailed above halfe a foot upon the earth, or rather on the snow. they had swords and knives of a foot and a halfe long, and hattchetts very ingeniously done, and clubbs of wood made like backswords; some made of a round head that i admired it. when they kille their ennemy they cutt off the tuffe of haire and tye it about their armes. after all, they have a white robe made of castors' skins painted. those having passed through the midle of ours, that weare ranged att every side of the way. the elders came with great gravitie and modestie, covered with buff coats which hung downe to the grounde. every one had in his hand a pipe of councell sett with precious jewells. they had a sack on their shoulders, and that that holds it grows in the midle of their stomacks and on their shoulders. in this sacke all the world is inclosed. their face is not painted, but their heads dressed as the foremost. then the women laden like unto so many mules, their burdens made a greater sheu then they themselves; but i supose the weight was not equivolent to its bignesse. they weare conducted to the appointed place, where the women unfolded their bundles, and slang their skins whereof their tents are made, so that they had houses [in] less then half an hour. after they rested they came to the biggest cabbane constituted for that purpose. there were fires kindled. our captayne made a speech of thanksgiving, which should be long to writ it. we are called to the councell of new come chiefe, where we came in great pompe, as you shall heare. first they come to make a sacrifice to the french, being gods and masters of all things, as of peace, as warrs; making the knives, the hattchetts, and the kettles rattle, etc. that they came purposely to putt themselves under their protection. moreover, that they came to bring them back againe to their countrey, having by their means destroyed their ennemyes abroad & neere. so said, they present us with guifts of castors' skins, assuring us that the mountains weare elevated, the valleys risen, the ways very smooth, the bows of trees cutt downe to goe with more ease, and bridges erected over rivers, for not to wett our feete; that the dores of their villages, cottages of their wives and daughters, weare open at any time to receive us, being wee kept them alive by our marchandises. the second guift was, yet they would die in their alliance, and that to certifie to all nations by continuing the peace, & weare willing to receive and assist them in their countrey, being well satisfied they weare come to celebrat the feast of the dead. the rd guift was for to have one of the doors of the fort opened, if neede required, to receive and keepe them from the christinos that come to destroy them; being allwayes men, and the heavens made them so, that they weare obliged to goe before to defend their country and their wives, which is the dearest thing they had in the world, & in all times they weare esteemed stout & true soldiers, & that yett they would make it appeare by going to meet them; and that they would not degenerat, but shew by their actions that they weare as valiant as their fore ffathers. the th guift was presented to us, which [was] of buff skins, to desire our assistance ffor being the masters of their lives, and could dispose of them as we would, as well of the peace as of the warrs, and that we might very well see that they did well to goe defend their owne countrey; that the true means to gett the victory was to have a thunder. they meant a gune, calling it _miniskoick_. the speech being finished, they intreated us to be att the feast. we goe presently back againe to fournish us with woaden bowls. we made foure men to carry our guns afore us, that we charged of powder alone, because of their unskillfullnesse that they might have killed their ffathers. we each of us had a paire of pistoletts and sword, a dagger. we had a role of porkepick about our heads, which was as a crowne, and two litle boyes that carryed the vessells that we had most need of; this was our dishes and our spoons. they made a place higher & most elevate, knowing our customs, in the midle for us to sitt, where we had the men lay our armes. presently comes foure elders, with the calumet kindled in their hands. they present the candles to us to smoake, and foure beautifull maids that went before us carrying bears' skins to putt under us. when we weare together, an old man rifes & throws our calumet att our feet, and bids them take the kettles from of the sire, and spoake that he thanked the sun that never was a day to him so happy as when he saw those terrible men whose words makes the earth quacke, and sang a while. having ended, came and covers us with his vestment, and all naked except his feet and leggs, he saith, "yee are masters over us; dead or alive you have the power over us, and may dispose of us as your pleasur." so done, takes the callumet of the feast, and brings it, so a maiden brings us a coale of fire to kindle it. so done, we rose, and one of us begins to sing. we bad the interpreter to tell them we should save & keepe their lives, taking them for our brethren, and to testify that we short of all our artillery, which was of twelve gunns. we draw our swords and long knives to our defence, if need should require, which putt the men in such a terror that they knewed not what was best to run or stay. we throw a handfull of powder in the fire to make a greater noise and smoake. our songs being finished, we began our teeth to worke. we had there a kinde of rice, much like oats. it growes in the watter in or foote deepe. there is a god that shews himselfe in every countrey, almighty, full of goodnesse, and the preservation of those poore people who knoweth him not they have a particular way to gather up that graine. two takes a boat and two sticks, by which they gett the eare downe and gett the corne out of it. their boat being full, they bring it to a fitt place to dry it, and that is their food for the most part of the winter, and doe dresse it thus: ffor each man a handfull of that they putt in the pott, that swells so much that it can suffice a man. after the feast was over there comes two maidens bringing wherewithall to smoake, the one the pipes, the other the fire. they offered ffirst to one of the elders, that satt downe by us. when he had smoaked, he bids them give it us. this being done, we went backe to our fort as we came. the day following we made the principall persons come together to answer to their guifts. being come with great solemnity, there we made our interpreter tell them that we weare come from the other side of the great salted lake, not to kill them but to make them live; acknowledging you for our brethren and children, whom we will love henceforth as our owne; then we gave them a kettle. the second guift was to encourage them in all their undertakings, telling them that we liked men that generously defended themselves against all their ennemyes; and as we weare masters of peace and warrs, we are to dispose the affairs that we would see an universall peace all over the earth; and that this time we could not goe and force the nations that weare yett further to condescend & submitt to our will, but that we would see the neighbouring countreys in peace and union; that the christinos weare our brethren, and have frequented them many winters; that we adopted them for our children, and tooke them under our protection; that we should send them ambassadors; that i myself should make them come, and conclude a generall peace; that we weare sure of their obedience to us; that the ffirst that should breake the peace we would be their ennemy, and would reduce them to powder with our heavenly fire; that we had the word of the christinos as well as theirs, and our thunders should serve us to make warrs against those that would not submitt to our will and desire, which was to see them good ffriends, to goe and make warrs against the upper nations, that doth not know us as yett. the guift was of hattchetts. the rd was to oblige them to receive our propositions, likewise the christinos, to lead them to the dance of union, which was to be celebrated at the death's feast and banquett of kindred. if they would continue the warrs, that was not the meanes to see us againe in their countrey. the th was that we thanked them ffor making us a free passage through their countreys. the guift was of dozen of knives. the last was of smaller trifles,-- gratters, dozen of awles, dozen of needles, dozens of looking-glasses made of tine, a dozen of litle bells, ivory combs, with a litle vermillion. butt ffor to make a recompence to the good old man that spake so favorably, we gave him a hattchett, and to the elders each a blade for a sword, and to the maidens that served us necklaces, which putt about their necks, and braceletts for their armes. the last guift was in generall for all the women to love us and give us to eat when we should come to their cottages. the company gave us great ho! ho! ho! that is, thanks. our wildmen made others for their interest. a company of about weare dispatched to warne the christinos of what we had done. i went myself, where we arrived the rd day, early in the morning. i was received with great demonstration of ffriendshippe. all that day we feasted, danced, and sing. i compared that place before to the buttery of paris, ffor the great quantity of meat that they use to have there; but now will compare it to that of london. there i received guifts of all sorts of meate, of grease more then men could carry. the custome is not to deface anything that they present. there weare above men in a fort, with a great deale of baggage on their shoulders, and did draw it upon light slids made very neatly. i have not seen them att their entrance, ffor the snow blinded mee. coming back, we passed a lake hardly frozen, and the sun [shone upon it] for the most part, ffor i looked a while steadfastly on it, so i was troubled with this seaven or eight dayes. the meane while that we are there, arrived above a thousand that had not ben there but for those two redoubted nations that weare to see them doe what they never before had, a difference which was executed with a great deale of mirth. i ffor feare of being inuied i will obmitt onely that there weare playes, mirths, and bataills for sport, goeing and coming with cryes; each plaid his part. in the publick place the women danced with melody. the yong men that indeavoured to gett a pryse, indeavoured to clime up a great post, very smooth, and greased with oyle of beare & oriniack grease. the stake was att least of foot high. the price was a knife or other thing. we layd the stake there, but whoso could catch it should have it. the feast was made to eate all up. to honnour the feast many men and women did burst. those of that place coming backe, came in sight of those of the village or fort, made postures in similitud of warrs. this was to discover the ennemy by signs; any that should doe soe we gave orders to take him, or kill him and take his head off. the prisoner to be tyed [and] to fight in retreating. to pull an arrow out of the body; to exercise and strike with a clubbe, a buckler to theire feete, and take it if neede requireth, and defende himselfe, if neede requirs, from the ennemy; being in sentery to heark the ennemy that comes neere, and to heare the better lay him downe on the side. these postures are playd while the drums beate. this was a serious thing, without speaking except by nodding or gesture. their drums weare earthen potts full of watter, covered with staggs-skin. the sticks like hammers for the purpose. the elders have bomkins to the end of their staves full of small stones, which makes a ratle, to which yong men and women goe in a cadance. the elders are about these potts, beating them and singing. the women also by, having a nosegay in their hands, and dance very modestly, not lifting much their feete from the ground, keeping their heads downewards, makeing a sweet harmony. we made guifts for that while days' time. every one brings the most exquisite things, to shew what his country affoards. the renewing of their alliances, the mariages according to their countrey coustoms, are made; also the visit of the boans of their deceased ffriends, ffor they keepe them and bestow them uppon one another. we sang in our language as they in theirs, to which they gave greate attention. we gave them severall guifts, and received many. they bestowed upon us above robs of castors, out of which we brought not five to the ffrench, being far in the countrey. this feast ended, every one retourns to his countrey well satisfied. to be as good as our words, we came to the nation of the beefe, which was seaven small journeys from that place. we promised in like maner to the christinos the next spring we should come to their side of the upper lake, and there they should meete us, to come into their countrey. we being arrived among the nation of the beefe, we wondred to finde ourselves in a towne where weare great cabbans most covered with skins and other close matts. they tould us that there weare , men. this we believed. those have as many wives as they can keepe. if any one did trespasse upon the other, his nose was cutt off, and often the crowne of his head. the maidens have all maner of freedome, but are forced to mary when they come to the age. the more they beare children the more they are respected. i have seene a man having wives. there they have no wood, and make provision of mosse for their firing. this their place is environed with pearches which are a good distance one from an other, that they gett in the valleys where the buffe use to repaire, uppon which they do live. they sow corne, but their harvest is small. the soyle is good, but the cold hinders it, and the graine very small. in their countrey are mines of copper, of pewter, and of ledd. there are mountains covered with a kind of stone that is transparent and tender, and like to that of venice. the people stay not there all the yeare; they retire in winter towards the woods of the north, where they kill a quantity of castors, and i say that there are not so good in the whole world, but not in such a store as the christinos, but far better. wee stayed there weeks, and came back with a company of people of the nation of the sault, that came along with us loaden with booty. we weare dayes before we could overtake our company that went to the lake. the spring approaches, which [is] the fitest time to kill the oriniack. a wildman and i with my brother killed that time above , besides other beasts. we came to the lake side with much paines, ffor we sent our wildmen before, and we two weare forced to make cariages dayes through the woods. after we mett with a company that did us a great deale of service, ffor they carryed what we had, and arrived att the appointed place before dayes ended. here we made a fort. att our arrivall we found att least cottages full. one very faire evening we went to finde what we hide before, which we finde in a good condition. we went about to execut our resolution, fforseeing that we must stay that yeare there, ffor which wee weare not very sorry, being resolved to know what we heard before. we waited untill the ice should vanish, but received [news] that the octanaks built a fort on the point that formes that bay, which resembles a small lake. we went towards it with all speede. we had a great store of booty which we would not trust to the wildmen, ffor the occasion makes the thiefe. we overloaded our slide on that rotten ice, and the further we went the sun was stronger, which made our trainage have more difficultie. i seeing my brother so strained, i tooke the slide, which was heavier then mine, and he mine. being in that extent above foure leagues from the ground, we sunke downe above the one halfe of the legge in the ice, and must advance in spight of our teeth. to leave our booty was to undoe us. we strived so that i hurted myselfe in so much that i could not stand up right, nor any further. this putt us in great trouble. uppon this i advised my brother to leave me with his slide. we putt the two sleds one by another. i tooke some cloathes to cover mee. after i stripped myselfe from my wett cloathes, i layed myselfe downe on the slide; my brother leaves me to the keeping of that good god. we had not above two leagues more to goe. he makes hast and came there in time and sends wildmen for me and the slids. there we found the perfidiousnesse of the octanaks. seeing us in extremitie, would prescribe us laws. we promised them whatever they asked. they came to fetch me. for eight dayes i was so tormented i thought never to recover. i rested neither day nor night; at last by means that god and my brother did use, which was by rubbing my leggs with hott oyle of bears and keeping my thigh and leggs well tyed, it came to its former strenght. after a while i came to me selfe. there comes a great company of new wildmen to seeke a nation in that land for a weighty buissinesse. they desired me to goe a long, so i prepare myselfe to goe with them. i marched well dayes; the rd day the sore begins to breake out againe, in so much that i could goe no further. those left me, albeit i came for their sake. you will see the cruelties of those beasts, and i may think that those that liveth on fish uses more inhumanities then those that feed upon flesh; neverthelesse i proceeded forwards the best i could, but knewed [not] where for the most part, the sun being my onely guide. there was some snow as yett on the ground, which was so hard in the mornings that i could not percave any tracks. the worst was that i had not a hattchett nor other arme, and not above the weight of ten pounds of victualls, without any drink. i was obliged to proceed five dayes for my good fortune. i indured much in the morning, but a litle warmed, i went with more ease. i looked betimes for som old cabbans where i found wood to make fire wherwith. i melted the snow in my cappe that was so greasy. one night i finding a cottage covered it with boughs of trees that i found ready cutt. the fire came to it as i began to slumber, which soone awaked me in hast, lame as i was, to save meselfe from the fire. my racketts, shoos, and stokens kept me my life; i must needs save them. i tooke them and flung them as farr as i could in the snow. the fire being out, i was forced to looke for them, as dark as it was, in the said snow, all naked & very lame, and almost starved both for hungar and cold. but what is it that a man cannot doe when he seeth that it concerns his life, that one day he must loose? yett we are to prolong it as much as we cane, & the very feare maketh us to invent new wayes. the fifth day i heard a noyse and thought it of a wolfe. i stood still, and soone perceived that it was of a man. many wild men weare up and downe looking for me, fearing least the bears should have devoured me. that man came neere and saluts me, and demands whether it was i. we both satt downe; he looks in my sacke to see if i had victualls, where he finds a peece as bigg as my fist. he eats this without participation, being their usuall way. he inquireth if i was a hungary. i tould him no, to shew meselfe stout and resolute. he takes a pipe of tobacco, and then above pounds of victualls he takes out of his sack, and greased, and gives it me to eate. i eat what i could, and gave him the rest. he bids me have courage, that the village was not far off. he demands if i knewed the way, but i was not such as should say no. the village was att hand. the other wildmen arrived but the day before, and after a while came by boats to the lake. the boats weare made of oriniacks' skins. i find my brother with a company of christinos that weare arrived in my absence. we resolved to cover our buissinesse better, and close our designe as if we weare going a hunting, and send them before; that we would follow them the next night, which we did, & succeeded, but not without much labor and danger; for not knowing the right way to thwart the other side of the lake, we weare in danger to perish a thousand times because of the crums of ice. we thwarted a place of leagues. we arrived on the other side att night. when we came there, we knewed not where to goe, on the right or left hand, ffor we saw no body. att last, as we with full sayle came from a deepe bay, we perceived smoake and tents. then many boats from thence came to meete us. we are received with much joy by those poore christinos. they suffered not that we trod on ground; they leade us into the midle of their cottages in our own boats, like a couple of cocks in a basquett. there weare some wildmen that followed us but late. we went away with all hast possible to arrive the sooner att the great river. we came to the seaside, where we finde an old howse all demollished and battered with boulletts. we weare told that those that came there weare of two nations, one of the wolf, the other of the long-horned beast. all those nations are distinguished by the representation of the beasts or animals. they tell us particularities of the europians. we know ourselves, and what europ is, therefore in vaine they tell us as for that. we went from isle to isle all that summer. we pluckt abundance of ducks, as of all other sort of fowles; we wanted nor fish nor fresh meate. we weare well beloved, and weare overjoyed that we promised them to come with such shipps as we invented. this place hath a great store of cows. the wildmen kill them not except for necessary use. we went further in the bay to see the place that they weare to passe that summer. that river comes from the lake and empties itselfe in the river of sagnes, called tadousack, which is a hundred leagues in the great river of canada, as where we weare in the bay of the north. we left in this place our marks and rendezvous. the wildmen that brought us defended us above all things, if we would come directly to them, that we should by no means land, and so goe to the river to the other sid, that is, to the north, towards the sea, telling us that those people weare very treacherous. now, whether they tould us this out of pollicy, least we should not come to them ffirst, & so be deprived of what they thought to gett from us [i know not]. in that you may see that the envy and envy raigns every where amongst poore barbarous wild people as att courts. they made us a mapp of what we could not see, because the time was nigh to reape among the bustards and ducks. as we came to the place where these oats growes (they grow in many places), you would think it strang to see the great number of ffowles, that are so fatt by eating of this graine that heardly they will move from it. i have seene a wildman killing ducks at once with one arrow. it is an ordinary thing to see five [or] six hundred swans together. i must professe i wondred that the winter there was so cold, when the sand boyles att the watter side for the extreame heate of the sun. i putt some eggs in that sand, and leave them halfe an houre; the eggs weare as hard as stones. we passed that summer quietly, coasting the seaside, and as the cold began, we prevented the ice. we have the commoditie of the river to carry our things in our boats to the best place, where weare most bests. this is a wandring nation, and containeth a vaste countrey. in winter they live in the land for the hunting sake, and in summer by the watter for fishing. they never are many together, ffor feare of wronging one another. they are of a good nature, & not great whore masters, having but one wife, and are [more] satisfied then any others that i knewed. they cloath themselves all over with castors' skins in winter, in summer of staggs' skins. they are the best huntsmen of all america, and scorns to catch a castor in a trappe. the circumjacent nations goe all naked when the season permitts it. but this have more modestie, ffor they putt a piece of copper made like a finger of a glove, which they use before their nature. they have the same tenents as the nation of the beefe, and their apparell from topp to toe. the women are tender and delicat, and takes as much paines as slaves. they are of more acute wits then the men, ffor the men are fools, but diligent about their worke. they kill not the yong castors, but leave them in the watter, being that they are sure that they will take him againe, which no other nation doth. they burne not their prisoners, but knock them in the head, or slain them with arrows, saying it's not decent for men to be so cruell. they have a stone of turquois from the nation of the buff and beefe, with whome they had warrs. they pollish them, and give them the forme of pearle, long, flatt, round, and [hang] them att their nose. they [find] greene stones, very fine, att the side of the same bay of the sea to the norwest. there is a nation called among themselves neuter. they speake the beefe and christinos' speech, being friends to both. those poore people could not tell us what to give us. they weare overjoyed when we sayd we should bring them commodities. we went up on another river, to the upper lake. the nation of the beefe sent us guifts, and we to them, by [the] ambassadors. in the midle of winter we joyned with a company of the fort, who gladly received us. they weare resolved to goe to the ffrench the next spring, because they weare quite out of stocke. the feast of the dead consumed a great deale of it. they blamed us, saying we should not trust any that we did not know. they upon this asked if we are where the trumpetts are blowne. we sayd yea, and tould that they weare a nation not to be trusted, and if we came to that sea we should warre against them, becaus they weare bad nation, and did their indeavour to tak us to make us their slaves. in the beginning of spring there came a company of men that came to see us from the elders, and brought us furrs to intice us to see them againe. i cannot omitt [a] pleasant encounter that happened to my brother as we weare both in a cottag. two of the nation of the beefe came to see us; in that time my brother had some trade in his hands. the wildmen satt neere us. my brother shews unto them the image which [re]presented the flight of joseph and holy mary with the child jesus, to avoid the anger of herod, and the virgin and child weare riding the asse, and joseph carrying a long cloake. my brother shewing that animal, naming it _tatanga_, which is a buffe, the wildmen, seeing the representation of a woman, weare astonished and weeps, pulls their haire, and tumbles up and downe to the fire, so continued half an houre, till he was in a sweat, and wetted with his tears the rest of the wildmen that weare there. one of them went out of the cottage. my brother and i weare surprized; thought they might have seene a vision, ffor instantly the man putt his hands on his face, as if he should make the signe of the crosse. now as he came to himselfe, he made us understand, ffor i began to know much of their speech, that first we weare devills, knowing all what is and what was done; moreover, that he had his desire, that was his wif and child, whome weare taken by the nation of the beefe foure years agoe. so he tooke the asse for the nation of the beefe, the virgin mary for the picture of his wife, and jesus for his son, and joseph for himselfe, saying, "there am i with my long robe, seeking for my wife and child." by our ambassadors i came to know an other lake which is northerly of their countrey. they say that it's bigger then all the rest. the upper end is allways frozen. their ffish comes from those parts. there are people that lives there and dare not trade in it towards the south. there is a river so deepe and blacke that there is no bottome. they say that fish goes neither out nor in to that river. it is very warme, and if they durst navigate in it, they should not come to the end in dayes. that river comes from the lake, and the inhabitants makes warrs against the birds, that defends & offends with theire bills that are as sharpe as sword. this i cannot tell for truth, but told me. all the circumjacent neighbours do incourage us, saying that they would venter their lives with us, for which we weare much overjoyed to see them so freely disposed to goe along with us. here nothing but courage. "brother, doe not lye, ffor the ffrench will not believe thee." all men of courage and vallour, lett them fetch commodities, and not stand lazing and be a beggar in the cabbane. it is the way to be beloved of women, to goe and bring them wherewithall to be joyfull. we present guifts to one and to another for to warne them to that end that we should make the earth quake, and give terror to the iroquoits if they weare so bold as to shew themselves. the christinos made guifts that they might come with us. this was graunted unto them, to send boats, to testifie that they weare retained slaves among the other nations, although they furnish them with castors. the boats ready, we embarque ourselves. we weare . there was not seene such a company to goe downe to the ffrench. there weare above christinos' boats that brought us their castors, in hopes that the people should give some marchandises for them. att their retourne the biggest boats could carry onely the man and his wife, and could scarce carry with them castors, so little weare their boats. in summer time i have seene men goe to warrs, and each man his boat, ffor they are that makes the least boats. the company that we had filled above boats. there weare boats that caryed seaven men, and the least two. it was a pleasur to see that imbarquing, ffor all the yong women went in stark naked, their hairs hanging down, yett it is not their coustoms to doe soe. i thought it their shame, but contrary they thinke it excellent & old custome good. they sing a loud and sweetly. they stood in their boats, and remained in that posture halfe a day, to encourage us to come and lodge with them againe. therefore they are not alltogether ashamed to shew us all, to intice us, and inanimate the men to defend themselves valliantly and come and injoy them. in two dayes we arrived att the river of the sturgeon, so called because of the great quantity of sturgeons that we tooke there. here we weare to make our provissions to passe the lake some dayes. in the said tearme wee dryed up above a million of sturgeons. [footnote: he no doubt meant to say, above "un mille," or "above a thousand."] the women followed us close; after our abode there two dayes they overtooke us. we had severall fals allarums, which putt us in severall troubles. they woundred to have found an oryanck dead uppon the place, with a boullet in his body. there thousand lyes weare forged. therefore we goe from thence, but before we come to the longpoint whereof we spoak before, the wildmen called it _okinotoname_, we perceive smoake. we goe to discover what it was, and by ill looke we found it was a iroquoits boat of seaven men, who doubtlesse stayed that winter in the lake of the hurrons, and came there to discover somewhat. i cannot say that they weare the first that came there. god graunt that they may be the last. as they saw us, away they, as swift as their heels could drive. they left their boat and all. they to the woods, and weare pursued, but in vaine, ffor they weare gone before three houres. the pursuers came backe; the one brings a gun, the one a hattchett, the other a kettle, and so forth. the councell was called, where it was decreed to go backe and shooke off to goe downe to the ffrench till the next yeare. this vexed us sore to see such a fleete and such an opportunity come to nothing, foreseeing that such an other may be not in tenne years. we weare to persuade them to the contrary, but checked soundly, saying we weare worse then ennemyes by perswading them to goe and be slained. in this we must lett theire feare passe over, and we back to the river of the sturgeons, where we found our wives, very buissie in killing those creatures that comes there to multiplie. we dayly heare some newe reporte. all every where ennemy by fancy. we in the meane time buissie ourselves in the good of our country, which will recompence us badly ffor such toyle and labour. twelve dayes are passed, in which time we gained some hopes of faire words. we called a councell before the company was disbanded, where we represented, if they weare discouvers, they had not vallued the losse of their kettle, knowing well they weare to gett another where their army layed, and if there should be an army it should appeare and we in such an number, they could be well afraid and turne backe. our reasons weare hard and put in execution. the next day we embarqued, saving the christinos, that weare afraid of a sight of a boat made of another stuff then theirs, that they went back as we came where the iroquoits' boat was. our words proved true and so proceeded in our way. being come nigh the sault, we found a place where of these men sweated, & for want of covers buried themselves in the sand by the watter side to keepe their bodyes from the flyes called maringoines, which otherwise had killed them with their stings. we thwarted those great lakes with great pleasur, having the wind faire with us. it was a great satisfaction to see so many boats, and so many that never had before commerce with the ffrench. so my brother and i thought wee should be wellcomed. but, o covetousnesse, thou art the cause of many evils! we made a small sayle to every boate; every one strived to be not the last. the wind was double wayes favourable to us. the one gave us rest, the other advanced us very much, which wee wanted much because of the above said delay. we now are comed to the cariages and swift streames to gett the lake of the castors. we made them with a courage, promptitud, and hungar which made goe with hast as well as the wind. we goe downe all the great river without any encounter, till we came to the long sault, where my brother some years before made a shipwrake. being in that place we had worke enough. the first thing wee saw was severall boats that the ennemy had left att the riverside. this putt great feare in the hearts of our people. nor they nor we could tell what to doe; and seeing no body appeared we sent to discover what they weare. the discovers calls us, and bids us come, that those who weare there could doe us no harme. you must know that ffrench made a plott with foure algonquins to make a league with three score hurrons for to goe and wait for the iroquoits in the passage att their retourne with their castors on their ground, hoping to beat and destroy them with ease, being destitut of necessary things. if one hath his gun he wants his powder, and so the rest. att the other side without doubt had notice that the travelers weare abroad, and would not faile to come downe with a company, and to make a valiant deede and heroick action was to destroy them all, and consequently make the ffrench tremble as well as the wildmen, ffor the one could not live without the other; the one for his commodities, the other ffor his castors; so that the iroqoits pretending to wait for us at the passage came thither fflocking. the ffrench and wild company, to putt the iroquoit in some feare, and hinder his coming there so often with such confidence, weare resolved to lay a snare against him. that company of souldiers being come to the farthest place of that long sault without being discovered, thought allready to be conquerors making cariage, having abroad men to make discoveries, but mett as many ennemyes. they assaulted each other, and the iroquoits found themselves weake, left there their lives and bodyes, saving that made their escape, went to give notice to of theirs that made ready as they heard the gunns, to help their foreguard. the ffrench seeing such great odds made a retreat, and warned by foure algonquins that a fort was built not afar off, built by his nation the last yeare, they fled into it in an ill houre. in the meane while the iroquoits consulted what they should doe; they sent to iroquoits of the lower nation and orijonot that weare not afar off. now they would asault the ffrench in their ffort, the ffort not holding but men. the hurrons could not come in and could not avoid the shott of the ennemy. then the ffrench pulled downe the fort, and closed together they stoutly began to worke. those that the ffrench had killed, cutt their heads off & put them uppon long poles of their fort. this skermish dured two dayes & two nights. the iroquoits finds themselves plagued, ffor the ffrench had a kind of bucklers and shelters. now arrives men that they did not think of in the least. here is nothing but cryes, fire, and flame day & night. here is not to be doubted, the one to take the other, the one to defend himselfe till death. the hurrons seeing such a company submitted to the ennemyes, but are like to pay for their cowardise, being in their hands weare tyed, abused, smitten, and burned as if they weare taken by force, ffor those barbarous weare revenged on their boanes as any was wounded or killed in the battaille. in this great extremity our small company of one and twenty did resist days against men, and the two foremost dayes against which weare seaven dayes together without intermission, & the worst was that they had no watter, as we saw, ffor they made a hole in the ground out of which they gott but litle because they weare on a hill. it was to be pitied. there was not a tree but was shot with buletts. the iroquoits come with bucklers to make a breach. the ffrench putt fire to a barill of powder, thinking to shoake the iroquoits or make him goe back; but did to their great prejudice, for it fell againe in their fort, which made an end of their combat. uppon this the ennemy enters, kills and slains all that he finds, so one did not make an escape, saveing one that was found alive; but he stayed not long, for in a short time after his fortune was as the rest; for as he was brought to one of the forts of the irokoits, as he was bid to sit down he finds a pistolet by him, and takes it at adventure, not knowing whether it was charged or no. he puts the end to the breast of him that tyed him, and killd him in the presence of all his camerades; but without any more adoe he was burnt very cruelly. all the french though dead were tyed to posts along the river side, and the algonquins. as for the hurons they were burnt at their discretion. some neverthelesse escaped to bring the certain newes how all passed. [footnote: frenchmen massacred at long sault. see introduction.] it was a terrible spectacle to us, for wee came there dayes after that defeat, which saved us without doubt. i beleeve for certain that the iroqoits lost many men, having to doe with such brave and valiant souldiers as that company was. wee visited that place and there was a fine fort; three were about the other two. wee went down the river without making any carriage, and wee adventured very much. as soon as wee were at the lower end many of our wildmen had a mind to goe back and not to goe any further, thinking really that all the french were killed. as for my brother and i, wee did fear very much that after such a thing the pride of the enemy would make them attempt anything upon the habitations of mount royall, which is but leagues from thence. wee did advise them to make a ffort, or to put us in one of the enemies', and to send immediately two very light boats, that could not be overtaken if the enemy should discover them; and that being arrived at the habitation, they should make them shoot the peeces of ordnance, and that as soon as the night should come wee would embarque our selves and should hear the noise, or else wee should take councell of what wee should doe, and stay for them at the height of the isle of mount royall; which was done accordingly without any hazard, for all the enemies were gone dispairing of our comeing down, and for what they had done and for what they had lost, which by the report of some hurons was more then four score men; and if the french had had a fort flanke & some water they had resisted the enemy miraculously and forced them to leave them for want of powder and shott and also of other provisions. they were furnished for the whole summer. our two boats did goe, but the rest were soe impatient that they resolved to follow them, being willing to run the same hazard; and wee arrived the next morning and were in sight when the peeces were shott off, with a great deale of joy to see so great a number of boats that did almost cover the whole river. wee stayd dayes at mont-royall, and then wee went down to the three rivers. the wildmen did aske our advice whether it was best for them to goe down further. we told them no, because of the dangers that they may meet with at their returne, for the irokoits could have notice of their comeing down, and so come and lay in ambush for them, and it was in the latter season, being about the end of august. well, as soon as their businesse was done, they went back again very well satisfyed and wee very ill satisfied for our reception, which was very bad considering the service wee had done to the countrey, which will at another time discourage those that by our example would be willing to venture their lives for the benefit of the countrey, seeing a governor that would grow rich by the labours and hazards of others. before i goe further i have a mind to let you know the fabulous beleafe of those poore people, that you may see their ignorance concerning the soul's immortality, being separated from the body. the kindred and the friends of the deceased give notice to the others, who gather together and cry for the dead, which gives warning to the young men to take the armes to give some assistance and consolation to the deceased. presently the corps is covered with white skins very well tyed. afterwards all the kindred come to the cottage of the deceased and begin to mourn and lament. after they are weary of making such musick the husbands or friends of the deceased send their wives for gifts to pacifie a little the widdow and to dry her tears. those guifts are of skins and of what they can get, for at such a ceremony they are very liberall. as soon as that is done and the night comes, all the young men are desired to come and doe what they will to have done to them. so that when darknesse has covered the whole face of the earth they come all singing with staves in their hands for their armes, and after they are set round the cabbin, begin to knock and make such a noise that one would thinke they have a mind to tear all in peeces, and that they are possessed of some devills. all this is done to expell and frighten the soule out of that poor and miserable body that she might not trouble his carcase nor his bones, and to make it depart the sooner to goe and see their ancestors, and to take possession of their immortall glory, which cannot be obtained but a fortnight towards the setting of the sun. the first step that she makes is of seven dayes, to begin her course, but there are many difficulties, ffor it is through a very thick wood full of thorns, of stones and flints, which [brings] great trouble to that poor soule. at last having overcome all those dangers and toyles she comes to a river of about a quarter of a mile broad where there is a bridge made onely of one planke, being supported by a beame pointed at one end, which is the reason that planke rises and falls perpetually, having not any rest nor stay, and when the soule comes near the side of that river, she meets with a man of extraordinary stature, who is very leane and holds a dagger of very hard wood and very keen in his hands, and speakes these words when he sees the petitioning soule come near: _pale_, _pale_, which signifies, goe, goe; and at every word the bridge ballances, and rises his knife, and the traveller offering himselfe, receives a blow by which he is cut in two, and each halfe is found upon that moving, and according as he had lived they stay upon it; that is, if his body was valiant the passage was soon made free to him, for the two halfes come together and joyn themselves again. so passe to the other side where she finds a bladder of bear's grease to grease herselfe and refresh herselfe for that which she is to do, which being done she finds a wood somewhat cleerer and a straight road that she must goe, and for dayes neither goe to the right nor to the left hand, where at last being arrived she finds a very great and cleer fire, through which she must resolve to passe. that fire is kindled by the young men that dyed since the beginning of the world to know whether those that come have loved the women or have been good huntsmen; and if that soule has not had any of those rare vertues she burnes and broiles the sole of her feet by going through the fire; but quite contrary if she has had them qualityes, she passes through without burning her selfe in the least, and from that so hot place she finds grease and paint of all sorts of colour with which she daubs and makes herselfe beautifull, to come to that place so wished for. but she has not yet all done, nor made an end of her voyage; being so dress'd she continues her course still towards the same pole for the space of two dayes in a very cleer wood, and where there is very high and tall trees of which most be oakes, which is the reason that there is great store of bears. all along that way they do nothing else but see their enemies layd all along upon the ground, that sing their fatall song for having been vanquished in this world and also in the other, not daring to be so bold as to kill one of those animalls, and feed onely upon the down of these beasts. being arrived, if i may say, at the doore of that imaginarie paradise, they find a company of their ancestors long since deceased, by whom they are received with a great deale of ceremony, and are brought by so venerable a company within halfe a daye's journey of the place of the meeting, and all along the rest of the way they discourse of things of this world that are passd; for you must know they travell halfe a day without speaking one word, but keepe a very deep silence, for, said they, it is like the goslings to confound one another with words. as soon as they are arrived they must have a time to come to themselves, to think well upon what they are to speak without any precipitation, but with judgement, so that they are come where all manner of company with drumms & dryd bumpkins, full of stones and other such instruments. the elders that have brought her there cover her with a very large white skin, and colour her leggs with vermillion and her feet likewise, and so she is received amongst the predestinates. there is a deep silence made as soon as she is come in, and then one of the elders makes a long speech to encourage the young people to go a hunting to kill some meat to make a feast for entertainment of the soul of their countryman, which is put in execution with a great deal of diligence and hast; and while the meat is boyling or roasting, and that there is great preparations made for the feast, the young maidens set out themselves with the richest jewells and present the beesome to the new-comer. a little while after the kettles are filled, there is feasting every where, comedies acted, and whatsoever is rare is there to be seene; there is dancing every where. now remaines nothing but to provide that poor soule of a companion, which she does presently, for she has the choice of very beautifull women, and may take as many as she pleases, which makes her felicity immortall. by this you may see the silly beleefe of these poor people. i have seen right-minded jesuites weep bitterly hearing me speake of so many nations that perish for want of instruction; but most of them are like the wildmen, that thinke they offend if they reserve any thing for the next day. i have seen also some of the same company say, "alas, what pity 'tis to loose so many castors. is there no way to goe there? the fish and the sauce invite us to it; is there no meanes to catch it? oh, how happy should i be to go in those countreys as an envoye, being it is so good a countrey." that is the relation that was made me severall times by those wildmen, for i thought they would never have done. but let us come to our arrivall againe. the governour, seeing us come back with a considerable summe for our own particular, and seeing that his time was expired and that he was to goe away, made use of that excuse to doe us wrong & to enrich himselfe with the goods that wee had so dearly bought, and by our meanes wee made the country to subsist, that without us had beene, i beleeve, oftentimes quite undone and ruined, and the better to say at his last beeding, no castors, no ship, & what to doe without necessary commodities. he made also my brother prisoner for not having observed his orders, and to be gone without his leave, although one of his letters made him blush for shame, not knowing what to say, but that he would have some of them at what price soever, that he might the better maintain his coach & horses at paris. he fines us four thousand pounds to make a fort at the three rivers, telling us for all manner of satisfaction that he would give us leave to put our coat of armes upon it, and moreover , pounds for the country, saying that wee should not take it so strangely and so bad, being wee were inhabitants and did intend to finish our days in the same country with our relations and friends. but the bougre did grease his chopps with it, and more, made us pay a custome which was the th part, which came to , pounds, so that wee had left but , pounds, and took away l. , . was not he a tyrant to deal so with us, after wee had so hazarded our lives, & having brought in lesse then years by that voyage, as the factors of the said country said, between and , pistolls? for they spoke to me in this manner: "in which country have you been? from whence doe you come? for wee never saw the like. from whence did come such excellent castors? since your arrivall is come into our magazin very near , pounds tournois of that filthy merchandise, which will be prized like gold in france." and them were the very words that they said to me. seeing ourselves so wronged, my brother did resolve to goe and demand justice in france. it had been better for him to have been contented with his losses without going and spend the rest in halfe a year's time in france, having l. , that he left with his wife, that was as good a houswife as he. there he is in france; he is paid with fair words and with promise to make him goe back from whence he came; but he feeing no assurance of it, did engage himselfe with a merchant of rochell, who was to send him a ship the next spring. in that hope he comes away in a fisher boat to the pierced island, some leagues off from the isle d'eluticosty, [footnote: _eluticosty_, anticosti, an island at the mouth of the river st. lawrence.] the place where the ship was to come; that was to come whilst he was going in a shallop to quebucq, where i was to goe away with him to the rendezvous, being he could not do anything without me; but with a great deel of difficulty it proved, so that i thought it possible to goe tast of the pleasures of france, and by a small vessell that i might not be idle during his absence. he presently told me what he had done, and what wee should doe. wee embarked, being nine of us. in a few dayes wee came to the pierced island, where wee found severall shipps newly arrived; & in one of them wee found a father jesuit that told us that wee should not find what wee thought to find, and that he had put a good order, and that it was not well done to distroy in that manner a country, and to wrong so many inhabitants. he advised me to leave my brother, telling me that his designs were pernicious. wee see ourselves frustrated of our hopes. my brother told me that wee had store of merchandize that would bring much profit to the french habitations that are in the cadis. i, who was desirous of nothing but new things, made no scruple. wee arrived at st. peter, in the isle of cape breton, at the habitation of monsr. denier, where wee delivered some merchandizes for some originack skins; from thence to camseau where every day wee were threatned to be burned by the french; but god be thanked, wee escaped from their hands by avoiding a surprize. and in that place my brother told me of his designe to come and see new england, which our servants heard, and grumbled and laboured underhand against us, for which our lives were in very great danger. wee sent some of them away, and at last with much labour & danger wee came to port royall, which is inhabited by the french under the english government, where some few dayes after came some english shipps that brought about our designes, where being come wee did declare our designes. wee were entertained, and wee had a ship promissed us, and the articles drawn, and wee did put to sea the next spring for our discovery, and wee went to the entry of hudson's streight by the degree. wee had knowledge and conversation with the people of those parts, but wee did see and know that there was nothing to be done unlesse wee went further, and the season of the yeare was far spent by the indiscretion of our master, that onely were accustomed to see some barbadoes sugers, and not mountaines of suger candy, which did frighten him, that he would goe no further, complaining that he was furnished but for months, & that he had neither sailes, nor cord, nor pitch, nor towe, to stay out a winter. seeing well that it was too late, he would goe no further, so brought us back to the place from whence wee came, where wee were welcome, although with great losse of goods & hope, but the last was not quite lost. wee were promissed shipps for a second voyage. they were made fit and ready, and being the season of the yeare was not yet come to be gone, one of them shipps was sent to the isle of sand, there to fish for the basse [footnote: this fishing expedition was to the well-known sable island. in "the king granted medard chouart, sieur des grozelliers, and pierre esprit, sieur des radision, the privilege of establishing fisheries for white porpoises and seal in the river st. lawrence in new france."] to make oyle of it, where wee came in very bad weather, and the ship was lost in that island, but the men were saved. the expectation of that ship made us loose our nd voyage, which did very much discourage the merchants with whom wee had to doe. they went to law with us to make us recant the bargaine that wee had made with them. after wee had disputed a long time it was found that the right was on our side, and wee innocent of what they did accuse us. so they endeavoured to come to an agreement, but wee were betrayed by our own party. in the meantime the commissioners of the king of great brittain arrived in that place, and one of them would have us goe with him to new yorke, and the other advised us to come to england and offer our selves to the king, which wee did. those of new england in generall made profers unto us of what ship wee would if wee would goe on in our designes; but wee answered them that a scalded cat fears the water though it be cold. wee are now in the passage, and he that brought us, which was one of the commissioners called collonell george carteret, was taken by the hollanders, and wee arrived in england in a very bad time for the plague and the warrs. being at oxford, wee went to sir george carteret, who spoke to his majestie, who gave us good hopes that wee should have a ship ready for the next spring, and that the king did allow us shillings a week for our maintenance, and wee had chambers in the town by his order, where wee stayed months. afterwards the king came to london and sent us to windsor, where wee stayed the rest of the winter. wee are sent for from that place, the season growing neare, and put into the hands of sir peter colleton. the ship was got ready something too late, and our master was not fit for such a designe. but the hollanders being come to the river of thames had stopp'd the passage, soe wee lost that opportunity. so wee were put off till the next yeare, & a little while after that same ship was sent to virginia and other places to know some news of the barbadoes, and to be informed if that island was not in danger; which if it had been lost, had taken from the english ladyes the meanes or the pleasure of drinking french wine. those of burdeaux & of rochell were great loosers in the expectation of the ship, that was not gone to the isle of sand, but to holland. wee lost our second voyage, for the order was given to late for the fitting another ship, which cost a great deale of money to noe purpose. the third yeare wee went out with a new company in small vessells, my brother in one & i in another, & wee went together leagues from the north of ireland, where a sudden great storme did rise & put us asunder. the sea was soe furious or houres after that it did almost overturne our ship, so that wee were forced to cut our masts rather then cutt our lives; but wee came back safe, god be thanked, and the other, i hope, is gone on his voyage, god be with him. i hope to embarke myselfe by the helpe of god this fourth yeare, & i beseech him to grant me better successe then i have had hitherto, & beseech him to give me grace & to make me partaker of that everlasting happinesse which is the onely thing a man ought to look after. i have here put the names of severall nations amongst which i have been for the most part, which i think may extend to some leagues by the reckoning of my travells. the names of the nations that live in the south:-- avieronons. khionontateronons. oscovarahronoms. aviottronons. ohcrokonanechronons. huattochronoms. anontackeronons. ahondironons. skinchiohronoms. sonontueronons. ougmarahronoms. attitachronons. oyongoironons. akrahkuaeronoms. ontorahronons. audastoueronons. oneronoms. aoveatsiovaenhronons. konkhaderichonons. eressaronoms. attochingochronons. andonanchronons. attionendarouks. maingonis. kionontateronons. ehriehronoms. socoquis. ouendack. tontataratonhronoms. pacoiquis. ariotachronoms. all these nations are sedentaries, and live upon corn and other grains, by hunting and fishing, which is plentifull, and by the ragouts of roots. there were many destroyed by the iroquoits, and i have seen most of those that are left. the names of the nations that live in the north:-- chisedeck. nipifiriniens. piffings. bersiamites. tivifeimi. malhonniners. sagfeggons. outimaganii. afinipour. attikamegues. ouachegami. trinivoick. ovaouchkairing or mitchitamon. nafaonakouetons. algonquins. orturbi. pontonatemick. kischeripirini. ovasovarin. escouteck. minifigons. atcheligonens. panoestigons. kotakoaveteny. annikouay. nadoucenako. kinoncheripirini. otanack. titascons. matouchkarini. ouncisagay. christinos. ountchatarounongha. abaouicktigonions. nadouceronons. sagahigavirini. roquay. quinipigousek. sagnitaovigama. mantonech. tatanga. the two last are sedentary and doe reap, and all the rest are wandering people, that live by their hunting and fishing, and some few of rice that they doe labour for, and a great many of them have been destroyed by the iroquoites. besides all the above-named nations i have seen eight or nine more since my voyages. voyages of peter esprit radisson. _the relation of a voyage made by peter raddisson, esquire, to the north parts of america, in the years and ._ in the first place, i think myself oblidg'd to vindicat myself from the imputation of inconstancy for acting in this voyage against the english intrest, and in the yeare against the french intrest, for which, if i could not give a very good account, i might justly lye under the sentenc of capritiousness & inconstancy. but severall persons of probity and good repute, being sensible what my brother-in-law, mr chouard des groisiliers, and myself performed in severall voyadges for the gentlemen conserned in the hudson's bay trade, relating to the comers of bever skins, and the just cause of dissattisfaction which both of us had, to make us retire into france. i have no cause to believe that i in the least deserve to bee taxed with lightness or inconstancy for the imployments wherein i since ingaged, although they were against the interests of the said company, for it is suffitiently known that my brother nor myself omitted nothing that lay in our power, having both of us severall times adventur'd our lives, and did all that was possible for persons of courage and honour to perform for the advantage and profit of the said company, ever since the yeare unto the yeare . but finding that all our advise was slighted and rejected, and the councill of other persons imbrac'd and made use of, which manifestly tended to the ruin of the setlement of the beaver trade, & that on all occasions wee were look'd upon as useless persons, that deserved neither reward nor incouragement, this unkinde usage made us at last take a resolution, though with very great reluctancy, to return back into france; for in the maine it is well knowne that i have a greater inclination for the interest of england than for that of ffrance, being marry'd at london unto an honorable familly, [footnote: he married, between and , for his second wife, the daughter of sir john kirke. he was one of the original founders of the hudson's bay company, having subscribed l. to the common stock in . he was one of the seven members on the committee of management for the company, and was no doubt instrumental in securing to radisson a permanent pension of , livres a year, after he left the service of france. in all probability, radisson emigrated to canada with his family in , for in that year his son's name thus appears as holding a land patent: " . another patent of confirmation to 'sieur etienne volant radisson' of the concession made to him the th of october, , of the isles, islets, and 'baitures' not granted, that are to be found across lake st peter, above the islands granted to the 'sieur sorel,' from the edge of the north channel, as far as the great middle channel, called the channel of platte island," etc., etc. as peter radisson's will can nowhere be found at somerset house, london, he probably died in canada.] whos alliance had also the deeper ingadged me in the intrest of the nation. morover, all my friends know the tender love i had for my wife, and that i declared unto them how much i was troubled in being reduced to the necessity of leaving her. i hope thes considerations will vindicate my proceedings touching the severall interests which i espous'd, and what i shall relate in this ensuing narrative touching my proceedings in regard of the english in this voyadge in the river, and also in nelson's harbour in the year , and will justify me against what has ben reported to my prejudice to render me odious unto the nation. for it will appeare that having had the good fortune to defend my setlment against those which at that time i look'd upon as my ennemy's, & defeated them by frustrating their designes, i improv'd the advantage i had over them the best i could; yet would they do me right, they must own that they had more just cause to give me thanks than to complaine of me, having ever used them kindly as long as they pleas'd to live with me. i freely confess i used all the skill i could to compass my designes, & knowing very well what these gentlemen intended against me, i thought it better to surprise them than that they should me; knowing that if they had ben afore hand with me, i should have passed my time wors with them than they did with me. i come now to discours of my voyadge, not thinking it materiall heere to mention the campaign i made in the french fleet, since i left england, in the expeditions for guinea, tobaga, [footnote: this expedition was commanded by jean, count d'estrees. he reduced the island of tobaga. he was made a marshal of france, and sent out, august, , as viceroy over america.] and other occasions wherein i was concern'd before i ingadged in this voyadge. at the time my brother-in-law and i were dissattisfy'd with the hudson's bay company, wee were severall times invited by the late monsieur colbert to return back for france, with large promises that wee should bee very kindly entertain'd. wee refused a great while all the offers that were made us; but seeing our businesse went wors and wors with the company, without any likelyhood of finding any better usage, at last wee accepted the offer that was made unto us, of paying us lewi-dors redy money, of discharging all our debts, and to give us good employments. these conditions being agreed upon, wee passed over into france in xber, . as soon as wee got to paris wee waited upon monsieur colbert. hee reproached us for preferring the english interest before that of ffrance; but having heard our defence, and observ'd by what wee said unto him of our discoverys in the northern parts of america, and of the acquaintance wee had with the natives, how fit wee might bee for his purpos, hee soon assur'd us of his favor & protection, & also of the king's pardon for what was past, with an intire restoration unto the same state wee were in before wee left france, upon condition that wee should employ our care & industry for the advancement & increas of the comers of the beaver trade in the french collonies in canada. hee also confirmed the promis had ben made us at london, of the gratuity of french pistolls, that all our debts should bee discharg'd, & that wee should bee put into employments. our letters pattents of pardon & restoration were forthwith dispatch't, & monsieur colbert would have it expressly mention'd in them, for what caus the king granted them, viz., to employ the greatest of our skill & industry with the natives, for the utillity & advancement of the beaver trade in the french collonies. the peeces of gould was pay'd us, & all things else promised was perform'd, excepting only the employment, for the which wee were made to attend a great while, and all to no purpos. but at last i perceaved the cause of this delay, & that my marrying in england made me bee suspected, because my wife remained there. monsr. colbert having delayed us a long time with sundry excuses, one day hee explained himself, saying i should bring my wife over into france if i expected that a full confidence should bee put in mee. i represented unto him that it was nott a thing fully in my power to doe, my wife's father refusing to give me the liberty of bringing her over into france; but i promiss'd him to use my best endeavors to that effect. in the meantime monsr. colbert intimated that hee would have my brother-in-law & myself make a voyadge unto canada, to advise with the governour what was best ther to bee done, assuring us that hee would write unto him in our behalf. wee undertook the voyadge, but being arriv'd at quebeck, wee found that jelosy & interest which some persons had over those that had the absolute command, at that time, of the trade in canada, & whos creatures were imploy'd for new discoverys, ordered things so that the count de frontinac, the governor, took no care to perform what wee had ben promis'd hee should have don for us; so that finding myself slighted, i left my brother-in-law with his familly in canada, & returned back again for france, intending to serve at sea in the fleet. accordingly i there passed the campaigns above mention'd untill wee suffer'd shippwreck at the isle d'ane, from which being escaped, i returned with the rest of the army unto brest, in the moneth of july, having lost all my equipage in this disaster. the vice admirall & the intendant wrote to court in my favour, & upon the good character they were pleas'd to give of me, i receav'd a gratuity of louis d'ors upon the king's account, to renew my equipage; & these gentlemen also were pleased to tell me i should ere long have the command of a man of warr; but thinking that could not so easily bee, i desired leave to make a turn over into england under pretext of visitting my wife & to make a farther tryall of bringing her over into france, whereupon i had my pass granted, with a farther gratuity of louis d'ors towards the charges of my voyage. i was comanded to make what dispatch possible might bee, & espetially to mind the business of bringing my wife along with me, & then i shold not doubt of having good imployments. i set forwards, & arrived in london the th of july, & amongst other discours told my father-in-law, sir john kirk, of what great importance it was unto me of making my fortune in france to take my wife along with me thither; notwithstanding, hee would by no means give his consent thereunto, but desired me to write to my friends in france concerning some pretention hee had against the inhabitants of canada, [footnote: john kirke and his elder brothers, sir david, sir lewis, and others, held a large claim against canada, or rather france, dating back to , which amounted in , including principal and interest, to over--l. . .] which i did. i endeavor'd also, during my stay at london, both by myself & by friends, to try if the gentlemen of the company might conceave any better thoughts of me, & whether i might not by some means or other be restor'd unto their good liking; but all my endevors proved in vaine. i found no likelyhood of effecting what i so much desir'd, therefore i return'd into france & arrived at brest the th of ber, .... having inform'd the vice admirall & the intendant of the litle successe i had in my voyadge, & that it was not through any neglect of myne, they order'd me to goe give an account of it unto the marquis de signelay, which i did; & telling him i could not prevaile to bring my wife over along with me, hee revil'd me, & told me hee knew very well what an inclination i had still for the english intrest, saying with all that i must not expect any confidence should bee put in me, nor that i shold not have the least imployment, whilst my wife stay'd in england. neverthelesse, hee promis'd to speak to his father, monsieur colbert, touching my affaires, which hee also performed; & afterwards waiting upon him, hee spake unto me much after the same rate his sonn, the marquis de signelay had don before, as to what concerned my wife, & order'd me to goe unto monsieur bellinzany, his chief agent for the businesse of trade, who would farther inform me of his intentions. meeting with monsieur belinzany, hee told me that monsieur colbert thought it necessary that i should conferr with monsieur de la chesnay, [footnote: m. du chesneau was appointed may, , intendant of justice, police, and finance of canada, acadia, and isles of newfoundland.] a canada merchant who mannadg'd all the trade of thos parts, & who was then at paris, that with him some mesures should bee taken to make the best advantage of our discoveries & intreagues in the northern parts of canada, to advance the beaver trade, & as much as possible might bee to hinder all strangers from driving that trade to the prejudice of the french collonies. the said monsr. belinzany also told me i could not more oblige monsr. colbert, nor take any better cours to obtaine his friendship by any servis whatsoever, than by using all my skill & industry in drawing all the natives of thos northern parts of america to traffick with & to favor the french, & to hinder & disswade them from trading with strangers, assuring me of a great reward for the servis i should render the state upon this account, & that mr. de la chesiiay would furnish me in cannada with all things necessary for executing what dessignes wee should conclude upon together to this intent. according to these instructions i went unto mr. de la chesnay. wee discours'd a long time together, & after severall inquiry's of the state of the countrys that i had most frequented, having communicated unto him my observations, hee propos'd unto me to undertake to establish a treaty for the beaver trade in the great bay where i had ben some years before upon the account of the english. wee spent two dayes in adjusting the means of selling this business; at last it was agreed that i should make a voyadge into england to endevor to perswade my wife to come away, & also at the same time to inform myself what shipps the hudson bay company intended to fit out for those parts. i performed this second voyage for england with some remainder of hopes to find the gentlemen of the company something better inclin'd towards me than they had ben formerly; but whether they then looked upon me as wholy unneccessary for their purpos, or as one that was altogether unable to doe them any harm, i was sufferr'd to come away without receaving the least token of kindnesse. all the satisfaction i had in the voyadge was that prince rupert was pleas'd to tell me that hee was very sorry my offers of servis was so much slighted. i resolv'd with myself not to bee dejected at this coldnesse, & returned into france, thinking there to have found monsieur de la chesnay; but being come to paris, i heard hee was gon, & i presently resolved to follow him to canada, to execute what wee had concluded upon at paris. i went to take my leave of monsieur colbert, acquainting him of my dessigne, whereof hee approved very well. hee wished me a good voyadge, advising me to be carefull. i went to visit the society of the jesuits at paris, as being also concern'd with la chesnay in the beaver trade. they gave mee some money for my voyadge. i went & took shipp at rochell, & arrived at quebeck the th of ber, . as soon as i went ashore i spake with monsieur la chesnay, who seem'd to bee very glad to see me, and after some discours of what wee had concluded upon at paris, hee said the businesse must bee presently set about; & being privy unto the court intrigues, & fully acquainted with the mesures wee were to use in this enterprize, hee took me along with him unto the governor's house, & ingadg'd me to demand his assistance & such orders as wee should stand in need of from him for the carrying on our dessigne. but the governor spake unto us in a way as if hee approved not of the businesse; whereupon la chesnay demanded a pass for me to return back unto europ by the way of new england, in a vessel belonging to the governor of accadia, which was at that instant at quebeck, & redy to saile in som short time. these formalitys being over, monsieur la chesnay & i spake home to the businesse. wee agreed upon the voyage, & of all things that were to bee setled relative unto our concerns & intrest. hee undertook to buy the goods, & to furnish all things that concern'd the treaty; to furnish me with a vessell well fitted & stored with good provisions. it was agreed that i should have one fourth part of the beaver for my care and paines, & the danger i expos'd myself unto in making the setlment. my brother-in-law, desgroisilliers, who was then at quebeck, made a contract with de la chesnay for the same voyage allmost on the same terms as i had don. all things being thus concluded, the governor was desired that i might have leave to take three men along with me. hee knew very well to what intent, but hee pretended to bee ignorant of it, for 'tis unlikely that hee could think i would return back to france without doing something about what la chesnay & i had mention'd unto him, seeing i demanded these three men to goe along with me. one was my kinsman, john baptista des grosiliers, of whom i made great account, having frequented the country all his life, & had contracted great familliarity & acquaintance with the natives about trade. hee laid out l. tournais of his own money in the voyadge & charge, disbursed by monsieur de la chesnay in the enterprize. the second was peter allmand, whom i took for my pilot, & the d was john baptista godfry, who understood perfectly well the languadge of the natives, & one that i knew was capable of treating. i set saile from quebeck the th of ber, , with my men, in the governor of accady's vessell, having my orders to bee redy the spring following, at the l'isle perse, hallow isle, at the entrance of the river saint lawrence, unto which place la chesnay was to send me a vessell well equipp'd & fitted according to agreement for executing the dessigne. hee also promisd to send mee fuller instructions in writing, for my directions when i should bee on the place. wee arrived at accadia the th of november, , and there winter'd. in the spring i repair'd unto hallow island. the vessell i expected arrived, but proved not so good as was promised, for it was only an old barque of about tunns with an equippage but of men, thos with me being comprised in the number. there was goods enough on board to have carry'd on the treaty, but provisions were scant, so that had i not ben so deeply ingadg'd as i was in the businesse, such a kind of a vessell would have quite discouradg'd me. but the arrivall of my brother-in-law, desgrosiliers, in a vessell of about tunns, with a crew of men, incouradg'd me, so that wee joyntly resolved not to quit our enterprize; but wee had much adoe to perswade our men to it, being unwilling to expose themselves to the danger of a voyadge of leagues in such small, ordinary vessells, & in such boisterous seas, where ther was also danger of ice. however, they seeing us willing to run the same fortune as they did, they at length consented, & it was agree'd upon betwixt my brother-in-law & myself to steere the same cours, & to keep as neere each other as wee could, the better to assist one another as occasion required. wee sailed from the island the th july, [ .] after the space of dayes' sailing, being past the straights of new found land, the seamen on board my brother-in-law's vessell mutin'd against him, refusing to proceed any farther, pretending they feared being split with the ice, also of ingadging in unknown countreys where they might be reduced to want provisions in the winter. wee pacify'd the mutineers by threatnings & by promises, & the sight of a saile in deg. minutes, north lat., upon the coast of brador, somwhat contributed thereunto, every one desiring to shun this sail. wee were twixt him & the shoar, & they bore directly towards us, desirous to speak with us; but wee not being in a condition of making any resistance, i thought it the best not to stand towards him, but steering the same cours as hee did, wee recover'd under the shoar, & so out of danger; they tackt about & stood off hours before night, & wee lost sight of them. there was much ice in those seas, which drive to the southwards. wee put into harbour to avoide the danger of it, as also to take in fresh water & some other provisions at the coast of the indians called esquimos, the most cruell of all the salvages when they meet an advantage to surprize persons. neverthelesse, they came to our shipp side, & traded with us for some hundred of woolf skins. wee stay'd there dayes, during which time there happned a nother mutiny, our men refusing to proceed any farther; but i pacify'd the seditious, & having put to sea i order'd our men to preserve the wood & water wee had taken on board the best they could, for my brother-in-law & i had resolved not to goe a shoare untill wee had gain'd our port, unless wee were chased. the winds proving favorable, wee entred hudson's straight and sailed along on the northern shoare; there was much ice. some of my seamen kill'd a white beare of extraordinary biggness. they eat of it to such excess that they all fell extremely sick with head akes & loosnesse, that i thought they would have dyed out. i was forc'd to give my brother notice of this accident, & to desire his assistance, so that by takeing orvietan & sweating they escaped that danger, but all their skin pell'd off. wee were inform'd by the indians that those white bears have a poison in the liver, that diffuses itself through the whole mass of the body, which occasions these distempers unto thos that eat of them. i observ'd during this disorder, neer mile island, at the western point, wee drove n. w. by the compass about leagues in hours, towards cape henry. wee had much adoe to recover out of the ice, & had like divers times to have perrish'd, but god was pleas'd to preserve us. my brother-in-law, fearing to bear too much saile, stay'd behind. i arrived before him, the th of august, on the western coast of hudson's bay, & we met the nd of ber, at the entrance of the river called _kakivvakiona_ by the indians, which significies "let him that comes, goe." being enter'd into this river, our first care was to finde a convenient place where to secure our vessells, & to build us a house. wee sailed up the river about miles, & wee stop't at a litle canall, whrein wee lay our vessells, finding the place convenient to reside at. i left my brother-in-law busy about building a house, & the next day after our arrivall i went up into the country, to seek for indians. to this purpos i went in a canoo, with my nephew & another of my crew, being all armed with firelocks & pistolls, & in dayes wee went about leagues up the river, & through woods, without meeting one indian or seeing any signe where any had lately ben; & finding severall trees gnawed by beavors, wee judged there was but few inhabitants in those parts. in our travelling wee kill'd some deere. but the th day after our departure, our canoo being drawn ashore & overturn'd neer the water side, reposing ourselves in a small island, about evening an indian pursuing a deere espyed our canoo. thinking there were some of his own nation, hee whistled to give notice of the beast, that pass'd by to the litle island not farr off from us. my nephew having first spyed the indian, told me of it, not mynding the deere. i presently went to the water side & called the indian, who was a good while before hee spake, & then said hee understood me not, & presently run away into the woods. i was glad of meeting this indian, & it gave me some hopes of seeing more ere long. wee stood upon our gard all night. next morning i caus'd our canoo to bee carry'd the other side of the island, to have it in readyness to use in case of danger. i caused a fier to bee made a paces off. in the morning wee discovered nyne canoos at the point of the island coming towards us, & being within hearing, i demanded who they were; they return'd a friendly answer. i told them the cause of my coming into their country, & who i was. one of the eldest of them, armed with his lance, bow & arrows, etc., etc., rose up & took an arrow from his quiver, making a signe from east to west & from north to south, broke it in peeces, & flung it into the river, addressing himself to his companions, saying to this purpos: "young men, bee not afraid; the sun is favorable unto us. our ennemys shall feare us, for this is the man that we have wished for ever since the dayes of our fathers." after which they all swimed a shore unto me, & coming out of their canoos i invited them unto my fier. my nephew & the other man that was with him came also within paces of us without any feare, although they see the indian well armed. i asked them who was their chief commander, speaking unto him unknownst to me. hee bowed the head, & another told me it was hee that i talked unto. then i took him by the hand, and making him sit downe, i spoke unto him according to the genius of the indians, unto whom, if one will bee esteemed, it is necessary to bragg of one's vallour, of one's strength and ablnesse to succour & protect them from their ennemyes. they must also bee made believe that one is wholy for their intrest & have a great complesance for them, espetially in making them presents. this amongst them is the greatest band of friendshipp. i would at this first enterview make myself known. the chief of these salvages sitting by me, i said to him in his languadge, "i know all the earth; your friends shall bee my friends; & i am come hether to bring you arms to destroy your ennemys. you nor your wife nor children shall not dye of hunger, for i have brought merchandize. bee of good cheere; i will bee thy sonn, & i have brought thee a father; hee is yonder below building a fort, where i have great shipps. you must give me or of your canoos that your people may go visit your father." hee made a long speech to thank me & to assure me that both himself & all his nation would venture their lifes in my servis. i gave them some tobacco & pipes, & seeing one of them used a peece of flat iron to cut his tobacco, i desired to see that peece of iron & flung it into the fier, wherat they all wonder'd, for at the same time i seemed to weep; & drying up my tears, i told them i was very much grieved to see my brethren so ill provided of all things, & told them they should want for nothing whilst i was with them; & i tooke my sword i had by my side & gave it unto him from whom i took the peece of iron; also i caus'd some bundles of litle knives to bee brought from my canoo, which i distributed amongst them. i made them smoke, & gave them to eate, & whilst they were eating, i set forth the presents i brought them, amongst the rest a fowling-peece, with some powder & shot for their chief commander. i told him, in presenting him with it, i took him for my father; hee in like mannor took me to bee his sonn in covering me with his gowne. i gave him my blanket, which i desired him to carry unto his wife as a token from me, intending shee should bee my mother. hee thanked me, as also did the rest, to the number of , who in testimony of their gratitude cast their garments at my feete & went to their canoos & brought all the furr skins they had; after which ceremonys wee parted. they promised before noone they would send me of their canoos, wherein they failed not. they put my beavors in them, & wee went towards the place where i left my brother-in-law. i arrived the th of ber, to the great satisfaction of all our people, having inform'd them the happy success of my journey by meeting with the natives. the very day i return'd from this litle journey wee were alarm'd by the noise of some great gunns. the indians that came along with us heard them, & i told them that these gunns were from some of our shipps that were in the great river called kawirinagaw, or leagues' distance from that wher wee were setled; but being desirous to bee sattisfyed what it should meane, i went in a canoo unto the mouth of our river, & seeing nothing, i suppos'd wee were all mistaken, & i sent my nephew with another french man of my crew back with the salvages unto the indians; but the same evening they heard the gunns so plaine that ther was no farther cause of doubt but that ther was a shipp; upon which they return'd back to tell me of it, wherupon i presently went myself with men to make the discovery. having crossed over this great river kawirinagaw, which signifies the dangerous, on the th, in the morning, wee discovered a tent upon an island. i sent one of my men privatly to see what it was. he came back soon after & told me they were building a house & that there was a shipp; wherupon i approached as neere as i could without being discover'd, & set myself with my men as it were in ambush, to surprize some of thos that were there & to make them prisoners to know what or who they might bee. i was as wary as might bee, & spent the whole night very neere the place where the hous stood, without seeing anybody stirr or speak untill about noon next day, & then i see they were english, & drawing neerer them the better to observe them, i return'd to my canoo with my men. wee shewed ourselves a cannon-shott off & stayed as if wee had ben salvages that wonder'd to see anybody there building a house. it was not long before wee were discover'd, & they hollowed unto us, inviting us to goe unto them, pronouncing some words in the indian tongue, which they read in a book. but seeing wee did not come unto them, they came unto us along the shoare, & standing right opposit unto us, i spoke unto them in the indian tongue & in french, but they understood me not; but at last asking them in english who they were & what they intended to do there, they answer'd they were english men come hether to trade for beaver. afterwards i asked them who gave them permission, & what commission they had for it. they told me they had no commission, & that they were of new england. i told them i was setled in the country before them for the french company, & that i had strength sufficient to hinder them from trading to my prejudice; that i had a fort leagues off, but that the noise of their gunns made me come to see them, thinking that it might bee a french shipp that i expected, which was to come to a river farther north then this where they were, that had put in there by some accident contrary to my directions; that i had other shipps lately arriv'd from canada, commanded by myself & my brother, & therefore i advised them not to make any longer stay there, & that they were best bee gon & take along with them on board what they had landed. in speaking i caus'd my canoo to draw as neer the shoare as could bee, that i might the better discern thos i talked with; & finding it was young guillem that comanded the shipp, i was very glad of it, for i was intimately acquainted with him. as soon as hee knew mee hee invited me ashore. i came accordingly, & wee imbraced each other. hee invited me on board his shipp to treat me. i would not seem to have any distrust, but having precaution'd myself went along with him. i caus'd my men to come out of my canoo & to stay ashore with englishmen whilest i went on board with the captain. i see on board a new england man that i knew very well. before i enter'd the shipp the captain caused english coullers to bee set up, & as soon as i came on board some great gunns to bee fir'd. i told him it was not needfull to shoot any more, fearing least our men might bee allarm'd & might doe him some mischief. hee proposed that wee might traffick together. i told him i would acquaint our other officers of it, & that i would use my endeavor to get their consent that hee should pass the winter wher hee was without receaving any prejudice, the season being too far past to bee gon away. i told him hee might continue to build his house without any need of fortifications, telling him i would secure him from any danger on the part of the indians, over whom i had an absolute sway, & to secure him from any surprize on my part. i would before our parting let him know with what number of men i would bee attended when i came to visit him, giving him to understand that if i came with more then what was agreed betwixt us, it would bee a sure signe our officers would not consent unto the proposal of our trading together. i also advised him hee should not fier any gunns, & that hee should not suffer his men to goe out of the island, fearing they might bee met by the french men that i had in the woods, that hee might not blame me for any accident that might ensue if hee did not follow my advice. i told him also the salvages advised mee my shipp was arrived to the northwards, & promiss'd that i would come visit him againe in days & would tell him farther. wherof hee was very thankfull, & desired me to bee mindfull of him; after which wee seperated very well sattisfy'd with each other, hee verily beleeving i had the strenght i spake of, & i resolving always to hold him in this opinion, desiring to have him bee gone, or if hee persisted to interrupt me in my trade, to wait some opportunity of seizing his shipp, which was a lawfull prize, having no commission from england nor france to trade. but i would not attempt anything rashly, for fear of missing my ayme; especially i would avoide spilling blood. being returned with my men on board my canoo, wee fell down the river with what hast wee could; but wee were scarce gon three leagues from the island where the new england shipp lay, but that wee discovered another shipp under saile coming into the river. wee got ashore to the southwards, & being gon out of the canoo to stay for the shipp that was sailing towards us, i caused a fier to bee made; & the shipp being over against us, shee came to anchor & sent not her boat ashore that night untill next morning. wee watched all night to observe what was don, & in the morning, seeing the long boat rowing towards us, i caused my men, well armed, to stand at the entrance into the wood paces from me, & i came alone to the water side. mr bridgar, whom the company sent governor into that country, was in the boate, with of the crew belonging unto the shipp wherof capt guillam was commander, who was father, as i understood afterwards, unto him that comanded the new england shipp that i had discover'd the day before. seeing the shallopp come towards me, i spake a kinde of jargon like that of the salvages, which signify'd nothing, only to amuse those in the boat or to make them speake, the better to observe them, & to see if there might bee any that had frequented the indians & that spak their languadge. all were silent; & the boat coming a ground or paces from me, seeing one of the seamen leap in the water to come a shore, i showed him my wepons, forbidding him to stirr, telling him that none in the boate should come a shore untill i knew who they were; & observing by the make of the shipp & the habit of the saylors that they were english, i spake in their languadge, & i understood that the seamen that leapt in the water which i hinder'd to proceed any farther said aloud, "governor, it is english they spake unto you;" & upon my continuing to ask who they were who comanded the shipp, & what they sought there, some body answer'd, "what has any body to doe to inquire? wee are english." unto which i reply'd, "and i am french, and require you to bee gon;" & at the same instant making signe unto my men to appeare, they shewed themselves at the entrance of the wood. those of the shallop thinking in all likelyhood wee were more in number, were about to have answer'd me in mild terms & to tell me they were of london, that the shipp belong'd unto the hudson bay company, & was comanded by capt guillem. i inform'd them also who i was; that they came too late, & that i had taken possession of those parts in the name & behalf of the king of ffrance. there was severall other things said, which is not needfull heere to relate, the english asserting they had right to come into thos parts, & i saying the contrary; but at last mr bridgar saying hee desired to come ashore with of his crew to embrace me, i told him that i should bee very well sattisfy'd. hee came a shore, & after mutuall salutations, hee asked of me if this was not the river kakiwakionay. i answer'd it was not, & that it was farther to the southward; that this was called _kawirinagau_, or the dangerous. hee asked of me if it was not the river where sir thomas button, that comanded an english shipp, had formerly winter'd. i told him it was, & shew'd him the place, to the northwards. then hee invited me to goe aboard. my crew being come up, disswaded me, especially my nephew; yet, taking hostages which i left ashore with my men, for i suspected capt guillem, having declared himself my ennemy at london, being of the faction of those which were the cause that i deserted the english intrest, i went aboard, & i did well to use this precaution, otherwise capt guillem would have stop't me, as i was since inform'd; but all things past very well. wee din'd together. i discoursed of my establishment in the country; that i had good numbers of ffrench men in the woods with the indians; that i had shipps & expected another; that i was building a fort; to conclude, all that i said unto young guillem, master of the new england shipp, i said the same unto mr bridgar, & more too. he took all for currant, & it was well for me hee was so credulous, for would hee have ben at the troble i was of travelling leagues through woods & brakes, & lye on the could ground to make my discoverys, hee wold soon have perceaved my weakness. i had reason to hide it & to doe what i did. morover, not having men suffitient to resist with open force, it was necessary to use pollicy. it's true i had a great advantage in having the natives on my side, which was a great strength, & that indeed wherupon i most of all depended. having stay'd a good while on board i desir'd to go ashore, which being don, i made a signe to my men to bring the hostages, which they had carry'd into the woods. they brought them to the water side, & i sent them aboard their shipp. i confess i repented more then once of my going aboard. it was too rashly don, & it was happy for me that i got off as i did. before i came ashore i promissed mr. bridgar & the captain that in dayes i would visit them againe. in the mean time, the better to bee assured of their proceedings, i stay'd dayes in the woods to observe their actions; and having upon the matter seen their dessigne, that they intended to build a fort, i passed the river to the southwards to return to my brother-in-law, who might well bee in some feare for me. but coming unto him, hee was very glad of what had past, & of the good condition i had sett matters. wee consulted together what mesures to take not to be surpriz'd & to maintaine ourselves the best wee could in our setlement for carrying on our treaty. wee endeavor'd to secure the indians, who promis'd to loose their lives for us; & the more to oblidge them to our side i granted them my nephew & another frenchman to goe along with them into the country to make the severall sorts of indians to come traffick with us, & the more, to incourage them i sent presents unto the chiefest of them. during my voyage of discovering english shipps, there happned an ill accident for us. our company had kill'd deere, which had ben a great help towards our winter provisions; but by an inundation of waters caused by great rains they were all carry'd away. such great floods are common in those parts. the loss was very great unto us, for wee had but barrells of pork & of beef; but our men repair'd this losse, having kill'd some more deere and , white partridges, somewhat bigger than thos of europ. the indians also brought us provisions they had kill'd from severall parts at a great distance off. ten dayes after my return from discovering the english, i took other men to observe what they did. i had forseen that wee should bee forced to stay for faire weather to crosse the mouth of the dangerous river of kauvirinagaw, which also proved accordingly, for the season began to be boisterous; but having stay'd some time, at last wee got safe over, although it was in the night, & dayes after our departure wee gained neere the place where mr bridgar lay. wee presently see the shipp lay aground on the ooze, a mile from the place where they built their house. being come neere the shipp, wee hailed severall times & no body answered, which oblig'd us to goe towards land, wondring at their silence. at length a man called us & beckn'd to us to come back. going towards him & asking how all did, hee said something better, but that all were asleep. i would not disturb them & went alone unto the governor's house, whom i found just getting up. after the common ceremonys were past, i consider'd the posture of things, & finding there was no great danger, & that i need not feare calling my people, wee went in all together. i made one of my men pass for captain of the shipp that i said was lately arrived. mr bridgar beleev'd it was so, & all that i thought good to say unto him, endeavoring all along that hee should know nothing of the new england interloper. wee shot off severall musquets in drinking healths, those of the vessell never being concern'd, wherby i judg'd they were careless & stood not well on their gard, & might bee easily surpriz'd. i resolved to vew them. therefore, takeing leave of mr. bridgar, i went with my people towards the vessell. wee went on board to rights without opposition. the captain was somthing startled at first to see us, but i bid him not feare; i was not there with any dessigne to harme him; on the contrary, was ready to assist & help him wherin hee should comand me, advising him to use more diligence than hee did to preserve himselfe & shipps from the danger i see hee was in of being lost, which afterwards happned. but hee was displeas'd at my counsill, saying hee knew better what to doe than i could tell him. that might bee, said i, but not in the indians' country, where i had ben more frequent than he. however, hee desired me to send him som refreshments from time to time during the winter season, espetially some oyle & candles, of which hee stood in great want, which i promis'd to doe, & perform'd accordingly. hee made me present of a peece of beeff & a few bisketts. being fully inform'd of what i desired to know, & that i need not feare any harm these gentlemen could doe me in regard of my trade, i took leave of the captain, to goe see what passed on behalf of the new england interloper. i arrived there next day in the afternoon, & found they had employ'd the time better than the others had don, having built a fort, well fortifyed with great gunns mounted. i fired a musket to give notice unto those in the fort of my coming, & i landed on a litle beach under the gunns. the lieutenant came out with another man well arm'd to see what wee were. when hee see me hee congratulated my safe return, & asked what news. i told him i had found, though with great difficulty, what i sought after, & that i came to visit them, having taken other men than those i had before; that one of those with me was captain of the shipp lately arrived, & the other were of cannada. the lieutenant answer'd me very briskly: "were they devills wee will not feare. wee have built a fort, & doe fear nothing." yet hee invited mee into his fort to treat me, provided i would go in alone, which i refused, intimating hee might have spoke with more modesty, coming to visit him in friendship & good will, & not in a hostile manner. i told him also i desired to discours with his captain, who doubtless would have more moderation. wherupon he sent to inform the captain, who came unto me well armed, & told me that i need not bee jealous of the fort hee had caused to bee built, that 'twas no prejudice to me, & that i should at any time comand it, adding withall that hee feared me not so much as hee did the english of london, & that hee built this fort to defend himself against the salvages, & all thos that would attack him. i thank'd him for his civillitys unto me, & assur'd him i came not thither to shew any displesure for his building a fort, but to offer him of my men to assist him, & to tell him that thos hee so much feared were arrived, offering my servis to defend him, telling him if hee would follow my consill i would defend him from all danger, knowing very well the orders these new comers had, & also what condition they were in. i also told him that as to the difference which was betwixt us about the trade, it was referr'd unto the arbitrement of both our kings; that for good luck to him, his father comanded the shipp newly arrived; that he brought a governor for the english company, whom i intended to hinder from assuming that title in the countrys wherin i was established for the french company, & as for his part, i would make him pass for a french man, therby to keep him from receaving any dammadge. having said thes things to the captain of the fort, i made him call his men together, unto whom i gave a charge in his presence that they should not goe out of their fort, nor fire any gunns, nor shew their cullers; that they should cover the head & stern of their shipp; & that they should suffer neither ffrench nor english to come near their fort, neither by land nor by water, & that they should fier on any of my people as would offer to approach without my orders. the captain promis'd all should bee observ'd that i had said, & comanded his men in my presence so to doe, desiring me to spare him of my men as soon as i could, to guard them. i told him that his father, captain of the company's shipp, was sick, wherat hee seem'd to bee much trobled, & desired me to put him in a way to see him without any damadge. i told him the danger & difficulty of it; nevertheless, having privat reasons that this enterview of father & sonn might be procur'd by my means, i told him i would use my best endeavor to give him this satisfaction, & that i hop'd to effect it, provided hee would follow my directions. hee agreed to doe what i advised, & after some litle studdy wee agreed that hee should come along with me disguis'd like one that lived in the woods, & that i wold make him passe for a french man. this being concluded, i sent my men next morning early to kill some fowle. they returned by o'clocke with or partridge, which i took into my canoo, with a barrill of oyle & some candles that i had promis'd the old captain guillem. i left one of my men hostage in the fort, and imbarked with young guillem to goe shew him his father. the tyde being low, wee were forced to stop a mile short of the shipp, & goe ashore & walk up towards the shipp with our provisions. i left one of my men to keepe the canoo, with orders to keep off, & coming neere the shipp i placed of my best men betwixt the house mr. bridgar caus'd to bee built & the water side, comanding them not to shew themselves, & to suffer the governor to goe to the vessell, but to seize him if they see him come back before i was got out of the shipp. having ordered things in this manner, i went with one of my men & young guillem aboard the shipp, where wee againe entered without any opposition. i presented unto captain guillem the provisions i had brought him, for which hee gave me thanks. afterwards, i made my men go into his cabbin, one of which was his son, though unknown to him. i desired captain guillem to bid of his servants to withdraw, having a thing of consequence to inform him of, which being don, i told him the secret was that i had brought his sonn to give him a visit, having earnestly desired it of me; & having told him how necessary it was to keep it privat, to prevent the damadge might befall them both if it shold bee known, i presented the son unto his father, who imbraced each other very tenderly & with great joy; yet hee told him hee exposed him unto a great deale of danger. they had some priviat discours togather, after which hee desired me to save my new french man. i told him i would discharge myself of that trust, & againe advised him to bee carefull of preserving his shipp, & that nothing should bee capable of making any difference betwixt us, but the treaty hee might make with the indians. hee told me the shipp belonged to the company; that as to the trade, i had no cause to bee afraid on his account, & that though hee got not one skin, it would nothing troble him; hee was assured of his wages. i warned him that he should not suffer his men to scatter abroad, espetially that they should not goe towards his sonn's fort, which hee promis'd should bee observ'd. whilst wee were in this discours, the governor, hearing i was come, came unto the shipp & told me that my fort must needs bee neerer unto him than hee expected, seeing i return'd so speedily. i told him, smiling, that i did fly when there was need to serve my friends, & that knowing his people were sick & wanted refreshments, i would not loose time in supplying them, assuring him of giving him part what our men did kill at all times. some prying a litle too narrowly, young guillem thought hee had ben discovered, wherat the father & son were not a litle concern'd. i took upon me, & said it was not civill so narrowly to examine my people; they excus'd it, & the tyde being com in, i took leave to be gon. the governor & captain divided my provisions, & having made a signe unto my men to rise out of their ambush, i came out of the shipp, & wee march'd all of us unto the place where wee left our canoo. wee got into it, & the young captain admired to see a litle thing made of the rhind of a tree resist so many knocks of ice as wee met withall in returning. next day wee arrived at the fort, & very seasonably for us; for had wee stayed a litle longer on the water, wee had ben surprized with a terrible storm at n. w., with snow & haile, which doubtless would have sunk us. the storm held days, & hinder'd us from going to our pretended fort up the river; but the weather being setled, i took leave of the captain. the lieut. would faine have accompanyed us unto our habitation, but i sav'd him that labour for good reasons, & to conceall the way. parting from the fort, wee went to the upper part of the island; but towards evening wee returned back, & next day were in sight of the sea, wherin wee were to goe to double the point to enter the river where our habitation was; but all was so frozen that it was almost impossible to pass any farther. wee were also so hem'd in on all sides with ice, that wee could neither go forward nor get to land, yet wee must get over the ice or perrish. wee continued hours in this condition, without being able to get backwards or forwards, being in great danger of our lifes. our cloaths were frozen on our backs, & wee could not stirr but with great paine; but at length with much adoe wee got ashore, our canoo being broke to peeces. each of us trussed up our cloaths & arms, & marched along the shoare towards our habitation, not having eat anything in days, but some crows & birds of prey that last of all retire from these parts. there was no other fowle all along that coast, which was all covered with ice & snow. at length wee arrived opposite unto our habitation, which was the other side of the river, not knowing how to get over, being cover'd with ice; but of our men ventur'd in a boat to come unto us. they had like to have ben staved by the ice. wee also were in very great danger, but wee surmounted all these difficultys & got unto our habitation, for which wee had very great cause to give god thanks of seeing one another after having run through so great dangers. during my travelling abroad, my brother-in-law had put our house into pretty good order. wee were secure, fearing nothing from the indians, being our allies; & as for our neighbours, their disorder, & the litle care they took of informing themselves of us, set us safe from fearing them. but as it might well happen that the governor bridgar might have notice that the new england interloper was in the same river hee was, & that in long running hee might discover the truth of all that i had discoursed & concealed from him, & also that hee might come to understand that wee had not the strength that i boasted of, i thought it fit to prevent danger; & the best way was to assure my self of the new england shipp in making myself master of her; for had mr. bridgar ben beforehand with mee, hee would have ben too strong for me, & i had ben utterly unable to resist him; but the question was how to effect this businesse, wherin i see manifest difficultys; but they must bee surmounted, or wee must perrish. therefore i made it my business wholy to follow this enterprise, referring the care of our house & of the traffick unto my brother-in-law. seeing the river quite froze over, every other day for a fortnight i sent my men through the woods to see in what state the company's shipp lay. at length they told me shee lay a ground neer the shoare, the creek wherin shee was to have layn the winter being frozen up, which made me conjecture shee would infallibly bee lost. i also sent of my men unto young captain guillem into the island, which hee had desired of me for his safegard; but i was told by my people that hee intended to deceave me, having, contrary unto his promise of not receaving any into his fort but such as should come by my orders, had sent his boat to receave men from the company's shipp, which mr. bridgar had sent to discover what they could the way that i tould him our fort was, & also to see if they could find any wreck of their shipp; but these men, seeing thos of the fort begin to stir & to lanch out their boat, they thought they would fier on them, as i had comanded. they were affrighted & run away. being come to mr. bridgar, they told him there was a fort & a french shipp neerer unto them than i had said. upon this information, mr. bridgar sent men to pass from north to south, to know if it were true that wee had shipps besides that which was at the island. wherof being advised by my people, i sent out severall ways to endeavor to take the men mr. bridgar had sent to make this discovery, having ordered my people not to doe them any violence. my people succeded, for they found the poore men within leagues of our house, allmost dead with cold & hunger, so that it was no hard matter to take them. they yeelded, & were brought unto my habitation, where having refreshed them with such provision as wee had, they seemed nothing displeas'd at falling into our hands. i understood by them the orders mr. bridgar had given them for making the discovery, which made me stand the more close on my gard, & to use fresh means to hinder that the governor bridgar should not have knowledge of the new-england interlopers. about this time i sent some provisions unto mr. bridgar, who was in great want, although hee strove to keep it from my knowledge. hee thanked mee by his letters, & assur'd me hee would not interrupt my trade, & that hee would not any more suffer his men to come neere the forts, which hee thought had ben ours. i also sent to visit young guillem to observe his proceedings, & to see in what condition hee was, to make my best advantage of it. the englishmen which my people brought, told me the company's shipp was stay'd to peeces, & the captain, leftenant, & seamen drown'd; but of the company being ashore escaped that danger. upon this advice i went to visit mr. bridgar, to observe his actions. i brought him partridges, & gave him some powder to kill fowle, & offer'd him my servis. i asked where his shipp was, but hee would not owne shee was lost, but said shee was leagues lower in the river. i would not press him any farther in the businesse, but civilly took our leave of each other. from thence i went unto the fort in the island also, to see what past there, & to endeavor to compasse the dessigne i had laid of taking the shipp & fort, having since discovered by letters intercepted, that young guillim intended to shew me a trick & destroy me. being come to the fort in the island, i made no shew of knowing the losse of his father, nor of the company's shipp, only i told young guillim his father continued ill, & did not think safe to write him, fearing to discover him. afterwards i desired hee would come unto our habitation; & so i returned without effecting any more that day. eight days after, i returned to see mr. bridgar, unto whom i said that hee did not take sufficient care to preserve his men; that i had of them at my fort, who told me of the losse of his shipp, which hee owned. i told him i would assist him, & would send him his men & what else hee desired. i also offer'd him one of our barques, with provisions requisit to convey him in the spring unto the bottom of the bay, which hee refused. i assured him of all the servis that lay in my power, treating him with all civillity could bee for the esteeme that i ever bore unto the english nation. as for mr. bridgar, i had no great caus to bee over well pleased with him, being advised that hee spake ill of mee in my absence, & had said publickly unto his people that hee would destroy my trade, should hee give axes & proportionably of other goods unto the indians for a bevor skin. [footnote: the company's early standard for trading was: "for gun, one with another, good skins, that is, winter beavor; skins for the biggest sort, for the mean, and for the smallest. powder, a beaver for / a lb. a beaver for lb. of shot. a beaver for a great and little hatchet. a beaver for great knives or jack-knives. beads, a beaver for / a lb. six beavers for one good laced coat. five beavers for one red plain coat. coats for women, laced, two yards, six beavers. coats for women, plain, five beavers. tobacco, a beaver for lb. powder-horns, a beaver for a large one and two small ones. kettles, a beaver for one lb. of kettle. looking-glasses and combs, skins."] i have an attestation heerof to shew. i stayed dayes on this voyadge with mr. bridgar, having then a reall intent to serve him, seeing hee was not in a condition to hurt me; & returning unto my habitation, i called at young gwillim's fort in the island, where i intended to execute my dessigne, it being now time. when i arrived at the fort, i told young gwillim his father continued ill, & that hee referr'd all unto me, upon which i said unto him touching his father & of his resolution, hee earnestly desired i would goe back with him & take him along with me, disguised as before, that hee might see him; but i disswaded him from this, & put in his head rather to come see our habitation, & how wee lived. i knew hee had a desire to doe soe, therefore i would sattisfy his curiosity. having, therefore, perswaded him to this, wee parted next morning betimes. hee took his carpenter along with him, & wee arrived at our habitation, young gwillim & his man being sufficiently tired. i thought it not convenient that young gwillim should see the englishmen that was at our house. i kept them privat, & fitted them to bee gon next morning, with of my men, to goe athwart the woods unto their habitation, having promis'd mr. bridgar to send them unto him. i gave them tobacco, cloaths, & severall other things mr. bridgar desired; but when they were to depart, one of the englishmen fell at my feet & earnestly desired that i would not send him away. i would not have granted his request but that my brother-in-law desired me to do it, & that it would also ease mr. bridgar's charge, who wanted provisions; so i sufferred the other to depart along with my men, having given them directions. i caused young gwillem to see them going, telling him i sent them unto our fort up the river. i continued a whole moneth at quiet, treating young guillem, my new guest, with all civillity, which hee abused in severall particulars; for having probably discovered that wee had not the strength that i made him beleeve wee had, hee unadvisedly speak threatning words of me behind my back, calling me pyrate, & saying hee would trade with the indians in the spring in spight of me. hee had also the confidence to strike one of my men, but i connived at it. but one day discoursing of the privilledges of new england, he had the confidence to speak slightly of the best of kings, wherupon i called him pittyfull dogg for talking after that manner, & told him that for my part, having had the honour to have ben in his majesty's servis, i would pray for his majesty as long as i lived. hee answered mee with harsh words that hee would return back to his fort, & when hee was there, that would not dare talk to him as i did. i could not have a fairer opportunity to begin what i dessigned. upon which i told the young foole that i brought him from his fort & would carry him thither againe when i pleas'd, not when hee liked. hee spake severall other impertinencys, that made me tell him that i would lay him up safe enough if hee behaved not himself wiser. hee asked me if hee was a prisoner. i told him i would consider of it, & that i would secure my trade, seeing hee threatened to hinder it. after which i retired & gave him leave to bee inform'd by the englishman how that his father & the company's shipp were lost, & the bad condition mr. bridgar was in. i left a french man with them that understood english, but they knew it not. when i went out, young gwillim bid the englishman make his escape & goe tell his master that hee would give him barrills of powder & other provisions if hee would attempt to deliver him out of my hands. the englishman made no reply, neither did hee tell me of what had ben proposed unto him. i understood it by my frenchman, that heard the whole matter, & i found it was high time to act for my owne safety. that evning i made no shew of any thing, but going to bed i asked our men if the fier locks that wee placed at night round our fort to defend us from thos that would attack us were in order. at this word of fire locks young gwillim, who knew not the meaning of it, was suddenly startled & would have run away, thinking wee intended to kill him. i caused him to bee stay'd, & freed him of his feare. but next morning i made him an unwelcom compliment; i told him that i was going to take his shipp & fort. hee answered very angrily that if i had men i could not effect it, & that his men would kill before they could come neere the pallissade. i was nothing discouradged at his bravado, knowing very well that i should compasse my dessigne. i made account that of my men would have stay'd in the fort for hostages, but having what libberty they would, one of them returned to our habitation without my order. i was angry at it, but i made no shew of it, having laid my dessigne so as to make more use of skill & pollicy than of open force; seeing therefore the haughty answer young gwillem made me, that i could not take his fort with men, i asked of him how many men hee had in it. hee said nyne. i desired him to choose the like number of myne, i being one of the number, telling him i would desire no more, & that in dayes i would give him a good account of his fort & of his shipp, & that i would not have him to have the shame of being present to see what i should doe. hee chose & named such of my men as hee pleas'd, & i would not choose any others. i sufferr'd him to come with me to the water side, & i made the ninth man that went upon this expedition, with an englishman of mr. bridgar's to bee a wittness of the busenesse. being arriv'd within half a league of the fort, i left the englishman with one frenchman, ordering they should not stirr without farther order; at the same time i sent of my men directly to the fort to the southward of the island, & i planted myself with my other men at the north point of the same island to observe what they did that i sent to the fort. they were stop't by englishmen armed, that asked if they had any letters from their master. my people answer'd, according to my instructions, that hee was coming along with mee; that being weary, wee stay'd behind; that they came a litle before for some brandy which they offerr'd to carry. the englishmen would needs doe the office, & my men stay'd in the fort. hee that was hostage had orders to seize on the court of gard dore, one of them newly come to seize the dore of the house, & the was to goe in & out, that in case the dessigne was discover'd hee might stopp the passage of the dore with blocks of wood, to hinder it from being shutt & to give me freedom to enter unto their assistance; but there needed not so much adoe, for i enter'd into the fort before thos that were appointed to defend it were aware. the lieutenant was startled at seeing me, & asked "wher his master was; it was high time to appear & act." i answered the lieutenant "it matter'd not where his master was, but to tell me what men hee had & to call them out;" & my men being enter'd the fort & all together, i told thos that were present the cause of my coming, that i intended to bee master of the place, & that 'twas too late to dispute. i commanded them to bring me the keys of the fort & all their arms, & to tell mee if they had any powder in their chests, & how much, referring myself unto what they should say. they made no resistance, but brought me their arms, & as for powder, they said they had none. i took possession of the fort in the name of the king of ffrance, & from thence was conducted by the lieutenant to take possession of the shipp also in the same name, which i did without any resistance; & whilst i was doing all this, young guillem's men seemed to rejoyce at it rather then to bee troubled, complaining of him for their ill usage, & that hee had kill'd his supercargo. but a scotchman, one of the crew, to shew his zeale, made his escape & run through the woods towards mr. bridgar's house to give him notice of what pas't. i sent of my nimblest men to run after him, but they could not overtake him, being gon hours before them. hee arrived at mr. bridgar's house, who upon the relation of the scotchman resolved to come surprise me. in the meane while i gave my brother notice of all that past, & that i feared a scotchman might occasion me some troble that had got away unto mr. bridgar, & that i feared i might bee too deeply ingadg'd unless hee presently gave me the assistance of men, having more english prisoners to keep than i had french men with me. i was not deceiv'd in my conjecture. at midnight one of our doggs alarm'd our sentinell, who told me hee heard a noise on board the shipp. i caus'd my people to handle their armes, & shut up the english in the cabins under the gard of of my men. i with others went out to goe to the shipp. i found men armed on board, & required them to lay downe their arms & to yeeld. there was that submitted & some others got away in the dark. my men would have fired, but i hinder'd them, for which they murmur'd against me. i led the prisoners away to the fort & examin'd them one after another. i found they were of mr. bridgar's people, & that hee was to have ben of the number, but hee stay'd half a league behind to see the success of the businesse. the last of the prisoners i examin'd was the scotch man that had made his escape when i took the fort; & knowing hee was the only cause that mr. bridgar ingadg'd in the businesse, i would revenge me in making him afraid. i caus'd him to bee ty'd to a stake & told that hee should bee hang'd next day. i caus'd the other prisoners, his comrades, to bee very kindly treated; & having no farther dessigne but to make the scotch man afraide, i made one advise him to desire the lewtenant of the fort to begg me to spare his life, which hee did, & easily obtain'd his request, although hee was something startled, not knowing what i meant to doe with him. the men i desired of my brother-in-law arrived during these transactions, & by this supply finding myself strong enough to resist whatever mr. bridgar could doe against me, i wrote unto him & desired to know if hee did avow what his men had don, whom i detain'd prisoners, who had broke the dores & the deck of the shipp to take away the powder. hee made me a very dubious answer, complaining against me that i had not ben true unto him, having concealed this matter from him. hee writ me also that having suffitient orders for taking all vessells that came into those parts to trade, hee would have joyned with me in seizing of this; but seeing the purchas was fal'n into my hands, hee hoped hee should share with mee in it. i sent back his men with some tobacco & other provisions, but kept their arms, bidding them tell mr. bridgar on my behalf that had i known hee would have come himself on this expedition, i would have taken my mesures to have receav'd him ere he could have had the time to get back; but i heard of it a litle too late, & that in some short time i would goe visit him to know what hee would bee at, & that seeing hee pretended to bee so ignorant in what quallity i liv'd in that country, i would goe and inform him. before these men's departure to mr. bridgar's i was inform'd that some english men had hidden powder without the fort. i examin'd them all. not one would owne it; but at last i made them confess it, & or pound was found that had ben hid. then i took care to secure the fort. i sent of the english men of the fort unto my brother-in-law, & i prepar'd to goe discover what mr. bridgar was doing. i came to his house & went in before hee had notice of my coming. hee appeared much surpris'd; but i spoke to him in such a manner as shewed that i had no intent to hurt him, & i told him that by his late acting hee had so disoblidged all the ffrench that i could not well tell how to assist him. i told him hee had much better gon a milder way to work, in the condition hee was in, and that seeing hee was not as good as his word to me, i knew very well how to deall with him; but i had no intention at that time to act any thing against mr. bridgar. i only did it to frighten him, that hee should live kindly by me; & in supplying him from time to time with what he wanted, my chief ayme was to disable him from trading, & to reduce him to a necessity of going away in the spring. seeing mr. bridgar astonish'd at my being there with men, & in a condition of ruining him if i had desire to it, i thought fit to setle his mynd by sending away of my men unto my brother-in-law, & kept but with me, of which i sent out into the woods to kill some provisions for mr. bridgar. about this time i receaved a letter from my brother wherin hee blam'd me for acting after this manner with persons that but days agoe endeavor'd to surprise me; that if i did so, hee would forsake all; that i had better disarm them for our greater security, & that i should not charge myself with any of them. it was also the judgment of the other french men, who were all exasperated against mr. bridgar. not to displease my owne people, instead of english men that i promis'd mr. bridgar to take along with me that hee might the better preserve the rest, i took but , one of which i put in the fort at the island, & the other i brought unto our habitation. i promiss'd mr. bridgar before i left him to supply him with powder & anything else that was in my power, & demanding what store of musquets hee had remaining, hee told me hee had ten, & of them were broken. i tooke the that were spoyl'd, & left him myne that was well fixt, promising to get his mended. hee also offer'd me a pocket pistoll, saying hee knew well enough that i intended to disarm him. i told him it was not to disarm him, to take away his bad arms & to give him good in stead of them. i offerr'd him my pistolls, but hee would not accept of them. in this state i left him, & went to our habitation to give my brother-in-law an account of what i had don. some dayes after, i went to the fort in the island to see if all was well there, & having given all necessary directions i return'd unto our place, taking the lieutenant of the fort along with me, unto whom i gave my owne chamber & all manner of libberty; taking him to bee wiser than his captain, whom they were forc'd to confine in my absence. hee thanked mee for my civillityes, & desiring hee might goe to his captain, i consented. about this time i had advise, by one of the men that i left to guard the fort in the island, that mr. bridgar, contrary to his promis, went thether with of his men, & that our men having suffer'd them to enter into the fort, they retain'd mr. bridgar & sent the other away, having given them some bread & brandy. this man also told me that mr. bridgar seemed very much trobl'd at his being stopt, & acted like a mad man. this made me presently goe to the fort to hinder any attempts might be made against me. being arrived, i found mr. bridgar in a sad condition, having drank to excess. him that comanded in the fort had much adoe to hinder him from killing the englishman that desired to stay with us. hee spoke a thousand things against me in my hearing, threatning to kill me if i did not doe him right. but having a long time born it, i was at length constraint to bid him bee quiet; & desirous to know his dessignes, i asked him if any of his people were to come, because i see smoake & fiers in crossing the river. hee said yes, & that hee would shortly shew me what hee could doe, looking for men which hee expected, besides the my people return'd back. i told him i knew very well hee had not soe many men, having let many of his men perish for want of meate, for whom hee was to bee accountable; & morover i was not afraid of his threats. nevertheless, no body appear'd, & next dayly i order'd matters so as mr. bridgar should come along with me unto our habitation, wherunto hee see it was in vaine to resist. i assured him that neither i nor any of my people shold goe to his house in his absence, & that when hee had recreated himself or days with mee at our habitation, hee might return with all freedom againe unto his house. mr. bridgar was a fortnight at our house without being overtired, & it appeared by his looks that hee had not ben ill treated; but i not having leasure allways to keep him company, my affairs calling me abroad, i left him with my brother-in-law whilst i went unto the fort in the island to see how matters went there; & at my going away i told mr. bridgar that if hee pleas'd hee might dispose himself for his departure home next morning, to rectify some disorders committed by his people in his absence, to get victualls, & i told him i would meet him by the way to goe along with him. having dispatcht my business at the fort of the island, i went away betimes to bee at mr. bridgar's house before him, to hinder him from abusing his men. the badness of the weather made me goe into the house before hee came. as soon as i was enter'd, the men beseech'd me to have compassion on them. i blam'd them for what they had don, & for the future advised them to bee more obedient unto their master, telling them i would desire him to pardon them, & that in the spring i would give passage unto those that would goe home by the way of ffrance. mr. bridgar arrived soon after me. i beg'd his pardon for going into his house before hee came, assuring him that i had still the dessigne of serving him & assisting him, as hee should find when hee pleas'd to make use of me, for powder & anything else hee needed; which also i performed when it was desir'd of me, or that i knew mr. bridgar stood in need of any thing i had. i parted from mr. bridgar's habitation to return unto our own. i passed by the fort in the island, & put another frenchman to comand in the place of him was there before, whom i intended to take with me to work uppon our shipps. the spring now drawing on, the english of the fort of the island murmur'd because of one of mr. bridgar's men that i had brought thether to live with them. i was forst to send him back to give them content, not daring to send him to our habitation, our french men opposing it, wee having too many allready. arriving at our habitation, i was inform'd that the english captain very grossly abused one of his men that i kept with him. hee was his carpenter. i was an eye witness myself of his outrageous usage of this poore man, though hee did not see me. i blamed the captain for it, & sent the man to the fort of the island, to look after the vessell to keep her in good condition. my nephew arrived about this time, with the french men that went with him to invite downe the indians, & days after there came severall that brought provisions. they admired to see the english that wee had in our house, & they offer'd us bevor skins to suffer them to goe kill the rest of them; but i declar'd unto them i was far from consenting therunto, & charged them on the contrary not to doe them any harm; & mr. bridgar coming at instant with one of his men unto our habitation, i advised him not to hazard himself any more without having some of my men with him, & desir'd him, whilst hee was at my house, not to speak to the indians. yet hee did, & i could not forbeare telling him my mynde, which made him goe away of a suddain. i attended him with or of my men, fearing least the indians who went away but the day before might doe him a mischief. i came back next day, being inform'd that a good company of indians, our old allies, were to come; & i found they were come with a dessigne to warr against the english, by the perswasion of some indians that i see about ber last, & with whom i had renew'd an alliance. i thanked the indians for their good will in being ready to make warr against our ennemys; but i also told them that i had no intent to doe them any harm, & that having hindred them from hurting me i was sattisfy'd, & that therefore they would oblidge me to say nothing of it, having promis'd me they would bee gon in the spring, but if they came againe i would suffer them to destroy them. the indians made great complaints unto me of the english in the bottom of the bay, which i will heere omitt, desiring to speak only of what concerns myself; but i ought not omit this. amongst other things, they alleadg'd to have my consent that they might warr against the english. they said thus: "thou hast made us make presents to make thine ennemys become ours, & ours to bee thyne. wee will not bee found lyers." by this may bee seen what dependance is to bee laid on the friendship of this people when once they have promis'd. i told them also that i lov'd them as my own brethren the french, & that i would deal better by them than the english of the bay did, & that if any of my men did them the least injury i would kill him with my own hands; adding withall that i was very sorry i was not better stor'd with goods, to give them greater tokens of my friendship; that i came this voyage unprovided, not knowing if i should meet them, but i promis'd to come another time better stor'd of all things they wanted, & in a condition to help them to destroy their ennemys & to send them away very well sattisfy'd. the english admir'd to see with what freedom i lived with these salvages. this pas't in the beginning of aprill, . being faire wether, i caused my nephew to prepare himself, with men, to carry provisions & brandy unto our french men & to the english men at the fort of the island. the ice began to bee dangerous, & i see that it was not safe hazarding to goe over it after this time; therefore i said to my nephew that hee would doe well to proceed farther unto the indians, unto whom hee promis'd to give an account how wee did, & to inform them also that wee had conquer'd our ennemys. after my nephew's departure on this voyadge, there hapned an unlookt-for accident the or rd of aprill, at night. having haled our vessells as far as wee could into a litle slip in a wood, wee thought them very secure, lying under a litle hill about fathom high, our houses being about the same distance off from the river side; yet about o'clock at night a hideous great noise rous'd us all out of our sleep, & our sentinill came & told us it was the clattering of much ice, & that the floods came downe with much violence. wee hasted unto the river side & see what the sentinell told us, & great flakes of ice were born by the waters upon the topp of our litle hill; but the worst was that the ice having stop't the river's mouth, they gather'd in heaps & were carry'd back with great violence & enter'd with such force into all our brooks that discharg'd into the river that 'twas impossible our vessells could resist, & they were stay'd all to peeces. there remained only the bottom, which stuck fast in the ice or in the mudd, & had it held hours longer wee must have ben forst to climbe the trees to save our lives; but by good fortune the flood abated. the river was cleer'd by the going away of the ice, & days after, wee see the disorder our vessells were in, & the good luck wee had in making so great a voyadge in such bad vessells, for myne was quite rotten & my brother's was not trunnel'd. this accident put us into a great feare the like mischief might bee hapned unto the new england shipp; the indians telling us that the river was more dangerous than ours, & that they beleev'd the vessell could not escape in the place wher shee lay. but mr bridgar having heertofore related unto me alike accident hapned in the river kechechewan in the bottom of the bay, that a vessell was preserv'd by cutting the ice round about her, i took the same cours, & order'd the ice should bee cut round this vessell quite to the keele, & i have reason to thank mr bridgar for this advice; it sav'd the vessell. shee was only driven ashore by the violence of the ice, & there lay without much dammadge. whilst the waters decreas'd wee consulted upon which of the bottoms wee should build us a shipp, & it was at last resolv'd it shold bee on myne. upon which wee wrought day & night without intermission, intending this vessell should carry the english into the bay, as i had promis'd mr bridgar. i went down or times to the river's mouth to see what the floods & ice had don there, & if i could pass the point into the other river, wher mr bridgar & the english vessell was at the fort of the island, for was impossible to pass through the woods, all being cover'd with water. i adventur'd to pass, & i doubled the point in a canoo of bark, though the ice was so thick that wee drew our canoo over it. being enter'd the river, i march'd along the south shore & got safe to the fort of the island with great difficulty. i found the shipp lying dry, as i mention'd before, in a bad condition, but easily remedy'd, the stern being only a litle broke. i gave directions to have her fitted, & i incouradged the english to work, which they did perform better than the french. having given these directions, i took the shipp's boat & went down to mr. bridgar's habitation, & looking in what condition it was, i found that of his men were dead for lack of food, & two that had ben poyson'd a litle before by drinking some liquer they found in the doctor's chest, not knowing what it was. another of mr. bridgar's men had his arm broke by an accident abroad a hunting. seeing all these disorders, i passed as soon as i could to the south side of the river to recover unto our houses, from whence i promis'd mr. bridgar i would send his english curiorgion that was with us some brandy, vinegar, lynnen, & what provisions i could spare out of the small store wee had left. being got a shore, i sent back the boat to the fort of the isle, with orders unto my men i left there to bring my canoo & to use it for fowling. in returning i went a shore with one of mr. bridgar's men that i took along with me to carry back the provisions i had promis'd, although hee did not seeme to be very thankfull for it, continueing his threatnings, & boasted that hee expected shipps would come unto him with which hee would take us all. i was nothing daunted at this, but kept on my cours, knowing very well mr. bridgar was not in a capacity of doing us any harm; but it being impossible but that his being present on the place should hinder me, i order'd my business so as to bee gon with what skins i had, & sent away mr. bridgar after having secured our trade. i made severall journeys to the fort of the island about repairing of the shipp; also i went severall times to mr. bridgar's house to carry him provisions, & to assist him & also his men with all things that i could procure, which they can testify; & had it not ben for me they had suffred much more misery. i had like to bee lost severall times in these journeys by reason of great stores of ice; & the passage of the entrance of the river to double the point to enter into that where mr. bridgar & the new england shipp lay was allways dangerous. i will not here insist upon the perrills i expos'd my self unto in coming & going to prepare things for our departure when the season would permitt; but i cannot omit telling that amongst other kindnesses i did mr. bridgar i gave him stuff suffitient to sheath his shallup, which was quite out of order, as also cordage & all things else necessary; but hee did not well by me, for contrary to his word which he had given me not to goe to the fort in the island, hee attempted to goe thether with his people in his shallup, & being come within musket-shott under a pretence of desiring some powder, the comander would not suffer him to come any neerer, & made him cast anker farther off. hee sent his boats for mr. bridgar, who came alone into the fort, though hee earnestly desired one of his men might bee admitted along with him, but was deny'd. his men were order'd to lodge themselves ashore the north side of the river in hutts, & provisions was sent unto them. mr. bridgar spent that night in the fort, went away the next day. the day before i see the shallup going full salle towards the fort, whether i was also going myself by land with one englishman in whom i put a great deale of confidence, having no body else with me. i did suspect that mr. bridgar had a dessign to make some surprise, but i was not much afraid by reason of the care & good order i had taken to prevent him. nevertheless i feared that things went not well; for when i came neer the fort, seeing the boate coming for me, & that the comander did not make the signall that was agreed upon betwixt us, this startled me very much, & i appeared as a man that had cause to feare the worst; which one of our frenchmen that steered the boat wherin ther was englishmen perceiving, cry'd out all was well, & made the signall. i blamed him & the comander for putting me in feare in not making the usuall signes. when i came to the fort i was told mr. bridgar was there, & that hee was receayed, as has been recited. i was also tould hee had privat discours with the carpenter of the new england shipp that i had formerly ingadged in a friendly manner to attend & serve him. this discours made the comander the more narrowly to inspect mr. bridgar. & to stand better upon his gard, the scotch man telling him hee was not come thither with any good intention; so that the comander of the fort sent him away in the morning, having given him some pork, pease, & powder. having given orders at the fort, i went to mr. bridgar. being come to his house, i taxed him of breach of promise, & i tould him ther should bee no quarter if hee offered to doe soe any more, & that therefore hee should prepare himself to goe for the bay (as soone as ever the ice did permitt) in the vessell that wee had left, it being so agreed on by our french men, assuring him i would furnish him with all things necessary for the voyadge. hee appear'd much amaz'd at the compliment i made him, & hee told me in plaine terms that it must bee one of thes things that must make him quit the place,--his master's orders, force, or hunger. hee desired me afterwards that if the captain of the salvages of the river of new severn came, that hee might see him by my means, which i promis'd to doe. having thus disposed mr. bridgar for his departure, i continued to assist him & his people with all that i could to enable them to work to sit ourselves to bee gon. i left mr. bridgar in his house & i went unto ours, & having consulted my brother-in-law, wee resolved that 'twas best to burn the fort in the island & secure mr. bridgar, thereby to draw back our men & to ease us of the care of defending the fort & of the trouble of so many other precautions of securing ourselves from being surprized by mr. bridgar. the crew of both our vessells made an agreement amongst themselves to oppose our dessigne of giving our shipp unto the english for their transportation. it was necessary at the first to seeme to yeeld, knowing that in time wee should master the factions. it was the master of my bark that began the mutiny. the chief reason that made me seem to yeeld was that i would not have the english come to know of our divisions, who happly might have taken some advantage of it. wee had amongst us unto whom i granted libberty upon their parole; but to make sure of those of new england, wee caus'd a lodge to bee built in a litle island over against our house where they were at a distance off us. wee sent from time to time to visit them to see what they did. wee gave them a fowling-peece to divert them, but one day abusing my nephew, wee took away the gun from them. going afterwards unto the fort of the island, i sent a boate unto mr. bridgar, advising him the captain hee desired to see was come, & that hee might come with one of his men; which hee did, & as soon as hee was come i told him that to assure our trade i was obliged to secure him & would commit him into the custody of my nephew, unto whom i would give orders to treat him kindly & with all manner of respect, telling him withall that when i had put all things on board the vessell that was in the fort, i would go & set it on fier. i told him hee might send his man with me to his house with what orders hee thought fit. i went thither the same day. i told mr. bridgar's people that not being able to supply them any longer but with powder only, & being redy for my departure to cannada, it was necessary that those that intended to stay should speak their minds, & that those that desired to go should have their passage. i demanded their names, which they all told me except . i ordered them to have a great care of all things in the house. i left one frenchman to observe them & to goe fowling, mr. bridgar's men not being us'd to it. these orders being given, i left mr. bridgar's house & cross'd over to the south side, where i met of our french men a hunting. i sent them with what fowle they had kill'd to the fort of the island, where they might bee servisable unto the rest in carrying down the shipp & in bringing her to an anker right against mr. bridgar's house, to take on board his goods, which was accordingly don. i came by land unto the other river, & met at the entrance of it severall indians that waited impatiently for me, how wee might adjust & setle our trade. they would have had my brother-in-law to have rated the goods at the same prizes as the english did in the bottom of the bay, & they expected also i would bee more kind unto them. but this would have ruined our trade; therefore i resolved to stand firm in this occasion, becaus what wee now concluded upon with these salvages touching comers would have ben a rule for the future. the indians being assembled presently after my arrivall, & having laid out their presents before me, being beavors' tailes, caribou tongues dry'd, greas of bears, deere, & of elks, one of the indians spake to my brother-in-law & mee in this wife: "you men that pretend to give us our lifes, will not you let us live? you know what beavor is worth, & the paines wee take to get it. you stile your selves our brethren, & yet you will not give us what those that are not our brethren will give. accept our presents, or wee will come see you no more, but will goe unto others." i was a good while silent without answering the compliment of this salvage, which made one of his companions urge me to give my answer; and it being that wheron our wellfare depended, & that wee must appeare resolute in this occasion, i said to the indian that pressed me to answer, "to whom will thou have me answer? i heard a dogg bark; let a man speak & hee shall see i know to defend myself; that wee love our brothers & deserve to bee loved by them, being come hither a purpose to save your lives." having said these words, i rose & drew my dagger. i took the chief of thes indians by the haire, who had adopted me for his sonn, & i demanded of him who hee was. hee answered, "thy father." "well," said i, "if thou art my father & dost love me, & if thou art the chief, speak for me. thou art master of my goods; this dogg that spoke but now, what doth hee heare? let him begon to his brethren, the english in the bay; but i mistake, hee need not goe so farr, hee may see them in the island," intimating unto them that i had overcom the english. "i know very well," said i, continueing my discours to my indian father, "what woods are, & what 'tis to leave one's wife & run the danger of dying with hunger or to bee kill'd by one's ennemys. you avoide all these dangers in coming unto us. so that i see plainly 'tis better for you to trade with us than with the others; yet i will have pitty on this wretch, & will spare his life, though hee has a desire to goe unto our ennemys." i caused a sword-blade to bee brought me, & i said unto him that spake, "heere, take this, & begon to your brethren, the english; tell them my name, & that i will goe take them." there was a necessity i should speak after this rate in this juncture, or else our trade had ben ruin'd for ever. submit once unto the salvages, & they are never to bee recalled. having said what i had a mind to say unto the indian, i went to withdraw with my brother-in-law; but wee were both stop't by the chief of the indians, who incouraged us, saying, wee are men; wee force nobody; every one was free, & that hee & his nation would hold true unto us; that hee would goe perswade the nations to come unto us, as hee had alredy don, by the presents wee had sent them by him; desiring wee would accept of his, & that wee would trade at our own discretion. therupon the indian that spake, unto whom i had presented the sword, being highly displeas'd, said hee would kill the assempoits if they came downe unto us. i answer'd him i would march into his country & eate sagamite in the head of the head of his grandmother, which is a great threat amongst the salvages, & the greatest distast can bee given them. at the same instant i caus'd the presents to be taken up & distributed, fathom of black tobacco, among the salvages that were content to bee our friends; saying, by way of disgrace to him that appear'd opposit to us, that hee should goe smoak in the country of the tame woolfe women's tobacco. i invited the others to a feast; after which the salvages traded with us for their beavors, & wee dismissed them all very well sattisfy'd. having ended my business with the indians, i imbark'd without delay to goe back, & i found the new england shipp at anchor over against mr. bridgar's house, as i had order'd. i went into the house & caus'd an inventory to be taken of all that was there. then i went to the fort of the island, having sent order to my nephew to burn it. i found him there with mr. bridgar, who would himself bee the first in setting the fort a fire, of which i was glad. there being no more to doe there, i went down to the shipp, & found they had put everything abord. i gave order to my nephew at my coming away that the next day hee should bring mr. bridgar along with him unto our house, where being arriv'd, my brother-in-law, not knowing him as well as i did, made him bee sent into the island with the captain of the new england shipp & his folks; of which mr. bridgar complain'd unto me next day, desiring that i would release him from thence, saying hee could not endure to bee with those people; which i promis'd to doe, & in a few days after brought him unto a place i caus'd to bee fitted on a point on the north side of our river, where hee found his own men in a very good condition. i not being yet able to overcome our men's obstinacy in not yeelding that i should give our vessell unto the english, mr. bridgar propos'd that hee would build a deck upon the shallup if i would but furnish him with materialls necessary for it; saying that if the shallup were but well decked & fitted, he would willingly venture to goe in her unto the bay, rather then to accept of his passage for france in one of our vessells. i offerr'd him all that hee desir'd to that purpos, & stay'd with him till the shipp that i caus'd to bee fitted was arriv'd. when shee was come, i see a smoak on the other side of the river. i crossed over, & found that it was my indian father. i told him how glad i was to see him, & invited him to goe aboard, saying that going at my request, my nephew would use him civilly; that they would fier a great gun at his arrivall, would give him something to eate, would make him a present of bisketts, & of fathom of tobacco. hee said i was a foole to think my people would doe all this without order. i wrote with a coale on the rind of a tree, & gave it to him to carry aboard. hee, seeing that all i said unto him was punctually perform'd, was much surpris'd, saying wee were divells; so they call thos that doe any thing that is strange unto them. i return'd back to our houses, having don with mr. bridgar. i had sounded the captain of the shipp that was in the island right against our house, to know of him that, being an english man, whether hee would give a writing under his hand to consent that mr. bridgar should bee put in posession of his shipp, or if hee had rather i should carry her to quebeck; but hee & his men intreated mee very earnestly not to deliver them unto mr. bridgar, beleeving they should receave better usage of the french than of the english. i told my brother-in-law what the captain said, & that hee refer'd himself wholy unto our discretion. whilst wee were busy in fitting things for our departure, i found myself necessitated to compose a great feude that hapined betwixt my indian father's familly & another great familly of the country. i had notice of it by a child, some of my indian father's, who playing with his comrades, who quarrelling with him, one told him that hee should bee kill'd, & all his familly, in revenge of one of the familly of the martins, that his father had kill'd; for the famillys of the indians are distinguis'd by the names of sundry beasts; & death being very affrighting unto thos people, this child came to my house weeping bitterly, & after much adoe i had to make him speak, hee told me how his comrade had threatned him. i thought at first of somthing else, & that the salvages had quarrel'd amongst themselves. desiring, therefore, to concern my self in keeping peace amongst them, i presently sent for this chief of the indians, my adopted father, who being come according to my order, i told him the cause of my feare, & what his child had told me. i had no sooner don speaking, but hee leaning against a pillar and covering his face with his hands, hee cryed more than his child had don before; & having asked what was the matter, after having a litle dry'd up his teares, hee told me that an indian of another familly, intending to have surpris'd his wife, whom hee loved very tenderly, hee kill'd him, & the salvages that sided to revenge the other's cause having chased him, hee was forc'd to fly, & that was it that made him meet mee about ber last; that hee continued the feare of his ennemys' displeasure, that they would come kill him. i tould him hee should not fear any thing, the frenchmen being his fathers & i his sonn; that our king that had sent mee thither cover'd him with his hand, expecting they should all live in peace; that i was there to setle him, & that i would doe it or dye; that i would require all the indians to come in that day [that they] might know me & that hee should know my intentions. having thus spoke unto him, i caus'd a fowling-peece & ketles, coats, sword-blades, tranches, graters, dozen of knives, axes, fathom of tobacco, coverlets for women, capps, some powder & shott, & said unto the salvage my adopted father, in presence of his allies that were ther present, "heere is that will cure the wound & dry away tears, which will make men live. i will have my brethren love one another; let of you presently goe and invite the familly of the martins to the feast of amity, and make them accept my presents. if they refute it & seek for blood, it is just i should sacrifice my life for my father, whom i love as i doe all the rest of the indians our allies, more than i doe my owne selfe, so that i am redy to lay down my head to bee cutt off in case my presents did not serv turn, but i would stirr up all the frenchmen my brethren to carry gunns to assist me to make warr against that familly." the salvages went to goe unto the familly that was ennemy unto my adopted father to make them offer of my presents, & in my name to invite them unto the feast of unity. i stay'd so litle a while in the country afterwards that i could not quite determine this differrence. in due time i will relate what upon inquiry i farther heard of it in my last voyadge. this businesse being upon a matter ended, i was inform'd that mr. bridgar, contrary to his promise of not speaking with the indians, yet enter'd into discours with them & said that wee were ill people, & told them hee would come & kill us; that hee would traffick with them more to their advantage then wee did; that hee would give them axes for a bever skin & a fowling-peece for skins. i taxed mr. bridgar with it; also i ratted the salvages, who promis'd they would go neere him no more, & that i should feare nothing. being desirous to make all things redy for my departure, i againe crossed over the dangerous river to goe burn mr. bridgar's house, there being nothing left remaining in it, having caused evry thing to bee put on board the new england shipp & taken a full inventary of it before. i had along with me english men & one frenchman, relying more on the english, who loved me because i used them kindly, than i did on the ffrenchmen. what i did at this time doth shew the great confidence i put in the english; for had i in the least distrusted them, i would not have ventur'd to have gon leagues from my habitation with english & but one of my owne french men to have fired mr. bridgar's house. wee were very like to bee lost in returning home. i never was in so great danger in all my life. wee were surpris'd with a suddain storm of wind neere the flats, & there was such a great mist that wee knew not where wee were. being return'd unto our habitation, i found our men had brought the shipp to anker neere our house, & seeing the weather beginning to come favorable, i gave my nephew instructions to carry on the trade in my absence untill our return. i left men with him & the absolute comand & disposall of all things; which being don i caused our ffurrs to bee put on board & the shipp to fall down to the mouth of the river to set saile the first faire wind. it was where i left mr. bridgar. his shallup being well provided & furnish'd with all things, hee was ready to saile; but having made some tripps from one river unto the other, the sight of such vast quantitys of ice as was in those seas made him afraide to venture himselfe in so small a vessell to saile unto the bay. so that wee fitting things to bee gon the july, having sent for mr. bridgar to come receave his provisions, hee told me hee thought it too rash an action for him to venture himself so great a voyadge in so small a vessell, & desired i would give him passage in our shipp, supposing all along that i would compell him to imbark for ffrance. i told him hee should bee very welcom, & that i intended not to force him to anything but only to quitt the place. it was concluded that hee should imbark with my brother-in-law in the small vessell. hee said hee had rather goe in the other shipp; but it was but just that the captain should continue on board, & wee could not with great reason take mr. bridgar on board, having allredy more english to keep then wee were french. the th of july wee weighed ankor & passed the flatts; but next day, having as yet sailed but or leagues, wee were forced to enter into the ice & used all our endevor not to bee farr from each other. the bark, tacking to come, cast her grapers on the same ice as wee fastned unto. shee split to peeces, so that wee were forced to fend presently to their help & to take out all the goods was on board her, & to lay them on the ice, to careen, which wee did with much difficulty. wee continued in this danger till the of august. wee visitted one another with all freedom; yet wee stood on our gard, for the englishman that wee found the beginning of the winter in the snow, remembring how kindly hee was used by me, gave mee notice of a dessigne the englishmen had that were in the bark, of cutting all the frenchmen's throats, & that they only waited a fit opportunity to doe it. this hint made us watch them the more narrowly. at night time wee secured them under lock & key, & in the day time they enjoy'd their full liberty. when wee were got to the southward in the degree, mr. bridgar desired me to let him have the bark to goe to the bay along with his men. i tould him i would speak to my brother-in-law about it, who was not much against it. ther was only the master & some other obstinat fellows that opposed; but at length i got all to consent, and having taken the things out, wee delivered the bark unto mr. bridgar, taking his receipt. it was in good will that i mannadg'd all this for him, and i thought hee would have gon in the bark, for hee knows that i offerrd it unto him; but having made the englishman that belong'd unto him, and since chosen to stay with us, and in whom wee put much confidence, to desire leave of me to goe along with mr. bridgar, wee presently supposed, and wee were not deceived, that 'twas by his perswasion this seaman desired to bee gon, & wee had some apprehension that mr. bridgar might have some dessigne to trepan us by returning unto port nelson before us to surprise our people, wherunto the english seaman that understood our business might have ben very servicable unto him. having therefore conferr'd amongst ourselves upon this demand, wee resolv'd to keep mr. bridgar and to take him along with us unto quebeck. wee caus'd him to come out of the bark and told him our resolution; wherat hee flew into great passion, espetially against me, who was not much concerned at it. wee caus'd him to come into our vessell, and wee tould his people that they may proceed on their voyage without him, and hee should come along with us; after which wee took in our graple irons from off the ice, seeing the sea open to the westward and the way free'd to saile. wee were distant about leagues from the bottom of the bay when wee parted from the bark, who might easily have got ther in days, and they had provisions on board for above a month, vizt, a barrill of oatmealle, double peeces of beeff, or salt gees, peeces of pork, a powder barrell full of bisket, or pounds of powder, & pounds of short. i gave over & above, unknown to my brother-in-law, horns full of powder & a bottle of brandy, besides a barrill they drank the evening before wee parted. i made one of the new england seamen to goe on board the bark to strengthen the crew, many of them being sickly. being got out of the ice, having a favorable wind, wee soon got into the straights, where through the negligence or the ignorance of one of our french pilots and seamen, the english being confin'd in the night, a storm of wind & snow drove us into a bay from whence wee could not get out. wee were driven a shoare without any hopes of getting off; but when wee expected evry moment to be lost, god was pleased to deliver us out of this danger, finding amongst the rocks wherin wee were ingadg'd the finest harbour that could bee; shipps could have layn there & ben preserv'd without anchor or cable in the highest storms. wee lay there days, & having refitted our shipp wee set saile & had the wether pretty favorable untill wee arriv'd at quebeck, which was the end of ber. as soon as ever wee arriv'd wee went unto monr la barre, governor of cannada, to give him an account of what wee had don. hee thought fit wee should restore the shipp unto the new england merchants, in warning them they should goe no more unto the place from whence shee came. [footnote: this restoration did not meet with the approval of monsr. de seignelay, for he wrote to govr. de la barre, th april, : "it is impossible to imagine what you meant, when of your own authority, without calling on the intendant, and without carrying the affair before the sovereign council, you caused to be given up to one guillin, a vessel captured by the men named radisson and des grozelliers, and in truth you ought to prevent the appearance before his majesty's eyes of this kind of proceeding, in which there is not a shadow of reason, and whereby you have furnished the english with matter of which they will take advantage; for by your ordinance you have caused a vessel to be restored that according to law ought to be considered a pirate, having no commission, and the english will not fail to say that you had so fully acknowledged the vessel to have been provided with requisite papers, that you had it surrendered to the owners; and will thence pretend to establish their legitimate possession of nelson's river, before the said radisson and des grozeliers had been there." _new york colonial mss._, vol. ix. p. .] mr. bridgar imbark'd himself on her with young guillem for new england against my mynde, for i advis'd him as a friend to imbark himself on the ffrench shipps, which were ready to saile for rocheil. i foretold him what came to pass, that hee would lye a long while in new england for passage. wee parted good ffriends, & hee can beare me witnesse that i intimated unto him at that time my affection for the english intrest, & that i was still of the same mynde of serving the king & the nation as fully & affectionately as i had now serv'd the ffrench. eight or tenn days after my arrivall, monsr. la barre sent for me, to shew me a letter hee had receaved from monsr. colbert by a man-of-warr that had brought over some soldiers, by which hee writ him that those which parted last yeare to make discoverys in the northern parts of america being either returned or would soon return, hee desired one of them to give the court an account of what they had don, & of what setlements might bee made in those parts; & the governour told me that i must forthwith prepare myself to goe sattisfy monsr. colbert in the business. i willingly accepted the motion, & left my business in the hands of monsr. de la chenay, although i had not any very good opinion of him, having dealt very ill by me; but thinking i could not bee a looser by satisfying the prime minister of state, although i neglected my owne privat affaires, i took leave of monsr. la barre, & imbark'd for france with my brother-in-law, the ber, , in the frigat that brought the soldiers, and arrived at rochell the of xber, where i heard of the death of monsr. colbert; yet i continued my jorney to paris, to give the court an account of my proceedings. i arriv'd at paris with my brother-in-law the th january, wher i understood ther was great complaints made against me in the king's councill by my lord preston, his majesty's envoy extrordinary, concerning what had past in the river and port nelson, and that i was accus'd of having cruelly abused the english, robbed, stoln, and burnt their habitation; for all which my lord preston demanded satisfaction, and that exemplary punishment might bee inflicted on the offenders, to content his majesty. this advice did not discourage me from presenting myself before the marquiss de signalay, & to inform him of all that had past betwixt the english and me during my voyadge. hee found nothing amiss in all my proceedings, wherof i made him a true relation; and so farr was it from being blamed in the court of france, that i may say, without flattering my self, it was well approved, & was comended. [footnote: louis xiv. to de la barre, to april, : "the king of england has authorized his ambassador to speak to me respecting what occurred in the river nelson between the english and radisson and des grozelliers, whereupon i am happy to inform you that, as i am unwilling to afford the king of england any cause of complaint, & as i think it important, nevertheless, to prevent the english establishing themselves on that river, it would be well for you to have a proposal made to the commandant at hudson's bay that neither the french nor the english should have power to make any new establishments; to which i am persuaded he will give his consent the more readily, as he is not in a position to prevent those which my subjects wish to form in said nelson's river."] i doe not say that i deserv'd it, only that i endeavor'd, in all my proceedings, to discharge the part of an honnest man, and that i think i did no other. i referr it to bee judged by what is contain'd in this narrative, which i protest is faithfull & sincere; and if i have deserved the accusations made against me in the court of ffrance, i think it needlesse to say aught else in my justification; which is fully to bee seen in the relation of the voyadge i made by his majesty's order last year, , for the royal company of hudson's bay; the successe and profitable returns whereof has destroyed, unto the shame of my ennemys, all the evell impressions they would have given of my actions. voyages of peter esprit radisson. _relation of the voyage of peter esprit radisson, anno_ . _(translated from the french.)_ * * * * * i have treated at length the narrative of my voyage in the years and , in hudson's bay, to the north of canada. up to my arrival in the city of paris, all things were prepared for the fitting out of the ships with which i should make my return to the north of canada, pending the negotiations at court for the return to me of every fourth beaver skin that the very christian king took for the customs duty, which had been promissed to me in consideration of my discoveries, voyages, and services; by which i hoped to profit over & above my share during the first years of that establishment. it was also at the same time that my lord viscount preston, minister extraordinary from the king at the court of france, continued to pursue me concerning the things of which i was accused by the account against me of the gentlemen of the royal hudson's bay company; my enemies having taken due care to publish the enormous crimes of which i was charged, & my friends taking the pains to support me under it, & to give me advice of all that passed. although at last no longer able to suffer any one to tax my conduct, i considered myself obliged to undeceive each one. i resolved at length within myself to speak, to the effect of making it appear as if my dissatisfaction had passed away. for that effect i made choice of persons who did me the honor of loving me, and this was done in the conversations that i had with them upon the subject. that my heart, little given to dissimulation, had avowed to them, on different occasions, the sorrow that i had felt at being obliged to abandon the service of england because of the bad treatment that i had received from them, & that i should not be sorry of returning to it, being more in a condition than i had been for it, of rendering service to the king and the nation, if they were disposed to render me justice and to remember my services. i spoke also several times to the english government. i had left my nephew, son of sieur des groseilliers, my brother-in-law, with other frenchmen, near port nelson, who were there the sole masters of the beaver trade, which ought to be considerable at that port, and that it depended upon me to make it profitable for the english. all these things having been reported by one of my particular friends to the persons who are in the interest of the government, they judged correctly that a man who spoke freely in that manner, & who made no difficulty in letting his sentiments be known, & who shewed by them that it was possible to be easily led back, by rendering justice to him, to a party that he had only abandoned through dissatisfaction, i was requested to have some conferences with these same persons. i took in this matter the first step without repugnance, & upon the report that was made to my lord preston of things that we had treated upon in the interviews, & of that of which i claimed to be capable of doing, i was exhorted from his side of re-entering into my first engagements with the english; assuring me that if i could execute that which i had proposed, i should receive from his majesty in england, & from his royal highness of the hudson's bay company, & from the government, all kinds of good treatment & an entire satisfaction; that, moreover, i need not make myself uneasy of that which regarded my interests, this minister being willing himself to be charged with the care of me, to preserve them, & of procuring me other advantages after that i should be put in a position of rendering service to the king his master. they represented to me again that his royal highness honoring the hudson's bay company with his protection, it would pass even on to me if i would employ upon it my credit, my attentions, & the experience that i had in the country of the north, for the utility & the benefit of the affairs of that company, in which his royal highness took great interest. at the same time i received some letters at paris from the sieur ecuyer young, one of those interested in the hudson's bay company, in which he solicited me on his part, & in the name of the company, to return into england, giving me some assurances of a good reception, & that i should have reason to be satisfied on my part in regard to my particular interests, as well as for some advantages that they would make me. these letters, joined to those in which my lord preston continued his urgencies against me to the very christian king, decided me to determine, by the counsel of one of my friends, to yield myself at last to all their solicitations of passing over to england for good, & of engaging myself so strongly to the service of his majesty, & to the interests of the nation, that any other consideration was never able to detach me from it. there was only my lord preston, some of his household, & the friend who had counselled me to come into england, who knew of my design. i took care to save appearances from suspicion by the danger in which i exposed myself, & up to the evening of my departure i had some conferences with the ministers of the court of france, & the persons who there have the departments of the marine & commerce, upon some propositions of armament, & the equipment of the ships destined for my nd voyage. they wished to bind me to make them upon the same footing as the proceeding, which has made since then the talk of the two nations. the day of my departure was fixed for the th of april, ; but at last, that those with whom i was obliged to confer daily by order of the ministers of france never doubted in the least of my discontinuing to see them, i told them that i was obliged to make a little journey into the country for some family business, & i could be useful to them during that time by going to london, where i arrived the th of may. at the moment of my arrival i had the honor of going to see the gentlemen, ecuyer young and the chevalier hayes, both of whom were interested in the hudson's bay company, who gave me a good reception in showing me the joy that they felt at my return, & in giving me such assurances that i should receive on their part & on that of their company all manner of satisfaction. i then explained fully to them the nature of the service that i expected to render to his majesty, to the company, & to the nation, in establishing the beaver trade in canada & making those to profit by it who were interested, to the extent of or , beaver skins that i hoped to find already in the hands of the french that i had left there, that would cost to them only the interest that i had in the thing, & the just satisfaction that was owing to the french who had made the trade for them. these gentlemen having received in an agreeable manner my proposition, & wishing to give me some marks of their satisfaction, did me the honour of presenting me to his majesty & to his royal highness, to whom i made my submission, the offer of my very humble services, a sincere protestation that i would do my duty, that even to the peril of my life i would employ all my care & attention for the advantage of the affairs of the company, & that i would seek all occasions of giving proof of my zeal & inviolable fidelity for the service of the king, of all which his majesty & his royal highness appeared satisfied, & did me the favour of honouring me with some evidences of their satisfaction upon my return, & of giving me some marks of their protection. after that i had several conferences in the assembled body, & in particular with the gentlemen interested in the hudson's bay company, in which i made them acquainted in what manner it was necessary for them to proceed there for establishing to the best advantage the beaver trade in the northern country, the means of properly sustaining it, & of ruining in a short time the trade with foreigners, & to that end i would commence by becoming master of both the fort & the settlement of the french, as well as of all the furs that they had traded for since my departure, on the condition that my influence would serve to convert them, & that my nephew whom i had left commandant in that fort & the other french would be paid what would be to them their legitimate due. these gentlemen, satisfied with what i had said to them, believed with justice that they would be able to have entire confidence in me. as for that, having resolved to entrust me with their orders for going with their shipps, equipped & furnished with everything to found that establishment in putting into execution my projects, they gave the power of settling in my own mind & conscience the claims of my nephew & the other french, assuring me that they would be satisfied with the account that i would present to them. i accepted that commission with the greatest pleasure in the world, and i hurried with so much diligence the necessary things for my departure, that in less than eight days i was in a condition to embark myself. this was done even without any precaution on my part for my own interests, for i did not wish to make any composition with these gentlemen. i said to them that since they had confidence in me, i wished also on my part to make use of it generously with them and remit everything to the success of my voyage, and on my return, in the hope that i had that they would satisfy my honesty of purpose, and that after having given to them some marks of my sincerity in executing the things to perform which i had engaged myself for their service, they would render me all the justice that i had cause for hoping from gentlemen of honour and probity. the ships destined for hudson's bay and the execution of my design were ready to make sail, & myself being all prepared for embarking, i took leave of the gentlemen of the company in giving them fresh assurances of the good success of my voyage if god did me the favour of preserving me from the dangers to which i went to expose myself; of which they appeared so well satisfied that the chevalier hayes dared not flatter himself of the advantage that i promissed to him, that they should get from to , beavers that i hoped to find in the hands of the french, said, in embracing me, that the company would be satisfied if i had only , of them there. the event has justified that which i predicted, and these gentlemen have not been deceived in the hopes that i have given to them. i departed from the port of gravesend the th of the same month of may, in the ship called "the happy return," in the company of others that these gentlemen sent also to port nelson for the same reason. the winds having been favourable for us, we arrived in a few days upon the western side of buttons bay without anything happening to us worth mentioning, but the winds and the currents. we having been made to drift to the south of port nelson about leagues, and the ice having separated the ship in which i was from the others in hudson's straits, i began to doubt of succeeding in my enterprise by the apprehension that i had that the ships having arrived sooner than ours the men who were inside would not hazard themselves to take any step which could at all do them any damage. under this anxiety, knowing the necessity that there was that i should arrive the first, i resolved to embark myself in a shallop that we had brought to be employed in any service that might be necessary. i ordered the captain to equip it, and although but little more than leagues from port nelson, i put myself on board with men, and after hours of fatigue, without having been able to take any rest because of the danger that there was to us, we found by the breadth of hayes river, which having recognized, at last we touched land at a point north of the river, where we landed with an englishman who spoke good french, whom i wished to make accompany me in order that he might be the witness of all that i did. after having come to land i recognized by certain marks that my nephew, having heard the noise of the cannon of the english ships, had come to the place where we landed to know if his father or myself were arrived, and that he had himself returned after having recognized that they were english shipps. these same marks gave me also to know that he had left me further away from those that i had given him since i had established him for governor in my absence. the which should inform me of his condition and the place where he was with his men; but i did not find it to the purpose of going as far as that place, that i had not learned truly the condition of the english who had arrived in the country since i had departed from it. i resolved then to embark myself afresh in the shallop to go and learn some news. i encouraged for that purpose the men who were with me, who were so diligent that in spite of a contrary wind and tide we arrived in a very little time at the mouth of that great and frightful river of port nelson, where i had wished to see myself with such impatience that i had not dreamed a moment of the danger to which we had exposed ourselves. that pleasure was soon followed by another; for i saw at anchor in this same place ships, of which one had the glorious flag of his majesty hoisted upon his main mast, that i recognized to be the one that was commanded by captain outlaw when the one in which i was passed had been separated from the others. at the same time i made the shallop approach & i perceived the new governor with all his men under arms upon the deck, who demanded of us where our shallop came from, and who we were. upon that i made myself known, & i went on board the ship, where i learned that the one which was alongside was an english frigate that had wintered in the port of nelson with the governor, which port they had abandoned to retire themselves for fear of being insulted by the french & the savages; but that having been met with by capt outlaw going out of the bay, he had returned, having learned that i had thrown myself into the service of england, and that i came into the country to re-establish there everything to the advantage of the nation. my first care after that was of making myself informed of what had passed between the english & the french since my departure & their arrival. by what the english told me i judged that it was proper to risque everything to try to join my nephew as soon as possible, & the men that i had left with him; in fine, of endeavouring to reach them by kindness, or to intercept them by cunning, before they received the shock upon what design i came, for that was of extreme consequence. thus without waiting for the arrival of the ship in which i had come, i resolved to embark myself upon the same shallop, which was named "the little adventure;" which i did not, nevertheless, on the same day, because the governor found it proper to delay the party until the following day, & of giving me other men in the place of those that i had brought, who sound themselves fatigued. i embarked myself on the morrow, early in the morning, with captain gazer; but the wind being found contrary, i had myself landed on the coast, with captain gazer & the englishman who spoke french, & after having sent back the shallop with the other men, i resolved to go by land as far as the place where i should find the marks of my nephew, which should make me recognise the place where he was & his condition. we marched, all three, until the morrow morning; but being arrived at the place where i had told my nephew to leave me some marks, which having taken up, i learned that he & his men had left our old houses & that they had built themselves another of them upon an island above the rapids of the river hayes. after that we continued our route until opposite to the houses which had been abandoned, where i hoped that we should discover something, or at least that we should make ourselves seen or heard by firing some reports of the gun & making of smoke; in which my attempt was not altogether vain, for after having rested some time in that place we perceived canoes of savages, who descended the river. i believed at first that it would be probable they had there some french with them; that my nephew would be able to send to discover who were the people newly arrived, which obliged me to tell captain gazer that i should go down to the bank of the river to speak to them; that i prayed him to await me upon the heights without any apprehension, & that in a little while he would be able to render evidence of my fidelity for the service of the company. i was at the same moment met by the savages, & from the bank of the river i made them the accustomed signal, to the end of obliging them to come towards me; but having perceived that they did not put themselves to the trouble of doing it, i spoke to them in their language, for to make myself known; which done, they approached the bank, & not recognising me, they demanded of me to see the marks that i had; which having shown them, they gave evidence, by their cries & postures of diversion, the pleasure that they had of my arrival. i learned then from them that my nephew & the other frenchmen were above the rapids of the river, distant about leagues from the place where i was, & that they had told them that my brother-in-law, des groisille, should also come with me; which obliged me telling them that he was arrived, & that they would see him in a few days. then i told them that we had always loved them as our brothers, & that i would give them some marks of my amity, for which they thanked me in begging me to not be angry for that which, by counsel, they had been trading with the english, nor of that when i found them going to meet their captain, who had gone across some woods, with men, to the english ships, to procure some powder & guns, which they did; that their laying over for a month, in awaiting for me, had compelled them, but that since i had arrived they would not go on farther, & that their chief, whom they went to inform of my arrival, would speak more of it to me. as i had occasion for some one among them to inform my nephew that i was in the country, i asked of all of them if they loved the son of des groisille, & if he had not some relation among them; upon which there was one of them who said to me, "he is my son; i am ready to do that which thou wishest;" & at that moment, he having landed, i made him throw his beaver skin on the ground, & after having called captain gazer, i spoke in these terms to this savage in the presence of all the others: "i have made peace with the english for love of you. they & i from henceforth shall be but one. embrace this captain & myself in token of peace. he is thy new brother, & this one thy son. go at once to him to carry this news, with the token of peace, & tell him to come to see me in this place here, whilst the savages of the company go to attend me to the mouth of the river." this savage did not fail to go & inform his son, my nephew, of my arrival, & of carrying to him the news of peace between the french & the english, during which we awaited with impatience his descent towards the place where we were; whom, nevertheless, did not arrive until the morrow, about o'clock in the morning. i saw at first appear my nephew, in a canoe with other frenchmen, accompanied by another canoe of the savages that i had sent, & which came in advance to inform me of the arrival of my nephew. i promised to this savage & his comrade each one a watch-coat, & returned to them their beaver skins, with the order of going to join those of their nation, & to wait for me at the mouth of the river. after that, captain gazer, the englishman who spoke french, & myself waded into the water half-leg deep to land upon a little island where my nephew, with his men, would come on shore. he had arrived there before us, & he came to meet us, saluting me, greatly surprised at the union that i had made with the english. we then proceeded all together in his canoe as far as our old houses, where i had the english and french to enter, & whilst they entertained each other with the recital of their mutual hardships, i spoke privately to my nephew in these terms:-- "it is within your recollection, without doubt, of having heard your father relate how many pains & fatigues we have had in serving france during several years. you have also been informed by him that the recompense we had reason to hope for from her was a black ingratitude on the part of the court as well as on the part of the company of canada; & that they having reduced us to the necessity of seeking to serve elsewhere, the english received us with evidences of pleasure & of satisfaction. you know also the motives that have obliged your father & myself, after years of service, to leave the english. the necessity of subsisting, the refusal that showed the bad intention of the hudson's bay company to satisfy us, have given occasion to our separation, & to the establishment that we have made, & for which i left you in possession in parting for france. but you ignore, without doubt, that the prince who reigns in england had disavowed the proceedings of the company in regard to us, & that he had caused us to be recalled to his service, to receive the benefits of his royal protection, & a complete satisfying of our own discontents. i have left your father in england, happier than we in this, that he is assured of his subsistance, and that he commences to taste some repose; whilst i come to inform you that we are now englishmen, & that we have preferred the goodness & kindness of a clement & easy king, in following our inclinations, which are to serve people of heart & honour in preference to the offers that the king of france caused to be made to us by his ministers, to oblige us to work indirectly for his glory. i received an order, before leaving london, of taking care of you, & of obliging you to serve the english nation. you are young, & in a condition to work profitably for your fortune. if you are resolved to follow my sentiments i never will abandon you. you will receive the same treatment as myself. i will participate even at the expense of my interests for your satisfaction. i will have a care also of those who remain under my control in this place with you, & i shall leave nothing undone that will be able to contribute to your advancement. i love you; you are of my blood. i know that you have courage & resolution; decide for yourself promptly, & make me see by your response, that i wait for, that you are worthy of the goodness of the clement prince that i serve; but do not forget, above all things, the injuries that the french have inflicted upon one who has given his life to you, & that you are in my power." when my nephew had heard all that i had to say to him, he protested to me that he had no other sentiments but mine, & that he would do all that i would wish of him, but that he begged me to have care of his mother; to which i answered that i had not forgotten that she was my sister, & that the confidence that he gave me evidence of had on that occasion imposed upon me a double engagement, which obliged me of having care of her & of him; with which, having been satisfied, he remitted to me the power of commandant that i had left to him, & having embraced him, i said to him that he should appear in the assembly of the english & french as satisfied as he should be, & leave the rest to my management. after which we re-entered into the house, & i commanded one of the frenchmen to go out immediately & inform his comrades that all would go well if they should have an entire confidence in me & obey all my orders, which doing, they should want nothing. i ordered also this same frenchman to inform the savages to come to me & work immediately with their comrades to bring back into the house newly built the beaver skins buried in the wood; & to that end, to be able to work with more diligence, i told them i would double their rations. then i told my nephew to cross the river with the frenchman who served him as interpreter, & go by land to the north side at the rendezvous that i had given to the savages the preceding day, whilst i would make my way by water to the same meeting-place with captain gazer & other men who remained with me; the which having embarked in my nephew's canoe, i descended the river as far as the mouth, where i found the savages, who awaited me with impatience, they having been joined the following day by other canoes of savages that i had had warned to descend, by their captain who had come towards me. we were all together in the canoes of the savages & boarded some ships which were stranded upon nelson's river. this was in that strait that the chief of the savages spoke to me of many things, & who after having received from my hands one of the presents designed for the chief of these nations, he told me that he & his people would speak of my name to all the nations, to invite them to come to me to smoke the pipe of peace; but he blamed strongly the english governor for telling him that my brother had been made to die, that i was a prisoner, & that he had come to destroy the rest of the french. the chief of the savages added to the blame his complaint also. he said haughtily that the governor was unworthy of his friendship & of those of their old brothers who commenced to establish it amongst them, in telling them such falsehoods. grumbling & passion had a share in his indignation. he offered several times to inflict injuries upon the governor, who endeavoured to justify himself for these things that he had said to them through imprudence against the truth. but the chief savage would not hear anything in his defense, neither of those of the other englishmen there; all of them were become under suspicion. nevertheless i appeased this difference by the authority that i have upon the spirit of these nations; & after having made the governor & the chief embrace, & having myself embraced both of them, giving the savage to understand that it was a sign of peace, i said to him also that i wished to make a feast for this same peace, & that i had given orders what they should have to eat. on such similar occasions the savages have the custom of making a speech precede the feast, which consists in recognising for their brothers those with whom they make peace, & praise their strength. after having informed the chief of the savages of the experience, strength, valour of the english nation, he acquitted himself with much judgment in that action, for which he was applauded by our and his own people. i said afterwards in presence of his people that the french were not good seamen, that they were afraid of the icebergs which they would have to pass across to bring any merchandise, besides that their ships were weak & incapable of resistance in the northern seas; but as to those of the english, they were strong, hardy, & enterprising, that they had the knowledge of all seas, & an infinite number of large & strong ships which carried for them merchandises in all weathers & without stoppage. of which this chief, having full evidence, was satisfied. he came to dine with us whilst his people were eating together of that which i had ordered to be given them. the repast being finished, it was a question with me whether i should commence to open a trade; & as i had formed the design of abolishing the custom which the english had introduced since i had left their service, which was of giving some presents to the savages to draw them to our side, which was opposed to that that i had practised, for in place of giving some presents i had myself made, i said then to the chief of the savages in the presence of those of his nation, "that he should make me presents that i ordinarily received on similar occasions." upon that they spoke between themselves, & at length they presented me with skins of beaver, in asking me to accept them as a sign of our ancient friendship, & of considering that they were poor & far removed from their country; that they had fasted several days in coming, & that they were obliged to fast also in returning; that the french of canada made them presents to oblige them to open their parcels; & that the english at the bottom of the bay gave to all the nations hatchets for a beaver skin. they added to that, that the beaver was very difficult to kill, & that their misery was worthy of pity. i replied to them that i had compassion for their condition, & that i would do all that was in my power to relieve them; but that it was much more reasonable that they made me some presents rather than i to them, because that i came from a country very far more removed than they to carry to them excellent merchandise; that i spared them the trouble of going to quebec; & as to the difference in the trade of the english at the bottom of the bay with ours, i told them that each was the master of that which belonged to him, & at liberty to dispose of it according to his pleasure; that it mattered very little of trading with them, since i had for my friends all the other nations; that those there were the masters of my merchandises who yielded themselves to my generosity for it; that there were years that i had been their brother, & that i would be in the future their father if they continued to love me, but that if they were of other sentiments, i was very easy about the future; that i would cause all the nations around to be called, to carry to them my merchandises; that the gain that they would receive by the succour rendered them powerful & placed them in a condition to dispute the passage to all the savages who dwelt in the lands; that by this means they would reduce themselves to lead a languishing life, & to see their wives & children die by war or by famine, of which their allies, although powerful, could not guarantee them of it, because i was informed that they had neither knives nor guns. this discourse obliged these savages to submit themselves to all that i wished; so that seeing them disposed to trade, i said to them that as they had an extreme need of knives & guns, i would give them knives for one beaver, although the master of the earth, the king, my sovereign, had given me orders to not give but of them, & that as for the guns, i would give them one of them for beavers; which they went to accept, when the governor, through fear or imprudence, told them that we demanded of them but & up to beavers for each gun, which was the reason that it was made necessary to give them to the savages at that price. the trade was then made with all manner of tranquillity & good friendship. after which these people took their leave of us very well satisfied according to all appearances, as much in general as in particular of our proceeding, & the chief as well as the other savages promissed us to return in token of their satisfaction. but at the moment that they went to leave, my nephew having learned from a chief of a neighbouring nation who was with them that they would not return, he drew aside the savage chief & told him that he had been informed that he did not love us, & that he would return no more. at which this chief seemed very much surprised in demanding who had told him that. my nephew said to him, "it is the savage called bear's grease;" which having heard, he made at the same time all his people range themselves in arms, speaking to one & to the other; in fine, obligeing the one who was accused to declare himself with the firmness of a man of courage, without which they could do nothing with him, but bear's grease could say nothing in reply. jealousy, which prevails as much also among these nations as among christians, had given place to this report, in which my nephew had placed belief because he knew that the conduct of the governor towards them had given to them as much of discontent against us all as he had caused loss to the company; the genius of these people being that one should never demand whatever is just, that is to say, that which one wishes to have for each thing that one trades for, & that when one retracts, he is not a man. that makes it clear that there are, properly, only the people who have knowledge of the manners & customs of these nations who are capable of trading with them, to whom firmness & resolution are also extremely necessary. i myself again attended on this occasion, to the end of appeasing this little difference between the savages, & i effected their reconciliation, which was the reason that their chief protested to me afresh in calling me "porcupine's head,", which is the name that they have given me among them, that he would always come to me to trade, & that whereas i had seen him but with a hundred of his young men, he would bring with him different nations, & that he wanted nothing in his country, neither men nor beaver skins, for my service; after which they left us, & we dispersed ourselves to go and take possession of the house of my nephew in the manner that i had arranged with him for it. with this in view i parted with the governor, captain gazer, & our people to go by land as far as the place where we had left one of our canoes upon the river hayes, whilst the other party went by sea with the shallop, "the adventure," to round the point. we had the pleasure of contemplating at our ease the beauty of the country & of its shores, with which the governor was charmed by the difference that there was in the places that he had seen upon nelson's river. we embarked ourselves then in the canoe just at the place where the french had built their new house, where we found those who were left much advanced in the work that i had ordered them to do, but, however, very inquiet on account of having no news from my nephew, their commandant, nor of me. they had carried all the beaver skins from the wood into the house & punctually executed all my other orders. having then seen myself master of all things without having been obliged to come to any extremity for it, the french being in the disposition of continueing their allegiance to me, i made them take an inventory of all that was in the house, where i found packages of beaver skins, to the number of , skins, and some merchandise for trading yet for or , more, which gave me much satisfaction. then i told my nephew to give a command in my name to these same frenchmen to bring down the beaver skins as far as the place where they should be embarked to transport them to the ships, which was executed with so much diligence that in days eight or ten men did (in spite of difficulties which hindered them that we could go in that place but by canoes because of the rapidity & want of water that they had in the river) what others would have had trouble in doing in months, without any exaggeration. my nephew had in my absence chosen this place where he built the new house that was, so to speak, inaccessible, to the end of guaranteeing himself from the attacks that they would be able to make against him; & it was that same thing which restrained the liberty of going & coming there freely & easily. the savages with whom we had made the trading, not having made so much diligence on their route as we, for returning themselves into their country, having found out that i was in our house, came to me there to demand some tobacco, because that i had not given them any of that which was in the ships, because that it was not good, making as an excuse that it was at the bottom of the cellar. i made them a present of some that my nephew had to spare, of which they were satisfied; but i was surprised on seeing upon the sands, in my walk around the house with the governor, rejected quantities of an other tobacco, which had been, according to appearances, thus thrown away through indignation. i turned over in my mind what could have possibly given occasion for this, when the great chief & captain of the savages came to tell me that some young men of the band, irritated by the recollection of that which the english had said to them, that my brother, des groseilliers, was dead, that i was a prisoner, & that they were come to make all the other frenchmen perish, as well as some reports of cannon that they had fired with ball in the wood the day that i was arrived, had thus thrown away this tobacco which had come from the english by mistake, not wishing to smoke any of it. he assured me also that the young men had wicked designs upon the english; that he had diverted them from it by hindering them from going out of the house. the governor, who had difficulty in believing that this tobacco thrown upon the sands was the omen of some grievous enterprise, was nevertheless convinced of it by the discourse of the savage. i begged him to come with me into the house, & to go out from it no more, with the other english, for some time; assuring them, nevertheless, that they had nothing to fear, & that all the french & myself would perish rather than suffer that one of them should be in the least insulted. after which i ordered my nephew to make all those savages imbark immediately, so as to continue their journey as far as their own country, which was done. thus we were delivered from all kinds of apprehension, & free to work at our business. in the mean while i could not admire enough the constancy of my nephew & of his men in that in which they themselves laboured to dispossess themselves of any but good in favour of the english, their old enemies, for whom they had just pretensions, without having any other assurances of their satisfaction but the confidence that they had in my promises. besides, i could not prevent myself from showing the pleasure that i experienced in having succeeded in my enterprise, & of seeing that in commencing to give some proofs of my zeal for the service of the english company i made it profit them by an advantage very considerable; which gave them for the future assurances of my fidelity, & obliged them to have care of my interests in giving me that which belonged to me legitimately, & acquitting me towards my nephew & the other french of that which i had promissed them, & that a long & laborious work had gained for them. after that, that is to say, during the days that we rested in that house, i wished to inform myself exactly, from my nephew, in the presence of the englishmen, of all that which had passed between them since that i had departed from the country, & know in what manner he had killed two englishmen there; upon which my nephew began to speak in these words:-- "some days after your departure, in the year , the th of july, the number of reports of cannon-shots that we heard fired on the side of the great river made us believe that they came from some english ship that had arrived. in fact, having sent of my men to know, & endeavour to understand their design, i learned from them on their return that it was english ships, & that they had encountered men of that nation a league from these vessels, but that they had not spoken to them, having contented themselves with saluting both. as my principal design was to discover the english ones, & that my men had done nothing in it, i sent back others of them to inform themselves of all that passed. these last, having arrived at the point which is between the rivers of nelson & hayes, they met or savages loaded with merchandise, to whom, having demanded from whence they were & from whence they had come, they had replied that their nation lived along the river called nenosavern, which was at the south of that of hayes, & that they came to trade with their brothers, who were established at the bottom of the bay; after which my men told them who they were and where they lived, in begging them to come smoke with them some tobacco the most esteemed in the country; to which they freely consented, in making it appear to them that they were much chagrined in not having known sooner that we were established near them, giving evidence that they would have been well pleased to have made their trade with us. "in continueing to converse upon several things touching trade, they arrived together in our house, reserving each time that but one of them should enter at once; which under a pretext of having forgotten something, one had returned upon his steps, saying to his comrades that they had leave to wait for him at the house of the french, where he arrived days after, to be the witness of the good reception that i made to his brothers, whom i made also participants in giving to him some tobacco; but i discovered that this savage had had quite another design than of going to seek that which he had lost, having learned that he had been heard telling the other savages that he had been to find the english, & that he was charged by them of making some enterprise against us. in fact, this villain, having seen me alone & without any defence, must set himself to execute his wicked design. he seized me by the hand, & in telling me that i was of no value since i loved not the english, & that i had not paid him by a present for the possession of the country that i lived in to him who was the chief of all the nations, & the friend of the english at the bottom of the bay, he let fall the robe which covered him, & standing all naked he struck me a blow with his poniard, which i luckily parried with the hand, where i received a light wound, which did not hinder me from seizing him by a necklace that he had around his neck, & of throwing him to the ground; which having given me the leisure of taking my sword & looking about, i perceived that the other savages had also poniards in their hands, with the exception of one, who cried out, 'do not kill the french; for their death will be avenged, by all the nations from above, upon all our families.' "the movement that i had made to take my sword did not prevent me from holding my foot upon the throat of my enemy, & knew that that posture on my sword had frightened the other conspirators. there was none of them there who dared approach; on the contrary, they all went out of the house armed with their poniards. but some frenchmen who were near to us, having perceived things thus, they ran in a fury right to the house, where having entered, the savages threw their poniards upon the ground in saying to us that the english had promissed to their chief a barrel of powder & other merchandise to kill all the french; but that their chief being dead, for they believed in fact that he was so, we had nothing more to fear, because that they were men of courage, abhorring wicked actions. my people, having seen that i was wounded, put themselves into a state to lay violent hands on the savages; but i prevented any disturbance, wishing by that generousity, & in sparing his life to the chief, to give some proofs of my courage, & that i did not fear neither the english there nor themselves. after which they left us, & we resolved to put ourselves better upon our guard in the future, & of making come to our relief the savages our allies. "some days after, these savages, by the smoke of our fires, which were our ordinary signals, arrived at our house. according to their custom, they having been apprised of my adventure, without saying anything to us, marched upon the track of the other savages, & having overtaken them, they invited them to a feast, in order to know from them the truth of the things; of which having been informed, the one among them who was my adopted brother-in-law spoke to the chief who had wished to assassinate me thus, as has been reported to me by him: 'thou art not a man, because that, having about thee of thy people thou hast tried to accomplish the end of killing a single man.' to which the other replied haughtily, & with impudence, 'it is true; but if i have missed him this autumn with the fifteen men, he shall not escape in the spring by my own hand alone.' 'it is necessary,' then replied my adopted brother-in-law, 'that thou makest me die first; for without that i shall hinder thy wicked design.' upon which, having come within reach, the chief whose life i had spared received a blow of a bayonet in the stomach, & another of a hatchet upon the head, upon which he fell dead upon the spot. in respect to the others, they did not retaliate with any kind of bad treatment, & they allowed them to retire with all liberty, in saying to them that if they were in the design of revenging the death of their chief, they had only to speak, & they would declare war upon them. "after that expedition these same savages our allies divided into two parties, & without telling us their design descended to the place where the english made their establishment; they attacked them & killed some of them, of which they then came to inform me, in telling me that they had killed a great number of my enemies to avenge me of the conspiracy that they had done me & my brother, and that they were ready to sacrifice their lives for my service; in recognition of which i thanked them & made them a feast, begging them not to kill any more of them, & to await the return of my father & my uncle, who would revenge upon the english the insult which they had made me, without their tarnishing the glory that they had merited in chastising the english & the savages, their friends, of their perfidy. we were nevertheless always upon the defensive, & we apprehended being surprised at the place where we were as much on the part of the english, as of those of the savages, their friends; that is why we resolved of coming to establish ourselves in the place where we are at present, & which is, as you see, difficult enough of access for all those who have not been enslaved as we are amongst the savages. we built there this house in a few days with the assistance of the savages, & for still greater security we obliged several among them to pass the winter with us on the condition of our feeding them, which was the reason that our young men parted in the summer, having almost consumed all our provisions. during the winter nothing worthy of mention passed, except that some savages made several juggles to know from our manitou, who is their familiar spirit among them, if my father and my uncle would return in the spring; who answered them that they would not be missing there, and that they would bring with them all kinds of merchandise and of that which would avenge them on their enemies. "at the beginning of april, , some savages from the south coast arrived at our new house to trade for guns; but as we had none of them they went to the english, who had, as i afterwards learned, made them some presents & promissed them many other things if they would undertake to kill me with the one of my men whom you saw still wounded, who spoke plainly the language of the country. these savages, encouraged by the hope of gain, accepted the proposition and promissed to execute it. for that means they found an opportunity of gaining over one of the savages who was among us, who served them as a spy, and informed them of all that we did. nevertheless they dared not attack us with open force, because they feared us, & that was the reason why they proceeded otherwise in it; and this is how it was to be done. "the frenchman that you saw wounded, having gone by my orders with one of his comrades to the place where these savages, our friends, made some smoked stag meat that they had killed, to tell them to bring me some of it, fell, in chasing a stag, upon the barrel of his gun, and bent it in such a manner that he could not kill anything with it without before having straightened it; which having done, after having arrived at the place where the savages were, he wished to make a test of it, firing blank at some distance from their cabin; but whilst he disposed himself to that, one of the savages who had promissed to the english his death & mine, who was unknown to several of his comrades amongst the others, fired a shot at him with his gun, which pierced his shoulder with a ball. he cried out directly that they had killed him, & that it was for the men who loved the french to avenge his death; which the savages who were our friends having heard, went out of their cabins & followed the culprit without his adherents daring to declare themselves. but the pursuit was useless, for he saved himself in the wood after having thrown away his gun & taken in its place his bow & his quiver. this behaviour surprised our allies, the savages, exceedingly, & obliged them to swear, in their manner, vengeance for it, as much against that savage nation as against the english; but not having enough guns for that enterprise, they resolved to wait until my father and uncle had arrived. in the mean time they sent to entreat all the nations who had sworn friendship to my father & my uncle to come to make war upon the english & the savages on the southern coast, representing to them that they were obliged to take our side because that they had at other times accepted our presents in token of peace & of goodwill; that as to the rest, we were always men of courage, & their brothers. "as soon as these other nations had received intelligence of the condition in which we were, they resolved to assist us with all their forces, & in waiting the return of my father or my uncle to send hostages for it to give a token of their courage, in the persons of two of their young men. one of the most considerable chiefs among these nations was deputed to conduct them. i received them as i ought. this chief was the adopted father of my uncle, & one of the best friends of the french, whom i found adapted to serve me to procure an interview with the english, to the end of knowing what could possibly be their resolution. for that purpose i deputed this chief savage towards the english, to persuade them to allow that i should visit them & take their word that they would not make me any insult, neither whilst with them nor along the route there, for which this chief stood security. the english accepted the proposition. i made them a visit with one of the french who carried the present that i had seat to make them, in the manner of the savages, & who received it on their part for me according to custom. we traded nothing in that interview regarding our business, because i remembered that the english attributed directly that which had been done against them to the savages. all the advantage that i received in that step was of making a trade for the savages, my friends, of guns which i wanted; although they cost me dear by the gratuity which i was obliged to make to those who i employed there; but it was important that i had in fact hindered the savages from it who came down from the country to trade, of passing on as far as the english. the end of that invitation and that visit, was that i promissed to the solicitation of the governor of the english of visiting there once again with my chief; after which we retired to our house, where i was informed by some discontented savages not to go any more to see the english, because that they had resolved either to arrest me prisoner or of killing me. which my chief having also learned, he told me that he wished no more to be security with his word with a nation who had none of it; which obliged us to remain at home, keeping up a very strict guard. at the same time the river hayes having become free, several detachments of the nations who were our allies arrived to assist us. the asenipoetes [footnote: _asenipoetes, assinipoueles, assenipoulacs,_ and, according to dr. o'callaghan, _assiniboins_, or "sioux of the rocks."] alone made more than men. they were the descendants of the great christionaux of the old acquaintance of my uncle, & all ready to make war with the english; but i did not find it desirable to interest them in it directly nor indirectly, because i did not wish to be held on the defensive in awaiting the return of my father or of my uncle, & that besides i knew that several other nations who loved the french, more particularly those who would come to our relief at the least signal. in the mean time the chief of the asenipoetes did not wish us to leave his camp around our house, resolved to await up to the last moment the return of my uncle, of whom he always spoke, making himself break forth with the joy that he would have in seeing him by a thousand postures; & he often repeated that he wished to make it appear that he had been worthy of the presents that the governor of canada had made to him formerly in giving tokens of his zeal to serve the french. "the necessity for stores which should arrive in their camp partly hindered the effects of that praiseworthy resolution, & obliged the chief of the asenipoetes to send back into his country canoes in which he embarked men of the most feeble & of the least resolute. he kept with him a like number of them more robust, & those who were able to endure fatigue & hunger, and determined having them to content themselves with certain small fruits, which commenced to ripen, for their subsistence, in order to await the new moon, in which the spirit of the other savages had predicted the arrival of my uncle, which they believed infallible, because their superstitious custom is of giving faith to all which their manitou predicts. they remained in that state until the end of the first quarter of the moon, during which their oracles had assured them that my uncle would arrive; but the time having expired, they believed their manitou had deceived them, & it was determined between them to join themselves with us & of separating in bodys, so as to go attack the english & the savages at the south; resolved in case that the enterprise had the success that they expected, of passing the winter with us, to burn the english ships in order to remove the means of defending themselves in the spring & of effecting their return. that which contributed much to that deliberation was some information which was given to them that the english had formed a design of coming to seek the french to attack them, which they wished to prevent. "these menaces on the part of the english were capable of producing bad effects, the genius of the savages being of never awaiting their enemies, but on the contrary of going to seek them. in this design the chief of the asenipoetes disposed himself to march against the english with a party of his people; when or persons were seen on the northern side of the hayes river seeking for these same fruits on which the savages had lived for some time, he believed that they were the advance guard of the english & of the savages from the south, whom he supposed united, who came to attack us; which obliged him to make all his men take their bows and arrows, after which he ranged them in order of battle & made this address in our presence: 'my design is to pass the river with of the most courageous among you to go attack the enemy, & of disposing of you in a manner that you may be in a condition of relieving me or of receiving me, whilst the french will form the corps of reserve; that our women will load in our canoes all our effects, which they are to throw over in case necessity requires it but before undertaking this expedition i wish that you make choice of a chief to command you in my absence or in case of my death.' which having been done at the moment, this brave chief addressing us said: 'we camp ourselves upon the edge of the wood with our guns, so as to hinder the approach of the enemy; & then it would be necessary to march the men upon the edge of the water, to the end that they should be in a condition to pass to support or to receive him, according to the necessity.' "after that he passes the river with men of the most hardihood of his troops, who had greased themselves, like himself, from the feet up to the head. having each only poniards for arms, their design was to go right to the chief of the english, present to him a pipe of tobacco as a mark of union, & then, if he refused it, endeavour to kill him & make for themselves a passage through his people with their poniards as far as the place where they would be able to pass the river to be supported by their men. but after having marched as far as the place where the persons were who they had seen, they recognized that it was some women; to whom having spoken, they returned upon their steps, & said to us that there was nothing to fear, & that it was a false alarm. this general proceeding on their part gave us proofs of their courage & of their amity in a manner that the confidence that we had placed in their help had put us in a condition of fearing nothing on the part of the english nor of those there of the savages of the south; and we were in that state when god, who is the author of all things, & who disposes of them according to his good pleasure, gave me the grace of my uncle's arrival in this country to arrest the course of the disorders, who could come & work for our reconciliation. that work so much desired on both sides is accomplished. it depends not upon me that it may not be permanent. live henceforth like brothers in good union & without jealousy. as to myself, i am resolved, if the time should arrive, of sacrificing my life for the glory of the king of great britain, for the interest of the nation & the advantage of the hudson's bay company, & of obeying in all thirds my uncle." i found this with regard to repeating the recital that my nephew made us concerning what had passed between him & the english & the savages, their allies, that although he had apprised me of the true state in which the parties were at the time of my arrival, yet i also saw plainly the need that the english had of being succoured, & the necessity that the french had for provisions, of merchandise, and especially of guns, which could not come to them but by my means. but it is time to resume the care of our affairs, & to continue to render an account of our conduct. our people worked always with great application to transport the beaver skins a half league across the wood, for it was the road that it was necessary to make from the house as far as the place where the shallops were, & they carried them to the little frigate, which discharged them upon the ships. i was always present at the work, for the purpose of animating all our men, who gave themselves in this work no rest until it was done, & that against the experience of the captains of our ships, whom some had made believe that the business would drag at length; but having gone to them i assured them that if they were ready to do so they could raise the anchor to-morrow. there things thus disposed of, it only disturbed me yet more to execute a secret order that the company had given me, leaving it, however, to my prudence and discretion. it was of retaining in its service my nephew and some other frenchmen, & above all the one who spoke the savage dialect, who was the wounded one, to remain in the country in my absence, which i dared not promise myself. in the meantime i resolved to make the proposition to my nephew, believing that after gaining him i should be able easily to add the others also. i caused to assemble for that end or of the savages of the most consideration in the country with the governor, & in their presence i said to him, that for the glory of the king & for the advantage of the company it was necessary that he should remain in the country. to which he was averse at first; but the governor having assured him that he would trust him as his own nephew, & that he would divide the authority that he had with him, & myself on my part having reproached him that he was not loyal to the oath of allegiance that he had sworn to me, these reasons obliged him to determine, & he assured me that he was ready to do all that i wished of him. what contributed much was the discourse that the savages made to him, telling him that i left him amongst them to receive in my absence the marks of amity that they had sworn to me, & that they regarded him as the nephew of the one who had brought peace to the nations & made the union of the english & french in making by the same means the brothers of both. this last success in my affairs was proof to me of the authority that i had over the french & the savages; for my nephew had no sooner declared that he submitted himself to do what i wished, than all the other frenchmen offered themselves to risk the ennui of remaining in the country, although my design was only to leave but two of them; & the savages on their part burst out in cries of joy in such a manner that i no more considered after that but to put an end to all things. all our beaver skins having been embarked, i resolved, after having put everything into tranquil & assured state for my return into england, where my presence was absolutely necessary, to make known to the company in what manner it was necessary to act to profit advantageously the solid establishment that i came to do & the things which were of indispensible necessity in the country to facilitate the trade with the savages & hindering them from making any of it with foreigners, that is to say, with the french of canada. i was then for the last time with my nephew at the house of our frenchmen, to the end of leaving there some englishmen. i found there a number of savages arrived to visit me, who called my nephew & myself into one of their cabins, where a venerable old man spoke to me in these terms: "porcupine's head, thy heart is good & thou hast great courage, having made peace with the english for the love of us. behold, we have come towards thee, old & young, wives & daughters & little children, to thank thee for it, & to recognise thee for our father. we wish to be the children & adopt for our son thy nephew that thou lovest so much, & in fine to give thee an eternal mark of the obligation that we have to thee. we weep no more henceforth except for the memory of those of whom thou bearest the name." after which, having told one of the young people to speak, he fell like as if in a swoon, & the other spoke after that same manner: "men & women, young men & children, even those who are at the breast, remember this one here for your father. he is better than the sun who warms you. you will find always in him a protector who will help you in your needs & console you in your afflictions. men, remember that he gave you guns during the course of the year for you to defend yourselves against your enemies, & to kill the beasts who nourish you & your families. wives, consider that he gave you hatchets & knives with which you banish hunger from your country; daughters & children, fear nothing more, since the one who is your father loves you always, & that he gave you from time to time all that is necessary for you to have your subsistance. we all together weep no more, on the contrary give evidence by cries of our mirth that we have beheld the man of courage;" & at the same time they set themselves to cry with all their might, weeping bitterly for the last time, in saying, "we have lost our father; [footnote: "but here is one that you adopt for your father." _note by radisson,_] we have lost our children." [footnote: "here is the nephew of your father, who will be your son; he remains with you & he will have care of his mothers." _note by radisson,_] after that piteful music they all came to be acknowledged. to be acknowledged by our adoption with some presents, & covering us with robes of white beaver skins, giving us quantities of beavers' tails, some bladders of stag's marrow, several tongues of the same animal smoked, that which is the most exquisite to eat among them. they also presented us two great copper boilers full of smoked & boiled flesh, of which we ate all together, they, the english, & ourselves, & it is what is called a feast among these nations. after that i said adieu to them, & having given charge in the house what should be embarked in the ship, i went down to the mouth of the river, where captain gazer worked to build a fort in the same place where the preceding year sieur bridger had made to be constructed his shallop. it was the most advantageous situation that he had been able to find, & i advised that he should make all the diligence possible; but he had some men who by their delicacy were incapable of responding to his vigilence. i made this observation because i hold it for a maxim that one should only employ men robust, skilful, & capable of serving, & that those who are of a complexion feeble, or who flatter themselves of having protection & favour, ought to be dismissed. then we passed to the place where the ships were, because my design was to oblige by my presence the captains to return to their ships ready to make sail; but i was no sooner arrived there than a savage came to inform me that my adopted father, whom i had not seen because that he was at the wars, waited for me at the place where captain gazer was building the fort of which i came to speak. that is why i resolved to go there, & i expressed the same hope to the savage whom i sent back to give information to my father that the governor would come with me to make some friendship to him & protect him in my absence. it was with the consent of the governor & upon his parole that i had told him that; nevertheless he did not wish to come, & i was for the first time found a liar among the savages, which is of a dangerous consequence, for these nations have in abomination this vice. he came to me, however, in no wise angry in that interview, & i received not even a reproach from him. when i was at the rendezvous they told me that my adopted father was gone away from it because i had annoyed a savage, for he had been informed that i had arrived to see him. this savage having remembered the obligation to return, although very sad on account of some news that he had learned upon the road, which was that the chief of the nation who inhabited the height above the river neosaverne, named "the bearded," & one of his sons, who were his relations, had been killed in going to insult those among the savages who were set to the duty of taking care of the frenchman who had been wounded by a savage gained over by the english, after that he had embraced me, & that he had informed me of the circumstance of that affaire, & the number of people he had as followers, i wrote to the governor to come to me in the place where we were, to make him know in effect that he must after my departure prevent the continuation of these disorders in virtue of the treaty of peace & of union that i had made in presence of the savages between the french & the english. the governor having arrived, i presented to him my adopted father, & said to him that as it was the chief who commanded the nation that inhabited in the place where they built the fort, i had made him some little presents by captain gazer, & that it was also desirable that he make some to him, because i had promissed some the preceeding year that i had not given; which the governor found very bad, & he became irritated even against this chief without any cause for it; except that it might be because he was my adopted father, & i have learned since that he was angry that when i had arrived i had not given any present to a simple savage who served as a spy, who was the son of that chief called "the bearded." that was a horrible extravagence; for this governor was inferior to me, & i was not under any obligation to recognize his favor; besides, i had never made any presents but to the chiefs of the nations. moreover, it was not for our governor to censure my conduct. i had received some independent orders, which had been given me on account of the outrage that he had committed; but acting for the service of my king and for those of the company, i passed it over in silence. i saw that it would be imprudent if i should speak my sentiments openly to a man who after my departure should command all those who remained in the country.[footnote: "that would have perhaps drawn upon him some contempt." _note by radisson._ ] i contented myself then with letting him know the inconveniences which would happen from the indifference that he affected to have for the chief of the savage nations, & i exhorted him also to change at once his policy in regard to my adopted father; not by that consideration, but because that he was, as i said to him, the chief of the nations which inhabited the place where they built the fort, which he promissed me of undoing. after that i went on board our ship. my nephew, who remained in the fort with the governor, having learned that the ships were ready to leave, kept himself near me with the french whom i had resolved to leave in canada, to say adieu to me, & it was in the company of this governor that they made the journey, during which, as i have since learned from my nephew, he showed to them more good will than he had yet done, assuring them that they should never want anything, & in consideration of me they would receive the same treatment as himself. the behaviour that my nephew & the other frenchmen had shown gave no reason for doubting the sincerity of their protestations. they no longer believed that any one could have any mistrust of them. my nephew & his interpreter had been solicited to remain in the country to serve the company, & they had consented to it without a murmur because i had charged myself with the care of their interests in england. all that passed in the presence and by the persuasions of the governor. nevertheless, behold a surprising change which came to pass by the inconstancy, the caprice, & the wicked behaviour of this same governor. i disposed myself to part with the other frenchmen, when the governor, having come aboard of the little frigate, caused a signal to be made to hold a council of war. upon this the captains of the ships & myself rendered ourselves on board, where my nephew followed us, remaining upon the poop, whilst the officers & myself were in the room where this governor demanded of us, at first, if we had any valid reasons why he should not send back in the ships all the frenchmen who were in the country; to all which the others having said nothing, i was obliged to speak in these terms: "at my departure from england i received a verbal order from the company, in particular from sir james hayes, to leave in the country where we are as many of the frenchmen as i should find desirable for the good & advantage of the company. i have upon that resolved to engage my nephew & his interpreter to remain in it, & i have come for that end, by my attendance, for the consent of the governor, who demands to-day that they may be sent back as people who apparently are known to him as suspected. i have always believed, & i believe it still, that their presence is useful in this country and also necessary to the company, and it was difficult to be able to overlook two, because they are known to all the nations. it is also upon them that i have relied for the security of the merchandises which are left behind at the houses of the french, because without their assistance or their presence they would be exposed to pillage. nevertheless i do not pretend to oppose my self to the design that the governor has put in execution & the proposition that he proposes making. he is free to undo what he pleases, but he cannot make me subscribe to his resolutions, because i see that they are directly opposed to those of the company, to my instructions, and to my experience. on the contrary, i will protest before god and before men against all that he does, because, after what he has said to you, he is incapable of doing what is advantageous for his masters. it is in vain that one should give him good councels, for he has not the spirit to understand them, that he may again deal a blow to which he would wish i opposed nothing." this declaration had without doubt made some impression upon a spirit not anticipated in an imaginary capacity of governor; but this one here, on the contrary, fortified himself in his resolution, & begged me to tell the french to embark themselves, without considering that my nephew had not time enough to go seek his clothes, nor several bonds that were due to him in canada, which remained in the house of the french, and that i had abandoned to him, to yield whatever i was in a condition of giving satisfaction to him, & that in the hope that the company would set up for him the way exclusively. the council after that broke up; but the governor, apprehending that the frenchmen would not obey, wished to give an order to the captains to seize upon them and put them on board. he had even the insolence of putting me first on the lists, as if i was suspected or guilty of something, for which captain bond having perceived, said to him that he should not make a charge of that kind, as i must be excepted from it, because he remembered nothing in me but much of attachment for the service of his masters, & that they should take care of the establishment that we had made, & of the advantages that would accrue to the company. they obliged the governor to make another list, and thus finished a council of war held against the interests of those who had given power to assemble them. the persons who had any knowledge of these savages of the north would be able to judge of the prejudice which the conduct of this imprudent governor would without contradiction have caused the company. many would attribute his proceeding to his little experience, or to some particular hatred that he had conceived against the french. be it as it may, i was not of his way of thinking; and i believed that his timidity & want of courage had prompted him to do all that he had done, by the apprehension that he had of the french undertaking something against him; & what confirmed me in that thought was the precaution that he had taken for preventing the french from speaking to any person since the day of council, for he put them away from the moment that we went away from them. i made out also that he had wanted but the occasion of putting to the sword my nephew if he had had the least pretext; but knowing his wicked designs, i made him understand, as well as the other frenchmen, that we were to go to england, & that he must not leave the ship, because we were at any moment ready to depart. although this change surprised my nephew & his interpreter, nevertheless they appeared not discontented with it, especially when i had assured them, as well as the other frenchmen, that they would receive all kinds of good treatment in england, and that it would do them no harm in their persons nor in their pretensions. i left them then in the ship, and having embarked myself in the frigate, we were put ashore two leagues from the place where they were at anchor, to take on board some goods that remained on the shore, with more diligence than we had been able to make with the ships; which having succeeded in happily doing, we went to rejoin the ships at the place where they were at anchor, in one of which my nephew and the other frenchmen were staying during this time without having taken the least step, although they were in a condition for any enterprise, because they could easily render themselves masters of the two ships and burn them, having there for both but two men and one boy in each; after which they could also, without danger, go on shore on the south side with the canoes of the savages, who were from the north, and then make themselves masters of their houses and their merchandise, which were guarded but by two men; but to go there to them, he made doubts of all that i had told him, and that it would be ill intentioned to the service of the company, as it was to the governor. that is why they were not capable, neither those nor the others, after having submitted themselves & having taken the oath of fidelity as they had done. at length, after having suffered in my honour and in my probity many things on the part of the governor, [footnote: "before radisson's arrival, capt. john abraham had been to port nelson with supplies of stores, & finding mr bridgar was gone, he staid himself, & was continued governor by the company in ." _oldmixon_.] and much fatigue and indisposition of trouble and of care in my person, to come to the end of my design, having happily succeeded, and all that was to be embarked in the ships being on board, we made sail the th day of september, , and we arrived at the downs, without anything passing worth mentioning, the rd of october of the same year. the impatience that i had of informing the gentlemen of the hudson's bay company of the happy success of my voyage, and our return, and that i had acquitted myself for the service of the king and their own interest in all the engagements into which i had entered, obliged me to mount a horse the same day, to present myself in london, where i arrived at midnight. all which did not hinder me, so the sieur ecuyer young was informed, who was one of those interested, who having come to me on the morrow morning to take me, did me the honour to present me to his majesty and to his royal highness, to whom i rendered an account of all which had been done; and i had the consolation of receiving some marks of the satisfaction of these great princes, who in token gave order to the sieur ecuyer young to tell the company to have care of my interests, & to remember my services. some days after, i went before the committee of the hudson's bay company, to render to it an account of my conduct, hoping to receive their approbation of my proceeding as the first fruits of the just satisfaction & recompence which was my due; but in place of that i found the members of the committee for the most part offended because i had had the honour of making my reverence to the king and to his royal highness, & these same persons continued even their bad intention to injure me, and, under pretext of refusing me the justice which is due to me, they oppose themselves also to the solid and useful resolutions that are necessary for the glory of his majesty and the advantage of the nation and their own interest. finis. officers of the prince society. . * * * * * _president_. the rev. edmund f. slafter, a.m. boston, mass. _vice-presidents_. john ward dean, a.m. boston, mass. william b. trask boston, mass. the hon. charles h. bell, ll.d. exeter, n.h. james p. baxter, a.m. portland, me. _corresponding secretary_. the rev. henry w. foote, a.m. boston, mass. _recording secretary_. david greene haskins, jr., a.m. cambridge, mass. _treasurer_. elbridge h. goss boston, mass. the prince society. . * * * * * the hon. charles francis adams, ll.d. boston, mass. charles francis adams, jr., a.b. quincy, mass. thomas coffin amory, a.m. boston, mass. william sumner appleton, a.m. boston, mass. walter t. avery new york, n.y. thomas willing balch philadelphia, pa. george l. balcom claremont, n.h. charles candee baldwin, m.a. cleveland, ohio. charles e. banks, m.d. chelsea, mass. samuel l. m. barlow new york, n.y. james phinney baxter, a.m. portland, me. the hon. charles h. bell, ll.d. exeter. n.h. john j. bell, a.m. exeter, n.h. j. carson brevoort, ll.d. brooklyn, n.y. the rev. phillips brooks, d.d. boston, mass. sidney brooks, a.m. boston, mass. john marshall brown, a.m. portland, me, john nicholas brown providence, r.i. joseph o. brown new york, n.y. philip henry brown, a.m. portland, me. thomas o. h. p. burnham boston, mass. the hon. mellen chamberlain, a.m. chelsea, mass. the hon. william eaton chandler, a.m. washington, d.c. george bigelow chase, a.m. boston, mass. clarence h. clark philadelphia, pa. gen. john s. clark auburn, n.y. the hon. samuel crocker cobb boston, mass. ethan n. coburn charlestown, mass. jeremiah coburn, a.m. boston, mass. deloraine p. corey boston, mass. erastus corning albany, n.y. ellery bicknell crane worcester, mass. abram e. cutter charlestown, mass. william m. darlington pittsburg, pa. john ward dean, a.m. boston, mass. charles deane, ll.d. cambridge, mass. edward denham new bedford, mass. john charles dent toronto, canada. prof. franklin b. dexter, a.m. new haven, ct. the rev. henry martyn dexter, d.d. boston, mass. samuel adams drake melrose, mass. henry thayer drowne new york, n.y. henry h. edes charlestown, mass. jonathan edwards, a.b., m.d. new haven, ct. william henry egle, a.m., m.d. harrisurg, pa. janus g. elder lewiston, me. prof. william elder, a.m. waterville, me. samuel eliot, ll.d. boston, mass. the hon. william m. evarts, ll.d. new york, n.y. joseph story fay woods holl, mass. john s. h. fogg, m.d. boston, mass. the rev. henry w. foote, a.m. boston, mass. samuel p. fowler danvers, mass. james e. gale haverhill, mass. isaac d. garfield syracuse, n.y. julius gay, a.m. farmington, ct. abner c. goodell, jr., a.m. salem, mass. elbridge h. goss boston, mass. the hon. justice horace gray, ll.d. boston, mass. william w. greenough, a.b. boston, mass. isaac j. greenwood, a.m. new york, n.y. charles h. guild somerville, mass. david greene haskins, jr., a.m. cambridge, mass. the hon. rutherford b. hayes, ll.d. fremont, ohio. thomas wentworth higginson, a.m. cambridge, mass. w. scott hill, m.d. augusta, me. amor leander hollingworth, a.m. milton, mass. james f. hunnewell charlestown, mass. henry higgins hurlbut chicago, ill. theodore irwin oswego, n.y. the rev. henry fitch jenks, a.m. lawrence, mass. the hon. clark jillson worcester, mass. sawyer junior nashua, n.h. d. s. kellogg, m.d. plattsburgh, n.y. george lamb boston, mass. edward f. de lancey new york, n.y. henry lee, a.m. boston, mass. henry cabot lodge, ph.d. boston, mass. william t. r. marvin, a.m. boston, mass. william f. matchett boston, mass. frederic w. g. may boston, mass. the rev. james h. means, d.d. boston, mass. george h. moore, ll.d. new york, n.y. the rev. james de normandie, a.m. boston, mass. prof. charles e. norton, ll.d. cambridge, mass. john h. osborne auburn, n.y. george t. paine providence, r. i. nathaniel paine worcester, mass. john carver palfrey, a.m. boston, mass. daniel parish, jr. new york, n.y. francis parkman, ll.d. boston, mass. augustus t. perkins, a.m. boston, mass. the rt. rev. william stevens perry, d.d., ll.d. davenport, iowa. william frederick poole, ll.d. chicago, ill. samuel s. purple, m.d. new york, n.y. the rt. rev. charles f. robertson, d.d., ll.d. st. louis, mo. the hon. nathaniel foster safford, a.m. milton, mass. gideon d. scull london, eng. joshua montgomery sears, a.b. boston, mass. john gilmary shea, ll.d. elizabeth, n.j. the hon. mark skinner chicago, ill. the rev. carlos slafter, a.m. dedham, mass. the rev. edmund f. slafter, a.m. boston, mass. charles c. smith boston, mass. oliver bliss stebbins boston, mass. george stewart, jr. quebec, canada. the rev. increase niles tarbox, d.d. newton, mass. walter eliot thwing boston, mass. william b. trask boston, mass. joseph b. walker, a.m. concord, n.h. william henry wardwell boston, mass. miss rachel wetherill philadelphia, pa. henry wheatland, a.m., m.d. salem, mass. john gardner white, a.m. cambridge, mass. william h. whitmore, a.m. boston, mass. henry austin whitney, a.m. boston, mass. the hon. marshall p. wilder, ph.d., ll.d. boston, mass. henry winsor philadelphia, pa. the hon. robert c. winthrop, ll.d. boston, mass. charles levi woodbury boston, mass. ashbel woodward, m.d. franklin, ct. j. otis woodward albany, n.y. libraries. american antiquarian society worcester, mass. amherst college library amherst, mass. astor library new york, n.y. bibliotheque nationale paris, france. bodleian library oxford, eng. boston athenaeum boston, mass. boston library society boston, mass. british museum london, eng. concord public library concord, mass. cornell university library ithaca, n.y. eben dale sutton reference library peabody, mass. free public library worcester, mass. free public library of toronto toronto, canada. gloucester public library gloucester, mass. grosvenor library buffalo, n.y. harvard college library cambridge, mass. historical society of pennsylvania philadelphia, pa. lancaster public library lancaster, mass. library company of philadelphia philadelphia, pa. library of parliament ottawa, canada. library of the state department washington, d.c. literary and historical society of quebec quebec, canada. long island historical society brooklyn, n.y. maine historical society portland, me. maryland historical society baltimore, md. massachusetts historical society boston, mass. mercantile library new york, n.y. minnesota historical society st. paul, minn. newburyport public library, peabody fund newburyport, mass. new england historic genealogical society boston, mass. newton free library newton, mass. new york society library new york, n.y. peabody institute of the city of baltimore baltimore, md. plymouth public library plymouth, mass. portsmouth athensum portsmouth, n.h. public library of cincinnati cincinnati, ohio. public library of the city of boston boston, mass. redwood library newport, r.i. state historical society of wisconsin madison, wis. state library of massachusetts boston, mass. state library of new york albany, n.y. state library of rhode island providence, r.i. state library of vermont montpelier, vt. williams college library williamstown, mass. woburn public library woburn, mass. yale college library new haven, ct. young men's library buffalo, n.y. index. abaouicktigonions abraham, capt. john accadia ahondironons akrahkuseronoms algonquins allmund, peter amickkoicks amsterdam andasstoueronom andonanchronons animal, a strange aniot nation annikouay anojot anomiacks anontackeronons anticosti island aoveatsiovaenhronons arendarrhonons go to onondaga ariotachronoms arlington, lord asenipoetes asinipour assenipoulacs. (see asenipoetes.) assickmack assiniboins. (see asenipoetes.) assinipoueles. (see asenipoetes.) atcheligonens attignaonantons join the mohawks attignenonhacs attikamegues attionendarouks attochingochronons auriniacks avieronons aviottronons b. baffin's bay baily, capt. charles barbadoes basse, caught for oil bayly, capt. charles. (see baily, capt. charles.) bear family. (see attignaonantons.) bear, white, the eating of makes men sick bears, abundance of beavers beef indians bellinzany, monsieur berger, captain bersiamites blackberries boats of oriniack skins bond, captain bordeaux boston bouchard, jean bouchard-darval family bradley, myrick bridgar, captain brother. (_see_ chouart, medard.) brough, defined buffes button's bay button, sir thomas c. cadis, the cagamite, defined camseau canada cape de magdelaine cape henry caper, the ship carr, george carr, sir robert carriboucks cartaret, sir george carteret, col. george. (_see_ cartwright, col. george.) cartwright, col. george cass, governor casson, dollier de castors castors, skins used for bottles; sold by indians for corn; a source of profit to the fathers cayuga village charles ii. charlevoix chaudiere chaumont, father chisedeck christinos, the chouart, jean baptiste chouart, marie antoinette chouart, medard; arrives in canada; marries; a donne at lake huron; becomes a trader; called sieur des groseilliers; children of; travels with radisson; called des groseilliers and spoken of as a brother of radisson citrulles clarke, j. v. h. colbert, monsieur cole, captain colleton, sir peter colonial documents of new york copper, abundance of copper wire used by indians cord family. (see attignenonhacs.) cows, wild cruelties of indians d. dab-fish dablon, father d'argenson, viscount de frontinac, count de la barre, governor delheure, monsieur denier, monsieur de seignelay, marquis des groseilliers, --, nephew of radisson --(see chouart, medard.) d'estrees, jean, count de witt dollard, adam doric rock dress of indians. (see indian costume.) drums of indians du chefneau, monsieur ducks, abundance of duhamel, rev. joseph thomas duperon, joseph inbert dupuys, sieur e. eagle, the ship ehriehronoms elends elks ellis's manuscripts england eressaronoms eruata, defined escotecke escouteck eslan esquimos f. fire indians fishes of large size fort albany fort bourbon fort charles fort orange fort richelieu foucault, nicolai joseph france french, the, break the treaty, and come into a collision in hudson's bay g. gailliards gazer, captain genealogical dictionary of canadian families gien, a musical instrument gillam, captain zachariah gillam, --, son of captain zachariah goats godfrey, marguerite godfry, john baptista gooseberries gorst, thomas grapes green point groseilliers. (see chouart, medard.) guillam. (see gillam.) guinea, visited by radisson guitar h. hallow isle happy return, the ship hayes river hayes, sir james hayes, the sloop, captured hight of st. louis holland hollanders horiniac, defined huattochronoms hudson's bay hudson's bay company hudson's bay trade hudson's straits huron islands hurons hurons, massacred by iroquois, number of i. indian amusements indian costumes indian council, described indian cruelties. (see cruelties of indians.) indians, designated by their footmarks, indians, eat human flesh, indians, food of indians, funeral rites indians, luggage described indians, manner of cooking their meat indians, manner of sweating indians, their musical instruments indians, nations of the north, nations of the south indians, pierce their ears and noses indians, treachery of ireland iroquois join the mohawks; massacre the hurons isle d'ane isle d'eluticosty isle of cape breton isle of montreal isle of orleans isle of richelieu isle of sand isle perse isles of toniata italy compared to america j. jacques, father jalot, jean jaluck james ii james bay jesuits k. kakivvakiona river kawirinagaw river kechechewan river keweena river kinoncheripirini kionontateronons kirke, sir david kirke, sir john kirke, sir lewis kischeripirini knisteneaux. (see christinos.) konkhaderichonons kotakoaveteny l. la hontan lake assiniboin lake champlaine lake huron lake of castors lake of the stinkings lake ontario lake st. francis lake st. louis lake st. peter lake superior le gardeur, noel le mercier, father francis lichen, _tripe des roche_ london longpoint long sault, massacre at louis xiv low iroquois country lyddel, governor william m. maesoochy nadone maingonis malhonmines malhonniners manatte (see manhattan and new netherland.) manhattan mantoneck marie, monsieur maringoines martin, abraham massacre of hurons massacre at long sault matouchkarini matonenocks maverick, samuel medicine-bag menada mesnard, father messipi mile island minisigons minutes relating to hudson's bay company mission, jesuit, at lake superior mitchitamon mohawks montignes montmorency river montreal mont royal moose. (_see_ castors and elends.) moose river mountaignaies musquetos. (_see_ maringoines.) n. nadone nadoneceronon nadoneceronons (_see_ nation of beefe.) nadoucenako nadouceronons nantucket nasaonakouetons nation of beefe (_see_ nadoneceronons.) nation of the sault nations of the north nations of the south neill, rev. e. d. nelson's harbor nelson's river nenosavern river neosavern river nephew of radisson. (_see_ des groseilliers.) new amsterdam new england new netherland new york new york colonial mss. nicolls, col. richard niel, genevieve nipisiriniens nojottaga noncet, father joseph nonsuch, the ship nontageya. (_see_ onondaga.) o. oats, nation of o'callaghan, dr. octanacks ohcrokonanechronons oiongoiconon. (_see_ cayuga.) ojibways okinotoname oldmixon oneida village oneronoms onondagas onondaga village; number of indians in that vicinity; mission ontorahronons orignal orijonots orimha, defined orinal orinha oriniacke; defined; how cooked ormeaux, sieur des orturbi oscovarahronoms oslar, captain ottanaks otters ouachegami ouendack ougmarahronoms ouncisagay ountchatarounongha outimagami outlaw, captain ovaouchkairing ovasovarin oxford oyongoironons p. pacoiquis paris parkman, francis pasnoestigons pauabickhomesibs peace of utrecht peerce island pepys, samuel perse, l'isle pictured rocks pierce, captain piffings plains of abraham, named after abraham martin point comfort point of st. louis poirier, marie pontonatemick porcelaine porpoises, white portall of st peter port nelson port royal preston, lord prince rupert, the ship prince rupert pumpkins q. quebec; the governor of, sends letter to captain baily quinipigousek r. radisson, claude volant de st. cloude radisson, etienne radisson, etienne volant radisson, francois radisson, jean francois radisson, marguerite radisson, nicholas radisson, peter esprit, emigrates to canada; birth of; marriage; children of; trade with indians; makes notes of his wanderings; title of first narrative; taken captive and escapes; embarks for holland and france, title of second narrative, returns to canada, joins jesuits, spends three years in travelling, third voyage, visits lake superior, offers to visit hudson's bay, meets english commissioners, lawsuit against, visits nantucket, taken to spain, in england, accused of trying to counterfeit coin, originated the hudson's bay settlement, visits prince rupert, difficulty with hudson's bay company, goes to port nelson, to france and england, with hudson's bay company ( ), narrative of, described, owners of, first voyage, goes fowling, superstition of, captured by indians, treatment of, taught to sing, dressed by indians, wrestles with an indian, adopted, taken on a journey, meets an algonquin and escapes, recaptured, tortured, parents protect him, foster-father, goes with the natives on the war-path, journey described, meets a strange animal, captures prisoners, kills prisoners, divides booty, meets foster-friends, visits fort orange, refuses to escape, repents the refusal, escapes, reaches menada, sails for amsterdam and reaches rochelle, second voyage, has iroquois guides, enters lake st. francis, treachery of iroquois, reaches a great river, searched by indians, meets old friends, his boat driven from shore, witnesses birth of an indian child, meets jesuits, treachery of indians, builds a ship, gives feast to indians, escapes, reaches lake ontario, reaches hight of st. louis, and rests at three rivers, prepares to start upon another voyage, warned by an indian, assaulted by indians, some of the party return, fights indians, meets indians from hudson's bay, made much of, describes the country, gives battle, rests for the winter, resumes his journey, forced to stop a year, calls a council, starts south, assaulted by iroquois, arrives at quebec, fourth narrative, proposes to make another voyage, assaulted by iroquois, attacks indian fort, indians escape, attacks another fort, burial of indians, kills his prisoners, reaches lake of castors, lake superior, finds much copper, compares the country with turkey, names the pictured rocks, visits huron islands, meets christinos, builds fort, remains twelve days, distributes presents, calls council, rests for the winter, famine, eats his dogs, visited by nadoneseronons, builds fort, council; feast; leaves with the nation of sault; accident; sick; helped by an indian; meets christinos; voyages among the islands; meets nation of the beefe; shows the indians a biblical image; hears of a river at the north; at river of the sturgeon; meets iroquois; arrives at the sault; visits place of massacre; arrives at port royal; wronged; his brother goes to france; goes to isle d'eluticosty; and then to cape breton; threatened by the french; enters hudson's straits; receives grant for fishing; goes to england; unsuccessful attempt to leave that country; vindicates himself; his marriage; his pension; brings his family to canada; voyage to guinea; in france; in england; in france; back to canada; sails for quebec and reaches accadia; mutiny on the ship; enters hudson's straits; visited by indians; gives presents; meets english; arrival of a new england ship; disputes their claim; loses winter provisions; visits the ships, but conceals the arrival of one from the other; returns to his house; hinders the spies sent by bridgar; sends provisions to bridgar; acts as spy; visited by gillam; words with gillam; takes gillam's fort and ship; surprised by bridgar's men; letter to bridgar; visit to bridgar, who breaks his promise; bridgar held a prisoner; goes to bridgar's house; sends a message to indians; freshet; visits bridgar, and finds men sick; helps bridgar to depart; indian council; bridgar makes trouble; weighs anchor; gives the bark to bridgar; is driven ashore; finds a fine harbor; arrives at quebec; restores ship to the new england merchants; letter from colbert; goes to france; complaints against; not proven; dissembles; french and english desire his co-operation, but he joins the english; presented to the king; sails from england; arrives at hayes river; meets the governor at port nelson; meets savages; meets his nephew; conference with his nephew; collects beaver skins; savages complain of the governor; conciliates the savages; divides his party; makes an inventory of his stores; finds tobacco scattered, as an omen; sends savages away; nephew explains why he killed two englishmen; loads ship with beaver skins; consults his nephew; places his affairs in the hands of his nephew and the governor; leave-taking with the indians; goes aboard ship, meets his foster-father, advises the governor to change his policy, counsel on ship-board, disagrees with governor, sails for and arrives in england, gives account of his voyage to the king, and goes before the hudson bay company, who refuse to give him his due, radisson, pierre, son of peter ragueneau, father paul raynbault, father rensselaerswyck rice river of canada river of richelieu river of the medows river of the sturgeon river ovamasis river saguenay river st. lawrence rochelle rock family of indians roquay rupert, prince rupert's river s. sable island sacgnes. (_see_ river saguenay.) sacquenes saegne. (_see_ river saguenay.) sagahigavirini sagamite, defined sagard-theodat sagnes river sagnitaovigama sagseggons saguenes saint peter's salt, indian name for salt, nation of. (_see_ nation of the sault) sanoutin country sault, company of sault, indians of the. (_see_ nation of the sault) sault of columest schoolcraft sea-serpents seneca village senecas, the shea, j. g. signelay. (_see_ de seignelay, marquis.) sioux sioux of the rocks skinchiohronoms sloane, sir hans socoquis sononteeonon. (_see_ seneca.) sonontueronons sorel, sieur spain squerells stags stairing haires stannard, captain straits of new foundland sturgeons t. tabittee indians tadousac tanguay, abbe cyprian tatanga tatarga tatousac river three rivers titascons tiviseimi tobacco scattered on the land, an omen of trouble tobaga tontataratonhronoms touret, elie godefroy tourne sol, how made trade-standard with indians trees painted trinivoick trips, _tripe des roche_ tsonnontonan. (_see_ seneca village.) turkey in europe compared to america turkeys turquois stone u. utrecht, peace of v. vimont, father virginia w. wampum y. york, duke of york, _alias_ fort bourbon young, sieur ecuyer [illustration: vainly walked he through the forest, sought for bird or beast and found none.] the song of hiawatha an epic poem by henry wadsworth longfellow m.a. donohue & co. chicago song of hiawatha by henry wadsworth longfellow minnehaha edition copyright contents page introduction canto i the peace-pipe canto ii the four winds canto iii hiawatha's childhood canto iv hiawatha and mudge-keewis canto v hiawatha's fasting canto vi hiawatha's friends canto vii hiawatha's sailing canto viii hiawatha's fishing canto ix hiawatha and the pearl-feather canto x hiawatha's wooing canto xi hiawatha's wedding feast canto xii the son of the evening star canto xiii blessing the cornfields canto xiv picture-writing canto xv hiawatha's lamentation canto xvi pau-puk-keewis canto xvii the hunting of pau-puk-keewis canto xviii the death of kwasind canto xix the ghosts canto xx the famine canto xxi the white man's foot canto xxii hiawatha's departure introductory note. the song of hiawatha first appeared in . in it mr. longfellow has woven together the beautiful traditions of the american indians into one grand and delightful epic poem. the melodies of its rhythm and measure flow from his classic pen in unison with the hoof-beats of the bison, the tremulous thunder of the falls of minnehaha, the paddle strokes of the indian canoeist, and he has done more to immortalize in song and story the life and environments of the red man of america than any other writer, save perhaps j. fenimore cooper. it was from a perusal of the finnish epic "kalevala" that both the measure and the style of "hiawatha" was suggested to mr. longfellow. in fact, it might appropriately be named the "kalevala" of north america. mr. longfellow derived his knowledge of indian legends from schoolcraft's algic researches and other books, from heckewelder's narratives, from black hawk, with his display of sacs and foxes on boston common, and from the ojibway chief, kahge-gagah-bowh, whom he entertained at his own home. hiawatha had a wide circulation, both in america and europe, and was universally admired by readers and critics on both continents. large audiences gathered to hear it read by public readers. it was set to music by stoepel, and at the boston theater it was rendered with explanatory readings by the famous elocutionist, matilda heron. the highest encomiums were passed upon it by such critics of ripe scholarship as emerson and hawthorne. a part of it was translated into latin and used as an academic text book. those who wish to read more about it will find interest and pleasure in perusing the masterly criticisms of dr. o. w. holmes in the annals of the massachusetts historical society, and that of horatio hale in the proceedings of the american association for the advancement of science, . the song of hiawatha. introduction. should you ask me, whence these stories? whence these legends and traditions, with the odors of the forest, with the dew and damp of meadows, with the curling smoke of wigwams, with the rushing of great rivers, with their frequent repetitions, and their wild reverberations, as of thunder in the mountains? i should answer, i should tell you, "from the forests and the prairies, from the great lakes of the northland, from the land of the ojibways, from the land of the dacotahs, from the mountains, moors, and fen-lands, where the heron, the shuh-shuh-gah, feeds among the reeds and rushes. i repeat them as i heard them from the lips of nawadaha, the musician, the sweet singer." should you ask where nawadaha found these songs so wild and wayward, found these legends and traditions, i should answer, i should tell you, "in the bird's-nests of the forest, in the lodges of the beaver, in the hoof-prints of the bison, in the eyry of the eagle! "all the wild-fowl sang them to him, in the moorlands and the fen-lands, in the melancholy marshes; chetowaik, the plover, sang them, mahn, the loon, the wild goose, wawa, the blue heron, the shuh-shuh-gah and the grouse, the mushkodasa!" if still further you should ask me, saying, "who was nawadaha? tell us of this nawadaha," i should answer your inquiries straightway in such words as follow. "in the vale of tawasentha, in the green and silent valley, by the pleasant water-courses, dwelt the singer nawadaha. round about the indian village spread the meadows and the cornfields, and beyond them stood the forest, stood the groves of singing pine-trees, green in summer, white in winter, ever sighing, ever singing. "and the pleasant water-courses, you could trace them through the valley, by the rushing in the spring-time, by the alders in the summer, by the white fog in the autumn, by the black line in the winter; and beside them dwelt the singer, in the vale of tawasentha, in the green and silent valley. "there he sang of hiawatha, sang the song of hiawatha, sang his wondrous birth and being, how he prayed and how he fasted, how he lived, and toiled, and suffered that the tribes of men might prosper, that he might advance his people!" ye who love the haunts of nature, love the sunshine of the meadow, love the shadow of the forest, love the wind among the branches, and the rain-shower and the snow-storm, and the rushing of great rivers through their palisades of pine-trees, and the thunder in the mountains, whose innumerable echoes flap like eagles in their eyries;-- listen to these wild traditions, to this song of hiawatha! ye who love a nation's legends love the ballads of a people, that like voices from afar off call to us to pause and listen, speak in tones so plain and childlike, scarcely can the ear distinguish whether they are sung or spoken;-- listen to this indian legend, to this song of hiawatha! ye whose hearts are fresh and simple, who have faith in god and nature, who believe that in all ages every human heart is human, that in even savage bosoms there are longings, yearnings, strivings for the good they comprehend not, that the feeble hands and helpless, groping blindly in the darkness, touch god's right hand in that darkness, and are lifted up and strengthened;-- listen to this simple story, to this song of hiawatha! ye who sometimes, in your rambles through the green lanes of the country, where the tangled barberry-bushes hang their tufts of crimson berries over stone walls gray with mosses, pause by some neglected graveyard, for a while to muse, and ponder on a half-effaced inscription, written with little skill of song-craft, homely phrases, but each letter full of hope and yet of heart-break, full of all the tender pathos of the here and the hereafter;-- stay and read this rude inscription, read this song of hiawatha! [illustration: _ojibway snow shoe._] [illustration: "smoked the calumet, the peace-pipe."] the song of hiawatha. i. the peace-pipe. on the mountains of the prairie, on the great red pipe-stone quarry, gitche manito, the mighty, he the master of life, descending, on the red crags of the quarry stood erect, and called the nations, called the tribes of men together. from his footprints flowed a river, leaped into the light of morning, o'er the precipice plunging downward gleamed like ishkoodah, the comet. and the spirit, stooping earthward, with his finger on the meadow traced a winding pathway for it, saying to it, "run in this way!" from the red stone of the quarry with his hand he broke a fragment, moulded it into a pipe-head, shaped and fashioned it with figures; from the margin of the river took a long reed for a pipe-stem, with its dark green leaves upon it, filled the pipe with bark of willow, with the bark of the red willow; breathed upon the neighboring forest, made its great boughs chafe together, till in flame they burst and kindled; and erect upon the mountains, gitche manito, the mighty, smoked the calumet, the peace-pipe, as a signal to the nations. * * * * * and the smoke rose slowly, slowly, through the tranquil air of morning, first a single line of darkness, then a denser, bluer vapor, then a snow-white cloud unfolding, like the tree-tops of the forest, ever rising, rising, rising, till it touched the top of heaven, till it broke against the heaven, and rolled outward all around it. from the vale of tawasentha, from the valley of wyoming, from the groves of tuscaloosa, from the far-off rocky mountains, from the northern lakes and rivers, all the tribes beheld the signal, saw the distant smoke ascending, the pukwana of the peace-pipe. and the prophets of the nations said: "behold it, the pukwana! by this signal from afar off, bending like a wand of willow, waving like a hand that beckons, gitche manito, the mighty, calls the tribes of men together, calls the warriors to his council!" down the rivers, o'er the prairies, came the warriors of the nations, came the delawares and mohawks, came the choctaws and camanches, came the shoshonies and blackfeet, came the pawnees and omahas, came the mandans and dacotahs, came the hurons and ojibways, all the warriors drawn together by the signal of the peace-pipe, to the mountains of the prairie, to the great red pipe-stone quarry. and they stood there on the meadow, with their weapons and their war-gear, painted like the leaves of autumn, painted like the sky of morning, wildly glaring at each other; in their faces stern defiance, in their hearts the feuds of ages, the hereditary hatred, the ancestral thirst of vengeance. gitche manito, the mighty, the creator of the nations, looked upon them with compassion, with paternal love and pity; looked upon their wrath and wrangling but as quarrels among children, but as feuds and fights of children! over them he stretched his right hand, to subdue their stubborn natures, to allay their thirst and fever, by the shadow of his right hand; spake to them with voice majestic as the sound of far-off waters falling into deep abysses, warning, chiding, spake in this wise:-- "o my children! my poor children! listen to the words of wisdom, listen to the words of warning, from the lips of the great spirit, from the master of life, who made you! "i have given you lands to hunt in, i have given you streams to fish in, i have given you bear and bison, i have given you roe and reindeer, i have given you brant and beaver, filled the marshes full of wild fowl, filled the rivers full of fishes; why then are you not contented? why then will you hunt each other? "i am weary of your quarrels, weary of your wars and bloodshed, weary of your prayers for vengeance, of your wranglings and dissensions; all your strength is in your union, all your danger is in discord; therefore be at peace henceforward, and as brothers live together. "i will send a prophet to you, a deliverer of the nations, who shall guide you and shall teach you, who shall toil and suffer with you. if you listen to his counsels, you will multiply and prosper; if his warnings pass unheeded, you will fade away and perish! "bathe now in the stream before you, wash the war-paint from your faces, wash the blood-stains from your fingers, bury your war-clubs and your weapons, break the red stone from this quarry, mould and make it into peace-pipes, take the reeds that grow beside you, deck them with your brightest feathers, smoke the calumet together, and as brothers live henceforward!" then upon the ground the warriors threw their cloaks and shirts of deer-skin, threw their weapons and their war-gear, leaped into the rushing river, washed the war-paint from their faces. clear above them flowed the water, clear and limpid from the footprints of the master of life descending; dark below them flowed the water, soiled and stained with streaks of crimson, as if blood were mingled with it! from the river came the warriors, clean and washed from all their war-paint; on the banks their clubs they buried, buried all their warlike weapons, gitche manito, the mighty, the great spirit, the creator, smiled upon his helpless children! and in silence all the warriors broke the red stone of the quarry, smoothed and formed it into peace-pipes, broke the long reeds by the river, decked them with their brightest feathers, and departed each one homeward, while the master of life, ascending, through the opening of cloud-curtains, through the doorways of the heaven, vanished from before their faces, in the smoke that rolled around him, the pukwana of the peace-pipe! [illustration: "break the red stone from this quarry, mould and make it into peace-pipes."] [illustration: "i have given you bear and bison."] ii. the four winds. "honor be to mudjekeewis!" cried the warriors, cried the old men, when he came in triumph homeward with the sacred belt of wampum, from the regions of the north-wind, from the kingdom of wabasso, from the land of the white rabbit. he had stolen the belt of wampum from the neck of mishe-mokwa, from the great bear of the mountains, from the terror of the nations, as he lay asleep and cumbrous on the summit of the mountains, like a rock with mosses on it, spotted brown and gray with mosses. silently he stole upon him, till the red nails of the monster almost touched him, almost scared him, till the hot breath of his nostrils warmed the hands of mudjekeewis, as he drew the belt of wampum over the round ears, that heard not, over the small eyes, that saw not, over the long nose and nostrils, the black muffle of the nostrils, out of which the heavy breathing warmed the hands of mudjekeewis. then he swung aloft his war-club, shouted loud and long his war-cry, smote the mighty mishe-mokwa in the middle of the forehead, right between the eyes he smote him. with the heavy blow bewildered, rose the great bear of the mountains; but his knees beneath him trembled, and he whimpered like a woman, as he reeled and staggered forward, as he sat upon his haunches; and the mighty mudjekeewis, standing fearlessly before him, taunted him in loud derision, spake disdainfully in this wise:-- "hark you, bear! you are a coward, and no brave, as you pretended; else you would not cry and whimper like a miserable woman! bear! you know our tribes are hostile, long have been at war together; now you find that we are strongest, you go sneaking in the forest, you go hiding in the mountains! had you conquered me in battle not a groan would i have uttered; but you, bear! sit here and whimper, and disgrace your tribe by crying, like a wretched shaugodaya, like a cowardly old woman!" then again he raised his war-club, smote again the mishe-mokwa in the middle of his forehead, broke his skull, as ice is broken when one goes to fish in winter. thus was slain the mishe-mokwa, he the great bear of the mountains, he the terror of the nations. "honor be to mudjekeewis!" with a shout exclaimed the people, "honor be to mudjekeewis! henceforth he shall be the west-wind, and hereafter and forever shall he hold supreme dominion over all the winds of heaven. call him no more mudjekeewis, call him kabeyun, the west-wind!" thus was mudjekeewis chosen father of the winds of heaven. for himself he kept the west-wind, gave the others to his children; unto wabun gave the east-wind, gave the south to shawondasee, and the north-wind, wild and cruel, to the fierce kabibonokka. young and beautiful was wabun; he it was who brought the morning, he it was whose silver arrows chased the dark o'er hill and valley; he it was whose cheeks were painted with the brightest streaks of crimson, and whose voice awoke the village, called the deer, and called the hunter. lonely in the sky was wabun; though the birds sang gayly to him, though the wild-flowers of the meadow filled the air with odors for him, though the forests and the rivers sang and shouted at his coming, still his heart was sad within him, for he was alone in heaven. but one morning, gazing earthward, while the village still was sleeping, and the fog lay on the river, like a ghost, that goes at sunrise, he beheld a maiden walking all alone upon a meadow, gathering water-flags and rushes by a river in the meadow. every morning, gazing earthward, still the first thing he beheld there was her blue eyes looking at him, two blue lakes among the rushes. and he loved the lonely maiden, who thus waited for his coming; for they both were solitary, she on earth and he in heaven. and he wooed her with caresses, wooed her with his smile of sunshine, with his flattering words he wooed her, with his sighing and his singing, gentlest whispers in the branches, softest music, sweetest odors, till he drew her to his bosom, folded in his robes of crimson, till into a star he changed her, trembling still upon his bosom; and forever in the heavens they are seen together walking, waban and the wabun-annung, wabun and the star of morning. but the fierce kabibonokka had his dwelling among icebergs, in the everlasting snow-drifts, in the kingdom of wabasso, in the land of the white rabbit. he it was whose hand in autumn painted all the trees with scarlet, stained the leaves with red and yellow; he it was who sent the snow-flakes, sifting, hissing through the forest, froze the ponds, the lakes, the rivers, drove the loon and sea-gull southward, drove the cormorant and curlew to their nests of sedge and sea-tang in the realms of shawondasee. once the fierce kabibonokka issued from his lodge of snow-drifts, from his home among the icebergs, and his hair, with snow besprinkled, streamed behind him like a river, like a black and wintry river, as he howled and hurried southward, over frozen lakes and moorlands. there among the reeds and rushes found he shingebis, the diver, trailing strings of fish behind him, o'er the frozen fens and moorlands, lingering still among the moorlands, though his tribe had long departed to the land of shawondasee. cried the fierce kabibonokka, "who is this that dares to brave me? dares to stay in my dominions, when the wawa has departed, when the wild-goose has gone southward, and the heron, the shuh-shuh-gah, long ago departed southward? i will go into his wigwam, i will put his smouldering fire out!" and at night kabibonokka to the lodge came wild and wailing, heaped the snow in drifts about it, shouted down into the smoke-flue, shook the lodge-poles in his fury, flapped the curtain of the door-way. shingebis, the diver, feared not, shingebis, the diver, cared not; four great logs had he for fire-wood, one for each moon of the winter, and for food the fishes served him. by his blazing fire he sat there, warm and merry, eating, laughing, singing, "o kabibonokka, you are but my fellow-mortal!" [illustration: "i have given you streams to fish in."] then kabibonokka entered, and though shingebis, the diver, felt his presence by the coldness, felt his icy breath upon him, still he did not cease his singing, still he did not leave his laughing, only turned the log a little, only made the fire burn brighter, made the sparks fly up the smoke-flue. from kabibonokka's forehead, from his snow-besprinkled tresses, drops of sweat fell fast and heavy, making dints upon the ashes, as along the eaves of lodges, as from drooping boughs of hemlock, drips the melting snow in spring-time, making hollows in the snow-drifts. till at last he rose defeated, could not bear the heat and laughter, could not bear the merry singing, but rushed headlong through the door-way, stamped upon the crusted snow-drifts, stamped upon the lakes and rivers, made the snow upon them harder, made the ice upon them thicker, challenged shingebis, the diver, to come forth and wrestle with him, to come forth and wrestle naked on the frozen fens and moorlands. forth went shingebis, the diver, wrestled all night with the north-wind, wrestled naked on the moorlands with the fierce kabibonokka, till his panting breath grew fainter, till his frozen grasp grew feebler, till he reeled and staggered backward, and retreated, baffled, beaten, to the kingdom of wabasso, to the land of the white rabbit, hearing still the gusty laughter, hearing shingebis, the diver, singing, "o kabibonokka, you are but my fellow-mortal!" shawondasee, fat and lazy,-- had his dwelling far to southward, in the drowsy, dreamy sunshine, in the never-ending summer. he it was who sent the wood-birds, sent the opechee, the robin, sent the bluebird, the owaissa, sent the shawshaw, sent the swallow, sent the wild-goose, wawa, northward, sent the melons and tobacco, and the grapes in purple clusters. from his pipe the smoke ascending filled the sky with haze and vapor, filled the air with dreamy softness, gave a twinkle to the water. touched the rugged hills with smoothness, brought the tender indian summer to the melancholy north-land, in the dreary moon of snow-shoes. listless, careless shawondasee! in his life he had one shadow, in his heart one sorrow had he. once, as he was gazing northward, far away upon a prairie he beheld a maiden standing, saw a tall and slender maiden all alone upon a prairie; brightest green were all her garments, and her hair was like the sunshine. day by day he gazed upon her, day by day he sighed with passion, day by day his heart within him grew more hot with love and longing for the maid with yellow tresses. but he was too fat and lazy to bestir himself and woo her; yes, too indolent and easy to pursue her and persuade her. so he only gazed upon her, only sat and sighed with passion for the maiden of the prairie. till one morning, looking northward, he beheld her yellow tresses changed and covered o'er with whiteness, covered as with whitest snow-flakes. "ah! my brother from the north-land, from the kingdom of wabasso, from the land of the white rabbit! you have stolen the maiden from me, you have laid your hand upon her, you have wooed and won my maiden, with your stories of the north-land!" thus the wretched shawondasee breathed into the air his sorrow; and the south-wind o'er the prairie wandered warm with sighs of passion, with the sighs of shawondasee, till the air seemed full of snow-flakes, full of thistle-down the prairie, and the maid with hair like sunshine vanished from his sight forever; never more did shawondasee see the maid with yellow tresses! poor, deluded shawondasee! 't was no woman that you gazed at, 't was no maiden that you sighed for, 't was the prairie dandelion that through all the dreamy summer you had gazed at with such longing, you had sighed for with such passion, and had puffed away forever, blown into the air with sighing. ah! deluded shawondasee! thus the four winds were divided; thus the sons of mudjekeewis had their stations in the heavens, at the corners of the heavens; for himself the west-wind only kept the mighty mudjekeewis. iii. hiawatha's childhood. downward through the evening twilight, in the days that are forgotten, in the unremembered ages, from the full moon fell nokomis, fell the beautiful nokomis, she a wife but not a mother. she was sporting with her women, swinging in a swing of grape-vines, when her rival, the rejected, full of jealousy and hatred, cut the leafy swing asunder, cut in twain the twisted grape-vines, and nokomis fell affrighted downward through the evening twilight, on the muskoday, the meadow, on the prairie full of blossoms. "see! a star falls!" said the people; "from the sky a star is falling!" there among the ferns and mosses, there among the prairie lilies, on the muskoday, the meadow, in the moonlight and the starlight, fair nokomis bore a daughter. and she called her name wenonah, as the first-born of her daughters. and the daughter of nokomis grew up like the prairie lilies, grew a tall and slender maiden, with the beauty of the moonlight, with the beauty of the starlight. and nokomis warned her often, saying oft, and oft repeating, "oh, beware of mudjekeewis, of the west-wind, mudjekeewis; listen not to what he tells you; lie not down upon the meadow, stoop not down among the lilies, lest the west-wind come and harm you!" but she heeded not the warning, heeded not those words of wisdom. and the west-wind came at evening, walking lightly o'er the prairie, whispering to the leaves and blossoms, bending low the flowers and grasses, found the beautiful wenonah, lying there among the lilies, wooed her with his words of sweetness, wooed her with his soft caresses, till she bore a son in sorrow, bore a son of love and sorrow, thus was born my hiawatha, thus was born the child of wonder; but the daughter of nokomis, hiawatha's gentle mother, in her anguish died deserted by the west-wind, false and faithless, by the heartless mudjekeewis. for her daughter, long and loudly wailed and wept the sad nokomis; "oh that i were dead!" she murmured, "oh that i were dead, as thou art! no more work, and no more weeping, wahonowin! wahonowin!" by the shores of gitche gumee, by the shining big-sea-water, stood the wigwam of nokomis daughter of the moon, nokomis. dark behind it rose the forest, rose the black and gloomy pine-trees, rose the firs with cones upon them; bright before it beat the water, beat the clear and sunny water, beat the shining big-sea-water. there the wrinkled old nokomis nursed the little hiawatha, rocked him in his linden cradle, bedded soft in moss and rushes, safely bound with reindeer sinews; stilled his fretful wail by saying, "hush! the naked bear will hear thee!" lulled him into slumber, singing, "ewa-yea! my little owlet! who is this, that lights the wigwam? with his great eyes lights the wigwam? ewa-yea! my little owlet!" many things nokomis taught him of the stars that shine in heaven; showed him ishkoodah, the comet, ishkoodah, with fiery tresses; showed the death-dance of the spirits, warriors with their plumes and war-clubs flaring far away to northward in the frosty nights of winter; showed the broad white road in heaven, pathway of the ghosts, the shadows, running straight across the heavens, crowded with the ghosts, the shadows. at the door on summer evenings sat the little hiawatha; heard the whispering of the pine-trees, heard the lapping of the waters, sounds of music, words of wonder; "minne-wawa!" said the pine-trees. "mudway-aushka!" said the water. saw the fire-fly, wah-wah-taysee, flitting through the dusk of evening, with the twinkle of its candle lighting up the brakes and bushes, and he sang the song of children, sang the song nokomis taught him: "wah-wah-taysee, little fire-fly, little, flitting, white-fire insect, little, dancing, white-fire creature, light me with your little candle, ere upon my bed i lay me, ere in sleep i close my eyelids!" saw the moon rise from the water rippling, rounding from the water, saw the flecks and shadows on it, whispered, "what is that, nokomis?" and the good nokomis answered: "once a warrior, very angry, seized his grandmother, and threw her up into the sky at midnight; right against the moon he threw her; 't is her body that you see there." saw the rainbow in the heaven, in the eastern sky, the rainbow, whispered, "what is that, nokomis?" and the good nokomis answered: "'t is the heaven of flowers you see there; all the wild-flowers of the forest, all the lilies of the prairie, when on earth they fade and perish, blossom in that heaven above us." when he heard the owls at midnight, hooting, laughing in the forest, "what is that?" he cried in terror; "what is that," he said, "nokomis?" and the good nokomis answered: "that is but the owl and owlet, talking in their native language, talking, scolding at each other." then the little hiawatha learned of every bird its language, learned their names and all their secrets, how they built their nests in summer, where they hid themselves in winter, talked with them whene'er he met them, called them "hiawatha's chickens." of all beasts he learned the language, learned their names and all their secrets, how the beavers built their lodges, where the squirrels hid their acorns, how the reindeer ran so swiftly, why the rabbit was so timid, talked with them whene'er he met them, called them "hiawatha's brothers." then iagoo, the great boaster, he the marvellous story-teller, he the traveller and the talker, he the friend of old nokomis, made a bow for hiawatha; from a branch of ash he made it, from an oak-bough made the arrows, tipped with flint, and winged with feathers, and the cord he made of deer-skin. then he said to hiawatha: "go, my son, into the forest, where the red deer herd together, kill for us a famous roebuck, kill for us a deer with antlers!" forth into the forest straightway all alone walked hiawatha proudly, with his bow and arrows; and the birds sang round him, o'er him, "do not shoot us, hiawatha!" sang the opechee, the robin, sang the bluebird, the owaissa, "do not shoot us, hiawatha!" up the oak-tree, close beside him, sprang the squirrel, adjidaumo, in and out among the branches, coughed and chattered from the oak-tree, laughed, and said between his laughing, "do not shoot me, hiawatha!" and the rabbit from his pathway leaped aside, and at a distance sat erect upon his haunches, half in fear and half in frolic, saying to the little hunter, "do not shoot me, hiawatha!" but he heeded not, nor heard them, for his thoughts were with the red deer; on their tracks his eyes were fastened, leading downward to the river, to the ford across the river, and as one in slumber walked he. hidden in the alder-bushes, there he waited till the deer came, till he saw two antlers lifted, saw two eyes look from the thicket, saw two nostrils point to windward, and a deer came down the pathway, flecked with leafy light and shadow. and his heart within him fluttered, trembled like the leaves above him, like the birch-leaf palpitated, as the deer came down the pathway. then, upon one knee uprising, hiawatha aimed an arrow; scarce a twig moved with his motion, scarce a leaf was stirred or rustled, but the wary roebuck started, stamped with all his hoofs together, listened with one foot uplifted, leaped as if to meet the arrow; ah! the singing, fatal arrow; like a wasp it buzzed and stung him! dead he lay there in the forest, by the ford across the river; beat his timid heart no longer, but the heart of hiawatha throbbed and shouted and exulted, as he bore the red deer homeward, and iagoo and nokomis hailed his coming with applauses. from the red deer's hide nokomis made a cloak for hiawatha, from the red deer's flesh nokomis made a banquet in his honor. all the village came and feasted, all the guests praised hiawatha, called him strong-heart, soan-ge-taha! called him loon-heart, mahn-go-taysee! [illustration: "i have given you lands to hunt in."] iv. hiawatha and mudjekeewis. out of childhood into manhood now had grown my hiawatha, skilled in all the craft of hunters, learned in all the lore of old men, in all youthful sports and pastimes, in all manly arts and labors. swift of foot was hiawatha; he could shoot an arrow from him, and run forward with such fleetness, that the arrow fell behind him! strong of arm was hiawatha; he could shoot ten arrows upward, shoot them with such strength and swiftness, that the tenth had left the bow-string ere the first to earth had fallen! he had mittens, minjekahwun, magic mittens made of deer-skin; when upon his hands he wore them, he could smite the rocks asunder, he could grind them into powder. he had moccasins enchanted, magic moccasins of deer-skin; when he bound them round his ankles, when upon his feet he tied them, at each stride a mile he measured! much he questioned old nokomis of his father mudjekeewis; learned from her the fatal secret of the beauty of his mother, of the falsehood of his father; and his heart was hot within him, like a living coal his heart was. then he said to old nokomis, "i will go to mudjekeewis, see how fares it with my father, at the doorways of the west-wind, at the portals of the sunset!" from his lodge went hiawatha, dressed for travel, armed for hunting; dressed in deer-skin shirt and leggings, richly wrought with quills and wampum on his head his eagle-feathers, round his waist his belt of wampum, in his hand his bow of ash-wood, strung with sinews of the reindeer; in his quiver oaken arrows, tipped with jasper, winged with feathers; with his mittens, minjekahwun, with his moccasins enchanted. warning said the old nokomis, "go not forth, o hiawatha! to the kingdom of the west-wind, to the realms of mudjekeewis, lest he harm you with his magic, lest he kill you with his cunning!" but the fearless hiawatha heeded not her woman's warning; forth he strode into the forest, at each stride a mile he measured; lurid seemed the sky above him, lurid seemed the earth beneath him, hot and close the air around him, filled with smoke and fiery vapors, as of burning woods and prairies. for his heart was hot within him, like a living coal his heart was. so he journeyed westward, westward, left the fleetest deer behind him, left the antelope and bison; crossed the rushing esconaba, crossed the mighty mississippi, passed the mountains of the prairie, passed the land of crows and foxes, passed the dwellings of the blackfeet, came unto the rocky mountains, to the kingdom of the west-wind, where upon the gusty summits sat the ancient mudjekeewis, ruler of the winds of heaven. filled with awe was hiawatha at the aspect of his father. on the air about him wildly tossed and streamed his cloudy tresses, gleamed like drifting snow his tresses, glared like ishkoodah, the comet, like the star with fiery tresses. filled with joy was mudjekeewis when he looked on hiawatha, saw his youth rise up before him in the face of hiawatha, saw the beauty of wenonah from the grave rise up before him. "welcome!" said he, "hiawatha, to the kingdom of the west-wind! long have i been waiting for you! youth is lovely, age is lonely, youth is fiery, age is frosty; you bring back the days departed, you bring back my youth of passion, and the beautiful wenonah!" many days they talked together, questioned, listened, waited, answered; much the mighty mudjekeewis boasted of his ancient prowess, of his perilous adventures, his indomitable courage, his invulnerable body. patiently sat hiawatha, listening to his father's boasting; with a smile he sat and listened, uttered neither threat nor menace, neither word nor look betrayed him, but his heart was hot within him, like a living coal his heart was. then he said, "o mudjekeewis, is there nothing that can harm you? nothing that you are afraid of?" and the mighty mudjekeewis, grand and gracious in his boasting, answered, saying, "there is nothing, nothing but the black rock yonder, nothing but the fatal wawbeek!" and he looked at hiawatha with a wise look and benignant, with a countenance paternal, looked with pride upon the beauty of his tall and graceful figure, saying, "o my hiawatha! is there anything can harm you? anything you are afraid of?" but the wary hiawatha paused awhile, as if uncertain, held his peace, as if resolving, and then answered, "there is nothing, nothing but the bulrush yonder, nothing but the great apukwa!" and as mudjekeewis, rising, stretched his hand to pluck the bulrush, hiawatha cried in terror, cried in well-dissembled terror, "kago! kago! do not touch it!" "ah, kaween!" said mudjekeewis, "no indeed, i will not touch it!" then they talked of other matters; first of hiawatha's brothers, first of wabun, of the east-wind, of the south-wind, shawondasee, of the north, kabibonokka; then of hiawatha's mother, of the beautiful wenonah, of her birth upon the meadow, of her death, as old nokomis had remembered and related. and he cried, "o mudjekeewis, it was you who killed wenonah, took her young life and her beauty, broke the lily of the prairie, trampled it beneath your footsteps; you confess it! you confess it!" and the mighty mudjekeewis tossed his gray hairs to the west-wind, bowed his hoary head in anguish, with a silent nod assented. [illustration: "he was dressed in deer-skin leggings, fringed with hedge-hog quills and ermine."] then up started hiawatha, and with threatening look and gesture laid his hand upon the black rock, on the fatal wawbeek laid it, with his mittens, minjekahwun, rent the jutting crag asunder, smote and crushed it into fragments, hurled them madly at his father, the remorseful mudjekeewis, for his heart was hot within him, like a living coal his heart was. but the ruler of the west-wind blew the fragments backward from him, with the breathing of his nostrils, with the tempest of his anger, blew them back at his assailant; seized the bulrush, the apukwa, dragged it with its roots and fibres from the margin of the meadow, from its ooze, the giant bulrush; long and loud laughed hiawatha! then began the deadly conflict, hand to hand among the mountains; from his eyry screamed the eagle, the keneu, the great war-eagle, sat upon the crags around them, wheeling flapped his wings above them. like a tall tree in the tempest bent and lashed the giant bulrush; and in masses huge and heavy crashing fell the fatal wawbeek; till the earth shook with the tumult and confusion of the battle, and the air was full of shoutings, and the thunder of the mountains, starting, answered, "baim-wawa!" back retreated mudjekeewis, rushing westward o'er the mountains, stumbling westward down the mountains three whole days retreated fighting, still pursued by hiawatha to the doorways of the west-wind, to the portals of the sunset, to the earth's remotest border, where into the empty spaces sinks the sun, as a flamingo drops into her nest at nightfall, in the melancholy marshes. "hold!" at length cried mudjekeewis, "hold, my son, my hiawatha! 't is impossible to kill me, for you cannot kill the immortal. i have put you to this trial, but to know and prove your courage; now receive the prize of valor! "go back to your home and people, live among them, toil among them, cleanse the earth from all that harms it, clear the fishing-grounds and rivers, slay all monsters and magicians, all the giants, the wendigoes, all the serpents, the kenabeeks, as i slew the mishe-mokwa, slew the great bear of the mountains. "and at last when death draws near you, when the awful eyes of pauguk glare upon you in the darkness, i will share my kingdom with you, ruler shall you be thenceforward of the northwest-wind, keewaydin, of the home-wind, the keewaydin." thus was fought that famous battle in the dreadful days of shah-shah, in the days long since departed, in the kingdom of the west-wind. still the hunter sees its traces scattered far o'er hill and valley; sees the giant bulrush growing by the ponds and water-courses, sees the masses of the wawbeek lying still in every valley. homeward now went hiawatha; pleasant was the landscape round him, pleasant was the air above him, for the bitterness of anger had departed wholly from him, from his brain the thought of vengeance, from his heart the burning fever. only once his pace he slackened, only once he paused or halted, paused to purchase heads of arrows of the ancient arrow-maker, in the land of the dacotahs, where the falls of minnehaha flash and gleam among the oak-trees, laugh and leap into the valley. there the ancient arrow-maker made his arrow-heads of sandstone, arrow-heads of chalcedony, arrow-heads of flint and jasper, smoothed and sharpened at the edges, hard and polished, keen and costly. with him dwelt his dark-eyed daughter, wayward as the minnehaha, with her moods of shade and sunshine, eyes that smiled and frowned alternate, feet as rapid as the river, tresses flowing like the water, and as musical a laughter; and he named her from the river, from the water-fall he named her, minnehaha, laughing water. was it then for heads of arrows, arrow-heads of chalcedony, arrow-heads of flint and jasper, that my hiawatha halted in the land of the dacotahs? was it not to see the maiden, see the face of laughing water peeping from behind the curtain, hear the rustling of her garments from behind the waving curtain, as one sees the minnehaha gleaming, glancing through the branches, as one hears the laughing water from behind its screen of branches? who shall say what thoughts and visions fill the fiery brains of young men? who shall say what dreams of beauty filled the heart of hiawatha? all he told to old nokomis, when he reached the lodge at sunset, was the meeting with his father, was his fight with mudjekeewis; not a word he said of arrows, not a word of laughing water! [illustration: _blanket woven by navajo woman._] v. hiawatha's fasting. you shall hear how hiawatha prayed and fasted in the forest, not for greater skill in hunting, not for greater craft in fishing, not for triumphs in the battle, and renown among the warriors, but for profit of the people, for advantage of the nations. first he built a lodge for fasting, built a wigwam in the forest, by the shining big-sea-water, in the blithe and pleasant spring-time, in the moon of leaves he built it, and, with dreams and visions many, seven whole days and nights he fasted. on the first day of his fasting through the leafy woods he wandered; saw the deer start from the thicket, saw the rabbit in his burrow, heard the pheasant, bena, drumming, heard the squirrel, adjidaumo, rattling in his hoard of acorns, saw the pigeon, the omeme, building nests among the pine-trees, and in flocks the wild goose, wawa, flying to the fen-lands northward, whirring, wailing far above him. "master of life!" he cried, desponding, "must our lives depend on these things?" on the next day of his fasting by the river's brink he wandered, through the muskoday, the meadow, saw the wild rice, mahnomonee, saw the blueberry, meenahga, and the strawberry, odahmin, and the gooseberry, shahbomin, and the grape-vine, the bemahgut, trailing o'er the alder-branches, filling all the air with fragrance! "master of life!" he cried, desponding, "must our lives depend on these things?" on the third day of his fasting by the lake he sat and pondered, by the still, transparent water; saw the sturgeon, nahma, leaping, scattering drops like beads of wampum, saw the yellow perch, the sahwa, like a sunbeam in the water, saw the pike, the maskenozha, and the herring, okahahwis, and the shawgashee, the craw-fish! "master of life!" he cried, desponding, "must our lives depend on these things?" on the fourth day of his fasting in his lodge he lay exhausted; from his couch of leaves and branches gazing with half-open eyelids, full of shadowy dreams and visions, on the dizzy, swimming landscape, on the gleaming of the water, on the splendor of the sunset. and he saw a youth approaching, dressed in garments green and yellow, coming through the purple twilight, through the splendor of the sunset; plumes of green bent o'er his forehead, and his hair was soft and golden. standing at the open doorway, long he looked at hiawatha, looked with pity and compassion on his wasted form and features, and, in accents like the sighing of the south-wind in the tree-tops, said he, "o my hiawatha! all your prayers are heard in heaven, for you pray not like the others; not for greater skill in hunting, not for greater craft in fishing, not for triumph in the battle, nor renown among the warriors, but for profit of the people, for advantage of the nations. "from the master of life descending, i, the friend of man, mondamin, come to warn you and instruct you, how by struggle and by labor you shall gain what you have prayed for. rise up from your bed of branches, rise, o youth, and wrestle with me!" faint with famine, hiawatha started from his bed of branches, from the twilight of his wigwam forth into the flush of sunset came, and wrestled with mondamin; at his touch he felt new courage throbbing in his brain and bosom, felt new life and hope and vigor run through every nerve and fibre. so they wrestled there together in the glory of the sunset, and the more they strove and struggled, stronger still grew hiawatha; till the darkness fell around them, and the heron, the shuh-shuh-gah, from her haunts among the fen-lands, gave a cry of lamentation, gave a scream of pain and famine. "'t is enough!" then said mondamin, smiling upon hiawatha, "but tomorrow, when the sun sets, i will come again to try you." and he vanished, and was seen not; whether sinking as the rain sinks, whether rising as the mists rise, hiawatha saw not, knew not, only saw that he had vanished, leaving him alone and fainting, with the misty lake below him, and the reeling stars above him. on the morrow and the next day, when the sun through heaven descending, like a red and burning cinder from the hearth of the great spirit, fell into the western waters, came mondamin for the trial, for the strife with hiawatha; came as silent as the dew comes, from the empty air appearing, into empty air returning, taking shape when earth it touches but invisible to all men in its coming and its going. thrice they wrestled there together in the glory of the sunset, till the darkness fell around them, till the heron, the shuh-shuh-gah, from her haunts among the fen-lands, uttered her loud cry of famine, and mondamin paused to listen. tall and beautiful he stood there, in his garments green and yellow; to and fro his plumes above him waved and nodded with his breathing, and the sweat of the encounter stood like drops of dew upon him. and he cried, "o hiawatha! bravely have you wrestled with me, thrice have wrestled stoutly with me, and the master of life, who sees us, he will give to you the triumph!" then he smiled and said: "to-morrow is the last day of your conflict, is the last day of your fasting. you will conquer and o'ercome me; make a bed for me to lie in, where the rain may fall upon me, where the sun may come and warm me; strip these garments, green and yellow, strip this nodding plumage from me, lay me in the earth and make it soft and loose and light above me. "let no hand disturb my slumber, let no weed nor worm molest me, let not kahgahgee, the raven, come to haunt me and molest me, only come yourself to watch me, till i wake, and start, and quicken, till i leap into the sunshine." and thus saying, he departed; peacefully slept hiawatha, but he heard the wawonaissa, heard the whippoorwill complaining, perched upon his lonely wigwam; heard the rushing sebowisha, heard the rivulet rippling near him, talking to the darksome forest; heard the sighing of the branches, as they lifted and subsided at the passing of the night-wind, heard them, as one hears in slumber far-off murmurs, dreamy whispers: peacefully slept hiawatha. on the morrow came nokomis, on the seventh day of his fasting, came with food for hiawatha, came imploring and bewailing, lest his hunger should o'ercome him, lest his fasting should be fatal. but he tasted not, and touched not, only said to her, "nokomis, wait until the sun is setting, till the darkness falls around us, till the heron, the shuh-shuh-gah, crying from the desolate marshes, tells us that the day is ended." homeward weeping went nokomis, sorrowing for her hiawatha, fearing lest his strength should fail him, lest his fasting should be fatal. he meanwhile sat weary waiting for the coming of mondamin, till the shadows, pointing eastward, lengthened over field and forest, till the sun dropped from the heaven, floating on the waters westward, as a red leaf in the autumn falls and floats upon the water, falls and sinks into its bosom. and behold! the young mondamin, with his soft and shining tresses, with his garments green and yellow, with his long and glossy plumage, stood and beckoned at the doorway. and as one in slumber walking, pale and haggard, but undaunted, from the wigwam hiawatha came and wrestled with mondamin. round about him spun the landscape, sky and forest reeled together, and his strong heart leaped within him, as the sturgeon leaps and struggles in a net to break its meshes. like a ring of fire around him blazed and flared the red horizon, and a hundred suns seemed looking at the combat of the wrestlers. suddenly upon the greensward all alone stood hiawatha, panting with his wild exertion, palpitating with the struggle; and before him, breathless, lifeless, lay the youth, with hair dishevelled, plumage torn, and garments tattered, dead he lay there in the sunset. and victorious hiawatha made the grave as he commanded, stripped the garments from mondamin, stripped his tattered plumage from him, laid him in the earth, and made it soft and loose and light above him; and the heron, the shuh-shuh-gah, from the melancholy moorlands, gave a cry of lamentation, gave a cry of pain and anguish! homeward then went hiawatha to the lodge of old nokomis, and the seven days of his fasting were accomplished and completed. but the place was not forgotten where he wrestled with mondamin; nor forgotten nor neglected was the grave where lay mondamin, sleeping in the rain and sunshine, where his scattered plumes and garments faded in the rain and sunshine. day by day did hiawatha go to wait and watch beside it; kept the dark mould soft above it, kept it clean from weeds and insects, drove away, with scoffs and shoutings, kahgahgee, the king of ravens. till at length a small green feather from the earth shot slowly upward, then another and another, and before the summer ended stood the maize in all its beauty, with its shining robes about it, and its long, soft, yellow tresses; and in rapture hiawatha cried aloud, "it is mondamin! yes, the friend of man, mondamin!" then he called to old nokomis and iagoo, the great boaster, showed them where the maize was growing, told them of his wondrous vision, of his wrestling and his triumph, of this new gift to the nations, which should be their food forever. and still later, when the autumn changed the long, green leaves to yellow, and the soft and juicy kernels grew like wampum hard and yellow, then the ripened ears he gathered, stripped the withered husks from off them, as he once had stripped the wrestler, gave the first feast of mondamin, and made known unto the people this new gift of the great spirit. [illustration: _comanche baskets and pappoose cradles._] [illustration: "in the hoof-prints of the bison."] vi. hiawatha's friends. two good friends had hiawatha, singled out from all the others, bound to him in closest union, and to whom he gave the right hand of his heart, in joy and sorrow; chibiabos, the musician, and the very strong man, kwasind. straight between them ran the pathway, never grew the grass upon it; singing birds, that utter falsehoods, story-tellers, mischief-makers, found no eager ear to listen, could not breed ill-will between them, for they kept each other's counsel, spake with naked hearts together, pondering much and much contriving how the tribes of men might prosper. most beloved by hiawatha was the gentle chibiabos, he the best of all musicians, he the sweetest of all singers. beautiful and childlike was he, brave as man is, soft as woman, pliant as a wand of willow, stately as a deer with antlers. when he sang, the village listened; all the warriors gathered round him, all the women came to hear him; now he stirred their souls to passion, now he melted them to pity. from the hollow reeds he fashioned flutes so musical and mellow, that the brook, the sebowisha, ceased to murmur in the woodland, that the wood-birds ceased from singing, and the squirrel, adjidaumo, ceased his chatter in the oak-tree, and the rabbit, the wabasso, sat upright to look and listen. yes, the brook, the sebowisha, pausing, said, "o chibiabos, teach my waves to flow in music, softly as your words in singing!" yes, the bluebird, the owaissa, envious, said, "o chibiabos, teach me tones as wild and wayward, teach me songs as full of frenzy!" yes, the opechee, the robin, joyous, said, "o chibiabos, teach me tones as sweet and tender, teach me songs as full of gladness!" and the whippoorwill, wawonaissa, sobbing, said, "o chibiabos, teach me tones as melancholy, teach me songs as full of sadness!" all the many sounds of nature borrowed sweetness from his singing; all the hearts of men were softened by the pathos of his music; for he sang of peace and freedom, sang of beauty, love, and longing; sang of death, and life undying in the islands of the blessed, in the kingdom of ponemah, in the land of the hereafter. very dear to hiawatha was the gentle chibiabos, he the best of all musicians, he the sweetest of all singers; for his gentleness he loved him, and the magic of his singing. * * * * * dear, too, unto hiawatha was the very strong man, kwasind, he the strongest of all mortals, he the mightiest among many; for his very strength he loved him, for his strength allied to goodness. idle in his youth was kwasind, very listless, dull, and dreamy, never played with other children, never fished and never hunted, not like other children was he; but they saw that much he fasted, much his manito entreated, much besought his guardian spirit. "lazy kwasind!" said his mother, "in my work you never help me! in the summer you are roaming idly in the fields and forests; in the winter you are cowering o'er the firebrands in the wigwam! in the coldest days of winter i must break the ice for fishing; with my nets you never help me! at the door my nets are hanging, dripping, freezing with the water; go and wring them, yenadizze! go and dry them in the sunshine!" slowly, from the ashes, kwasind rose, but made no angry answer; from the lodge went forth in silence, took the nets, that hung together, dripping, freezing at the doorway; like a wisp of straw he wrung them, like a wisp of straw he broke them, could not wring them without breaking, such the strength was in his fingers. [illustration: "not a woodchuck could get through them; not a squirrel clamber o'er them! and straightway his pipe he lighted, and sat down to smoke and ponder."] "lazy kwasind!" said his father, "in the hunt you never help me; every bow you touch is broken, snapped asunder every arrow; yet come with me to the forest, you shall bring the hunting homeward." down a narrow pass they wandered, where a brooklet led them onward, where the trail of deer and bison marked the soft mud on the margin, till they found all further passage shut against them, barred securely by the trunks of trees uprooted, lying lengthwise, lying crosswise, and forbidding further passage. "we must go back," said the old man, "o'er these logs we cannot clamber; not a woodchuck could get through them, not a squirrel clamber o'er them!" and straightway his pipe he lighted, and sat down to smoke and ponder. but before his pipe was finished, lo! the path was cleared before him: all the trunks had kwasind lifted, to the right hand, to the left hand, shot the pine-trees swift as arrows, hurled the cedars light as lances. "lazy kwasind!" said the young men, as they sported in the meadow; "why standing idly looking at us, leaning on the rock behind you? come and wrestle with the others, let us pitch the quoit together!" lazy kwasind made no answer, to their challenge made no answer, only rose, and, slowly turning, seized the huge rock in his fingers, tore it from its deep foundation, poised it in the air a moment, pitched it sheer into the river, sheer into the swift pauwating, where it still is seen in summer. once as down that foaming river, down the rapids of pauwating, kwasind sailed with his companions, in the stream he saw a beaver, saw ahmeek, the king of beavers, struggling with the rushing currents, rising, sinking in the water. without speaking, without pausing, kwasind leaped into the river, plunged beneath the bubbling surface, through the whirlpools chased the beaver, followed him among the islands, stayed so long beneath the water, that his terrified companions cried, "alas! good-by to kwasind! we shall never more see kwasind!" but he reappeared triumphant, and upon his shining shoulders brought the beaver, dead and dripping, brought the king of all the beavers. and these two, as i have told you, were the friends of hiawatha, chibiabos, the musician, and the very strong man, kwasind. long they lived in peace together, spake with naked hearts together, pondering much and much contriving how the tribes of men might prosper. [illustration: _beads of wampum, shells and turquoise._] [illustration: thus the birch canoe was builded in the valley by the river, in the bosom of the forest; and the forest's life was in it.] vii. hiawatha's sailing. give me of your bark, o birch-tree! of your yellow bark, o birch-tree! growing by the rushing river, tall and stately in the valley! i a light canoe will build me, build a swift cheemaun for sailing, that shall float upon the river, like a yellow leaf in autumn, like a yellow water-lily! "lay aside your cloak, o birch-tree! lay aside your white-skin wrapper, for the summer-time is coming, and the sun is warm in heaven, and you need no white-skin wrapper!" thus aloud cried hiawatha in the solitary forest, by the rushing taquamenaw, when the birds were singing gayly, in the moon of leaves were singing, and the sun, from sleep awaking, started up and said, "behold me! gheezis, the great sun, behold me!" and the tree with all its branches rustled in the breeze of morning, saying, with a sigh of patience, "take my cloak, o hiawatha!" with his knife the tree he girdled; just beneath its lowest branches, just above the roots, he cut it, till the sap came oozing outward; down the trunk, from top to bottom, sheer he cleft the bark asunder, with a wooden wedge he raised it, stripped it from the trunk unbroken. "give me of your boughs, o cedar! of your strong and pliant branches, my canoe to make more steady, make more strong and firm beneath me!" through the summit of the cedar went a sound, a cry of horror, went a murmur of resistance; but it whispered, bending downward, "take my boughs, o hiawatha!" down he hewed the boughs of cedar, shaped them straightway to a framework, like two bows he formed and shaped them, like two bended bows together. "give me of your roots, o tamarack! of your fibrous roots, o larch-tree! my canoe to bind together, so to bind the ends together that the water may not enter, that the river may not wet me!" and the larch, with all its fibres, shivered in the air of morning, touched his forehead with its tassels, said, with one long sigh of sorrow, "take them all, o hiawatha!" from the earth he tore the fibres, tore the tough roots of the larch-tree, closely sewed the bark together, bound it closely to the framework. "give me of your balm, o fir-tree! of your balsam and your resin, so to close the seams together that the water may not enter, that the river may not wet me!" and the fir-tree, tall and sombre, sobbed through all its robes of darkness, rattled like a shore with pebbles, answered wailing, answered weeping, "take my balm, o hiawatha!" and he took the tears of balsam, took the resin of the fir-tree, smeared therewith each seam and fissure, made each crevice safe from water. "give me of your quills, o hedgehog! all your quills, o kagh, the hedgehog! i will make a necklace of them, make a girdle for my beauty, and two stars to deck her bosom!" from a hollow tree the hedgehog with his sleepy eyes looked at him, shot his shining quills, like arrows, saying, with a drowsy murmur, through the tangle of his whiskers, "take my quills, o hiawatha!" from the ground the quills he gathered, all the little shining arrows, stained them red and blue and yellow, with the juice of roots and berries; into his canoe he wrought them, round its waist a shining girdle, round its bows a gleaming necklace, on its breast two stars resplendent. * * * * * thus the birch canoe was builded in the valley, by the river, in the bosom of the forest; and the forest's life was in it, all its mystery and its magic, all the lightness of the birch-tree, all the toughness of the cedar, all the larch's supple sinews; and it floated on the river, like a yellow leaf in autumn, like a yellow water-lily. [illustration: "and thus sailed my hiawatha, down the rushing taquamenaw, sailed through all its bends and windings."] paddles none had hiawatha, paddles none he had or needed, for his thoughts as paddles served him, and his wishes served to guide him; swift or slow at will he glided, veered to right or left at pleasure. then he called aloud to kwasind, to his friend, the strong man, kwasind, saying, "help me clear this river of its sunken logs and sand-bars," straight into the river kwasind plunged as if he were an otter, dived as if he were a beaver, stood up to his waist in water, to his arm-pits in the river, swam and shouted in the river, tugged at sunken logs and branches, with his hands he scooped the sand-bars, with his feet the ooze and tangle. and thus sailed my hiawatha down the rushing taquamenaw, sailed through all its bends and windings, sailed through all its deeps and shallows, while his friend, the strong man, kwasind, swam the deeps, the shallows waded. up and down the river went they, in and out among its islands, cleared its bed of root and sand-bar, dragged the dead trees from its channel, made its passage safe and certain, made a pathway for the people, from its springs among the mountains, to the waters of pauwating, to the bay of taquamenaw. [illustration: _flint heads of ojibway fish-spears._] [illustration: _shell and pearl beads of the iroquois._] viii. hiawatha's fishing. forth upon the gitche gumee, on the shining big-sea-water, with his fishing-line of cedar, of the twisted bark of cedar, forth to catch the sturgeon nahma, mishe-nahma, king of fishes, in his birch canoe exulting all alone went hiawatha. through the clear, transparent water he could see the fishes swimming far down in the depths below him; see the yellow perch, the sahwa, like a sunbeam in the water, see the shawgashee, the craw-fish, like a spider on the bottom, on the white and sandy bottom. at the stern sat hiawatha, with his fishing-line of cedar; in his plumes the breeze of morning played as in the hemlock branches; on the bows, with tail erected, sat the squirrel, adjidaumo; in his fur the breeze of morning played as in the prairie grasses. on the white sand of the bottom lay the monster mishe-nahma, lay the sturgeon, king of fishes; through his gills he breathed the water, with his fins he fanned and winnowed, with his tail he swept the sand-floor. there he lay in all his armor; on each side a shield to guard him, plates of bone upon his forehead, down his sides and back and shoulders plates of bone with spines projecting, painted was he with his war-paints, stripes of yellow, red, and azure, spots of brown and spots of sable; and he lay there on the bottom, fanning with his fins of purple, as above him hiawatha in his birch canoe came sailing, with his fishing-line of cedar. "take my bait!" cried hiawatha, down into the depths beneath him, "take my bait, o sturgeon, nahma! come up from below the water, let us see which is the stronger!" and he dropped his line of cedar through the clear, transparent water, waited vainly for an answer, long sat waiting for an answer, and repeating loud and louder, "take my bait, o king of fishes!" quiet lay the sturgeon, nahma, fanning slowly in the water, looking up at hiawatha, listening to his call and clamor, his unnecessary tumult, till he wearied of the shouting; and he said to the kenozha, to the pike, the maskenozha, "take the bait of this rude fellow, break the line of hiawatha!" in his fingers hiawatha felt the loose line jerk and tighten; as he drew it in, it tugged so, that the birch canoe stood endwise, like a birch log in the water, with the squirrel, adjidaumo, perched and frisking on the summit. full of scorn was hiawatha when he saw the fish rise upward, saw the pike, the maskenozha, coming nearer, nearer to him, and he shouted through the water, "esa! esa! shame upon you! you are but the pike, kenozha, you are not the fish i wanted, you are not the king of fishes!" reeling downward to the bottom sank the pike in great confusion, and the mighty sturgeon, nahma, said to ugudwash, the sun-fish, "take the bait of this great boaster, break the line of hiawatha!" slowly upward, wavering, gleaming, like a white moon in the water; rose the ugudwash, the sun-fish, seized the line of hiawatha, swung with all his weight upon it, made a whirlpool in the water, whirled the birch canoe in circles, round and round in gurgling eddies, till the circles in the water reached the far-off sandy beaches, till the water-flags and rushes nodded on the distant margins. but when hiawatha saw him slowly rising through the water, lifting his great disc of whiteness, loud he shouted in derision, "esa! esa! shame upon you! you are ugudwash, the sun-fish, you are not the fish i wanted, you are not the king of fishes!" wavering downward, white and ghastly, sank the ugudwash, the sun-fish, and again the sturgeon, nahma, heard the shout of hiawatha, heard his challenge of defiance, the unnecessary tumult, ringing far across the water. from the white sand of the bottom up he rose with angry gesture, quivering in each nerve and fibre, clashing all his plates of armor, gleaming bright with all his war-paint; in his wrath he darted upward, flashing leaped into the sunshine, opened his great jaws, and swallowed both canoe and hiawatha. down into that darksome cavern plunged the headlong hiawatha, as a log on some black river shoots and plunges down the rapids, found himself in utter darkness, groped around in helpless wonder, till he felt a great heart beating, throbbing in that utter darkness. [illustration: "that the birch canoe stood endwise, like a birch log in the water, with the squirrel adjidaumo, perched and frisking on the summit."] and he smote it in his anger, with his fist, the heart of nahma, felt the mighty king of fishes shudder through each nerve and fibre, heard the water gurgle round him as he leaped and staggered through it, sick at heart, and faint and weary. crosswise then did hiawatha drag his birch-canoe for safety, lest from out the jaws of nahma, in the turmoil and confusion, forth he might be hurled and perish. and the squirrel, adjidaumo, frisked and chattered very gayly, toiled and tugged with hiawatha till the labor was completed. then said hiawatha to him, "o my little friend, the squirrel, bravely have you toiled to help me; take the thanks of hiawatha, and the name which now he gives you; for hereafter and forever boys shall call you adjidaumo, tail-in-air the boys shall call you!" and again the sturgeon, nahma, gasped and quivered in the water, then was still, and drifted landward till he grated on the pebbles, till the listening hiawatha heard him grate upon the margin, felt him strand upon the pebbles, knew that nahma, king of fishes, lay there dead upon the margin. then he heard a clang and flapping, as of many wings assembling, heard a screaming and confusion, as of birds of prey contending, saw a gleam of light above him, shining through the ribs of nahma, saw the glittering eyes of sea-gulls, of kayoshk, the sea-gulls, peering, gazing at him through the opening, heard them saying to each other, "'t is our brother, hiawatha!" and he shouted from below them, cried exulting from the caverns: "o ye sea-gulls! o my brothers! i have slain the sturgeon, nahma; make the rifts a little larger, with your claws the openings widen, set me free from this dark prison, and henceforward and forever men shall speak of your achievements, calling you kayoshk, the sea-gulls, yes, kayoshk, the noble scratchers!" and the wild and clamorous sea-gulls toiled with beak and claws together, made the rifts and openings wider in the mighty ribs of nahma, and from peril and from prison, from the body of the sturgeon, from the peril of the water, they released my hiawatha. he was standing near his wigwam, on the margin of the water, and he called to old nokomis, called and beckoned to nokomis, pointed to the sturgeon, nahma, lying lifeless on the pebbles, with the sea-gulls feeding on him. "i have slain the mishe-nahma, slain the king of fishes!" said he; "look! the sea-gulls feed upon him, yes, my friends kayoshk, the sea-gulls; drive them not away, nokomis, they have saved me from great peril in the body of the sturgeon, wait until their meal is ended, till their craws are full with feasting, till they homeward fly, at sunset, to their nests among the marshes; then bring all your pots and kettles, and make oil for us in winter." and she waited till the sun set, till the pallid moon, the night-sun, rose above the tranquil water, till kayoshk, the sated sea-gulls, from their banquet rose with clamor, and across the fiery sunset winged their way to far-off islands, to their nests among the rushes. to his sleep went hiawatha, and nokomis to her labor, toiling patient in the moonlight, till the sun and moon changed places, till the sky was red with sunrise, and kayoshk, the hungry sea-gulls, came back from the reedy islands, clamorous for their morning banquet. three whole days and nights alternate old nokomis and the sea-gulls stripped the oily flesh of nahma, till the waves washed through the rib-bones, till the sea-gulls came no longer, and upon the sands lay nothing but the skeleton of nahma. [illustration: _stone axes of the blackfeet indians._] [illustration: _sioux indians, in wolf-skins, hunting buffalo._] ix. hiawatha and the pearl-feather. on the shores of gitche gumee, of the shining big-sea-water, stood nokomis, the old woman, pointing with her finger westward, o'er the water pointing westward, to the purple clouds of sunset. fiercely the red sun descending burned his way along the heavens, set the sky on fire behind him, as war-parties, when retreating, burn the prairies on their war-trail; and the moon, the night-sun, eastward, suddenly starting from his ambush, followed fast those bloody footprints, followed in that fiery war-trail, with its glare upon his features. and nokomis, the old woman, pointing with her finger westward, spake these words to hiawatha: "yonder dwells the great pearl-feather, megissogwon, the magician, manito of wealth and wampum, guarded by his fiery serpents, guarded by the black pitch-water. you can see his fiery serpents, the kenabeek, the great serpents, coiling, playing in the water; you can see the black pitch-water stretching far away beyond them, to the purple clouds of sunset! "he it was who slew my father, by his wicked wiles and cunning, when he from the moon descended, when he came on earth to seek me. he, the mightiest of magicians, sends the fever from the marshes, sends the pestilential vapors, sends the poisonous exhalations, sends the white fog from the fen-lands, sends disease and death among us! "take your bow, o hiawatha, take your arrows, jasper-headed, take your war-club, puggawaugun, and your mittens, minjekahwun, and your birch canoe for sailing, and the oil of mishe-nahma, so to smear its sides, that swiftly you may pass the black pitch-water; slay this merciless magician, save the people from the fever that he breathes across the fen-lands, and avenge my father's murder!" straightway then my hiawatha armed himself with all his war-gear, launched his birch canoe for sailing; with his palm its sides he patted, said with glee, "cheemaun, my darling, o my birch-canoe! leap forward, where you see the fiery serpents, where you see the black pitch-water!" forward leaped cheemaun exulting, and the noble hiawatha sang his war-song wild and woful, and above him the war-eagle, the keneu, the great war-eagle, master of all fowls with feathers, screamed and hurtled through the heavens. soon he reached the fiery serpents, the kenabeek, the great serpents, lying huge upon the water, sparkling, rippling in the water, lying coiled across the passage, with their blazing crests uplifted, breathing fiery fogs and vapors, so that none could pass beyond them. but the fearless hiawatha cried aloud, and spake in this wise: "let me pass my way, kenabeek, let me go upon my journey!" and they answered, hissing fiercely, with their fiery breath made answer: "back, go back! o shaugodaya! back to old nokomis, faint-heart!" then the angry hiawatha raised his mighty bow of ash-tree, seized his arrows, jasper-headed, shot them fast among the serpents; every twanging of the bow-string was a war-cry and a death-cry, every whizzing of an arrow was a death-song of kenabeek. weltering in the bloody water, dead lay all the fiery serpents, and among them hiawatha harmless sailed, and cried exulting: "onward, o cheemaun, my darling! onward to the black pitch-water!" then he took the oil of nahma, and the bows and sides anointed, smeared them well with oil, that swiftly he might pass the black pitch-water. all night long he sailed upon it, sailed upon that sluggish water, covered with its mould of ages, black with rotting water-rushes, rank with flags and leaves of lilies, stagnant, lifeless, dreary, dismal, lighted by the shimmering moonlight, and by will-o'-the-wisps illumined, fires by ghosts of dead men kindled, in their weary night-encampments. [illustration: "seized his arrows jasper-headed, shot them fast among the serpents; every twanging of the bow-string was a war-cry and a death-cry."] all the air was white with moonlight, all the water black with shadow, and around him the suggema, the mosquito, sang his war-song, and the fire-flies, wah-wah-taysee, waved their torches to mislead him; and the bull-frog, the dahinda, thrust his head into the moonlight, fixed his yellow eyes upon him, sobbed and sank beneath the surface; and anon a thousand whistles, answered over all the fen-lands, and the heron, the shuh-shuh-gah, far off on the reedy margin, heralded the hero's coming. westward thus fared hiawatha, toward the realm of megissogwon, toward the land of the pearl-feather, till the level moon stared at him, in his face stared pale and haggard, till the sun was hot behind him, till it burned upon his shoulders, and before him on the upland he could see the shining wigwam of the manito of wampum, of the mightiest of magicians. then once more cheemaun he patted, to his birch-canoe said, "onward!" and it stirred in all its fibres, and with one great bound of triumph leaped across the water-lilies, leaped through tangled flags and rushes, and upon the beach beyond them dry-shod landed hiawatha. straight he took his bow of ash-tree, one end on the sand he rested, with his knee he pressed the middle, stretched the faithful bow-string tighter, took an arrow, jasper-headed, shot it at the shining wigwam, sent it singing as a herald, as a bearer of his message, of his challenge loud and lofty: "come forth from your lodge, pearl-feather! hiawatha waits your coming!" straightway from the shining wigwam came the mighty megissogwon, tall of stature, broad of shoulder, dark and terrible in aspect, clad from head to foot in wampum, armed with all his warlike weapons, painted like the sky of morning, streaked with crimson, blue and yellow, crested with great eagle-feathers, streaming upward, streaming outward. "well i know you, hiawatha!" cried he in a voice of thunder, in a tone of loud derision. "hasten back, o shaugodaya! hasten back among the women, back to old nokomis, faint-heart! i will slay you as you stand there, as of old i slew her father!" but my hiawatha answered, nothing daunted, fearing nothing: "big words do not smite like war-clubs, boastful breath is not a bow-string, taunts are not as sharp as arrows, deeds are better things than words are, actions mightier than boastings!" then began the greatest battle that the sun had ever looked on, that the war-birds ever witnessed. all a summer's day it lasted, from the sunrise to the sunset; for the shafts of hiawatha harmless hit the shirt of wampum, harmless fell the blows he dealt it with his mittens, minjekahwun, harmless fell the heavy war-club; it could dash the rocks asunder, but it could not break the meshes of that magic shirt of wampum. till at sunset hiawatha, leaning on his bow of ash-tree, wounded, weary, and desponding, with his mighty war-club broken, with his mittens torn and tattered, and three useless arrows only, paused to rest beneath a pine-tree, from whose branches trailed the mosses, and whose trunk was coated over with the dead-man's moccasin-leather, with the fungus white and yellow. [illustration: "plunging like a wounded bison."] suddenly from the boughs above him sang the mama, the woodpecker: "aim your arrows, hiawatha, at the head of megissogwon, strike the tuft of hair upon it, at their roots the long black tresses; there alone can he be wounded!" winged with feathers, tipped with jasper, swift flew hiawatha's arrow, just as megissogwon, stooping, raised a heavy stone to throw it. full upon the crown it struck him, at the roots of his long tresses, and he reeled and staggered forward, plunging like a wounded bison, yes, like pezhekee, the bison, when the snow is on the prairie. swifter flew the second arrow, in the pathway of the other, piercing deeper than the other, wounding sorer than the other; and the knees of megissogwon shook like windy reeds beneath him, bent and trembled like the rushes. but the third and latest arrow swiftest flew, and wounded sorest, and the mighty megissogwon saw the fiery eyes of pauguk, saw the eyes of death glare at him, heard his voice call in the darkness; at the feet of hiawatha lifeless lay the great pearl-feather, lay the mightiest of magicians. then the grateful hiawatha called the mama, the woodpecker, from his perch among the branches of the melancholy pine-tree, and, in honor of his service, stained with blood the tuft of feathers on the little head of mama; even to this day he wears it, wears the tuft of crimson feathers as a symbol of his service. then he stripped the shirt of wampum from the back of megissogwon, as a trophy of the battle, as a signal of his conquest. on the shore he left the body, half on land and half in water, in the sand his feet were buried, and his face was in the water. and above him, wheeled and clamored the keneu, the great war-eagle, sailing round in narrower circles, hovering nearer, nearer, nearer. from the wigwam hiawatha bore the wealth of megissogwon, all his wealth of skins and wampum, furs of bison and of beaver, furs of sable and of ermine, wampum belts and strings and pouches, quivers wrought with beads of wampum, filled with arrows, silver-headed. homeward then he sailed exulting, homeward through the black pitch-water, homeward through the weltering serpents, with the trophies of the battle, with a shout and song of triumph. on the shore stood old nokomis, on the shore stood chibiabos, and the very strong man, kwasind, waiting for the hero's coming, listening to his song of triumph. and the people of the village welcomed him with songs and dances, made a joyous feast, and shouted: "honor be to hiawatha! he has slain the great pearl-feather, slain the mightiest of magicians, him who sent the fiery fever, sent the white fog from the fen-lands, sent disease and death among us!" ever dear to hiawatha was the memory of mama! and in token of his friendship, as a mark of his remembrance, he adorned and decked his pipe-stem with the crimson tuft of feathers, with the blood-red crest of mama. but the wealth of megissogwon, all the trophies of the battle, he divided with his people, shared it equally among them. [illustration: _apache indians lassoing wild horses._] x. hiawatha's wooing. "as unto the bow the cord is, so unto the man is woman, though she bends him, she obeys him, though she draws him, yet she follows, useless each without the other!" thus the youthful hiawatha said within himself and pondered, much perplexed by various feelings, listless, longing, hoping, fearing, dreaming still of minnehaha, of the lovely laughing water, in the land of the dacotahs. "wed a maiden of your people," warning said the old nokomis; "go not eastward, go not westward, for a stranger, whom we know not! like a fire upon the hearth-stone is a neighbor's homely daughter, like the starlight or the moonlight is the handsomest of strangers!" thus dissuading spake nokomis, and my hiawatha answered only this: "dear old nokomis, very pleasant is the firelight, but i like the starlight better, better do i like the moonlight!" gravely then said old nokomis: "bring not here an idle maiden, bring not here a useless woman, hands unskilful, feet unwilling; bring a wife with nimble fingers, heart and hand that move together, feet that run on willing errands!" smiling answered hiawatha: "in the land of the dacotahs lives the arrow-maker's daughter, minnehaha, laughing water, handsomest of all the women. i will bring her to your wigwam, she shall run upon your errands, be your starlight, moonlight, firelight, be the sunlight of my people!" still dissuading said nokomis: "bring not to my lodge a stranger from the land of the dacotahs! very fierce are the dacotahs, often is there war between us, there are feuds yet unforgotten, wounds that ache and still may open!" laughing answered hiawatha: "for that reason, if no other, would i wed the fair dacotah, that our tribes might be united, that old feuds might be forgotten, and old wounds be healed forever!" * * * * * thus departed hiawatha to the land of the dacotahs, to the land of handsome women; striding over moor and meadow, through interminable forests, through uninterrupted silence. with his moccasins of magic, at each stride a mile he measured; yet the way seemed long before him, and his heart outrun his footsteps; and he journeyed without resting, till he heard the cataract's thunder, heard the falls of minnehaha calling to him through the silence. "pleasant is the sound!" he murmured, "pleasant is the voice that calls me!" on the outskirts of the forest, 'twixt the shadow and the sunshine, herds of fallow deer were feeding, but they saw not hiawatha; to his bow he whispered, "fail not!" to his arrow whispered, "swerve not!" sent it singing on its errand, to the red heart of the roebuck; threw the deer across his shoulder, and sped forward without pausing. [illustration: "sat his daughter laughing water, plaiting mats of flags and rushes; of the past the old man's thoughts were and the maiden's of the future."] at the doorway of his wigwam sat the ancient arrow-maker, in the land of the dacotahs, making arrow-heads of jasper, arrow-heads of chalcedony. at his side in all her beauty, sat the lovely minnehaha, sat his daughter, laughing water, plaiting mats of flags and rushes; of the past the old man's thoughts were, and the maiden's of the future. he was thinking, as he sat there, of the days when with such arrows he had struck the deer and bison, on the muskoday, the meadow; shot the wild goose, flying southward, on the wing, the clamorous wawa; thinking of the great war-parties, how they came to buy his arrows, could not fight without his arrows. ah, no more such noble warriors could be found on earth as they were! now the men were all like women, only used their tongues for weapons! she was thinking of a hunter, from another tribe and country, young and tall and very handsome, who one morning, in the spring-time, came to buy her father's arrows, sat and rested in the wigwam, lingered long about the doorway, looking back as he departed. she had heard her father praise him, praise his courage and his wisdom; would he come again for arrows to the falls of minnehaha? on the mat her hands lay idle, and her eyes were very dreamy. through their thoughts they heard a footstep, heard a rustling in the branches, and with glowing cheek and forehead, with the deer upon his shoulders, suddenly from out the woodlands hiawatha stood before them. straight the ancient arrow-maker looked up gravely from his labor, laid aside the unfinished arrow, bade him enter at the doorway, saying, as he rose to meet him, "hiawatha, you are welcome!" at the feet of laughing water hiawatha laid his burden, threw the red deer from his shoulders; and the maiden looked up at him, looked up from her mat of rushes, said with gentle look and accent, "you are welcome, hiawatha!" very spacious was the wigwam, made of deer-skin dressed and whitened, with the gods of the dacotahs drawn and painted on its curtains, and so tall the doorway, hardly hiawatha stooped to enter, hardly touched his eagle-feathers as he entered at the doorway. then uprose the laughing water, from the ground fair minnehaha, laid aside her mat unfinished, brought forth food and set before them, water brought them from the brooklet, gave them food in earthen vessels, gave them drink in bowls of bass-wood, listened while the guest was speaking, listened while her father answered, but not once her lips she opened, not a single word she uttered. yes, as in a dream she listened to the words of hiawatha, as he talked of old nokomis, who had nursed him in his childhood, as he told of his companions, chibiabos, the musician, and the very strong man, kwasind, and of happiness and plenty in the land of the ojibways, in the pleasant land and peaceful. "after many years of warfare, many years of strife and bloodshed, there is peace between the ojibways and the tribe of the dacotahs." thus continued hiawatha, and then added, speaking slowly, "that this peace may last forever, and our hands be clasped more closely, and our hearts be more united, give me as my wife this maiden, minnehaha, laughing water, loveliest of dacotah women!" and the ancient arrow-maker paused a moment ere he answered, smoked a little while in silence, looked at hiawatha proudly, fondly looked at laughing water, and made answer very gravely: "yes, if minnehaha wishes; let your heart speak, minnehaha!" and the lovely laughing water seemed more lovely, as she stood there, neither willing nor reluctant, as she went to hiawatha, softly took the seat beside him, while she said, and blushed to say it, "i will follow you, my husband!" this was hiawatha's wooing! thus it was he won the daughter of the ancient arrow-maker, in the land of the dacotahs! from the wigwam he departed, leading with him laughing water; hand in hand they went together, through the woodland and the meadow, left the old man standing lonely at the doorway of his wigwam, heard the falls of minnehaha calling to them from the distance, crying to them from afar off, "fare thee well, o minnehaha!" and the ancient arrow-maker turned again unto his labor, sat down by his sunny doorway, murmuring to himself, and saying: "thus it is our daughters leave us, those we love, and those who love us! just when they have learned to help us, when we are old and lean upon them, comes a youth with flaunting feathers, with his flute of reeds, a stranger wanders piping through the village, beckons to the fairest maiden, and she follows where he leads her, leaving all things for the stranger!" * * * * * pleasant was the journey homeward, through interminable forests, over meadow, over mountain, over river, hill, and hollow. short it seemed to hiawatha, though they journeyed very slowly, though his pace he checked and slackened to the steps of laughing water. [illustration: who stands on that cliff, like a figure of stone, unmoving and tall in the light of the sky, where the spray of the cataract sparkles on high all lonely and sternly, save mogg megone?] over wide and rushing rivers in his arms he bore the maiden; light he thought her as a feather, as the plume upon his head-gear; cleared the tangled pathway for her, bent aside the swaying branches, made at night a lodge of branches, and a bed with boughs of hemlock, and a fire before the doorway with the dry cones of the pine-tree. all the travelling winds went with them, o'er the meadow, through the forest; all the stars of night looked at them, watched with sleepless eyes their slumber; from his ambush in the oak-tree peeped the squirrel, adjidaumo, watched with eager eyes the lovers; and the rabbit, the wabasso, scampered from the path before them, peering, peeping from his burrow, sat erect upon his haunches, watched with curious eyes the lovers. pleasant was the journey homeward! all the birds sang loud and sweetly songs of happiness and heart's-ease; sang the bluebird, the owaissa, "happy are you, hiawatha, having such a wife to love you!" sang the opechee, the robin, "happy are you, laughing water, having such a noble husband!" from the sky the sun benignant looked upon them through the branches, saying to them, "o my children, love is sunshine, hate is shadow, life is checkered shade and sunshine, rule by love, o hiawatha!" from the sky the moon looked at them, filled the lodge with mystic splendors, whispered to them, "o my children, day is restless, night is quiet, man imperious, woman feeble; half is mine, although i follow; rule by patience, laughing water!" thus it was they journeyed homeward; thus it was that hiawatha to the lodge of old nokomis brought the moonlight, starlight, firelight, brought the sunshine of his people, minnehaha, laughing water, handsomest of all the women in the land of the dacotahs, in the land of handsome women. [illustration: _section of wampum belt presented to wm. penn--emblem of brotherly love._] [illustration: _indian decorated bowls._] xi. hiawatha's wedding-feast. you shall hear how pau-puk-keewis, how the handsome yenadizze danced at hiawatha's wedding; how the gentle chibiabos, he the sweetest of musicians, sang his songs of love and longing; how iagoo, the great boaster, he the marvellous story-teller, told his tales of strange adventure, that the feast might be more joyous, that the time might pass more gayly, and the guests be more contented. sumptuous was the feast nokomis made at hiawatha's wedding; all the bowls were made of bass-wood, white and polished very smoothly, all the spoons of horn of bison, black and polished very smoothly. [illustration: gathering wild rice.] she had sent through all the village messengers with wands of willow, as a sign of invitation, as a token of the feasting; and the wedding guests assembled, clad in all their richest raiment, robes of fur and belts of wampum, splendid with their paint and plumage, beautiful with beads and tassels. first they ate the sturgeon, nahma, and the pike, the maskenozha, caught and cooked by old nokomis; then on pemican they feasted, pemican and buffalo marrow, haunch of deer and hump of bison, yellow cakes of the mondamin, and the wild rice of the river. but the gracious hiawatha, and the lovely laughing water, and the careful old nokomis, tasted not the food before them, only waited on the others, only served their guests in silence. and when all the guests had finished, old nokomis, brisk and busy, from an ample pouch of otter, filled the red stone pipes for smoking with tobacco from the south-land, mixed with bark of the red willow, and with herbs and leaves of fragrance. then she said, "o pau-puk-keewis, dance for us your merry dances, dance the beggar's dance to please us, that the feast may be more joyous, that the time may pass more gayly, and our guests be more contented!" then the handsome pau-puk-keewis, he the idle yenadizze, he the merry mischief-maker, whom the people called the storm-fool, rose among the guests assembled. skilled was he in sports and pastimes, in the merry dance of snow-shoes, in the play of quoits and ball-play; skilled was he in games of hazard, in all games of skill and hazard, pugasaing, the bowl and counters, kuntassoo, the game of plum-stones, though the warriors called him faint-heart, called him coward, shaugodaya, idler, gambler, yenadizze, little heeded he their jesting, little cared he for their insults, for the women and the maidens loved the handsome pau-puk-keewis. [illustration: _buckskin shirt, embroidered with wampum._] he was dressed in shirt of doe-skin, white and soft, and fringed with ermine, all inwrought with beads of wampum; he was dressed in deer-skin leggings, fringed with hedgehog quills and ermine, and in moccasins of buck-skin, thick with quills and beads embroidered. on his head were plumes of swan's down, on his heels were tails of foxes, in one hand a fan of feathers, and a pipe was in the other. barred with streaks of red and yellow, streaks of blue and bright vermilion, shone the face of pau-puk-keewis. from his forehead fell his tresses, smooth, and parted like a woman's, shining bright with oil, and plaited, hung with braids of scented grasses, as among the guests assembled, to the sound of flutes and singing, to the sound of drums and voices, rose the handsome pau-puk-keewis, and began his mystic dances. first he danced a solemn measure, very slow in step and gesture, in and out among the pine-trees, through the shadows and the sunshine, treading softly like a panther. then more swiftly and still swifter, whirling, spinning round in circles, leaping o'er the guests assembled, eddying round and round the wigwam, till the leaves went whirling with him, till the dust and wind together swept in eddies round about him. then along the sandy margin of the lake, the big-sea-water, on he sped with frenzied gestures, stamped upon the sand, and tossed it wildly in the air around him; till the wind became a whirlwind, till the sand was blown and sifted like great snowdrifts o'er the landscape, heaping all the shores with sand dunes, sand hills of the nagow wudjoo! thus the merry pau-puk-keewis danced his beggar's dance to please them, and, returning, sat down laughing there among the guests assembled, sat and fanned himself serenely with his fan of turkey-feathers. then they said to chibiabos, to the friend of hiawatha, to the sweetest of all singers, to the best of all musicians, "sing to us, o chibiabos! songs of love and songs of longing, that the feast may be more joyous, that the time may pass more gayly, and our guests be more contented!" and the gentle chibiabos sang in accents sweet and tender, sang in tones of deep emotion, songs of love and songs of longing; looking still at hiawatha, looking at fair laughing water, sang he softly, sang in this wise: "onaway! awake, beloved! thou the wild-flower of the forest! thou the wild-bird of the prairie! thou with eyes so soft and fawn-like! "if thou only lookest at me, i am happy, i am happy, as the lilies of the prairie, when they feel the dew upon them! "sweet thy breath is as the fragrance of the wild-flowers in the morning, as their fragrance is at evening, in the moon when leaves are falling. "does not all the blood within me leap to meet thee, leap to meet thee, as the springs to meet the sunshine, in the moon when nights are brightest? "onaway! my heart sings to thee, sings with joy when thou art near me, as the sighing, singing branches in the pleasant moon of strawberries! "when thou art not pleased, beloved, then my heart is sad and darkened, as the shining river darkens when the clouds drop shadows on it! "when thou smilest, my beloved, then my troubled heart is brightened, as in sunshine gleam the ripples that the cold wind makes in rivers. "smiles the earth, and smile the waters, smile the cloudless skies above us, but i lose the way of smiling when thou art no longer near me! "i myself, myself! behold me! blood of my beating heart, behold me! o awake, awake, beloved! onaway! awake, beloved!" thus the gentle chibiabos sang his song of love and longing; and iagoo, the great boaster, he the marvellous story-teller, he the friend of old nokomis, jealous of the sweet musician, jealous of the applause they gave him, saw in all the eyes around him, saw in all their looks and gestures, that the wedding guests assembled longed to hear his pleasant stories, his immeasurable falsehoods. very boastful was iagoo; never heard he an adventure but himself had met a greater; never any deed of daring but himself had done a bolder; never any marvellous story but himself could tell a stranger. would you listen to his boasting, would you only give him credence, no one ever shot an arrow half so far and high as he had; ever caught so many fishes, ever killed so many reindeer, ever trapped so many beaver! [illustration: "and the wedding guests assembled, clad in all their richest raiment."] none could run so fast as he could, none could dive so deep as he could, none could swim so far as he could; none had made so many journeys, none had seen so many wonders, as this wonderful iagoo, as this marvellous story-teller! thus his name became a by-word and a jest among the people; and whene'er a boastful hunter praised his own address too highly, or a warrior, home returning, talked too much of his achievements, all his hearers cried, "iagoo! here's iagoo come among us!" he it was who carved the cradle of the little hiawatha, carved its framework out of linden, bound it strong with reindeer sinews; he it was who taught him later how to make his bows and arrows, how to make the bows of ash-tree, and the arrows of the oak-tree. so among the guests assembled at my hiawatha's wedding sat iagoo, old and ugly, sat the marvellous story-teller. and they said, "o good iagoo, tell us now a tale of wonder, tell us of some strange adventure, that the feast may be more joyous, that the time may pass more gayly, and our guests be more contented!" and iagoo answered straightway, "you shall hear a tale of wonder, you shall hear the strange adventures of osseo, the magician, from the evening star descended." [illustration: _iroquois moccasins of buckskin._] xii. the son of the evening star. can it be the sun descending o'er the level plain of water? or the red swan floating, flying, wounded by the magic arrow, staining all the waves with crimson, with the crimson of its life-blood, filling all the air with splendor, with the splendor of its plumage? yes; it is the sun descending, sinking down into the water; all the sky is stained with purple, all the water flushed with crimson! no; it is the red swan floating, diving down beneath the water; to the sky its wings are lifted, with its blood the waves are reddened! over it the star of evening melts and trembles through the purple, hangs suspended in the twilight. no; it is a bead of wampum on the robes of the great spirit, as he passes through the twilight, walks in silence through the heavens. this with joy beheld iagoo and he said in haste: "behold it! see the sacred star of evening! you shall hear a tale of wonder, hear the story of osseo! son of the evening star, osseo! "once, in days no more remembered, ages nearer the beginning, when the heavens were closer to us, and the gods were more familiar, in the north-land lived a hunter, with ten young and comely daughters, tall and lithe as wands of willow; only oweenee, the youngest, she the wilful and the wayward, she the silent dreamy maiden, was the fairest of the sisters. "all these women married warriors, married brave and haughty husbands; only oweenee, the youngest, laughed and flouted all her lovers, all her young and handsome suitors, and then married old osseo, old osseo, poor and ugly, broken with age and weak with coughing, always coughing like a squirrel. "ah, but beautiful within him was the spirit of osseo, from the evening star descended, star of evening, star of woman, star of tenderness and passion! all its fire was in his bosom all its beauty in his spirit, all its mystery in his being, all its splendor in his language! "and her lovers, the rejected, handsome men with belts of wampum, handsome men with paint and feathers, pointed at her in derision, followed her with jest and laughter. but she said: 'i care not for you, care not for your belts of wampum, care not for your paint and feathers, care not for your jest and laughter; i am happy with osseo!' "once to some great feast invited, through the damp and dusk of evening walked together the ten sisters, walked together with their husbands; slowly followed old osseo, with fair oweenee beside him; all the others chatted gayly, these two only walked in silence. "at the western sky osseo gazed intent, as if imploring, often stopped and gazed imploring at the trembling star of evening, at the tender star of woman; and they heard him murmur softly, 'ah, showain nemeshin, nosa! pity, pity me, my father!' "'listen!' said the elder sister, 'he is praying to his father! what a pity that the old man does not stumble in the pathway, does not break his neck by falling!' and they laughed till all the forest rang with their unseemly laughter. "on their pathway through the woodlands lay an oak, by storms uprooted, lay the great trunk of an oak-tree, buried half in leaves and mosses, mouldering, crumbling, huge and hollow. and osseo, when he saw it, gave a shout, a cry of anguish, leaped into its yawning cavern, at one end went in an old man, wasted, wrinkled, old, and ugly; from the other came a young man, tall and straight and strong and handsome. "thus osseo was transfigured, thus restored to youth and beauty; but, alas for good osseo, and for oweenee, the faithful! strangely, too, was she transfigured. changed into a weak old woman, with a staff she tottered onward, wasted, wrinkled, old, and ugly! and the sisters and their husbands laughed until the echoing forest rang with their unseemly laughter. "but osseo turned not from her, walked with slower step beside her, took her hand, as brown and withered as an oak-leaf is in winter, called her sweetheart, nenemoosha, soothed her with soft words of kindness, till they reached the lodge of feasting, till they sat down in the wigwam, sacred to the star of evening, to the tender star of woman. "wrapt in visions, lost in dreaming, at the banquet sat osseo; all were merry, all were happy, all were joyous but osseo. neither food nor drink he tasted, neither did he speak nor listen, but as one bewildered sat he, looking dreamily and sadly, first at oweenee, then upward at the gleaming sky above them. "then a voice was heard, a whisper, coming from the starry distance, coming from the empty vastness, low, and musical, and tender; and the voice said: 'o osseo! o my son, my best beloved! broken are the spells that bound you, all the charms of the magicians, all the magic powers of evil; come to me; ascend, osseo! "'taste the food that stands before you: it is blessed and enchanted, it has magic virtues in it, it will change you to a spirit. all your bowls and all your kettles shall be wood and clay no longer; but the bowls be changed to wampum, and the kettles shall be silver; they shall shine like shells of scarlet, like the fire shall gleam and glimmer. "'and the women shall no longer bear the dreary doom of labor, but be changed to birds, and glisten with the beauty of the starlight, painted with the dusky splendors of the skies and clouds of evening!' "what osseo heard as whispers, what as words he comprehended, was but music to the others, music as of birds afar off, of the whippoorwill afar off, of the lonely wawonaissa singing in the darksome forest. "then the lodge began to tremble, straight began to shake and tremble, and they felt it rising, rising, slowly through the air ascending, from the darkness of the tree-tops forth into the dewy starlight, till it passed the topmost branches; and behold! the wooden dishes all were changed to shells of scarlet! and behold! the earthen kettles all were changed to bowls of silver! and the roof-poles of the wigwam were as glittering rods of silver, and the roof of bark upon them as the shining shards of beetles. "then osseo gazed around him, and he saw the nine fair sisters, all the sisters and their husbands, changed to birds of various plumage. some were jays and some were magpies, others thrushes, others blackbirds; and they hopped, and sang, and twittered, perked and fluttered all their feathers, strutted in their shining plumage, and their tails like fans unfolded. "only oweenee, the youngest, was not changed, but sat in silence, wasted, wrinkled, old, and ugly, looking sadly at the others; till osseo, gazing upward, gave another cry of anguish, such a cry as he had uttered by the oak-tree in the forest. "then returned her youth and beauty, and her soiled and tattered garments were transformed to robes of ermine, and her staff became a feather, yes, a shining silver feather! "and again the wigwam trembled, swayed and rushed through airy currents, through transparent cloud and vapor, and amid celestial splendors on the evening star alighted, as a snow-flake falls on snow-flake, as a leaf drops on a river, as the thistle-down on water. "forth with cheerful words of welcome came the father of osseo, he with radiant locks of silver, he with eyes serene and tender. and he said: 'my son, osseo, hang the cage of birds you bring there, hang the cage with rods of silver, and the birds with glistening feathers, at the doorway of my wigwam.' "at the door he hung the bird-cage, and they entered in and gladly listened to osseo's father, ruler of the star of evening, as he said: 'o my osseo! i have had compassion on you, given you back your youth and beauty, into birds of various plumage changed your sisters and their husbands; changed them thus because they mocked you; in the figure of the old man, in that aspect sad and wrinkled, could not see your heart of passion, could not see your youth immortal; only oweenee, the faithful, saw your naked heart and loved you. "'in the lodge that glimmers yonder, in the little star that twinkles through the vapors, on the left hand, lives the envious evil spirit, the wabeno, the magician, who transformed you to an old man. take heed lest his beams fall on you, for the rays he darts around him are the power of his enchantment, are the arrows that he uses.' "many years, in peace and quiet, on the peaceful star of evening dwelt osseo with his father; many years, in song and flutter, at the doorway of the wigwam, hung the cage with rods of silver, and fair oweenee, the faithful, bore a son unto osseo, with the beauty of his mother, with the courage of his father. "and the boy grew up and prospered, and osseo, to delight him, made him little bows and arrows, opened the great cage of silver, and let loose his aunts and uncles, all those birds with glossy feathers, for his little son to shoot at. "round and round they wheeled and darted, filled the evening star with music, with their songs of joy and freedom; filled the evening star with splendor, with the fluttering of their plumage; till the boy, the little hunter, bent his bow and shot an arrow, shot a swift and fatal arrow, and a bird, with shining feathers, at his feet fell wounded sorely. "but, o wondrous transformation! 't was no bird he saw before him! 't was a beautiful young woman, with the arrow in her bosom! "when her blood fell on the planet, on the sacred star of evening, broken was the spell of magic, powerless was the strange enchantment, and the youth, the fearless bowman, suddenly felt himself descending, held by unseen hands, but sinking downward through the empty spaces, downward through the clouds and vapors, till he rested on an island, on an island, green and grassy, yonder in the big-sea-water. "after him he saw descending all the birds with shining feathers, fluttering, falling, wafted downward, like the painted leaves of autumn; and the lodge with poles of silver, with its roof like wings of beetles, like the shining shards of beetles, by the winds of heaven uplifted, slowly sank upon the island, bringing back the good osseo, bringing oweenee, the faithful. "then the birds, again transfigured, reassumed the shape of mortals, took their shape, but not their stature; they remained as little people, like the pygmies, the puk-wudjies, and on pleasant nights of summer, when the evening star was shining, hand in hand they danced together on the island's craggy headlands, on the sand-beach low and level. "still their glittering lodge is seen there, on the tranquil summer evenings, and upon the shore the fisher sometimes hears their happy voices, sees them dancing in the starlight!" when the story was completed, when the wondrous tale was ended, looking round upon his listeners, solemnly iagoo added: "there are great men, i have known such, whom their people understand not, whom they even make a jest of, scoff and jeer at in derision. from the story of osseo let them learn the fate of jesters!" all the wedding guests delighted listened to the marvellous story, listened laughing and applauding, and they whispered to each other: "does he mean himself, i wonder? and are we the aunts and uncles?" [illustration: the moon was up. one general smile was resting on the indian isle-- * * rose, mellow'd through the silver gleam, soft as the landscape of a dream.] then again sang chibiabos, sang a song of love and longing, in those accents sweet and tender, in those tones of pensive sadness, sang a maiden's lamentation for her lover, her algonquin. "when i think of my beloved, ah me! think of my beloved, when my heart is thinking of him, o my sweetheart, my algonquin! "ah, me! when i parted from him, round my neck he hung the wampum, as a pledge, the snow-white wampum, o my sweetheart, my algonquin! "i will go with you, he whispered, ah me! to your native country; let me go with you, he whispered, o my sweetheart, my algonquin! "far away, away, i answered, very far away, i answered, ah me! is my native country, o my sweetheart, my algonquin! "when i looked back to behold him, where we parted, to behold him, after me he still was gazing, o my sweetheart, my algonquin! "by the tree he still was standing, by the fallen tree was standing, that had dropped into the water, o my sweetheart, my algonquin! "when i think of my beloved, ah me! think of my beloved, when my heart is thinking of him, o my sweetheart, my algonquin!" such was hiawatha's wedding, such the dance of pau-puk-keewis, such the story of iagoo, such the songs of chibiabos; thus the wedding banquet ended, and the wedding guests departed, leaving hiawatha happy with the night and minnehaha. [illustration: _apache indians lassoing wild horses._] xiii. blessing the corn-fields. sing, o song of hiawatha, of the happy days that followed, in the land of the ojibways, in the pleasant land and peaceful! sing the mysteries of mondamin, sing the blessing of the corn-fields! buried was the bloody hatchet, buried was the dreadful war-club, buried were all warlike weapons, and the war-cry was forgotten. there was peace among the nations; unmolested roved the hunters, built the birch canoe for sailing, caught the fish in lake and river, shot the deer and trapped the beaver; unmolested worked the women, made their sugar from the maple, gathered wild rice in the meadows, dressed the skins of deer and beaver. all around the happy village stood the maize-fields, green and shining, waved the green plumes of mondamin, waved his soft and sunny tresses filling all the land with plenty. 't was the women who in spring-time planted the broad fields and fruitful, buried in the earth mondamin; 't was the women who in autumn stripped the yellow husks of harvest, stripped the garments from mondamin, even as hiawatha taught them. once, when all the maize was planted, hiawatha, wise and thoughtful, spake and said to minnehaha, to his wife, the laughing water: "you shall bless to-night the corn-fields, draw a magic circle round them, to protect them from destruction, blast of mildew, blight of insect, wagemin, the thief of corn-fields, paimosaid, who steals the maize-ear! "in the night, when all is silence, in the night, when all is darkness, when the spirit of sleep, nepahwin, shuts the doors of all the wigwams, so that not an ear can hear you, so that not an eye can see you, rise up from your bed in silence, lay aside your garments wholly, walk around the fields you planted, round the borders of the corn-fields, covered by your tresses only, robed with darkness as a garment. "thus the fields shall be more fruitful, and the passing of your footsteps draw a magic circle round them, so that neither blight nor mildew, neither burrowing worm nor insect, shall pass o'er the magic circle; not the dragon-fly, kwo-ne-she, nor the spider, subbekashe, nor the grasshopper, pah-puk-keena, nor the mighty caterpillar, way-muk-kwana, with the bear-skin, king of all the caterpillars!" on the tree-tops near the corn-fields sat the hungry crows and ravens, kahgahgee, the king of ravens, with his band of black marauders, and they laughed at hiawatha, till the tree-tops shook with laughter, with their melancholy laughter at the words of hiawatha. "hear him!" said they; "hear the wise man, hear the plots of hiawatha!" when the noiseless night descended broad and dark o'er field and forest, when the mournful wawonaissa sorrowing sang among the hemlocks, and the spirit of sleep, nepahwin, shut the doors of all the wigwams, from her bed rose laughing water, laid aside her garments wholly, and with darkness clothed and guarded, unashamed and unaffrighted, walked securely round the corn-fields, drew the sacred, magic circle of her footprints round the corn-fields. no one but the midnight only saw her beauty in the darkness, no one but the wawonaissa heard the panting of her bosom; guskewau, the darkness, wrapped her closely in his sacred mantle, so that none might see her beauty, so that none might boast, "i saw her!" on the morrow, as the day dawned, kahgahgee, the king of ravens, gathered all his black marauders, crows and blackbirds, jays and ravens, clamorous on the dusky tree-tops, and descended, fast and fearless, on the fields of hiawatha, on the grave of the mondamin. "we will drag mondamin," said they, "from the grave where he is buried, spite of all the magic circles laughing water draws around it, spite of all the sacred footprints minnehaha stamps upon it!" but the wary hiawatha, ever thoughtful, careful, watchful, had o'erheard the scornful laughter when they mocked him from the tree-tops. "kaw!" he said, "my friends the ravens! kahgahgee, my king of ravens! i will teach you all a lesson that shall not be soon forgotten!" he had risen before the daybreak, he had spread o'er all the corn-fields snares to catch the black marauders, and was lying now in ambush in the neighboring grove of pine-trees, waiting for the crows and blackbirds, waiting for the jays and ravens. soon they came with caw and clamor, rush of wings and cry of voices, to their work of devastation, settling down upon the corn-fields, delving deep with beak and talon, for the body of mondamin. and with all their craft and cunning, all their skill in wiles of warfare, they perceived no danger near them, till their claws became entangled, till they found themselves imprisoned in the snares of hiawatha. from his place of ambush came he, striding terrible among them, and so awful was his aspect that the bravest quailed with terror. without mercy he destroyed them right and left, by tens and twenties, and their wretched, lifeless bodies hung aloft on poles for scarecrows round the consecrated corn-fields, as a signal of his vengeance, as a warning to marauders. only kahgahgee, the leader, kahgahgee, the king of ravens, he alone was spared among them as a hostage for his people. with his prisoner-string he bound him, led him captive to his wigwam, tied him fast with cords of elm-bark to the ridge-pole of his wigwam. "kahgahgee, my raven!" said he, "you the leader of the robbers, you the plotter of this mischief, the contriver of this outrage, i will keep you, i will hold you, as a hostage for your people, as a pledge of good behavior!" and he left him, grim and sulky, sitting in the morning sunshine on the summit of the wigwam, croaking fiercely his displeasure, flapping his great sable pinions, vainly struggling for his freedom, vainly calling on his people! summer passed, and shawondasee breathed his sighs o'er all the landscape, from the south-land sent his ardors, wafted kisses warm and tender; and the maize-field grew and ripened, till it stood in all the splendor of its garments green and yellow, of its tassels and its plumage, and the maize-ears full and shining gleamed from bursting sheaths of verdure. [illustration: "called the young men and the maidens, to the harvest of the cornfields, to the husking of the maize ear."] then nokomis, the old woman, spake, and said to minnehaha: "'t is the moon when leaves are falling; all the wild-rice has been gathered, and the maize is ripe and ready; let us gather in the harvest, let us wrestle with mondamin, strip him of his plumes and tassels, of his garments green and yellow!" and the merry laughing water went rejoicing from the wigwam, with nokomis, old and wrinkled, and they called the women round them, called the young men and the maidens, to the harvest of the corn-fields, to the husking of the maize-ear. on the border of the forest, underneath the fragrant pine-trees, sat the old men and the warriors smoking in the pleasant shadow. in uninterrupted silence looked they at the gamesome labor of the young men and the women; listened to their noisy talking, to their laughter and their singing, heard them chattering like the magpies, heard them laughing like the blue-jays, heard them singing like the robins. and whene'er some lucky maiden found a red ear in the husking, found a maize-ear red as blood is, "nushka!" cried they all together, "nushka! you shall have a sweetheart, you shall have a handsome husband!" "ugh!" the old men all responded, from their seats beneath the pine-trees. and whene'er a youth or maiden found a crooked ear in husking, found a maize-ear in the husking blighted, mildewed, or misshapen, then they laughed and sang together, crept and limped about the corn-fields, mimicked in their gait and gestures some old man, bent almost double, singing singly or together: "wagemin, the thief of corn-fields! paimosaid, the skulking robber!" till the corn-fields rang with laughter, till from hiawatha's wigwam kahgahgee, the king of ravens, screamed and quivered in his anger, and from all the neighboring tree-tops cawed and croaked the black marauders. "ugh!" the old men all responded, from their seats beneath the pine-trees! xiv. picture-writing. in those days said hiawatha, "lo! how all things fade and perish! from the memory of the old men pass away the great traditions, the achievements of the warriors, the adventures of the hunters, all the wisdom of the medas, all the craft of the wabenos, all the marvellous dreams and visions of the jossakeeds, the prophets! "great men die and are forgotten, wise men speak; their words of wisdom perish in the ears that hear them, do not reach the generations that, as yet unborn, are waiting in the great, mysterious darkness of the speechless days that shall be! "on the grave-posts of our fathers are no signs, no figures painted; who are in those graves we know not, only know they are our fathers. of what kith they are and kindred, from what old, ancestral totem, be it eagle, bear or beaver, they descended, this we know not, only know they are our fathers. "face to face we speak together, but we cannot speak when absent, cannot send our voices from us to the friends that dwell afar off; cannot send a secret message, but the bearer learns our secret, may pervert it, may betray it, may reveal it unto others." thus said hiawatha, walking in the solitary forest, pondering, musing in the forest, on the welfare of his people. from his pouch he took his colors, took his paints of different colors, on the smooth bark of a birch-tree painted many shapes and figures, wonderful and mystic figures, and each figure had a meaning, each some word or thought suggested. gitche manito the mighty, he, the master of life, was painted as an egg, with points projecting to the four winds of the heavens. everywhere is the great spirit, was the meaning of this symbol. mitche manito the mighty, he the dreadful spirit of evil, as a serpent was depicted, as kenabeek, the great serpent. very crafty, very cunning, is the creeping spirit of evil, was the meaning of this symbol. life and death he drew as circles, life was white, but death was darkened; sun and moon and stars he painted, man and beast, and fish and reptile, forests, mountains, lakes, and rivers. for the earth he drew a straight line, for the sky a bow above it; white the space between for day-time, filled with little stars for night-time; on the left a point for sunrise, on the right a point for sunset, on the top a point for noontide, and for rain and cloudy weather waving lines descending from it. footprints pointing towards a wigwam were a sign of invitation, were a sign of guests assembling; bloody hands with palms uplifted were a symbol of destruction, were a hostile sign and symbol. all these things did hiawatha show unto his wondering people, and interpreted their meaning, and he said: "behold, your grave-posts have no mark, no sign, nor symbol. go and paint them all with figures; each one with its household symbol, with its own ancestral totem; so that those who follow after may distinguish them and know them." and they painted on the grave-posts on the graves yet unforgotten, each his own ancestral totem, each the symbol of his household; figures of the bear and reindeer, of the turtle, crane, and beaver, each inverted as a token that the owner was departed, that the chief who bore the symbol lay beneath in dust and ashes. and the jossakeeds, the prophets, the wabenos, the magicians, and the medicine-men, the medas, painted upon bark and deer-skin figures for the songs they chanted, for each song a separate symbol, figures mystical and awful, figures strange and brightly colored; and each figure had its meaning, each some magic song suggested. the great spirit, the creator, flashing light through all the heaven; the great serpent, the kenabeek, with his bloody crest erected, creeping, looking into heaven; in the sky the sun, that glistens, and the moon eclipsed and dying; owl and eagle, crane and hen-hawk, and the cormorant, bird of magic; headless men, that walk the heavens, bodies lying pierced with arrows, bloody hands of death uplifted, flags on graves, and great war-captains grasping both the earth and heaven! such as these the shapes they painted on the birch-bark and the deer-skin; songs of war and songs of hunting, songs of medicine and of magic, all were written in these figures, for each figure had its meaning, each its separate song recorded. nor forgotten was the love-song, the most subtle of all medicines, the most potent spell of magic, dangerous more than war or hunting! thus the love-song was recorded, symbol and interpretation. first a human figure standing, painted in the brightest scarlet; 't is the lover, the musician, and the meaning is, "my painting makes me powerful over others." then the figure seated, singing, playing on a drum of magic, and the interpretation, "listen! 't is my voice you hear, my singing!" then the same red figure seated in the shelter of a wigwam, and the meaning of the symbol, "i will come and sit beside you in the mystery of my passion!" then two figures, man and woman, standing hand in hand together with their hands so clasped together that they seem in one united, and the words thus represented are, "i see your heart within you, and your cheeks are red with blushes!" next the maiden on an island, in the centre of an island; and the song this shape suggested was, "though you were at a distance, were upon some far-off island, such the spell i cast upon you, such the magic power of passion, i could straightway draw you to me!" then the figure of the maiden sleeping, and the lover near her, whispering to her in her slumbers, saying, "though you were far from me in the land of sleep and silence, still the voice of love would reach you!" and the last of all the figures was a heart within a circle, drawn within a magic circle; and the image had this meaning: "naked lies your heart before me, to your naked heart i whisper!" thus it was that hiawatha, in his wisdom, taught the people all the mysteries of painting, all the art of picture-writing, on the smooth bark of the birch-tree, on the white skin of the reindeer, on the grave-posts of the village. [illustration: "danced the medicine-dance around him; and upstarting wild and haggard."] xv. hiawatha's lamentation. in those days the evil spirits, all the manitos of mischief, fearing hiawatha's wisdom, and his love for chibiabos, jealous of their faithful friendship, and their noble words and actions, made at length a league against them, to molest them and destroy them. hiawatha, wise and wary, often said to chibiabos, "o my brother! do not leave me, lest the evil spirits harm you!" chibiabos, young and heedless, laughing shook his coal-black tresses, answered ever sweet and childlike, "do not fear for me, o brother! harm and evil come not near me!" once when peboan, the winter, roofed with ice the big-sea-water, when the snow-flakes, whirling downward, hissed among the withered oak-leaves, changed the pine-trees into wigwams, covered all the earth with silence,-- armed with arrows, shod with snow-shoes, heeding not his brother's warning, fearing not the evil spirits, forth to hunt the deer with antlers all alone went chibiabos. right across the big-sea-water sprang with speed the deer before him. with the wind and snow he followed, o'er the treacherous ice he followed, wild with all the fierce commotion and the rapture of the hunting. but beneath, the evil spirits lay in ambush, waiting for him, broke the treacherous ice beneath him, dragged him downward to the bottom, buried in the sand his body. unktahee, the god of water, he the god of the dacotahs, drowned him in the deep abysses of the lake of gitche gumee. from the headlands hiawatha sent forth such a wail of anguish, such a fearful lamentation, that the bison paused to listen, and the wolves howled from the prairies, and the thunder in the distance starting answered "baim-wawa!" then his face with black he painted, with his robe his head he covered, in his wigwam sat lamenting, seven long weeks he sat lamenting, uttering still this moan of sorrow:-- "he is dead, the sweet musician! he the sweetest of all singers! he has gone from us forever, he has moved a little nearer to the master of all music, to the master of all singing! o my brother, chibiabos!" and the melancholy fir-trees waved their dark green fans above him, waved their purple cones above him, sighing with him to console him, mingling with his lamentation their complaining, their lamenting. came the spring, and all the forest looked in vain for chibiabos; sighed the rivulet, sebowisha, sighed the rushes in the meadow. from the tree-tops sang the bluebird, sang the bluebird, the owaissa, "chibiabos! chibiabos! he is dead, the sweet musician!" from the wigwam sang the robin, sang the opechee, the robin, "chibiabos! chibiabos! he is dead, the sweetest singer!" and at night through all the forest went the whippoorwill complaining, wailing went the wawonaissa, "chibiabos! chibiabos! he is dead, the sweet musician! he the sweetest of all singers!" then the medicine-men, the medas, the magicians, the wabenos, and the jossakeeds, the prophets, came to visit hiawatha; built a sacred lodge beside him, to appease him, to console him, walked in silent, grave procession, bearing each a pouch of healing, skin of beaver, lynx, or otter, filled with magic roots and simples, filled with very potent medicines. when he heard their steps approaching, hiawatha ceased lamenting, called no more on chibiabos; naught he questioned, naught he answered, but his mournful head uncovered, from his face the mourning colors washed he slowly and in silence, slowly and in silence followed onward to the sacred wigwam. [illustration: "then the medicine-men, the medas, the magicians, the wabenos, and the jossakeeds, the prophets, came to visit hiawatha."] there a magic drink they gave him, made of nahma-wusk, the spearmint, and wabeno-wusk, the yarrow, roots of power, and herbs of healing; beat their drums, and shook their rattles; chanted singly and in chorus, mystic songs, like these, they chanted. "i myself, myself! behold me! 't is the great gray eagle talking; come, ye white crows, come and hear him! the loud-speaking thunder helps me; all the unseen spirits help me; i can hear their voices calling, all around the sky i hear them! i can blow you strong, my brother, i can heal you, hiawatha!" "hi-au-ha!" replied the chorus, "way-ha-way!" the mystic chorus. "friends of mine are all the serpents! hear me shake my skin of hen-hawk! mahng, the white loon, i can kill him; i can shoot your heart and kill it! i can blow you strong, my brother, i can heal you, hiawatha!" "hi-au-ha!" replied the chorus, "way-ha-way!" the mystic chorus. "i myself, myself! the prophet! when i speak the wigwam trembles, shakes the sacred lodge with terror, hands unseen begin to shake it! when i walk, the sky i tread on bends and makes a noise beneath me! i can blow you strong, my brother! rise and speak, o hiawatha!" "hi-au-ha!" replied the chorus, "way-ha-way!" the mystic chorus. then they shook their medicine-pouches o'er the head of hiawatha, danced their medicine-dance around him; and upstarting wild and haggard, like a man from dreams awakened, he was healed of all his madness. as the clouds are swept from heaven, straightway from his brain departed all his moody melancholy; as the ice is swept from rivers, straightway from his heart departed all his sorrow and affliction. then they summoned chibiabos from his grave beneath the waters, from the sands of gitche gumee summoned hiawatha's brother. and so mighty was the magic of that cry and invocation, that he heard it as he lay there underneath the big-sea-water; from the sand he rose and listened, heard the music and the singing, came, obedient to the summons, to the doorway of the wigwam, but to enter they forbade him. through a chink a coal they gave him, through the door a burning fire-brand; ruler in the land of spirits, ruler o'er the dead, they made him, telling him a fire to kindle for all those that died thereafter, camp-fires for their night encampments on their solitary journey to the kingdom of ponemah, to the land of the hereafter. from the village of his childhood, from the homes of those who knew him, passing silent through the forest, like a smoke-wreath wafted sideways, slowly vanished chibiabos! where he passed, the branches moved not, where he trod, the grasses bent not and the fallen leaves of last year made no sound beneath his footsteps. four whole days he journeyed onward down the pathway of the dead men; on the dead man's strawberry feasted, crossed the melancholy river, on the swinging log he crossed it,-- came unto the lake of silver, in the stone canoe was carried to the islands of the blessed, to the land of ghosts and shadows. on that journey, moving slowly, many weary spirits saw he, panting under heavy burdens, laden with war-clubs, bows and arrows, robes of fur, and pots and kettles, and with food that friends had given for that solitary journey. "ay! why do the living," said they, "lay such heavy burdens on us! better were it to go naked, better were it to go fasting, than to bear such heavy burdens on our long and weary journey!" forth then issued hiawatha, wandered eastward, wandered westward, teaching men the use of simples and the antidotes for poisons, and the cure of all diseases. thus was first made known to mortals all the mystery of medamin, all the sacred art of healing. [illustration: _basket used by the pawnee indians for carrying corn or berries._] [illustration: "with the sacred belt of wampum."] xvi. pau-puk-keewis. you shall hear how pau-puk-keewis, he, the handsome yenadizze, whom the people called the storm fool, vexed the village with disturbance. you shall hear of all his mischief, and his flight from hiawatha, and his wondrous transmigrations, and the end of his adventures. on the shores of gitche gumee, on the dunes of nagow wudjoo, by the shining big-sea-water stood the lodge of pau-puk-keewis. it was he who in his frenzy whirled these drifting sands together, on the dunes of nagow wudjoo, when, among the guests assembled, he so merrily and madly danced at hiawatha's wedding, danced the beggar's dance to please them. now, in search of new adventures, from his lodge went pau-puk-keewis, came with speed into the village, found the young men all assembled in the lodge of old iagoo, listening to his monstrous stories, to his wonderful adventures. he was telling them the story of ojeeg, the summer-maker, how he made a hole in heaven, how he climbed up into heaven, and let out the summer-weather, the perpetual, pleasant summer; how the otter first essayed it; how the beaver, lynx, and badger tried in turn the great achievement, from the summit of the mountain smote their fists against the heavens, smote against the sky their foreheads, cracked the sky, but could not break it; how the wolverine, uprising, made him ready for the encounter, bent his knees down, like a squirrel, drew his arms back, like a cricket. "once he leaped," said old iagoo, "once he leaped, and lo! above him bent the sky, as ice in rivers when the waters rise beneath it; twice he leaped, and lo! above him cracked the sky, as ice in rivers when the freshet is at highest! thrice he leaped, and lo! above him broke the shattered sky asunder, and he disappeared within it, and ojeeg, the fisher weasel, with a bound went in behind him!" "hark you!" shouted pau-puk-keewis as he entered at the doorway; "i am tired of all this talking, tired of old iagoo's stories, tired of hiawatha's wisdom. here is something to amuse you, better than this endless talking." then from out his pouch of wolf-skin forth he drew, with solemn manner, all the game of bowl and counters, pugasaing, with thirteen pieces. white on one side were they painted, and vermilion on the other; two kenabeeks or great serpents, two ininewug or wedge-men, one great war-club, pugamaugun, and one slender fish, the keego, four round pieces, ozawabeeks, and three sheshebwug or ducklings. all were made of bone and painted, all except the ozawabeeks; these were brass, on one side burnished, and were black upon the other. in a wooden bowl he placed them, shook and jostled them together, threw them on the ground before him, thus exclaiming and explaining: "red side up are all the pieces, and one great kenabeek standing on the bright side of a brass piece, on a burnished ozawabeek; thirteen tens and eight are counted." then again he shook the pieces, shook and jostled them together, threw them on the ground before him, still exclaiming and explaining: "white are both the great kenabeeks, white the ininewug, the wedge-men, red are all the other pieces; five tens and an eight are counted." thus he taught the game of hazard, thus displayed it and explained it, running through its various chances, various changes, various meanings: twenty curious eyes stared at him, full of eagerness stared at him. "many games," said old iagoo, "many games of skill and hazard have i seen in different nations, have i played in different countries. he who plays with old iagoo must have very nimble fingers; though you think yourself so skilful i can beat you, pau-puk-keewis, i can even give you lessons in your game of bowl and counters!" [illustration: "then again he shook the pieces, shook and jostled them together, threw them on the ground before him."] so they sat and played together, all the old men and the young men, played for dresses, weapons, wampum, played till midnight, played till morning, played until the yenadizze, till the cunning pau-puk-keewis, of their treasures had despoiled them, of the best of all their dresses, shirts of deer-skin, robes of ermine, belts of wampum, crests of feathers, warlike weapons, pipes and pouches. twenty eyes glared wildly at him, like the eyes of wolves glared at him. said the lucky pau-puk-keewis: "in my wigwam i am lonely, in my wanderings and adventures i have need of a companion, fain would have a meshinauwa, an attendant and pipe-bearer. i will venture all these winnings, all these garments heaped about me, all this wampum, all these feathers, on a single throw will venture all against the young man yonder!" 't was a youth of sixteen summers, 't was a nephew of iagoo; face-in-a-mist, the people called him. as the fire burns in a pipe-head dusky red beneath the ashes, so beneath his shaggy eyebrows glowed the eyes of old iagoo. "ugh!" he answered very fiercely; "ugh!" they answered all and each one. seized the wooden bowl the old man, closely in his bony fingers clutched the fatal bowl, onagon, shook it fiercely and with fury, made the pieces ring together as he threw them down before him. red were both the great kenabeeks, red the ininewug, the wedge-men, red the sheshebwug, the ducklings, black the four brass ozawabeeks, white alone the fish, the keego; only five the pieces counted! then the smiling pau-puk-keewis shook the bowl and threw the pieces; lightly in the air he tossed them, and they fell about him scattered; dark and bright the ozawabeeks, red and white the other pieces, and upright among the others one ininewug was standing, even as crafty pau-puk-keewis stood alone among the players, saying, "five tens! mine the game is!" twenty eyes glared at him fiercely, like the eyes of wolves glared at him, as he turned and left the wigwam, followed by his meshinauwa, by the nephew of iagoo, by the tall and graceful stripling, bearing in his arms the winnings, shirts of deer-skin, robes of ermine, belts of wampum, pipes and weapons. "carry them," said pau-puk-keewis, pointing with his fan of feathers, "to my wigwam far to eastward, on the dunes of nagow wudjoo!" hot and red with smoke and gambling were the eyes of pau-puk-keewis as he came forth to the freshness of the pleasant summer morning. all the birds were singing gayly, all the streamlets flowing swiftly, and the heart of pau-puk-keewis sang with pleasure as the birds sing, beat with triumph like the streamlets, as he wandered through the village, in the early gray of morning, with his fan of turkey-feathers, with his plumes and tufts of swan's down, till he reached the farthest wigwam, reached the lodge of hiawatha. silent was it and deserted; no one met him at the doorway, no one came to bid him welcome; but the birds were singing round it, in and out and round the doorway, hopping, singing, fluttering, feeding, and aloft upon the ridge-pole kahgahgee, the king of ravens, sat with fiery eyes, and, screaming, flapped his wings at pau-puk-keewis. "all are gone! the lodge is empty!" thus it was spake pau-puk-keewis, in his heart resolving mischief;-- "gone is wary hiawatha, gone the silly laughing water, gone nokomis, the old woman, and the lodge is left unguarded!" by the neck he seized the raven, whirled it round him like a rattle, like a medicine-pouch he shook it, strangled kahgahgee, the raven, from the ridge-pole of the wigwam left its lifeless body hanging, as an insult to its master, as a taunt to hiawatha. with a stealthy step he entered, round the lodge in wild disorder threw the household things about him, piled together in confusion bowls of wood and earthen kettles, robes of buffalo and beaver, skins of otter, lynx, and ermine, as an insult to nokomis, as a taunt to minnehaha. then departed pau-puk-keewis, whistling, singing through the forest, whistling gayly to the squirrels, who from hollow boughs above him dropped their acorn-shells upon him, singing gayly to the wood-birds, who from out the leafy darkness answered with a song as merry. then he climbed the rocky headlands looking o'er the gitche gumee, perched himself upon their summit, waiting full of mirth and mischief the return of hiawatha. stretched upon his back he lay there; far below him plashed the waters, plashed and washed the dreamy waters; far above him swam the heavens, swam the dizzy, dreamy heavens; round him hovered, fluttered, rustled, hiawatha's mountain chickens, flock-wise swept and wheeled about him, almost brushed him with their pinions. and he killed them as he lay there, slaughtered them by tens and twenties, threw their bodies down the headland, threw them on the beach below him, till at length kayoshk, the sea-gull, perched upon a crag above them, shouted: "it is pau-puk-keewis! he is slaying us by hundreds! send a message to our brother, tidings send to hiawatha!" xvii. the hunting of pau-puk-keewis. full of wrath was hiawatha when he came into the village, found the people in confusion, heard of all the misdemeanors, all the malice and the mischief, of the cunning pau-puk-keewis. hard his breath came through his nostrils, through his teeth he buzzed and muttered words of anger and resentment, hot and humming like a hornet. "i will slay this pau-puk-keewis, slay this mischief-maker!" said he. "not so long and wide the world is, not so rude and rough the way is, that my wrath shall not attain him, that my vengeance shall not reach him!" then in swift pursuit departed hiawatha and the hunters on the trail of pau-puk-keewis, through the forest, where he passed it, to the headlands where he rested; but they found not pau-puk-keewis, only in the trampled grasses, in the whortleberry-bushes, found the couch where he had rested, found the impress of his body. from the lowlands far beneath them, from the muskoday, the meadow, pau-puk-keewis, turning backward, made a gesture of defiance, made a gesture of derision; and aloud cried hiawatha, from the summit of the mountains: "not so long and wide the world is, not so rude and rough the way is, but my wrath shall overtake you, and my vengeance shall attain you!" over rock and over river, through the bush, and brake, and forest, ran the cunning pau-puk-keewis; like an antelope he bounded, till he came unto a streamlet in the middle of the forest, to a streamlet still and tranquil, that had overflowed its margin, to a dam made by the beavers, to a pond of quiet water, where knee-deep the trees were standing, where the water-lilies floated, where the rushes waved and whispered. on the dam stood pau-puk-keewis, on the dam of trunks and branches, through whose chinks the water spouted, o'er whose summit flowed the streamlet. from the bottom rose the beaver, looked with two great eyes of wonder, eyes that seemed to ask a question, at the stranger, pau-puk-keewis. on the dam stood pau-puk-keewis, o'er his ankles flowed the streamlet, flowed the bright and silvery water, and he spake unto the beaver, with a smile he spake in this wise: [illustration: "from the bottom rose a beaver, looked with two great eyes of wonder, eyes that seemed to ask a question."] "o my friend ahmeek, the beaver, cool and pleasant is the water; let me dive into the water, let me rest there in your lodges; change me, too, into a beaver!" cautiously replied the beaver, with reserve he thus made answer: "let me first consult the others, let me ask the other beavers." down he sank into the water, heavily sank he, as a stone sinks, down among the leaves and branches, brown and matted at the bottom. on the dam stood pau-puk-keewis, o'er his ankles flowed the streamlet, spouted through the chinks below him, dashed upon the stones beneath him, spread serene and calm before him, and the sunshine and the shadows fell in flecks and gleams upon him, fell in little shining patches, through the waving, rustling branches. from the bottom rose the beavers, silently above the surface rose one head and then another, till the pond seemed full of beavers, full of black and shining faces. to the beavers pau-puk-keewis spake entreating, said in this wise: "very pleasant is your dwelling, o my friends! and safe from danger; can you not with all your cunning, all your wisdom and contrivance, change me, too, into a beaver?" "yes!" replied ahmeek, the beaver, he the king of all the beavers, "let yourself slide down among us, down into the tranquil water." down into the pond among them silently sank pau-puk-keewis; black became his shirt of deer-skin, black his moccasins and leggins, in a broad black tail behind him spread his fox-tails and his fringes; he was changed into a beaver. "make me large," said pau-puk-keewis, "make me large and make me larger, larger than the other beavers." "yes," the beaver chief responded, "when our lodge below you enter, in our wigwam we will make you ten times larger than the others." thus into the clear brown water silently sank pau-puk-keewis; found the bottom covered over with the trunks of trees and branches, hoards of food against the winter, piles and heaps against the famine, found the lodge with arching doorway, leading into spacious chambers. here they made him large and larger, made him largest of the beavers, ten times larger than the others. "you shall be our ruler," said they; "chief and king of all the beavers." but not long had pau-puk-keewis sat in state among the beavers, when there came a voice of warning from the watchman at his station in the water-flags and lilies, saying, "here is hiawatha! hiawatha with his hunters!" then they heard a cry above them, heard a shouting and a tramping, heard a crashing and a rushing, and the water round and o'er them sank and sucked away in eddies, and they knew their dam was broken. on the lodge's roof the hunters leaped, and broke it all asunder; streamed the sunshine through the crevice, sprang the beavers through the doorway, hid themselves in deeper water, in the channel of the streamlet; but the mighty pau-puk-keewis could not pass beneath the doorway; he was puffed with pride and feeding, he was swollen like a bladder. through the roof looked hiawatha, cried aloud, "o pau-puk-keewis! vain are all your craft and cunning, vain your manifold disguises! well i know you, pau-puk-keewis!" with their clubs they beat and bruised him, beat to death poor pau-puk-keewis, pounded him as maize is pounded, till his skull was crushed to pieces. six tall hunters, lithe and limber, bore him home on poles and branches, bore the body of the beaver; but the ghost, the jeebi in him, thought and felt as pau-puk-keewis, still lived on as pau-puk-keewis. and it fluttered, strove, and struggled, waving hither, waving thither, as the curtains of a wigwam struggle with their thongs of deer-skin, when the wintry wind is blowing; till it drew itself together, till it rose up from the body, till it took the form and features of the cunning pau-puk-keewis vanishing into the forest. but the wary hiawatha saw the figure ere it vanished, saw the form of pau-puk-keewis glide into the soft blue shadow of the pine-trees of the forest; toward the squares of white beyond it, toward an opening in the forest, like a wind it rushed and panted, bending all the boughs before it, and behind it, as the rain comes, came the steps of hiawatha. to a lake with many islands came the breathless pau-puk-keewis, where among the water-lilies pishnekuh, the brant, were sailing; through the tufts of rushes floating, steering through the reedy islands. now their broad black beaks they lifted, now they plunged beneath the water, now they darkened in the shadow, now they brightened in the sunshine. "pishnekuh!" cried pau-puk-keewis, "pishnekuh! my brothers!" said he, "change me to a brant with plumage, with a shining neck and feathers, make me large, and make me larger, ten times larger than the others." straightway to a brant they changed him, with two huge and dusky pinions, with a bosom smooth and rounded, with a bill like two great paddles, made him larger than the others, ten times larger than the largest, just as, shouting from the forest, on the shore stood hiawatha. up they rose with cry and clamor, with a whirr and beat of pinions, rose up from the reedy islands, from the water-flags and lilies. and they said to pau-puk-keewis: "in your flying, look not downward, take good heed, and look not downward, lest some strange mischance should happen, lest some great mishap befall you!" fast and far they fled to northward, fast and far through mist and sunshine, fed among the moors and fen-lands, slept among the reeds and rushes. on the morrow as they journeyed, buoyed and lifted by the south-wind, wafted onward by the south-wind, blowing fresh and strong behind them, rose a sound of human voices rose a clamor from beneath them, from the lodges of a village, from the people miles beneath them. for the people of the village saw the flock of brant with wonder, saw the wings of pau-puk-keewis flapping far up in the ether, broader than two doorway curtains. pau-puk-keewis heard the shouting, knew the voice of hiawatha, knew the outcry of iagoo, and, forgetful of the warning, drew his neck in, and looked downward, and the wind that blew behind him caught his mighty fan of feathers, sent him wheeling, whirling downward! all in vain did pau-puk-keewis struggle to regain his balance! whirling round and round and downward, he beheld in turn the village and in turn the flock above him, saw the village coming nearer, and the flock receding farther, heard the voices growing louder, heard the shouting and the laughter; saw no more the flock above him, only saw the earth beneath him; dead out of the empty heaven, dead among the shouting people, with a heavy sound and sullen, fell the brant with broken pinions. but his soul, his ghost, his shadow, still survived as pau-puk-keewis, took again the form and features of the handsome yenadizze, and again went rushing onward, followed fast by hiawatha, crying: "not so wide the world is, not so long and rough the way is, but my wrath shall overtake you, but my vengeance shall attain you!" and so near he came, so near him, that his hand was stretched to seize him, his right hand to seize and hold him, when the cunning pau-puk-keewis whirled and spun about in circles, fanned the air into a whirlwind, danced the dust and leaves about him, and amid the whirling eddies sprang into a hollow oak-tree, changed himself into a serpent, gliding out through root and rubbish. with his right hand hiawatha smote amain the hollow oak-tree, rent it into shreds and splinters, left it lying there in fragments. but in vain; for pau-puk-keewis, once again in human figure, full in sight ran on before him, sped away in gust and whirlwind, on the shores of gitche gumee, westward by the big-sea-water, came unto the rocky headlands, to the pictured rocks of sandstone, looking over lake and landscape. and the old man of the mountain, he the manito of mountains, opened wide his rocky doorways, opened wide his deep abysses, giving pau-puk-keewis shelter in his caverns dark and dreary, bidding pau-puk-keewis welcome to his gloomy lodge of sandstone. there without stood hiawatha, found the doorways closed against him, with his mittens, minjekahwun, smote great caverns in the sandstone, cried aloud in tones of thunder, "open! i am hiawatha!" but the old man of the mountain opened not, and made no answer from the silent crags of sandstone, from the gloomy rock abysses. then he raised his hands to heaven, called imploring on the tempest, called waywassimo, the lightning, and the thunder, annemeekee; and they came with night and darkness, sweeping down the big-sea-water from the distant thunder mountains; and the trembling pau-puk-keewis heard the footsteps of the thunder, saw the red eyes of the lightning, was afraid, and crouched and trembled. then waywassimo, the lightning, smote the doorways of the caverns, with his war-club smote the doorways, smote the jutting crags of sandstone, and the thunder, annemeekee, shouted down into the caverns, saying, "where is pau-puk-keewis!" and the crags fell, and beneath them dead among the rocky ruins lay the cunning pau-puk-keewis, lay the handsome yenadizze, slain in his own human figure. ended were his wild adventures, ended were his tricks and gambols, ended all his craft and cunning, ended all his mischief-making, all his gambling and his dancing, all his wooing of the maidens. then the noble hiawatha took his soul, his ghost, his shadow, spake and said: "o pau-puk-keewis, never more in human figure shall you search for new adventures; never more with jest and laughter dance the dust and leaves in whirlwinds; but above there in the heavens you shall soar and sail in circles; i will change you to an eagle, to keneu, the great war-eagle, chief of all the fowls with feathers, chief of hiawatha's chickens." and the name of pau-puk-keewis lingers still among the people, lingers still among the singers, and among the story-tellers; and in winter, when the snow-flakes whirl in eddies round the lodges, when the wind in gusty tumult o'er the smoke-flue pipes and whistles, "there," they cry, "comes pau-puk-keewis; he is dancing through the village, he is gathering in his harvest!" xviii. the death of kwasind. far and wide among the nations spread the name and fame of kwasind; no man dared to strive with kwasind, no man could compete with kwasind. but the mischievous puk-wudjies, they the envious little people, they the fairies and the pygmies, plotted and conspired against him. "if this hateful kwasind," said they, "if this great, outrageous fellow goes on thus a little longer, tearing everything he touches, rending everything to pieces, filling all the world with wonder, what becomes of the puk-wudjies? who will care for the puk-wudjies? he will tread us down like mushrooms, drive us all into the water, give our bodies to be eaten by the wicked nee-ba-naw-baigs, by the spirits of the water!" so the angry little people all conspired against the strong man, all conspired to murder kwasind, yes, to rid the world of kwasind, the audacious, overbearing, heartless, haughty, dangerous kwasind! now this wondrous strength of kwasind in his crown alone was seated; in his crown too was his weakness: there alone could he be wounded, nowhere else could weapon pierce him, nowhere else could weapon harm him. even there the only weapon that could wound him, that could slay him, was the seed-cone of the pine-tree, was the blue cone of the fir-tree. this was kwasind's fatal secret, known to no man among mortals; but the cunning little people, the puk-wudjies, knew the secret, knew the only way to kill him. so they gathered cones together, gathered seed-cones of the pine-tree, gathered blue cones of the fir-tree, in the woods by taquamenaw, brought them to the river's margin, heaped them in great piles together, where the red rocks from the margin jutting overhang the river. there they lay in wait for kwasind, the malicious little people. 't was an afternoon in summer; very hot and still the air was, very smooth the gliding river, motionless the sleeping shadows: insects glistened in the sunshine, insects skated on the water filled the drowsy air with buzzing, with a far-resounding war-cry. down the river came the strong man, in his birch canoe came kwasind, floating slowly down the current of the sluggish taquamenaw, very languid with the weather, very sleepy with the silence. from the overhanging branches, from the tassels of the birch-trees, soft the spirit of sleep descended; by his airy hosts surrounded, his invisible attendants, came the spirit of sleep, nepahwin; like the burnished dush-kwo-ne-she, like a dragon fly, he hovered o'er the drowsy head of kwasind. to his ear there came a murmur as of waves upon a sea-shore, as of far-off tumbling waters, as of winds among the pine-trees; and he felt upon his forehead blows of little airy war-clubs, wielded by the slumbrous legions of the spirit of sleep, nepahwin, as of some one breathing on him. at the first blow of their war-clubs, fell a drowsiness on kwasind; at the second blow they smote him, motionless his paddle rested; at the third, before his vision reeled the landscape into darkness, very sound asleep was kwasind. so he floated down the river, like a blind man seated upright, floated down the taquamenaw, underneath the trembling birch-trees, underneath the wooded headlands, underneath the war encampment of the pygmies, the puk-wudjies. there they stood, all armed and waiting, hurled the pine-cones down upon him, struck him on his brawny shoulders, on his crown defenseless struck him. "death to kwasind!" was the sudden war-cry of the little people. and he sideways swayed and tumbled, sideways fell into the river, plunged beneath the sluggish water headlong, as an otter plunges; and the birch canoe, abandoned, drifted empty down the river, bottom upward swerved and drifted: nothing more was seen of kwasind. [illustration: "there they stood, all armed and waiting, hurled the pine-cones down upon him."] but the memory of the strong man lingered long among the people, and whenever through the forest raged and roared the wintry tempest, and the branches, tossed and troubled, creaked and groaned and split asunder, "kwasind!" cried they; "that is kwasind! he is gathering in his fire-wood!" [illustration: _strings of black and white wampum shells._] xix. the ghosts. never stoops the soaring vulture on his quarry in the desert, on the sick or wounded bison, but another vulture, watching from his high aerial look-out, sees the downward plunge, and follows; and a third pursues the second, coming from the invisible ether, first a speck, and then a vulture, till the air is dark with pinions. so disasters come not singly; but as if they watched and waited, scanning one another's motions, when the first descends, the others follow, follow, gathering flock-wise round their victim, sick and wounded, first a shadow, then a sorrow, till the air is dark with anguish. now, o'er all the dreary northland, mighty peboan, the winter, breathing on the lakes and rivers, into stone had changed their waters. from his hair he shook the snow-flakes, till the plains were strewn with whiteness, one uninterrupted level, as if, stooping, the creator with his hand had smoothed them over. through the forest, wide and wailing, roamed the hunter on his snow-shoes; in the village worked the women, pounded maize, or dressed the deer-skin; and the young men played together on the ice the noisy ball-play, on the plain the dance of snow-shoes. one dark evening, after sundown, in her wigwam laughing water sat with old nokomis, waiting for the steps of hiawatha homeward from the hunt returning. on their faces gleamed the fire-light, painting them with streaks of crimson, in the eyes of old nokomis glimmered like the watery moonlight, in the eyes of laughing water glistened like the sun in water; and behind them crouched their shadows in the corners of the wigwam, and the smoke in wreaths above them climbed and crowded through the smoke-flue. then the curtain of the doorway from without was slowly lifted; brighter glowed the fire a moment, and a moment swerved the smoke-wreath, as two women entered softly, passed the doorway uninvited, without word of salutation, without sign of recognition, sat down in the farthest corner, crouching low among the shadows. from their aspect and their garments, strangers seemed they in the village; very pale and haggard were they, as they sat there sad and silent, trembling, cowering with the shadows. was it the wind above the smoke-flue, muttering down into the wigwam? was it the owl, the koko-koho, hooting from the dismal forest? sure a voice said in the silence: "these are corpses clad in garments, these are ghosts that come to haunt you, from the kingdom of ponemah, from the land of the hereafter!" homeward now came hiawatha from his hunting in the forest, with the snow upon his tresses, and the red deer on his shoulders. at the feet of laughing water down he threw his lifeless burden; nobler, handsomer she thought him, than when first he came to woo her, first threw down the deer before her, as a token of his wishes, as a promise of the future. then he turned and saw the strangers, cowering, crouching with the shadows; said within himself, "who are they? what strange guests has minnehaha?" but he questioned not the strangers, only spake to bid them welcome to his lodge, his food, his fireside. when the evening meal was ready, and the deer had been divided, both the pallid guests, the strangers, springing from among the shadows, seized upon the choicest portions, seized the white fat of the roebuck, set apart for laughing water, for the wife of hiawatha; without asking, without thanking, eagerly devoured the morsels, flitted back among the shadows in the corner of the wigwam. not a word spake hiawatha, not a motion made nokomis, not a gesture laughing water; not a change came o'er their features; only minnehaha softly whispered, saying, "they are famished; let them do what best delights them; let them eat, for they are famished." many a daylight dawned and darkened, many a night shook off the daylight as the pine shakes off the snow-flakes from the midnight of its branches; day by day the guests unmoving sat there silent in the wigwam; but by night, in storm or starlight, forth they went into the forest, bringing fire-wood to the wigwam, bringing pine-cones for the burning, always sad and always silent. and whenever hiawatha came from fishing or from hunting, when the evening meal was ready, and the food had been divided, gliding from their darksome corner, came the pallid guests, the strangers, seized upon the choicest portions set aside for laughing water, and without rebuke or question flitted back among the shadows. never once had hiawatha by a word or look reproved them; never once had old nokomis made a gesture of impatience; never once had laughing water shown resentment at the outrage. all had they endured in silence, that the rights of guest and stranger, that the virtue of free-giving, by a look might not be lessened, by a word might not be broken. once at midnight hiawatha, ever wakeful, ever watchful, in the wigwam, dimly lighted by the brands that still were burning, by the glimmering, flickering fire-light, heard a sighing, oft repeated, heard a sobbing as of sorrow. from his couch rose hiawatha, from his shaggy hides of bison, pushed aside the deer-skin curtain, saw the pallid guests, the shadows, sitting upright on their couches, weeping in the silent midnight. and he said: "o guests! why is it that your hearts are so afflicted, that you sob so in the midnight? has perchance the old nokomis, has my wife, my minnehaha, wronged or grieved you by unkindness, failed in hospitable duties?" [illustration: indian burial] then the shadows ceased from weeping, ceased from sobbing and lamenting, and they said, with gentle voices: "we are ghosts of the departed, souls of those who once were with you. from the realms of chibiabos hither have we come to try you, hither have we come to warn you. "cries of grief and lamentation reach us in the blessed islands: cries of anguish from the living, calling back their friends departed, sadden us with useless sorrow. therefore have we come to try you; no one knows us, no one heeds us. we are but a burden to you, and we see that the departed have no place among the living. "think of this, o hiawatha! speak of it to all the people, that henceforward and forever they no more with lamentations sadden the souls of the departed in the islands of the blessed. "do not lay such heavy burdens in the graves of those you bury, not such weight of furs and wampum, not such weight of pots and kettles, for the spirits faint beneath them. only give them food to carry, only give them fire to light them. "four days is the spirit's journey to the land of ghosts and shadows, four its lonely night encampments; four times must their fires be lighted. therefore, when the dead are buried, let a fire, as night approaches, four times on the grave be kindled, that the soul upon its journey may not lack the cheerful fire-light, may not grope about in darkness. "farewell, noble hiawatha! we have put you to the trial, to the proof have put your patience, by the insult of our presence, by the outrage of our actions. we have found you great and noble. fail not in the greater trial, faint not in the harder struggle." when they ceased, a sudden darkness fell and filled the silent wigwam. hiawatha heard a rustle as of garments trailing by him, heard the curtain of the doorway lifted by a hand he saw not, felt the cold breath of the night air, for a moment saw the starlight; but he saw the ghosts no longer, saw no more the wandering spirits from the kingdom of ponemah, from the land of the hereafter. [illustration: _indian baskets, decorated with feathers and quills._] xx. the famine. o the long and dreary winter! o the cold and cruel winter! ever thicker, thicker, thicker froze the ice on lake and river, ever deeper, deeper, deeper, fell the snow o'er all the landscape, fell the covering snow, and drifted through the forest, round the village. hardly from his buried wigwam could the hunter force a passage; with his mittens and his snow-shoes vainly walked he through the forest, sought for bird or beast and found none. saw no track of deer or rabbit, in the snow beheld no footprints, in the ghastly, gleaming forest fell, and could not rise from weakness, perished there from cold and hunger. o the famine and the fever! o the wasting of the famine! o the blasting of the fever! o the wailing of the children! o the anguish of the women! all the earth was sick and famished; hungry was the air around them, hungry was the sky above them, and the hungry stars in heaven like the eyes of wolves glared at them! into hiawatha's wigwam came two other guests as silent as the ghosts were, and as gloomy, waited not to be invited, did not parley at the doorway, sat there without word of welcome in the seat of laughing water; looked with haggard eyes and hollow at the face of laughing water. and the foremost said: "behold me! i am famine, bukadawin!" and the other said: "behold me! i am fever, ahkosewin!" and the lovely minnehaha shuddered as they looked upon her, shuddered at the words they uttered, lay down on her bed in silence, hid her face, but made no answer; lay there trembling, freezing, burning at the looks they cast upon her, at the fearful words they uttered. forth into the empty forest rushed the maddened hiawatha; in his heart was deadly sorrow, in his face a stony firmness; on his brow the sweat of anguish started, but it froze and fell not. wrapped in furs and armed for hunting, with his mighty bow of ash-tree, with his quiver full of arrows, with his mittens, minjekahwun, into the vast and vacant forest on his snow-shoes strode he forward. "gitche manito, the mighty!" cried he with his face uplifted in that bitter hour of anguish, "give your children food, o father! give us food, or we must perish! give me food for minnehaha, for my dying minnehaha!" through the far-resounding forest, through the forest vast and vacant rang that cry of desolation, but there came no other answer than the echo of his crying, than the echo of the woodlands, "minnehaha! minnehaha!" all day long roved hiawatha in that melancholy forest, through the shadow of whose thickets, in the pleasant days of summer, of that ne'er forgotten summer, he had brought his young wife homeward from the land of the dacotahs; when the birds sang in the thickets, and the streamlets laughed and glistened, and the air was full of fragrance, and the lovely laughing water said with voice that did not tremble, "i will follow you, my husband!" in the wigwam with nokomis, with those gloomy guests that watched her, with the famine and the fever, she was lying, the beloved, she the dying minnehaha. "hark!" she said; "i hear a rushing, hear a roaring and a rushing, hear the falls of minnehaha calling to me from a distance!" "no, my child!" said old nokomis, "'t is the night-wind in the pine-trees!" "look!" she said; "i see my father standing lonely at his doorway, beckoning to me from his wigwam in the land of the dacotahs!" "no, my child!" said old nokomis, "'t is the smoke, that waves and beckons!" "ah!" said she, "the eyes of pauguk glare upon me in the darkness, i can feel his icy fingers clasping mine amid the darkness! hiawatha! hiawatha!" and the desolate hiawatha, far away amid the forest, miles away among the mountains, heard that sudden cry of anguish, heard the voice of minnehaha calling to him in the darkness, "hiawatha! hiawatha!" over snow-fields waste and pathless, under snow-encumbered branches, homeward hurried hiawatha, empty-handed, heavy-hearted, heard nokomis moaning, wailing: "wahonowin! wahonowin! would that i had perished for you, would that i were dead as you are! wahonowin! wahonowin!" and he rushed into the wigwam, saw the old nokomis slowly rocking to and fro and moaning, saw his lovely minnehaha lying dead and cold before him, and his bursting heart within him uttered such a cry of anguish, that the forest moaned and shuddered, that the very stars in heaven shook and trembled with his anguish. then he sat down, still and speechless, on the bed of minnehaha, at the feet of laughing water, at those willing feet, that never more would lightly run to meet him, never more would lightly follow. with both hands his face he covered, seven long days and nights he sat there, as if in a swoon he sat there, speechless, motionless, unconscious of the daylight or the darkness. then they buried minnehaha; in the snow a grave they made her, in the forest deep and darksome, underneath the moaning hemlocks; clothed her in her richest garments, wrapped her in her robes of ermine, covered her with snow, like ermine; thus they buried minnehaha. and at night a fire was lighted, on her grave four times was kindled, for her soul upon its journey to the islands of the blessed. from his doorway hiawatha saw it burning in the forest, lighting up the gloomy hemlocks; from his sleepless bed uprising, from the bed of minnehaha, stood and watched it at the doorway, that it might not be extinguished, might not leave her in the darkness. "farewell!" said he, "minnehaha! farewell, o my laughing water! all my heart is buried with you, all my thoughts go onward with you! come not back again to labor, come not back again to suffer, where the famine and the fever wear the heart and waste the body. soon my task will be completed, soon your footsteps i shall follow to the islands of the blessed, to the kingdom of ponemah, to the land of the hereafter!" xxi. the white man's foot. in his lodge beside a river, close beside a frozen river, sat an old man, sad and lonely. white his hair was as a snow-drift; dull and low his fire was burning, and the old man shook and trembled, folded in his waubewyon, in his tattered white-skin-wrapper, hearing nothing but the tempest as it roared along the forest, seeing nothing but the snow-storm, as it whirled and hissed and drifted. all the coals were white with ashes, and the fire was slowly dying, as a young man, walking lightly, at the open doorway entered. red with blood of youth his cheeks were, soft his eyes, as stars in spring-time, bound his forehead was with grasses, bound and plumed with scented grasses; on his lips a smile of beauty, filling all the lodge with sunshine, in his hand a bunch of blossoms filling all the lodge with sweetness. "ah, my son!" exclaimed the old man, "happy are my eyes to see you. sit here on the mat beside me, sit here by the dying embers, let us pass the night together. tell me of your strange adventures, of the lands where you have travelled; i will tell you of my prowess, of my many deeds of wonder." from his pouch he drew his peace-pipe, very old and strangely fashioned; made of red stone was the pipe-head, and the stem a reed with feathers; filled the pipe with bark of willow, placed a burning coal upon it, gave it to his guest, the stranger, and began to speak in this wise: "when i blow my breath about me, when i breathe upon the landscape, motionless are all the rivers, hard as stone becomes the water!" and the young man answered, smiling: "when i blow my breath about me, when i breathe upon the landscape, flowers spring up o'er all the meadows, singing, onward rush the rivers!" "when i shake my hoary tresses," said the old man, darkly frowning, "all the land with snow is covered; all the leaves from all the branches fall and fade and die and wither, for i breathe, and lo! they are not. from the waters and the marshes rise the wild goose and the heron, fly away to distant regions, for i speak, and lo! they are not. and where'er my footsteps wander, all the wild beasts of the forest hide themselves in holes and caverns, and the earth becomes as flintstone!" "when i shake my flowing ringlets," said the young man, softly laughing, "showers of rain fall warm and welcome, plants lift up their heads rejoicing, back unto their lakes and marshes come the wild goose and the heron, homeward shoots the arrowy swallow, sing the bluebird and the robin, and where'er my footsteps wander, all the meadows wave with blossoms, all the woodlands ring with music, all the trees are dark with foliage!" while they spake, the night departed: from the distant realms of wabun, from his shining lodge of silver, like a warrior robed and painted, came the sun, and said, "behold me! gheezis, the great sun, behold me!" then the old man's tongue was speechless and the air grew warm and pleasant, and upon the wigwam sweetly sang the bluebird and the robin, and the stream began to murmur, and a scent of growing grasses through the lodge was gently wafted. and segwun, the youthful stranger, more distinctly in the daylight saw the icy face before him; it was peboan, the winter! from his eyes the tears were flowing, as from melting lakes the streamlets, and his body shrunk and dwindled as the shouting sun ascended, till into the air it faded, till into the ground it vanished, and the young man saw before him, on the hearth-stone of the wigwam, where the fire had smoked and smouldered, saw the earliest flower of spring-time, saw the beauty of the spring-time, saw the miskodeed in blossom. thus it was that in the north-land after that unheard-of coldness, that intolerable winter, came the spring with all its splendor, all its birds and all its blossoms, all its flowers and leaves and grasses. sailing on the wind to northward, flying in great flocks, like arrows, like huge arrows shot through heaven, passed the swan, the mahnahbezee, speaking almost as a man speaks; and in long lines waving, bending like a bow-string snapped asunder, came the white goose, waw-be-wawa; and in pairs, or singly flying, mahng the loon, with clangorous pinions, the blue heron, the shuh-shuh-gah, and the grouse, the mushkodasa. in the thickets and the meadows piped the bluebird, the owaissa, on the summit of the lodges sang the opechee, the robin, in the covert of the pine-trees cooed the pigeon, the omemee, and the sorrowing hiawatha, speechless in his infinite sorrow, heard their voices calling to him, went forth from his gloomy doorway, stood and gazed into the heaven, gazed upon the earth and waters. [illustration: "came a great canoe with pinions, a canoe with wings came flying,"] from his wanderings far to eastward, from the regions of the morning, from the shining land of wabun, homeward now returned iagoo, the great traveller, the great boaster, full of new and strange adventures, marvels many and many wonders. and the people of the village listened to him as he told them of his marvellous adventures, laughing answered him in this wise: "ugh! it is indeed iagoo! no one else beholds such wonders!" he had seen, he said, a water bigger than the big-sea-water, broader than the gitche gumee, bitter so that none could drink it! at each other looked the warriors, looked the women at each other, smiled, and said, "it cannot be so! kaw!" they said, "it cannot be so!" o'er it, said he, o'er this water came a great canoe with pinions, a canoe with wings came flying, bigger than a grove of pine-trees, taller than the tallest tree-tops! and the old men and the women looked and tittered at each other; "kaw!" they said, "we don't believe it!" from its mouth, he said, to greet him, came waywassimo, the lightning, came the thunder, annemeekee! and the warriors and the women laughed aloud at poor iagoo; "kaw!" they said, "what tales you tell us!" in it, said he, came a people, in the great canoe with pinions came, he said, a hundred warriors; painted white were all their faces, and with hair their chins were covered! and the warriors and the women laughed and shouted in derision, like the ravens on the tree-tops, like the crows upon the hemlocks. "kaw!" they said, "what lies you tell us! do not think that we believe them!" [illustration: "and the land was full of people restless, struggling, toiling, striving * * over all the lakes and rivers. rushed their great canoes of thunder.] only hiawatha laughed not, but he gravely spake and answered to their jeering and their jesting: "true is all iagoo tells us; i have seen it in a vision, seen the great canoe with pinions, seen the people with white faces, seen the coming of this bearded people of the wooden vessel from the regions of the morning, from the shining land of wabun. "gitche manito the mighty, the great spirit, the creator, sends them hither on his errand, sends them to us with his message. wheresoe'er they move, before them swarms the stinging fly, the ahmo, swarms the bee, the honey-maker; wheresoe'er they tread, beneath them springs a flower unknown among us, springs the white-man's foot in blossom. "let us welcome, then, the strangers, hail them as our friends and brothers, and the heart's right hand of friendship give them when they come to see us. gitche manito, the mighty, said this to me in my vision. "i beheld, too, in that vision all the secrets of the future, of the distant days that shall be. i beheld the westward marches of the unknown, crowded nations. all the land was full of people, restless, struggling, toiling, striving, speaking many tongues, yet feeling but one heart-beat in their bosoms. in the woodlands rang their axes, smoked their towns in all the valleys, over all the lakes and rivers rushed their great canoes of thunder. "then a darker, drearier vision passed before me, vague and cloud-like: i beheld our nation scattered, all forgetful of my counsels, weakened, warring with each other; saw the remnants of our people sweeping westward, wild and woful, like the cloud-rack of a tempest, like the withered leaves of autumn!" xxii. hiawatha's departure. by the shore of gitche gumee, by the shining big-sea-water, at the doorway of his wigwam, in the pleasant summer morning, hiawatha stood and waited. all the air was full of freshness, all the earth was bright and joyous, and before him, through the sunshine, westward toward the neighboring forest passed in golden swarms the ahmo, passed the bees, the honey-makers, burning, singing in the sunshine. bright above him shone the heavens, level spread the lake before him; from its bosom leaped the sturgeon, sparkling, flashing in the sunshine; on its margin the great forest stood reflected in the water, every tree-top had its shadow, motionless beneath the water. from the brow of hiawatha gone was every trace of sorrow, as the fog from off the water, as the mist from off the meadow. with a smile of joy and triumph, with a look of exultation, as of one who in a vision sees what is to be, but is not, stood and waited hiawatha. toward the sun his hands were lifted, both the palms spread out against it, and between the parted fingers fell the sunshine on his features, flecked with light his naked shoulders, as it falls and flecks an oak-tree through the rifted leaves and branches. o'er the water floating, flying, something in the hazy distance, something in the mists of morning, loomed and lifted from the water, now seemed floating, now seemed flying, coming nearer, nearer, nearer. was it shingebis the diver? was it the pelican, the shada? or the heron, the shuh-shuh-gah? or the white goose, waw-be-wawa, with the water dripping, flashing from its glossy neck and feathers? it was neither goose nor diver, neither pelican nor heron, o'er the water, floating, flying, through the shining mist of morning, but a birch canoe with paddles, rising, sinking on the water, dripping, flashing in the sunshine; and within it came a people from the distant land of wabun, from the farthest realms of morning came the black-robe chief, the prophet, he the priest of prayer, the pale-face, with his guides and his companions. and the noble hiawatha, with his hands aloft extended, held aloft in sign of welcome, waited, full of exultation, till the birch canoe with paddles grated on the shining pebbles, stranded on the sandy margin, till the black-robe chief, the pale-face, with the cross upon his bosom, landed on the sandy margin. then the joyous hiawatha cried aloud and spake in this wise: "beautiful is the sun, o strangers, when you come so far to see us! all our town in peace awaits you; all our doors stand open for you; you shall enter all our wigwams, for the heart's right hand we give you. "never bloomed the earth so gayly, never shone the sun so brightly, as to-day they shine and blossom when you come so far to see us! never was our lake so tranquil, nor so free from rocks and sand-bars; for your birch canoe in passing has removed both rock and sand-bar. "never before had our tobacco such a sweet and pleasant flavor, never the broad leaves of our corn-fields were so beautiful to look on, as they seem to us this morning, when you come so far to see us!" and the black-robe chief made answer, stammered in his speech a little, speaking words yet unfamiliar: "peace be with you, hiawatha, peace be with you and your people, peace of prayer, and peace of pardon, peace of christ, and joy of mary!" then the generous hiawatha led the strangers to his wigwam, seated them on skins of bison, seated them on skins of ermine, and the careful old nokomis brought them food in bowls of bass-wood, water brought in birchen dippers, and the calumet, the peace-pipe, filled and lighted for their smoking. [illustration: navajo matron weaving a blanket. "_bring a wife with nimble fingers,_ _heart and hand that move together._"] [illustration: then the joyous hiawatha cried aloud and spoke on this wise: * * you shall enter all our wigwams for the heart's right hand we give you"] all the old men of the village, all the warriors of the nation, all the jossakeeds, the prophets, the magicians, the wabenos, and the medicine-men, the medas, came to bid the strangers welcome; "it is well," they said, "o brothers, that you come so far to see us;" in a circle round the doorway, with their pipes they sat in silence, waiting to behold the strangers, waiting to receive their message; till the black-robe chief, the pale-face, from the wigwam came to greet them, stammering in his speech a little, speaking words yet unfamiliar; "it is well," they said, "o brother, that you come so far to see us!" then the black-robe chief, the prophet, told his message to the people, told the purport of his mission, told them of the virgin mary, and her blessed son, the saviour, how in distant lands and ages he had lived on earth as we do; how he fasted, prayed, and labored; how the jews, the tribe accursed, mocked him, scourged him, crucified him; how he rose from where they laid him, walked again with his disciples, and ascended into heaven. and the chiefs made answer, saying: "we have listened to your message, we have heard your words of wisdom, we will think on what you tell us. it is well for us, o brothers, that you come so far to see us!" then they rose up and departed each one homeward to his wigwam, to the young men and the women told the story of the strangers whom the master of life had sent them from the shining land of wabun. [illustration: "then the black-robe chief, the prophet, told his message to the people."] heavy with the heat and silence grew the afternoon of summer, with a drowsy sound the forest whispered round the sultry wigwam, with a sound of sleep the water rippled on the beach below it; from the corn-fields shrill and ceaseless sang the grasshopper, pah-puk-keena; and the guests of hiawatha, weary with the heat of summer, slumbered in the sultry wigwam. slowly o'er the simmering landscape fell the evening's dusk and coolness, and the long and level sunbeams shot their spears into the forest, breaking through its shields of shadow, rushed into each secret ambush, searched each thicket, dingle, hollow; still the guests of hiawatha slumbered in the silent wigwam. from his place rose hiawatha, bade farewell to old nokomis, spake in whispers, spake in this wise, did not wake the guests, that slumbered: "i am going, o nokomis, on a long and distant journey, to the portals of the sunset, to the regions of the home-wind, of the northwest wind, keewaydin. but these guests i leave behind me, in your watch and ward i leave them; see that never harm comes near them, see that never fear molests them, never danger nor suspicion, never want of food or shelter, in the lodge of hiawatha!" forth into the village went he, bade farewell to all the warriors, bade farewell to all the young men, spake persuading, spake in this wise: "i am going, o my people, on a long and distant journey; many moons and many winters will have come, and will have vanished, ere i come again to see you. but my guests i leave behind me; listen to their words of wisdom, listen to the truth they tell you, for the master of life has sent them from the land of light and morning!" on the shore stood hiawatha, turned and waved his hand at parting; on the clear and luminous water launched his birch canoe for sailing, from the pebbles of the margin shoved it forth into the water; whispered to it, "westward! westward!" and with speed it darted forward. and the evening sun descending set the clouds on fire with redness, burned the broad sky, like a prairie, left upon the level water one long track and trail of splendor, down whose stream, as down a river, westward, westward hiawatha sailed into the fiery sunset, sailed into the purple vapors, sailed into the dusk of evening. and the people from the margin watched him floating, rising, sinking, till the birch canoe seemed lifted high into that sea of splendor, till it sank into the vapors like the new moon slowly, slowly sinking in the purple distance. and they said, "farewell forever!" said, "farewell, o hiawatha!" and the forests, dark and lonely, moved through all their depths of darkness, sighed, "farewell, o hiawatha!" and the waves upon the margin rising, rippling on the pebbles, sobbed, "farewell, o hiawatha!" and the heron, the shuh-shuh-gah, from her haunts among the fen-lands, screamed, "farewell, o hiawatha!" thus departed hiawatha, hiawatha the beloved, in the glory of the sunset, in the purple mists of evening, to the regions of the home-wind, of the northwest wind, keewaydin, to the islands of the blessed, to the kingdom of ponemah, to the land of the hereafter! the skeleton in armor. the skeleton in armor. [the following ballad was suggested to me while riding on the seashore at newport. a year or two previous a skeleton had been dug up at fall river, clad in broken and corroded armor; and the idea occurred to me of connecting it with the round tower at newport, generally known hitherto as the old wind-mill, though now claimed by the danes as a work of their early ancestors. professor rafn, in the _mémoires de la société royale des antiquaires du nord_, for - , says: "there is no mistaking in this instance the style in which the more ancient stone edifices of the north were constructed, the style which belongs to the roman or ante-gothic architecture, and which, especially, after the time of charlemagne, diffused itself from italy over the whole of the west and the north of europe, where it continued to predominate until the close of the th century; that style, which some authors have, from one of its most striking characteristics, called the round arch style, the same which in england is denominated saxon and sometimes norman architecture. "on the ancient structure in newport there are no ornaments remaining, which might possible have served to guide us in assigning the probably date of its erection. that no vestige whatever is found of the pointed arch nor any approximation to it, is indicative of an earlier rather than of a later period. from such characteristics as remain, however, we can scarcely form any other inference than one, in which i am persuaded that all, who are familiar with old-northern architecture will concur, that this building was erected at a period decidedly not later than the th century. this remark applies, of course, to the original building only, and not to the alterations that it subsequently received; for there are several such alterations in the upper part of the building which cannot be mistaken, and which were most likely occasioned by its being adapted in modern times to various uses, for example as the substructure of a wind-mill, and latterly as a hay magazine. to the same times may be referred the windows, the fireplace, and the apertures made above the columns. that this building could not have been erected for a wind-mill, is what an architect will easily discern." i will not enter into a discussion of the point. it is sufficiently well established for the purpose of a ballad; though doubtless many an honest citizen of newport, who has passed his days within sight of the round tower, will be ready to exclaim with sancho; "god bless me! did i not warn you to have a care of what you were doing, for that it was nothing but a wind-mill; and nobody could mistake it, but one who had the like in his head."] "speak! speak! thou fearful guest! who, with thy hollow breast still in rude armor drest, comest to daunt me! wrapt not in eastern balms, but with thy fleshless palms stretched, as if asking alms, why dost thou haunt me?" then, from those cavernous eyes pale flashes seemed to rise, as when the northern skies gleam in december; and, like the water's flow under december's snow, came a dull voice of woe from the heart's chamber. "i was a viking old! my deeds, though manifold, no skald in song has told, no saga taught thee! take heed, that in thy verse thou dost the tale rehearse, else dread a dead man's curse! for this i sought thee. "far in the northern land, by the wild baltic's strand, i, with my childish hand, tamed the ger-falcon; and, with my skates fast-bound, skimmed the half-frozen sound, that the poor whimpering hound trembled to walk on. "oft to his frozen lair tracked i the grisly bear, while from my path the hare fled like a shadow; oft through the forest dark followed the were-wolf's bark until the soaring lark sang from the meadow. "but when i older grew, joining a corsair's crew, o'er the dark sea i flew with the marauders. wild was the life we led; many the souls that sped, many the hearts that bled, by our stern orders. "many a wassail-bout wore the long winter out; often our midnight shout set the cocks crowing, as we the berserk's tale measured in cups of ale, draining the oaken pail, filled to o'erflowing. "once as i told in glee tales of the stormy sea, soft eyes did gaze on me, burning yet tender; and as the white stars shine on the dark norway pine, on that dark heart of mine fell their soft splendor. "i wooed the blue-eyed maid; yielding, yet half afraid, and in the forest's shade our vows were plighted. under its loosened vest fluttered her little breast, like birds within their nest by the hawk frighted. "bright in her father's hall shields gleamed upon the wall, loud sang the minstrels all, chaunting his glory; when of old hildebrand i asked his daughter's hand, mute did the minstrels stand to hear my story, "while the brown ale he quaffed, loud then the champion laughed, and as the wind-gusts waft the sea-foam brightly, so the loud laugh of scorn, out of those lips unshorn, from the deep drinking-horn blew the foam lightly. "she was a prince's child, i but a viking wild, and though she blushed and smiled, i was discarded! should not the dove so white follow the sea-mew's flight, why did they leave that night her nest unguarded? "scarce had i put to sea, bearing the maid with me,-- fairest of all was she among the norsemen!-- when on the white sea-strand, waving his armed hand, saw we old hildebrand, with twenty horsemen. "then launched they to the blast bent like a reed each mast, yet we were gaining fast, when the wind failed us: and with a sudden flaw came round the gusty skaw, so that our foe we saw laugh as he hailed us. "and as to catch the gale round veered the flapping sail, death! was the helmsman's hail; death without quarter! mid-ships with iron keel struck we her ribs of steel; down her black hulk did reel through the black water "as with his wings aslant, sails the fierce cormorant, seeking some rocky haunt, with his prey laden, so toward the open main, beating to sea again, through the wild hurricane, bore i the maiden. "three weeks we westward bore, and when the storm was o'er, cloud-like we saw the shore stretching to lee-ward; there for my lady's bower built i the lofty tower, which, to this very hour, stands looking sea-ward. "there lived we many years; time dried the maiden's tears; she had forgot her fears, she was a mother; death closed her mild blue eyes, under that tower she lies; ne'er shall the sun arise on such another! "still grew my bosom then, still as a stagnant fen! hateful to me were men, the sunlight hateful! in the vast forest here, clad in my warlike gear, fell i upon my spear, o, death was grateful! "thus, seamed with many scars, bursting these prison bars, up to its native stars my soul ascended! there from the flowing bowl deep drinks the warrior's soul, _skoal!_ to the northland! _skoal!_"[a] --thus the tale ended. a: in scandinavia this is the customary salutation when drinking a health. i have slightly changed the orthography of the word, in order to preserve the correct pronunciation. the wreck of the hesperus it was the schooner hesperus, that sailed the wintry sea; and the skipper had taken his little daughter to bear him company. blue were her eyes as the fairy-flax, her cheeks like the dawn of day, and her bosom white as the hawthorn buds, that ope in the month of may. the skipper he stood beside the helm with his pipe in his mouth, and watched how the veering flaw did blow the smoke now west, now south. then up and spake an old sailor, had sailed the spanish main, "i pray thee, put into yonder port, for i fear a hurricane. "last night, the moon had a golden ring, and to-night no moon we see!" the skipper he blew a whiff from his pipe and a scornful laugh laughed he. colder and louder blew the wind, a gale from the northeast; the snow fell hissing in the brine, and the billows frothed like yeast. down came the storm, and smote amain, the vessel in its strength; she shuddered and paused, like a frighted steed, then leaped her cable's length. "come hither! come hither! my little daughter, and do not tremble so; for i can weather the roughest gale, that ever wind did blow." he wrapped her warm in his seaman's coat against the stinging blast; he cut a rope from a broken spar, and bound her to the mast. "o father! i hear the church-bells ring, o say, what may it be?" "'t is a fog-bell on a rock-bound coast," and he steered for the open sea. "o father! i hear the sound of guns, o say, what may it be?" "some ship in distress, that cannot live in such an angry sea!" "o father! i see a gleaming light, o say, what may it be?" but the father answered never a word a frozen corpse was he. lashed to the helm, all stiff and stark, with his face to the skies, the lantern gleamed through the gleaming snow on his fixed and glassy eyes. then the maiden clasped her hands and prayed that saved she might be; and she thought of christ, who stilled the wave, on the lake of galilee. and fast through the midnight dark and drear, through the whistling sleet and snow, like a sheeted ghost, the vessel swept towards the reef of norman's woe. and ever the fitful gusts between a sound came from the land; it was the sound of the trampling surf, on the rocks and the hard sea-sand. the breakers were right beneath her bows, she drifted a dreary wreck, and a whooping billow swept the crew like icicles from her deck. she struck where the white and fleecy waves looked soft as carded wool, but the cruel rocks, they gored her side like the horns of an angry bull. her rattling shrouds, all sheathed in ice, with the masts went by the board; like a vessel of glass, she strove and sank ho! ho! the breakers roared! at daybreak, on the bleak sea-beach, a fisherman stood aghast, to see the form of a maiden fair, lashed close to a drifting mast. the salt sea was frozen on her breast the salt tears in her eyes; and he saw her hair, like the brown sea weed on the billows fall and rise. such was the wreck of the hesperus, in the midnight and the snow! christ save us all from a death like this on the reef of norman's woe! the luck of edenhall. from the german of uhland. [the tradition, upon which this ballad is founded, and the "shards of the luck of edenhall," still exist in england. the goblet is in the possession of sir christopher musgrave, bart., of eden hall, cumberland; and is not so entirely shattered, as the ballad leaves it.] of edenhall, the youthful lord bids sound the festal trumpet's call: he rises at the banquet board, and cries, 'mid the drunken revelers all, "now bring me the luck of edenhall!" the butler hears the words with pain, the house's oldest seneschal, takes slow from its silken cloth again the drinking glass of crystal tall; they call it the luck of edenhall. then said the lord: "this glass to praise, fill with red wine from portugal!" the gray-beard with trembling hand obeys; a purple light shines over all, it beams from the luck of edenhall. then speaks the lord, and waves it light: "this glass of flashing crystal tall gave to my sires the fountain-sprite she wrote in it: _if this glass doth fall, farewell then, o luck of edenhall!_ "'t was right a goblet the fate should be of the joyous race of edenhall! deep draughts drink we right willingly; and willingly ring, with merry call, kling! klang! to the luck of edenhall!" first rings it deep, and full, and mild, like to the song of a nightingale; then like the roar of a torrent wild; then mutters at last like the thunder's fall, the glorious luck of edenhall. "for its keeper takes a race of might, the fragile goblet of crystal tall; it has lasted longer than is right; kling! klang!--with a harder blow than all will i try the luck of edenhall!" as the goblet ringing flies apart, suddenly cracks the vaulted hall; and through the rift, the wild flames start; the guests in dust are scattered all, with the breaking luck of edenhall. in storms the foe, with fire and sword; he in the night had scaled the wall, slain by the sword lies the youthful lord, but holds in his hand the crystal tall, the shattered luck of edenhall. on the morrow the butler gropes alone, the gray-bird in the desert hall, he seeks his lord's burnt skeleton, he seeks in the dismal ruin's fall the shards of the luck of edenhall. "the stone wall," saith he, "doth fall aside, down must the stately columns fall; glass is this earth's luck and pride; in athoms shall fall this earthly ball one day like the luck of edenhall!" the elected knight. from the danish. [the following strange and somewhat mystical ballad is from nyerup and rahbek's _danske viser_ of the middle ages. it seems to refer to the first preaching of christianity in the north, and to the institution of knight-errantry. the three maidens i suppose to be faith, hope, and charity. the irregularities of the original have been carefully preserved in the translation.] sir oluf he rideth over the plain, full seven miles broad and seven miles wide, but never, ah never can meet with the man a tilt with him dare ride. he saw under the hill-side a knight full well equipped; his steed was black, his helm was barred; he was riding at full speed. he wore upon his spurs twelve little golden birds; anon he spurred his steed with a clang, and there sat all the birds and sang. he wore upon his mail twelve little golden wheels; anon in eddies the wild wind blew, and round and round the wheels they flew. he wore before his breast a lance that was poised in rest, and it was sharper than diamond stone, it made sir oluf's heart to groan. he wore upon his helm a wreath of ruddy gold; and that gave him the maidens three, the youngest was fair to behold. sir oluf questioned the knight eftsoon if he were come from heaven down; "art thou christ of heaven," quoth he; "so will i yield me unto thee." "i am not christ the great, thou shallt not yield thee yet; i am an unknown knight, three modest maidens have me bedight." "art thou a knight elected, and have three maidens thee bedight; so shalt thou ride a tilt this day, for all the maidens' honor!" the first tilt they together rode, they put their steeds to the test; the second tilt they together rode, they proved their manhood best. the third tilt they together rode, neither of them would yield; the fourth tilt they together rode, the both fell on the field. now lie the lords upon the plains, and their blood runs unto death; now sit the maidens in the high tower, the youngest sorrows till death. the children of the lord's supper. from the swedish of bishop tegnor pentecost, day of rejoicing, had come. the church of the village stood gleaming white in the morning's sheen. on the spire of the belfry, tipped with a vane of metal, the friendly frames of the spring-sun glanced like the tongues of fire, beheld by apostles aforetime. clear was the heaven and blue, and may, with her cap crowned with roses, stood in her holiday dress in the fields, and the wind and the brooklet murmured gladness and peace, god's-peace! with lips rosy-tinted whispered the race of the flowers, and merry on balancing branches birds were singing their carol, a jubilant hymn to the highest. swept and clean was the churchyard. adorned like a leaf-woven arbor stood its old-fashioned gate; and within upon each cross of iron hung was a sweet-scented garland, new twined by the hands of affection. even the dial, that stood on a fountain among the departed (there full a hundred years had it stood), was embellished with blossoms. like to the patriarch hoary, the sage of his kith and the hamlet, who on his birthday is crowned by children and children's children, so stood the ancient prophet, and mute with pencil of iron marked on the table of stone, and measured the swift-changing moment, while all around at his feet, an eternity slumbered in quiet. also the church within was adorned, for this was the season in which the young, their parent's hope, and the loved-ones of heaven, should at the foot of the altar renew the vows of their baptism. therefore each nook and corner was swept and cleaned, and the dust was blown from the walls and ceiling, and from the oil-painted benches. there stood the church like a garden; the feast of the leafy pavilions[a] saw we in living presentment. from noble arms on the church wall grew forth a cluster of leaves, and the preacher's pulpit of oakwood budded once more anew, as aforetime the rod before aaron. wreathed thereon was the bible with leaves, and the dove, washed with silver, under its conopy fastened, a necklace had on of wind-flowers. but in front of the choir, round the altarpiece painted by horberg,[b] crept a garland gigantic; and bright-curling tresses of angels peeped, like the sun from a cloud, out of the shadowy leaf-work. likewise the lustre of brass, new-polished, blinked from the ceiling, and for lights there were lilies of pentecost set in the sockets. loud rang the bells already; the thronging crowd was assembled far from valleys and hills, to list to the holy preaching. hark! then roll forth at once the mighty tones from the organ, hover like voices from god, aloft like invisible spirits. like as elias in heaven, when he cast off from him his mantle, even so cast off the soul its garments of earth; and with one voice chimed in the congregation, and sang an anthem immortal of the sublime wallin,[c] of david's harp in the north-land tuned to the choral of luther; the song on its powerful pinions took every living soul, and lifted it gently to heaven. and every face did shine like the holy one's face upon tabor. lo! there entered then into the church the reverend teacher. father he hight and he was in the parish; a christianly plainness clothed from his head to his feet the old man of seventy winters. friendly was he to behold, and glad as the heralding angel walked he among the crowds, but still a contemplative grandeur lay on his forehead as clear, as on a moss-covered grave-stone a sunbeam. as in his inspiration (an evening twilight that faintly gleams in the human soul, even now, from the day of creation) th' artist, the friend of heaven, imagines saint john when in patmos;-- gray, with his eyes uplifted to heaven, so seemed then the old man; such was the glance of his eye, and such were his tresses of silver. all the congregation arose in the pews that were numbered, but with a cordial look, to the right and the left hand, the old man nodding all hail and peace, disappeared in the innermost chancel. simply and solemnly now proceeded the christian service, singing and prayer, and at last an ardent discourse from the old man. many a moving word and warning, that out of the heart came fell like the dew of the morning, like manna on those in the desert. afterwards, when all was finished, the teacher reentered the chancel, followed therein by the young. on the right hand the boys had their places delicate figures, with close-curling hair and cheeks rosy-blooming. but on the left-hand of these, there stood the tremulous lilies, tinged with the blushing light of the morning, the diffident maidens,-- folding their hands in prayer, and their eyes cast down on the pavement. now came, with question and answer, the catechism. in the beginning answered the children with troubled and faltering voice, but the old man's glances of kindness encouraged them soon, and the doctrines eternal flowed, like the waters of fountains, so clear from lips unpolluted. whene'er the answer was closed, and as oft as they named the redeemer, lowly louted the boys, and lowly the maidens all courtesied. friendly the teacher stood, like an angel of light there among them, and to the children explained he the holy, the highest, in few words, thorough, yet simple and clear, for sublimity always is simple, both in sermon and song a child can seize on its meaning. even as the green-growing bud is unfolded when spring-tide approaches leaf by leaf is developed, and, warmed by the radiant sunshine, blushes with purple and gold, till at last the perfected blossom opens its odorous chalice, and rocks with its crown in the breezes, so was unfolded here the christian lore of salvation, line by line from the soul of childhood. the fathers and mothers stood behind them in tears, and were glad at each well-worded answer. now went the old man up to the altar;--and straightway transfigured (so did it seem unto me) was then the affectionate teacher, like the lord's prophet sublime, and awful as death and as judgment stood he, the god-commissioned, the soul-searcher, earthward descending, glances, sharp as a sword, into hearts, that to him were transparent shot he; his voice was deep, was low like the thunder afar off. so on a sudden transfigured he stood there, he spake and he questioned. "this is the faith of the fathers, the faith the apostles delivered, this is moreover the faith whereunto i baptized you, while still ye lay on your mothers' breasts, and nearer the portals of heaven. slumbering received you then the holy church in its bosom; wakened from sleep are ye now, and the light in the radiant splendor rains from the heaven downward;--to-day on the threshhold of childhood kindly she frees you again, to examine and make your election, for she knows nought of compulsion, only conviction desireth. this is the hour of your trial, the turning-point of existence, seed for the coming days; without revocation departeth now from your lips the confession; bethink ye, before ye make answer! think not! o think not with guile to deceive the questioning teacher. sharp is his eye to-day, and a curse ever rests upon falsehood. enter not with a lie on life's journey; the multitude hears you, brothers and sisters and parents, what dear upon earth is and holy standeth before your sight as a witness; the judge everlasting looks from the sun down upon you, and angels in waiting beside him grave your confession in letters of fire, upon tablets eternal. thus then,--believe ye in god, in the father who this world created? him who redeemed it, the son, and the spirit where both are united? will ye promise me here (a holy promise), to cherish god more than all things earthly, and every man as a brother? will ye promise me here, to confirm your faith by your living, th' heavenly faith of affection! to hope, to forgive, and to suffer, be what it may your condition, and walk before god in uprightness? will ye promise me this before god and man?'--with a clear voice answered the young men yes! and yes! with lips softly-breathing answered the maidens eke. then dissolved from the brow of the teacher clouds with the thunders therein, and he spake on in accents more gentle, soft as the evening's breath, as harps by babylon's rivers. "hail, then, hail to you all! to the heirdom of heaven be ye welcome! children no more from this day, but by covenant brothers and sisters! yet,--for what reason not children? of such is the kingdom of heaven. here upon earth an assemblage of children, in heaven one father, ruling them as his own household,--forgiving in turn and chastising, that is of human life a picture, as scripture has taught us. blessed are the pure before god! upon purity and upon virtue resteth the christian faith; she herself from on high is descended. strong as a man and pure as a child, is the sum of the doctrine, which the godlike delivered, and on the cross suffered and died for. o! as ye wander this day from childhood's sacred asylum downward and ever downward, and deeper in age's chill valley, o! how soon will ye come,--too soon!--and long to turn backward up to its hill-tops again, to the sun-illumined, where judgment stood like a father before you, and pardon, clad like a mother, gave you her hand to kiss, and the loving heart was forgiven, life was a play and your hands grasped after the roses of heaven! seventy years have i lived already; the father eternal gave to me gladness and care; but the loveliest hours of existence, when i have steadfastly gazed in their eyes, i have instantly known them, known them all, all again;--they were my childhood's acquaintance. therefore take from henceforth, as guides in the paths of existence, prayer, with her eyes raised to heaven, and innocence, bride of man's childhood. innocence, child beloved, is a guest from the world of the blessed. beautiful, and in her hand a lily; on life's roaring billows swings she in safety, she heeded them not, in the ship she was sleeping. calmly she gazes around in the turmoil of men; in the desert angels descend and minister unto her; she herself knoweth naught of her glorious attendance; but follows faithful and humble, follows so long as she may her friend; o do not reject her, for she cometh from god and she holdeth the keys of the heavens.-- prayer is innocence' friend; and willingly flieth incessant 'twixt the earth and the sky, the carrier-pigeon of heaven. son of eternity, fettered in time, and an exile, the spirit tugs at his chains evermore, and struggles like flames ever upward. still he recalls with emotion his father's manifold mansions. thinks of the land of his fathers, where blossomed more freshly the flowers, shone a more beautiful sun, and he played with the winged angels. then grows the earth too narrow, too close; and homesick for heaven longs the wanderer again; and the spirit's longings are worship; worship is called his most beautiful hour, and its tongue is entreaty. ah! when the infinite burden of life descendeth upon us, crushes to earth our hope, and, under the earth, in the grave-yard,-- then it is good to pray unto god; for his sorrowing children turns he ne'er from his door, but he heals and helps and consoles them. yet it is better to pray when all things are prosperous with us, pray in fortunate days, for life's most beautiful fortune kneels down before the eternal's throne; and, with hands interfolded, praises thankful and moved the only giver of blessings. or do ye know, ye children, one blessing that comes not from heaven? what has mankind forsooth, the poor! that it has not received? therefore, fall in the dust and pray! the seraphs adoring cover with pinions six their face in the glory of him who hung his masonry pendant on naught, when the world he created. earth declareth his might, and the firmament uttereth his glory. races blossom and die, and stars fall downward from heaven, downward like withered leaves: at the last stroke of midnight, millenniums lay themselves down at his feet, and he sees them, but counts them as nothing. who shall stand in his presence? the wrath of the judge is terrific, casting the insolent down at a glance. when he speaks in his anger hillocks skip like the kid, and the mountains leap like the roe-buck. yet,--why are ye afraid, ye children? this awful avenger, ah! is a merciful god! god's voice was not in the earthquake, not in the fire, nor the storm, but it was in the whispering breezes. love is the root of creation; god's essence; worlds without number lie in his bosom like children; he made them for this purpose only. only to love and to be loved again, he breathed forth his spirit into the slumbering dust, and upright standing, it laid its hand on its heart, and felt it was warm with a flame out of heaven. quench, o quench not that flame! it is the breath of your being. love is life, but hatred is death. not father nor mother loved you, as god has loved you; for it was that you may be happy gave he his only son. when he bowed down his head in the death-hour solemnized love its triumph; the sacrifice then was completed. lo! then was rent on a sudden the vail of the temple, dividing earth and heaven apart, and the dead from their sepulchers rising whispered with pallid lips and low in the ears of each other th' answer, but dreamed of before, to creation's enigma,--atonement! depths of love are atonement's depths, for love is atonement. therefore, child of mortality, love thou the merciful father; wish what the holy one wishes, and not from fear, but affection; fear is the virtue of slaves; but the heart that loveth is willing; perfect was before god, and perfect is love, and love only. lovest thou god as thou oughtest, then lovest thou likewise thy brethren; one is the sun in heaven, and one, only one is love also. bears not each human figure the godlike stamp on his forehead? readest thou not in his face thine origin? is he not sailing lost like thyself on an ocean unknown, and is he not guided by the same stars that guide thee? why shouldst thou hate then thy brother? hateth he thee, forgive! for 'tis sweet to stammer one letter of the eternal's language;--on earth it is called forgiveness! knowest thou him, who forgave, with the crown of thorns round his temples? earnestly prayed for his foes, for his murderers? say, dost thou know him? ah! thou confessest his name, so follow likewise his example, think of thy brother no ill, but throw a vail over his failings, guide the erring aright; for the good, the heavenly shepherd took the lost lamb in his arms, and bore it back to its mother. this is the fruit of love, and it is by its fruits that we know it. love is the creature's welfare, with god; but love among mortals is but an endless sigh! he longs, and endures, and stands waiting, suffers and yet rejoices, and smiles with tears on his eyelids. hope,--so is called upon earth, his recompense.--hope, the befriending, does what she can, for she points evermore up to heaven, and faithful plunges her anchor's peak in the depths of the grave, and beneath it paints a more beautiful world, a dim, but a sweet play of shadows! races, better than we, have leaned on her wavering promise, having naught else beside hope. then praise we our father in heaven, him, who has given us more; for to us has hope been illumined, groping no longer in night; she is faith, she is living assurance. faith is enlightened hope; she is light, is the eye of affection dreams of the longing interprets, and carves their visions in marble. faith is the sun of life; and her countenance shines like the prophet's, for she has looked upon god; the heaven on its stable foundation draws she with chains down to earth, and the new jerusalem sinketh splendid with portals twelve in golden vapors descending. there enraptured she wanders, and looks at the figures majestic, fears not the winged crowd, in the midst of them all is her homestead. therefore love and believe; for works will follow spontaneous even as day does the sun; the right from the good is an offspring, love in a bodily shape; and christian works are no more than animate love and faith, as flowers are the animate spring-tide. works do follow us all unto god; there stand and bear witness not what they seemed,--but what they were only. blessed is he who hears their confession secure; they are mute upon earth until death's hand opens the mouth of the silent. ye children does death e'er alarm you? death is the brother of love, twin-brother is he, and is only more austere to behold. with a kiss upon lips that are fading takes he the soul and departs, and rocked in arms of affection, places the ransomed child, new born, 'fore the face of its father. sounds of his coming already i hear,--see dimly his pinions, swart as the night, but with stars strewn upon them! i fear not before him. death is only release, and in mercy is mute. on his bosom freer breathes, in its coolness, my breast; and face to face standing look i on god as he is, a sun unpolluted by vapors; look on the light of the ages i loved, the spirits majestic, nobler, better than i; they stand by the throne all transfigured, vested in white, and with harps of gold, and are singing an anthem, writ in the climate of heaven, in the language spoken by angels. you, in like manner, ye children beloved, he one day shall gather, never forgets he the weary;--then welcome, ye loved ones, hereafter! meanwhile forget not the keeping of vows, forget not the promise, wander from holiness onward to holiness; earth shall ye heed not; earth is but dust and heaven is light; i have pledged you to heaven. god of the universe, hear me! thou fountain of love everlasting, hark to the voice of thy servant! i send up my prayer to thy heaven! let me hereafter not miss at thy throne one spirit of all these, whom thou hast given me here! i have loved them all like a father. may they bear witness for me, that i taught them the way of salvation, faithful, so far as i knew of thy word: again may they know me, fall on their teacher's breast, and before thy face may i place them, pure as they now are, but only more tried, and exclaiming with gladness, father, lo! i am here, and the children, whom thou hast given me!" weeping he spake in these words; and now at the beck of the old man knee against knee they knitted a wreath round the altar's enclosure. kneeling he read then the prayers of the consecration, and softly with him the children read; at the close, with tremulous accents, asked he the peace of heaven, a benediction upon them. now should have ended his task for the day; the following sunday was for the young appointed to eat of the lord's holy supper. sudden, as struck from the clouds, stood the teacher silent and laid his hand on his forehead, and cast his looks upward; while thoughts high and holy flew through the midst of his soul, and his eyes glanced with wonderful brightness. "on the next sunday, who knows! perhaps i shall rest in the grave-yard! some one perhaps of yourselves, a lily broken untimely, bow down his head to the earth; why delay i? the hour is accomplished. warm is the heart;--i will so! for to-day grows the harvest of heaven. what i began accomplish i now; for what failing therein is i, the old man, will answer to god and the reverend father. say to me only, ye children, ye denizens new-come in heaven, are ye ready this day to eat of the bread of atonement? what it denoteth, that know ye full well, i have told it you often. of the new covenant a symbol it is, of atonement a token, 'stablished between earth and heaven. man by his sins and transgressions far has wandered from god, from his essence. 'twas in the beginning fast by the tree of knowledge he fell, and it hangs its crown o'er the fall to this day; in the thought is the fall; in the heart the atonement. infinite is the fall, the atonement infinite likewise. see! behind me, as far as the old man remembers, and forward, far as hope in her flight can reach with her wearied pinions, sin and atonement incessant go through the lifetime of mortals. brought forth is sin full-grown; but atonement sleeps in our bosoms still as the cradled babe; and dreams of heaven and of angels cannot wake to sensation; is like the tones in the harp's strings, spirits imprisoned, that wait evermore the deliverer's finger. therefore, ye children beloved, descended the prince of atonement, woke the slumberer from sleep, and he stands now with eyes all resplendent, bright as the vault of the sky, and battles with sin and o'ercomes her downward to earth he came and transfigured thence reascended, not from the heart in likewise, for there he still lives in the spirit, loves and atones evermore. so long as time is, is atonement. therefore with reverence receive this day her visible token. tokens are dead if the things do not live. the light everlasting unto the blind man is not, but is born of the eye that has vision. neither in bread nor in wine, but in the heart that is hallowed lieth forgivenes enshrined; the intention alone of amendment. fruits of the earth ennobles to heavenly things, and removes all sin and the guerdon of sin. only love with his arms wide extended, penitence weeping and praying; the will that is tried, and whose gold flows purified forth from the flames; in a word, mankind by atonement breaketh atonement's bread, and drinketh atonement's wine cup. but he who cometh up hither, unworthy with hate in his bosom. scoffing at men and at god, is guilty of christ's blessed body, and the redeemer's blood! to himself he eateth and drinketh death and doom! and from this, preserve us, thou heavenly father! are ye ready, ye children, to eat of the bread of atonement?" thus with emotion he asked, and together answered the children yes! with deep sobs interrupted. then read he the due supplications, read the form of communion, and in chimed the organ and anthem; o! holy lamb of god, who takest away our transgressions. hear us! give us thy peace! have mercy, have mercy upon us! th' old man, with trembling hand, and heavenly pearls on his eyelids, filled now the chalice and paten, and dealt round the mystical symbols. o! then seemed it to me, as if god, with the broad eye of mid-day, clearer looked in at the windows, and all the trees in the churchyard bowed down their summits of green and the grass on the graves 'gan to shiver. but in the children (i noted it well; i knew it) there ran a tremor of holy rapture along through their ice-cold members. decked like an altar before them, there stood the green earth, and above it heaven opened itself, as of old before stephen; there saw they radiant in glory the father, and on his right hand the redeemer. under them hear they the clang of harp-strings, and angels from gold clouds beckon to them like brothers, and fan with their pinions of purple. closed was the teacher's task, and with heaven in their hearts and their faces, up rose the children all, and each bowed him, weeping full sorely, downward to kiss that reverend hand, but all of them pressed he moved to his bosom, and laid, with a prayer, his hands full of blessings, now on the holy breast, and now on the innocent tresses. a: the feast of the tabernacles; in swedish _löfkyddohögtiden_, the leaf-huts'-high-tide. b: the peasant-painter of sweden. he is known chiefly by his altar-pieces in the village churches. c: a distinguished pulpit-orator and poet. he is particularly remarkable for the beauty and sublimity of his psalms. transcriber's notes inconsistent hyphenation is retained from original. page moulded it into into a pipe-head, one 'into' removed. page , the pigeon is referred to as omeme or omemee. no change. page , the war-club is referred to as pugamaugun and puggawaugun. no change. page , line like the eyes of wolves glared at him punctuation missing. added period. page , line black his moccassins and leggins, 'leggins' is a possible typo for 'leggings'. unchanged. note: the following poems were added by the publisher, but were not shown in the table of contents. the page numbering makes these poems appear to be out of place. the skeleton in the armor page inconsistent indentation retained. page to hear my story, comma retained from scan. page death! was the helmsmans hail semicolon added--not visible in scan of original. page , footnote 'orthographpy' changed to 'orthography'. page then mutters at last like the thunders fall, added apostrophe: thunders becomes thunder's. page kling! klang!--with a harder blow than all 'all' missing from scan. added. the elected knight page in athoms shall fall this earthly ball 'athoms' is likely a typo for 'atoms'. unchanged. page thou shallt not yield the yet; 'shallt' unchanged from original. the children of the lord's supper page while all around at his feet, and eternity slumbered in quite. changed to: while all around at his feet, an eternity slumbered in quiet. page gleams in the human soul, even now, from they day of creation) 'they day' changed to 'the day'. page 'father he hight' unchanged. an old form meaning 'father was he called'. page even as the geen-growing bud is unfolded when spring-tide approaches 'geen-growing' changed to 'green-growing'. page line by line from the soul of childhood the father and mothers period added after childhood. page naught of her glorious attendance; but follows faithful and humble, the word 'naught' was either not printed or was obsured during scan of copy. added same. page it but an endless sigh! changed to 'is but an endless sigh!' page lieth forgivenes enshrined; 'forgivenes' unchanged. the song of hiawatha henry w. longfellow contents introductory note introduction i. the peace-pipe ii. the four winds iii. hiawatha's childhood iv. hiawatha and mudjekeewis v. hiawatha's fasting vi. hiawatha's friends vii. hiawatha's sailing viii. hiawatha's fishing ix. hiawatha and the pearl-feather x. hiawatha's wooing xi. hiawatha's wedding-feast xii. the son of the evening star xiii. blessing the corn-fields xiv. picture-writing xv. hiawatha's lamentation xvi. pau-puk-keewis xvii. the hunting of pau-puk-keewis xviii. the death of kwasind xix. the ghosts xx. the famine xxi. the white man's foot xxii. hiawatha's departure vocabulary introductory note the song of hiawatha is based on the legends and stories of many north american indian tribes, but especially those of the ojibway indians of northern michigan, wisconsin, and minnesota. they were collected by henry rowe schoolcraft, the reknowned historian, pioneer explorer, and geologist. he was superintendent of indian affairs for michigan from to . schoolcraft married jane, o-bah-bahm-wawa-ge-zhe-go-qua (the woman of the sound which the stars make rushing through the sky), johnston. jane was a daughter of john johnston, an early irish fur trader, and o-shau-gus-coday-way-qua (the woman of the green prairie), who was a daughter of waub-o-jeeg (the white fisher), who was chief of the ojibway tribe at la pointe, wisconsin. jane and her mother are credited with having researched, authenticated, and compiled much of the material schoolcraft included in his algic researches ( ) and a revision published in as the myth of hiawatha. it was this latter revision that longfellow used as the basis for the song of hiawatha. longfellow began hiawatha on june , , he completed it on march , , and it was published november , . as soon as the poem was published its popularity was assured. however, it also was severely criticized as a plagiary of the finnish epic poem kalevala. longfellow made no secret of the fact that he had used the meter of the kalevala; but as for the legends, he openly gave credit to schoolcraft in his notes to the poem. i would add a personal note here. my father's roots include ojibway indians: his mother, margaret caroline davenport, was a daughter of susan des carreaux, o-gee-em-a-qua (the chief woman), davenport whose mother was a daughter of chief waub-o-jeeg. finally, my mother used to rock me to sleep reading portions of hiawatha to me, especially: "wah-wah-taysee, little fire-fly, little, flitting, white-fire insect little, dancing, white-fire creature, light me with your little candle, ere upon my bed i lay me, ere in sleep i close my eyelids!" woodrow w. morris april , the song of hiawatha introduction should you ask me, whence these stories? whence these legends and traditions, with the odors of the forest with the dew and damp of meadows, with the curling smoke of wigwams, with the rushing of great rivers, with their frequent repetitions, and their wild reverberations as of thunder in the mountains? i should answer, i should tell you, "from the forests and the prairies, from the great lakes of the northland, from the land of the ojibways, from the land of the dacotahs, from the mountains, moors, and fen-lands where the heron, the shuh-shuh-gah, feeds among the reeds and rushes. i repeat them as i heard them from the lips of nawadaha, the musician, the sweet singer." should you ask where nawadaha found these songs so wild and wayward, found these legends and traditions, i should answer, i should tell you, "in the bird's-nests of the forest, in the lodges of the beaver, in the hoofprint of the bison, in the eyry of the eagle! "all the wild-fowl sang them to him, in the moorlands and the fen-lands, in the melancholy marshes; chetowaik, the plover, sang them, mahng, the loon, the wild-goose, wawa, the blue heron, the shuh-shuh-gah, and the grouse, the mushkodasa!" if still further you should ask me, saying, "who was nawadaha? tell us of this nawadaha," i should answer your inquiries straightway in such words as follow. "in the vale of tawasentha, in the green and silent valley, by the pleasant water-courses, dwelt the singer nawadaha. round about the indian village spread the meadows and the corn-fields, and beyond them stood the forest, stood the groves of singing pine-trees, green in summer, white in winter, ever sighing, ever singing. "and the pleasant water-courses, you could trace them through the valley, by the rushing in the spring-time, by the alders in the summer, by the white fog in the autumn, by the black line in the winter; and beside them dwelt the singer, in the vale of tawasentha, in the green and silent valley. "there he sang of hiawatha, sang the song of hiawatha, sang his wondrous birth and being, how he prayed and how be fasted, how he lived, and toiled, and suffered, that the tribes of men might prosper, that he might advance his people!" ye who love the haunts of nature, love the sunshine of the meadow, love the shadow of the forest, love the wind among the branches, and the rain-shower and the snow-storm, and the rushing of great rivers through their palisades of pine-trees, and the thunder in the mountains, whose innumerable echoes flap like eagles in their eyries;-- listen to these wild traditions, to this song of hiawatha! ye who love a nation's legends, love the ballads of a people, that like voices from afar off call to us to pause and listen, speak in tones so plain and childlike, scarcely can the ear distinguish whether they are sung or spoken;-- listen to this indian legend, to this song of hiawatha! ye whose hearts are fresh and simple, who have faith in god and nature, who believe that in all ages every human heart is human, that in even savage bosoms there are longings, yearnings, strivings for the good they comprehend not, that the feeble hands and helpless, groping blindly in the darkness, touch god's right hand in that darkness and are lifted up and strengthened;-- listen to this simple story, to this song of hiawatha! ye, who sometimes, in your rambles through the green lanes of the country, where the tangled barberry-bushes hang their tufts of crimson berries over stone walls gray with mosses, pause by some neglected graveyard, for a while to muse, and ponder on a half-effaced inscription, written with little skill of song-craft, homely phrases, but each letter full of hope and yet of heart-break, full of all the tender pathos of the here and the hereafter; stay and read this rude inscription, read this song of hiawatha! i the peace-pipe on the mountains of the prairie, on the great red pipe-stone quarry, gitche manito, the mighty, he the master of life, descending, on the red crags of the quarry stood erect, and called the nations, called the tribes of men together. from his footprints flowed a river, leaped into the light of morning, o'er the precipice plunging downward gleamed like ishkoodah, the comet. and the spirit, stooping earthward, with his finger on the meadow traced a winding pathway for it, saying to it, "run in this way!" from the red stone of the quarry with his hand he broke a fragment, moulded it into a pipe-head, shaped and fashioned it with figures; from the margin of the river took a long reed for a pipe-stem, with its dark green leaves upon it; filled the pipe with bark of willow, with the bark of the red willow; breathed upon the neighboring forest, made its great boughs chafe together, till in flame they burst and kindled; and erect upon the mountains, gitche manito, the mighty, smoked the calumet, the peace-pipe, as a signal to the nations. and the smoke rose slowly, slowly, through the tranquil air of morning, first a single line of darkness, then a denser, bluer vapor, then a snow-white cloud unfolding, like the tree-tops of the forest, ever rising, rising, rising, till it touched the top of heaven, till it broke against the heaven, and rolled outward all around it. from the vale of tawasentha, from the valley of wyoming, from the groves of tuscaloosa, from the far-off rocky mountains, from the northern lakes and rivers all the tribes beheld the signal, saw the distant smoke ascending, the pukwana of the peace-pipe. and the prophets of the nations said: "behold it, the pukwana! by the signal of the peace-pipe, bending like a wand of willow, waving like a hand that beckons, gitche manito, the mighty, calls the tribes of men together, calls the warriors to his council!" down the rivers, o'er the prairies, came the warriors of the nations, came the delawares and mohawks, came the choctaws and camanches, came the shoshonies and blackfeet, came the pawnees and omahas, came the mandans and dacotahs, came the hurons and ojibways, all the warriors drawn together by the signal of the peace-pipe, to the mountains of the prairie, to the great red pipe-stone quarry, and they stood there on the meadow, with their weapons and their war-gear, painted like the leaves of autumn, painted like the sky of morning, wildly glaring at each other; in their faces stern defiance, in their hearts the feuds of ages, the hereditary hatred, the ancestral thirst of vengeance. gitche manito, the mighty, the creator of the nations, looked upon them with compassion, with paternal love and pity; looked upon their wrath and wrangling but as quarrels among children, but as feuds and fights of children! over them he stretched his right hand, to subdue their stubborn natures, to allay their thirst and fever, by the shadow of his right hand; spake to them with voice majestic as the sound of far-off waters, falling into deep abysses, warning, chiding, spake in this wise: "o my children! my poor children! listen to the words of wisdom, listen to the words of warning, from the lips of the great spirit, from the master of life, who made you! "i have given you lands to hunt in, i have given you streams to fish in, i have given you bear and bison, i have given you roe and reindeer, i have given you brant and beaver, filled the marshes full of wild-fowl, filled the rivers full of fishes: why then are you not contented? why then will you hunt each other? "i am weary of your quarrels, weary of your wars and bloodshed, weary of your prayers for vengeance, of your wranglings and dissensions; all your strength is in your union, all your danger is in discord; therefore be at peace henceforward, and as brothers live together. "i will send a prophet to you, a deliverer of the nations, who shall guide you and shall teach you, who shall toil and suffer with you. if you listen to his counsels, you will multiply and prosper; if his warnings pass unheeded, you will fade away and perish! "bathe now in the stream before you, wash the war-paint from your faces, wash the blood-stains from your fingers, bury your war-clubs and your weapons, break the red stone from this quarry, mould and make it into peace-pipes, take the reeds that grow beside you, deck them with your brightest feathers, smoke the calumet together, and as brothers live henceforward!" then upon the ground the warriors threw their cloaks and shirts of deer-skin, threw their weapons and their war-gear, leaped into the rushing river, washed the war-paint from their faces. clear above them flowed the water, clear and limpid from the footprints of the master of life descending; dark below them flowed the water, soiled and stained with streaks of crimson, as if blood were mingled with it! from the river came the warriors, clean and washed from all their war-paint; on the banks their clubs they buried, buried all their warlike weapons. gitche manito, the mighty, the great spirit, the creator, smiled upon his helpless children! and in silence all the warriors broke the red stone of the quarry, smoothed and formed it into peace-pipes, broke the long reeds by the river, decked them with their brightest feathers, and departed each one homeward, while the master of life, ascending, through the opening of cloud-curtains, through the doorways of the heaven, vanished from before their faces, in the smoke that rolled around him, the pukwana of the peace-pipe! ii the four winds "honor be to mudjekeewis!" cried the warriors, cried the old men, when he came in triumph homeward with the sacred belt of wampum, from the regions of the north-wind, from the kingdom of wabasso, from the land of the white rabbit. he had stolen the belt of wampum from the neck of mishe-mokwa, from the great bear of the mountains, from the terror of the nations, as he lay asleep and cumbrous on the summit of the mountains, like a rock with mosses on it, spotted brown and gray with mosses. silently he stole upon him till the red nails of the monster almost touched him, almost scared him, till the hot breath of his nostrils warmed the hands of mudjekeewis, as he drew the belt of wampum over the round ears, that heard not, over the small eyes, that saw not, over the long nose and nostrils, the black muffle of the nostrils, out of which the heavy breathing warmed the hands of mudjekeewis. then he swung aloft his war-club, shouted loud and long his war-cry, smote the mighty mishe-mokwa in the middle of the forehead, right between the eyes he smote him. with the heavy blow bewildered, rose the great bear of the mountains; but his knees beneath him trembled, and he whimpered like a woman, as he reeled and staggered forward, as he sat upon his haunches; and the mighty mudjekeewis, standing fearlessly before him, taunted him in loud derision, spake disdainfully in this wise: "hark you, bear! you are a coward; and no brave, as you pretended; else you would not cry and whimper like a miserable woman! bear! you know our tribes are hostile, long have been at war together; now you find that we are strongest, you go sneaking in the forest, you go hiding in the mountains! had you conquered me in battle not a groan would i have uttered; but you, bear! sit here and whimper, and disgrace your tribe by crying, like a wretched shaugodaya, like a cowardly old woman!" then again he raised his war-club, smote again the mishe-mokwa in the middle of his forehead, broke his skull, as ice is broken when one goes to fish in winter. thus was slain the mishe-mokwa, he the great bear of the mountains, he the terror of the nations. "honor be to mudjekeewis!" with a shout exclaimed the people, "honor be to mudjekeewis! henceforth he shall be the west-wind, and hereafter and forever shall he hold supreme dominion over all the winds of heaven. call him no more mudjekeewis, call him kabeyun, the west-wind!" thus was mudjekeewis chosen father of the winds of heaven. for himself he kept the west-wind, gave the others to his children; unto wabun gave the east-wind, gave the south to shawondasee, and the north-wind, wild and cruel, to the fierce kabibonokka. young and beautiful was wabun; he it was who brought the morning, he it was whose silver arrows chased the dark o'er hill and valley; he it was whose cheeks were painted with the brightest streaks of crimson, and whose voice awoke the village, called the deer, and called the hunter. lonely in the sky was wabun; though the birds sang gayly to him, though the wild-flowers of the meadow filled the air with odors for him; though the forests and the rivers sang and shouted at his coming, still his heart was sad within him, for he was alone in heaven. but one morning, gazing earthward, while the village still was sleeping, and the fog lay on the river, like a ghost, that goes at sunrise, he beheld a maiden walking all alone upon a meadow, gathering water-flags and rushes by a river in the meadow. every morning, gazing earthward, still the first thing he beheld there was her blue eyes looking at him, two blue lakes among the rushes. and he loved the lonely maiden, who thus waited for his coming; for they both were solitary, she on earth and he in heaven. and he wooed her with caresses, wooed her with his smile of sunshine, with his flattering words he wooed her, with his sighing and his singing, gentlest whispers in the branches, softest music, sweetest odors, till he drew her to his bosom, folded in his robes of crimson, till into a star he changed her, trembling still upon his bosom; and forever in the heavens they are seen together walking, wabun and the wabun-annung, wabun and the star of morning. but the fierce kabibonokka had his dwelling among icebergs, in the everlasting snow-drifts, in the kingdom of wabasso, in the land of the white rabbit. he it was whose hand in autumn painted all the trees with scarlet, stained the leaves with red and yellow; he it was who sent the snow-flake, sifting, hissing through the forest, froze the ponds, the lakes, the rivers, drove the loon and sea-gull southward, drove the cormorant and curlew to their nests of sedge and sea-tang in the realms of shawondasee. once the fierce kabibonokka issued from his lodge of snow-drifts from his home among the icebergs, and his hair, with snow besprinkled, streamed behind him like a river, like a black and wintry river, as he howled and hurried southward, over frozen lakes and moorlands. there among the reeds and rushes found he shingebis, the diver, trailing strings of fish behind him, o'er the frozen fens and moorlands, lingering still among the moorlands, though his tribe had long departed to the land of shawondasee. cried the fierce kabibonokka, "who is this that dares to brave me? dares to stay in my dominions, when the wawa has departed, when the wild-goose has gone southward, and the heron, the shuh-shuh-gah, long ago departed southward? i will go into his wigwam, i will put his smouldering fire out!" and at night kabibonokka, to the lodge came wild and wailing, heaped the snow in drifts about it, shouted down into the smoke-flue, shook the lodge-poles in his fury, flapped the curtain of the door-way. shingebis, the diver, feared not, shingebis, the diver, cared not; four great logs had he for firewood, one for each moon of the winter, and for food the fishes served him. by his blazing fire he sat there, warm and merry, eating, laughing, singing, "o kabibonokka, you are but my fellow-mortal!" then kabibonokka entered, and though shingebis, the diver, felt his presence by the coldness, felt his icy breath upon him, still he did not cease his singing, still he did not leave his laughing, only turned the log a little, only made the fire burn brighter, made the sparks fly up the smoke-flue. from kabibonokka's forehead, from his snow-besprinkled tresses, drops of sweat fell fast and heavy, making dints upon the ashes, as along the eaves of lodges, as from drooping boughs of hemlock, drips the melting snow in spring-time, making hollows in the snow-drifts. till at last he rose defeated, could not bear the heat and laughter, could not bear the merry singing, but rushed headlong through the door-way, stamped upon the crusted snow-drifts, stamped upon the lakes and rivers, made the snow upon them harder, made the ice upon them thicker, challenged shingebis, the diver, to come forth and wrestle with him, to come forth and wrestle naked on the frozen fens and moorlands. forth went shingebis, the diver, wrestled all night with the north-wind, wrestled naked on the moorlands with the fierce kabibonokka, till his panting breath grew fainter, till his frozen grasp grew feebler, till he reeled and staggered backward, and retreated, baffled, beaten, to the kingdom of wabasso, to the land of the white rabbit, hearing still the gusty laughter, hearing shingebis, the diver, singing, "o kabibonokka, you are but my fellow-mortal!" shawondasee, fat and lazy, had his dwelling far to southward, in the drowsy, dreamy sunshine, in the never-ending summer. he it was who sent the wood-birds, sent the robin, the opechee, sent the bluebird, the owaissa, sent the shawshaw, sent the swallow, sent the wild-goose, wawa, northward, sent the melons and tobacco, and the grapes in purple clusters. from his pipe the smoke ascending filled the sky with haze and vapor, filled the air with dreamy softness, gave a twinkle to the water, touched the rugged hills with smoothness, brought the tender indian summer to the melancholy north-land, in the dreary moon of snow-shoes. listless, careless shawondasee! in his life he had one shadow, in his heart one sorrow had he. once, as he was gazing northward, far away upon a prairie he beheld a maiden standing, saw a tall and slender maiden all alone upon a prairie; brightest green were all her garments, and her hair was like the sunshine. day by day he gazed upon her, day by day he sighed with passion, day by day his heart within him grew more hot with love and longing for the maid with yellow tresses. but he was too fat and lazy to bestir himself and woo her. yes, too indolent and easy to pursue her and persuade her; so he only gazed upon her, only sat and sighed with passion for the maiden of the prairie. till one morning, looking northward, he beheld her yellow tresses changed and covered o'er with whiteness, covered as with whitest snow-flakes. "ah! my brother from the north-land, from the kingdom of wabasso, from the land of the white rabbit! you have stolen the maiden from me, you have laid your hand upon her, you have wooed and won my maiden, with your stories of the north-land!" thus the wretched shawondasee breathed into the air his sorrow; and the south-wind o'er the prairie wandered warm with sighs of passion, with the sighs of shawondasee, till the air seemed full of snow-flakes, full of thistle-down the prairie, and the maid with hair like sunshine vanished from his sight forever; never more did shawondasee see the maid with yellow tresses! poor, deluded shawondasee! 't was no woman that you gazed at, 't was no maiden that you sighed for, 't was the prairie dandelion that through all the dreamy summer you had gazed at with such longing, you had sighed for with such passion, and had puffed away forever, blown into the air with sighing. ah! deluded shawondasee! thus the four winds were divided thus the sons of mudjekeewis had their stations in the heavens, at the corners of the heavens; for himself the west-wind only kept the mighty mudjekeewis. iii hiawatha's childhood downward through the evening twilight, in the days that are forgotten, in the unremembered ages, from the full moon fell nokomis, fell the beautiful nokomis, she a wife, but not a mother. she was sporting with her women, swinging in a swing of grape-vines, when her rival the rejected, full of jealousy and hatred, cut the leafy swing asunder, cut in twain the twisted grape-vines, and nokomis fell affrighted downward through the evening twilight, on the muskoday, the meadow, on the prairie full of blossoms. "see! a star falls!" said the people; "from the sky a star is falling!" there among the ferns and mosses, there among the prairie lilies, on the muskoday, the meadow, in the moonlight and the starlight, fair nokomis bore a daughter. and she called her name wenonah, as the first-born of her daughters. and the daughter of nokomis grew up like the prairie lilies, grew a tall and slender maiden, with the beauty of the moonlight, with the beauty of the starlight. and nokomis warned her often, saying oft, and oft repeating, "oh, beware of mudjekeewis, of the west-wind, mudjekeewis; listen not to what he tells you; lie not down upon the meadow, stoop not down among the lilies, lest the west-wind come and harm you!" but she heeded not the warning, heeded not those words of wisdom, and the west-wind came at evening, walking lightly o'er the prairie, whispering to the leaves and blossoms, bending low the flowers and grasses, found the beautiful wenonah, lying there among the lilies, wooed her with his words of sweetness, wooed her with his soft caresses, till she bore a son in sorrow, bore a son of love and sorrow. thus was born my hiawatha, thus was born the child of wonder; but the daughter of nokomis, hiawatha's gentle mother, in her anguish died deserted by the west-wind, false and faithless, by the heartless mudjekeewis. for her daughter long and loudly wailed and wept the sad nokomis; "oh that i were dead!" she murmured, "oh that i were dead, as thou art! no more work, and no more weeping, wahonowin! wahonowin!" by the shores of gitche gumee, by the shining big-sea-water, stood the wigwam of nokomis, daughter of the moon, nokomis. dark behind it rose the forest, rose the black and gloomy pine-trees, rose the firs with cones upon them; bright before it beat the water, beat the clear and sunny water, beat the shining big-sea-water. there the wrinkled old nokomis nursed the little hiawatha, rocked him in his linden cradle, bedded soft in moss and rushes, safely bound with reindeer sinews; stilled his fretful wail by saying, "hush! the naked bear will hear thee!" lulled him into slumber, singing, "ewa-yea! my little owlet! who is this, that lights the wigwam? with his great eyes lights the wigwam? ewa-yea! my little owlet!" many things nokomis taught him of the stars that shine in heaven; showed him ishkoodah, the comet, ishkoodah, with fiery tresses; showed the death-dance of the spirits, warriors with their plumes and war-clubs, flaring far away to northward in the frosty nights of winter; showed the broad white road in heaven, pathway of the ghosts, the shadows, running straight across the heavens, crowded with the ghosts, the shadows. at the door on summer evenings sat the little hiawatha; heard the whispering of the pine-trees, heard the lapping of the waters, sounds of music, words of wonder; "minne-wawa!" said the pine-trees, "mudway-aushka!" said the water. saw the fire-fly, wah-wah-taysee, flitting through the dusk of evening, with the twinkle of its candle lighting up the brakes and bushes, and he sang the song of children, sang the song nokomis taught him: "wah-wah-taysee, little fire-fly, little, flitting, white-fire insect, little, dancing, white-fire creature, light me with your little candle, ere upon my bed i lay me, ere in sleep i close my eyelids!" saw the moon rise from the water rippling, rounding from the water, saw the flecks and shadows on it, whispered, "what is that, nokomis?" and the good nokomis answered: "once a warrior, very angry, seized his grandmother, and threw her up into the sky at midnight; right against the moon he threw her; 't is her body that you see there." saw the rainbow in the heaven, in the eastern sky, the rainbow, whispered, "what is that, nokomis?" and the good nokomis answered: "'t is the heaven of flowers you see there; all the wild-flowers of the forest, all the lilies of the prairie, when on earth they fade and perish, blossom in that heaven above us." when he heard the owls at midnight, hooting, laughing in the forest, "what is that?" he cried in terror, "what is that," he said, "nokomis?" and the good nokomis answered: "that is but the owl and owlet, talking in their native language, talking, scolding at each other." then the little hiawatha learned of every bird its language, learned their names and all their secrets, how they built their nests in summer, where they hid themselves in winter, talked with them whene'er he met them, called them "hiawatha's chickens." of all beasts he learned the language, learned their names and all their secrets, how the beavers built their lodges, where the squirrels hid their acorns, how the reindeer ran so swiftly, why the rabbit was so timid, talked with them whene'er he met them, called them "hiawatha's brothers." then iagoo, the great boaster, he the marvellous story-teller, he the traveller and the talker, he the friend of old nokomis, made a bow for hiawatha; from a branch of ash he made it, from an oak-bough made the arrows, tipped with flint, and winged with feathers, and the cord he made of deer-skin. then he said to hiawatha: "go, my son, into the forest, where the red deer herd together, kill for us a famous roebuck, kill for us a deer with antlers!" forth into the forest straightway all alone walked hiawatha proudly, with his bow and arrows; and the birds sang round him, o'er him, "do not shoot us, hiawatha!" sang the robin, the opechee, sang the bluebird, the owaissa, "do not shoot us, hiawatha!" up the oak-tree, close beside him, sprang the squirrel, adjidaumo, in and out among the branches, coughed and chattered from the oak-tree, laughed, and said between his laughing, "do not shoot me, hiawatha!" and the rabbit from his pathway leaped aside, and at a distance sat erect upon his haunches, half in fear and half in frolic, saying to the little hunter, "do not shoot me, hiawatha!" but he heeded not, nor heard them, for his thoughts were with the red deer; on their tracks his eyes were fastened, leading downward to the river, to the ford across the river, and as one in slumber walked he. hidden in the alder-bushes, there he waited till the deer came, till he saw two antlers lifted, saw two eyes look from the thicket, saw two nostrils point to windward, and a deer came down the pathway, flecked with leafy light and shadow. and his heart within him fluttered, trembled like the leaves above him, like the birch-leaf palpitated, as the deer came down the pathway. then, upon one knee uprising, hiawatha aimed an arrow; scarce a twig moved with his motion, scarce a leaf was stirred or rustled, but the wary roebuck started, stamped with all his hoofs together, listened with one foot uplifted, leaped as if to meet the arrow; ah! the singing, fatal arrow, like a wasp it buzzed and stung him! dead he lay there in the forest, by the ford across the river; beat his timid heart no longer, but the heart of hiawatha throbbed and shouted and exulted, as he bore the red deer homeward, and iagoo and nokomis hailed his coming with applauses. from the red deer's hide nokomis made a cloak for hiawatha, from the red deer's flesh nokomis made a banquet to his honor. all the village came and feasted, all the guests praised hiawatha, called him strong-heart, soan-ge-taha! called him loon-heart, mahn-go-taysee! iv hiawatha and mudjekeewis out of childhood into manhood now had grown my hiawatha, skilled in all the craft of hunters, learned in all the lore of old men, in all youthful sports and pastimes, in all manly arts and labors. swift of foot was hiawatha; he could shoot an arrow from him, and run forward with such fleetness, that the arrow fell behind him! strong of arm was hiawatha; he could shoot ten arrows upward, shoot them with such strength and swiftness, that the tenth had left the bow-string ere the first to earth had fallen! he had mittens, minjekahwun, magic mittens made of deer-skin; when upon his hands he wore them, he could smite the rocks asunder, he could grind them into powder. he had moccasins enchanted, magic moccasins of deer-skin; when he bound them round his ankles, when upon his feet he tied them, at each stride a mile he measured! much he questioned old nokomis of his father mudjekeewis; learned from her the fatal secret of the beauty of his mother, of the falsehood of his father; and his heart was hot within him, like a living coal his heart was. then he said to old nokomis, "i will go to mudjekeewis, see how fares it with my father, at the doorways of the west-wind, at the portals of the sunset!" from his lodge went hiawatha, dressed for travel, armed for hunting; dressed in deer-skin shirt and leggings, richly wrought with quills and wampum; on his head his eagle-feathers, round his waist his belt of wampum, in his hand his bow of ash-wood, strung with sinews of the reindeer; in his quiver oaken arrows, tipped with jasper, winged with feathers; with his mittens, minjekahwun, with his moccasins enchanted. warning said the old nokomis, "go not forth, o hiawatha! to the kingdom of the west-wind, to the realms of mudjekeewis, lest he harm you with his magic, lest he kill you with his cunning!" but the fearless hiawatha heeded not her woman's warning; forth he strode into the forest, at each stride a mile he measured; lurid seemed the sky above him, lurid seemed the earth beneath him, hot and close the air around him, filled with smoke and fiery vapors, as of burning woods and prairies, for his heart was hot within him, like a living coal his heart was. so he journeyed westward, westward, left the fleetest deer behind him, left the antelope and bison; crossed the rushing esconaba, crossed the mighty mississippi, passed the mountains of the prairie, passed the land of crows and foxes, passed the dwellings of the blackfeet, came unto the rocky mountains, to the kingdom of the west-wind, where upon the gusty summits sat the ancient mudjekeewis, ruler of the winds of heaven. filled with awe was hiawatha at the aspect of his father. on the air about him wildly tossed and streamed his cloudy tresses, gleamed like drifting snow his tresses, glared like ishkoodah, the comet, like the star with fiery tresses. filled with joy was mudjekeewis when he looked on hiawatha, saw his youth rise up before him in the face of hiawatha, saw the beauty of wenonah from the grave rise up before him. "welcome!" said he, "hiawatha, to the kingdom of the west-wind long have i been waiting for you youth is lovely, age is lonely, youth is fiery, age is frosty; you bring back the days departed, you bring back my youth of passion, and the beautiful wenonah!" many days they talked together, questioned, listened, waited, answered; much the mighty mudjekeewis boasted of his ancient prowess, of his perilous adventures, his indomitable courage, his invulnerable body. patiently sat hiawatha, listening to his father's boasting; with a smile he sat and listened, uttered neither threat nor menace, neither word nor look betrayed him, but his heart was hot within him, like a living coal his heart was. then he said, "o mudjekeewis, is there nothing that can harm you? nothing that you are afraid of?" and the mighty mudjekeewis, grand and gracious in his boasting, answered, saying, "there is nothing, nothing but the black rock yonder, nothing but the fatal wawbeek!" and he looked at hiawatha with a wise look and benignant, with a countenance paternal, looked with pride upon the beauty of his tall and graceful figure, saying, "o my hiawatha! is there anything can harm you? anything you are afraid of?" but the wary hiawatha paused awhile, as if uncertain, held his peace, as if resolving, and then answered, "there is nothing, nothing but the bulrush yonder, nothing but the great apukwa!" and as mudjekeewis, rising, stretched his hand to pluck the bulrush, hiawatha cried in terror, cried in well-dissembled terror, "kago! kago! do not touch it!" "ah, kaween!" said mudjekeewis, "no indeed, i will not touch it!" then they talked of other matters; first of hiawatha's brothers, first of wabun, of the east-wind, of the south-wind, shawondasee, of the north, kabibonokka; then of hiawatha's mother, of the beautiful wenonah, of her birth upon the meadow, of her death, as old nokomis had remembered and related. and he cried, "o mudjekeewis, it was you who killed wenonah, took her young life and her beauty, broke the lily of the prairie, trampled it beneath your footsteps; you confess it! you confess it!" and the mighty mudjekeewis tossed upon the wind his tresses, bowed his hoary head in anguish, with a silent nod assented. then up started hiawatha, and with threatening look and gesture laid his hand upon the black rock, on the fatal wawbeek laid it, with his mittens, minjekahwun, rent the jutting crag asunder, smote and crushed it into fragments, hurled them madly at his father, the remorseful mudjekeewis, for his heart was hot within him, like a living coal his heart was. but the ruler of the west-wind blew the fragments backward from him, with the breathing of his nostrils, with the tempest of his anger, blew them back at his assailant; seized the bulrush, the apukwa, dragged it with its roots and fibres from the margin of the meadow, from its ooze the giant bulrush; long and loud laughed hiawatha! then began the deadly conflict, hand to hand among the mountains; from his eyry screamed the eagle, the keneu, the great war-eagle, sat upon the crags around them, wheeling flapped his wings above them. like a tall tree in the tempest bent and lashed the giant bulrush; and in masses huge and heavy crashing fell the fatal wawbeek; till the earth shook with the tumult and confusion of the battle, and the air was full of shoutings, and the thunder of the mountains, starting, answered, "baim-wawa!" back retreated mudjekeewis, rushing westward o'er the mountains, stumbling westward down the mountains, three whole days retreated fighting, still pursued by hiawatha to the doorways of the west-wind, to the portals of the sunset, to the earth's remotest border, where into the empty spaces sinks the sun, as a flamingo drops into her nest at nightfall in the melancholy marshes. "hold!" at length cried mudjekeewis, "hold, my son, my hiawatha! 't is impossible to kill me, for you cannot kill the immortal i have put you to this trial, but to know and prove your courage; now receive the prize of valor! "go back to your home and people, live among them, toil among them, cleanse the earth from all that harms it, clear the fishing-grounds and rivers, slay all monsters and magicians, all the wendigoes, the giants, all the serpents, the kenabeeks, as i slew the mishe-mokwa, slew the great bear of the mountains. "and at last when death draws near you, when the awful eyes of pauguk glare upon you in the darkness, i will share my kingdom with you, ruler shall you be thenceforward of the northwest-wind, keewaydin, of the home-wind, the keewaydin." thus was fought that famous battle in the dreadful days of shah-shah, in the days long since departed, in the kingdom of the west-wind. still the hunter sees its traces scattered far o'er hill and valley; sees the giant bulrush growing by the ponds and water-courses, sees the masses of the wawbeek lying still in every valley. homeward now went hiawatha; pleasant was the landscape round him, pleasant was the air above him, for the bitterness of anger had departed wholly from him, from his brain the thought of vengeance, from his heart the burning fever. only once his pace he slackened, only once he paused or halted, paused to purchase heads of arrows of the ancient arrow-maker, in the land of the dacotahs, where the falls of minnehaha flash and gleam among the oak-trees, laugh and leap into the valley. there the ancient arrow-maker made his arrow-heads of sandstone, arrow-heads of chalcedony, arrow-heads of flint and jasper, smoothed and sharpened at the edges, hard and polished, keen and costly. with him dwelt his dark-eyed daughter, wayward as the minnehaha, with her moods of shade and sunshine, eyes that smiled and frowned alternate, feet as rapid as the river, tresses flowing like the water, and as musical a laughter: and he named her from the river, from the water-fall he named her, minnehaha, laughing water. was it then for heads of arrows, arrow-heads of chalcedony, arrow-heads of flint and jasper, that my hiawatha halted in the land of the dacotahs? was it not to see the maiden, see the face of laughing water peeping from behind the curtain, hear the rustling of her garments from behind the waving curtain, as one sees the minnehaha gleaming, glancing through the branches, as one hears the laughing water from behind its screen of branches? who shall say what thoughts and visions fill the fiery brains of young men? who shall say what dreams of beauty filled the heart of hiawatha? all he told to old nokomis, when he reached the lodge at sunset, was the meeting with his father, was his fight with mudjekeewis; not a word he said of arrows, not a word of laughing water. v hiawatha's fasting you shall hear how hiawatha prayed and fasted in the forest, not for greater skill in hunting, not for greater craft in fishing, not for triumphs in the battle, and renown among the warriors, but for profit of the people, for advantage of the nations. first he built a lodge for fasting, built a wigwam in the forest, by the shining big-sea-water, in the blithe and pleasant spring-time, in the moon of leaves he built it, and, with dreams and visions many, seven whole days and nights he fasted. on the first day of his fasting through the leafy woods he wandered; saw the deer start from the thicket, saw the rabbit in his burrow, heard the pheasant, bena, drumming, heard the squirrel, adjidaumo, rattling in his hoard of acorns, saw the pigeon, the omeme, building nests among the pinetrees, and in flocks the wild-goose, wawa, flying to the fen-lands northward, whirring, wailing far above him. "master of life!" he cried, desponding, "must our lives depend on these things?" on the next day of his fasting by the river's brink he wandered, through the muskoday, the meadow, saw the wild rice, mahnomonee, saw the blueberry, meenahga, and the strawberry, odahmin, and the gooseberry, shahbomin, and the grape-vine, the bemahgut, trailing o'er the alder-branches, filling all the air with fragrance! "master of life!" he cried, desponding, "must our lives depend on these things?" on the third day of his fasting by the lake he sat and pondered, by the still, transparent water; saw the sturgeon, nahma, leaping, scattering drops like beads of wampum, saw the yellow perch, the sahwa, like a sunbeam in the water, saw the pike, the maskenozha, and the herring, okahahwis, and the shawgashee, the crawfish! "master of life!" he cried, desponding, "must our lives depend on these things?" on the fourth day of his fasting in his lodge he lay exhausted; from his couch of leaves and branches gazing with half-open eyelids, full of shadowy dreams and visions, on the dizzy, swimming landscape, on the gleaming of the water, on the splendor of the sunset. and he saw a youth approaching, dressed in garments green and yellow, coming through the purple twilight, through the splendor of the sunset; plumes of green bent o'er his forehead, and his hair was soft and golden. standing at the open doorway, long he looked at hiawatha, looked with pity and compassion on his wasted form and features, and, in accents like the sighing of the south-wind in the tree-tops, said he, "o my hiawatha! all your prayers are heard in heaven, for you pray not like the others; not for greater skill in hunting, not for greater craft in fishing, not for triumph in the battle, nor renown among the warriors, but for profit of the people, for advantage of the nations. "from the master of life descending, i, the friend of man, mondamin, come to warn you and instruct you, how by struggle and by labor you shall gain what you have prayed for. rise up from your bed of branches, rise, o youth, and wrestle with me!" faint with famine, hiawatha started from his bed of branches, from the twilight of his wigwam forth into the flush of sunset came, and wrestled with mondamin; at his touch he felt new courage throbbing in his brain and bosom, felt new life and hope and vigor run through every nerve and fibre. so they wrestled there together in the glory of the sunset, and the more they strove and struggled, stronger still grew hiawatha; till the darkness fell around them, and the heron, the shuh-shuh-gah, from her nest among the pine-trees, gave a cry of lamentation, gave a scream of pain and famine. "'t is enough!" then said mondamin, smiling upon hiawatha, "but tomorrow, when the sun sets, i will come again to try you." and he vanished, and was seen not; whether sinking as the rain sinks, whether rising as the mists rise, hiawatha saw not, knew not, only saw that he had vanished, leaving him alone and fainting, with the misty lake below him, and the reeling stars above him. on the morrow and the next day, when the sun through heaven descending, like a red and burning cinder from the hearth of the great spirit, fell into the western waters, came mondamin for the trial, for the strife with hiawatha; came as silent as the dew comes, from the empty air appearing, into empty air returning, taking shape when earth it touches, but invisible to all men in its coming and its going. thrice they wrestled there together in the glory of the sunset, till the darkness fell around them, till the heron, the shuh-shuh-gah, from her nest among the pine-trees, uttered her loud cry of famine, and mondamin paused to listen. tall and beautiful he stood there, in his garments green and yellow; to and fro his plumes above him, waved and nodded with his breathing, and the sweat of the encounter stood like drops of dew upon him. and he cried, "o hiawatha! bravely have you wrestled with me, thrice have wrestled stoutly with me, and the master of life, who sees us, he will give to you the triumph!" then he smiled, and said: "to-morrow is the last day of your conflict, is the last day of your fasting. you will conquer and o'ercome me; make a bed for me to lie in, where the rain may fall upon me, where the sun may come and warm me; strip these garments, green and yellow, strip this nodding plumage from me, lay me in the earth, and make it soft and loose and light above me. "let no hand disturb my slumber, let no weed nor worm molest me, let not kahgahgee, the raven, come to haunt me and molest me, only come yourself to watch me, till i wake, and start, and quicken, till i leap into the sunshine" and thus saying, he departed; peacefully slept hiawatha, but he heard the wawonaissa, heard the whippoorwill complaining, perched upon his lonely wigwam; heard the rushing sebowisha, heard the rivulet rippling near him, talking to the darksome forest; heard the sighing of the branches, as they lifted and subsided at the passing of the night-wind, heard them, as one hears in slumber far-off murmurs, dreamy whispers: peacefully slept hiawatha. on the morrow came nokomis, on the seventh day of his fasting, came with food for hiawatha, came imploring and bewailing, lest his hunger should o'ercome him, lest his fasting should be fatal. but he tasted not, and touched not, only said to her, "nokomis, wait until the sun is setting, till the darkness falls around us, till the heron, the shuh-shuh-gah, crying from the desolate marshes, tells us that the day is ended." homeward weeping went nokomis, sorrowing for her hiawatha, fearing lest his strength should fail him, lest his fasting should be fatal. he meanwhile sat weary waiting for the coming of mondamin, till the shadows, pointing eastward, lengthened over field and forest, till the sun dropped from the heaven, floating on the waters westward, as a red leaf in the autumn falls and floats upon the water, falls and sinks into its bosom. and behold! the young mondamin, with his soft and shining tresses, with his garments green and yellow, with his long and glossy plumage, stood and beckoned at the doorway. and as one in slumber walking, pale and haggard, but undaunted, from the wigwam hiawatha came and wrestled with mondamin. round about him spun the landscape, sky and forest reeled together, and his strong heart leaped within him, as the sturgeon leaps and struggles in a net to break its meshes. like a ring of fire around him blazed and flared the red horizon, and a hundred suns seemed looking at the combat of the wrestlers. suddenly upon the greensward all alone stood hiawatha, panting with his wild exertion, palpitating with the struggle; and before him breathless, lifeless, lay the youth, with hair dishevelled, plumage torn, and garments tattered, dead he lay there in the sunset. and victorious hiawatha made the grave as he commanded, stripped the garments from mondamin, stripped his tattered plumage from him, laid him in the earth, and made it soft and loose and light above him; and the heron, the shuh-shuh-gah, from the melancholy moorlands, gave a cry of lamentation, gave a cry of pain and anguish! homeward then went hiawatha to the lodge of old nokomis, and the seven days of his fasting were accomplished and completed. but the place was not forgotten where he wrestled with mondamin; nor forgotten nor neglected was the grave where lay mondamin, sleeping in the rain and sunshine, where his scattered plumes and garments faded in the rain and sunshine. day by day did hiawatha go to wait and watch beside it; kept the dark mould soft above it, kept it clean from weeds and insects, drove away, with scoffs and shoutings, kahgahgee, the king of ravens. till at length a small green feather from the earth shot slowly upward, then another and another, and before the summer ended stood the maize in all its beauty, with its shining robes about it, and its long, soft, yellow tresses; and in rapture hiawatha cried aloud, "it is mondamin! yes, the friend of man, mondamin!" then he called to old nokomis and iagoo, the great boaster, showed them where the maize was growing, told them of his wondrous vision, of his wrestling and his triumph, of this new gift to the nations, which should be their food forever. and still later, when the autumn changed the long, green leaves to yellow, and the soft and juicy kernels grew like wampum hard and yellow, then the ripened ears he gathered, stripped the withered husks from off them, as he once had stripped the wrestler, gave the first feast of mondamin, and made known unto the people this new gift of the great spirit. vi hiawatha's friends two good friends had hiawatha, singled out from all the others, bound to him in closest union, and to whom he gave the right hand of his heart, in joy and sorrow; chibiabos, the musician, and the very strong man, kwasind. straight between them ran the pathway, never grew the grass upon it; singing birds, that utter falsehoods, story-tellers, mischief-makers, found no eager ear to listen, could not breed ill-will between them, for they kept each other's counsel, spake with naked hearts together, pondering much and much contriving how the tribes of men might prosper. most beloved by hiawatha was the gentle chibiabos, he the best of all musicians, he the sweetest of all singers. beautiful and childlike was he, brave as man is, soft as woman, pliant as a wand of willow, stately as a deer with antlers. when he sang, the village listened; all the warriors gathered round him, all the women came to hear him; now he stirred their souls to passion, now he melted them to pity. from the hollow reeds he fashioned flutes so musical and mellow, that the brook, the sebowisha, ceased to murmur in the woodland, that the wood-birds ceased from singing, and the squirrel, adjidaumo, ceased his chatter in the oak-tree, and the rabbit, the wabasso, sat upright to look and listen. yes, the brook, the sebowisha, pausing, said, "o chibiabos, teach my waves to flow in music, softly as your words in singing!" yes, the bluebird, the owaissa, envious, said, "o chibiabos, teach me tones as wild and wayward, teach me songs as full of frenzy!" yes, the robin, the opechee, joyous, said, "o chibiabos, teach me tones as sweet and tender, teach me songs as full of gladness!" and the whippoorwill, wawonaissa, sobbing, said, "o chibiabos, teach me tones as melancholy, teach me songs as full of sadness!" all the many sounds of nature borrowed sweetness from his singing; all the hearts of men were softened by the pathos of his music; for he sang of peace and freedom, sang of beauty, love, and longing; sang of death, and life undying in the islands of the blessed, in the kingdom of ponemah, in the land of the hereafter. very dear to hiawatha was the gentle chibiabos, he the best of all musicians, he the sweetest of all singers; for his gentleness he loved him, and the magic of his singing. dear, too, unto hiawatha was the very strong man, kwasind, he the strongest of all mortals, he the mightiest among many; for his very strength he loved him, for his strength allied to goodness. idle in his youth was kwasind, very listless, dull, and dreamy, never played with other children, never fished and never hunted, not like other children was he; but they saw that much he fasted, much his manito entreated, much besought his guardian spirit. "lazy kwasind!" said his mother, "in my work you never help me! in the summer you are roaming idly in the fields and forests; in the winter you are cowering o'er the firebrands in the wigwam! in the coldest days of winter i must break the ice for fishing; with my nets you never help me! at the door my nets are hanging, dripping, freezing with the water; go and wring them, yenadizze! go and dry them in the sunshine!" slowly, from the ashes, kwasind rose, but made no angry answer; from the lodge went forth in silence, took the nets, that hung together, dripping, freezing at the doorway; like a wisp of straw he wrung them, like a wisp of straw he broke them, could not wring them without breaking, such the strength was in his fingers. "lazy kwasind!" said his father, "in the hunt you never help me; every bow you touch is broken, snapped asunder every arrow; yet come with me to the forest, you shall bring the hunting homeward." down a narrow pass they wandered, where a brooklet led them onward, where the trail of deer and bison marked the soft mud on the margin, till they found all further passage shut against them, barred securely by the trunks of trees uprooted, lying lengthwise, lying crosswise, and forbidding further passage. "we must go back," said the old man, "o'er these logs we cannot clamber; not a woodchuck could get through them, not a squirrel clamber o'er them!" and straightway his pipe he lighted, and sat down to smoke and ponder. but before his pipe was finished, lo! the path was cleared before him; all the trunks had kwasind lifted, to the right hand, to the left hand, shot the pine-trees swift as arrows, hurled the cedars light as lances. "lazy kwasind!" said the young men, as they sported in the meadow: "why stand idly looking at us, leaning on the rock behind you? come and wrestle with the others, let us pitch the quoit together!" lazy kwasind made no answer, to their challenge made no answer, only rose, and slowly turning, seized the huge rock in his fingers, tore it from its deep foundation, poised it in the air a moment, pitched it sheer into the river, sheer into the swift pauwating, where it still is seen in summer. once as down that foaming river, down the rapids of pauwating, kwasind sailed with his companions, in the stream he saw a beaver, saw ahmeek, the king of beavers, struggling with the rushing currents, rising, sinking in the water. without speaking, without pausing, kwasind leaped into the river, plunged beneath the bubbling surface, through the whirlpools chased the beaver, followed him among the islands, stayed so long beneath the water, that his terrified companions cried, "alas! good-by to kwasind! we shall never more see kwasind!" but he reappeared triumphant, and upon his shining shoulders brought the beaver, dead and dripping, brought the king of all the beavers. and these two, as i have told you, were the friends of hiawatha, chibiabos, the musician, and the very strong man, kwasind. long they lived in peace together, spake with naked hearts together, pondering much and much contriving how the tribes of men might prosper. vii hiawatha's sailing "give me of your bark, o birch-tree! of your yellow bark, o birch-tree! growing by the rushing river, tall and stately in the valley! i a light canoe will build me, build a swift cheemaun for sailing, that shall float upon the river, like a yellow leaf in autumn, like a yellow water-lily! "lay aside your cloak, o birch-tree! lay aside your white-skin wrapper, for the summer-time is coming, and the sun is warm in heaven, and you need no white-skin wrapper!" thus aloud cried hiawatha in the solitary forest, by the rushing taquamenaw, when the birds were singing gayly, in the moon of leaves were singing, and the sun, from sleep awaking, started up and said, "behold me! gheezis, the great sun, behold me!" and the tree with all its branches rustled in the breeze of morning, saying, with a sigh of patience, "take my cloak, o hiawatha!" with his knife the tree he girdled; just beneath its lowest branches, just above the roots, he cut it, till the sap came oozing outward; down the trunk, from top to bottom, sheer he cleft the bark asunder, with a wooden wedge he raised it, stripped it from the trunk unbroken. "give me of your boughs, o cedar! of your strong and pliant branches, my canoe to make more steady, make more strong and firm beneath me!" through the summit of the cedar went a sound, a cry of horror, went a murmur of resistance; but it whispered, bending downward, "take my boughs, o hiawatha!" down he hewed the boughs of cedar, shaped them straightway to a frame-work, like two bows he formed and shaped them, like two bended bows together. "give me of your roots, o tamarack! of your fibrous roots, o larch-tree! my canoe to bind together, so to bind the ends together that the water may not enter, that the river may not wet me!" and the larch, with all its fibres, shivered in the air of morning, touched his forehead with its tassels, slid, with one long sigh of sorrow. "take them all, o hiawatha!" from the earth he tore the fibres, tore the tough roots of the larch-tree, closely sewed the bark together, bound it closely to the frame-work. "give me of your balm, o fir-tree! of your balsam and your resin, so to close the seams together that the water may not enter, that the river may not wet me!" and the fir-tree, tall and sombre, sobbed through all its robes of darkness, rattled like a shore with pebbles, answered wailing, answered weeping, "take my balm, o hiawatha!" and he took the tears of balsam, took the resin of the fir-tree, smeared therewith each seam and fissure, made each crevice safe from water. "give me of your quills, o hedgehog! all your quills, o kagh, the hedgehog! i will make a necklace of them, make a girdle for my beauty, and two stars to deck her bosom!" from a hollow tree the hedgehog with his sleepy eyes looked at him, shot his shining quills, like arrows, saying with a drowsy murmur, through the tangle of his whiskers, "take my quills, o hiawatha!" from the ground the quills he gathered, all the little shining arrows, stained them red and blue and yellow, with the juice of roots and berries; into his canoe he wrought them, round its waist a shining girdle, round its bows a gleaming necklace, on its breast two stars resplendent. thus the birch canoe was builded in the valley, by the river, in the bosom of the forest; and the forest's life was in it, all its mystery and its magic, all the lightness of the birch-tree, all the toughness of the cedar, all the larch's supple sinews; and it floated on the river like a yellow leaf in autumn, like a yellow water-lily. paddles none had hiawatha, paddles none he had or needed, for his thoughts as paddles served him, and his wishes served to guide him; swift or slow at will he glided, veered to right or left at pleasure. then he called aloud to kwasind, to his friend, the strong man, kwasind, saying, "help me clear this river of its sunken logs and sand-bars." straight into the river kwasind plunged as if he were an otter, dived as if he were a beaver, stood up to his waist in water, to his arm-pits in the river, swam and scouted in the river, tugged at sunken logs and branches, with his hands he scooped the sand-bars, with his feet the ooze and tangle. and thus sailed my hiawatha down the rushing taquamenaw, sailed through all its bends and windings, sailed through all its deeps and shallows, while his friend, the strong man, kwasind, swam the deeps, the shallows waded. up and down the river went they, in and out among its islands, cleared its bed of root and sand-bar, dragged the dead trees from its channel, made its passage safe and certain, made a pathway for the people, from its springs among the mountains, to the waters of pauwating, to the bay of taquamenaw. viii hiawatha's fishing forth upon the gitche gumee, on the shining big-sea-water, with his fishing-line of cedar, of the twisted bark of cedar, forth to catch the sturgeon nahma, mishe-nahma, king of fishes, in his birch canoe exulting all alone went hiawatha. through the clear, transparent water he could see the fishes swimming far down in the depths below him; see the yellow perch, the sahwa, like a sunbeam in the water, see the shawgashee, the craw-fish, like a spider on the bottom, on the white and sandy bottom. at the stern sat hiawatha, with his fishing-line of cedar; in his plumes the breeze of morning played as in the hemlock branches; on the bows, with tail erected, sat the squirrel, adjidaumo; in his fur the breeze of morning played as in the prairie grasses. on the white sand of the bottom lay the monster mishe-nahma, lay the sturgeon, king of fishes; through his gills he breathed the water, with his fins he fanned and winnowed, with his tail he swept the sand-floor. there he lay in all his armor; on each side a shield to guard him, plates of bone upon his forehead, down his sides and back and shoulders plates of bone with spines projecting painted was he with his war-paints, stripes of yellow, red, and azure, spots of brown and spots of sable; and he lay there on the bottom, fanning with his fins of purple, as above him hiawatha in his birch canoe came sailing, with his fishing-line of cedar. "take my bait," cried hiawatha, dawn into the depths beneath him, "take my bait, o sturgeon, nahma! come up from below the water, let us see which is the stronger!" and he dropped his line of cedar through the clear, transparent water, waited vainly for an answer, long sat waiting for an answer, and repeating loud and louder, "take my bait, o king of fishes!" quiet lay the sturgeon, nahma, fanning slowly in the water, looking up at hiawatha, listening to his call and clamor, his unnecessary tumult, till he wearied of the shouting; and he said to the kenozha, to the pike, the maskenozha, "take the bait of this rude fellow, break the line of hiawatha!" in his fingers hiawatha felt the loose line jerk and tighten, as he drew it in, it tugged so that the birch canoe stood endwise, like a birch log in the water, with the squirrel, adjidaumo, perched and frisking on the summit. full of scorn was hiawatha when he saw the fish rise upward, saw the pike, the maskenozha, coming nearer, nearer to him, and he shouted through the water, "esa! esa! shame upon you! you are but the pike, kenozha, you are not the fish i wanted, you are not the king of fishes!" reeling downward to the bottom sank the pike in great confusion, and the mighty sturgeon, nahma, said to ugudwash, the sun-fish, to the bream, with scales of crimson, "take the bait of this great boaster, break the line of hiawatha!" slowly upward, wavering, gleaming, rose the ugudwash, the sun-fish, seized the line of hiawatha, swung with all his weight upon it, made a whirlpool in the water, whirled the birch canoe in circles, round and round in gurgling eddies, till the circles in the water reached the far-off sandy beaches, till the water-flags and rushes nodded on the distant margins. but when hiawatha saw him slowly rising through the water, lifting up his disk refulgent, loud he shouted in derision, "esa! esa! shame upon you! you are ugudwash, the sun-fish, you are not the fish i wanted, you are not the king of fishes!" slowly downward, wavering, gleaming, sank the ugudwash, the sun-fish, and again the sturgeon, nahma, heard the shout of hiawatha, heard his challenge of defiance, the unnecessary tumult, ringing far across the water. from the white sand of the bottom up he rose with angry gesture, quivering in each nerve and fibre, clashing all his plates of armor, gleaming bright with all his war-paint; in his wrath he darted upward, flashing leaped into the sunshine, opened his great jaws, and swallowed both canoe and hiawatha. down into that darksome cavern plunged the headlong hiawatha, as a log on some black river shoots and plunges down the rapids, found himself in utter darkness, groped about in helpless wonder, till he felt a great heart beating, throbbing in that utter darkness. and he smote it in his anger, with his fist, the heart of nahma, felt the mighty king of fishes shudder through each nerve and fibre, heard the water gurgle round him as he leaped and staggered through it, sick at heart, and faint and weary. crosswise then did hiawatha drag his birch-canoe for safety, lest from out the jaws of nahma, in the turmoil and confusion, forth he might be hurled and perish. and the squirrel, adjidaumo, frisked and chatted very gayly, toiled and tugged with hiawatha till the labor was completed. then said hiawatha to him, "o my little friend, the squirrel, bravely have you toiled to help me; take the thanks of hiawatha, and the name which now he gives you; for hereafter and forever boys shall call you adjidaumo, tail-in-air the boys shall call you!" and again the sturgeon, nahma, gasped and quivered in the water, then was still, and drifted landward till he grated on the pebbles, till the listening hiawatha heard him grate upon the margin, felt him strand upon the pebbles, knew that nahma, king of fishes, lay there dead upon the margin. then he heard a clang and flapping, as of many wings assembling, heard a screaming and confusion, as of birds of prey contending, saw a gleam of light above him, shining through the ribs of nahma, saw the glittering eyes of sea-gulls, of kayoshk, the sea-gulls, peering, gazing at him through the opening, heard them saying to each other, "'t is our brother, hiawatha!" and he shouted from below them, cried exulting from the caverns: "o ye sea-gulls! o my brothers! i have slain the sturgeon, nahma; make the rifts a little larger, with your claws the openings widen, set me free from this dark prison, and henceforward and forever men shall speak of your achievements, calling you kayoshk, the sea-gulls, yes, kayoshk, the noble scratchers!" and the wild and clamorous sea-gulls toiled with beak and claws together, made the rifts and openings wider in the mighty ribs of nahma, and from peril and from prison, from the body of the sturgeon, from the peril of the water, they released my hiawatha. he was standing near his wigwam, on the margin of the water, and he called to old nokomis, called and beckoned to nokomis, pointed to the sturgeon, nahma, lying lifeless on the pebbles, with the sea-gulls feeding on him. "i have slain the mishe-nahma, slain the king of fishes!" said he; "look! the sea-gulls feed upon him, yes, my friends kayoshk, the sea-gulls; drive them not away, nokomis, they have saved me from great peril in the body of the sturgeon, wait until their meal is ended, till their craws are full with feasting, till they homeward fly, at sunset, to their nests among the marshes; then bring all your pots and kettles, and make oil for us in winter." and she waited till the sun set, till the pallid moon, the night-sun, rose above the tranquil water, till kayoshk, the sated sea-gulls, from their banquet rose with clamor, and across the fiery sunset winged their way to far-off islands, to their nests among the rushes. to his sleep went hiawatha, and nokomis to her labor, toiling patient in the moonlight, till the sun and moon changed places, till the sky was red with sunrise, and kayoshk, the hungry sea-gulls, came back from the reedy islands, clamorous for their morning banquet. three whole days and nights alternate old nokomis and the sea-gulls stripped the oily flesh of nahma, till the waves washed through the rib-bones, till the sea-gulls came no longer, and upon the sands lay nothing but the skeleton of nahma. ix hiawatha and the pearl-feather on the shores of gitche gumee, of the shining big-sea-water, stood nokomis, the old woman, pointing with her finger westward, o'er the water pointing westward, to the purple clouds of sunset. fiercely the red sun descending burned his way along the heavens, set the sky on fire behind him, as war-parties, when retreating, burn the prairies on their war-trail; and the moon, the night-sun, eastward, suddenly starting from his ambush, followed fast those bloody footprints, followed in that fiery war-trail, with its glare upon his features. and nokomis, the old woman, pointing with her finger westward, spake these words to hiawatha: "yonder dwells the great pearl-feather, megissogwon, the magician, manito of wealth and wampum, guarded by his fiery serpents, guarded by the black pitch-water. you can see his fiery serpents, the kenabeek, the great serpents, coiling, playing in the water; you can see the black pitch-water stretching far away beyond them, to the purple clouds of sunset! "he it was who slew my father, by his wicked wiles and cunning, when he from the moon descended, when he came on earth to seek me. he, the mightiest of magicians, sends the fever from the marshes, sends the pestilential vapors, sends the poisonous exhalations, sends the white fog from the fen-lands, sends disease and death among us! "take your bow, o hiawatha, take your arrows, jasper-headed, take your war-club, puggawaugun, and your mittens, minjekahwun, and your birch-canoe for sailing, and the oil of mishe-nahma, so to smear its sides, that swiftly you may pass the black pitch-water; slay this merciless magician, save the people from the fever that he breathes across the fen-lands, and avenge my father's murder!" straightway then my hiawatha armed himself with all his war-gear, launched his birch-canoe for sailing; with his palm its sides he patted, said with glee, "cheemaun, my darling, o my birch-canoe! leap forward, where you see the fiery serpents, where you see the black pitch-water!" forward leaped cheemaun exulting, and the noble hiawatha sang his war-song wild and woful, and above him the war-eagle, the keneu, the great war-eagle, master of all fowls with feathers, screamed and hurtled through the heavens. soon he reached the fiery serpents, the kenabeek, the great serpents, lying huge upon the water, sparkling, rippling in the water, lying coiled across the passage, with their blazing crests uplifted, breathing fiery fogs and vapors, so that none could pass beyond them. but the fearless hiawatha cried aloud, and spake in this wise, "let me pass my way, kenabeek, let me go upon my journey!" and they answered, hissing fiercely, with their fiery breath made answer: "back, go back! o shaugodaya! back to old nokomis, faint-heart!" then the angry hiawatha raised his mighty bow of ash-tree, seized his arrows, jasper-headed, shot them fast among the serpents; every twanging of the bow-string was a war-cry and a death-cry, every whizzing of an arrow was a death-song of kenabeek. weltering in the bloody water, dead lay all the fiery serpents, and among them hiawatha harmless sailed, and cried exulting: "onward, o cheemaun, my darling! onward to the black pitch-water!" then he took the oil of nahma, and the bows and sides anointed, smeared them well with oil, that swiftly he might pass the black pitch-water. all night long he sailed upon it, sailed upon that sluggish water, covered with its mould of ages, black with rotting water-rushes, rank with flags and leaves of lilies, stagnant, lifeless, dreary, dismal, lighted by the shimmering moonlight, and by will-o'-the-wisps illumined, fires by ghosts of dead men kindled, in their weary night-encampments. all the air was white with moonlight, all the water black with shadow, and around him the suggema, the mosquito, sang his war-song, and the fire-flies, wah-wah-taysee, waved their torches to mislead him; and the bull-frog, the dahinda, thrust his head into the moonlight, fixed his yellow eyes upon him, sobbed and sank beneath the surface; and anon a thousand whistles, answered over all the fen-lands, and the heron, the shuh-shuh-gah, far off on the reedy margin, heralded the hero's coming. westward thus fared hiawatha, toward the realm of megissogwon, toward the land of the pearl-feather, till the level moon stared at him in his face stared pale and haggard, till the sun was hot behind him, till it burned upon his shoulders, and before him on the upland he could see the shining wigwam of the manito of wampum, of the mightiest of magicians. then once more cheemaun he patted, to his birch-canoe said, "onward!" and it stirred in all its fibres, and with one great bound of triumph leaped across the water-lilies, leaped through tangled flags and rushes, and upon the beach beyond them dry-shod landed hiawatha. straight he took his bow of ash-tree, on the sand one end he rested, with his knee he pressed the middle, stretched the faithful bow-string tighter, took an arrow, jasperheaded, shot it at the shining wigwam, sent it singing as a herald, as a bearer of his message, of his challenge loud and lofty: "come forth from your lodge, pearl-feather! hiawatha waits your coming!" straightway from the shining wigwam came the mighty megissogwon, tall of stature, broad of shoulder, dark and terrible in aspect, clad from head to foot in wampum, armed with all his warlike weapons, painted like the sky of morning, streaked with crimson, blue, and yellow, crested with great eagle-feathers, streaming upward, streaming outward. "well i know you, hiawatha!" cried he in a voice of thunder, in a tone of loud derision. "hasten back, o shaugodaya! hasten back among the women, back to old nokomis, faint-heart! i will slay you as you stand there, as of old i slew her father!" but my hiawatha answered, nothing daunted, fearing nothing: "big words do not smite like war-clubs, boastful breath is not a bow-string, taunts are not so sharp as arrows, deeds are better things than words are, actions mightier than boastings!" then began the greatest battle that the sun had ever looked on, that the war-birds ever witnessed. all a summer's day it lasted, from the sunrise to the sunset; for the shafts of hiawatha harmless hit the shirt of wampum, harmless fell the blows he dealt it with his mittens, minjekahwun, harmless fell the heavy war-club; it could dash the rocks asunder, but it could not break the meshes of that magic shirt of wampum. till at sunset hiawatha, leaning on his bow of ash-tree, wounded, weary, and desponding, with his mighty war-club broken, with his mittens torn and tattered, and three useless arrows only, paused to rest beneath a pine-tree, from whose branches trailed the mosses, and whose trunk was coated over with the dead-man's moccasin-leather, with the fungus white and yellow. suddenly from the boughs above him sang the mama, the woodpecker: "aim your arrows, hiawatha, at the head of megissogwon, strike the tuft of hair upon it, at their roots the long black tresses; there alone can he be wounded!" winged with feathers, tipped with jasper, swift flew hiawatha's arrow, just as megissogwon, stooping, raised a heavy stone to throw it. full upon the crown it struck him, at the roots of his long tresses, and he reeled and staggered forward, plunging like a wounded bison, yes, like pezhekee, the bison, when the snow is on the prairie. swifter flew the second arrow, in the pathway of the other, piercing deeper than the other, wounding sorer than the other; and the knees of megissogwon shook like windy reeds beneath him, bent and trembled like the rushes. but the third and latest arrow swiftest flew, and wounded sorest, and the mighty megissogwon saw the fiery eyes of pauguk, saw the eyes of death glare at him, heard his voice call in the darkness; at the feet of hiawatha lifeless lay the great pearl-feather, lay the mightiest of magicians. then the grateful hiawatha called the mama, the woodpecker, from his perch among the branches of the melancholy pine-tree, and, in honor of his service, stained with blood the tuft of feathers on the little head of mama; even to this day he wears it, wears the tuft of crimson feathers, as a symbol of his service. then he stripped the shirt of wampum from the back of megissogwon, as a trophy of the battle, as a signal of his conquest. on the shore he left the body, half on land and half in water, in the sand his feet were buried, and his face was in the water. and above him, wheeled and clamored the keneu, the great war-eagle, sailing round in narrower circles, hovering nearer, nearer, nearer. from the wigwam hiawatha bore the wealth of megissogwon, all his wealth of skins and wampum, furs of bison and of beaver, furs of sable and of ermine, wampum belts and strings and pouches, quivers wrought with beads of wampum, filled with arrows, silver-headed. homeward then he sailed exulting, homeward through the black pitch-water, homeward through the weltering serpents, with the trophies of the battle, with a shout and song of triumph. on the shore stood old nokomis, on the shore stood chibiabos, and the very strong man, kwasind, waiting for the hero's coming, listening to his songs of triumph. and the people of the village welcomed him with songs and dances, made a joyous feast, and shouted: "honor be to hiawatha! he has slain the great pearl-feather, slain the mightiest of magicians, him, who sent the fiery fever, sent the white fog from the fen-lands, sent disease and death among us!" ever dear to hiawatha was the memory of mama! and in token of his friendship, as a mark of his remembrance, he adorned and decked his pipe-stem with the crimson tuft of feathers, with the blood-red crest of mama. but the wealth of megissogwon, all the trophies of the battle, he divided with his people, shared it equally among them. x hiawatha's wooing "as unto the bow the cord is, so unto the man is woman; though she bends him, she obeys him, though she draws him, yet she follows; useless each without the other!" thus the youthful hiawatha said within himself and pondered, much perplexed by various feelings, listless, longing, hoping, fearing, dreaming still of minnehaha, of the lovely laughing water, in the land of the dacotahs. "wed a maiden of your people," warning said the old nokomis; "go not eastward, go not westward, for a stranger, whom we know not! like a fire upon the hearth-stone is a neighbor's homely daughter, like the starlight or the moonlight is the handsomest of strangers!" thus dissuading spake nokomis, and my hiawatha answered only this: "dear old nokomis, very pleasant is the firelight, but i like the starlight better, better do i like the moonlight!" gravely then said old nokomis: "bring not here an idle maiden, bring not here a useless woman, hands unskilful, feet unwilling; bring a wife with nimble fingers, heart and hand that move together, feet that run on willing errands!" smiling answered hiawatha: "in the land of the dacotahs lives the arrow-maker's daughter, minnehaha, laughing water, handsomest of all the women. i will bring her to your wigwam, she shall run upon your errands, be your starlight, moonlight, firelight, be the sunlight of my people!" still dissuading said nokomis: "bring not to my lodge a stranger from the land of the dacotahs! very fierce are the dacotahs, often is there war between us, there are feuds yet unforgotten, wounds that ache and still may open!" laughing answered hiawatha: "for that reason, if no other, would i wed the fair dacotah, that our tribes might be united, that old feuds might be forgotten, and old wounds be healed forever!" thus departed hiawatha to the land of the dacotahs, to the land of handsome women; striding over moor and meadow, through interminable forests, through uninterrupted silence. with his moccasins of magic, at each stride a mile he measured; yet the way seemed long before him, and his heart outran his footsteps; and he journeyed without resting, till he heard the cataract's laughter, heard the falls of minnehaha calling to him through the silence. "pleasant is the sound!" he murmured, "pleasant is the voice that calls me!" on the outskirts of the forests, 'twixt the shadow and the sunshine, herds of fallow deer were feeding, but they saw not hiawatha; to his bow he whispered, "fail not!" to his arrow whispered, "swerve not!" sent it singing on its errand, to the red heart of the roebuck; threw the deer across his shoulder, and sped forward without pausing. at the doorway of his wigwam sat the ancient arrow-maker, in the land of the dacotahs, making arrow-heads of jasper, arrow-heads of chalcedony. at his side, in all her beauty, sat the lovely minnehaha, sat his daughter, laughing water, plaiting mats of flags and rushes of the past the old man's thoughts were, and the maiden's of the future. he was thinking, as he sat there, of the days when with such arrows he had struck the deer and bison, on the muskoday, the meadow; shot the wild goose, flying southward on the wing, the clamorous wawa; thinking of the great war-parties, how they came to buy his arrows, could not fight without his arrows. ah, no more such noble warriors could be found on earth as they were! now the men were all like women, only used their tongues for weapons! she was thinking of a hunter, from another tribe and country, young and tall and very handsome, who one morning, in the spring-time, came to buy her father's arrows, sat and rested in the wigwam, lingered long about the doorway, looking back as he departed. she had heard her father praise him, praise his courage and his wisdom; would he come again for arrows to the falls of minnehaha? on the mat her hands lay idle, and her eyes were very dreamy. through their thoughts they heard a footstep, heard a rustling in the branches, and with glowing cheek and forehead, with the deer upon his shoulders, suddenly from out the woodlands hiawatha stood before them. straight the ancient arrow-maker looked up gravely from his labor, laid aside the unfinished arrow, bade him enter at the doorway, saying, as he rose to meet him, "hiawatha, you are welcome!" at the feet of laughing water hiawatha laid his burden, threw the red deer from his shoulders; and the maiden looked up at him, looked up from her mat of rushes, said with gentle look and accent, "you are welcome, hiawatha!" very spacious was the wigwam, made of deer-skins dressed and whitened, with the gods of the dacotahs drawn and painted on its curtains, and so tall the doorway, hardly hiawatha stooped to enter, hardly touched his eagle-feathers as he entered at the doorway. then uprose the laughing water, from the ground fair minnehaha, laid aside her mat unfinished, brought forth food and set before them, water brought them from the brooklet, gave them food in earthen vessels, gave them drink in bowls of bass-wood, listened while the guest was speaking, listened while her father answered, but not once her lips she opened, not a single word she uttered. yes, as in a dream she listened to the words of hiawatha, as he talked of old nokomis, who had nursed him in his childhood, as he told of his companions, chibiabos, the musician, and the very strong man, kwasind, and of happiness and plenty in the land of the ojibways, in the pleasant land and peaceful. "after many years of warfare, many years of strife and bloodshed, there is peace between the ojibways and the tribe of the dacotahs." thus continued hiawatha, and then added, speaking slowly, "that this peace may last forever, and our hands be clasped more closely, and our hearts be more united, give me as my wife this maiden, minnehaha, laughing water, loveliest of dacotah women!" and the ancient arrow-maker paused a moment ere he answered, smoked a little while in silence, looked at hiawatha proudly, fondly looked at laughing water, and made answer very gravely: "yes, if minnehaha wishes; let your heart speak, minnehaha!" and the lovely laughing water seemed more lovely as she stood there, neither willing nor reluctant, as she went to hiawatha, softly took the seat beside him, while she said, and blushed to say it, "i will follow you, my husband!" this was hiawatha's wooing! thus it was he won the daughter of the ancient arrow-maker, in the land of the dacotahs! from the wigwam he departed, leading with him laughing water; hand in hand they went together, through the woodland and the meadow, left the old man standing lonely at the doorway of his wigwam, heard the falls of minnehaha calling to them from the distance, crying to them from afar off, "fare thee well, o minnehaha!" and the ancient arrow-maker turned again unto his labor, sat down by his sunny doorway, murmuring to himself, and saying: "thus it is our daughters leave us, those we love, and those who love us! just when they have learned to help us, when we are old and lean upon them, comes a youth with flaunting feathers, with his flute of reeds, a stranger wanders piping through the village, beckons to the fairest maiden, and she follows where he leads her, leaving all things for the stranger!" pleasant was the journey homeward, through interminable forests, over meadow, over mountain, over river, hill, and hollow. short it seemed to hiawatha, though they journeyed very slowly, though his pace he checked and slackened to the steps of laughing water. over wide and rushing rivers in his arms he bore the maiden; light he thought her as a feather, as the plume upon his head-gear; cleared the tangled pathway for her, bent aside the swaying branches, made at night a lodge of branches, and a bed with boughs of hemlock, and a fire before the doorway with the dry cones of the pine-tree. all the travelling winds went with them, o'er the meadows, through the forest; all the stars of night looked at them, watched with sleepless eyes their slumber; from his ambush in the oak-tree peeped the squirrel, adjidaumo, watched with eager eyes the lovers; and the rabbit, the wabasso, scampered from the path before them, peering, peeping from his burrow, sat erect upon his haunches, watched with curious eyes the lovers. pleasant was the journey homeward! all the birds sang loud and sweetly songs of happiness and heart's-ease; sang the bluebird, the owaissa, "happy are you, hiawatha, having such a wife to love you!" sang the robin, the opechee, "happy are you, laughing water, having such a noble husband!" from the sky the sun benignant looked upon them through the branches, saying to them, "o my children, love is sunshine, hate is shadow, life is checkered shade and sunshine, rule by love, o hiawatha!" from the sky the moon looked at them, filled the lodge with mystic splendors, whispered to them, "o my children, day is restless, night is quiet, man imperious, woman feeble; half is mine, although i follow; rule by patience, laughing water!" thus it was they journeyed homeward; thus it was that hiawatha to the lodge of old nokomis brought the moonlight, starlight, firelight, brought the sunshine of his people, minnehaha, laughing water, handsomest of all the women in the land of the dacotahs, in the land of handsome women. xi hiawatha's wedding-feast you shall hear how pau-puk-keewis, how the handsome yenadizze danced at hiawatha's wedding; how the gentle chibiabos, he the sweetest of musicians, sang his songs of love and longing; how iagoo, the great boaster, he the marvellous story-teller, told his tales of strange adventure, that the feast might be more joyous, that the time might pass more gayly, and the guests be more contented. sumptuous was the feast nokomis made at hiawatha's wedding; all the bowls were made of bass-wood, white and polished very smoothly, all the spoons of horn of bison, black and polished very smoothly. she had sent through all the village messengers with wands of willow, as a sign of invitation, as a token of the feasting; and the wedding guests assembled, clad in all their richest raiment, robes of fur and belts of wampum, splendid with their paint and plumage, beautiful with beads and tassels. first they ate the sturgeon, nahma, and the pike, the maskenozha, caught and cooked by old nokomis; then on pemican they feasted, pemican and buffalo marrow, haunch of deer and hump of bison, yellow cakes of the mondamin, and the wild rice of the river. but the gracious hiawatha, and the lovely laughing water, and the careful old nokomis, tasted not the food before them, only waited on the others only served their guests in silence. and when all the guests had finished, old nokomis, brisk and busy, from an ample pouch of otter, filled the red-stone pipes for smoking with tobacco from the south-land, mixed with bark of the red willow, and with herbs and leaves of fragrance. then she said, "o pau-puk-keewis, dance for us your merry dances, dance the beggar's dance to please us, that the feast may be more joyous, that the time may pass more gayly, and our guests be more contented!" then the handsome pau-puk-keewis, he the idle yenadizze, he the merry mischief-maker, whom the people called the storm-fool, rose among the guests assembled. skilled was he in sports and pastimes, in the merry dance of snow-shoes, in the play of quoits and ball-play; skilled was he in games of hazard, in all games of skill and hazard, pugasaing, the bowl and counters, kuntassoo, the game of plum-stones. though the warriors called him faint-heart, called him coward, shaugodaya, idler, gambler, yenadizze, little heeded he their jesting, little cared he for their insults, for the women and the maidens loved the handsome pau-puk-keewis. he was dressed in shirt of doeskin, white and soft, and fringed with ermine, all inwrought with beads of wampum; he was dressed in deer-skin leggings, fringed with hedgehog quills and ermine, and in moccasins of buck-skin, thick with quills and beads embroidered. on his head were plumes of swan's down, on his heels were tails of foxes, in one hand a fan of feathers, and a pipe was in the other. barred with streaks of red and yellow, streaks of blue and bright vermilion, shone the face of pau-puk-keewis. from his forehead fell his tresses, smooth, and parted like a woman's, shining bright with oil, and plaited, hung with braids of scented grasses, as among the guests assembled, to the sound of flutes and singing, to the sound of drums and voices, rose the handsome pau-puk-keewis, and began his mystic dances. first he danced a solemn measure, very slow in step and gesture, in and out among the pine-trees, through the shadows and the sunshine, treading softly like a panther. then more swiftly and still swifter, whirling, spinning round in circles, leaping o'er the guests assembled, eddying round and round the wigwam, till the leaves went whirling with him, till the dust and wind together swept in eddies round about him. then along the sandy margin of the lake, the big-sea-water, on he sped with frenzied gestures, stamped upon the sand, and tossed it wildly in the air around him; till the wind became a whirlwind, till the sand was blown and sifted like great snowdrifts o'er the landscape, heaping all the shores with sand dunes, sand hills of the nagow wudjoo! thus the merry pau-puk-keewis danced his beggar's dance to please them, and, returning, sat down laughing there among the guests assembled, sat and fanned himself serenely with his fan of turkey-feathers. then they said to chibiabos, to the friend of hiawatha, to the sweetest of all singers, to the best of all musicians, "sing to us, o chibiabos! songs of love and songs of longing, that the feast may be more joyous, that the time may pass more gayly, and our guests be more contented!" and the gentle chibiabos sang in accents sweet and tender, sang in tones of deep emotion, songs of love and songs of longing; looking still at hiawatha, looking at fair laughing water, sang he softly, sang in this wise: "onaway! awake, beloved! thou the wild-flower of the forest! thou the wild-bird of the prairie! thou with eyes so soft and fawn-like! "if thou only lookest at me, i am happy, i am happy, as the lilies of the prairie, when they feel the dew upon them! "sweet thy breath is as the fragrance of the wild-flowers in the morning, as their fragrance is at evening, in the moon when leaves are falling. "does not all the blood within me leap to meet thee, leap to meet thee, as the springs to meet the sunshine, in the moon when nights are brightest? "onaway! my heart sings to thee, sings with joy when thou art near me, as the sighing, singing branches in the pleasant moon of strawberries! "when thou art not pleased, beloved, then my heart is sad and darkened, as the shining river darkens when the clouds drop shadows on it! "when thou smilest, my beloved, then my troubled heart is brightened, as in sunshine gleam the ripples that the cold wind makes in rivers. "smiles the earth, and smile the waters, smile the cloudless skies above us, but i lose the way of smiling when thou art no longer near me! "i myself, myself! behold me! blood of my beating heart, behold me! oh awake, awake, beloved! onaway! awake, beloved!" thus the gentle chibiabos sang his song of love and longing; and iagoo, the great boaster, he the marvellous story-teller, he the friend of old nokomis, jealous of the sweet musician, jealous of the applause they gave him, saw in all the eyes around him, saw in all their looks and gestures, that the wedding guests assembled longed to hear his pleasant stories, his immeasurable falsehoods. very boastful was iagoo; never heard he an adventure but himself had met a greater; never any deed of daring but himself had done a bolder; never any marvellous story but himself could tell a stranger. would you listen to his boasting, would you only give him credence, no one ever shot an arrow half so far and high as he had; ever caught so many fishes, ever killed so many reindeer, ever trapped so many beaver! none could run so fast as he could, none could dive so deep as he could, none could swim so far as he could; none had made so many journeys, none had seen so many wonders, as this wonderful iagoo, as this marvellous story-teller! thus his name became a by-word and a jest among the people; and whene'er a boastful hunter praised his own address too highly, or a warrior, home returning, talked too much of his achievements, all his hearers cried, "iagoo! here's iagoo come among us!" he it was who carved the cradle of the little hiawatha, carved its framework out of linden, bound it strong with reindeer sinews; he it was who taught him later how to make his bows and arrows, how to make the bows of ash-tree, and the arrows of the oak-tree. so among the guests assembled at my hiawatha's wedding sat iagoo, old and ugly, sat the marvellous story-teller. and they said, "o good iagoo, tell us now a tale of wonder, tell us of some strange adventure, that the feast may be more joyous, that the time may pass more gayly, and our guests be more contented!" and iagoo answered straightway, "you shall hear a tale of wonder, you shall hear the strange adventures of osseo, the magician, from the evening star descending." xii the son of the evening star can it be the sun descending o'er the level plain of water? or the red swan floating, flying, wounded by the magic arrow, staining all the waves with crimson, with the crimson of its life-blood, filling all the air with splendor, with the splendor of its plumage? yes; it is the sun descending, sinking down into the water; all the sky is stained with purple, all the water flushed with crimson! no; it is the red swan floating, diving down beneath the water; to the sky its wings are lifted, with its blood the waves are reddened! over it the star of evening melts and trembles through the purple, hangs suspended in the twilight. no; it is a bead of wampum on the robes of the great spirit as he passes through the twilight, walks in silence through the heavens. this with joy beheld iagoo and he said in haste: "behold it! see the sacred star of evening! you shall hear a tale of wonder, hear the story of osseo, son of the evening star, osseo! "once, in days no more remembered, ages nearer the beginning, when the heavens were closer to us, and the gods were more familiar, in the north-land lived a hunter, with ten young and comely daughters, tall and lithe as wands of willow; only oweenee, the youngest, she the wilful and the wayward, she the silent, dreamy maiden, was the fairest of the sisters. "all these women married warriors, married brave and haughty husbands; only oweenee, the youngest, laughed and flouted all her lovers, all her young and handsome suitors, and then married old osseo, old osseo, poor and ugly, broken with age and weak with coughing, always coughing like a squirrel. "ah, but beautiful within him was the spirit of osseo, from the evening star descended, star of evening, star of woman, star of tenderness and passion! all its fire was in his bosom, all its beauty in his spirit, all its mystery in his being, all its splendor in his language! "and her lovers, the rejected, handsome men with belts of wampum, handsome men with paint and feathers. pointed at her in derision, followed her with jest and laughter. but she said: 'i care not for you, care not for your belts of wampum, care not for your paint and feathers, care not for your jests and laughter; i am happy with osseo!' "once to some great feast invited, through the damp and dusk of evening, walked together the ten sisters, walked together with their husbands; slowly followed old osseo, with fair oweenee beside him; all the others chatted gayly, these two only walked in silence. "at the western sky osseo gazed intent, as if imploring, often stopped and gazed imploring at the trembling star of evening, at the tender star of woman; and they heard him murmur softly, 'ah, showain nemeshin, nosa! pity, pity me, my father!' "'listen!' said the eldest sister, 'he is praying to his father! what a pity that the old man does not stumble in the pathway, does not break his neck by falling!' and they laughed till all the forest rang with their unseemly laughter. "on their pathway through the woodlands lay an oak, by storms uprooted, lay the great trunk of an oak-tree, buried half in leaves and mosses, mouldering, crumbling, huge and hollow. and osseo, when he saw it, gave a shout, a cry of anguish, leaped into its yawning cavern, at one end went in an old man, wasted, wrinkled, old, and ugly; from the other came a young man, tall and straight and strong and handsome. "thus osseo was transfigured, thus restored to youth and beauty; but, alas for good osseo, and for oweenee, the faithful! strangely, too, was she transfigured. changed into a weak old woman, with a staff she tottered onward, wasted, wrinkled, old, and ugly! and the sisters and their husbands laughed until the echoing forest rang with their unseemly laughter. "but osseo turned not from her, walked with slower step beside her, took her hand, as brown and withered as an oak-leaf is in winter, called her sweetheart, nenemoosha, soothed her with soft words of kindness, till they reached the lodge of feasting, till they sat down in the wigwam, sacred to the star of evening, to the tender star of woman. "wrapt in visions, lost in dreaming, at the banquet sat osseo; all were merry, all were happy, all were joyous but osseo. neither food nor drink he tasted, neither did he speak nor listen; but as one bewildered sat he, looking dreamily and sadly, first at oweenee, then upward at the gleaming sky above them. "then a voice was heard, a whisper, coming from the starry distance, coming from the empty vastness, low, and musical, and tender; and the voice said: 'o osseo! o my son, my best beloved! broken are the spells that bound you, all the charms of the magicians, all the magic powers of evil; come to me; ascend, osseo! "'taste the food that stands before you: it is blessed and enchanted, it has magic virtues in it, it will change you to a spirit. all your bowls and all your kettles shall be wood and clay no longer; but the bowls be changed to wampum, and the kettles shall be silver; they shall shine like shells of scarlet, like the fire shall gleam and glimmer. "'and the women shall no longer bear the dreary doom of labor, but be changed to birds, and glisten with the beauty of the starlight, painted with the dusky splendors of the skies and clouds of evening!' "what osseo heard as whispers, what as words he comprehended, was but music to the others, music as of birds afar off, of the whippoorwill afar off, of the lonely wawonaissa singing in the darksome forest. "then the lodge began to tremble, straight began to shake and tremble, and they felt it rising, rising, slowly through the air ascending, from the darkness of the tree-tops forth into the dewy starlight, till it passed the topmost branches; and behold! the wooden dishes all were changed to shells of scarlet! and behold! the earthen kettles all were changed to bowls of silver! and the roof-poles of the wigwam were as glittering rods of silver, and the roof of bark upon them as the shining shards of beetles. "then osseo gazed around him, and he saw the nine fair sisters, all the sisters and their husbands, changed to birds of various plumage. some were jays and some were magpies, others thrushes, others blackbirds; and they hopped, and sang, and twittered, perked and fluttered all their feathers, strutted in their shining plumage, and their tails like fans unfolded. "only oweenee, the youngest, was not changed, but sat in silence, wasted, wrinkled, old, and ugly, looking sadly at the others; till osseo, gazing upward, gave another cry of anguish, such a cry as he had uttered by the oak-tree in the forest. "then returned her youth and beauty, and her soiled and tattered garments were transformed to robes of ermine, and her staff became a feather, yes, a shining silver feather! "and again the wigwam trembled, swayed and rushed through airy currents, through transparent cloud and vapor, and amid celestial splendors on the evening star alighted, as a snow-flake falls on snow-flake, as a leaf drops on a river, as the thistledown on water. "forth with cheerful words of welcome came the father of osseo, he with radiant locks of silver, he with eyes serene and tender. and he said: `my son, osseo, hang the cage of birds you bring there, hang the cage with rods of silver, and the birds with glistening feathers, at the doorway of my wigwam.' "at the door he hung the bird-cage, and they entered in and gladly listened to osseo's father, ruler of the star of evening, as he said: `o my osseo! i have had compassion on you, given you back your youth and beauty, into birds of various plumage changed your sisters and their husbands; changed them thus because they mocked you in the figure of the old man, in that aspect sad and wrinkled, could not see your heart of passion, could not see your youth immortal; only oweenee, the faithful, saw your naked heart and loved you. "`in the lodge that glimmers yonder, in the little star that twinkles through the vapors, on the left hand, lives the envious evil spirit, the wabeno, the magician, who transformed you to an old man. take heed lest his beams fall on you, for the rays he darts around him are the power of his enchantment, are the arrows that he uses.' "many years, in peace and quiet, on the peaceful star of evening dwelt osseo with his father; many years, in song and flutter, at the doorway of the wigwam, hung the cage with rods of silver, and fair oweenee, the faithful, bore a son unto osseo, with the beauty of his mother, with the courage of his father. "and the boy grew up and prospered, and osseo, to delight him, made him little bows and arrows, opened the great cage of silver, and let loose his aunts and uncles, all those birds with glossy feathers, for his little son to shoot at. "round and round they wheeled and darted, filled the evening star with music, with their songs of joy and freedom filled the evening star with splendor, with the fluttering of their plumage; till the boy, the little hunter, bent his bow and shot an arrow, shot a swift and fatal arrow, and a bird, with shining feathers, at his feet fell wounded sorely. "but, o wondrous transformation! `t was no bird he saw before him, `t was a beautiful young woman, with the arrow in her bosom! "when her blood fell on the planet, on the sacred star of evening, broken was the spell of magic, powerless was the strange enchantment, and the youth, the fearless bowman, suddenly felt himself descending, held by unseen hands, but sinking downward through the empty spaces, downward through the clouds and vapors, till he rested on an island, on an island, green and grassy, yonder in the big-sea-water. "after him he saw descending all the birds with shining feathers, fluttering, falling, wafted downward, like the painted leaves of autumn; and the lodge with poles of silver, with its roof like wings of beetles, like the shining shards of beetles, by the winds of heaven uplifted, slowly sank upon the island, bringing back the good osseo, bringing oweenee, the faithful. "then the birds, again transfigured, reassumed the shape of mortals, took their shape, but not their stature; they remained as little people, like the pygmies, the puk-wudjies, and on pleasant nights of summer, when the evening star was shining, hand in hand they danced together on the island's craggy headlands, on the sand-beach low and level. "still their glittering lodge is seen there, on the tranquil summer evenings, and upon the shore the fisher sometimes hears their happy voices, sees them dancing in the starlight !" when the story was completed, when the wondrous tale was ended, looking round upon his listeners, solemnly iagoo added: "there are great men, i have known such, whom their people understand not, whom they even make a jest of, scoff and jeer at in derision. from the story of osseo let us learn the fate of jesters!" all the wedding guests delighted listened to the marvellous story, listened laughing and applauding, and they whispered to each other: "does he mean himself, i wonder? and are we the aunts and uncles?" then again sang chibiabos, sang a song of love and longing, in those accents sweet and tender, in those tones of pensive sadness, sang a maiden's lamentation for her lover, her algonquin. "when i think of my beloved, ah me! think of my beloved, when my heart is thinking of him, o my sweetheart, my algonquin! "ah me! when i parted from him, round my neck he hung the wampum, as a pledge, the snow-white wampum, o my sweetheart, my algonquin! "'i will go with you,' he whispered, 'ah me! to your native country; let me go with you,' he whispered, 'o my sweetheart, my algonquin!' 'far away, away,' i answered, 'very far away,' i answered, 'ah me! is my native country, o my sweetheart, my algonquin!' "when i looked back to behold him, where we parted, to behold him, after me he still was gazing, o my sweetheart, my algonquin! "by the tree he still was standing, by the fallen tree was standing, that had dropped into the water, o my sweetheart, my algonquin! "when i think of my beloved, ah me! think of my beloved, when my heart is thinking of him, o my sweetheart, my algonquin!" such was hiawatha's wedding, such the dance of pau-puk-keewis, such the story of iagoo, such the songs of chibiabos; thus the wedding banquet ended, and the wedding guests departed, leaving hiawatha happy with the night and minnehaha. xiii blessing the cornfields sing, o song of hiawatha, of the happy days that followed, in the land of the ojibways, in the pleasant land and peaceful! sing the mysteries of mondamin, sing the blessing of the cornfields! buried was the bloody hatchet, buried was the dreadful war-club, buried were all warlike weapons, and the war-cry was forgotten. there was peace among the nations; unmolested roved the hunters, built the birch canoe for sailing, caught the fish in lake and river, shot the deer and trapped the beaver; unmolested worked the women, made their sugar from the maple, gathered wild rice in the meadows, dressed the skins of deer and beaver. all around the happy village stood the maize-fields, green and shining, waved the green plumes of mondamin, waved his soft and sunny tresses, filling all the land with plenty. `t was the women who in spring-time planted the broad fields and fruitful, buried in the earth mondamin; `t was the women who in autumn stripped the yellow husks of harvest, stripped the garments from mondamin, even as hiawatha taught them. once, when all the maize was planted, hiawatha, wise and thoughtful, spake and said to minnehaha, to his wife, the laughing water: "you shall bless to-night the cornfields, draw a magic circle round them, to protect them from destruction, blast of mildew, blight of insect, wagemin, the thief of cornfields, paimosaid, who steals the maize-ear. "in the night, when all is silence, in the night, when all is darkness, when the spirit of sleep, nepahwin, shuts the doors of all the wigwams, so that not an ear can hear you, so that not an eye can see you, rise up from your bed in silence, lay aside your garments wholly, walk around the fields you planted, round the borders of the cornfields, covered by your tresses only, robed with darkness as a garment. "thus the fields shall be more fruitful, and the passing of your footsteps draw a magic circle round them, so that neither blight nor mildew, neither burrowing worm nor insect, shall pass o'er the magic circle; not the dragon-fly, kwo-ne-she, nor the spider, subbekashe, nor the grasshopper, pah-puk-keena; nor the mighty caterpillar, way-muk-kwana, with the bear-skin, king of all the caterpillars!" on the tree-tops near the cornfields sat the hungry crows and ravens, kahgahgee, the king of ravens, with his band of black marauders. and they laughed at hiawatha, till the tree-tops shook with laughter, with their melancholy laughter, at the words of hiawatha. "hear him!" said they; "hear the wise man, hear the plots of hiawatha!" when the noiseless night descended broad and dark o'er field and forest, when the mournful wawonaissa sorrowing sang among the hemlocks, and the spirit of sleep, nepahwin, shut the doors of all the wigwams, from her bed rose laughing water, laid aside her garments wholly, and with darkness clothed and guarded, unashamed and unaffrighted, walked securely round the cornfields, drew the sacred, magic circle of her footprints round the cornfields. no one but the midnight only saw her beauty in the darkness, no one but the wawonaissa heard the panting of her bosom guskewau, the darkness, wrapped her closely in his sacred mantle, so that none might see her beauty, so that none might boast, "i saw her!" on the morrow, as the day dawned, kahgahgee, the king of ravens, gathered all his black marauders, crows and blackbirds, jays and ravens, clamorous on the dusky tree-tops, and descended, fast and fearless, on the fields of hiawatha, on the grave of the mondamin. "we will drag mondamin," said they, "from the grave where he is buried, spite of all the magic circles laughing water draws around it, spite of all the sacred footprints minnehaha stamps upon it!" but the wary hiawatha, ever thoughtful, careful, watchful, had o'erheard the scornful laughter when they mocked him from the tree-tops. "kaw!" he said, "my friends the ravens! kahgahgee, my king of ravens! i will teach you all a lesson that shall not be soon forgotten!" he had risen before the daybreak, he had spread o'er all the cornfields snares to catch the black marauders, and was lying now in ambush in the neighboring grove of pine-trees, waiting for the crows and blackbirds, waiting for the jays and ravens. soon they came with caw and clamor, rush of wings and cry of voices, to their work of devastation, settling down upon the cornfields, delving deep with beak and talon, for the body of mondamin. and with all their craft and cunning, all their skill in wiles of warfare, they perceived no danger near them, till their claws became entangled, till they found themselves imprisoned in the snares of hiawatha. from his place of ambush came he, striding terrible among them, and so awful was his aspect that the bravest quailed with terror. without mercy he destroyed them right and left, by tens and twenties, and their wretched, lifeless bodies hung aloft on poles for scarecrows round the consecrated cornfields, as a signal of his vengeance, as a warning to marauders. only kahgahgee, the leader, kahgahgee, the king of ravens, he alone was spared among them as a hostage for his people. with his prisoner-string he bound him, led him captive to his wigwam, tied him fast with cords of elm-bark to the ridge-pole of his wigwam. "kahgahgee, my raven!" said he, "you the leader of the robbers, you the plotter of this mischief, the contriver of this outrage, i will keep you, i will hold you, as a hostage for your people, as a pledge of good behavior!" and he left him, grim and sulky, sitting in the morning sunshine on the summit of the wigwam, croaking fiercely his displeasure, flapping his great sable pinions, vainly struggling for his freedom, vainly calling on his people! summer passed, and shawondasee breathed his sighs o'er all the landscape, from the south-land sent his ardor, wafted kisses warm and tender; and the maize-field grew and ripened, till it stood in all the splendor of its garments green and yellow, of its tassels and its plumage, and the maize-ears full and shining gleamed from bursting sheaths of verdure. then nokomis, the old woman, spake, and said to minnehaha: "'t is the moon when, leaves are falling; all the wild rice has been gathered, and the maize is ripe and ready; let us gather in the harvest, let us wrestle with mondamin, strip him of his plumes and tassels, of his garments green and yellow!" and the merry laughing water went rejoicing from the wigwam, with nokomis, old and wrinkled, and they called the women round them, called the young men and the maidens, to the harvest of the cornfields, to the husking of the maize-ear. on the border of the forest, underneath the fragrant pine-trees, sat the old men and the warriors smoking in the pleasant shadow. in uninterrupted silence looked they at the gamesome labor of the young men and the women; listened to their noisy talking, to their laughter and their singing, heard them chattering like the magpies, heard them laughing like the blue-jays, heard them singing like the robins. and whene'er some lucky maiden found a red ear in the husking, found a maize-ear red as blood is, "nushka!" cried they all together, "nushka! you shall have a sweetheart, you shall have a handsome husband!" "ugh!" the old men all responded from their seats beneath the pine-trees. and whene'er a youth or maiden found a crooked ear in husking, found a maize-ear in the husking blighted, mildewed, or misshapen, then they laughed and sang together, crept and limped about the cornfields, mimicked in their gait and gestures some old man, bent almost double, singing singly or together: "wagemin, the thief of cornfields! paimosaid, who steals the maize-ear!" till the cornfields rang with laughter, till from hiawatha's wigwam kahgahgee, the king of ravens, screamed and quivered in his anger, and from all the neighboring tree-tops cawed and croaked the black marauders. "ugh!" the old men all responded, from their seats beneath the pine-trees! xiv picture-writing in those days said hiawatha, "lo! how all things fade and perish! from the memory of the old men pass away the great traditions, the achievements of the warriors, the adventures of the hunters, all the wisdom of the medas, all the craft of the wabenos, all the marvellous dreams and visions of the jossakeeds, the prophets! "great men die and are forgotten, wise men speak; their words of wisdom perish in the ears that hear them, do not reach the generations that, as yet unborn, are waiting in the great, mysterious darkness of the speechless days that shall be! "on the grave-posts of our fathers are no signs, no figures painted; who are in those graves we know not, only know they are our fathers. of what kith they are and kindred, from what old, ancestral totem, be it eagle, bear, or beaver, they descended, this we know not, only know they are our fathers. "face to face we speak together, but we cannot speak when absent, cannot send our voices from us to the friends that dwell afar off; cannot send a secret message, but the bearer learns our secret, may pervert it, may betray it, may reveal it unto others." thus said hiawatha, walking in the solitary forest, pondering, musing in the forest, on the welfare of his people. from his pouch he took his colors, took his paints of different colors, on the smooth bark of a birch-tree painted many shapes and figures, wonderful and mystic figures, and each figure had a meaning, each some word or thought suggested. gitche manito the mighty, he, the master of life, was painted as an egg, with points projecting to the four winds of the heavens. everywhere is the great spirit, was the meaning of this symbol. mitche manito the mighty, he the dreadful spirit of evil, as a serpent was depicted, as kenabeek, the great serpent. very crafty, very cunning, is the creeping spirit of evil, was the meaning of this symbol. life and death he drew as circles, life was white, but death was darkened; sun and moon and stars he painted, man and beast, and fish and reptile, forests, mountains, lakes, and rivers. for the earth he drew a straight line, for the sky a bow above it; white the space between for daytime, filled with little stars for night-time; on the left a point for sunrise, on the right a point for sunset, on the top a point for noontide, and for rain and cloudy weather waving lines descending from it. footprints pointing towards a wigwam were a sign of invitation, were a sign of guests assembling; bloody hands with palms uplifted were a symbol of destruction, were a hostile sign and symbol. all these things did hiawatha show unto his wondering people, and interpreted their meaning, and he said: "behold, your grave-posts have no mark, no sign, nor symbol, go and paint them all with figures; each one with its household symbol, with its own ancestral totem; so that those who follow after may distinguish them and know them." and they painted on the grave-posts on the graves yet unforgotten, each his own ancestral totem, each the symbol of his household; figures of the bear and reindeer, of the turtle, crane, and beaver, each inverted as a token that the owner was departed, that the chief who bore the symbol lay beneath in dust and ashes. and the jossakeeds, the prophets, the wabenos, the magicians, and the medicine-men, the medas, painted upon bark and deer-skin figures for the songs they chanted, for each song a separate symbol, figures mystical and awful, figures strange and brightly colored; and each figure had its meaning, each some magic song suggested. the great spirit, the creator, flashing light through all the heaven; the great serpent, the kenabeek, with his bloody crest erected, creeping, looking into heaven; in the sky the sun, that listens, and the moon eclipsed and dying; owl and eagle, crane and hen-hawk, and the cormorant, bird of magic; headless men, that walk the heavens, bodies lying pierced with arrows, bloody hands of death uplifted, flags on graves, and great war-captains grasping both the earth and heaven! such as these the shapes they painted on the birch-bark and the deer-skin; songs of war and songs of hunting, songs of medicine and of magic, all were written in these figures, for each figure had its meaning, each its separate song recorded. nor forgotten was the love-song, the most subtle of all medicines, the most potent spell of magic, dangerous more than war or hunting! thus the love-song was recorded, symbol and interpretation. first a human figure standing, painted in the brightest scarlet; `t is the lover, the musician, and the meaning is, "my painting makes me powerful over others." then the figure seated, singing, playing on a drum of magic, and the interpretation, "listen! `t is my voice you hear, my singing!" then the same red figure seated in the shelter of a wigwam, and the meaning of the symbol, "i will come and sit beside you in the mystery of my passion!" then two figures, man and woman, standing hand in hand together with their hands so clasped together that they seemed in one united, and the words thus represented are, "i see your heart within you, and your cheeks are red with blushes!" next the maiden on an island, in the centre of an island; and the song this shape suggested was, "though you were at a distance, were upon some far-off island, such the spell i cast upon you, such the magic power of passion, i could straightway draw you to me!" then the figure of the maiden sleeping, and the lover near her, whispering to her in her slumbers, saying, "though you were far from me in the land of sleep and silence, still the voice of love would reach you!" and the last of all the figures was a heart within a circle, drawn within a magic circle; and the image had this meaning: "naked lies your heart before me, to your naked heart i whisper!" thus it was that hiawatha, in his wisdom, taught the people all the mysteries of painting, all the art of picture-writing, on the smooth bark of the birch-tree, on the white skin of the reindeer, on the grave-posts of the village. xv hiawatha's lamentation in those days the evil spirits, all the manitos of mischief, fearing hiawatha's wisdom, and his love for chibiabos, jealous of their faithful friendship, and their noble words and actions, made at length a league against them, to molest them and destroy them. hiawatha, wise and wary, often said to chibiabos, "o my brother! do not leave me, lest the evil spirits harm you!" chibiabos, young and heedless, laughing shook his coal-black tresses, answered ever sweet and childlike, "do not fear for me, o brother! harm and evil come not near me!" once when peboan, the winter, roofed with ice the big-sea-water, when the snow-flakes, whirling downward, hissed among the withered oak-leaves, changed the pine-trees into wigwams, covered all the earth with silence, armed with arrows, shod with snow-shoes, heeding not his brother's warning, fearing not the evil spirits, forth to hunt the deer with antlers all alone went chibiabos. right across the big-sea-water sprang with speed the deer before him. with the wind and snow he followed, o'er the treacherous ice he followed, wild with all the fierce commotion and the rapture of the hunting. but beneath, the evil spirits lay in ambush, waiting for him, broke the treacherous ice beneath him, dragged him downward to the bottom, buried in the sand his body. unktahee, the god of water, he the god of the dacotahs, drowned him in the deep abysses of the lake of gitche gumee. from the headlands hiawatha sent forth such a wail of anguish, such a fearful lamentation, that the bison paused to listen, and the wolves howled from the prairies, and the thunder in the distance starting answered "baim-wawa!" then his face with black he painted, with his robe his head he covered, in his wigwam sat lamenting, seven long weeks he sat lamenting, uttering still this moan of sorrow: "he is dead, the sweet musician! he the sweetest of all singers! he has gone from us forever, he has moved a little nearer to the master of all music, to the master of all singing! o my brother, chibiabos!" and the melancholy fir-trees waved their dark green fans above him, waved their purple cones above him, sighing with him to console him, mingling with his lamentation their complaining, their lamenting. came the spring, and all the forest looked in vain for chibiabos; sighed the rivulet, sebowisha, sighed the rushes in the meadow. from the tree-tops sang the bluebird, sang the bluebird, the owaissa, "chibiabos! chibiabos! he is dead, the sweet musician!" from the wigwam sang the robin, sang the robin, the opechee, "chibiabos! chibiabos! he is dead, the sweetest singer!" and at night through all the forest went the whippoorwill complaining, wailing went the wawonaissa, "chibiabos! chibiabos! he is dead, the sweet musician! he the sweetest of all singers!" then the medicine-men, the medas, the magicians, the wabenos, and the jossakeeds, the prophets, came to visit hiawatha; built a sacred lodge beside him, to appease him, to console him, walked in silent, grave procession, bearing each a pouch of healing, skin of beaver, lynx, or otter, filled with magic roots and simples, filled with very potent medicines. when he heard their steps approaching, hiawatha ceased lamenting, called no more on chibiabos; naught he questioned, naught he answered, but his mournful head uncovered, from his face the mourning colors washed he slowly and in silence, slowly and in silence followed onward to the sacred wigwam. there a magic drink they gave him, made of nahma-wusk, the spearmint, and wabeno-wusk, the yarrow, roots of power, and herbs of healing; beat their drums, and shook their rattles; chanted singly and in chorus, mystic songs like these, they chanted. "i myself, myself! behold me! `t is the great gray eagle talking; come, ye white crows, come and hear him! the loud-speaking thunder helps me; all the unseen spirits help me; i can hear their voices calling, all around the sky i hear them! i can blow you strong, my brother, i can heal you, hiawatha!" "hi-au-ha!" replied the chorus, "wayha-way!" the mystic chorus. friends of mine are all the serpents! hear me shake my skin of hen-hawk! mahng, the white loon, i can kill him; i can shoot your heart and kill it! i can blow you strong, my brother, i can heal you, hiawatha !" "hi-au-ha!" replied the chorus, "wayhaway!" the mystic chorus. "i myself, myself! the prophet! when i speak the wigwam trembles, shakes the sacred lodge with terror, hands unseen begin to shake it! when i walk, the sky i tread on bends and makes a noise beneath me! i can blow you strong, my brother! rise and speak, o hiawatha!" "hi-au-ha!" replied the chorus, "way-ha-way!" the mystic chorus. then they shook their medicine-pouches o'er the head of hiawatha, danced their medicine-dance around him; and upstarting wild and haggard, like a man from dreams awakened, he was healed of all his madness. as the clouds are swept from heaven, straightway from his brain departed all his moody melancholy; as the ice is swept from rivers, straightway from his heart departed all his sorrow and affliction. then they summoned chibiabos from his grave beneath the waters, from the sands of gitche gumee summoned hiawatha's brother. and so mighty was the magic of that cry and invocation, that he heard it as he lay there underneath the big-sea-water; from the sand he rose and listened, heard the music and the singing, came, obedient to the summons, to the doorway of the wigwam, but to enter they forbade him. through a chink a coal they gave him, through the door a burning fire-brand; ruler in the land of spirits, ruler o'er the dead, they made him, telling him a fire to kindle for all those that died thereafter, camp-fires for their night encampments on their solitary journey to the kingdom of ponemah, to the land of the hereafter. from the village of his childhood, from the homes of those who knew him, passing silent through the forest, like a smoke-wreath wafted sideways, slowly vanished chibiabos! where he passed, the branches moved not, where he trod, the grasses bent not, and the fallen leaves of last year made no sound beneath his footstep. four whole days he journeyed onward down the pathway of the dead men; on the dead-man's strawberry feasted, crossed the melancholy river, on the swinging log he crossed it, came unto the lake of silver, in the stone canoe was carried to the islands of the blessed, to the land of ghosts and shadows. on that journey, moving slowly, many weary spirits saw he, panting under heavy burdens, laden with war-clubs, bows and arrows, robes of fur, and pots and kettles, and with food that friends had given for that solitary journey. "ay! why do the living," said they, "lay such heavy burdens on us! better were it to go naked, better were it to go fasting, than to bear such heavy burdens on our long and weary journey!" forth then issued hiawatha, wandered eastward, wandered westward, teaching men the use of simples and the antidotes for poisons, and the cure of all diseases. thus was first made known to mortals all the mystery of medamin, all the sacred art of healing. xvi pau-puk-keewis you shall hear how pau-puk-keewis, he, the handsome yenadizze, whom the people called the storm-fool, vexed the village with disturbance; you shall hear of all his mischief, and his flight from hiawatha, and his wondrous transmigrations, and the end of his adventures. on the shores of gitche gumee, on the dunes of nagow wudjoo, by the shining big-sea-water stood the lodge of pau-puk-keewis. it was he who in his frenzy whirled these drifting sands together, on the dunes of nagow wudjoo, when, among the guests assembled, he so merrily and madly danced at hiawatha's wedding, danced the beggar's dance to please them. now, in search of new adventures, from his lodge went pau-puk-keewis, came with speed into the village, found the young men all assembled in the lodge of old iagoo, listening to his monstrous stories, to his wonderful adventures. he was telling them the story of ojeeg, the summer-maker, how he made a hole in heaven, how he climbed up into heaven, and let out the summer-weather, the perpetual, pleasant summer; how the otter first essayed it; how the beaver, lynx, and badger tried in turn the great achievement, from the summit of the mountain smote their fists against the heavens, smote against the sky their foreheads, cracked the sky, but could not break it; how the wolverine, uprising, made him ready for the encounter, bent his knees down, like a squirrel, drew his arms back, like a cricket. "once he leaped," said old iagoo, "once he leaped, and lo! above him bent the sky, as ice in rivers when the waters rise beneath it; twice he leaped, and lo! above him cracked the sky, as ice in rivers when the freshet is at highest! thrice he leaped, and lo! above him broke the shattered sky asunder, and he disappeared within it, and ojeeg, the fisher weasel, with a bound went in behind him!" "hark you!" shouted pau-puk-keewis as he entered at the doorway; "i am tired of all this talking, tired of old iagoo's stories, tired of hiawatha's wisdom. here is something to amuse you, better than this endless talking." then from out his pouch of wolf-skin forth he drew, with solemn manner, all the game of bowl and counters, pugasaing, with thirteen pieces. white on one side were they painted, and vermilion on the other; two kenabeeks or great serpents, two ininewug or wedge-men, one great war-club, pugamaugun, and one slender fish, the keego, four round pieces, ozawabeeks, and three sheshebwug or ducklings. all were made of bone and painted, all except the ozawabeeks; these were brass, on one side burnished, and were black upon the other. in a wooden bowl he placed them, shook and jostled them together, threw them on the ground before him, thus exclaiming and explaining: "red side up are all the pieces, and one great kenabeek standing on the bright side of a brass piece, on a burnished ozawabeek; thirteen tens and eight are counted." then again he shook the pieces, shook and jostled them together, threw them on the ground before him, still exclaiming and explaining: "white are both the great kenabeeks, white the ininewug, the wedge-men, red are all the other pieces; five tens and an eight are counted." thus he taught the game of hazard, thus displayed it and explained it, running through its various chances, various changes, various meanings: twenty curious eyes stared at him, full of eagerness stared at him. "many games," said old iagoo, "many games of skill and hazard have i seen in different nations, have i played in different countries. he who plays with old iagoo must have very nimble fingers; though you think yourself so skilful, i can beat you, pau-puk-keewis, i can even give you lessons in your game of bowl and counters!" so they sat and played together, all the old men and the young men, played for dresses, weapons, wampum, played till midnight, played till morning, played until the yenadizze, till the cunning pau-puk-keewis, of their treasures had despoiled them, of the best of all their dresses, shirts of deer-skin, robes of ermine, belts of wampum, crests of feathers, warlike weapons, pipes and pouches. twenty eyes glared wildly at him, like the eyes of wolves glared at him. said the lucky pau-puk-keewis: "in my wigwam i am lonely, in my wanderings and adventures i have need of a companion, fain would have a meshinauwa, an attendant and pipe-bearer. i will venture all these winnings, all these garments heaped about me, all this wampum, all these feathers, on a single throw will venture all against the young man yonder!" `t was a youth of sixteen summers, `t was a nephew of iagoo; face-in-a-mist, the people called him. as the fire burns in a pipe-head dusky red beneath the ashes, so beneath his shaggy eyebrows glowed the eyes of old iagoo. "ugh!" he answered very fiercely; "ugh!" they answered all and each one. seized the wooden bowl the old man, closely in his bony fingers clutched the fatal bowl, onagon, shook it fiercely and with fury, made the pieces ring together as he threw them down before him. red were both the great kenabeeks, red the ininewug, the wedge-men, red the sheshebwug, the ducklings, black the four brass ozawabeeks, white alone the fish, the keego; only five the pieces counted! then the smiling pau-puk-keewis shook the bowl and threw the pieces; lightly in the air he tossed them, and they fell about him scattered; dark and bright the ozawabeeks, red and white the other pieces, and upright among the others one ininewug was standing, even as crafty pau-puk-keewis stood alone among the players, saying, "five tens! mine the game is," twenty eyes glared at him fiercely, like the eyes of wolves glared at him, as he turned and left the wigwam, followed by his meshinauwa, by the nephew of iagoo, by the tall and graceful stripling, bearing in his arms the winnings, shirts of deer-skin, robes of ermine, belts of wampum, pipes and weapons. "carry them," said pau-puk-keewis, pointing with his fan of feathers, "to my wigwam far to eastward, on the dunes of nagow wudjoo!" hot and red with smoke and gambling were the eyes of pau-puk-keewis as he came forth to the freshness of the pleasant summer morning. all the birds were singing gayly, all the streamlets flowing swiftly, and the heart of pau-puk-keewis sang with pleasure as the birds sing, beat with triumph like the streamlets, as he wandered through the village, in the early gray of morning, with his fan of turkey-feathers, with his plumes and tufts of swan's down, till he reached the farthest wigwam, reached the lodge of hiawatha. silent was it and deserted; no one met him at the doorway, no one came to bid him welcome; but the birds were singing round it, in and out and round the doorway, hopping, singing, fluttering, feeding, and aloft upon the ridge-pole kahgahgee, the king of ravens, sat with fiery eyes, and, screaming, flapped his wings at pau-puk-keewis. "all are gone! the lodge is empty!" thus it was spake pau-puk-keewis, in his heart resolving mischief "gone is wary hiawatha, gone the silly laughing water, gone nokomis, the old woman, and the lodge is left unguarded!" by the neck he seized the raven, whirled it round him like a rattle, like a medicine-pouch he shook it, strangled kahgahgee, the raven, from the ridge-pole of the wigwam left its lifeless body hanging, as an insult to its master, as a taunt to hiawatha. with a stealthy step he entered, round the lodge in wild disorder threw the household things about him, piled together in confusion bowls of wood and earthen kettles, robes of buffalo and beaver, skins of otter, lynx, and ermine, as an insult to nokomis, as a taunt to minnehaha. then departed pau-puk-keewis, whistling, singing through the forest, whistling gayly to the squirrels, who from hollow boughs above him dropped their acorn-shells upon him, singing gayly to the wood birds, who from out the leafy darkness answered with a song as merry. then he climbed the rocky headlands, looking o'er the gitche gumee, perched himself upon their summit, waiting full of mirth and mischief the return of hiawatha. stretched upon his back he lay there; far below him splashed the waters, plashed and washed the dreamy waters; far above him swam the heavens, swam the dizzy, dreamy heavens; round him hovered, fluttered, rustled hiawatha's mountain chickens, flock-wise swept and wheeled about him, almost brushed him with their pinions. and he killed them as he lay there, slaughtered them by tens and twenties, threw their bodies down the headland, threw them on the beach below him, till at length kayoshk, the sea-gull, perched upon a crag above them, shouted: "it is pau-puk-keewis! he is slaying us by hundreds! send a message to our brother, tidings send to hiawatha!" xvii the hunting of pau-puk-keewis full of wrath was hiawatha when he came into the village, found the people in confusion, heard of all the misdemeanors, all the malice and the mischief, of the cunning pau-puk-keewis. hard his breath came through his nostrils, through his teeth he buzzed and muttered words of anger and resentment, hot and humming, like a hornet. "i will slay this pau-puk-keewis, slay this mischief-maker!" said he. "not so long and wide the world is, not so rude and rough the way is, that my wrath shall not attain him, that my vengeance shall not reach him!" then in swift pursuit departed hiawatha and the hunters on the trail of pau-puk-keewis, through the forest, where he passed it, to the headlands where he rested; but they found not pau-puk-keewis, only in the trampled grasses, in the whortleberry-bushes, found the couch where he had rested, found the impress of his body. from the lowlands far beneath them, from the muskoday, the meadow, pau-puk-keewis, turning backward, made a gesture of defiance, made a gesture of derision; and aloud cried hiawatha, from the summit of the mountains: "not so long and wide the world is, not so rude and rough the way is, but my wrath shall overtake you, and my vengeance shall attain you!" over rock and over river, through bush, and brake, and forest, ran the cunning pau-puk-keewis; like an antelope he bounded, till he came unto a streamlet in the middle of the forest, to a streamlet still and tranquil, that had overflowed its margin, to a dam made by the beavers, to a pond of quiet water, where knee-deep the trees were standing, where the water lilies floated, where the rushes waved and whispered. on the dam stood pau-puk-keewis, on the dam of trunks and branches, through whose chinks the water spouted, o'er whose summit flowed the streamlet. from the bottom rose the beaver, looked with two great eyes of wonder, eyes that seemed to ask a question, at the stranger, pau-puk-keewis. on the dam stood pau-puk-keewis, o'er his ankles flowed the streamlet, flowed the bright and silvery water, and he spake unto the beaver, with a smile he spake in this wise: "o my friend ahmeek, the beaver, cool and pleasant is the water; let me dive into the water, let me rest there in your lodges; change me, too, into a beaver!" cautiously replied the beaver, with reserve he thus made answer: "let me first consult the others, let me ask the other beavers." down he sank into the water, heavily sank he, as a stone sinks, down among the leaves and branches, brown and matted at the bottom. on the dam stood pau-puk-keewis, o'er his ankles flowed the streamlet, spouted through the chinks below him, dashed upon the stones beneath him, spread serene and calm before him, and the sunshine and the shadows fell in flecks and gleams upon him, fell in little shining patches, through the waving, rustling branches. from the bottom rose the beavers, silently above the surface rose one head and then another, till the pond seemed full of beavers, full of black and shining faces. to the beavers pau-puk-keewis spake entreating, said in this wise: "very pleasant is your dwelling, o my friends! and safe from danger; can you not, with all your cunning, all your wisdom and contrivance, change me, too, into a beaver?" "yes!" replied ahmeek, the beaver, he the king of all the beavers, "let yourself slide down among us, down into the tranquil water." down into the pond among them silently sank pau-puk-keewis; black became his shirt of deer-skin, black his moccasins and leggings, in a broad black tail behind him spread his fox-tails and his fringes; he was changed into a beaver. "make me large," said pau-puk-keewis, "make me large and make me larger, larger than the other beavers." "yes," the beaver chief responded, "when our lodge below you enter, in our wigwam we will make you ten times larger than the others." thus into the clear, brown water silently sank pau-puk-keewis: found the bottom covered over with the trunks of trees and branches, hoards of food against the winter, piles and heaps against the famine; found the lodge with arching doorway, leading into spacious chambers. here they made him large and larger, made him largest of the beavers, ten times larger than the others. "you shall be our ruler," said they; "chief and king of all the beavers." but not long had pau-puk-keewis sat in state among the beavers, when there came a voice, of warning from the watchman at his station in the water-flags and lilies, saying, "here is hiawatha! hiawatha with his hunters!" then they heard a cry above them, heard a shouting and a tramping, heard a crashing and a rushing, and the water round and o'er them sank and sucked away in eddies, and they knew their dam was broken. on the lodge's roof the hunters leaped, and broke it all asunder; streamed the sunshine through the crevice, sprang the beavers through the doorway, hid themselves in deeper water, in the channel of the streamlet; but the mighty pau-puk-keewis could not pass beneath the doorway; he was puffed with pride and feeding, he was swollen like a bladder. through the roof looked hiawatha, cried aloud, "o pau-puk-keewis vain are all your craft and cunning, vain your manifold disguises! well i know you, pau-puk-keewis!" with their clubs they beat and bruised him, beat to death poor pau-puk-keewis, pounded him as maize is pounded, till his skull was crushed to pieces. six tall hunters, lithe and limber, bore him home on poles and branches, bore the body of the beaver; but the ghost, the jeebi in him, thought and felt as pau-puk-keewis, still lived on as pau-puk-keewis. and it fluttered, strove, and struggled, waving hither, waving thither, as the curtains of a wigwam struggle with their thongs of deer-skin, when the wintry wind is blowing; till it drew itself together, till it rose up from the body, till it took the form and features of the cunning pau-puk-keewis vanishing into the forest. but the wary hiawatha saw the figure ere it vanished, saw the form of pau-puk-keewis glide into the soft blue shadow of the pine-trees of the forest; toward the squares of white beyond it, toward an opening in the forest. like a wind it rushed and panted, bending all the boughs before it, and behind it, as the rain comes, came the steps of hiawatha. to a lake with many islands came the breathless pau-puk-keewis, where among the water-lilies pishnekuh, the brant, were sailing; through the tufts of rushes floating, steering through the reedy islands. now their broad black beaks they lifted, now they plunged beneath the water, now they darkened in the shadow, now they brightened in the sunshine. "pishnekuh!" cried pau-puk-keewis, "pishnekuh! my brothers!" said he, "change me to a brant with plumage, with a shining neck and feathers, make me large, and make me larger, ten times larger than the others." straightway to a brant they changed him, with two huge and dusky pinions, with a bosom smooth and rounded, with a bill like two great paddles, made him larger than the others, ten times larger than the largest, just as, shouting from the forest, on the shore stood hiawatha. up they rose with cry and clamor, with a whir and beat of pinions, rose up from the reedy islands, from the water-flags and lilies. and they said to pau-puk-keewis: "in your flying, look not downward, take good heed and look not downward, lest some strange mischance should happen, lest some great mishap befall you!" fast and far they fled to northward, fast and far through mist and sunshine, fed among the moors and fen-lands, slept among the reeds and rushes. on the morrow as they journeyed, buoyed and lifted by the south-wind, wafted onward by the south-wind, blowing fresh and strong behind them, rose a sound of human voices, rose a clamor from beneath them, from the lodges of a village, from the people miles beneath them. for the people of the village saw the flock of brant with wonder, saw the wings of pau-puk-keewis flapping far up in the ether, broader than two doorway curtains. pau-puk-keewis heard the shouting, knew the voice of hiawatha, knew the outcry of iagoo, and, forgetful of the warning, drew his neck in, and looked downward, and the wind that blew behind him caught his mighty fan of feathers, sent him wheeling, whirling downward! all in vain did pau-puk-keewis struggle to regain his balance! whirling round and round and downward, he beheld in turn the village and in turn the flock above him, saw the village coming nearer, and the flock receding farther, heard the voices growing louder, heard the shouting and the laughter; saw no more the flocks above him, only saw the earth beneath him; dead out of the empty heaven, dead among the shouting people, with a heavy sound and sullen, fell the brant with broken pinions. but his soul, his ghost, his shadow, still survived as pau-puk-keewis, took again the form and features of the handsome yenadizze, and again went rushing onward, followed fast by hiawatha, crying: "not so wide the world is, not so long and rough the way is, but my wrath shall overtake you, but my vengeance shall attain you!" and so near he came, so near him, that his hand was stretched to seize him, his right hand to seize and hold him, when the cunning pau-puk-keewis whirled and spun about in circles, fanned the air into a whirlwind, danced the dust and leaves about him, and amid the whirling eddies sprang into a hollow oak-tree, changed himself into a serpent, gliding out through root and rubbish. with his right hand hiawatha smote amain the hollow oak-tree, rent it into shreds and splinters, left it lying there in fragments. but in vain; for pau-puk-keewis, once again in human figure, full in sight ran on before him, sped away in gust and whirlwind, on the shores of gitche gumee, westward by the big-sea-water, came unto the rocky headlands, to the pictured rocks of sandstone, looking over lake and landscape. and the old man of the mountain, he the manito of mountains, opened wide his rocky doorways, opened wide his deep abysses, giving pau-puk-keewis shelter in his caverns dark and dreary, bidding pau-puk-keewis welcome to his gloomy lodge of sandstone. there without stood hiawatha, found the doorways closed against him, with his mittens, minjekahwun, smote great caverns in the sandstone, cried aloud in tones of thunder, "open! i am hiawatha!" but the old man of the mountain opened not, and made no answer from the silent crags of sandstone, from the gloomy rock abysses. then he raised his hands to heaven, called imploring on the tempest, called waywassimo, the lightning, and the thunder, annemeekee; and they came with night and darkness, sweeping down the big-sea-water from the distant thunder mountains; and the trembling pau-puk-keewis heard the footsteps of the thunder, saw the red eyes of the lightning, was afraid, and crouched and trembled. then waywassimo, the lightning, smote the doorways of the caverns, with his war-club smote the doorways, smote the jutting crags of sandstone, and the thunder, annemeekee, shouted down into the caverns, saying, "where is pau-puk-keewis!" and the crags fell, and beneath them dead among the rocky ruins lay the cunning pau-puk-keewis, lay the handsome yenadizze, slain in his own human figure. ended were his wild adventures, ended were his tricks and gambols, ended all his craft and cunning, ended all his mischief-making, all his gambling and his dancing, all his wooing of the maidens. then the noble hiawatha took his soul, his ghost, his shadow, spake and said: "o pau-puk-keewis, never more in human figure shall you search for new adventures; never more with jest and laughter dance the dust and leaves in whirlwinds; but above there in the heavens you shall soar and sail in circles; i will change you to an eagle, to keneu, the great war-eagle, chief of all the fowls with feathers, chief of hiawatha's chickens." and the name of pau-puk-keewis lingers still among the people, lingers still among the singers, and among the story-tellers; and in winter, when the snow-flakes whirl in eddies round the lodges, when the wind in gusty tumult o'er the smoke-flue pipes and whistles, "there," they cry, "comes pau-puk-keewis, he is dancing through the village, he is gathering in his harvest!" xviii the death of kwasind far and wide among the nations spread the name and fame of kwasind; no man dared to strive with kwasind, no man could compete with kwasind. but the mischievous puk-wudjies, they the envious little people, they the fairies and the pygmies, plotted and conspired against him. "if this hateful kwasind," said they, "if this great, outrageous fellow goes on thus a little longer, tearing everything he touches, rending everything to pieces, filling all the world with wonder, what becomes of the puk-wudjies? who will care for the puk-wudjies? he will tread us down like mushrooms, drive us all into the water, give our bodies to be eaten by the wicked nee-ba-naw-baigs, by the spirits of the water!" so the angry little people all conspired against the strong man, all conspired to murder kwasind, yes, to rid the world of kwasind, the audacious, overbearing, heartless, haughty, dangerous kwasind! now this wondrous strength of kwasind in his crown alone was seated; in his crown too was his weakness; there alone could he be wounded, nowhere else could weapon pierce him, nowhere else could weapon harm him. even there the only weapon that could wound him, that could slay him, was the seed-cone of the pine-tree, was the blue cone of the fir-tree. this was kwasind's fatal secret, known to no man among mortals; but the cunning little people, the puk-wudjies, knew the secret, knew the only way to kill him. so they gathered cones together, gathered seed-cones of the pine-tree, gathered blue cones of the fir-tree, in the woods by taquamenaw, brought them to the river's margin, heaped them in great piles together, where the red rocks from the margin jutting overhang the river. there they lay in wait for kwasind, the malicious little people. `t was an afternoon in summer; very hot and still the air was, very smooth the gliding river, motionless the sleeping shadows: insects glistened in the sunshine, insects skated on the water, filled the drowsy air with buzzing, with a far resounding war-cry. down the river came the strong man, in his birch canoe came kwasind, floating slowly down the current of the sluggish taquamenaw, very languid with the weather, very sleepy with the silence. from the overhanging branches, from the tassels of the birch-trees, soft the spirit of sleep descended; by his airy hosts surrounded, his invisible attendants, came the spirit of sleep, nepahwin; like a burnished dush-kwo-ne-she, like a dragon-fly, he hovered o'er the drowsy head of kwasind. to his ear there came a murmur as of waves upon a sea-shore, as of far-off tumbling waters, as of winds among the pine-trees; and he felt upon his forehead blows of little airy war-clubs, wielded by the slumbrous legions of the spirit of sleep, nepahwin, as of some one breathing on him. at the first blow of their war-clubs, fell a drowsiness on kwasind; at the second blow they smote him, motionless his paddle rested; at the third, before his vision reeled the landscape into darkness, very sound asleep was kwasind. so he floated down the river, like a blind man seated upright, floated down the taquamenaw, underneath the trembling birch-trees, underneath the wooded headlands, underneath the war encampment of the pygmies, the puk-wudjies. there they stood, all armed and waiting, hurled the pine-cones down upon him, struck him on his brawny shoulders, on his crown defenceless struck him. "death to kwasind!" was the sudden war-cry of the little people. and he sideways swayed and tumbled, sideways fell into the river, plunged beneath the sluggish water headlong, as an otter plunges; and the birch canoe, abandoned, drifted empty down the river, bottom upward swerved and drifted: nothing more was seen of kwasind. but the memory of the strong man lingered long among the people, and whenever through the forest raged and roared the wintry tempest, and the branches, tossed and troubled, creaked and groaned and split asunder, "kwasind!" cried they; "that is kwasind! he is gathering in his fire-wood!" xix the ghosts never stoops the soaring vulture on his quarry in the desert, on the sick or wounded bison, but another vulture, watching from his high aerial look-out, sees the downward plunge, and follows; and a third pursues the second, coming from the invisible ether, first a speck, and then a vulture, till the air is dark with pinions. so disasters come not singly; but as if they watched and waited, scanning one another's motions, when the first descends, the others follow, follow, gathering flock-wise round their victim, sick and wounded, first a shadow, then a sorrow, till the air is dark with anguish. now, o'er all the dreary north-land, mighty peboan, the winter, breathing on the lakes and rivers, into stone had changed their waters. from his hair he shook the snow-flakes, till the plains were strewn with whiteness, one uninterrupted level, as if, stooping, the creator with his hand had smoothed them over. through the forest, wide and wailing, roamed the hunter on his snow-shoes; in the village worked the women, pounded maize, or dressed the deer-skin; and the young men played together on the ice the noisy ball-play, on the plain the dance of snow-shoes. one dark evening, after sundown, in her wigwam laughing water sat with old nokomis, waiting for the steps of hiawatha homeward from the hunt returning. on their faces gleamed the firelight, painting them with streaks of crimson, in the eyes of old nokomis glimmered like the watery moonlight, in the eyes of laughing water glistened like the sun in water; and behind them crouched their shadows in the corners of the wigwam, and the smoke in wreaths above them climbed and crowded through the smoke-flue. then the curtain of the doorway from without was slowly lifted; brighter glowed the fire a moment, and a moment swerved the smoke-wreath, as two women entered softly, passed the doorway uninvited, without word of salutation, without sign of recognition, sat down in the farthest corner, crouching low among the shadows. from their aspect and their garments, strangers seemed they in the village; very pale and haggard were they, as they sat there sad and silent, trembling, cowering with the shadows. was it the wind above the smoke-flue, muttering down into the wigwam? was it the owl, the koko-koho, hooting from the dismal forest? sure a voice said in the silence: "these are corpses clad in garments, these are ghosts that come to haunt you, from the kingdom of ponemah, from the land of the hereafter!" homeward now came hiawatha from his hunting in the forest, with the snow upon his tresses, and the red deer on his shoulders. at the feet of laughing water down he threw his lifeless burden; nobler, handsomer she thought him, than when first he came to woo her, first threw down the deer before her, as a token of his wishes, as a promise of the future. then he turned and saw the strangers, cowering, crouching with the shadows; said within himself, "who are they? what strange guests has minnehaha?" but he questioned not the strangers, only spake to bid them welcome to his lodge, his food, his fireside. when the evening meal was ready, and the deer had been divided, both the pallid guests, the strangers, springing from among the shadows, seized upon the choicest portions, seized the white fat of the roebuck, set apart for laughing water, for the wife of hiawatha; without asking, without thanking, eagerly devoured the morsels, flitted back among the shadows in the corner of the wigwam. not a word spake hiawatha, not a motion made nokomis, not a gesture laughing water; not a change came o'er their features; only minnehaha softly whispered, saying, "they are famished; let them do what best delights them; let them eat, for they are famished." many a daylight dawned and darkened, many a night shook off the daylight as the pine shakes off the snow-flakes from the midnight of its branches; day by day the guests unmoving sat there silent in the wigwam; but by night, in storm or starlight, forth they went into the forest, bringing fire-wood to the wigwam, bringing pine-cones for the burning, always sad and always silent. and whenever hiawatha came from fishing or from hunting, when the evening meal was ready, and the food had been divided, gliding from their darksome corner, came the pallid guests, the strangers, seized upon the choicest portions set aside for laughing water, and without rebuke or question flitted back among the shadows. never once had hiawatha by a word or look reproved them; never once had old nokomis made a gesture of impatience; never once had laughing water shown resentment at the outrage. all had they endured in silence, that the rights of guest and stranger, that the virtue of free-giving, by a look might not be lessened, by a word might not be broken. once at midnight hiawatha, ever wakeful, ever watchful, in the wigwam, dimly lighted by the brands that still were burning, by the glimmering, flickering firelight heard a sighing, oft repeated, from his couch rose hiawatha, from his shaggy hides of bison, pushed aside the deer-skin curtain, saw the pallid guests, the shadows, sitting upright on their couches, weeping in the silent midnight. and he said: "o guests! why is it that your hearts are so afflicted, that you sob so in the midnight? has perchance the old nokomis, has my wife, my minnehaha, wronged or grieved you by unkindness, failed in hospitable duties?" then the shadows ceased from weeping, ceased from sobbing and lamenting, and they said, with gentle voices: "we are ghosts of the departed, souls of those who once were with you. from the realms of chibiabos hither have we come to try you, hither have we come to warn you. "cries of grief and lamentation reach us in the blessed islands; cries of anguish from the living, calling back their friends departed, sadden us with useless sorrow. therefore have we come to try you; no one knows us, no one heeds us. we are but a burden to you, and we see that the departed have no place among the living. "think of this, o hiawatha! speak of it to all the people, that henceforward and forever they no more with lamentations sadden the souls of the departed in the islands of the blessed. "do not lay such heavy burdens in the graves of those you bury, not such weight of furs and wampum, not such weight of pots and kettles, for the spirits faint beneath them. only give them food to carry, only give them fire to light them. "four days is the spirit's journey to the land of ghosts and shadows, four its lonely night encampments; four times must their fires be lighted. therefore, when the dead are buried, let a fire, as night approaches, four times on the grave be kindled, that the soul upon its journey may not lack the cheerful firelight, may not grope about in darkness. "farewell, noble hiawatha! we have put you to the trial, to the proof have put your patience, by the insult of our presence, by the outrage of our actions. we have found you great and noble. fail not in the greater trial, faint not in the harder struggle." when they ceased, a sudden darkness fell and filled the silent wigwam. hiawatha heard a rustle as of garments trailing by him, heard the curtain of the doorway lifted by a hand he saw not, felt the cold breath of the night air, for a moment saw the starlight; but he saw the ghosts no longer, saw no more the wandering spirits from the kingdom of ponemah, from the land of the hereafter. xx the famine oh the long and dreary winter! oh the cold and cruel winter! ever thicker, thicker, thicker froze the ice on lake and river, ever deeper, deeper, deeper fell the snow o'er all the landscape, fell the covering snow, and drifted through the forest, round the village. hardly from his buried wigwam could the hunter force a passage; with his mittens and his snow-shoes vainly walked he through the forest, sought for bird or beast and found none, saw no track of deer or rabbit, in the snow beheld no footprints, in the ghastly, gleaming forest fell, and could not rise from weakness, perished there from cold and hunger. oh the famine and the fever! oh the wasting of the famine! oh the blasting of the fever! oh the wailing of the children! oh the anguish of the women! all the earth was sick and famished; hungry was the air around them, hungry was the sky above them, and the hungry stars in heaven like the eyes of wolves glared at them! into hiawatha's wigwam came two other guests, as silent as the ghosts were, and as gloomy, waited not to be invited did not parley at the doorway sat there without word of welcome in the seat of laughing water; looked with haggard eyes and hollow at the face of laughing water. and the foremost said: "behold me! i am famine, bukadawin!" and the other said: "behold me! i am fever, ahkosewin!" and the lovely minnehaha shuddered as they looked upon her, shuddered at the words they uttered, lay down on her bed in silence, hid her face, but made no answer; lay there trembling, freezing, burning at the looks they cast upon her, at the fearful words they uttered. forth into the empty forest rushed the maddened hiawatha; in his heart was deadly sorrow, in his face a stony firmness; on his brow the sweat of anguish started, but it froze and fell not. wrapped in furs and armed for hunting, with his mighty bow of ash-tree, with his quiver full of arrows, with his mittens, minjekahwun, into the vast and vacant forest on his snow-shoes strode he forward. "gitche manito, the mighty!" cried he with his face uplifted in that bitter hour of anguish, "give your children food, o father! give us food, or we must perish! give me food for minnehaha, for my dying minnehaha!" through the far-resounding forest, through the forest vast and vacant rang that cry of desolation, but there came no other answer than the echo of his crying, than the echo of the woodlands, "minnehaha! minnehaha!" all day long roved hiawatha in that melancholy forest, through the shadow of whose thickets, in the pleasant days of summer, of that ne'er forgotten summer, he had brought his young wife homeward from the land of the dacotahs; when the birds sang in the thickets, and the streamlets laughed and glistened, and the air was full of fragrance, and the lovely laughing water said with voice that did not tremble, "i will follow you, my husband!" in the wigwam with nokomis, with those gloomy guests that watched her, with the famine and the fever, she was lying, the beloved, she, the dying minnehaha. "hark!" she said; "i hear a rushing, hear a roaring and a rushing, hear the falls of minnehaha calling to me from a distance!" "no, my child!" said old nokomis, "`t is the night-wind in the pine-trees!" "look!" she said; "i see my father standing lonely at his doorway, beckoning to me from his wigwam in the land of the dacotahs!" "no, my child!" said old nokomis. "`t is the smoke, that waves and beckons!" "ah!" said she, "the eyes of pauguk glare upon me in the darkness, i can feel his icy fingers clasping mine amid the darkness! hiawatha! hiawatha!" and the desolate hiawatha, far away amid the forest, miles away among the mountains, heard that sudden cry of anguish, heard the voice of minnehaha calling to him in the darkness, "hiawatha! hiawatha!" over snow-fields waste and pathless, under snow-encumbered branches, homeward hurried hiawatha, empty-handed, heavy-hearted, heard nokomis moaning, wailing: "wahonowin! wahonowin! would that i had perished for you, would that i were dead as you are! wahonowin! wahonowin!" and he rushed into the wigwam, saw the old nokomis slowly rocking to and fro and moaning, saw his lovely minnehaha lying dead and cold before him, and his bursting heart within him uttered such a cry of anguish, that the forest moaned and shuddered, that the very stars in heaven shook and trembled with his anguish. then he sat down, still and speechless, on the bed of minnehaha, at the feet of laughing water, at those willing feet, that never more would lightly run to meet him, never more would lightly follow. with both hands his face he covered, seven long days and nights he sat there, as if in a swoon he sat there, speechless, motionless, unconscious of the daylight or the darkness. then they buried minnehaha; in the snow a grave they made her in the forest deep and darksome underneath the moaning hemlocks; clothed her in her richest garments wrapped her in her robes of ermine, covered her with snow, like ermine; thus they buried minnehaha. and at night a fire was lighted, on her grave four times was kindled, for her soul upon its journey to the islands of the blessed. from his doorway hiawatha saw it burning in the forest, lighting up the gloomy hemlocks; from his sleepless bed uprising, from the bed of minnehaha, stood and watched it at the doorway, that it might not be extinguished, might not leave her in the darkness. "farewell!" said he, "minnehaha! farewell, o my laughing water! all my heart is buried with you, all my thoughts go onward with you! come not back again to labor, come not back again to suffer, where the famine and the fever wear the heart and waste the body. soon my task will be completed, soon your footsteps i shall follow to the islands of the blessed, to the kingdom of ponemah, to the land of the hereafter!" xxi the white man's foot in his lodge beside a river, close beside a frozen river, sat an old man, sad and lonely. white his hair was as a snow-drift; dull and low his fire was burning, and the old man shook and trembled, folded in his waubewyon, in his tattered white-skin-wrapper, hearing nothing but the tempest as it roared along the forest, seeing nothing but the snow-storm, as it whirled and hissed and drifted. all the coals were white with ashes, and the fire was slowly dying, as a young man, walking lightly, at the open doorway entered. red with blood of youth his cheeks were, soft his eyes, as stars in spring-time, bound his forehead was with grasses; bound and plumed with scented grasses, on his lips a smile of beauty, filling all the lodge with sunshine, in his hand a bunch of blossoms filling all the lodge with sweetness. "ah, my son!" exclaimed the old man, "happy are my eyes to see you. sit here on the mat beside me, sit here by the dying embers, let us pass the night together, tell me of your strange adventures, of the lands where you have travelled; i will tell you of my prowess, of my many deeds of wonder." from his pouch he drew his peace-pipe, very old and strangely fashioned; made of red stone was the pipe-head, and the stem a reed with feathers; filled the pipe with bark of willow, placed a burning coal upon it, gave it to his guest, the stranger, and began to speak in this wise: "when i blow my breath about me, when i breathe upon the landscape, motionless are all the rivers, hard as stone becomes the water!" and the young man answered, smiling: "when i blow my breath about me, when i breathe upon the landscape, flowers spring up o'er all the meadows, singing, onward rush the rivers!" "when i shake my hoary tresses," said the old man darkly frowning, "all the land with snow is covered; all the leaves from all the branches fall and fade and die and wither, for i breathe, and lo! they are not. from the waters and the marshes, rise the wild goose and the heron, fly away to distant regions, for i speak, and lo! they are not. and where'er my footsteps wander, all the wild beasts of the forest hide themselves in holes and caverns, and the earth becomes as flintstone!" "when i shake my flowing ringlets," said the young man, softly laughing, "showers of rain fall warm and welcome, plants lift up their heads rejoicing, back unto their lakes and marshes come the wild goose and the heron, homeward shoots the arrowy swallow, sing the bluebird and the robin, and where'er my footsteps wander, all the meadows wave with blossoms, all the woodlands ring with music, all the trees are dark with foliage!" while they spake, the night departed: from the distant realms of wabun, from his shining lodge of silver, like a warrior robed and painted, came the sun, and said, "behold me gheezis, the great sun, behold me!" then the old man's tongue was speechless and the air grew warm and pleasant, and upon the wigwam sweetly sang the bluebird and the robin, and the stream began to murmur, and a scent of growing grasses through the lodge was gently wafted. and segwun, the youthful stranger, more distinctly in the daylight saw the icy face before him; it was peboan, the winter! from his eyes the tears were flowing, as from melting lakes the streamlets, and his body shrunk and dwindled as the shouting sun ascended, till into the air it faded, till into the ground it vanished, and the young man saw before him, on the hearth-stone of the wigwam, where the fire had smoked and smouldered, saw the earliest flower of spring-time, saw the beauty of the spring-time, saw the miskodeed in blossom. thus it was that in the north-land after that unheard-of coldness, that intolerable winter, came the spring with all its splendor, all its birds and all its blossoms, all its flowers and leaves and grasses. sailing on the wind to northward, flying in great flocks, like arrows, like huge arrows shot through heaven, passed the swan, the mahnahbezee, speaking almost as a man speaks; and in long lines waving, bending like a bow-string snapped asunder, came the white goose, waw-be-wawa; and in pairs, or singly flying, mahng the loon, with clangorous pinions, the blue heron, the shuh-shuh-gah, and the grouse, the mushkodasa. in the thickets and the meadows piped the bluebird, the owaissa, on the summit of the lodges sang the robin, the opechee, in the covert of the pine-trees cooed the pigeon, the omemee; and the sorrowing hiawatha, speechless in his infinite sorrow, heard their voices calling to him, went forth from his gloomy doorway, stood and gazed into the heaven, gazed upon the earth and waters. from his wanderings far to eastward, from the regions of the morning, from the shining land of wabun, homeward now returned iagoo, the great traveller, the great boaster, full of new and strange adventures, marvels many and many wonders. and the people of the village listened to him as he told them of his marvellous adventures, laughing answered him in this wise: "ugh! it is indeed iagoo! no one else beholds such wonders!" he had seen, he said, a water bigger than the big-sea-water, broader than the gitche gumee, bitter so that none could drink it! at each other looked the warriors, looked the women at each other, smiled, and said, "it cannot be so!" "kaw!" they said, "it cannot be so!" o'er it, said he, o'er this water came a great canoe with pinions, a canoe with wings came flying, bigger than a grove of pine-trees, taller than the tallest tree-tops! and the old men and the women looked and tittered at each other; "kaw!" they said, "we don't believe it!" from its mouth, he said, to greet him, came waywassimo, the lightning, came the thunder, annemeekee! and the warriors and the women laughed aloud at poor iagoo; "kaw!" they said, "what tales you tell us!" in it, said he, came a people, in the great canoe with pinions came, he said, a hundred warriors; painted white were all their faces and with hair their chins were covered! and the warriors and the women laughed and shouted in derision, like the ravens on the tree-tops, like the crows upon the hemlocks. "kaw!" they said, "what lies you tell us! do not think that we believe them!" only hiawatha laughed not, but he gravely spake and answered to their jeering and their jesting: "true is all iagoo tells us; i have seen it in a vision, seen the great canoe with pinions, seen the people with white faces, seen the coming of this bearded people of the wooden vessel from the regions of the morning, from the shining land of wabun. "gitche manito, the mighty, the great spirit, the creator, sends them hither on his errand. sends them to us with his message. wheresoe'er they move, before them swarms the stinging fly, the ahmo, swarms the bee, the honey-maker; wheresoe'er they tread, beneath them springs a flower unknown among us, springs the white-man's foot in blossom. "let us welcome, then, the strangers, hail them as our friends and brothers, and the heart's right hand of friendship give them when they come to see us. gitche manito, the mighty, said this to me in my vision. "i beheld, too, in that vision all the secrets of the future, of the distant days that shall be. i beheld the westward marches of the unknown, crowded nations. all the land was full of people, restless, struggling, toiling, striving, speaking many tongues, yet feeling but one heart-beat in their bosoms. in the woodlands rang their axes, smoked their towns in all the valleys, over all the lakes and rivers rushed their great canoes of thunder. "then a darker, drearier vision passed before me, vague and cloud-like; i beheld our nation scattered, all forgetful of my counsels, weakened, warring with each other: saw the remnants of our people sweeping westward, wild and woful, like the cloud-rack of a tempest, like the withered leaves of autumn!" xxii hiawatha's departure by the shore of gitche gumee, by the shining big-sea-water, at the doorway of his wigwam, in the pleasant summer morning, hiawatha stood and waited. all the air was full of freshness, all the earth was bright and joyous, and before him, through the sunshine, westward toward the neighboring forest passed in golden swarms the ahmo, passed the bees, the honey-makers, burning, singing in the sunshine. bright above him shone the heavens, level spread the lake before him; from its bosom leaped the sturgeon, sparkling, flashing in the sunshine; on its margin the great forest stood reflected in the water, every tree-top had its shadow, motionless beneath the water. from the brow of hiawatha gone was every trace of sorrow, as the fog from off the water, as the mist from off the meadow. with a smile of joy and triumph, with a look of exultation, as of one who in a vision sees what is to be, but is not, stood and waited hiawatha. toward the sun his hands were lifted, both the palms spread out against it, and between the parted fingers fell the sunshine on his features, flecked with light his naked shoulders, as it falls and flecks an oak-tree through the rifted leaves and branches. o'er the water floating, flying, something in the hazy distance, something in the mists of morning, loomed and lifted from the water, now seemed floating, now seemed flying, coming nearer, nearer, nearer. was it shingebis the diver? or the pelican, the shada? or the heron, the shuh-shuh-gah? or the white goose, waw-be-wawa, with the water dripping, flashing, from its glossy neck and feathers? it was neither goose nor diver, neither pelican nor heron, o'er the water floating, flying, through the shining mist of morning, but a birch canoe with paddles, rising, sinking on the water, dripping, flashing in the sunshine; and within it came a people from the distant land of wabun, from the farthest realms of morning came the black-robe chief, the prophet, he the priest of prayer, the pale-face, with his guides and his companions. and the noble hiawatha, with his hands aloft extended, held aloft in sign of welcome, waited, full of exultation, till the birch canoe with paddles grated on the shining pebbles, stranded on the sandy margin, till the black-robe chief, the pale-face, with the cross upon his bosom, landed on the sandy margin. then the joyous hiawatha cried aloud and spake in this wise: "beautiful is the sun, o strangers, when you come so far to see us! all our town in peace awaits you, all our doors stand open for you; you shall enter all our wigwams, for the heart's right hand we give you. "never bloomed the earth so gayly, never shone the sun so brightly, as to-day they shine and blossom when you come so far to see us! never was our lake so tranquil, nor so free from rocks, and sand-bars; for your birch canoe in passing has removed both rock and sand-bar. "never before had our tobacco such a sweet and pleasant flavor, never the broad leaves of our cornfields were so beautiful to look on, as they seem to us this morning, when you come so far to see us!" and the black-robe chief made answer, stammered in his speech a little, speaking words yet unfamiliar: "peace be with you, hiawatha, peace be with you and your people, peace of prayer, and peace of pardon, peace of christ, and joy of mary!" then the generous hiawatha led the strangers to his wigwam, seated them on skins of bison, seated them on skins of ermine, and the careful old nokomis brought them food in bowls of basswood, water brought in birchen dippers, and the calumet, the peace-pipe, filled and lighted for their smoking. all the old men of the village, all the warriors of the nation, all the jossakeeds, the prophets, the magicians, the wabenos, and the medicine-men, the medas, came to bid the strangers welcome; "it is well", they said, "o brothers, that you come so far to see us!" in a circle round the doorway, with their pipes they sat in silence, waiting to behold the strangers, waiting to receive their message; till the black-robe chief, the pale-face, from the wigwam came to greet them, stammering in his speech a little, speaking words yet unfamiliar; "it is well," they said, "o brother, that you come so far to see us!" then the black-robe chief, the prophet, told his message to the people, told the purport of his mission, told them of the virgin mary, and her blessed son, the saviour, how in distant lands and ages he had lived on earth as we do; how he fasted, prayed, and labored; how the jews, the tribe accursed, mocked him, scourged him, crucified him; how he rose from where they laid him, walked again with his disciples, and ascended into heaven. and the chiefs made answer, saying: "we have listened to your message, we have heard your words of wisdom, we will think on what you tell us. it is well for us, o brothers, that you come so far to see us!" then they rose up and departed each one homeward to his wigwam, to the young men and the women told the story of the strangers whom the master of life had sent them from the shining land of wabun. heavy with the heat and silence grew the afternoon of summer; with a drowsy sound the forest whispered round the sultry wigwam, with a sound of sleep the water rippled on the beach below it; from the cornfields shrill and ceaseless sang the grasshopper, pah-puk-keena; and the guests of hiawatha, weary with the heat of summer, slumbered in the sultry wigwam. slowly o'er the simmering landscape fell the evening's dusk and coolness, and the long and level sunbeams shot their spears into the forest, breaking through its shields of shadow, rushed into each secret ambush, searched each thicket, dingle, hollow; still the guests of hiawatha slumbered in the silent wigwam. from his place rose hiawatha, bade farewell to old nokomis, spake in whispers, spake in this wise, did not wake the guests, that slumbered. "i am going, o nokomis, on a long and distant journey, to the portals of the sunset. to the regions of the home-wind, of the northwest-wind, keewaydin. but these guests i leave behind me, in your watch and ward i leave them; see that never harm comes near them, see that never fear molests them, never danger nor suspicion, never want of food or shelter, in the lodge of hiawatha!" forth into the village went he, bade farewell to all the warriors, bade farewell to all the young men, spake persuading, spake in this wise: "i am going, o my people, on a long and distant journey; many moons and many winters will have come, and will have vanished, ere i come again to see you. but my guests i leave behind me; listen to their words of wisdom, listen to the truth they tell you, for the master of life has sent them from the land of light and morning!" on the shore stood hiawatha, turned and waved his hand at parting; on the clear and luminous water launched his birch canoe for sailing, from the pebbles of the margin shoved it forth into the water; whispered to it, "westward! westward!" and with speed it darted forward. and the evening sun descending set the clouds on fire with redness, burned the broad sky, like a prairie, left upon the level water one long track and trail of splendor, down whose stream, as down a river, westward, westward hiawatha sailed into the fiery sunset, sailed into the purple vapors, sailed into the dusk of evening: and the people from the margin watched him floating, rising, sinking, till the birch canoe seemed lifted high into that sea of splendor, till it sank into the vapors like the new moon slowly, slowly sinking in the purple distance. and they said, "farewell forever!" said, "farewell, o hiawatha!" and the forests, dark and lonely, moved through all their depths of darkness, sighed, "farewell, o hiawatha!" and the waves upon the margin rising, rippling on the pebbles, sobbed, "farewell, o hiawatha!" and the heron, the shuh-shuh-gah, from her haunts among the fen-lands, screamed, "farewell, o hiawatha!" thus departed hiawatha, hiawatha the beloved, in the glory of the sunset, in the purple mists of evening, to the regions of the home-wind, of the northwest-wind, keewaydin, to the islands of the blessed, to the kingdom of ponemah, to the land of the hereafter! vocabulary adjidau'mo, the red squirrel ahdeek', the reindeer ahmeek', the beaver annemee'kee, the thunder apuk'wa, a bulrush baim-wa'wa, the sound of the thunder bemah'gut, the grape-vine chemaun', a birch canoe chetowaik', the plover chibia'bos, a musician; friend of hiawatha; ruler of the land of spirits dahin'da, the bull frog dush-kwo-ne'-she or kwo-ne'-she, the dragon fly esa, shame upon you ewa-yea', lullaby gitche gu'mee, the big-sea-water, lake superior gitche man'ito, the great spirit, the master of life gushkewau', the darkness hiawa'tha, the prophet, the teacher, son of mudjekeewis, the west-wind and wenonah, daughter of nokomis ia'goo, a great boaster and story-teller inin'ewug, men, or pawns in the game of the bowl ishkoodah', fire, a comet jee'bi, a ghost, a spirit joss'akeed, a prophet kabibonok'ka, the north-wind ka'go, do not kahgahgee', the raven kaw, no kaween', no indeed kayoshk', the sea-gull kee'go, a fish keeway'din, the northwest wind, the home-wind kena'beek, a serpent keneu', the great war-eagle keno'zha, the pickerel ko'ko-ko'ho, the owl kuntasoo', the game of plumstones kwa'sind, the strong man kwo-ne'-she, or dush-kwo-ne'-she, the dragon-fly mahnahbe'zee, the swan mahng, the loon mahnomo'nee, wild rice ma'ma, the woodpecker me'da, a medicine-man meenah'ga, the blueberry megissog'won, the great pearl-feather, a magician, and the manito of wealth meshinau'wa, a pipe-bearer minjekah'wun, hiawatha's mittens minneha'ha, laughing water; wife of hiawatha; a water-fall in a stream running into the mississippi between fort snelling and the falls of st. anthony minne-wa'wa, a pleasant sound, as of the wind in the trees mishe-mo'kwa, the great bear mishe-nah'ma, the great sturgeon miskodeed', the spring-beauty, the claytonia virginica monda'min, indian corn moon of bright nights, april moon of leaves, may moon of strawberries, june moon of the falling leaves, september moon of snow-shoes, november mudjekee'wis, the west-wind; father of hiawatha mudway-aush'ka, sound of waves on a shore mushkoda'sa, the grouse nah'ma, the sturgeon nah'ma-wusk, spearmint na'gow wudj'oo, the sand dunes of lake superior nee-ba-naw'-baigs, water-spirits nenemoo'sha, sweetheart nepah'win, sleep noko'mis, a grandmother, mother of wenonah no'sa, my father nush'ka, look! look! odah'min, the strawberry okahha'wis, the fresh-water herring ome'mee, the pigeon ona'gon, a bowl opechee', the robin osse'o, son of the evening star owais'sa, the blue-bird oweenee', wife of osseo ozawa'beek, a round piece of brass or copper in the game of the bowl pah-puk-kee'na, the grasshopper pau'guk, death pau-puk-kee'wis, the handsome yenadizze, the son of storm fool pe'boan, winter pem'ican, meat of the deer or buffalo dried and pounded pezhekee', the bison pishnekuh', the brant pone'mah, hereafter puggawau'gun, a war-club puk-wudj'ies, little wild men of the woods; pygmies sah-sah-je'wun, rapids segwun', spring sha'da, the pelican shahbo'min, the gooseberry shah-shah, long ago shaugoda'ya, a coward shawgashee', the craw-fish shawonda'see, the south-wind shaw-shaw, the swallow shesh'ebwug, ducks; pieces in the game of the bowl shin'gebis, the diver, or grebe showain'neme'shin, pity me shuh-shuh-gah', the blue heron soan-ge-ta'ha, strong-hearted subbeka'she, the spider sugge'me, the mosquito to'tem, family coat-of-arms ugh, yes ugudwash', the sun-fish unktahee', the god of water wabas'so, the rabbit, the north wabe'no, a magician, a juggler wabe'no-wusk, yarrow wa'bun, the east-wind wa'bun an'nung, the star of the east, the morning star wahono'win, a cry of lamentation wah-wah-tay'see, the fire-fly waubewy'on, a white skin wrapper wa'wa, the wild goose waw-be-wa'wa, the white goose wawonais'sa, the whippoorwill way-muk-kwa'na, the caterpillar weno'nah, the eldest daughter; hiawatha's mother, daughter of nokomis yenadiz'ze, an idler and gambler; an indian dandy http://www.archive.org/details/hiawathandiroquo halerich hiawatha and the iroquois confederation. a study in anthropology by horatio hale. a paper read at the cincinnati meeting of the american association for the advancement of science, in august, , under the title of "a lawgiver of the stone age." salem, mass.: printed at the salem press. . a lawgiver of the stone age. by horatio hale, of clinton, ontario, canada. what was the intellectual capacity of man when he made his first appearance upon the earth? or, to speak with more scientific precision (as the question relates to material evidences), what were the mental powers of the people who fashioned the earliest stone implements, which are admitted to be the oldest remaining traces of our kind? as these people were low in the arts of life, were they also low in natural capacity? this is certainly one of the most important questions which the science of anthropology has yet to answer. of late years the prevalent disposition has apparently been to answer it in the affirmative. primitive man, we are to believe, had a feeble and narrow intellect, which in the progress of civilization has been gradually strengthened and enlarged. this conclusion is supposed to be in accordance with the development theory; and the distinguished author of that theory has seemed to favor this view. yet, in fact, the development theory has nothing to do with the question. if we suppose that the existing and--so far as we know--the only species of man appeared upon the earth with the physical conformation and mental capacity which he retains at this day, we make merely the same supposition with regard to him that we make with regard to every other existing species of animal. how it was that this species came to exist is another question altogether. philologists regard it as an established fact that the first people who spoke an aryan language were a tribe of barbarous nomads, who wandered in the highlands of central asia. those who have studied the earliest products of aryan genius in the vedas, the zend-avesta, and the homeric songs, will be willing to admit that these wandering barbarians may have had minds capable of the highest efforts to which the human intellect is known to have attained. yet if an irruption of semitic or turanian conquerors had swept that infant tribe from the earth, no trace of its existence beyond a few flint implements, and perhaps some fragments of pottery, would have remained to show that such a people had ever existed. have we any reason to doubt that in the course of all the ages, in various parts of our globe, many tribes of men may have arisen and perished who were in natural capacity as far superior to the primitive aryans as these were to the races who surrounded them? under the law of the survival of the fittest, it is not the strongest that survive, but the strongest of those that are placed in the most favorable circumstances. on any calculation of probabilities, it will seem likely enough that among the numberless small societies of men that have appeared and vanished in primeval asia and europe, in africa, australia, america, and polynesia, there may have been some at least equal, if not superior, in mental endowments, to that fortunate tribe of central asia, whose posterity has come to be the dominant race of our time. among their leaders may have been men qualified to rank with the most renowned heroes, exemplars, and teachers of the human race--with moses and buddha, with confucius and solon, with numa, charlemagne, and alfred, or (to come down to recent times) with the greatest and wisest among the founders of the american republic. if the possibility of the existence of such men under such conditions cannot be denied, the facts which have lately been brought to light in regard to one such personage and the community in which he lived may have a peculiar interest and significance in their bearing on the general question of the mental capacity of uncivilized races. it is well known that the iroquois tribes, whom our ancestors termed the five nations, were, when first visited by europeans, in the precise condition which, according to all the evidence we possess, was held by the inhabitants of the old world during what has been designated the stone age. any one who examines the abandoned site of an ancient iroquois town will find there relics of precisely the same cast as those which are disinterred from the burial mounds and caves of prehistoric europe,--implements of flint and bone, ornaments of shells, and fragments of rude pottery. trusting to these evidences alone, he might suppose that the people who wrought them were of the humblest grade of intellect. but the testimony of historians, of travellers, of missionaries, and perhaps his own personal observation, would make him aware that this opinion would be erroneous, and that these indians were, in their own way, acute reasoners, eloquent speakers, and most skilful and far-seeing politicians. he would know that for more than a century, though never mustering more than five thousand fighting men, they were able to hold the balance of power on this continent between france and england; and that in a long series of negotiations they proved themselves qualified to cope in council with the best diplomatists whom either of those powers could depute to deal with them. it is only recently that we have learned, through the researches of a careful and philosophic investigator, the hon. l. h. morgan, that their internal polity was marked by equal wisdom, and had been developed and consolidated into a system of government, embodying many of what are deemed the best principles and methods of political science,--representation, federation, self-government through local and general legislatures,--all resulting in personal liberty, combined with strict subordination to public law. but it has not been distinctly known that for many of these advantages the five nations were indebted to one individual, who bore to them the same relation which the great reformers and lawgivers of antiquity bore to the communities whose gratitude has made their names illustrious. a singular fortune has attended the name and memory of hiawatha. though actually an historical personage, and not of very ancient date, of whose life and deeds many memorials remain, he has been confused with two indian divinities, the one iroquois, the other algonquin, and his history has been distorted and obscured almost beyond recognition. through the cloud of mythology which has enveloped his memory, the genius of longfellow has discerned something of his real character, and has made his name, at least, a household word wherever the english language is spoken. it remains to give a correct account of the man himself and of the work which he accomplished, as it has been received from the official annalists of his people. the narrative is confirmed by the evidence of contemporary wampum records, and by written memorials in the native tongue, one of which is at least a hundred years old. according to the best evidence that can be obtained, the formation of the iroquois confederacy dates from about the middle of the fifteenth century. there is reason to believe that prior to that time the five tribes, who are dignified with the title of nations, had held the region south of lake ontario, extending from the hudson to the genesee river, for many generations, and probably for many centuries. tradition makes their earlier seat to have been north of the st. lawrence river, which is probable enough. it also represents the mohawks as the original tribe, of which the others are offshoots; and this tradition is confirmed by the evidence of language. that the iroquois tribes were originally one people, and that their separation into five communities, speaking distinct dialects, dates many centuries back, are both conclusions as certain as any facts in physical science. three hundred and fifty years ago they were isolated tribes, at war occasionally with one another, and almost constantly with the fierce algonquins who surrounded them. not unfrequently, also, they had to withstand and to avenge the incursions of warriors belonging to more distant tribes of various stocks, hurons, cherokees and dakotas. yet they were not peculiarly a warlike people. they were a race of housebuilders, farmers, and fishermen. they had large and strongly palisaded towns, well-cultivated fields, and substantial houses, sometimes a hundred feet long, in which many kindred families dwelt together. at this time two great dangers, the one from without, the other from within, pressed upon these tribes. the mohegans, or mohicans, a powerful algonquin people, whose settlements stretched along the hudson river, south of the mohawks, and extended thence eastward into new england, waged a desperate war against them. in this war the most easterly of the iroquois, the mohawks and oneidas, bore the brunt and were the greatest sufferers. on the other hand, the two westerly nations, the senecas and cayugas, had a peril of their own to encounter. the central nation, the onondagas, were then under the control of a dreaded chief, whose name is variously given, atotarho, watatotahlo, tododaho, according to the dialect of the speaker and the orthography of the writer. he was a man of great force of character and of formidable qualities,--haughty, ambitious, crafty and bold,--a determined and successful warrior, and at home, so far as the constitution of an indian tribe would allow, a stern and remorseless tyrant. he tolerated no equal. the chiefs who ventured to oppose him were taken off one after another by secret means, or were compelled to flee for safety to other tribes. his subtlety and artifices had acquired for him the reputation of a wizard. he knew, they say, what was going on at a distance as well as if he were present; and he could destroy his enemies by some magical art, while he himself was far away. in spite of the fear which he inspired, his domination would probably not have been endured by an indian community, but for his success in war. he had made himself and his people a terror to the cayugas and the senecas. according to one account, he had subdued both of those tribes; but the record-keepers of the present day do not confirm this statement, which indeed is not consistent with the subsequent history of the confederation. the name atotarho signifies "entangled." the usual process by which mythology, after a few generations, makes fables out of names, has not been wanting here. in the legends which the indian story-tellers recount in winter about their cabin fires, atotarho figures as a being of preterhuman nature, whose head, in lieu of hair, is adorned with living snakes. a rude pictorial representation shows him seated and giving audience, in horrible state, with the upper part of his person enveloped by these writhing and entangled reptiles. but the grave councillors of the canadian reservation, who recite his history as they have heard it from their fathers at every installation of a high chief, do not repeat these inventions of marvel-loving gossips, and only smile with good-humored derision when they are referred to. there was at this time among the onondagas a chief of high rank whose name, variously written--hiawatha, hayonwatha, ayongwhata, taoungwatha--is rendered, "he who seeks the wampum belt." he had made himself greatly esteemed by his wisdom and his benevolence. he was now past middle age. though many of his friends and relatives had perished by the machinations of atotarho, he himself had been spared. the qualities which gained him general respect had, perhaps, not been without influence even on that redoubtable chief. hiawatha had long beheld with grief the evils which afflicted not only his own nation, but all the other tribes about them, through the continual wars in which they were engaged, and the misgovernment and miseries at home which these wars produced. with much meditation he had elaborated in his mind the scheme of a vast confederation which would ensure universal peace. in the mere plan of a confederation there was nothing new. there are probably few, if any, indian tribes which have not, at one time or another, been members of a league or confederacy. it may almost be said to be their normal condition. but the plan which hiawatha had evolved differed from all others in two particulars. the system which he devised was to be not a loose and transitory league, but a permanent government. while each nation was to retain its own council and its management of local affairs, the general control was to be lodged in a federal senate, composed of representatives elected by each nation, holding office during good behavior, and acknowledged as ruling chiefs throughout the whole confederacy. still further, and more remarkably, the confederation was not to be a limited one. it was to be indefinitely expansible. the avowed design of its proposer was to abolish war altogether. he wished the federation to extend until all the tribes of men should be included in it, and peace should everywhere reign. such is the positive testimony of the iroquois themselves; and their statement, as will be seen, is supported by historical evidence. hiawatha's first endeavor was to enlist his own nation in the cause. he summoned a meeting of the chiefs and people of the onondaga towns. the summons, proceeding from a chief of his rank and reputation, attracted a large concourse. "they came together," said the narrator, "along the creeks, from all parts, to the general council-fire." but what effect the grand projects of the chief, enforced by the eloquence for which he was noted, might have had upon his auditors, could not be known. for there appeared among them a well-known figure, grim, silent and forbidding, whose terrible aspect overawed the assemblage. the unspoken displeasure of atotarho was sufficient to stifle all debate, and the meeting dispersed. this result, which seems a singular conclusion of an indian council--the most independent and free-spoken of all gatherings--is sufficiently explained by the fact that atotarho had organized among the more reckless warriors of his tribe a band of unscrupulous partisans, who did his bidding without question, and took off by secret murder all persons against whom he bore a grudge. the knowledge that his followers were scattered through the assembly, prepared to mark for destruction those who should offend him, might make the boldest orator chary of speech. hiawatha alone was undaunted. he summoned a second meeting, which was attended by a smaller number, and broke up as before, in confusion, on atotarho's appearance. the unwearied reformer sent forth his runners a third time; but the people were disheartened. when the day of the council arrived, no one attended. then, continued the narrator, hiawatha seated himself on the ground in sorrow. he enveloped his head in his mantle of skins, and remained for a long time bowed down in grief and thought. at length he arose and left the town, taking his course toward the southeast. he had formed a bold design. as the councils of his own nation were closed to him, he would have recourse to those of other tribes. at a short distance from the town (so minutely are the circumstances recounted) he passed his great antagonist, seated near a well-known spring, stern and silent as usual. no word passed between the determined representatives of war and peace; but it was doubtless not without a sensation of triumphant pleasure that the ferocious war-chief saw his only rival and opponent in council going into what seemed to be voluntary exile. hiawatha plunged into the forest; he climbed mountains; he crossed a lake; he floated down the mohawk river in a canoe. many incidents of his journey are told, and in this part of the narrative alone some occurrences of a marvellous cast are related even by the official historians. indeed, the flight of hiawatha from onondaga to the country of the mohawks is to the five nations what the flight of mohammed from mecca to medina is to the votaries of islam. it is the turning point of their history. in embellishing the narrative at this point, their imagination has been allowed a free course. leaving aside these marvels, however, we need only refer here to a single incident which may well enough have been of actual occurrence. a lake which hiawatha crossed had shores abounding in small white shells. these he gathered and strung upon strings, which he disposed upon his breast, as a token to all whom he should meet that he came as a messenger of peace. and this, according to one authority, was the origin of wampum, of which hiawatha was the inventor. that honor, however, is one which must be denied to him. the evidence of sepulchral relics shows that wampum was known to the mysterious moundbuilders, as well as in all succeeding ages. moreover, if the significance of white wampum-strings as a token of peace had not been well known in his day, hiawatha would not have relied upon them as a means of proclaiming his pacific purpose. early one morning he arrived at a mohawk town, the residence of the noted chief dekanawidah, whose name, in point of celebrity, ranks in iroquois tradition with those of hiawatha and atotarho. it is probable that he was known by reputation to hiawatha, and not unlikely that they were related. according to one account dekanawidah was an onondaga, adopted among the mohawks. another narrative makes him a mohawk by birth. the probability seems to be that he was the son of an onondaga father, who had been adopted by the mohawks, and of a mohawk mother. that he was not of pure mohawk blood is shown by the fact, which is remembered, that his father had had successively three wives, one belonging to each of the three clans, bear, wolf, and turtle, which compose the mohawk nation. if the father had been a mohawk, he would have belonged to one of the mohawk clans, and could not then (according to the indian law) have married into it. he had seven sons, including dekanawidah, who, with their families, dwelt together in one of the "long houses" common in that day among the iroquois. these ties of kindred, together with this fraternal strength, and his reputation as a sagacious councillor, gave dekanawidah great influence among his people. but, in the indian sense, he was not the leading chief. this position belonged to tekarihoken (better known in books as tecarihoga) whose primacy as the first chief of the eldest among the iroquois nations was then, and is still, universally admitted. each nation has always had a head-chief, to whom belonged the hereditary right and duty of lighting the council-fire, and taking the first place in public meetings. but among the indians, as in other communities, hereditary rank and personal influence do not always, or indeed ordinarily, go together. if hiawatha could gain over dekanawidah to his views, he would have done much toward the accomplishment of his purposes. in the early dawn he seated himself on a fallen trunk, near the spring from which the inhabitants of the long-house drew their water. presently one of the brothers came out with a vessel of elm-bark, and approached the spring. hiawatha sat silent and motionless. something in his aspect awed the warrior, who feared to address him. he returned to the house, and said to dekanawidah, "a man, or a figure like a man, is seated by the spring, having his breast covered with strings of white shells." "it is a guest," replied the chief; "go and bring him in. we will make him welcome." thus hiawatha and dekanawidah first met. they found in each other kindred spirits. the sagacity of the mohawk chief grasped at once the advantages of the proposed plan, and the two worked together in perfecting it, and in commending it to the people. after much discussion in council, the adhesion of the mohawk nation was secured. dekanawidah then despatched two of his brothers as ambassadors to the nearest tribe, the oneidas, to lay the project before them. the oneida nation is deemed to be a comparatively recent offshoot from the mohawks. the difference of language is slight, showing that their separation was much later than that of the onondagas. in the figurative speech of the iroquois, the oneida is the son, and the onondaga is the brother, of the mohawk. dekanawidah had good reason to expect that it would not prove difficult to win the consent of the oneidas to the proposed scheme. but delay and deliberation mark all public acts of the indians. the ambassadors found the leading chief, odatshehte, at his town on the oneida creek. he received their message in a friendly way, but required time for his people to consider it in council. "come back in another day," he said to the messengers. in the political speech of the indians, a day is understood to mean a year. the envoys carried back the reply to dekanawidah and hiawatha, who knew that they could do nothing but wait the prescribed time. after the lapse of a year, they repaired to the place of meeting. the treaty which initiated the great league was then and there ratified between the representatives of the mohawk and oneida nations. the name of odatshehte means "the quiver-bearer;" and as atotarho, "the entangled," is fabled to have had his head wreathed with snaky locks, and as hiawatha, "the wampum-seeker," is represented to have wrought shells into wampum, so the oneida chief is reputed to have appeared at this treaty bearing at his shoulder a quiver full of arrows. the onondagas lay next to the oneidas. to them, or rather to their terrible chief, the next application was made. the first meeting of atotarho and dekanawidah is a notable event in iroquois history. at a later day, a native artist sought to represent it in an historical picture, which has been already referred to. atotarho is seated in solitary and surly dignity, smoking a long pipe, his head and body encircled with contorted and angry serpents. standing before him are two figures which cannot be mistaken. the foremost, a plumed and cinctured warrior, depicted as addressing the onondaga chief, holds in his right hand, as a staff, his flint-headed spear,--the ensign which marks him as the representative of the kanienga, or "people of the flint,"--for so the mohawks style themselves. behind him another plumed figure bears in his hand a bow with arrows, and at his shoulder a quiver. divested of its mythological embellishments, the picture rudely represents the interview which actually took place. the immediate result was unpromising. the onondaga chief coldly refused to entertain the project, which he had already rejected when proposed by hiawatha. the ambassadors were not discouraged. beyond the onondagas were scattered the villages of the cayugas, a people described by the jesuit missionaries, at a later day, as the most mild and tractable of the iroquois. they were considered an offshoot of the onondagas, to whom they bore the same filial relation which the oneidas bore to the mohawks. the journey of the advocates of peace through the forest to the cayuga capital, and their reception, are minutely detailed in the traditionary narrative. the cayugas, who had suffered from the prowess and cruelty of the onondaga chief, needed little persuasion. they readily consented to come into the league, and their chief, akahenyonk, "the wary spy," joined the mohawk and oneida representatives in a new embassy to the onondagas. acting probably upon the advice of hiawatha, who knew better than any other the character of the community and the chief with whom they had to deal, they made proposals highly flattering to the self-esteem which was the most notable trait of both ruler and people. the onondagas should be the leading nation of the confederacy. their chief town should be the federal capital, where the great councils of the league should be held, and where its records should be preserved. the nation should be represented in the council by fourteen senators, while no other nation should have more than ten. and as the onondagas should be the leading tribe, so atotarho should be the leading chief. he alone should have the right of summoning the federal council, and no act of the council to which he objected should be valid. in other words, an absolute veto was given to him. to enhance his personal dignity two high chiefs were appointed as his special aids and counsellors, his "secretaries of state," so to speak. other insignia of preëminence were to be possessed by him; and, in view of all these distinctions, it is not surprising that his successor, who, two centuries later, retained the same prerogatives, should have been occasionally styled by the english colonists "the emperor of the five nations." it might seem, indeed, at first thought, that the founders of the confederacy had voluntarily placed themselves and their tribes in a position of almost abject subserviency to atotarho and his followers. but they knew too well the qualities of their people to fear for them any political subjection. it was certain that when once the league was established, and its representatives had met in council, character and intelligence would assume their natural sway, and mere artificial rank and dignity would be little regarded. atotarho and his people, however, yielded either to these specious offers or to the pressure which the combined urgency of the three allied nations now brought to bear upon them. they finally accepted the league; and the great chief, who had originally opposed it, now naturally became eager to see it as widely extended as possible. he advised its representatives to go on at once to the westward, and enlist the populous seneca towns, pointing out how this might best be done. this advice was followed, and the adhesion of the senecas was secured by giving to their two leading chiefs, kanyadariyo ("beautiful lake") and shadekaronyes ("the equal skies"), the offices of military commanders of the confederacy, with the title of door-keepers of the "long-house,"--that being the figure by which the league was known. the six national leaders who have been mentioned--dekanawidah for the mohawks, odatshehte for the oneidas, atotarho for the onondagas, akahenyonk for the cayugas, kanyadariyo and shadekaronyes for the two great divisions of the senecas--met in convention near the onondaga lake, with hiawatha for their adviser, and a vast concourse of their followers, to settle the terms and rules of their confederacy, and to nominate its first council. of this council, nine members (or ten, if dekanawidah be included) were assigned to the mohawks, a like number to the oneidas, fourteen to the lordly onondagas, ten to the cayugas, and eight to the senecas. except in the way of compliment, the number assigned to each nation was really of little consequence, inasmuch as, by the rule of the league, unanimity was exacted in all their decisions. this unanimity, however, did not require the suffrage of every member of the council. the representatives of each nation first deliberated apart upon the question proposed. in this separate council the majority decided; and the leading chief then expressed in the great council the voice of his nation. thus the veto of atotarho ceased at once to be peculiar to him, and became a right exercised by each of the allied nations. this requirement of unanimity, embarrassing as it might seem, did not prove to be so in practice. whenever a question arose on which opinions were divided, its decision was either postponed, or some compromise was reached which left all parties contented. the first members of the council were appointed by the convention,--under what precise rule is unknown; but their successors came in by a method in which the hereditary and the elective systems were singularly combined, and in which female suffrage had an important place. when a chief died or (as sometimes happened) was deposed for incapacity or misconduct, some member of the same family succeeded him. rank followed the female line; and this successor might be any descendant of the late chief's mother or grandmother,--his brother, his cousin or his nephew,--but never his son. among many persons who might thus be eligible, the selection was made in the first instance by a family council. in this council the "chief matron" of the family, a noble dame whose position and right were well defined, had the deciding voice. this remarkable fact is affirmed by the jesuit missionary lafitau, and the usage remains in full vigor among the canadian iroquois to this day. if there are two or more members of the family who seem to have equal claims, the nominating matron sometimes declines to decide between them, and names them both or all, leaving the ultimate choice to the nation or the federal council. the council of the nation next considers the nomination, and if dissatisfied, refers it back to the family for a new designation. if content, the national council reports the name of the candidate to the federal senate, in which resides the power of ratifying or rejecting the choice of the nation; but the power of rejection is rarely exercised, though that of expulsion for good cause is not unfrequently exerted. the new chief inherits the name of his predecessor. in this respect, as in some others, the resemblance of the great council to the english house of peers is striking. as norfolk succeeds to norfolk, so tekarihoken succeeds tekarihoken. the great names of hiawatha and atotarho are still borne by plain farmer-councillors on the canadian reservation. when the league was established, hiawatha had been adopted by the mohawk nation as one of their chiefs. the honor in which he was held by them is shown by his position on the roll of councillors, as it has been handed down from the earliest times. as the mohawk nation is the "elder brother," the names of its chiefs are first recited. at the head of the list is the leading mohawk chief, tekarihoken, who represents the noblest lineage of the iroquois stock. next to him, and second on the roll, is the name of hiawatha. that of his great colleague, dekanawidah, nowhere appears. he was a member of the first council; but he forbade his people to appoint a successor to him. "let the others have successors," he said proudly, "for others can advise you like them. but i am the founder of your league, and no one else can do what i have done." the boast was not unwarranted. though planned by another, the structure had been reared mainly by his labors. but the five nations, while yielding abundant honor to the memory of dekanawidah, have never regarded him with the same affectionate reverence which has always clung to the name of hiawatha. his tender and lofty wisdom, his wide-reaching benevolence, and his fervent appeals to their better sentiments, enforced by the eloquence of which he was master, touched chords in the popular heart which have continued to respond until this day. fragments of the speeches in which he addressed the council and the people of the league are still remembered and repeated. the fact that the league only carried out a part of the grand design which he had in view is constantly affirmed. yet the failure was not due to lack of effort. in pursuance of his original purpose, when the league was firmly established, envoys were sent to other tribes to urge them to join it or at least to become allies. one of these embassies penetrated to the distant cherokees, the hereditary enemies of the iroquois nations. for some reason with which we are not acquainted--perhaps the natural suspicion or vindictive pride of that powerful community--this mission was a failure. another, despatched to the western algonquins, had better success. a strict alliance was formed with the far-spread ojibway tribes, and was maintained inviolate for at least two hundred years, until at length the influence of the french, with the sympathy of the ojibways for the conquered hurons, undid to some extent, though not entirely, this portion of hiawatha's work. his conceptions were beyond his time, and beyond ours; but their effect, within a limited sphere, was very great. for more than three centuries the bond which he devised held together the iroquois nations in perfect amity. it proved, moreover, as he intended, elastic. the territory of the iroquois, constantly extending as their united strength made itself felt, became the "great asylum" of the indian tribes. of the conquered eries and hurons, many hundreds were received and adopted among their conquerors. the tuscaroras, expelled by the english from north carolina, took refuge with the iroquois, and became the sixth nation of the league. from still further south, the tuteloes and saponies, of dakota stock, after many wars with the iroquois, fled to them from their other enemies, and found a cordial welcome. a chief still sits in the council as a representative of the tuteloes, though the tribe itself has been swept away by disease, or absorbed in the larger nations. many fragments of tribes of algonquin lineage--delawares, nanticokes, mohicans, mississagas,--sought the same hospitable protection, which never failed them. their descendants still reside on the canadian reservation, which may well be styled an aboriginal "refuge of nations,"--affording a striking evidence in our own day of the persistent force of a great idea, when embodied in practical shape by the energy of a master mind. the name by which their constitution or organic law is known among them is _kayánerenh_, to which the epitaph _kowa_ [transcriber's note: the "o" is the unicode o-macron], "great," is frequently added. this word, _kayánerenh_, is sometimes rendered "law," or "league," but its proper meaning seems to be "peace." it is used in this sense by the missionaries, in their translations of the scriptures and the prayer-book. in such expressions as "the prince of peace," "the author of peace," "give peace in our time," we find _kayánerenh_ employed with this meaning. its root is _yaner_, signifying "noble," or "excellent," which yields, among many derivatives, _kayánere_, "goodness," and _kayánerenh_, "peace," or "peacefulness." the national hymn of the confederacy, sung whenever their "condoling council" meets, commences with a verse referring to their league, which is literally rendered, "we come to greet and thank the peace" (_kayánerenh_). when the list of their ancient chiefs, the fifty original councillors, is chanted in the closing litany of the meeting, there is heard from time to time, as the leaders of each clan are named, an outburst of praise, in the words-- "this was the roll of you-- you that were joined in the work, you that confirmed the work, the great peace." (_kayánerenh-kowa._) [transcriber's note: the "o" in "kowa" is the unicode o-macron.] the regard of englishmen for their magna charta and bill of rights, and that of americans for their national constitution, seem weak in comparison with the intense gratitude and reverence of the five nations for the "great peace" which hiawatha and his colleagues established for them. of the subsequent life of hiawatha, and of his death, we have no sure information. the records of the iroquois are historical, and not biographical. as hiawatha had been made a chief among the mohawks, he doubtless continued to reside with that nation. a tradition, which is in itself highly probable, represents him as devoting himself to the congenial work of clearing away the obstructions in the streams which intersect the country then inhabited by the confederated nations, and which formed the chief means of communication between them. that he thus, in some measure, anticipated the plans of de witt clinton and his associates, on a smaller scale, but with perhaps a larger statesmanship, we may be willing enough to believe. a wild legend, recorded by some writers, but not told of him by the canadian iroquois, and apparently belonging to their ancient mythology, gives him an apotheosis, and makes him ascend to heaven in a white canoe. it may be proper to dwell for a moment on the singular complication of mistakes which has converted this indian reformer and statesman into a mythological personage. when by the events of the revolutionary war the original confederacy was broken up, the larger portion of the people followed brant to canada. the refugees comprised nearly the whole of the mohawks, and the greater part of the onondagas and cayugas, with many members of the other nations. in canada their first proceeding was to reëstablish, as far as possible, their ancient league, with all its laws and ceremonies. the onondagas had brought with them most of their wampum records, and the mohawks jealously preserved the memories of the federation, in whose formation they had borne a leading part. the history of the league continued to be the topic of their orators whenever a new chief was installed into office. thus the remembrance of the facts has been preserved among them with much clearness and precision, and with very little admixture of mythological elements. with the fragments of the tribes which remained on the southern side of the great lakes the case was very different. except among the senecas, who, of all the five nations, had had least to do with the formation of the league, the ancient families which had furnished the members of their senate, and were the conservators of their history, had mostly fled to canada or the west. the result was that among the interminable stories with which the common people beguile their winter nights, the traditions of atotarho and hiawatha became intermingled with the legends of their mythology. an accidental similarity, in the onondaga dialect, between the name of hiawatha and that of one of their ancient divinities, led to a confusion between the two, which has misled some investigators. this deity bears, in the sonorous mohawk tongue, the name of aronhiawagon, meaning "the holder of the heavens." the early french missionaries, prefixing a particle, made the name in their orthography, tearonhiaouagon. he was, they tell us, "the great god of the iroquois." among the onondagas of the present day, the name is abridged to taonhiawagi, or tahiawagi. the confusion between this name and that of hiawatha (which, in another form, is pronounced tayonwatha) seems to have begun more than a century ago; for pyrlaeus, the moravian missionary, heard among the iroquois (according to heckewelder) that the person who first proposed the league was an ancient mohawk, named thannawege. mr. j. v. h. clark, in his interesting history of onondaga, makes the name to have been originally ta-oun-ya-wat-ha, and describes the bearer as "the deity who presides over fisheries and hunting-grounds." he came down from heaven in a white canoe and after sundry adventures, which remind one of the labors of hercules, assumed the name of hiawatha (signifying, we are told, "a very wise man"), and dwelt for a time as an ordinary mortal among men, occupied in works of benevolence. finally, after founding the confederacy and bestowing many prudent counsels upon the people, he returned to the skies by the same conveyance in which he had descended. this legend was communicated by clark to schoolcraft, when the latter was compiling his "notes on the iroquois." mr. schoolcraft, pleased with the poetical cast of the story and the euphonious name, made confusion worse confounded by transferring the hero to a distant region and identifying him with manabozho, a fantastic divinity of the ojibways. schoolcraft's volume, absurdly entitled "the hiawatha legends," has not in it a single fact or fiction relating either to hiawatha himself or to the iroquois deity aronhiawagon. wild ojibway stories concerning manabozho and his comrades form the staple of its contents. but it is to this collection that we owe the charming poem of longfellow; and thus, by an extraordinary fortune, a grave iroquois lawgiver of the fifteenth century has become, in modern literature, an ojibway demigod, son of the west wind, and companion of the tricksy paupukkeewis, the boastful iagoo, and the strong kwasind. if a chinese traveller, during the middle ages, inquiring into the history and religion of the western nations, had confounded king alfred with king arthur, and both with odin, he would not have made a more preposterous confusion of names and characters than that which has hitherto disguised the genuine personality of the great onondaga reformer. about the main events of his history, and about his character and purposes, there can be no reasonable doubt. we have the wampum belts which he handled, and whose simple hieroglyphics preserve the memory of the public acts in which he took part. we have, also, in the iroquois "book of rites," a still more clear and convincing testimony to the character both of the legislator and of the people for whom his institutions were designed. this book, sometimes called the "book of the condoling council," might properly enough be styled an iroquois veda. it comprises the speeches, songs and other ceremonies, which, from the earliest period of the confederacy, have composed the proceedings of their council when a deceased chief is lamented and his successor is installed in office. the fundamental laws of the league, a list of their ancient towns, and the names of the chiefs who constituted their first council, chanted in a kind of litany, are also comprised in the collection. the contents, after being preserved in memory, like the vedas, for many generations, were written down by desire of the chiefs, when their language was first reduced to writing; and the book is therefore more than a century old. its language, archaic when written, is now partly obsolete, and is fully understood by only a few of the oldest chiefs. it is a genuine indian composition, and must be accepted as disclosing the true character of its authors. the result is remarkable enough. instead of a race of rude and ferocious warriors, we find in this book a kindly and affectionate people, full of sympathy for their friends in distress, considerate to their women, tender to their children, anxious for peace, and imbued with a profound reverence for their constitution and its authors. we become conscious of the fact that the aspect in which these indians have presented themselves to the outside world has been in a large measure deceptive and factitious. the ferocity, craft, and cruelty, which have been deemed their leading traits, have been merely the natural accompaniments of wars of self-preservation, and no more indicated their genuine character than the war-paint, plume, and tomahawk of the warrior displayed the customary guise in which he appeared among his own people. the cruelties of war, when war is a struggle for national existence, are common to all races. the persistent desire for peace, pursued for centuries in federal unions, and in alliances and treaties with other nations, has been manifested by few as steadily as by the countrymen of hiawatha. the sentiment of universal brotherhood, which directed their polity, has never been so fully developed in any branch of the aryan race, unless it may be found incorporated in the religious quietism of buddha and his followers. to come back to our first proposition,--it is unquestionable that the iroquois, when they framed the political system which exhibited this singular force of intellect and elevation of character, were a people of the stone age; and there is no good reason for supposing that they were superior in character and capacity to the people of the most primitive times. what we know of them entitles us to affirm that the makers of the earliest flint implements may have been equal, if not superior, in natural powers to the members of any existing race. and as language is the outgrowth and image of the mental faculties, it is not impossible, or even unlikely, that among the languages spoken by the people of those early ages, there may have been some as far superior in construction and power of expression to any tongue of modern europe, as the languages of the barbarous greeks and germans, a thousand years before the christian era, were superior to the speech of the highly civilized egyptians. the conclusions to which these facts and reasonings point are of great scientific importance. as there could be no sound astronomy while the notion prevailed that the earth was the centre of the universe, and no science of history while each nation looked with contempt upon every other people, so we can hope for no complete and satisfying science of man and of human speech until our minds are disabused of those other delusions of self-esteem which would persuade us that superior culture implies superior capacity, and that the particular race and language which we happen to claim as our own are the best of all races and languages. [printed at the salem press, nov., .] legends, traditions, and laws of the iroquois, or six nations and history of the tuscarora indians by elias johnson, a native tuscarora chief. introduction. "a book about indians!"--who cares anything about them? this will probably be the exclamation of many who glance on my little page. to those who know nothing concerning them, a whole book about indians will seem a very prosy affair, to whom i can answer nothing, for they will not proceed as far as my preface to see what reasons i can render for the seeming folly. but to those who are willing to listen, i can say that the indians are a very interesting people, whether i have made an interesting book about them or not. the antiquarian, the historian, and the scholar, have been a long time studying indian character, and have given plenty of information concerning the indian, but it is all in ponderous volumes for state and college libraries, and quite inaccessible to the multitude--those who only take up such book as may be held in the hand, sitting by the fire,--still remain very ignorant of the children of nature who inhabited the forests before the saxon set his foot upon our shores. there is also a great deal of prejudice, the consequence of this ignorance, and the consequence of the representations of your forefathers who were brought into contact with the indians, under circumstances that made it impossible to judge impartially and correctly. the histories which are in the schools, and from which the first impressions are obtained, are still very deficient in what they relate of indian history, and most of them are still filling the minds of children and youth, with imperfect ideas. i have read many of the histories, and have longed to see refuted the slanders, and blot out the dark pictures which the historians have wont to spread abroad concerning us. may i live to see the day when it may be done, for most deeply have i learned to blush for my people. i thought, at first, of only giving a series of indian biographies, but without some knowledge of the government and religion of the iroquois, the character of the indians could not be understood or appreciated. i enter upon the task with much distrust. it is a difficult task at all times to speak and to write in foreign language, and i fear i shall not succeed to the satisfaction of myself, or to my readers. my title will not be so attractive to the american ears, as if it related to any other unknown people. a tour in arabia, or spain, or in india, or some other foreign country, with far less important and interesting material, would secure a greater number of readers, as we are always more curious about things afar off. i might have covered many pages with "indian atrocities," but these have been detailed in other histories, till they are familiar to every ear, and i had neither room nor inclination for even a glance at war and its dark records. the author. preface. to animate a kinder feeling between the white people and the indians, established by a truer knowledge of our civil and domestic life, and of our capabilities for future elevation, is the motive for which this work is founded. the present tuscarora indians, the once powerful and gifted nation, after their expulsion from the south, came north, and were initiated in the confederacy of the iroquois, and who formerly held under their jurisdiction the largest portion of the eastern states, now dwell within your bounds, as dependent nations, subject to the guardianship and supervision of a people who displaced their forefathers. our numbers, the circumstances of our past history and present condition, and more especially the relation in which we stand to the people of the state, suggest many important questions concerning our future destiny. being born to an inauspicious fate, which makes us the _inheritors of many wrongs_, we have been unable, of ourselves, to escape from the complicated difficulties which accelerate our decline. to make worse these adverse influences, the public estimation of the indian, resting, as it does, upon the imperfect knowledge of their character, and infused, as it ever has been, with the prejudice, is universally unjust. the time has come in which it is no more than right to cast away all ancient antipathies, all inherited opinions, and to take a nearer view of our social life, condition and wants, and to learn anew your duty concerning the indians. nevertheless, the embarrassments that have obstructed our progress, in the obscurity which we have lived, and the prevailing indifference to our welfare, we have gradually overcame many of the evils inherent in our social system, and raised ourselves to a degree of prosperity. our present condition, if considered in connection with the ordeal through which we have passed, shows that there is the presence of an element in our character which must eventually lead to important results. as i do not profess that this work is based upon authorities, a question might arise in the breast of some reader, where these materials were derived, or what reliance is to be placed upon its contents. the credibility of a witness is known to depend chiefly upon his means of knowledge. for this reason, i deem it important to state, that i was born and brought up by tuscarora indian parents on their reservation in the town of lewiston, n.y. from my childhood up was naturally inquisitive and delighted in thrilling stories, which led me to frequent the old people of my childhood's days, and solicited them to relate the old legends and their traditions, which they always delighted to do. i have sat by their fireside and heard them, and thus they were instilled upon my young mind. i also owe much of my information to our chief, john mt. pleasant. i have also read much of indian history, and compared them with our legends and traditions. the author. the iroquois. national traits of character. in all the early histories of the american colonies, in the stories of indian life and the delineations of indian character, these children of nature are represented as savages and barbarians, and in the mind of a large portion of the community the sentiment still prevails that they were blood-thirsty, revengeful, and merciless, justly a terror to both friends and foes. children are impressed with the idea that an indian is scarcely human, and as much to be feared as the most ferocious animal of the forest. novelists have now and then clothed a few with a garb which excites your imagination, but seldom has one been invested with qualities which you would love, unless it were also said that through some captive taken in distant war, he inherited a whiter skin and a paler blood. but i am inclined to think that indians are not alone in being savage--not alone barbarous, heartless, and merciless. it is said they were exterminating each other by aggressive and devastating wars, before the white people came among them. but wars, aggressive and exterminating wars, certainly, are not proofs of barbarity. the bravest warrior was the most honored, and this has been ever true of christian nations, and those who call themselves christians have not yet ceased to look upon him who could plan most successfully the wholesale slaughter of human beings, as the most deserving his king's or his country's laurels. how long since the pean died away in praise of the duke of wellington? what have been the wars in which all europe, or of america, has been engaged, that there has been no records of her history? for what are civilized and christian nations drenching their fields with blood? it is said the indian was cruel to the captives, and inflicted unspeakable torture upon his enemy taken in battle. but from what we know of them, it is not to be inferred that indian chiefs were ever guilty of filling dungeons with innocent victims, or slaughtering hundreds and thousands of their own people, whose only sin was a quiet dissent from some religious dogma. towards their enemies they were often relentless, and they had good reason to look upon the white man as their enemy. they slew them in battle, plotted against them secretly, and in a few instances comparatively, subjected individuals to torture, burned them at the stake, and, perhaps, flayed them alive. but who knows anything of the precepts and practices of the roman catholic christendom, and quote these things as proofs of unmitigated barbarity. at the very time that the indians were using the tomahawk and scalping- knife to avenge their wrongs, peaceful citizens in every country of europe, where the pope was the man of authority, were incarcerated for no crime whatever, and such refinement of torture invented and practiced, as never entered in the heart of the fiercest indian warrior that roamed the wilderness to inflict upon man or beast. we know very little of the secrets of the inquisition, and this little chills our blood with horror. yet these things were done in the name of christ, the savior of the world, the prince of peace, and not savage, but civilized. christian men looked on, not coldly, but rejoicingly, while women and children writhed in flames and weltered in blood. were the atrocities committed in the vale of wyoming and cherry valley unprecedented among the waldensian fastnesses and the mountains of aurvergne? who has read fox's book of martyrs, and found anything to parallel it in all the records of indian warfare? the slaughter of st. bartholomew's days, the destruction of the jews in spain, and the scotch covenanters, were in obedience to the mandates of christian princes,-- aye, and some of them devised by christian women who professed to be serving god, and to make the bible the man of their counsel. it is said also that the indians were treacherous, and more, no compliance with the conditions of any treaty, was ever to be trusted. but the puritan fathers cannot be wholly exonerated from the charge of faithlessness; and who does not blush to talk of indian traitors when he remembers the spanish invasion and the fall of the princely and magnanimous montezuma? indians believed in witches, and burned them, too. and did not the sainted baxter, with the bible in his hand, pronounce it right, and was not the indian permitted to be present, when the quiet unoffending woman was cast into the fire, by the decree of a puritan council? to come down to the more decidedly christian times, it is not so very long since, in protestant england, hanging was the punishment of a petty thief, long and hopeless imprisonment of a slight misdemeanor, when men were set up to be stoned and spit upon by those who claimed the exclusive right to be called humane and merciful. again, it is said, the indian mode of warfare is, without exception, the most inhuman and revolting. but i do not know that those who die by the barbed and poisoned arrow linger in any more unendurable torment than those who are mangled with powder and lead balls, and the custom of scalping among christian murderers would save thousands from groaning days, and perhaps weeks, among heaps that cover victorious fields and fill hospitals with the wounded and dying. but scalping is not an invention exclusively indian. "it claims," says prescott, "high authority, or, at least, antiquity." and, further history, herodotus, gives an account of it among the scythians, showing that they performed the operation, and wore the scalp of their enemies taken in battle, as trophies, in the same manner as the north american indian. traces of the custom are also found in the laws of the visigaths, among the franks, and even the anglo saxons. the northern indians did not scalp, but they had a system of slavery, of which there are no traces to be found among the customs, laws, or legends of the iroquois. again, it is said, "they carried away women and children captive, and in their long journey through the wilderness, they were subjected to heartrending trials." the wars of christian men throw hundreds and thousands of women and children helpless upon the cold world, to toil, to beg, and to starve. this is not so bright a picture as is usually given of people who have written laws and have stores of learning, but people cannot see in any place that the coloring is too dark! there is no danger of painting indians so they will become attractive to the civilized people. there is a bright and pleasing side to the indian character, and thinking that there has been enough written of their wars and cruelties, of the hunter's and fisherman's life, i have sat down at their fireside, listened to their legends, and am acquainted with their domestic habits, understand their finer feelings and the truly noble traits of their character. it is so long now since they were the lords of this country, and formidable as your enemies, and they are so utterly wasted away and melted like snow under the meridian sun, and helpless, that you can sit down and afford to listen to the truth, and to believe that even your enemies had their virtues. man was created in the image of god, and it cannot be that anything human is utterly vile and contemptible. those who have thought of indians as roaming about in the forests hunting and fishing, or at war, will laugh, perhaps, at the idea of indian homes, and domestic happiness. yet there are no people of which we have any knowledge, among whom, in their primitive state, family ties and relationship were more distinctly defined, or more religiously respected than the iroquois. the treatment which they received from the white people, whom they always considered as intruders, aroused, and kept in exercise all their ferocious passions, so that none except those who associated with them as missionaries, or as captives, saw them in their true character, as they were to each other. almost any portrait that we see of an indian, he is represented with tomahawk and scalping knife in hand, as if they possessed no other but a barbarous nature. christian nations might with equal justice be always represented with cannon and balls, swords and pistols, as the emblems of their employment and their prevailing tastes. the details of war are from far to great a portion of every history of civilized and barbarous nations, to conquer and to slay has been to long the glory of the christian people; he who has been most successful in subjugating and oppressing, in mowing down human beings, has too long wore the laural crown, been too long an object for the admiration of men and the love of women. it seems you might be weary of the pomp and circumstance of war, of princely banquets, and gay cavalcades. the time and space you bestow upon king and courts, and the homage you pay to empty titles, are unworthy your professed republican spirit and preferences, let us turn aside from the war path, and sit down by the hearth-stone of peace. in the picture which i have given, i have confined myself principally to the iroquois, or six nations, a people who no more deserve the term savage, than the whites do that of heathen, because they have still lingering among them heathen superstitions, and many opinions and practices which deserves no better name. the cannibals of some of the west indies islands, and the islands of the pacific, may with justice be termed savage, but a people like the iroquois who had a goverment, established offices, a system of religion eminently pure and spiritual, a code of honor and laws of hospitality, excelling those of all other nations, should be considered something better than savage, or utterly barbarous. the terrible torture they inflicted upon their enemies, have made their name a terror, and yet there were not so many burnt, hung, and starved by them, as perished among christian nations by these means. the miseries they inflicted were light, in comparison, with those they suffered. if individuals should have come among you to expose the barbarities of savage white men, the deeds they relate would quite equal anything known of indian cruelty. the picture an indian gives of civilized barbarism leaves the revolting custom of the wilderness quite in the back-ground. you experienced their revenge when you had put their souls and bodies at a stake, with your fire-water that maddened their brains. there was a pure and beautiful spirituality in their faith, and their conduct was much more influenced by it, as are any people, christian or pagan. is there anything more barbaric in the annals of indian warfare, than the narrative of the pequod indians? in one place we read of the surprise of an indian fort by night, when the inmates were slumbering, unconscious of any danger. when they awoke they were wrapped in flames, and when they attempted to flee, were shot down like beasts. from village to village, from wigwam to wigwam, the murderers proceeded, "being resolved," as your historian piously remarks, "by god's assistance, to make a final destruction of them," until finally a small but gallant band took refuge in a swamp. burning with indignation, and made sullen by dispair, with hearts bursting with grief at the destruction of their nation, and spirits galled and sore at the fancied ignominy of their defeat, they refused to ask life at the hands of an insulting foe, and preferred death to submission. as the night drew on, they were surrounded in their dismal retreat, volleys of musketry poured into their midst, until nearly all were killed or buried in the mire. in the darkness of a thick fog which preceded the dawn of day, a few broke through the ranks of the beseigers and escaped to the woods. again, the same historian tells us that the few that remained, "stood like sullen dogs to be killed rather than to implore mercy, and the soldiers on entering the swamp, found many sitting together in groups, when they approached, and resting their guns on the boughs of trees, within a few yards of them, literally filled their bodies with bullets." but they were indians, and it was pronounnced a pious work. but when the gauls invaded italy, and the roman senators, in their purple robes and chairs of state, sat unmoved in the presence of barbarian conquerors, disdaining to flee, and equally disdaining to supplicate for mercy, it is applauded as noble, as dying like statesmen and philosophers. but the indians with far more to lose and infinitely greater provocation, sits upon his mother earth upon the green mound, beneath the canopy of heaven, and refuses to ask mercy of civilized fiends, he is stigmatized as dogs, spiritless, and sullen. what a different name has greatness, clothed in the garb of christian princes and sitting beneath spacious domes, gorgeous with men's device, and the greatness, in the simple garb of nature, destitute and alone in the wilderness. there is nothing in the character of alexander of macedon who "conquered the world, and wept that he had no more to conquer," to compare with the noble qualities of king philip of mt. hope, and among his warriors are a long list of brave men unrivalled in deeds of heroism, by any of ancient or modern story. but in what country, and by whom were they hunted, tortured, and slain, and who was it that met together to rejoice and give thanks at every species of cruelty inflicted upon those who were fighting for their wives, their children, their homes, their altars and their god. when it is recorded that "men, women and children, indiscriminately, were hewn down and lay in heaps upon the snow," it is spoken of as doing god's service, because they were nominally heathen. "before the fight was finished, the wigwams were set on fire, and into those, hundreds of innocent women and children had crowded themselves, and perished in the general conflagration." and for those thanksgivings were sent up to heaven, the head of philip is strung upon a pole, and exposed to the public. but this was not done by savage warriors, and the crowd that huzzaed at the revolting spectacle, assembled on the sabbath day, in a puritan church, to listen to the gospel that proclaims peace and love to all men. his body was literally cut in slices to be distributed among the conquerors, and a christian city rings with acclamation. in speaking of this bloody contest, one who is most eminent among the fathers, says: "nor could they cease praying unto the lord against philip, until they had prayed the bullet through his heart." "two and twenty indian captives were slain, and brought down to hell in one day." "a bullet took him in the head, and sent his cursed soul in a moment amongst the devils and blasphemers in hell forever." masasoit, the father of philip, was the true friend to the english, and when he was about to die, took his two sons, alexander and philip, and fondly commended them to the kindness of the new settlers, praying them the same peace and good will might be between them, that had existed between him and his white friends. upon mere suspicion only a short time afterwards, the elder, who succeeded his father as ruler, among his people, was hunted in his forest home, and dragged before the court, the nature and object of which he could not understand. but the indignity which was offered him, and the treachery of those who insulted him, so chafed his proud spirit that a fever was the consequence, of which he died. and that is not all. the son and wife of philip were sold into slavery, (as were also about eight hundred persons of the tuscaroras, and also many others of the indians that were taken captive during the colonial wars.) "yes," says a distinguished orator, (everett,) "they were sold into slavery, west indian slavery. an indian princess and her child, sold from the cold breezes of mount hope, from a wild freedom of new england forest, to drop under the lash, beneath the blazing sun of the tropics." bitter as death, aye, bitter as hell! is there anything--i do not think in the range of humanity--is there any animal that would not struggle against this? nor is this indeed all. a kinswoman of theirs, a princess in her own right, wetamore pocasset, was pursued and harrassed till she fell exhausted in the wilderness, and died of cold and starvation. there she was found by men professing to be shocked at indian barbarity, her head severed from her body, and carried bleeding upon a pole to be exposed in the public highways of the country, ruled by men who have been honored as saints and martyrs. "let me die among my kindred," "bury me with my fathers," is the prayer of every indian's heart; and the most delicate and reverential kindness in the treatment of the bodies of the dead, was considered a religious duty. there was nothing in all their customs that indicated a barbarism so gross and revolting as these acts, which are recorded by new england historians without a censure, while the indian's protests in his grief at seeing his kindred dishonored and his religion reviled, are stigmatized as savage and fiendish. if all, or even a few who ministered among them in holy things, had been like eliot, who is called "the apostle to the indians," and deserved to be ranked with the apostle of old, or kirkland, who is endeared to the memory of every iroquois who heard his name, it could not have become a proverb or a truth that civilization and christianity wasted them away. they were, not by one, but many, unscrupulously called "dogs, wolves, bloodhounds, demons, devils incarnate, hellhounds, fiends, monsters, beasts," always considering them inferior beings, and scarcely allowing them to be human, yet one, who was at that time a captive among them, represents them as "kind and loving and generous;" and concerning this same monster--philip--records nothing that should have condemned him in the eyes of those who believed in wars aggressive and defensive, and awarded honors to heroes and martyrs and conquerors. by the governor of jamestown a hand was severed from the arm of a peaceful, unoffending indian, that he might be sent back a terror to his people; and through the magnanimity of a daughter and king of that same people, that colony was saved from destruction. it was through their love and trust alone that powhatan and pocahontas lost their forest dominions. hospitality was one of the indians' distinguishing virtues, and there was no such thing among them as individual starvation or want. as long as there was a cup of soup, it was divided. if a friend or a stranger made a call he was welcome to all their wigwams would furnish, and to offer him food was not merely a custom, for it was a breach of politeness for him to refuse to eat however full he might be. because their system not being like the white people's, it does not follow that it was not a system. you might have looked into the wigwam or lodge and thought everything in confusion, while to the occupants, there was a place for everything, and everything in its place: each had a couch which answered for bed by night and seat by day. the ceremonies at their festivals were as regular as in the churches, their rules of war as well defined as those of christian nations, and in their games and athletic sports there was a code of honor which it was disgraceful to violate: their marriage vows were as well understood, and courtesy as formally practiced at their dances. the nature of the indian is in all respects like the nature of any other nation; placed in the same circumstances, he exhibits the same passions and vices. but in his forest home there was not the same temptation to great crimes, or what is termed the lesser ones, that of slander, scandal, and gossip, as exists among civilized nations. they knew nothing of the desire of gain, and therefore were not made selfish by the love of hoarding; and there was no temptation to steal, where they had everything in common, and their reverence for truth and fidelity to promises, may well put all the nations of christendom to shame. i have written in somewhat of the spirit which will characterize a history, by an indian, yet it does not deserve to be called indian partiality, but only justice and the spirit of humanity; or, if i may be allowed to say it, the spirit with which any christian should be able to consider the character and deeds of his foe. i would not detract from the virtues of your forefathers. they were at that time unrivalled, but bigotry and superstition of the dark ages still lingered among them, and their own perils blinded them to the wickedness and cruelty of the means they took for defence. four, and perhaps two centuries hence, i doubt not, some of your dogmas will seem unchristian, as the indians seem to you, and i truly hope, ere then, all wars will seem as barbarous, and the fantastic dress of the soldiers as ridiculous, as you have been in the habit of representing the wars and the wild drapery of the indians of the forest. how long were the saxon and celt in becoming a civilized and christian people? how long since the helmet, the coat of mail, and the battle axe, were laid aside? to make himself more terrific, the briton of the days of henry ii drew the skin of a wild beast over his armor with the head and ears standing upright, and mounted his war-horse to go forth crying, "to arms! death to the invader!" the paint and the eagle plume of the indian warrior were scarcely a more barbarous invention, nor his war-cry more terrible. it is not just to compare the indian of the fifteenth, with the christian of the fifteenth century. but compare them with the barbarian of britain, of russia, of lapland, and tartary, and represent them as truly as these nations have been represented, and they will not suffer by the comparison. * * * * * captive's life among indians. illustrated by the life of the "white woman." * * * * * to be taken captive by the indians, was, among the early colonists, considered the most terrible of all calamities, and it was indeed a fearful thing to become the victim of their revenge. but those who were enduring the actual sufferings of captivity, or suffering still more from terror of uncertain evils, thought little of the provocation given by the white people. the innocent suffered for the guilty, and however persevering--i suppose the efforts of the government to be just--in its infancy, in a wild unknown country it was impossible to control unprincipled marauders. some atrocious act was first committed by white men, which drove the indian to retaliation, and thinking pale faces were all alike, he did not wait till the real offender fell into his hands. when the white men first came, the indian looked upon them as superior beings. they were ready to worship columbus and his little party, and all others along the coast, until their simple trust was outraged beyond endurance, they welcomed the strangers, gave them food when they were hungry, and sheltered them when they were cold. it was not till their encroachments became alarming, that the indians asserted their rights, and if in all cases they had been as justly and kindly dealt with as by the quakers of pennsylvania, there would not have been so dark a record of sins, wrongs and tortures. if none but men of principle had made treaties with them, and all whose duty it was to observe them, had kept their faith, revenge had not come out so prominently in indian character. but it was not in obedience to national policy that those who were taken in battle, were put to the torture, burned, and flayed. the six nations had never found it necessary to build prisons, and dig dungeons for their own people. if any man committed murder, they sometimes decided that he should die, and sometimes bade him flee far away where none who knew him could look upon his face. but crimes were so rare that they had no criminal code, and when they overcame their enemies, they either adopted them and treated them as brethren, or put them immediately to death. white people have often put indians to death, and oftener put them in dungeons to waste and starve, but it was not part of their practice to adopt them and call them brethren. had they sometimes done this, or sent them freely back to their friends unharmed, they might have conciliated where they were only made more desperate. when families are bereaved, they sought to be revenged on those who had bereaved them, and when warriors returned from battle, the prisoners were given up to the friends of the afflicted. with them alone it remained to decide the fate of those who fell into their hands. if they chose, they adopt them in place of the husbands, or brothers, who were slain; and if they so decided they were put to death, and in any way they decreed. if the manner in which their friend had been killed was aggravating and greatly enraged them, they were very likely to decide upon torture, and inflicted it in a manner to produce the greatest suffering. but in such cases, they sometimes showed great magnanimity, and "returned good for evil." children were often adopted, and by a solemn ceremony received into a particular tribe, and evermore treated as one of their own people. you have been in the habit of listening to heart-rending stories of cruelties to captives, but captives who were adopted were never cruelly treated. those who were immediately put to death experienced great suffering for a few hours, and those who were preserved were subjected to hardships which seemed to them unspeakable, but they were such as are necessarily incident to indian life. they left no written chronicles to tell to all future generations the wrongs and tortures to which they were subjected, but one who sits with them by their firesides, may have his blood frozen with horror at the recitals of civilized barbarity. and there was one species of wrong of which no captive woman of any nation had to complain when she was thrown upon the tender mercies of indian warriors. not among all the dark and terrible records which their enemies have delighted to magnify, is there a single instance of the outrage of that delicacy which a pure minded woman cherishes at the expense of life, and sacrifices not to any species of mere animal suffering. of what other nation can it thus be written, that their soldiers were not more terrible at the firesides of their enemies than on the battle-field, with all the fierce engines of war at their command. to whatever motive it is to be ascribed, let this at least stand out on the pages of indian history as an ever enduring monument to their honor. a little book which professes to have been written for the sole purpose of recording and perpetuating indian atrocities, and dwells upon them with infinite delight, alludes to this redeeming trait in indian character, but attempts to ascribe it to the influence of superstition, as it were necessary to find some evil or deteriorating motive for everything noble, or pleasing in indian character. their treatment of captives from among indian nations were the same. and i know not that there has been any satisfactory solution of a characteristic which has been found among only one other civilized christian or barbarous nation. a wanderer among the indian tribes once asked an indian why they thus honored their women, and he said "the great spirit taught, and would punish us if we did not." among the germans i believed there existed the same respect for woman, till they became civilized. they may have been some superstitious fears mingled with a strong governing and controlling principle, but it is not on this account the less marvelous that whole nations, consisting of millions, should have been so trained, religiously or domestically, that degree of beauty or fascination placed under their care, though hundreds of miles in the solitudes of the wilderness, should have tempted them from the strictest honor and the most delicate kindness. mary janison was eighty years a resident among the senecas, and in the early part of the time the forests had few clearings, and the comforts and the vices of white men prevailed but little among them. she was born on the ocean, with the billowy sea for her cradle, and the tempest for her lullaby. her parents emigrated from england to this country in , and settled in the unfortunate vale of wyoming, where date her first remembrances, which were all the woes that fell upon her family, the wail of the sorrow-stricken and breaking of heart-strings. the last meal they took together was a breakfast, after which the father and eldest three sons went into the field, and mary with the other little children was playing not far from the house. they were suddenly startled by a shriek, and knew it must be from their mother. on running in they saw her in the hands of two indians, who were holding her fast. a little boy ran to call his father, and found him also bound by another of the party, and his eldest brother lying dead upon the earth; the other two fled to virginia, where they had an uncle, as mary afterward learned, and those who remained were made captives and hurried into the woods. all day they were obliged to march in single file over the rough, cold soil. night found them in the heart of the wilderness, surrounded by their strange captors, and all the horrors of indian life or indian death staring them in the face. they had no hope of mercy, whether permitted to live or condemned to die. the mother said to mary, "my daughter, you, i think will be permitted to live, but they will deprive you of your father and mother, and perhaps of your brothers and sisters, so that you will be alone. but endeavor in all things to please the indians, and they will be more kind to you. do not forget your own language, and never fail to repeat your catechism and the lord's prayer every morning and evening while you live." this she promised to do, and having kissed her child, the mother was removed from her sight. mary must at this time have been ten years of age. she was afterwards told, when she could understand the indian language, that they would not have killed her parents if the captors had not been pursued, and that a little boy, who was the son of a neighbor, and was also taken, was given to the french, two of whom were of the party. in the marches of the indians it was the custom for one to linger behind, and poke up the grass with a stick after a party had passed along, to conceal all traces of their footsteps, so a pursuit was seldom successful. in deviating from a direct course in order not to get lost, they noticed the moss upon the trees, which always grows thickest upon the north side, as the south side being most exposed to the sun, became soonest dry. they also had some knowledge of the stars, and knew from the position of certain clusters that were to be seen at certain seasons, which was east and which west. mary was adopted in place of two brothers who had fallen in battle, and for whom the lamentations had not died away. the ceremony of adoption is very solemn, requiring the deliberations of a council and the formal bestowing of a name, as a sort of baptism, from which time the captive is not allowed to speak any other language but the indian, and must in all things conform to indian habits and tastes. it is customary among them to give children a name which corresponds with the sports and dependence of childhood, and when they arrive at maturity to change it for one that corresponds with the duties and employments of manhood and womanhood. the first name is given by the relatives and afterwards publicly announced in council. the second is bestowed in the same way; and by this they are ever afterward called, except on becoming a sachem, and, sometimes, on becoming a chief or warrior another name is taken, and each denotes definitely the new position. each clan, too, had its peculiar names, so that when a person's name was mentioned it was immediately known to what clan he belonged. a curious feature in the indian code of etiquette is that it is exceedingly impolite to ask a person's name, or to speak it in his presence. in the social circle and all private conversation the person spoken of is described if it is necessary to allude to him, as the person who sits there, or who lives in that house, or wears such a dress. if i ask a woman, whose husband is present if that is mr. b-- she blushes, and stammers, and replies, "he is my child's father," in order to avoid speaking his name in his presence, which would offend him. on asking a man his name he remained silent, not understanding the reason the question was repeated, when he indignantly replied, "do you think that i am an owl to go about hooting my name everywhere?" the name of the owl in indian corresponding exactly to the note he utters. when mary jemmison had been formally named de-he-wa-mis, they called her daughter and sister, and treated her in all respects as if she had been born among them and the same blood flowed in her veins, or rather, they were accustomed to be more kind to captives than to their own children, because they had not been inured to the same hardships. there was no difference in the cares bestowed, no allusion was ever made to the child as if it belonged to a hated race, and it never felt the want of affection. mary said her tasks were always light, and everything was done to win her love and make her happy. she now and then longed for the comforts of her cottage home, and wept at the thought of her mother's cruel death, but gradually learned to love the freedom of the forest, and to gambol freely and gaily with her indian play-mates. when she was named they threw her dress away, and clothed her in deer skins and moccasins, and painted her face in true indian style. she never spoke english in their presence, as they did not allow it, but when alone, did not forget her mother's injunction, and repeated her prayers and all the words she could remember, thus retaining enough of the language to enable her easily to recall it when she should again return to civilized society, as she constantly indulged the hope of doing, by an exchange of captives. but when she was fourteen years of age, her mother selected for her a husband, to whom she was married according to indian custom. his name was sheningee, and though she was not acquainted with him previously, and of course had no affection for him, but proved not only an amiable and excellent man but a congenial companion, whom she loved devotedly. he had all the noble qualities of an indian, being handsome and brave, and generous, and kind, and to her very gentle and affectionate. now she became thoroughly reconciled to indian life, her greatest sorrow being the necessary absence of her husband on the war-path and hunting excursions. she followed the occupation of a woman, tilled the fields, dressed the meats and skins, and gathered the fuel for the winter's fire, and although this seems to the whites as unfeminine labor, it was performed at their leisure, and occupied very little of their time. when the hunters returned they were weary and passive, and seldom were guilty of fault-finding, and so well did an indian woman know her duty, that her husband was not obliged to make his wants known. obedience was required in all respects, and where there was harmony and affection, cheerfully yielded, and knowing as they did that separation would be the consequence of neglect of duty and unkindness, there was really more self-control, and about little things, than those who are bound for life. they did not agree to live together through good and through evil reports, but only while they loved and confided in each other, and they were therefore careful not to throw lightly away this love and affection. the labor of the field was performed in so systematic a manner, and by so thorough and wisely divisioned labor, that there were none of the jealousies and enjoyings which exist among those who wish to hoard, and ambitious to excel in style and equipage. and before the fire-water came among them, dissentions of any kind were almost unknown. this has been the fruitful source of all their woes. it was not till mary became a mother that she gave up all longing for civilized society, and relinquished all hope of again returning to the abodes of the white man. now she had a tie to bind her which could not be broken. if she should find her white friends they would not recognize her indian husband, or consider her lawfully married: they would not care to be connected by ties of blood to a people whom they despised: her child would not be happy among those who looked upon her as inferior, and she herself had no education to fit her for the companionship of the white people. she looked upon her little daughter and thought, it is sheningee's--it is dearer to me than all things else--i could not endure to see her treated with aversion or neglect. but only a little while was she permitted this happiness, her daughter died while yet an infant, and when sheningee was away. again the feeling of desolation came over her young spirit, but all around her ministered in every way to her comfort, and became more than ever endeared to her heart. after a long absence. sheningee returned. she afterwards had a son, and named him after her father, to which no objection was made by her indian friends, and her love for her husband became idolatry. in her eyes he seemed everything noble and good: she mourned his departure and longed for his return, for his affection prompted him to treat her with gentle and winning kindness which is the spirit of true love alone. but again the separation, and she must pass another winter alone. for hunting was the indian's toil, and though they delighted in it, the pangs of parting from his wife and little one, made it a sacrifice, and spread a dark cloud over a long period of his life. and now it became dark indeed to mary, for she waited long and sheningee came not. she put everything in order in his little dwelling. she dressed new skins for his couch, and smoked venison to please his taste. she made the fire bright to welcome him, hoping every evening when she lay down with her baby upon her bosom, that ere the morning sun the husband and father would gladden them by his smiles, but in vain; winter had passed away, and the spring, and then came the sad tidings that he was dead, she became a widow and her child fatherless. very long did she mourn sheningee, for it seemed to her there was none like him. but again the sympathies of his people created a new link to bind her to them, and she said she could not have loved a mother or sisters more dearly than she did those who stood in this relationship to her, and soothed her with their loving words. not for four years was she again urged to marry, and during this time there was an exchange of prisoners and she had an opportunity to return to her kindred; she was left to do as she chose. they told her she might go, but if she preferred to remain she should still be their daughter and sister, and they would give her land for her own where she might always dwell. again she thought of the prejudice she would everywhere meet, and that she could never patiently listen to reproaches concerning her husband's people. it would not be believed that he was noble, because he was an indian; and she would have no near relatives and those she had might reject her if she should seek them, so she came to the final conclusion and never more sighed for the advantages or pleasures of civilized life. she came with the brothers of sheningee to the banks of the genesee, where she resided the remaining seventy-two years of her life. her second husband--hiokatoo--she never learned to love. he was a chief and a warrior brave and fearless; but though he was always kind to her, he was a man of blood. he delighted in deeds of cruelty and delighted to relate them. and now the fire water had become common, and the good were bad and the bad worse, so that dissensions arose in families and in neighborhoods, and the happiness which had been almost without alloy was no longer known among these simple people. she adds her testimony to that of all travelers and historians concerning the purity of their lives, having never herself received the slightest insult from an indian and scarcely knowing an instance of infidelity or immorality. but when once they had tasted of the maddening draught the thirst was insatiable, and all they had would be given for a glass of something to destroy their reason. now they were indeed converted into fiends and furies and sold themselves to swift destruction. hiokatoo hesitated at no crime and took pleasure in everything dark and terrible, but this was a small trial compared to those which mrs. jemmison was called upon to endure from the intoxication and recklessness of her son. her eldest, the son of sheningee, was murdered by john, the son of hiokatoo, who afterward murdered his own brother jesse, and came to the same violent death himself at the hands of others. when they came to be in the midst of temptation there was no restraining principle, and, even after they grew up her house was the scene of quarrels and confusion in consequence of their intemperance, and she knew no rest from fear of some calamity from the indulgence of their unbridled passions. the chief of the seneca nation, to which her second husband belonged, gave her a large tract of land, and when it became necessary that it should be secured to her by treaty, she plead her own case. the commissioners without inquiring particularly concerning the dimensions of her lots, allowed her to make her own boundaries, and when the document was signed and she was in firm possession it was found that she was the owner of nearly four thousand acres, of which only a deed in her own hand-writing could deprive her. but though she was rich she toiled not the less dilligently and forsook not the sphere of woman in attending to the ways of her household, and also, true to her indian education, she planted and hoed and harvested, retaining her indian dress and habits till the day of her death. during the revolutionary war her house was made the rendevous and headquarters of british officers and indian chiefs, as her sympathies were entirely with her red brethren, and the cause they espoused was the one she preferred to aid. it was in her power to sympathize with many a lone captive, she always remembered her own anguish at the prospect of spending her life in the wilderness. the companion of indians, and though she had learned to love instead of fearing them, and knew they were, as a people, deserving of respect and the highest honor, she understood the feelings of those who knew them not. her supplication procured the release of many from torture, and her generous kindness clothed the naked and fed the starving. lot after lot, acre after acre the indians sold their lands, and at length the beautiful valley of the genesee fell into the hands of the white people, except the dominion of "the white woman," as she was always called, which couldn't be given up without her consent. she refused, at the time of the sale, to part with her portion, but after the indians removed to buffalo reservation and she was left alone, though a lady in the manor and surrounded by white people, she preferred to take her abode with those whom she now called her own people. most emphatically did she adopt the language of ruth in the days of old, "entreat me not to leave thee, or return from following after thee, for whither thou goest i will go, and where thou lodgest i will lodge, thy people will be my people, and thy god my god, where thou diest will i die, and there will i be buried." she as as thoroughly pagan as the veriest indian who had never heard of god, and she exclaimed with him that their religion was good enough and she desired no change. she was ninety years of age--eighty years she had been an exile from the land of her birth. she had forgotten the prayer her mother taught her, and knew nothing of the worship of her father, when one morning she sent a messenger to tell the missionaries she wished to see them. she had ever before refused to listen to them if they came to her dwelling, but they hastened to obey the summons, glad to feel that they should be welcomed, though quite uncertain concerning the nature of the interview she proposed. she was literally withered away, her face was scarcely larger than an infant's and completely checkered with fine wrinkles, her teeth were entirely gone and her mouth so sunken that her nose and chin almost met, her hair not silvery, but snowy white, except a little lock by each ear which still retained the sandy hue of childhood, her form which was always slender, was bent, and her limbs could not longer support her. she had revived the knowledge of her language since she had dwelled among the white people but, "oh," said she, as the ladies entered, "i have forgotten how to pray; my mother taught me and told me never to forget this, though i remembered nothing else," and then she exclaimed, "oh, god! have mercy upon me." this expression she had heard in her old age, and now uttered it in the fullness of her heart. there had come a gleam of light through all the darkness and superstitions of paganism, and this spark was kindled at the fireside of that little cottage home, and fell upon her heart from a mother's lips, and now revived at the remembrance of a mother's love and her dying blessing. it was eighty years since she had seen that mother's face, as she breathed out her soul in anguish, bending over her in the silent depths of the wilderness, eighty years since she listened to "our father who art in heaven," from christian lips, and now the still small voice which had so long been silent, spoke aloud, and startled her as if an angel called. she tried to stifle it, and for many days after it awoke in her bosom, she heeded it not, but it gave her no rest. no earthly voice had since reminded her that her heart was sinful, and needed to be "washed in the blood of the lamb, that taketh away the sins of the world," in order to be clean. the seed which had been sown in it when she was a little child, had just sprung up; the snows of eighty winters had not chilled it, the mildew of nearly a century had not blighted it, and the heavy hand of hundreds of calamities had left it unharmed. she had not been in the midst of corruptions, therefore it had not been destroyed. the little germ was still alive, and proving that it had not been in vain. the aged woman sat pillowed up in bed with her children, and children's children of three generations around her, and lifting her withered hands and sunken eyes to heaven, once more repeated, "our father, who art in heaven," while a new light, like a halo, overspread her face, the tears flowed in floods down her cheeks, and in the dark eyes of every listener there glistened tears of sympathy in her new found happiness. when she was asked if she regretted that she had not consented to be exchanged, she still said, "no. i love the indians; i love them better than the white people. because they had been kind to me, and provided generously for my youth and old age, and my children would inherit an abundance from the avails of the lands, and herds, and flocks." a few days after the new light dawned upon her spirit, in the year , mary was numbered with the dead. she had embraced the faith which makes no difference between those who come at the first or the eleventh hour, and those who were present at the dissolution of her soul and body, doubted not that jesus had whispered to her the same consolation that fell upon the heart of the thief upon the cross, "this day shall thou be with me in paradise" * * * * * customs and individual traits of character. the more you read, and the better you understand indian history, the more you will be impressed with the injustice which has been done the iroquois, not only in dispossessing them of their inheritance, but in the estimation which has been made of their character. they have been represented, as seen in the transition state, the most unfavorable possible for judging correctly. in the chapter of national traits of character, i have in two or three instances quoted washington irving and might again allow his opinions to relieve my own from the charge of partiality. he says, in speaking of this same subject, that "the current opinion of indian character is too apt to be formed from the miserable hordes which infest the frontiers, and hang on the shirts of settlements. these are too commonly composed of degenerate beings, corrupted and enfeebled by the voice of society, without being benefited by its civilization." "the proud independence which formed the main pillar of motive virtue has been spoken down, and the whole moral fabric lies in ruins. the spirits are humiliated and debased by a sense of inferiority, and their native courage cowed and daunted by the superior knowledge and power of their enlightened neighbors. society has advanced upon them like one of a those withering airs that will sometimes breed desolation over a whole region of fertility. it has enervated their strength, multiplied their diseases, and superinduced upon their original barbarity the law-vices of artificial life. it has given them a thousand superfluous wants, while it has diminished their means of mere existence. it has driven before it the animals of the chase, who fly from the sound of the axe and the smoke of the settlement and seek refuge in the depths of remote forests, and yet untrodden wilds. thus do we often find the indians in the frontiers to be mere wrecks and remnants of once powerful tribes, who have lingered in the vicinity of settlements, and sunk into precarious and vagabond existence. poverty, repining and hopeless poverty--a canker on the mind before unknown to them--corrodes their spirits and blights every free and noble qualities of their nature. they loiter like vagrants about the settlements among spacious dwellings, replete with elaborate comforts, which only renders them more sensible of the comparative wretchedness of their own condition. luxury spreads its ample board before their eyes, but they are excluded from the banquet; plenty revels over the fields, but they are starving in the midst of abundance. the whole wilderness blossomed into a garden, but they feel as reptiles that infest them. how different was their state while undisputed lords of the soil? their wants were few, and the means of gratification within their reach, they saw every one among them sharing the same lot, enduring the same hardships, feeding on the same aliments, arrayed in the same rude garment. no roof then rose under whose sheltering wings, that was not ever open to the homeless stranger, no smoke curled among the trees, but he was welcome to sit down by its fire and join the hunter in his repast." in discussing indian character, writers have been too prone to indulge in vulgar prejudice and passionate exaggeration, instead of the candid temper of the true philosopher. they have not sufficiently considered the peculiar circumstance in which the indians have been placed, and the peculiar principles under which they having been educated. no being acts more rigidly from rule than the indians, his whole conduct is regulated according to some general maxims early implanted in his mind. the moral laws which govern him are few, but he conforms to them all. the white man abounds in laws and religion, morals, and manners, but how many of them does he violate. in their intercourse with the indians the white people were continually trampling upon their religion and their sacred rights. they were expected to look merely on while the graves of their fathers were robbed of their treasures, and the bones of their fathers were left to bleach upon the fields. and when exasperated by the brutality of their conquerors, and driven to deeds of vengence, there was very little appreciation of the motives which influenced them, and no attempt was made to palliate their cruelties. it was their custom to bury the dead with their best clothing, and the various implements they had been in the habit of using whilst living. if it was a warrior that they were preparing for burial, they placed his tomahawk by his side and his knife in his shield; with the hunter, his bow and arrows and implements for cooking his food; with the woman, their kettles and cooking apparatus and also food for all. tobacco was deposited in every grave; for to smoke was an indian's idea of felicity in the body and out of it, and in this there was not so much difference as one might wish, between them and gentlemen of a paler hue. among the iroquois, and many other indian nations, it was the custom to place the dead upon scaffolds, built for the purpose, from tree to tree, or within a temporary inclosure, and underneath a fire was kept burning for several days. they had known instances of persons reviving after they were supposed to be dead, and this led to the conclusion that the spirit sometimes returned to animate the body after it had once fled. if there was no signs of life for ten days, the fire was extinguished and the body left unmolested until decomposition had begun to take place, when the remains were buried, or, as was often the case, kept in the lodge for many years. if they were obliged to desert the settlement where they had long resided, these skeletons were collected from all the families and buried in one common grave, with the same ceremonies as when a single individual was interred. they did not suppose the spirit was instantaneously transferred from earth to heaven, but that it wandered in aerial region for many moons. in later days they only allowed ten days for its flight. their period for mourning continued only whilst the spirit is wandering, as soon as they believe it has entered heaven they commenced rejoicing, saying, there is no longer cause for sorrow, because it is now where happiness dwells forever. sometimes a piteous wailing was kept up every night for a long time, but it was only their bereavement that they bewailed, as they did not fear about the fate of those who died. not until they had heard of purgatory from the jesuits, or endless woe from protestants, did they look upon death with terror, or life as anything but a blessing. they were sometimes in the habit of addressing the dead, as if they could hear. the following are the words of a mother as she bends over her only son to look for the last time upon his beloved face: "my son, listen once more to the words of thy mother. thou wast brought into life with her pains, thou wast nourished with her life. she has attempted to be faithful in raising you up. when you were young she loved you as her life. thy presence has been a source of great joy to her. upon thee she depended for support and comfort in her declining days. but thou hast outstripped her and gone before. our wise and great creator has ordered it thus. by his will, i am left yet, to taste more of the miseries of this world. thy relations and friends have gathered about thy body to look upon thee for the last time. they mourn, as with one mind, thy departure from among us. we, too, have but a few days more and our journey will be ended. we part now, and you are conveyed out of our sight. but we shall soon meet again, and shall look upon each other, then we shall part no more. our maker has called thee home, and thither will we follow." after the adoption of the league of the iroquois, and they dwelled in villages, this was one of the duties enjoined by their religious teacher at their festivals: "it is the will of the great spirit that you reverence the aged, even though they be helpless as infants." and also, "kindness to the orphan, and hospitality to all." "if you tie up the clothes of an orphan child, the great spirit will notice it, and reward you for it." "to adopt an orphan, and bring them up in virtuous ways, is pleasing to the great spirit." "if strangers wander about your abode, welcome him to your home, be hospitable towards him, speak to him with kind words, and forget not, always to make mention of the great spirit." the indians lamentations, on being driven far away from the graves of their fathers, have been the theme of all historians and travelers. it can be easily imagined how those who so loved their homes and revered their fathers' graves, would become fierce with indignation and rage, on seeing themselves treated as without human feeling, and the sacred relics of the dead ploughed up and scattered as indifferently as the stones, or the bones of the moose and the deer of the forest. it was this feeling that often prompted them to acts of hostility, which those who experienced them, ascribed to wanton cruelty and barbarity. in many of the villages there was a strangers home, a house, for strangers where they were placed, while the old men went about collecting skins for them to sleep upon, and food for them to eat, expecting no reward. they called it very rude for them to stare at them as they passed in the streets, and said that they had as much curiosity as the white people, but they did not gratify it by intruding upon them, by examining them. they would sometimes hide behind trees in order to look at strangers, but never stood openly and gaze at them. their respective attention to missionaries was often the result of their rules of politeness, as it is a part of the indian's code. their councils are eminent for decorum, and no person is interrupted during a speech. some indians, after respectfully listening to a missionary, thought they would relate to him some of their legends, but the good man could not restrain his indignation, but pronounced them foolish fables, while what he told them was sacred truth. the indian was, in his turn, offended, and said, we listened to your stories, why do you not listen to ours? you are not instructed in the common rules of civility. a hunter, in his wandering for game, fell among the back settlements of virginia, and on account of the inclemency of the weather, sought refuge at the house of a planter, whom he met at the door. he was refused admission. being both hungry and thirsty, he asked for a bit of bread and a cup of cold water. but the answer to every appeal was, "_you, shall have nothing here, get you gone you indian dog!_" some months afterwards this same planter lost himself in the woods, and after a weary day of wandering, came to an indian cabin, into which he was welcomed. on inquiring the way and distance to the settlement, and finding it was too far to think of going that night, he asked if he could remain. very cordially the inmates replied, that he was at liberty to stay, and all they had was at his service. they gave him food, they made a bright fire to cheer and warm him, and supplied him with clean deer- skin for his couch, and promised to conduct him the next day on his journey. in the morning the indian hunter and the planter set out together through the forest, when they came in sight of the white man's dwelling, the hunter, about to leave, turned to his companion, and said, "do you not know me?" the white man was struck with horror, that he had been so long in the power of one whom he had so inhumanly treated, and expected now to experience his revenge. but on beginning to make excuses, the indian interrupted him saying, "when you see a poor indian fainting for a cup of cold water, don't say again, 'get you gone, you indian dog.'" and turned back to his hunting grounds. which best deserved the appellation of a christian, and to which will it most likely be said, "inasmuch as ye have done it unto the least of these, ye have done it unto me." creation. origin of the continent, the animal, and of the indian. introduction of the two principles of good and evil into the government of the world. the tuscarora tradition opens with the notion that there were originally two worlds, or regions of space, that is an upper and lower world. the upper world was inhabited by beings resembling the human race. and the lower world by monsters, moving on the surface and in the waters, which is in darkness. when the human species were transferred below, and the lower sphere was about to be rendered fit for their residence; the act of their transferrance is by these ideas, that a female who began to descend into the lower world, which is a region of darkness, waters, and monsters, she was received on the back of a tortoise, where she gave birth to male twins, and there she expired. the shell of this tortoise expanded into a continent, which, in the english language, is called "island," and is named by the tuscaroras, yowahnook. one of the children was called got-ti-gah-rah-quast, or good mind, the other, got-ti-gah- rak-senh, or bad mind. these two antagonistical principles were at perpetual variance, it being the law of one to counteract whatever the other did. they were not, however, men, but gods, or existences, through whom the great spirit, or "holder of the heavens," carried out his purposes. the first work of got-ti-gah-rah-quast was to create the sun out of the head of his dead mother, and the moon and stars out of the other parts of her body. the light these gave drove the monsters into the deep waters to hide themselves. he then prepared the surface of the continent and fitted it for human habitation, by making it into creeks, rivers, lakes and plains, and by filling them with the various kinds of animals and vegetable kingdom. he then formed a man and a woman out of the earth, gave them life, and called them ongwahonwd, that is to say, a real people. meanwhile the bad mind created mountains, water-falls, and steeps, caves, reptiles, serpents, apes, and other objects supposed to be injurious to, or in mockery to mankind. he made an attempt also to conceal the land animals in the ground, so as to deprive men of the means of subsistance. this continued opposition, to the wishes of the good mind, who was perpetually at work, in restoring the effects and displacements, of the wicked devices of the other, at length led to a personal combat, of which the time and instrument of battle were agreed on. they fought two days; the good mind using the deer's horn, and the other, using wild flag leafs, as arms. got-ti-gah-rah-quast, or good mind, who had chosen the horn, finally prevailed. his antagonist sunk down into a region of darkness, and became the evil spirit of the world of despair. got-ti-gah-rah-quast, having obtained his triumph, retired from the earth. the earliest tradition that we have of the iroquois is as follows: that a company of ongwahonwa being encamped on the banks of the st. lawrence river, where they were invaded by a nation--few in number, but were great giants, called "ronongwaca." war after war was brought on by personal encounters and incidents, and carried on with perfidity and cruelty. they were delivered at length by the skill and courage of yatontea, who, after retreating before them, raised a large body of men and defeated them, after which they were supposed to be extinct. and the next they suffered was from the malice, perfidity and lust of an extraordinary appearing person, who they called that-tea-ro-skeh, who was finally driven across the st. lawrence, and come to a town south of the shores of lake ontario, where, however, he only disguised his intentions, to repeat his cruel and perfidious deeds. he assassinated many persons, and violated six virgins. they pointed to him as a fiend in human shape. in this age of monsters, the country was again invaded by another monster, which they called oyahguaharh, supposed to be some great mammoth, who was furious against men, and destroyed the lives of many indian hunters, but he was at length killed, after a long and severe contest. a great horned serpent also next appeared on lake ontario who, by means of his poisonous breath, caused disease, and caused the death of many. at length the old women congregated, with one accord, and prayed to the great spirit that he would send their grand-father, the thunder, who would get to their relief in this, their sore time of trouble, and at the same time burning tobacco as burned offerings. so finally the monster was compelled to retire in the deeps of the lake by thunder bolts. before this calamity was forgotten another happened. a blazing star fell into their fort, situated on the banks of the st. lawrence, and destroyed the people. such a phenomenon caused a great panic and consternation and dread, which they regarded as ominious of their entire destruction. not long after this prediction of the blazing star it was verified. these tribes, who were held together by feeble ties, fell into dispute and wars among themselves, which were pursued through a long period, until they had utterly destroyed each other, and so reduced their numbers that the lands were again over-run with wild beasts. at this period there were six families took refuge in a large cave in a mountain, where they dwelled for a long time. the men would come out occasionally to hunt for food. this mammoth cave was situated at or near the falls of the oswego river. taryenya-wa-gon (holder of the heavens) extricated these six families from this subterraneous bowels and confines of the mountain. they always looked to this divine messenger, who had power to assume various shapes, as emergency dictated, as the friend and patron of their nation. as soon as they were released he gave them instructions respecting the mode of hunting, matrimony, worship and many other things. he warned them against the evil spirit, and gave them corn, beans, squash, potatoes, tobacco, and dogs to hunt their game. he bid them go toward the rising of the sun, and he personally guided them, until they came to a river, which they named yehnonanatche (that is going around a mountain,) now mohawk, they went down the bank of the river and came to where it discharges into a great river, running towards the midway sun, they named it skaw-nay- taw-ty (that is beyond the pineries) now hudson, and went down the banks of the river and touched the bank of the great water. the company made an encampment at this place and remained for a while. the people was then of one language. some of them went on the banks of the great waters, towards the midway sun, and never returned. but the company that remained at the camp returned as they came--along the bank of the river, under the direction of taryenyawagon (holder of the heavens). this company were a particular body, which called themselves of one household. of these there were six families, and they entered into an agreement to preserve the chain of alliance which should not be extinguished under any circumstance. the company advanced some distance up the river of skawnatawty (hudson). the holder of the heavens directed the first family to make their residence near the bank of the river, and the family was named tehawrogeh (that is, a speech divided) now mohawk. their language soon changed. the company then turned and went towards the sun-setting, and traveled about two days and a half, then came to a creek, which was named kawnatawteruh (that is pineries). the second family was directed to make their residence near the creek; and the family was named nehawretahgo (that is big tree) now oneida. their language was changed likewise. the company continued to proceed toward the sun-setting under the direction of the holder of the heavens. the third family was directed to make their residence on a mountain, named onondaga (now onondaga), and the family was named seuhnowhahtah (that is, carrying the name.) their language also changed. the rest of the company continued their journey towards the sun- setting. the fourth family was directed to make their residence near a large lake, named goyogoh (that is a mountain rising from water) now cayuga, and the family was named sho-nea-na-we-to-wah (that is a great pipe). their language was altered. the rest of the company kept their course towards the sun-setting. the fifth family was directed to make their residence near a high mountain, situated south of canandaigua lake, which was named tehow-nea-nyo-hent (that is possessing a door) now seneca. their language was also changed. the sixth, and last family, went on their journey toward the sun-setting, until they touched the bank of the great lake, which was named kan-ha-gwa-rah-ka (that is a cape) now erie, and then went toward, between the midway and sun-setting, and traveled a great distance, when they came to a large river, which was named o-nah-we-yo-ka (that is a principal stream) now mississippi. the people discovered a grapevine lying across the river, by which a part of the people went over, but while they were crossing the vine broke. they were divided, and became enemies, to those that were over the river in consequence of which, they were obliged to abandon the journey. those that went over the river were finally lost and forgotten from the memory of those that remained on the eastern banks. ta-ren-ya-wa-go (the holder of the heavens), who was the patron of the five home bands, did not fail, in this crisis, to direct them their way also. he instructed those on the eastern bank the art of the bow and arrows, to use for game and in time of danger. after giving them suitable instructions, he guided their footsteps in their journeys, south and east, until they had crossed the alleghany mountains, and with some wanderings they finally reached the shores of the sea, on the coast which is now called the carolinas. by this time their language was changed. they were directed to fix their residence on the banks of the gow-ta-no (that is, pine in the water) now neuse river, in north carolina. here ta- ren-ya-wa-gon left them to hunt, increase and prosper, whilst he returned to direct the other five nations to form their confederacy. tarenyawagon united in one person the power of a god and a man, and gave him the expressive name of the holder of the heavens, and was capable of assuming any form or shape that he chosed, but appeared to them only in the form of a man, and taught them hunting, gardening, and the knowledge of the arts of war. he imparted to them the knowledge of the laws and government of the great spirit, and gave them directions and encouragement how to fulfill their duties and obligations. he gave them corn, beans, and fruits of various kinds, with the knowledge of planting those fruits. he taught them how to kill and to cook the game. he made the forest free to all the tribes to hunt, and removed obstructions from the streams. he took his position, sometimes, on the top of high cliffs, springing, if needs be, over frightful chasms; and he flew, as it were, over great lakes in a wonderful canoe of immaculate whiteness and of magic power. having finished his commission with the tuscaroras at cautanoh, in north carolina, and the other five families, which were left at the north, he came down to closer terms and intimacy with the onondagas. he resolved to lay aside his divine character and live among them, that he might exemplify the maxims which he had taught. and for this purpose he selected a handsome spot of ground on the southern banks of cross lake, new york. here he built his cabin, and from the shores of this lake he went into the forest, like the rest of his companions, in quest of game and fish. he took a wife of the onondagas, by whom he had an only daughter, whom he tenderly loved, and most kindly and carefully treated and instructed, so that she was known far and near as his favorite child, and was regarded almost as a goddess. the excellence of his character, and his great sagacity and good counsels, led the people to regard him with veneration, and they gave him, in his sublunary character, the name of hi-a-wat-ha (a wise man). people came to him from all quarters, and his abode was thronged by all ages and conditions who came for advice. he became the first chief of all the land, and whomsoever he made his companions and friends were likewise clothed with the authority of chiefs in the tribe. in this manner all power came naturally into his hands, and the tribe rejoiced that they had so wise and good a man as their ruler. for in those days each tribe was independent of all others; they had not yet formed a league, but fought and made war with each other. nothing that belonged to hiawatha, in his character of tarenyawagon, was more remarkable than his light and magic canoe, which shone with a supernatural lustre, and in which he had performed so many of his extraordinary feats. this canoe was laid aside when he came to fix his residenee at cross lake, and never used it but for great and extraordinary purposes. when great councils were called, and he assembled the wise men to deliberate together, the sacred canoe was carefully lifted from the grand lodge; and after these occasions were ended, it was carefully returned to the same receptacle, on the shoulders of men, who felt honored in being the bearers of such a precious burden. thus passed away many years, and every year saw the people increasing in numbers, skill, arts and bravery. it was among the onondagas that tarenyawagon had located himself, although he regarded the other tribes as friends and brothers; he had become indentified as an adopted member of this particular tribe. under his teaching and influence they became the first among all the original tribes, and rose to the highest distinction in every art which was known to or prized by the akonoshuni (iroquois). they were the wisest counsellors, the best orators, the most expert hunters, and the bravest warriors. they also afforded the highest examples of obedience to the laws of the great spirit. if offences took place, hiawatha redressed them, and his wisdom and moderation preserved the tribe from feuds. hence, the onondagas were early noted among all the tribes for their pre-eminence. he appeared to devote his chief attention to them, that he might afterwards make them examples to the others, in arts and wisdom. they were foremost in the overthrow of the stonish giants and the killing of the great serpent. to be an onondaga was the highest honor. while hiawatha was thus living in domestic life quietly among the people of the hills, and administering their simple government with wisdom, they became alarmed by the sudden news of the approach of a furious and powerful enemy from north of the great lakes. as the enemy advanced, they made an indiscriminate slaughter of men, women and children. the people fled from their villages a short time before them, and there was no heart in the people to make a stand against such powerful and ruthless invaders. in this emergency, they fled to hiawatha for his advice. he counseled them to call a general council of all the tribes from the east and west. "for," said he, "our strength is not in the war club and arrows alone, but in wise counsels." he appointed a place on the banks of onondaga lake for the meeting. it was a clear eminence from which there was a wide prospect. runners were dispatched in every direction, and the chiefs, warriors and headmen forthwith assembled in great numbers, bringing with them, in the general alarm, their women and children. fleets of canoes were seen on the bosom of the lake, and every inteterior warpath was kept open by the foot-prints of the different tribes, hurrying to obey the summons of hiawatha. all but the wise man himself had been there for three days, anxiously awaiting the arrival of hiawatha, when a messenger was dispatched after him. they found him gloomy and depressed. some great burden appeared to hang on his mind. he told them that evil lay on his path, and that he had fearful forebodings of ill-fortune. he felt that he was called to make some great sacrifice, but he did not know what it was, it seemed to be hid from him. least of all did he think it was to be his daughter: ever careful of her, he bade her kindly to accompany him. nothing happened to hinder, or at all interrupt their voyage. the talismanic canoe, which held them, gllded silently down the waters of the seneca; not a paddle was necessary to give it impetus, while it pursued the downward course of the stream till they reached the point of the lake outlet. at this point hiawatha took his paddle and gave it impetus against the current, until they entered on the bright and calm surface of the onondaga, cradled, as this blue sheet of water is, among the lofty and far-swelling hills. when the white canoe of the venerable chief appeared, a shout of welcome rang among those hills. the day was calm and serene. no wind ruffled the lake, and scarcely a cloud floated in the sky above. but while the wise man was measuring his steps towards the place designated for the council, and while ascending from the water's edge, a rumbling and low sound was heard, as if it were caused by the approach of a violent, rushing wind. instantly all the eyes were turned upwards, where a small and compact mass of cloudy darkness appeared. it gathered in size and velocity as it approached, and appeared to be directed inevitably to fall in the midst of the assembly. every one fled in consternation but hiawatha and his daughter. he stood erect, with ornaments waving in his frontlet, and besought his daughter calmly to await the issue, "for it is impossible," said he, "to escape the power of the great spirit. if he has determined our destruction we cannot, by running, fly from him." she modestly assented and they stood together, while horror was depicted in the faces of the others. but the force of the descending body was that of a sudden storm. they had hardly taken the resolution to halt when an immense bird, with long, extended wings, came down with swoop. this gigantic agent of the sky came with such force that the assembly felt the shock. the girl being in a nature, and embodied in the combination of the terrestial and celestial nature, was beautiful and fascinating in her looks and form, was borne away by this celestial bird to be seen no more upon the earth. but hiawatha was inconsolable for his loss. he grieved sorely, day and night, and wore a desponding and dejected countenance. but these were only faint indications of the feelings of his heart. he threw himself upon the ground, and refused to be comforted. he seemed dumb with melancholy, and the people were concerned of his life. he spoke nothing; he made no answers to questions put to him, and laid still as if dead. after several days the council appointed a certain merry-hearted chief to make him a visit, and to whisper a word of consolation in his ears to arouse him from his stupor. the result was successful. he approached with ceremonies and induced him to arise, and named the time when the council would convene. yet haggard with grief, he called for refreshments and ate. he then adjusted his wardrobe and head-dress and went to the council. he drew his robe of wolf-skin gracefully around him, and walked to his seat at the head of the assembled chiefs with a majestic step. stiliness and the most profound attention reigned in the council while he presided, and the discussion opened and proceeded. the subject of the invasion was handled by several of the ablest counselors and the bravest warriors. various plans were proposed to defeat the enemy. hiawatha listened with silence until all had finished speaking. his opinion was then asked. after a brief allusion of the calamity which had befallen him through the descent of the great bird by the great spirit, he spoke to the following effect: "i have listened to the words of the wise men and brave chiefs, but it is not fitting that we should do a thing of so much importance in haste; it is a subject demanding calm reflection and mature deliberation. let us postpone the decision for one day. during this time we will weigh well the words of the speakers who have already spoken. if they are good, i will then approve of them. if they are not, i will then open to you my plan. it is one which i have reflected on, and feel confident that it will insure safety." when another day had expired, the council again met. hiawatha entered the assembly with even more than ordinary attention, and every eye was fixed upon him, when he began to address the council in the following words: "friends and brothers:--you being members of many tribes, you have come from a great distance; the voice of war has aroused you up; you are afraid of your homes, your wives and your children; you tremble for your safety. believe me, i am with you. my heart beats with your hearts. we are one. we have one common object. we come to promote our common interest, and to determine how this can be best done. "to oppose those hordes of northern tribes, singly and alone, would prove certain destruction. we can make no progress in that way. we must unite ourselves into one common band of brothers. we must have but one voice. many voices makes confusion. we must have one fire, one pipe and one war club. this will give us strength. if our warriors are united they can defeat the enemy and drive them from our land; if we do this, we are safe. "onondaga, you are the people sitting under the shadow of the _great tree_, whose branches spread far and wide, and whose roots sink deep into the earth. you shall be the first nation, because you are warlike and mighty. "oneida, and you, the people who recline your bodies against the _everlasting stone_, that cannot be moved, shall be the second nation, because you always give good counsel. "seneca, and you, the people who have your habitation at the foot of the _great mountain_, and are overshadowed by its crags, shall be the third nation, because you are all greatly gifted in speech. "cayuga, you, whose dwelling is in the _dark forest_, and whose home is everywhere, shall be the fourth nation, because of your superior cunning in hunting. "mohawk, and you, the people who live in the open country, and possess much wisdom, shall be the fifth nation, because you understand better the art of raising corn and beans and making cabins. "you five great and powerful nations, with your tribes, must unite and have one common interest, and no foes shall disturb or subdue you. "and you of the different nations of the south, and you of the west, may place yourselves under our protection, and we will protect you. we earnestly desire the alliance and friendship of you all. "and from you, squaw-ki-haws (being a remote branch of the seneca nation), being the people who are as the _feeble bushes_, shall be chosen, a virgin, who shall be the peacemaker for all the nations of the earth, and more particularly the favored ako-no-shu-ne, which name this confederacy shall ever sustain. if we unite in one band the great spirit will smile upon us, and we shall be free, prosperous and happy; but if we shall remain as we are we shall incur his displeasure. we shall be enslaved, and perhaps annihilated forever. "brothers, these are the words of hiawatha. let them sink deep into your hearts. i have done." a deep and impressive silence followed the delivery of this speech. on the following day the council again assembled to act on it. high wisdom recommended this deliberation. the union of the tribes into one confederacy was discussed and unanimously adopted. to denote the character and intimacy of the union they employed the figure of a single council-house, or lodge, whose boundaries be co-extensive with their territories. hence the name of ako- no-shu-ne, who were called the iroquois. the great bird which visited them from heaven brought a precious gift to the warriors in the white plumes which she shed at the visit. every warrior, as he approached the spot where they fell, picked up a feather of snowy white to adorn his crown; and the celestial visitant thus became the means of furnishing the aspirants of military fame with an emblem which was held in the highest estimation. succeeding generations imbibed the custom from this incident to supply themselves with a plumage approaching it as nearly as possible; they selected the plume of the white heron. at the formation of the confederacy ato-ta-rho, being considered next in wisdom and all other traits of character which constitutes the necessary qualifications of an honored sachem, was ordained as the head sachem of the confederacy, which office has been transmitted down to succeeding generations of the onondaga nation to the present time. hiawatha, the guardian and founder of the league, having now accomplished the will of the great spirit, and the withdrawal of his daughter having been regarded by him as a sign that his mission was ended, he immediately prepared to make his final departure. before the great council, which had adopted his advice just before dispersing, he arose, with a dignified air, and addressed them in the following manner: "friends and brothers:--i have now fulfilled my mission here below; i have furnished you seeds and grains for your gardens; i have removed obstructions from your waters, and made the forest habitable by teaching you how to expel its monsters; i have given you fishing places and hunting grounds; i have instructed you in the making and using of war implements; i have taught you how to cultivate corn, and many other arts and gifts. i have been allowed by the great spirit to communicate to you. last of all, i have aided you to form a league of friendship and union. if you preserve this, and admit no foreign element of power by the admission of other nations, you will always be free, numerous and happy. if other tribes and nations are admitted to your councils, they will sow the seed of jealousy and discord, and you will become few, feeble and enslaved. "friends and brothers, these are the last words you will hear from the lips of hiawatha. the great creator of our bodies calls me to go; i have patiently awaited his summons; i am ready to go. farewell." as the voice of the wise man ceased, sweet strains of music from the air burst on the ears of the multitude. the whole sky appeared to be filled with melody; and while all eyes were directed to catch glimpses of the sights, and enjoy strains of the celestial music that filled the sky, hiawatha was seen, seated in his snow-white canoe, amid the air, _rising, rising_ with every choral chant that burst out. as he rose the sound of the music became more soft and faint, until he vanished amid the summer clouds, and the melody ceased. thus terminated the labors and cares of the long-cherished memory of ta-ren-ya-wa-gon. i will now resume the history of the sixth and last family, the tuscarora on-gwe-hon-wa, that were left at the neuse river, or gan-ta-no. here they increased in numbers, valor and skill, and in all knowledge of the arts necessary in forest life. the country was wide and covered with dense wilderness, large rivers and lakes, which gave shelter to many fierce animals and monsters which beset their pathways and kept them in dread. now the evil spirit also plagued them with monstrous visitations. they were often induced to change their locations; sometimes from fear of enemies and sometimes from epidemics, or some strange visitations. i will now relate a few of the monsters that plagued them: the first enemy that appeared to question their power or disturb their peace was the fearful phenomenon of ko-nea-rah-yah-neh, or the flying heads. the heads were enveloped in beard and hair, flaming like fire; they were of monstrous size, and shot through the air with the speed of meteors. human power was not adequate to cope with them. the priests pronounced them a flowing power of some mysterious influence, and it remained with the priests alone to expel them by their magic power. [illustration: flying head and woman sitting by the fire] drum and rattle and enchantments were deemed more effective than arrows or clubs. one evening, after they had been plagued a long time with fearful visitations, the flying head came to the door of a lodge occupied by a single female and her dog. she was sitting composedly before the fire roasting acorns, which, as they became cooked, she deliberately took from the fire and ate. amazement seized the flying head, who put out two huge black paws from under his streaming beard. supposing the woman to be eating live coals he withdrew, and from that time he came no more among them. and they were also invaded by a still more fearful enemy, the ot-nea-yar- heh, or stonish giants. they were a powerful tribe from the wilderness, tall, fierce and hostile, and resistance to them was vain. they defeated and overwhelmed an army which was sent out against them, and put the whole country in fear. these giants were not only of great strength, but they were cannibals, devouring men, women and children in their inroads. [illustration: stonish giant chasing indians.] it is said by the shawnees that these giants were descended from a certain family which was journeying on the east side of the mississippi. after some of them had crossed the river on a vine it broke, which left the main body on the east bank of the river. those who were on the west side of the river went toward the northwest. being abandoned in their wanderings, and being vagrants, without any knowledge of the arts of life, they forgot the rules of humanity. they at first began to eat their game in the raw flesh, which led them finally to become cannibals, and they practiced to roll themselves in the sand, which caused their bodies to be covered with a hard skin, so that the arrows of the tuscaroras only rattled against their rough bodies and fell at their feet. and the consequence was, that they were obliged to bide in caves and glens, and were brought into subjection by those fierce invaders for many winters. at length the holder of the heavens visited his people, and finding that they were in great distress, he determined to relieve them of these barbarous invaders. to accomplish this he changed himself as into one of those giants. as you will remember, it is said that he was able to change himself into any shape that he wished. he then joined himself with the invaders, and brandishing his heavy war club, led them on under the pretence of finding the other five nations, which they were also in the habit of visiting. when they came near to the strong fort at onondaga, they being weary of the long journey, and the night being dark, their leader bade them lie down at the foot of a mountain until the customary time to make the attack, which was at the break of day. but during the night the indian benefactor ascended the height and overwhelmed the slumberers below with a vast mass of rocks. at this catastrophe only one escaped to carry the news of their dreadful fate, and he fled toward the north. the tuscaroras and the other five nations were so much troubled with giants and other monsters that they were obliged to build forts to protect themselves. the way they built them was always by selecting an eminence, or rocky cliff, and on the back part was dug a trench according to the plan of the fort. then timbers were set in the trench upright, projecting above the ground several feet, and being adjusted together as close as possible, and the trench being filled in again. they had two gates, one way to get their water, the other for a sally port. they were also molested by a terrific animal which they called ro-qua-ho --a variegated lizzard--a swift runner and strikes very violent blows with its tail, which destroyed many hunters while lying in lurk for them. one day while a party of hunters were on their journey to camp-out for the purpose of hunting, the party consisting of four, they came to a very large hollow tree where they noticed quite a number of great marks of claws on the bark of the tree. supposing it to be the lodge of bears, they laid their bundles down and made ready for their game. one of them bounded on the tree and climbed it, and he struck the trunk of the tree several times. when the supposed bear appeared, to their consternation it was found to be the enemy they so much dreaded, the ro-qua-ho. the person on the tree only stepped behind it and the other three ran away for their lives. the ro-qua-ho came down and pursued them, and while yet in sight one was caught, killed and brought back, and he carried the body into the tree. then he went after the second which was brought in a short time, after which, he went for the third; then the one on the tree came down and ran away also. while on his way he heard a voice calling him; he stopped, and behold, a man of stately form, with long flowing hair stood and said, "why run? i have seen the distress of my people, i have come to deliver them out of trouble; now confide in me and we will prevail. i am your benefactor, tarenyawagon. get behind me, the enemy is approaching." in the twinkling of an eye this celestial being was changed, and assumed himself into a great white bear. when the roquaho came a great struggle ensued, but with the help of the man the enemy was killed. they were again molested by an extraordinary and ferocious animal in various places--a mammoth bear. one morning while a party of hunters were in their camp, they were alarmed by a great tumult breaking out from the forest. upon going to ascertain the cause of this extraordinary noise, they saw the great monster on the bank pawing and rolling stones and logs in every direction, exhibiting the utmost rage. another great animal of the cat kind appeared, and seized the bear and a dreadful fight ensued. in the end the bear got the worst of it and retired horribly mangled, and never was heard of afterwards. after a while a pestiferous and annoying creature of the insect kind appeared in the guise of the ro-tay-yo (a huge mosquito). it first appeared among the tuscaroras along the neuse river. it flew about with vast wings, making a loud noise, with a long stinger; and on whomsoever it lighted it sucked out all the blood and killed them. many warriors were destroyed in this way, and all attempts made to subdue it were vain; but at length it retired of itself. next they heard that it appeared about the fort at onondaga, where it also destroyed many lives, until tarenyawagon made a visit to the ruler of the onondagas. the great mosquito happened to come flying about the fort as usual at that time. tarenyawago immediately made his attack, but such was the rapidity of its flight, that he could scarcely keep in sight of it. he chased it around the borders of the great lakes, towards the sun-setting, and around the great country at large, east and west. at last he overtook it, and took his strong bow and sent an arrow which struck him through the heart and killed him, near gen-an-do-a (the salt lake of onondaga). from the blood flowing out on this occasion were the present species of small mosquito originated. i have now related a few of the tragedies of the dark recesses of the forest, from the many that our tradition relates. there was also a little old man of singular appearance that frequented among them at their ball plays, and did not seem to be inclined to make acquaintance with any one, but kept by himself and appeared to be mild and humble. at length this man became very sick with putrefying sores from head to foot and was very loathesome. nobody knew who he was or where he came from: he had no home; he gave his name as qua-ra, or rabbit: he went from house to house of all the different clans or tribes in the nation, as for instance, the eel, snipe, beaver, turtle, wolf, deer. when he would approach the house, seemingly to go in, they would loathe him to enter, and when he came to the doorstep he would seem to hear their thoughts and then return; thus he was repulsed from all the houses of the above clans, he finally came to the house of the bear clan. when the mistress of the house observed him coming, she had pity on him, and presently prepared a bed for him with the best deerskins she had; when he came to the door he knew her hospitable heart and went in. she immediately assured him of his welcome in her meanly hut, and that she was ready to do everything in her power to relieve his distress, and appointed his lodge where he had laid himself nearly exhausted. he then told her to go and get the root of a certain kind of plant, which she immediately did and prepared according to his direction, which he took and readily recovered. he then went through a series of diseases, directing her as before to get the different kind of medicines for the different diseases. lastly, he became sick with that fatal disease, consumption. this he said was incurable, and he must die. he then told her he was a messenger from tarenyawagon, to show them the diseases that they should be subjected to, and also the medicine to cure them. and also to tell them the predictions of their fate and doom. said he could not withhold the water from his eyes, or keep from quaking when he thought of their irrevocable doom to which they were destined, and said: "there is a habitation beyond these great waters towards the sun-rising, which are inhabited by beings of very pale faces, and are looking only to themselves, have pity for nobody, and make their delight in doing mischief. they have killed rah-wah-ne-yo (god); they mocked him and done all manner of bad things to him, and finally, they fastened him to a tree until he died. but death and the grave had not power to hold him. he arose and lives again, and he has gone to the world above, in those happy hunting grounds where all good o-qua-ho-wa (indians), will go when they die, and will see him as he is. "now this class of pale-faces will come across the great waters and make their abode on this island, and will bring poison to give you to drink, which will poison the spirit and kill the body. they will kill your husbands, brothers and sons, and drive you away to the sun-setting, and will deprive the children that are coming behind, off their domain. they will drive you until you are in the great salt water up to your waist. oh, hostess, this is the final doom of your great nation. "and now as for you, oh, mother, i have no words that i can utter, to express the sincere gratitude of my inmost soul. i have nothing to give to compensate you for all the tenderness you have given me. but my blessings i will leave with you. i place in the midst of your clan, the bear, a majestic pine tree, which is ever green, and as the top reaches above all other trees, so will your clan be. wherever the nation will be driven to, your clan will multiply above all others, and be the ruler of the nation. this is all i have to deliver unto you. i now commend myself to that great spirit that has made us all, who ruleth above." thus ended the last messenger of tarenyawagon, who is now basking in the pleasures of that hunting ground in the world above. tuscarora. before the discovery, by columbus, the tuscaroras consisted of six towns, and they were a powerful nation, numbering over twelve hundred warriors, which, at a ratio according to the rule of estimating, would bring them at about five or six thousand souls. the tuscaroras had many years of enjoyment and peaceful possession of their domain, consisting of six towns on the roanoke, neuse, taw and pemlico rivers, in the state of north carolina. and they were also confederated to six other nations, which were the corees, mattamuskeets, notaways and the bear river indians; the names of the other two nations i have been unable to obtain. my readers will readily see why some writers have it that they consisted in twelve towns, and other writers would have it that they consisted in six towns. the real tuscaroras consisted in six towns; but with the confederate nations, altogether, were known to be in twelve towns, and all these different nations which composed the confederacy went under the name of tuscarora, the tuscaroras being the most powerful of the several nations. the tradition of the tuscaroras admits of having captured lawson and his party, and executed some of them to death on account of their encroachments upon their domain; but concerning the massacre of oct. d, , the tuscaroras emphatically deny having taken any part in the affair whatever, officially. the project was presented to them and in the council of the sachems, chiefs and warriors, they emphatically declined taking any part in such a movement, but said if the colonists made encroachments and trespass on their domain, it is no more than right and just that we defend our rights, and even cautioned their young men that they should not take any part whatever in the action; but, nevertheless, there were a few of the rash and reckless warriors that took part in the disorder. the corees, mattamuskeets, and bear river indians seemed to be the instigators of the project: but there were several other nations that took part in the massacre. these three nations being considered tuscaroras, on account of the confederacy, and the capture of lawson and his party a little previous to this time by the tuscaroras, led the colonists to conclude that it was the tuscaroras who caused the disaster, and to them was directed the feud of the colonists. a little previous to these disorders, it seems that there were some white men, as our tradition states, with long coats and wide brimmed hats, visited several nations of the indians in that neighborhood, and appeared to be very friendly toward them, wished them success in everything, and told them that those settlers who were on the borders of their lands and constantly encroaching and committing depredations upon the indians, were not of the government, but were merely squatters, who settled there of their own accord, and if they were cut off, there would be none to avenge them, and were advised to do so. it has always been a question in my mind who those white men were, to give such rash advice. were they quakers? but what motive had they in advising, from which so great a disaster was the result? or, were they men in disguise, from the county of bath, in which the massacre was committed, to make the indians believe that they were quakers, as the two counties were in arms against each other at that time. to coroborate the tradition above, i would call your attention to part of a letter from president pollock to lord craven, in the year , who attributes the calamity thus: "our divisions," says he, "chiefly occasioned by the quakers and some other ill-disposed persons, have been the cause of all the troubles, for the indians were informed by some of the traders that the people who lived here are only a few vagabonds, who had run away from other governments and settled here of their own accord, without any authority, so that if they were cut off, there would be none to revenge them. this with their seeing our differences rise to such a heighth, that consisting of two counties only, were in arms one against the other, encouraged them to fall upon the county of bath, expecting it would have no assistance from this nor any other of the english plantations. this is the chief cause that moved the indians to rise against us, as far as i understand." the tuscaroras never had the inclination of cutting off the inhabitance of the pale faces. nevertheless, they did not always remain idle or unconcerned spectators of the feuds and dissensions that so long prevailed among the white people, toward the red men. the successive and regular encroachments, on their hunting grounds and plantations, which the increase of the european population occasioned, had not always been submitted to without murmur. although they were pleased with the neighbors, from whom they had trade for their furs, and could procure spirituous liquors and other articles, which tended to the gratification of their real or imaginary wants. and they were required to surrender larger and larger portions of their domain, and at last, the removal of families from the neighborhood of their long cherished memories of the graves of their ancestors, to the more distant and less valuable tracts of land. other causes of animosity and ill-will were not wanting. their hunters were shot down like so many beasts, at the edge of the settlement, killed in their wigwams, their young females' chastity violated, and many other things might be related, which their tradition shows. but i have neither heart nor inclination to bring to a resurrection the long gone-by memories of our forefathers. i would that all were cast into oblivion, where might not be found neither trace nor track; but rather that the chain of friendship which has existed for more than a century between the tuscaroras and the united states government may be made brighter and brighter as time rolls on. i have said that the tuscaroras never had the inclination of cutting off the first colonies, and if that were their desire, how readily would they have excepted the advice of president thomas carey, through one of his counsel--edward porter--in the year , of which you will find in martin's history of north carolina a difficulty between gov. hyde and the above, to-wit: "before any relief could be sent he attempted the landing of some of his men under fire of his brig, but they were repulsed by the militia of the neighborhood, which gov. hyde had time to collect. they returned on board, and their chief sought a safe retreat in the swamps of the tar river, where he raised his standard and endeavored to bring the tuscarora indians into an alliance. for this purpose he dispatched to them edward porter, one of his counsel, who endeavored by promises of great rewards to induce them to cut off all the inhabitants of that part of the province who adhered to gov. hyde. this was acceded to by some of his young warriors, but when the matter was debated in council the old men dissuaded them from listening to porter." now, did not some of carey's men go afterwards to some of the neighboring indian nations and induced them, in the year , to commit the massacre? i suppose to the critical reader, and to the people generally, my writing will appear to them fictitious, because of their first impression, which has been taught them by many historians. historians generally have given only one side of the story, and have avoided, as much as possible, to give the history of the wrongs done to the tuscaroras, but they are very scrupulous to preserve the history of the capture of lawson, his execution and of the massacre, which they allege to have been committed by the tuscaroras, and are styled by many as being inimical, haughty, jealous, warlike bloodhounds, bloodthirsty and scarcely to be human. these are the first impressions made by the historians upon the mind of the world. i suppose, for the purpose of getting a general verdict, that it was right; that they were crushed as a nation, their domain snatched from them, driven into the cold world, and not a word has been written by historians, or the tuscaroras themselves, to vindicate their cause. but with all the great tide of prejudiced feelings towards the tuscaroras, i have ventured to write their history as i have received it, and think it to be true. after the massacre, and the tuscaroras heard it reported that they were charged with being the author of the disaster, they immediately sent messengers and denied the charge of having officially taken any part in the disorder, but acknowledged that a few of the reckless and lawless warriors did take part against their admonitions, but they were willing to make all the restoration that was in their power to do, and would fight for them if necessary. at different times they petitioned, remonstrated and supplicated for peace, which was slighted and disregarded, and only produced more violence and insult. notice what governor spotswood, of virginia, said concerning the tuscaroras, to wit: "on the first of the disaster i sent a detachment of the militia to the tributary indians of this province to prevent them from joining in the war, and understanding that the indians in some of the tuscarora towns had refused to march against the whites, sent a messenger to invite them, with the rest of the friendly tribes, to a conference at the nottoway line, on the southern border of virginia, where he met them on the th of november." "the governor, after entering into some conversation with the chiefs, had the pleasure of finding the report which his messengers had made, from their observations while in the tuscarora towns, that they were very desirous of continuing in peace, and were greatly concerned that any of their nation should have joined in the massacre." the chiefs, after accounting for the delay that occurred, expressed the desire of the indians of their towns to continue in strict friendship with the whites, and assist them in chastising the authors of the late disorder. "but now an unfortunate difference arose between the governor and the burgesses, the latter insisting on the passage of a bill for raising an army in virginia, without trusting to the sincerity of the profession of the tuscarora chiefs. the governor refusing to accede to this proposition, and declining to co-operate in their plans, the dispute ended by a dissolution of the assembly." there was at one time a treaty of peace concluded between the sachems and chiefs of the tuscaroras and governor spotswood, of virginia, and one of the conditions of the treaty was to help in chastising the authors of the late massacre. in conformity with this pledge the tuscaroras made an attack on the mattamuskeets, where they obtained thirty scalps and presented them to the authorities of the whites, of which they pretended to be pleased. i don't doubt but that they were really pleased, but not with any good feelings towards the tuscaroras. i suppose the object was to get all the other indian nations alienated from them, so that in due time they might be easily conquered, because they were the nation that the whites seemed bent on destroying. the tuscaroras had faith in the treaty, but only to disappoint them in the thought of having the dark cloud which hung so glowingly over them taken away. it is said by historians that the tuscaroras disregarded the treaty and began hostilities. but i will relate a tradition, handed down from generation to generation, which is as follows, to wit: some little time after the treaty concluded, several white men went into one of their towns and said that they were sent by the government to distribute among them an annuity of goods in token of friendship; and also said, "in token of your sincerity to the treaty of peace, you will all repair to a place where there is a cord stretched out in a straight line, you must all take hold of the line with your right hand, and all those that refuse to take hold will be considered as hostile and will be omitted in the distribution of the goods." they all went to the place designated and found the cord strung out for nearly a mile; at one end of it was a bundle covered with cloth, which, as they supposed, contained the goods; so the unsuspecting indians, women and children, with eager hearts, laid hold on the rope. when it was thought that they were in a proper position, the white men all at once uncovered the supposed goods, which was a large cannon, and being prepared to shoot in a line with the cord it was at once fired and roared like thunder. in a moment the ground along the cord was strewn with the meats of the tuscaroras. this is one of the effects of the treaty at that time. i will copy a report of governor spotswood to the lords commissioners of trade, in the year , to-wit: "had they," said he, "really intended to carry on the war against the indians, they could not have done it in a more frugal way than by the treaty i concluded with the tuscarora chiefs. "indeed, some of that house, since the dissolution, own more freely than they would do while sitting, that most of the irregularities of their proceedings are owing to some rash votes, passed without foresight, which they could not afterwards get over without breaking the rules of their house; and so they chose, rather, to let the country suffer than to own themselves in an error. "some of the tuscarora chiefs have lately been with governor spotswood, of virginia, and pretend a great inclination to peace. "they are again to be with him on the th of this month; we are to send two agents to meet them there--mr. tobias knight and mayor christophe gale--not with any expectation that the governor will make any treaty for us, for that would be dishonorable to your lordship and make us appear contemptible in the eyes of the indians, but with a view to hear what they have to propose." i might quote many more passages similar to those above, but let these few suffice to show how the tuscaroras were treated. now, finally, with a combination of causes, they were in , crushed and broken down as a nation, to satisfy the inclinations of the white people, persecutions being kept up by neighboring whites and southern indians until june following. the oneida indians, having heard of the disaster to the tuscarora nation, invited them to come and make their dwelling among them: so, accordingly, they left carolina and took their journey north to rejoin their sister nations. methink i can see them leaving their once cherished homes--the aged, the helpless, the women and children, and the warriors faint and few--the ashes are cold on their native hearth; the smoke no more curls round their lowly cabin: they move on with slow, unsteady steps; they turn to take a last look upon their doomed village and cast a last glance upon the long cherished memories of their fathers' graves. they shed no tears; they utter no cries: they heave no groans, they linger but a moment. they know and feel that there is for them still one more remove further, not distant nor unseen. one bright, sunny june morning, in the year , was one of the darkest days that the tuscaroras ever witnessed, when most of the nation took their pace to the north until they came within the bounds of the oneida domain, about two miles west of tamaqua, in the state of pennsylvania, where they located and set out apple trees which can be seen to this day: some of the trees, will measure about two feet in diameter. here they dwelled for about two years. in about the year , the iroquois, being the mohawk, onondaga, seneca, oneida and cayuga nations, which were then called the five nations, had a general council where the tuscarora made an application through their brothers the oneida, to be admitted into the iroquois and become the sixth nation, on the grounds of a common generic origin, which was granted them unanimously. then the seneca adopted the tuscarora as their children. ever since that time to the present, if a seneca addresses the tuscaroras, he will invariably salute them as "my sons," in social or in council; and also the tuscaroras in return will say "my fathers." the relation has always been kept up to the present. the tuscaroras were then initiated without enlarging the frame-work of the confederacy and formation of the league, by allowing them their own sachems and chiefs, which they had as hereditary from their nation in the south, except on which they gave, as the holder of the tree, to sit and enjoy a nominal equality in the councils of the league, by the courtesy of the other five nations. they were not dependent, but were admitted to as full an equality as could be granted them without enlarging the frame- work of the confederacy. in the councils of the league they had no national designation. they were then assigned a portion of the oneidas' territory, which is lying upon the unadilla river on the east, the chenango on the west, and the susquehanna on the south, where they dwelled and enjoyed their peace again for about seventy years. in they numbered warriors of fighting men. we again hear of the tuscarora by history, concerning a massacre of the german flats, n. y., in november, . a narrative communicated to the author of the documentary history of new york, vol. , page , viz: a few days after this massacre and desolation had been perpetrated, sir william johnson dispatched geo. croghan, esq., deputy agent, with mr. montour, the indian interpreter, to the german flats, where he understood several of the oneida and tuscarora indians were assembled, in order to call upon them to explain why they had not given more timely notice to the germans of the designs and approach of the enemy, it having been reported that no intelligence had been given by the indians until the same morning the attack was made, and as these indians might naturally be supposed, from their situation and other circumstances, to have had an earlier knowledge of the enemy's design and march. before mr. croghan could get up to the german flats the aforesaid indians were on their road homewards, but he was informed that the chief sachem of the upper oneida town, with a tuscarora sachem (which is supposed to be solomon longboard) and another oneida indian, were still about four miles from fort harkeman, upon which he sent a messenger to acquaint them that he was at the said fort. the aforesaid indians returned, and on the oth of november, at fort harkeman, conaghquieson, the oneida sachem, made the following speech to mr. croghan, having first called in one rudolph shumaker, hanjost harkman and several other germans who understood the indian language, and desired them to sit down and hear what he had to say. conaghquieson then proceeded and said: "brothers:--i can't help telling you that we were very much surprised to hear that our english brethren suspect and charge us with not giving them timely notice of the designs of the french, as it is well known we have not neglected to give them every piece of intelligence that came to our knowledge. "brothers, about fifteen days before the affair happened we sent the germans word that some swegatchi indians told us that the french were determined to destroy the german flats, and desired them to be on their guard. about six days after that we had a further account from the swegatchi indians that the french were preparing to march. "i then came to the german flats, and in a meeting with the germans told them what we had heard, and desired to collect themselves together in a body at their fort, [footnote: a stockaded work round the church, and a block-house, with a ditch, and a parapet thrown up by sir william johnson, a year ago, upon an alarm then given.] and secure their women, children and effects, and to make the best defence they could. at the same time i told them to write what i had said to our brother, warraghryagey (meaning sir william johnson [footnote: they never sent this intelligence to sir william johnson.]), but they paid not the least regard to what i told them, and laughed at me, slapping their hands on their buttocks, saying they did not value the enemy, upon which i returned home and sent one of our people to the lake (meaning oneida lake) to find out whether the enemy were coming or not. after he had staid there two days the enemy arrived at the carrying-place, and sent word to the castle at the lake that they were there, and told them what they were going to do, but charged them not to let us at the upper castle know anything of their design. as soon as the man i sent there heard this he came on to us with the account that night; and as soon as we received it we sent a belt of wampum, to confirm the truth thereof, to the flats, which came here the day before the enemy made their attack: but the people would not give credit to the account even then, or they might have saved their lives. [footnote: the indians who brought the belt of wampum, finding the germans still incredulous, the next morning, just before the attack began, laid hold on the german minister, and in a manner forced him over to the other side of the river, by which means he and some who followed him escaped the fate of their brethren.] this is the truth, and those germans here present know it to be so. the aforesaid germans did acknowledge it to be so, and that they had such intelligence. "george croghan." the oneida being the original owner of the tract of land assigned to the tuscarora as aforesaid, were made party with the tuscarora to the treaty made at fort herkimer in the year , by which it was ceded to the state, and the oneida took all the avails of the treaty. the tuscaroras were then again left without a home and were partially scattered among the other nations, although they continued to preserve their nationality. they had some settlements, at a later period, in oneida castle, called by them gaunea-wahro-hare (signifying head on the pole), and one in the valley of the genesee below avon, called by them ju-na-stre-yo (signifying the beautiful valley); another settlement at con-na-so-ra-ga, on the line between onondaga and oneida; another in the fork of chattenango creek, which they called ju-ta-nea-ga (signifying where the sun shines); and another on the jordan creek, which they called kan-ha-to (signifying limb in water). these several places were settled at different periods, which i am not able to give. in the revolutionary war between the united states and great britain, the tuscaroras then had their settlement at the place alotted them by the league in , between the unadilla river and the chenango. they took an active part with the united states. many a soldier and scout of the united states, in their fatigue and hunger, found a rest and a morsel in the rude homes of the tuscaroras, which were ever hospitably open to them. when the other indians which took part with the british knew that the tuscaroras took part with the united states, they invaded their settlement, destroyed their property and burned down their houses to ashes, which scattered them for a while. there was a party that settled at oyouwayea, or johnson's landing place, on lake ontario, about four miles east of the mouth of niagara river, which is at the mouth of the four-mile creek, for the purpose of getting out of the centre of the other indians which were for the british. about the close of the war there were two families of the tuscaroras hunting and fishing along the shores of lake ontario, and then up the east shore of niagara river as far as lewiston, and there left their canoe; then traveled east and up the mountain as far as a place which they now call the old saw mill (now on the tuscarora reservation), above the ayers' farm, where they saw great quantities of butternuts and walnuts and and a nice stream of water flowing down the mountain; there they took their rest, and after remaining several days they concluded to make their winter quarters at that place, which they did. after they were missing for a time from the settlement at johnson's landing, they were hunted by their people and finally found at this place. a few years after this the oneidas and tuscaroras ceded the tract of land that was apportioned to the tuscaroras; then families after families came and located with those two families mentioned above. this is the beginning of the settlement of the present tuscarora reservation. the tuscaroras, ever since the revolutionary war, have had their residence within the territory of the seneca nation, they being considered the father of the tuscarora by being adopted as such, at the time of their initiation into the confederacy, in the year . i will here give the boundary of the seneca nation domain, according to the treaty entitled "a treaty between the united states of america and the tribes of indians called the six nations": "the president of the united states having determined to hold a conference with the six nations of indians, for the purpose of removing from their minds all causes of complaint, and establishing a firm and permanent friendship with them, and timothy pickering being appointed sole agent for that purpose, and the agent having met and conferred with the sachems, chiefs and warriors of the six nations, in a general council, now, in order to accomplish the good design of the conference, the parties have agreed on the following articles, when ratified by the president, with the advice and consent of the senate of the united states, shall be binding on them and the six nations. "article . peace and friendship are hereby firmly established, and shall be perpetual between the united states and the six nations. "article . the united states acknowledge the lands reserved to the oneida, onondaga, and cayuga nations, in their respective treaties with the state of new york, and called their reservations, to be their property; and the united states will never claim the same, nor disturb them or either of the six nations, nor their indian friends residing thereon and united with them, in the free use and enjoyment thereof; but the said reservations shall remain theirs until they choose to sell the same to the people of the united states, who have the right to purchase. "article . the land of the seneca nation is bounded as follows: beginning on lake ontario at the northwest corner of the land they sold to oliver phelps, the line runs westerly along the lake as far as o-yong- wong-yeh creek, at johnson's landing place, about four miles eastward from the fort of niagara; then southerly up that creek to its main fork; then straight to the main fork of stedman's creek, which empties into the niagara river above fort schlosser; and then onward from that fort, continuing the same straight course, to the river (this line from the mouth of o-yong-wong-yeh creek to the river niagara above fort schlosser, being the eastern boundary of a strip of land extending from the same line to niagara river, which the seneca nation ceded to the king of great britain at a treaty held about thirty years ago, with sir william johnson); then the line runs along the river niagara to lake erie; then along lake erie to the eastern corner of a triangle piece of land which the united states ceded to the state of pennsylvania, as by the president's patent, dated the third day of march ; then due south to the boundary of that state; then due east to the southwest corner of the land sold by the seneca nation to oliver phelps; and then northerly along phelps' line to the place of beginning, on lake ontario. now, the united states acknowledge all the land within the aforementioned boundary to be the property of the seneca nation; and the united states will never claim the same, nor disturb the seneca nation, nor their indian friends residing thereon and united with them, in the free use and enjoyment thereof; but it shall remain theirs until they choose to sell the same to the people of the united states, who have the right to purchase. "article . the united states having thus described and acknowledged what lands belong to the oneidas, onondagas, cayugas and senecas, and engaged never to claim the same, nor disturb them or any of the six nations, nor their indian friends residing thereon and united with them, in the free use and enjoyment thereof, etc. proclaimed january , ." you will observe in the treaty above that the name of the tuscarora nation is not mentioned at all, and yet speaks of the six nations, which includes the tuscarora nation. the reason is this: in article you will observe that all the nations that have their lands on the east side of what is known as the phelps line were named, and west of that line was the land of the seneca nation on which the tuscaroras resided, and were considered as being merged into the seneca nation, and have the benefit of the laws enacted for them. there was also a contract entered into between the seneca nation of indians of the first part, and robert morris. esq., of the city of philadelphia, of the second part. at a treaty held under the authority of the united states, at genesee, in the county of ontario, state of new york, on the fifteenth day of september, , and on sundry days immediately prior thereto, by the honorable jeremiah wadsworth. esq., a commissioner appointed by the president of the united states to hold the same, when the senecas ceded the country that included the now tuscarora reservation. the tuscaroras then and there made their complaint by their chiefs, for the first since they were initiated into the confederacy of the iroquois; in the presence of the commissioner and the others that are parties to the treaty; that the iroquois had from time to time allotted them lands and had been ceded each time by the iroquois, without giving them a farthing to remunerate them for their portion of the lands so ceded, or for the improvements that they had made, and asked if they were to be driven in this manner from place to place all the days of their existence, and if that is the way a father should use their children or brothers should use their brothers, and to keep them living in disappointment; they also alluded to a treaty concluded at fort stanwix three years before this, where the commissioners of the united states reserved to them land, which read as follows: "article . the oneida and tuscarora nations shall be secured in the possession of the lands on which they are settled." the commissioner then inquired into the merits of the complaint of the tuscaroras, which the iroquois affirmed; the commissioner then said to them, that it is not right to make a contract, or to grant anything without faith; it is only honorable when you adhere to your stipulation. when robert morris knew that the tuscaroras were destitute of land, he reserved and donated to them two square miles being acres; the senecas also granted to them one square mile being acres, which grant was made at the convention dated above. on the th day of march, , the sachems, chiefs and head men of the seneca nation of indians executed a written indenture of the grant or deed to the tuscarora nation, of the one square mile of land above mentioned, and was duly signed by the sachems, chiefs and head men of the aforesaid indians. on the d day of september, , it was entered and put on file in the niagara county clerk's office, on page ; and was again put on file in the niagara county clerk's office, lockport, in book of deeds , page , march , . about the year , solomon longbard and his brother held private council between themselves, consulting how they might obtain more land to make a permanent home for the tuscaroras and their generation after them, they concluded to repair to north carolina and see if they could procure any means from that source, whereby they might obtain more land. in pursuance, the tuscarora chiefs in council appointed as delegates solomon longboard and sacarrissa, being sachems of the nation in the year , and in they effected a lease by the aid of the legislature of north carolina, from which accrued $ , ; and in the year , general dearborn, then secretary of war, was authorized by congress to buy land for the tuscaroras with the said money, by which he bought , acres of the holland land company, which is now on the south and east side of the three square miles mentioned above, which now constitutes the tuscarora reservation. the tuscarora nation was once more at peace and in possession of lands which they could call their own. tuscaroras at north carolina. in tracing the history of the tuscaroras that migrated to the north and joined themselves with the iroquois, we would not forget those few who remained with king james blunt, a tuscarora chief, in north carolina, who had a tract of land allotted to them on pamplico river. the smallness of their number disabling them from resisting the attacks of the southern indians, governor charles eden, of north carolina, and the council, on the th day of june, , entered into a treaty, by which the land on pamplico river was abandoned by the tuscaroras and another tract granted to them, on roanoke river, in the present county of birtie, in consideration of which they relinquished all claims of any other land in the province, butted and bounded as follows, viz.: beginning at the mouth of quitsnoy swamp, running up the said swamp four hundred and poles, to a scrubby oak near the head of the swamp, by a great spring; then north ten degrees east, eight hundred and fifty poles, to a persimmon tree on raquis swamp; then along the swamp and pacosin main course north fifty-seven degrees west, two thousand six hundred and forty poles, to a hickory tree on the east side of the falling run, or deep creek, and down the various courses of the said run to morattock; then down the river to the first station. in the administration of the governor, gabriel johnson, esq., at a general assembly held at new bern on the th day of october, , by virtue of an act, this same limit of land above was confirmed and assured to james blunt, chief of the tuscarora nation, and the people under his charge, their heirs and successors forever, any law, usage, custom or grant to the contrary notwithstanding. at the time the tuscaroras migrated to the north, king james blunt was the sachem of those that remained, and his successor in office, as we see in an act of the general assembly of north carolina, in the year , was whitmell tuffdick. the last sachem, or chief, of that part of the tuscaroras--samuel smith--expired in the year , at which time sacarrissa and solomon longboard, both being sachems of the northern tuscaroras, migrated the residue of the tuscaroras from north carolina to their reservation in niagara county, state of new york, where they were again blended together in one nation. concerning the land allotted to the tuscaroras in birtie--they have leased it several times; and i have selected a few of the laws of north carolina that are now in force, concerning the tuscaroras in that state, namely: "a. d. . vol. i. chapter , page ; by potter, taylor and yancy, esqs. anno regni georgii ii, vicessinio second. "gabriel johnson, esq., governor. "at a general assembly held at new bern, the fifteenth day of october, in the year of our lord one thousand seven hundred and forty-eight." chapter . "an act for ascertaining the bounds of a certain tract of land formerly laid out by treaty to the use of the tuscarora indians, so long as they, or any of them, shall occupy and live upon the same, and to prevent any person or persons taking up lands, or settling within the said bounds, by pretense of any purchase or purchases made, or that shall be made, from the said indians. " . whereas, complaints are made by the tuscarora indians, of divers encroachments made by the english on their lands, and it being but just that the ancient inhabitants of this province shall have and enjoy a quiet and convenient dwelling place in this their native country, wherefore, "_bounds of the indians' lands confirmed_.-- . we pray that it may be enacted, and be it enacted by his excellency gabriel johnson, esquire, governor, by and with the advice and consent of his majesty's council, and general assembly of this province, and it is hereby enacted by the authority of the same that the lands formerly allotted the tuscarora indians by solemn treaty, lying on morattock river, in birtie county, being the same whereon they now dwell. butted and bounded as follows, viz: beginning at the mouth of quitsnoy swamp, running up the said swamp four hundred and thirty-five poles, to a scrubby oak, near the head of the swamp, by a great spring; thence north ten degrees east, eight hundred and fifty poles, to a persimmon tree, on raquis swamp; thence along the swamp, and pacosin main course, north fifty-seven degrees west, two thousand six hundred and forty poles to a hickory on the east side of the falling run or deep creek, and down the various courses of the said run to morattock river, then down the river to the first station; shall be confirmed and assured; and by virtue of this act, is confirmed and assured, to james blunt, chief of the tuscarora nation, and the people under his charge, their heirs and successors, forever, any law, usage, custom, or grant, to the contrary, notwithstanding. "_persons having grants to enter on desertion of the indians_.-- . provided, always, that it shall and may be lawful for any person or persons that have formerly obtained any grant or grants, under the lord's proprietors, for any tract or parcels of lands within the aforesaid boundaries, upon the said indians deserting or leaving the said lands, to enter, occupy and enjoy the same according to the tenor of their several grants. "_indians not to pay quitrents_.-- . and be it further enacted by the authority aforesaid, that it shall not nor may be lawful for the lord granville's receiver to ask, have or demand any quitrents for any of the said tracts or parcels of land taken up within the said indian boundaries, as aforesaid, until such time when the indians have deserted the same and the patentee be in possession thereof, and only for such rents as shall from thence arise and become due, any law, usage or custom to the contrary notwithstanding. "_penalty on persons purchasing lands of the indians_.-- . and be it further enacted by the authority aforesaid, that no person, for any consideration whatsoever, shall purchase or buy any tract or parcel of land claimed or in possession of any indian or indians, but all such bargains and sales shall be, and are hereby declared to be null and void, and of no effect; and the person so purchasing or buying any land of any indian or indians shall further forfeit the sum of ten pounds, proclamation money, for every hundred acres by him purchased and bought, one-half to the use of the public, the other half to him or them that shall sue for the same, to be recovered by action of debt, bill, plaint or information, in any court of record within this government, wherein no possession, protection, injunction or wager of law shall be allowed or admitted of. "_persons settled on the indian lands to remove, and no others to settle there under a penalty_.-- . and be it further enacted by the authority aforesaid, that all and every person and persons, other than the said indians who are now dwelling on any of the lands within the bounds above mentioned to have been allotted, laid out and prescribed to the said tuscarora indians, shall, on or before the twenty-fifth day of march next ensuing the ratification of this act, remove him or herself and family off the said lands, under the penalty of twenty pounds, proclamation money; and if any shall neglect or refuse to move him or herself and family off the said lands, on or before the said twenty-fifth day of march next, and if any person or persons, other than the said indians, shall hereafter presume to settle, inhabit or occupy any of the said lands hereby allotted and assigned for the said tuscarora indians, such person or persons shall forfeit the further penalty of twenty shillings, proclamation money, for each and every day he, she or they shall inhabit or occupy any lands within the said indian bounds after the said twenty-fifth day of march next, the said penalties to be recovered and applied in the same manner as the penalty in this act above mentioned. "_surveyor's fee for laying out the indians' lands_.-- . and whereas, the said lands belonging to the said tuscarora indians have been lately laid out and newly marked by george goulde, esq., surveyor general, at the request of the said indians; therefore, be it enacted, that the said george goulde, esq., have and receive for the trouble and expense he hath been at in laying out and marking the indians' lands aforesaid, the sum of twenty-five pounds, proclamation money, to be paid by the public, out of moneys in the public treasury. "_penalty of persons ranging stock on the indians' lands_.-- . and whereas, the indians complain of injuries received from people driving stock, horses, cattle and hogs, to range on their lands, for remedy thereof, be it enacted, that persons driving stock to range, or stock actually ranging on the indians' lands, shall, and are hereby declared, to be liable and subject to the like penalties and forfeitures, and may be proceeded against in the same manner, and subject to the same recoveries, as by the law of this province stock driven or ranging upon any white people's land are liable and subject to; and the said indians shall and may enjoy the benefit of the laws in that case made and provided, in the same manner as the white people do or can, any law, usage, or custom, to the contrary notwithstanding." laws of north carolina. a. d. , chapter , page , vol. i. by potter, taylor & yancey. "an act for quieting and securing the tuscarora indians, and others claiming under the tuscaroras, in the possession of their lands. "_indian lands secured to the indians_.-- . be it enacted, &c., that whitmell tuffdeck, chief or head man of the tuscarora nation, and the tuscarora indians now living in the county of birtie, shall have, hold, occupy, possess and enjoy, all the lands lying in the county of birtie aforesaid, whereof they are now seized and possessed, being part of the lands heretofore alotted to the indians aforesaid by solemn treaty, and confirmed to them and their successors by act of assembly, in the year one thousand seven hundred and forty-eight, without let, molestation or hindrance, clear of all quit-rents, or any public demands by way of tax whatever, to them the said tuscarora indians, and their heirs and successors: and that they, the said tuscaroras, and their heirs and successors, shall forever be clear and exempt from every kind of poll tax. "_no purchases to be made of the indians, nor their lands cultivated_.-- . and whereas, the said tuscarora indians, by nature ignorant, and strongly addicted to drinking, may be easily imposed on by designing persons, and unwarily deprived of their said lands: be it enacted. that no person, for any consideration whatever, shall hereafter purchase, buy or lease, any tract or parcel of land now claimed by, or in possession of the said tuscarora indians, or any of theirs; nor shall any person settle on or cultivate the said lands, or any part thereof, in his own right, or under pretence as acting as overseer for the indians: and if any person shall hereafter purchase, buy or lease lands of the said indians, or settle on or cultivate any part thereof in his own right or as overseer for the indians, all such purchases, sales, leases or agreements shall be and they are hereby declared null and void; and the person so purchasing buying or leasing, settling on or cultivating such lands, or any part thereof, shall forfeit and pay the sum of three hundred pounds current money for every hundred acres by him so purchased, bought or leased, settled on or cultivated as aforesaid, one-half to the use of the tuscarora indians, the other to the use of him or her who shall sue for the same: to be recovered by action of debt, bill, plaint or information in any court having cognizance thereof. provided that the said tuscarora indians may sell or dispose of their lands or any part thereof, with the consent of the general assembly first had and obtained. "_former purchases from the indians under the sanction of the assembly, secured_.-- . and whereas, the chieftains and head men of the tuscarora indians living in the county, did, on the twelfth day of july, in the year one thousand seven hundred and sixty-six, for the consideration of fifteen hundred pounds to them paid by robert jones, jun., william williams and thomas pugh, by indenture under their hands and seals, demise, grant and to farm let, unto the said robert jones, william williams and thomas pugh, a certain tract of land lying in the county aforesaid, containing about eight thousand acres, more or less, bounded as follows, to wit: beginning at the mouth of deep creek, otherwise called falling run; thence running up the said creek to the indian head line: thence by the said line south seventeen degrees east, twelve hundred and eighty poles: thence on a course parallel with the general current of the said creek to the roanoke river and then up the river to the beginning, together with the appurtenances thereto belonging, to be held and enjoyed by the said robert jones, william williams and thomas pugh their executors, administrators and assigns in serveralty for and during the term of one hundred and fifty years as may more fully appear by the said indenture, registered in the count of birtie aforesaid and ratified by act of assembly, passed at newbern, in the year one thousand seven hundred and sixty-six: be it enacted, that each and every of the persons entitled to claims under the demise aforementioned, or by grants from the persons claiming under the same, or either of them, and their heirs and assigns, shall and may have, hold, occupy, possess and enjoy the several shares, dividends or parcels of the said land to them belonging, in as full, free and absolute manner, and with the same legal privileges and advantages in every respect, and subject to the same taxes as if the said land had been originally granted to the said robert jones, william williams and thomas pugh by lord granville or by this state. "_regulations in regard to former demises_.-- . and whereas, the said tuscarora indians, for good and sufficient reasons, and for valuable consideration, have, since the twelfth day of july, one thousand seven hundred and sixty-six, and previous to the first day of december last, demised, granted and to farm let sundry tracts or parcels of land lying in said county of birtie to sundry persons, as by indentures duly executed may more fully appear: be it enacted. that all the land contained in the last mentioned demises, if the said demises were fairly, _bona fide_ and without fraud, made by and obtained from the said tuscarora indians since the year one thousand seven hundred and sixty- six, and previous to the first day of december last past, shall not be deemed vacant lands, or be liable to be entered as such in the land office, unless the general assembly shall hereafter so direct, but nevertheless shall be subject to the same taxes as other lands in this state are liable to. "_method of trial for demises alleged to have been unfairly obtained_.-- . and whereas, it is suggested by the tuscarora indians, that unfair dealings have been used in obtaining one or more of the demises aforementioned, and that they, the said indians have at present no mode of obtaining redress in such cases. be it therefore enacted, that the commissioners herein mentioned or a majority of them, shall and may, upon complaint of the said tuscarora indians, in court or meeting assembled, that a person or persons has or have unfairly or fraudulently obtained any grant or demise for lands to them belonging since the year one thousand seven hundred and sixty-six, and previous to the first day of december last, summon the person or persons so complained against, or cause him or them to be summoned to appear before them on a certain day on the land in dispute (giving at best ten days' notice previous to the day in such summons appointed), then and there to answer the complaint of the indians for having fraudulently or unfairly obtained a grant or demise of the land in question; and shall also summon, or cause to be summoned, a jury of twelve men, being freeholders in the county of birtie and not resident on or owners of any lands purchased of the said tuscarora indians; and the said commissioners, or a majority of them, shall attend at the time and place appointed, with the jury aforesaid, and having first sworn the jury to try and determine fairly between the said indians and the person or persons complained against, shall and may cause witnesses to be examined on both sides, receive the verdict of the jury and return the same, with the panel, to the next county court of the said county of birtie, to be entered upon the record; and such verdict shall be as good and effectual as if obtained in any court of record; and if the same be general the said commissioners, or a majority of them, shall and may appoint one or more persons to carry the same into execution; but if special, then the court shall decide thereon, and cause the sheriff of the county to carry such decision into execution. "_commissioners for indian affairs_.-- . and whereas the said indians are often injured by horses, cattle and hogs, driven on their lands by white people, the said horses, cattle and hogs breaking into the enclosure and distroying their corn and other effects, and are also frequently deprived of their property, and abuses by ill disposed persons; for remedy whereof, and also for recovery of suits or demands now due, or which may hereafter become due and owing to the said tuscarora indians; be it enacted, that william williams, thomas pugh, willie jones, simon turner and zedekiah stone, be, and they are hereby appointed commissioners for the said indians, and they, or any three of them, shall and may inquire into the complaints made by the said indians, summon the persons complained against, before them, and award such restitution and redress as to them shall seem just and necessary; and may appoint an officer or officers to serve subpoena as, and to execute such awards and determinations as they shall or may make in regard of the premises; and the court of said county of birtie, is hereby authorized and required to fill up, from time to time, by new appointments any vacancies which may happen among the commissioners by death or resignations; and upon complaint of the chiefs or head men of the nation, and the rest of the indians, in court or meeting properly assembled, against any of the commissioners for misbehavior, may inquire into the conduct of the person or persons complained against, remove him or them if necessary, and appoint another or others in his or their stead. "_reversion of indian lands_.-- . and be it further enacted, that the lands leased by the said tuscarora indians to robert jones, jr., william williams and thomas pugh, and to other persons, shall revert and become the property of the state, at the expiration of the terms of the several leases mentioned, if the said nation be extinct; and the lands now belonging to, and possessed by the said tuscaroras, shall revert to and become the property of the state, whenever the said nation shall become extinct, or shall entirely abandon or remove themselves off the said lands, and every part thereof. provided, that no person shall have any preference of entry to any of the said lands by virtue of any lease or occupancy whatever, since december, one thousand seven hundred and seventy-six, whenever the general assembly shall declare the said lands to be vacant." read three times and ratified in general assembly, the d day of may, a. d. . signed by whitmill hill, s. s. thomas benbury, s. c. laws of north carolina, a. d. , chapter . page , vol. i, by potter, taylor & yancey. "an act to amend an act, entitled an act for quieting and securing the tuscarora indians, and others claiming under the tuscaroras, in the possession of their lands. " . whereas, by the said act there is no penalty imposed on the jurors or witnesses duly summoned, and failing to attend. "_attendance of jurors_.-- . be it enacted, &c., that the commissioners by the said act appointed, or any three of them, assembled for the purpose of holding a court, shall, and may inflict fines on jurors or witnesses so failing to attend, not exceeding one hundred pounds, at their discretion; and unless sufficient excuse be to them afterwards shown, cause the same to be levied and applied towards defraying the county expenses of birtie; and witnesses and jurors who shall attend on the trial of any dispute between the said tuscaroras and others, shall have and receive ten dollars per day for their attendance, to be paid by the party cost with all other cost: and such trials may hereafter be had on the part of the lands belonging to said tuscaroras, birtie county, which commissioners shall direct." read three times and ratified in general assembly, the th day of may, a. d. . signed by alex. martin, s. s. thomas benbury. s. c. * * * * * laws of north carolina, a. d. , chapter , page , vol. , by potter, taylor & yancey. "james turner, esq., governor. "at the general assembly begun and held at raleigh, on the fifteenth day of november, in the year of our lord one thousand eight hundred and two, and in the thirty-seventh year of the independence of said state. "an act for the relief of the tuscarora nation of indians. "whereas, the indians composing the tuscarora nation, have, by their chief sacarrissa, and others, regularly deputed and authorized, requested the concurrence of the general assembly of this state, to enable them to lease or demise, for a number of years, the residue of their lands situated in the county of birtie, in such a manner that the whole of the said leases shall terminate at the same period. "_chiefs authorized to lease their lands_.-- . be it enacted, &c., that the said chiefs sacarrissa, longboard and samuel smith, or a majority of them, be and they are hereby authorized to lease and to farm let the undemised residue of the lands allotted to the tuscarora nation in birtie county, for a term of years that shall expire and end when the lease made by the tuscarora nation to robert jones and others, in the year of our lord one thousand seven hundred and sixty-six, shall end and expire; and also extend the term or terms of the leases already made or granted for a shorter term, to a term or terms which shall expire at the same time with the said lease made in the year one thousand seven hundred and sixty-six, in such parcels and on such rents and conditions as may be approved by the commissioners appointed in pursuance of this act and which may best promote the interest and convenience of the said indian nation. "and, whereas, some difficulties have arisen respecting the receipt and payment on the rents of some of the present leases. "_to make alterations with respect to rents_.-- . be it further enacted, that the said chiefs, or a majority of them, be, and they arc hereby authorised to make such alterations, by covenant and agreement, respecting the payment and receipt of any rents due, or that may become due on any of the existing leases, as the commissioners appointed in pursuance of this act, or a majority of them shall approve. "whereas, the said indian chiefs are ignorant of the usual forms of business, and may want advice and assistance in transacting the business respecting their lands, for remedy whereof and to prevent their being injured. "_governor to appoint three commissioners to carry this act into effect_.-- . be it further enacted, that the governor shall appoint three commissioners for the purpose of carrying the provisions of this act into effect; and no lease, grant, demise, covenant or agreement made by the said indian chiefs as aforesaid, respecting said lands, or the rents thereof, shall be good or valid in law, unless the same shall be approved by the said commissioners, or a majority of them, and such approbation shall be expressed in writing and annexed or endorsed on such lease, covenant or agreement, and registered in the register's office in the county of birtie, together with said lease or agreement; and the said commissioners shall receive the sum of twenty shillings per day for their compensation and expenses, to be paid out of the monies received by the said chiefs on leasing said lands. "_possessions of the tenants to be deemed the possessions of the tuscarora indians_.-- . and be it further enacted. that the occupancy and possession of the tenants under the said lease, heretofore confirmed by act or acts of the general assembly, and such leases as may be made under this act, shall be held and deemed in all cases whatsoever, the occupancy and possession of the said tuscarora nation, to all intents and purposes, as if said nation, or the indians thereof, or any of them, actually resided on said lands. "whereas, the said chiefs, sacarrissa, longboard, and samuel smith, being duly and freely authorized and empowered by the said tuscarora nation, have consented that the indians' claim to the use, possession, and occupancy of said lands shall cease and be extinguished, when the said lease made in the year one thousand seven hundred seventy-six, to robert jones and others, shall expire. "_the land to revert to the state_.-- . be it enacted, that from and after the twelfth day of july, which shall be in the year one thousand nine and sixteen, the whole of the lands alloted to the said tuscarora indians, by act of general assembly passed at newbern, on the fifteenth day of october, in the year of our lord one thousand seven hundred and forty eight, shall revert to, and become the property of the state, and the claim thereto, from that time, be held, and deemed forever extinguished. "_if any of the lands be vacant it is not to be entered but by an express act_.-- . and be further enacted, after the said lands shall revert to the state, if the same or any part thereto, shall be vacant, the same shall not be liable to the entry or entries of any person or persons, without an express act of the legislation to that effect; provided always, that it shall not be lawful for any person or persons to make any entry or entries on the said lands, after the passing of this act. provided always, that nothing in this act contained shall be construed so as to effect the title of any individual; provided nevertheless, that no lot or parcel of lands laid off under the direction of said commissioners, shall exceed two hundred acres; and provided further, that no lease shall be made but by public auction, of which due notice shall be given in the halifax and edenton newspapers." * * * * * acts of assembly from to , page , chapter , state library. "an act concerning the lands held under leases from the tuscarora tribe of indians. "whereas it is represented to this general assembly, in behalf of persons holding lands under leases, for a long term of years from the tuscarora tribe of indians, that they are subject to great inconveniences from their estates being mere cattle interest: for remedy whereof, "be it enacted by the general assembly of the state of north carolina, and it is hereby enacted by the authority of the same. "that the estates in lands now held by certain individuals, under leases for a term of years from the tuscarora tribe of indians, made in pursuance of certain acts of the general assembly of this state, shall be hereafter considered real estate; shall decend to, and be devided among the heirs of any intestate, subject to dower and tenancy by courtesy, and other incidents to real estate, and its liabilitiy to execution, and its conveyance and devise, shall be governed by the same rules as are now prescribed in the case of real estate held in fee simple; provided that nothing herein contained, shall be so construed as to give to the individuals holding the said term of years, a right to enjoy the same for a longer period than is designated in the leases executed by the tuscarora indians, in pursurance of acts of the general assembly of this state, nor as to give to said individuals any right which by the constitution of this state, is exclusively confirmed to the freeholders." * * * * * laws of north carolina from to , page ii, vol. i, chapter xix, in state library. act of nov. th, . "an act concerning the lands formerly occupied by the tuscarora tribe of indians lying in bertie county, on the north side of roanoke river. "whereas the tuscarora indians have for more than a century been the firm and undividing friends of the white people of this country, insomuch that the people of north carolina not only render to them full and complete justice, but also to exercise towards them that spirit of generosity which their conduct has merrited: therefore, "i. be it enacted by the general assembly of the state of north carolina, and is hereby enacted by the authority of the same, that william r. smith of halifax, simon j. barker, of martin and william brittin of bertie, be, and they are hereby appointed commissioners for the purpose of advertising and selling in manner hereinafter directed, the above named tract of land bounded as follows, to wit: beginning at the mouth of quitsnoy swamp; running up the swamp poles to a scrubby oak, near the head of said swamp by a great spring; thence north degrees east poles, to a persimmon tree, on raquis swamp; thence along the swamp and pocasin main course north degrees west , poles, to a hickory on the east side of falling run on deep creek, and down the various courses of said run to roanoke river; then down the river to the first station. "ii. and be it further enacted, that the title so to be sold by said commissioners shall be understood to extend only to the reversion of the state in said lands after the expiration of the lease from the indians, under which they are now held, and after the ratification of this act, and notice thereof to the commissioners, it shall be their duty to proceed forthwith to advertise in the newspapers most convenient to the premises, and also in five of the most public places in the counties of bertie, halifax and martin, including the court houses in said counties, that a sale of said lands, according to the provisions of this act, will take place on tuesday of the ensuing march term of the superior court of birtie county, that is, on the th day of march next; and it shall be the duty of the said commissioners to attend to the aforesaid time and place, and offer in the court house yard, at public sale to the highest bidder, the said lands, according to advertisement, subject however to the lease aforesaid, and the commissioners shall have power to continue or postpone the sale from day to day until the end of the week, and should they, by unavoidable accident or otherwise be prevented from selling all or any part of the lands during the same week, it shall be their duty to advertise in like manner, for two months next preceding the following september term of the bertie court, and to sell at said term, as is heretofore directed, at the march term, and said commissioners shall be empowered to put up said lands in such parcels as they may deem most advantageous for selling, and that they shall give the purchasers a credit of twelve months on one-half the purchase money, and a credit of twelve months on the other half; provided always, that the purchaser shall deliver to the commissioners bonds with good and sufficient security for the same, payable to the governor of the state. "iii. and be it further enacted, that should the commissioners upon offering said lands as aforesaid perceive that they were likely to be sacrificed, or to sell for an amount greatly below their value, it shall be their duty forthwith to discontinue the sale, and it shall be the duty of the commissioners after making sale, or if no sale be made, immediately after september next to make report to the public treasurer of the state of all such proceedings that they may have had under this act and also to hand over to him all such bonds as they may have taken from purchasers; and it shall be the duty of the secretary of state, upon a certificate from the treasurer of payment of the purchase money and a certificate from the commissioners of the boundaries of the land so purchased, to grant a title of release from the state of north carolina to such persons as may be reported purchasers by said commissioners under the act of assembly. "iv. and be it further enacted, that it shall be the duty of the public treasurer to collect the money on said lands when they shall become due and hold the same subject to the order of the tuscarora tribe of indians; and whenever such order shall be presented, properly and duly authenticated, by said tribe or nation of indians, it shall be his duty to pay the same over accordingly; provided always that upon paying such monies, the public treasurer shall take from said indians or agents, a full and complete release of all such claim, pretence of title, as they now make or ever may have to the aforesaid tract of lands. "v. and be it further enacted, that the commissioners shall be allowed each the sum of three dollars for every day that they shall necessarily be employed in examining said lands, or in attending the sale of same, to be paid out of the funds arising from the sale. "vi. be it further enacted, that if it should appear at any time thereafter that the said indians have parted with their claims, or contracted for the same, so that in fact the benefit of the sale shall, agreeable to the provisions of this act, revert to the state." governor john owen, esq., appointed as commissioners, william r. smith, of halifax; simon j. baker, of martin; and william brittain, of birtie; to sell the tuscarora lands in pursuance to the lease effected by the help of the general assembly, nov. , , of which they reported to william roberts, public treasurer--in bonds the sum of $ . , payable in installments of one and two years from the th day of march, , which are on file in the public treasurer's office. and on nov. , , william s. mahon, the public treasarer, re-reported cash in bonds for sale of tuscarora lands-- principle............................... $ . . interest................................ . . total................................... $ . . another report of the same man january, , that all has been collected, and remains in the treasury, subject to the order of the indians. $ , . - / . paid on may ist, , and found on file. "for this amount paid bates cooke, being their agent to receive the same under the act of assembly of , $ , . - / ." in about the year , the new york indians, (which includes the tuscaroras), were engaged in a stipulation, to buy a tract of land from the menomonees and winnebagoes, which was questioned in congress about the validity of a contract on purchases of lands between indian nations. but congress did concur in the stipulation made between the new york indians of the first part, and the menomonees and winnebagoes of the second part, for lands lying in green bay, wisconsin, bought and paid for by the former according to the stipulation concluded in the year . for the payment of the said land above, i can only speak for the tuscaroras. the precise amount paid i am unable to state. but a tax was made on the nation; children paid twenty-five cents each, adults paid more according to their ability; the amount obtained in this way i am unable to state. they also gave their annuities of two years, which they drew from the government, and also two hundred dollars in money which they loaned from the oneida indians (which they afterwards refunded). all those goods and moneys were paid to the menomonees and winnebagoes, as their part of the green bay lands. these facts i obtained of the widow of jonathan printup, an honorable chief of the tuscarara nation, by whom was entrusted with the goods and money for the payment of said lands, which he faithfully performed, and was accompanied as delegates by dr. john patterson and james cusick, who were appointed to the honorable office of purchasing a tract of land for a future home of their people. i am indebted to the widow of dr. john patterson, and also his brother harry, for information which corroborates with that of the widow above mentioned, and also of other old people. in a short time afterwards, the menomonees denied the contract in various ways, they denied the efficiency of the chiefs who signed the treaty, and also denied of having received any payment, and also denied the boundary of the land ceded. this naturally created difficulty and discord between them, and kept growing worse from year to year. but the winebagoes never denied any of the denials of the menomonees. in a treaty of the united states and the menomonees and winebagoes, of feb. th, , in article th, it was acknowledged that there existed some uncertainty in consequence of the cession made by the tribes upon fox river and green bay, to the new york indians. finally the menomonees made their complaint before the president, concerning the new york indians, which has reference to the case, in the treaty by the united states, with the several tribes of green bay on feb. rd, , in article nd, which read as follows, viz: "much difficulty having arising from the negotiations between the menomonees and winebago tribes and the various tribes and portions of tribes of indian of the state of new york, and the claims of the respective parties being much contested, as well with relation to the tenure and boundaries of the two tracts claimed by the new york indians, west of lake michigan, as to the authority of the persons who signed the agreement on the part of the monomonees, and the whole subject having been fully examined at the council this day concluded, and the allegations, proofs, and statements of the respective parties having been entered upon the journal of the commissioners, so that the same can be decided by the president of the united states, it is agreed by the monomonees and winebagoes, that so far as respects their interests in the premises, the whole matter shall be referred to the president of the united states, whose decision shall be final. and the president is authorized, on the parts, to establish such boundaries between them and the new york indians as he may consider equitable and just." and also in the treaty of feb. th, , we find, in enumerating the several reasons for effecting a treaty at the above date, the following, commencing at line , , in the revision of indian treaties, viz: "as well as for the purpose of settling the long existing dispute between themselves, and the several tribes of the new york indians, who claim to have purchased a portion of their lands, the undersigned, chiefs and head men of the menomenees tribe, stipulate and agree with the united states as follows: "first. the menomonee tribe of indians declare themselves the friend and allies of the united states, under whos parental care and protection they desire to continue; and although always protesting that they are under no obligation to recognize any claim of the new york indians to any portions of their country; that they neither sold nor received any value for the land claimed by these tribes, yet at the solicitation of their great father, the president of the united states, and as an evidence of their great love and veneration for him, they agree that such a part of the land described, being within the following boundaries, as he may direct, may be set apart as homes for the several tribes of the new york indians, who may remove to and settle upon the same within three years from the date of this agreement, &c." commencing at line , , the president of the united states is hereby empowered to apportion the lands among the actual occupants at that time, so as not to assign to any tribe a greater number of acres than may be equal to one hundred for each soul actually settled upon the lands, and if, at any time of such apportionment any lands shall remain unoccupied by any tribes of the new york indians, such portion as would have belonged to said indians, had it been occupied, shall revert to the united states. that portion, if any, so reverting to be laid off by the president of the united states. it is destinctly understood that the lands hereby ceded to the united states for the new york indians are to be held by those tribes, under such tenure as the menomonee indians now hold their lands, subject to such regulations and alternation of tenure as congress and the president of the united states shall from time to time think proper to adopt. "second. for the above cession the united states for the benefit of the new york indians, the united states consent to pay the menomonee indians twenty thousand dollars, &c. "also commencing at line , , article th, the menomonee chiefs request that such part of it as relates to the new york indians be immediately submmitted to the representatives of their tribes, and if they refuse to accept the provision made for their benefit and to remove upon the lands set apart for them, on the west side of fox river, that they will direct their immediate removal from the menomonee county, but if they agree to accept the liberal offer made to them by parties of this compact, then the menomonee tribe, as dutiful children of the great father, the president, will take them by the hand as brothers, and settle down with them in peace and friendship." supplementary articles. first. it is agreed between the undersigned, commissioners on behalf of the united states and the chiefs and warriors representing the menomonee tribe of indians, that for the reasons above expressed, such part of the first article of the agreement entered into between the parties hereto, on the th instant, as limits the removal and settlement of the new york indians upon the lands therein provided for their future homes, three years, shall be altered and amended so as to read as follows: that the president of the united states shall prescribe the time for the removal and settlement of the new york indians upon the lands thus provided for them; and at the expiration of such reasonable time, he shall apportion the lands among the actual settlers in such manner as he shall deem equitable and just. and if, within such reasonable time as the president of the united states shall prescribe for that purpose, the new york indians shall refuse to accept the provisions made for their benefit, or, having agreed, shall neglect or refuse to remove from new york, and settle on the said lands, within the time prescribed for that purpose, that then, and in either of these events, the lands aforesaid shall be and remain in the property of the united states, according to the said first article, excepting so much thereof as the president shall deem justly due to such of the new york indians as shall actually have removed to and settled on the said lands. "second, it is further agreed that the part of the sixth article of the agreement aforesaid, which requires the removal of those of the new york indians who may not be settled on the lands at the end of three years, shall be so amended as to leave such removal discretionary with the president of the united states; the menomonee indians having full confidence that in making his decision he will take into consideration the welfare and prosperity of their nation: provided, that for the purpose of establishing the rights of the new york indians upon a permanent and just footing, the said treaty shall be ratified with the express understanding that two townships of land," &c. which goes on and locates the different portion of lands to the several tribes or bands of the new york indians which was proclaimed, july , . "whereas articles of agreement between the united states of america, and the menononee indians, were made and concluded at the city of washington, on the th day of february a. d. , by john h. eaton, and samuel c. stambaugh, commissioners on the part of the united states, and certain chiefs and headmen of the menomonee nation, on the part of the said nation; to which articles an addition or supplemental article was afterwards made, on the th day of february, in the same year, by which the said menomonee nation agree to cede to the united states certain parts of their lands: and that a tract of country therein defined, shall be set apart for the new york indians; all which, with the many other stipulations therein contained, will more fully appear by reference to the same. when said agreement thus forming a treaty, were laid before the senate of the united states, during their then session, but were not at said session acted on by that body. whereupon a further agreement was on the fifteenth day of march, in the same year, entered into for the purpose of preserving the provisions of the treaty made as aforesaid; by which it is stipulated that the said articles of agreement concluded as aforesaid, should be laid before the next senate of the united states at their ensuing session, and if sanctioned and confirmed by them, that each and every article threof should be as binding and obligatory upon the parties respectively as if they had been sanctioned at the previous session; and whereas, the senate of the united states, by their resolution of the twenty fifth day of june, , did advise and consent to accept, ratify, and confirm the same, and every clause and article thereof, upon the conditions expressed in the proviso contained in their said resolution, which proviso is as follows: provided, that for the purpose of establishing the right of the new york indians on a permanent and just footing, the said treaty shall be ratified, with the express understanding that two townships of land, &c.," as in article second above. "whereas, before the treaty aforesaid, conditionally ratified, according to the proviso to the said resolution of the senate, above recited, could be obligatory upon the said menomomee nation, their assent to the same must be had and obtained." which was done after some modifications respecting the location of the portion of land for the new york indians. and as the modifications so made and desired, was acceded to also by the new york indians, which was as follows: "to all to whom these presents shall come, the undersigned chiefs and head men of the sundry tribes of the new york indians (as set forth in the specifications annexed to their signatures), send greeting: "whereas, a tedious, perplexing and harassing dispute and controversy have long existed between the menomonee nation of indians and the new york indians, more particularly those known as the stockbridge, munsee and brothertown tribes, the six nations and the st. regis tribe. the treaty made between the said menomonee nation and the united states, and the conditional ratification thereof by the senate of the united states being stated and set forth in the within agreement, entered into between the chiefs and head men of the said menomonee, and george b. porter, governor of michigan, commissioners specially appointed, with instructions referred to in the said agreement. "and whereas, the undersigned are satisfied and believe that the best efforts of the said commissioners were directed and used to procure, if practicable, the unconditional assent of the said menomonees to the change proposed by the senate of the united states in the ratification of the said treaty, but without success. "and whereas, the undersigned, further believe that the terms stated in the within agreement are the best practicable terms short of those proposed by the senate of the united states, which could be obtained from the said menomonees; and being asked to signify our acceptance of the modifications proposed, as aforesaid, by the menomonees, we are compelled by a sense of duty and propriety to say that we do hereby accept of the same. so far as the tribes to which we belong are concerned, we are perfectly satisfied that the treaty should be ratified on the terms proposed by the menomonees. we further believe that the tract of land which the menomonees in the within agreement are willing to cede, in exchange for an equal quantity on the northeast side of the tract of five hundred thousand acres, contains a sufficient quantity of good land, favorably and advantageously situated, to answer all the wants of the new york indians and st. regis tribe. for the purpose, then, of putting an end to strife, and that we may sit down in peace and harmony, we thus signify by our acceptance of the modifications proposed by the menomonees; and we most respectfully request that the treaty as now modified by the agreement this day entered into with the menomonees, may be ratified and approved by the president and senate of the united states. "proclaimed march th, ." treaties of new york indians. treaty with the new york indians as amended by the senate, and assented to by the several tribes . articles of a treaty made and concluded at buffalo creek, in the state of new york, the fifteenth day of january, in the year of our lord one thousand eight hundred and thirty-eight, by ransom h. gillett, a commissioner on the part of the united states, and the chiefs, head men and warriors of the several tribes of the new york indians, assembled in council; witnesseth; "whereas, the six nations of new york indians, not long after the close of the war of the revolution, became convinced, from the rapid increase of the white settlers around, that the time was not far distant when their true interest must lead them to seek a new home among their brethren in the west: and, "whereas, this subject was agitated in a general council of the six nations as early as , and resulted in sending a memorial to the president of the united states, inquiring whether the government would consent to their tearing their habitations, and removing into the neighborhood of their western brethren, and if they could procure a home there, by gift or purchase, whether the government would acknowledge their title to the lands so obtained in the same manner it had acknowledged it in those from whom they might receive it; and further, whether the existing treaties would in such a case remain in full force, and their annuities be paid as heretofore: and, "whereas, with the approbation of the president of the united states, purchases were made by the new york indians from the menomonees and winnebago indians of certain lands at green bay, in the territory of wisconsin, which, after much difficulty and contention with those indians concerning the extent of the purchase, the whole subject was finally settled by a treaty between the united states and the menomonee indians, concluded in february, , to which the new york indians gave their assent on the seventeenth day of october, : and "whereas, by a provision of that treaty, five hundred thousand acres of land are secured to the new york indians of the six nations and the st. regis tribe, as a future home, on the condition that they all remove to the same within three years, or such reasonable time as the president shall prescribe, and "whereas, the president is satisfied that various considerations have prevented those still residing in new york from removing to green bay, and among other reasons, that many who were in favor of emigration preferred to remove at once to the indian territory; which they were fully persuaded was the only permanent and peaceable home for all the indians. and they therefore applied to take their green bay lands and provide them a new home among their brethren in the indian territory: and "whereas, the president, being anxious to promote the peace, prosperity and happiness of his red children, and determined to carry out the humane policy of the government in removing the indians from the east to the west of the mississippi, within the indian territory, by bringing them to see and feel, by his justice and liberality, that it is their true policy and for their interest to do so without delay, "therefore. taking into consideration the foregoing premises, the following articles of a treaty are entered into, between the united states of america and the several tribes of the new york indians, the names of whose chiefs, head men and warriors are hereto subscribed, and those who may hereafter give their assent to this treaty in writing within such time as the president shall appoint." general provisions: "article . the several tribes of the new york indians, the names of whose chiefs, head men, warriors and representatives are hereunto annexed, in consideration of the premises above recited, and the covenants hereinafter contained, to be performed on the part of the united states, hereby cede and relinquish to the united states all their right, title and interest, in the lands secured to them at green bay by the menomonee treaty of , except the following tract on which a part of the new york indians now reside: beginning at the southwesterly corner of the french grants at green bay, and running thence southwardly to a point and line to be run from the little cocalin, parallel to a line of the french grants, and six miles from fox river; from thence, on said parallel line, northwardly six miles; from thence eastwardly to a point on the northeast line of the indian lands, and being a right angle to the same. "article . in consideration of the above cession and relinquishment on the part of the tribes of the new york indians, and in order to manifest the deep interest of the united states in the future peace and prosperity of the new york indians, the united states agree to set apart the following tract of country, situated directly west of the state of missouri, as a permanent home for the new york indians now residing in the state of new york, or in wisconsin, or elsewhere in the united states, who have no permanent homes; which said country is described as follows: beginning on the west line of the state of missouri, at the northeast corner of the cherokee tract, and running thence north along the west line of the state of missouri twenty-seven miles to the southerly line of the missouri lands: thence west so far as shall be necessary, by running a line at right angles and parallel to the west line aforesaid, to osage lands; and thence easterly along the osage and cherokee lands to the place of beginning; to include one million eight hundred and twenty-four thousand acres of land, being three hundred and twenty acres for each soul of said indians, as their numbers are at present computed. to have and hold the same, in fee simple, to the said tribes or nations of indians, by patent from the president of the united states, issued in conformity with the third section of the act entitled, 'an act to provide for an exchange of lands with the indians residing in any of the states or territories, and for their removal west of the mississippi,' approved on the th day of may, , with full power and authority in the said indians to divide said lands among the different tribes, nations or bands in severalty, with the right to sell and convey to and from each other, under such laws and regulations as may be adopted by the respective tribes, acting by themselves or by a general council of the said new york indians, acting for all the tribes collectively. it is understood and agreed that the above described country is intended as a future home for the following tribes, to-wit: the senecas, onondagas, cayugas, tuscaroras, oneidas, st. regis, stockbridges, munsees and brothertowns, residing in the state of new york, and the same is to be divided equally among them according to their respective numbers, as mentioned in a schedule hereunto annexed. "article . it is further agreed that such of the tribes of the new york indians as do not accept and agree to remove to the country set apart for their new homes, within five years, or such other time as the president may from time to time appoint, shall forfeit all interest in the lands so set apart, to the united states. "article . perpetual peace and friendship shall exist between the united states and the new york indians; and the united states hereby guarantee to protect and defend them in the peaceable possession and enjoyment of their new home, and hereby secure to them, in said country, the right to establish their own form of government, appoint their own officers, and administer their own laws; subject, however, to the legislation of the united states, regulating trade and intercourse with the indians. the lands secured to them by patent under this treaty shall never be included in any state or territory of this union. the said indians shall also be entitled in all respects to the same political and civil rights and privileges that are granted and secured by the united states to any of the several tribes of emigrant indians settled in the indian territory. "article . the oneidas are to have their lands in the indian territory, in the tract set apart for the new york indians, adjoining the osage tract, and that hereinafter set apart for the senecas; and the same shall be so laid off as to secure them a sufficient quantity of timber for their use. "those tribes whose lands are not specially designated in this treaty are to have such as shall be set apart by the president. "article . it is further agreed that the united states will pay to those who remove west, at their new homes, all such annuities as shall properly belong to them. the schedule hereunto annexed shall be deemed and taken as a part of this treaty. "article . it is expressly understood and agreed that the treaty must be approved by the president and ratified and confirmed by the senate of the united states, before it shall be binding upon the parties to it. "it is further expressly understood and agreed that the rejection, by the president and senate, of the provisions thereof, applicable to one tribe or distant branch of a tribe shall not be construed to invalidate as to others; but as to them, it shall be binding and remain in full force and effect. "article . it is stipulated and agreed that the accounts of the commissioner and expenses incurred by him in holding a council with the new york indians, and concluding treaties at green bay and duck creek in wisconsin, and in the state of new york in , and those for the exploring party of the present treaty, shall be allowed and settled according to former precedents." special provisions for the st. regis. "article . it is agreed with the american party of the st. regis indians, that the united states will pay to the said tribe, on their removal west, or at such time as the president shall appoint, the sum of five thousand dollars, as a remuneration for moneys laid out by the said tribe and services rendered by their chiefs and agents in securing the title to the green bay lands, and in removal to the same, to be apportioned out to the several claimants by the chiefs of the said party, and a united states commissioner, as may be deemed by them equitable and just. if is further agreed that the following reservation of land shall be made to the rev. eleazar williams of said tribe, which he claims in his own right and that of his wife, which he is to hold in fee simple by patent from the president, with full power and authority to sell and dispose of the same, to-wit. beginning at a point in the west bank of the fox river, thirteen chains above the old mill-dam at the rapids of the little kockalin, thence north fifty-two degrees and thirty minutes west, two hundred and forty chains, thence north thirty-seven degrees and thirty minutes east, two hundred chains, thence south fifty-two degrees and thirty minutes east, two hundred and forty chains to the bank of the fox river, thence up along the bank of the fox river to the place of beginning." special provision for the senecas. "article . it is agreed with the senecas that they shall have for themselves and their friends the cayugas and onondagas residing among them, the easterly part of the tract set apart for the new york indians, and to extend so far west as to include one-half section (three hundred and twenty acres) of land for each soul of the senecas, cayugas and onondagas residing among them; and if on removing west they find there is not sufficient timber on this tract for their use, then the president shall add thereto timber land sufficient for their accommodation and they agree to remove from the state of new york to their new homes within five years, and to continue to reside there. and whereas, at the making of this treaty, thomas l. ogden and joseph fellows, the assignees of the state of massachusetts have purchased of the seneca nation of indians, in the presence and with the approbation of the united states commissioner, appointed by the united states to hold said treaty or convention, all the rights, title, interest and claim of the said seneca nation to certain lands by a deed of conveyance, a duplicate of which is hereunto annexed, and whereas, the consideration money mentioned in said deed, amounting to two hundred and two thousand dollars, belonging to the seneca nation, and the said nation agrees to receive the same, to be disposed of as follows, the sum of one hundred thousand dollars to be invested by the president of the united states in safe stock, for their use, the income of which is to be paid to them at their new homes annually, and the balance, being one hundred and two thousand dollars, is to be paid to the owners of the improvements on lands so deeded according to an appraisement of said improvements, and a distribution and award of said sum of money among the owners of said improvement, to be made by appraisers hereafter to be appointed by the seneca nation, in the presence of the united states' commissioner hereafter to be appointed, to be paid by the united states to the individuals who are entitled to the same, according to said appraisal and award, and their severally relinquishing their respective possessions to the said ogden and fellows." special provisions for the cayugas. "article the united states will not set apart for cayugas, on their removing to their new homes at the west, two thousand dollars, and will invest the same in some safe stocks, the income of which shall be paid them annually at their new homes. the united states further agree to the said nation on their removal west, two thousand five hundred dollars, to be disposed of as the chiefs shall deem just and equitable." special provision for the onondagas on the seneca reservations. "article . the united states agreed to set apart for the onondagas residing on the seneca reservation, two thousand five hundred dollars, on their removing west, and to invest the same in safe stock, the income of which shall be paid to them annually, at their new homes. and the united states further agree to pay to the said onondagas, on their removal to their new homes in the west, two thousand dollars, to be disposed of as the chiefs shall deem equitable and just." special provisions for the oneidas residing in the state of new york. "article . the united states will pay the sum of four thousand dollars, to be paid to babtist powlis, and the chiefs of the first christian party residing at oneida, and the sum of two thousand dollars shall be paid to william day, and the chiefs of the orchard party residing there, for expenses incurred and services rendered in securing the green bay country, and the settlement of a portion thereof; and they hereby agree to remove to their new homes in the indian territory as soon as they can make satisfactory arrangements with the governor of the state of new york for the purchase of their lands at oneida." special provision for the tuscaroras. "article the tuscarora nation agree to accept the country set apart for them in the indian territory, and to remove there within five years, and continue to reside there. it is further agreed that the tuscaroras shall have their lands in the indian country, at the forks or the neasha river, which shall be so laid off as to secure a sufficient quantity of timber for the accommodation of the nation. but if on examination, they are not satisfied with this location, they are to have their lands at such a place as the president of the united states shall designate. the united states will pay to the tuscarora nation, on their settling at the west, three thousand dollars, to be disposed of as the chiefs shall deem most equitable and just. "whereas, the said nation owns, in fee simple, five thousand acres of land lying in niagara county, in the state of new york, which was conveyed to the said nation by henry dearborn, and they wish to sell and convey the same before they remove west. "now, therefore, in order to have the same done in a legal and proper way, they hereby convey the same to the united states, and to be held in trust for them; and they authorize the president to sell and convey the same, and the money which shall be received for the said lands, exclusive of the improvement, the president shall invest in safe stock for their benefit, the income from which shall be paid to the nation at their new homes annually; and the money which shall be received for improvements on saidlands shall be paid to the owners of the improvements, when the lands are sold. the president shall cause the lands to be surveyed, and the improvements shall be appraised by such persons as the nation shall appoint; and said lands shall also be appraised, and shall not be sold at a less price than the appraisal, without the consent of james cusick, william mount pleasant and william chew, or the survivor or survivors of them. and the expenses incurred by the united states in relation to this trust are to be deducted from the moneys received before investment. and whereas, at the making of this treaty, thomas l. ogden and joseph fellows, the assignees of the state of massachusetts, have purchased of the tuscarora nation of indians, in the presence and with the approbation of the commissioner appointed on the part of the united states, to hold a treaty or convention, all the right, title, interest, and claim of the tuscarora nation to certain lands, by a deed of conveyance, a duplicate of which is hereunto annexed; and whereas, the consideration money for said lands has been secured to the said nation to their satisfaction, by thomas l. ogden and joseph fellows. therefore the united states hereby assent to the said sale and conveyance, and sanction the same. "article . the united states hereby agree that they will appropriate the sum of four hundred thousand dollars, to be applied from time to time, under the direction of the president of the united states, in such proportions as may be best for the interests of the said indians, parties to the treaty, for the following purposes to wit: to aid them in removing to their new homes, and supporting themselves the first year after their removal; to encourage and assist them in education, and in being taught to cultivate their lands, in erecting mills and other necessary houses; in purchasing domestic animals and farming utensils, and acquiring a knowledge of the mechanical arts." schedule a. census of the new york indians as taken in . number residing on the seneca reservations: senecas................................... , onondagas................................... cayugas..................................... ----- , ===== onondagas at onondaga..................... stockbridge............................... munsees................................... brothertowns.............................. oneidas in new york....................... oneidas at green bay...................... st. regis in new york..................... tuscaroras................................ the above was made before the execution of the treaty. r. h. gillet, commissioner. schedule b. the following is the disposition agreed to be made of the sum of three thousand dollars provided in the treaty for the tuscaroras by the chiefs, and assented to by the commissioner, and is to form a part of the treaty: to jonathan printess, ninety-three dollars. to william chew, one hundred and fifteen dollars. to john patterson, forty-six dollars. to wm. mt. pleasant, one hundred and seventy-one dollars. to james cusick, one hundred and twenty-five dollars. to david peter, fifty dollars. the rest and residue thereof is to be paid to the nation. the above was agreed to before the execution of the treaty. r. h. gillet, commissioner. schedule c. schedule applicable to the onondagas and cayugas residing on the seneca reservations. it is agreed that the following disposition shall be made of the amount set apart to be divided by the chiefs of those nations in the preceding part of this treaty, anything to the contrary notwithstanding: to william king, one thousand five hundred dollars. to joseph isaac, seven hundred dollars. to jack wheelbarrow, three hundred dollars. to william jacket, five hundred dollars. to buton george, five hundred dollars. the above was agreed to before the treaty was fully executed. r. h. gillet, commissioner. at a treaty held under the authority of the united states of america at buffalo creek, in the county of erie and the state of new york, between the chiefs and head men of the seneca nation of indians, duly assembled in council, and representing and acting for the said nation, on the one part, and thomas ludlow ogden, of the city of new york, and joseph fellows, of geneva, in the county of ontario, on the other part, concerning the purchase of the right and claims of the said indians in and to the lands within the state of new york, remaining in their occupation. ransom h. gillet, esq., a commissioner appointed by the president of the united states to attend and hold the said treaty, and also josiah trowbridge, esq., the superintendent on behalf of the commonwealth of massachusetts, being severally present at the said treaty, the said chiefs and head men, on behalf of the seneca nation, did agree to sell and release to the said thomas ludlow ogden and joseph fellows, and they, the said thomas ludlow ogden and joseph fellows, did agree to purchase all the right, title and claim of the said seneca nation of, in and to the several tracts, pieces or parcels of land mentioned and described in the instrument of writing next hereinafter set forth, and at the price or sum therein specified, as the consideration or purchase money for such sale and release; which instrument, being read and explained to the said parties and mutually agreed to, was signed and sealed by the said contracting parties, and is in the words following: this indenture, made this fifteenth day of january, in the year of our lord one thousand eight hundred and thirty-eight, between the chiefs and head men of the seneca nation of indians, duly assembled in council, and acting for and on behalf of the said seneca nation, of the first part, and thomas ludlow ogden, of the city of new york, and joseph fellows, of geneva, in the county of ontario, of the second part, witnesseth: that the said chiefs and head men of the seneca nation of indians, in consideration of the sum of two hundred and two thousand dollars to them in hand paid by the said thomas ludlow ogden and joseph fellows, the receipt whereof is hereby acknowledged, have granted, bargained, sold, released and confirmed, and by these presents do grant, bargain, sell, release and confirm unto the said thomas ludlow ogden and joseph fellows, and to their heirs and assigns, all that certain tract or parcel of land situate, lying and being in the county of erie and state of new york, commonly called and known by the name of buffalo creek reservation, containing by estimation forty-nine thousand nine hundred and twenty acres, be the contents thereof more or less. also all that certain other tract or parcel of land, situate, lying and being in the counties of erie, chautauqua and cattaraugus, in said state, commonly called and known by the name of cattaraugus reservation, containing by estimation twenty-one thousand six hundred and eighty acres, be the contents thereof more or less. also all that certain other tract or parcel of land, situate, lying and being in the said county of cattaraugus, in said state, commonly called and known by the name of the alleghany reservation, containing by estimation thirty thousand four hundred and sixty-nine acres, be the contents more or less. and also all that certain other tract or parcel of land, situate, lying and being partly in said county of erie and partly in the county of genesee in said state, commonly called and known by the name of the tonawanda reservation, and containing by estimation twelve thousand eight hundred acres, be the same more or less: as the said several tracts of land have been heretofore reserved and are held and occupied by the seneca nation of indians, or by individuals thereof, together with all and singular the rights, privileges, hereditaments and appurtenances to each and every of the said tracts or parcels of land belonging or appertaining; and all the estate, right, title, interest, claim and demand of the said party of the first part, and of the said seneca nation of indians, of, in and to the same, and to each and every parcel thereof; to have and to hold all and singular the above described and released premises unto the said thomas ludlow ogden and joseph fellows, their heirs and assigns, to their proper use and behalf forever, as joint tenants, and not as tenants in common. at the before-mentioned treaty, held in my presence, as superintendent on the part of the commonwealth of massachusetts, and this day concluded, the foregoing instrument of writing was agreed to by the contracting parties therein named, and was in my presence executed by them, and being approved by me, i do hereby certify and declare such my approbation thereof. witness my hand and seal, at buffalo creek, this th day of, january, in the year . josiah trowbridge. i have attended a treaty of the seneca nation of indians, held at buffalo creek, in the county of erie, in the state of new york, on the fifteenth day of january, in the year of our lord one thousand eight hundred and thirty-eight, when the within instrument was duly executed in my presence, by the chiefs of the seneca nation, being fairly and properly understood by them. i do therefore certify and approve the same. r. h. gillet, commissioner. at a treaty held under and by authority of the united states of america, at buffalo creek, in the county of erie, and state of new york, between the sachems, chiefs and warriors of the tuscarora nation of indians, duly assembled in council, and representing and voting for the said nation, on the one part, and thomas ludlow ogden, of the city of new york, and joseph fellows, of geneva, in the county of ontario, on the other part, concerning the purchase of the rights and claim of the said indians in and to the lands within the state of new york remaining in their occupation. ransom h. gillett, esq., a commissioner appointed by the president of the united states to attend and hold the said treaty, and also josiah trowbridge, esq., the superintendent on behalf of the commonwealth of massachusetts, being severally present at the said treaty, the said sachems, chiefs and warriors, on behalf of the said tuscarora nation, did agree to sell and release to the said thomas ludlow ogden and joseph fellows, and they, the said thomas ludlow ogden and joseph fellows, did agree to purchase all the right, title and claim of the tuscarora nation of, in and to the tract, piece or parcel of land mentioned and described in the instrument of writing next hereafter set forth, and at the price or sum therein specified as the consideration or purchase money for such sale and release; which instrument being read and explained to the said parties, and mutually agreed to, was signed and sealed by the contracting parties, and is in the words following: this indenture, made this fifteenth day of january, in the year of our lord one thousand eight hundred and thirty-eight, between the sachems, chiefs and warriors of the tuscarora nation of indians, duly assembled in council, and acting for and on behalf of the said tuscarora nation, of the first part, and thomas ludlow ogden, of the city of new york, and joseph fellows, of geneva, in the county of ontario, of the second part, witnesseth: that the said sachems, chiefs and warriors of the tuscarora nation, in consideration of the sum of nine thousand six hundred dollars to them in hand paid by the said thomas ludlow ogden and joseph fellows, the receipt whereof is hereby acknowledged, have granted, bargained, sold, released and confirmed, and by these presents do grant, bargain, sell, release and confirm to the said thomas ludlow ogden and joseph fellows, and to their heirs and assigns, all that tract or parcel of land situated, lying and being in the county of niagara, and state of new york, commonly called and known by the name of the tuscarora reservation, or seneca grant, containing nineteen hundred and twenty acres, be the same more or less, being thelands in their occupancy, and not included in the land conveyed to them by henry dearborn, together with all and singular the rights, privileges, hereditaments and appurtenances to the said tract or parcel of land belonging or appertaining, and all the estate, right, title, interest, claim and demand of the said party of the first part, and of the said tuscarora nation of indians of, in and to the same, and to every part and parcel thereof; to have and to hold all and singular the above described and released premises unto the said thomas ludlow ogden and joseph fellows, and their heirs and assigns, to their proper use and behalf forever, as joint tenants and not as tenants in common. at the above-mentioned treaty, held in my presence as superintendent on the part of the commonwealth of massachusetts and this day concluded, the foregoing instrument was agreed to by the contracting parties therein named, and was in my presence executed by them; and being approved by me, i do hereby certify and declare such my approbation thereof. witness my hand and seal at buffalo creek, this th day of january, in the year , j. trowbridge, superintendent. i have attended a treaty of the tuscarora nation of indians, held at buffalo creek, in the county of erie, in the state of new york, on the fifteenth day of january, in the year of our lord one thousand eight hundred and thirty-eight, when the within instrument was duly executed in my presence by the sachems, chiefs and warriors of the said nation, being fairly and properly understood and transacted by all the parties of indians concerned, and declared to be done to their full satisfaction. i do therefore certify and approve the same. r. h. gillet, commissioner. supplemental article to the treaty concluded at buffalo creek, in the state of new york, on the th day of january, , concluded between ransom h. gillet, commissioner, on the part of the united states, and chiefs and head men of the st. regis indians, concluded on the th of february, . the undersigned, chiefs and head men of the st. regis indians, residing in the state of new york, having heard a copy of said treaty read by ransom h. gillet, the commissioner who concluded that treaty on the part of the united states, and be having fully and publicly explained the same, and believing the conditions of the said treaty to be very liberal on the part of the united states, and calculated to be highly beneficial to the new york indians, including the st. regis, who are embraced in its provision, do hereby assent to every part of the said treaty, and approve the same. and it is further agreed that any of the st. regis indians who wish to do so shall be at liberty to remove to the said country at any time hereafter within the time specified in this treaty, but under it the government shall not compel them to remove. the united states will, within one year after the ratification of this treaty, pay over to the american party of said indians one thousand dollars, part of the sum of five thousand dollars mentioned in the special provisions for the st. regis indians, anything in the article contained to the contrary, notwithstanding. proclaimed april , . * * * * * in the year , on the th day of may, about forty of the tuscaroras emigrated from the reservation to their new homes in the indian territory, and in one year about one-third of them died on account of the sufferings they endured. they were destitute of everything, and the government was to have sustained them for one year, and to build houses for them, and provide all the necessaries of life, but they failed in fulfilling their promises on account of the misconduct of dr. a. hogeboom, the moving agent of the emigration party. by reference to official documents in the indian department it appears that a petition from a small party of discontented emigrationists at the tuscarora village, dated march th, , was sent to the president of the united states, expressing a desire to remove to the west. it also further appears that a letter had been received by the department from a certain d. g. garnsey, dated may th, , stating that a portion of the senecas, and others of the six nations in western new york, were now ready to remove. the government, justly fearing that there might be persons so anxious to possess themselves of the moneys appropriated by law for the removal and support of emigrating indians, as to resort to fraudulent means for the purpose, by letters warned the indian agent at buffalo to be on his guard against such imposition. afterwards, several petitioners from small fragments of the senecas and other tribes, were prevailed on to sign memorials to the president, asking to be removed, and begging appropriations for that purpose. to those well acquainted with these movements, there was sufficient evidence that persons interested in their removal were at the bottom of all this business. of the six nations, once the owners and lords of the soil within the boundaries of the great commonwealth of new york, there were many small remnants scattered over the western part of this state in a condition of wretched vagrancy; reduced by idleness and intemperance to poverty, and ready, for a trifling compensation, to have their names attached to any memorial, without regard to its objects, for a small sum of money they would lend themselves to the service of any artful intriguer whose designs were to defraud the government. by an act of congress passed on the rd day of april, , the sum of twenty thousand four hundred and seventy-seven dollars and fifty cents was appropriated for the removal of two hundred and fifty indians to the countries west and south of the missouri river. this appropriation was granted in consequence of repeated assurances made to the indian department that this number were anxious to emigrate. the glittering prize thus hung up in the face of the noon-day sun was so bright and alluring that a goodly number of hungry candidates were soon seen entering the lists and struggling for the prize. but, alas! for the conditions; unless two hundred and fifty indians could be procured to enrol themselves on the emigration engagement, and actually embark for the west, the stakes could not be legally won. here was the great difficulty. and yet one would suppose that out of four thousand eight hundred and eighty-five indians, belonging to the following tribes, to wit: the senecas, onondagas, cayugas, tuscaroras, oneidas, st. regises, stockbridges, munsees and brothertowns, by taking up all the poor, degraded individuals, and gathering together all the sincere emigrationists, such a small proportion of the whole might easily be procured; especially if these candidates for an agency had told the truth when they asserted that _large bodies of the indians were anxious to remove_. by these movements the government had been induced to believe that there really was an emigration party sufficiently large to meet the objects of the late appropriation, and to warrant the appointment of an emigration agent. under this impression, the secretary of war, by a letter dated sept. , , addressed to dr. abraham hogeboom, appointed him to that office, instructing him, however, that no movement was to be made unless the full complement of emigrants should desire, in good faith, to remove to the west, and hogeboom was also explicitly informed that "the government would not undertake the emigration of these indians unless _two hundred and fifty_ of them, then residing in the state of new york, exclusive of the canada indians, should muster themselves and actually go with the agent." as if to leave no door open for misunderstanding, the commissioner of indian affairs at washington addressed a letter to hogeboom, dated oct. nd, , in which it was expressly declared that "two hundred and fifty indians is the smallest number that will be emigrated." on the th of that month, hogeboom wrote to the department giving it information that two hundred and nine indians had enrolled themselves, and some of their chiefs had assured him that at buffalo, cattaraugus and alleghany there would be twenty more. thus the utmost number that the doctor could dare to hope for was two hundred and twenty-nine. if that letter was written in order to feel after the temper of the departmcnt, and to ascertain how far it was disposed to relax its determination to send no less away than two hundred and fifty, he was not long in suspense, for by a letter dated nov. th the secretary of war again reminded him that he, was "selected to act as emigrating agent only in the event that two hundred and fifty would go." but on the th of that month hogeboom again writes to him, dating his letter from buffalo, saying he had ascertained that two hundred and sixty, indians had enrolled themselves, and had fixed on the th of that month as the time for starting. this sudden and unexpected movement was not agreeable to the secretary on account of the advanced state of the season; but, hoping they might get out before the lakes and rivers should be impassable on account of the ice, he immediately ordered provisions for their sustenance at their intended homes, to be procured and be in readiness at the time of their arrival. notwithstanding all these assurances on the part of hogeboom, when the time for telling the truth came the whole scheme failed; a sufficient number of indians could not be persuaded to go. the emigration was therefore indefinitely postponed. it will be seen by the foregoing statement that on the th day of october hogeboom wrote to the department that only two hundred and nine had enrolled themselves, and he then admitted that only twenty more could be hoped for in addition; of course there was no prospect of emigrating that season. indeed the doctor says in that letter, speaking of the indians, "they do not think they will be able to obtain the number of two hundred and fifty to emigrate this fall." up to this time nothing had been done to induce the war department to advance any money to the agent. so, not only had the emigration scheme failed, but, so far as the doctor had been moved by pecuniary motives, he had also failed. this was no doubt a trying circumstance, but the trial did not long continue, for only ten days after he had written to the war department that the indians did not think they could emigrate this fall, he wrote again to the secretary of war, under date of nov. th, , saying "i have ascertained that two hundred and sixty indians have enrolled themselves for emigration, and have fixed the time for starting on the th inst." the following is an extract from a letter from the department to hogeboom, dated nov. th, in answer to his of the th. it was no doubt a letter such as the doctor much desired: sir;--i have received your letter of the th inst., informing the department of the enrollment of two hundred and sixty new york indians for emigration to their western homes, and proceed, _now that there appears to be no doubt of the movement taking place_, to give you some instructions, &c. * * * a requisition for $ , has this day been issued in your favor, with which you will be charged and held accountable for, under the head of "removal, &c., of new york indians," per act march rd, . (signed) w. medill, commissioner. thus the doctor was put in possession of the sum of _ten thousand dollars_, and we hear no more about the two hundred and sixty indians, nor of any more trouble about indian emigration during the remainder of the year. the proceedings of dr. hogeboom; and other persons interested in removing the senecas, necessarily produced great agitation, and a very unsettled state among those who had no idea of emigrating. the chiefs on the reservations of alleghany and cattaraugus, harassed and perplexed by this vexatious state of things, at length determined to address the president on the occasion. this application procured the appointment of the council which was held at cattaraugus on june d, . in the spring of dr. hogeboom, hearing that the government had called a council of the senecas, for the express purpose of inquiring officially whether there was an emigration party among them, and, if there was one, what its number, made great exertions to push off his emigrants. regardless of the positive instructions of the government, and without its knowledge, he hastily collected as many of the indians as he could bring under his influence, and with them embarked in a steamboat at silver creck, on lake eric, near cattaraugus reservation. the circumstances and manner of the embarkation throws much light on the motives and conduct of this emigrating agent. the subject is graphically related in a speech of israel jemison, as made in a council of , and addressed to the commissioners of the united states, as follows, to wit: "brothers! the question relative to emigration being disposed of, i will explain the manner in which this removal of the indians to the west has been effected. i believe it was irregularly conducted. indeed, i may say, of this i am convinced. the agent who came to execute it was duly notified, that the government had called the present council for the consideration and investigation of this matter. as soon as it was known that this had been determined on, _great efforts were made to hurry off the emigrants and induce them to leave before the council would meet_. i am satisfied that many were decoyed away by various contrivances and gross misrepresentations on the part of the emigrating agent and his emissaries. i myself remonstrated against these proceedings, and asked if it could beproper to inveigle and deceive the indians in this manner. in reply i was desired to be silent, to which i rejoined that many of them whom they had decoyed on board were then drunk, and in a state of unconsciousness! these remonstrances availed nothing, and the whole were hurried away. if anyshowed an unwillingness to go they were told they might return if theychose, should they not like the place when they got there." the painful, and indeed the awful result of this inhuman conduct of dr. hogeboom will be seen by reference to the memorial of the seneca chiefs to the president of the united states, invoking the aid of the government to bring back the wretched surviving remnant of the poor duped people. it is as follows: _to his excellency, james k. polk, president of the united states_: the memorial of the undersigned chiefs and warriors of the seneca nation of indians, residing in the state of new york, respectfully showeth, that a party of the seneca nation, consisting, as your memorialists have been informed, of sixty-two persons, together with a portion of the cayugas, onondagas and oneidas, residing with us, and a party of the tuscaroras, residing near lewiston, in niagara county, left the state of new york last spring to settle in the country west of missouri. that your memorialists have been credibly informed by letters received from individuals among them, and by the statements of such as have returned, that great distress has, from their first arrival there, existed among them, and does exist without mitigation, in consequence of the insalubrity of the climate; that twenty persons of the sixty-two senecas were already dead some six weeks since, and about the same proportion of our friends of the other tribes; that many others were sick; that three of the leading seneca chiefs, one of the onondagas, one of the oneidas, and a leading man of the tuscaroras, were dead; that the remnant of the people, with very few exceptions, were very anxious to return, but were destitute of the means of doing so; that many of them have sent earnest requests to us for assistance to enable them to do so; but that only a few families among us are able to furnish efficient relief to their suffering friends. in view of all these facts, we would respectfully request the vice president to furnish the necessary assistance to bring back the remnant of the party to their former homes, and to arrange for the payment of the annuities belonging to them, so that in future they may receive them here. although they went out from us against our earnest remonstrance and entreaty, and some of them mocking our expressions of concern for them as we stood around the boat when they were going on board, still we shall rejoice to have them home again amongst us, for they are our brethren and their sufferings grieve us to the heart. thirteen of the senecas have already returned, and three others, we have heard, are on the way. this makes the condition of those unable to return the more lonely and wretched. we hope the president will not say it was their own fault that they went there, for even if they were to be blamed for doing so, they had already suffered a fearful punishment. but we think that if the president were acquainted with the circumstances he would pity rather than blame them for going. notice had been repeatedly given from the war department that unless a company of two hundred and fifty emigrants could be organized, none would be removed. such a company having failed to be organized in the fall of , we were told that the department had required the removing agent to refund the money he had received for the purpose of removing them. in the spring of the present year certain men were running from house to house among our people saying that the agent still held the money in his hands, and would remove all who wished to go, upon the opening of navigation. directly after, notice was received from the government that commissionerswere appointed, and that a council would be held on a specified day to ascertain if the requisite number wished to emigrate. when this became known it was immediately reported that the removing agent (dr. hogeboom) had already contracted for their passage--that the steamboat would take them in at cattarangus creek on a certain day, and it was not necessary for them to wait for the action of the government. the agent soon after appeared, accompanied by two individuals from buffalo, who, as we were afterward credibly informed, instigated him to practice this fraud upon the government, and endeavored, by representing the country west as a paradise, to induce a large company to go on board their boat. some of our friends, who had not disposed of their effects, were told not to mind their stuff, for the country to which they were going was so rich, and they would prosper there so rapidly that they would never feel the loss of it, and one family were hurried away from their table, leaving everything upon it just as it was when they arose from their dinner. we have reason to believe that the whole company, except a few leaders, most of whom are now dead, were deluded by these flattering but fate representations of those white men, and inasmuch as the removing agent appeared on the ground, with the money in his hand, these simple people were made to discredit the orders received from the department, relative to the council of the d of june. justice would indeed seem to require that these white men should repair the injury they have done to us, and not to us alone, but also to the government. but we have no power to compel them. our only resource is to appeal to the government in behalf of our afflicted and desponding brethren, who are perishing under the accumulated pressure of disappointed expectations --grief for the dead and the heavy hand of disease upon their own persons. we trust our appeal will not be disregarded. we think it is the dictate of humanity, and we confidently believe that the voice of the whole country would approve the course of the president if he would grant the needed relief. we would beg leave further to request the president to make known to us through our friend philip e. thomas, of baltimore, who will present our memorial, the decision he may make in regard to it. and your memorialists, as in duty bound, will ever pray, &c. cattaraugus reservation, dec. , . (signed) james x shongo, moses stephenson, n. t. strong, william x jones, robert x gordon, zachariah x l. jimison, daniel two guns, samuel x wilson, william x johnson, john x bolden, benjamin williams, george lindsay, john kennedy, jr., george greenblanket, david x snow, john huson, solomon w. lane, jim x junius, henry two guns, little x john, john talor, john x luke, governor x blacksnake, israel x jimison, william x patterson, john x greenblanket, s. m. patterson, moses x pierce, james x stephenson, abraham x john, jabez x stephenson, peter x white, charles graybeard. in reply to this memorial, the following answer was received from the indian bureau at washington: war department, office of indian affairs, feb. rd, . sir:--the application for the removal of the seneca indians back to new york who emigrated west from there last summer has been duly considered. with every disposition to gratify the wishes of the society of friends, and of the new york indians, so far as it could properly be done, i have to inform you that the executive department of the government has neither the authority nor the means to justify a compliance with their desire. in this particular congress only could authorize the measure and provide the requisite means for the expense it would invalue. respectfully your ob't servant, w. medill. to philip e. thomas, esq., baltimore, md. when the chiefs were made acquainted with the result of this application, they addressed the following communication to the joint committee of friends: cattaraugus reservation, march nd, . respected friend, philip e. thomas:--permit us to address you a few lines, and, through you, the committee of the four-yearly meetings of the society of friends, in reference to the condition of our suffering friends and brethren still remaining in the country west of the mississippi. we suppose the committee are already thoroughly acquainted with the means used to decoy those indians off, in contravention of the instructions of the government to the removing agent. they were flattered with prospects of almost unbounded prosperity. the country was described as a paradise; and they were told that there friends here, who might now refuse to accompany them, would soon be compelled to follow, and that it would be better to go now and get well started in their improvements, &c., as soon as possible. but, when they reached that country, instead of being a paradise, they found it rather a land of desolation, disease and death, and a large proportion of them are now lying beneath the turf. the survivors are discouraged and broken-hearted, in addition to the sufferings from the disease which has swept off their companions, and they are anxious to return. application has been made to the government in their behalf, without obtaining relief, and, from a recent letter from dr. wilson, we learn that a similar application to the legislature of this state is likely to fail. we cannot make any appropriation from our national funds until the meeting of our national council, as a law has been passed which would forbid it, but if we delay till that meeting it will expose our friends to the horrors of the sickly season once more, and doubtless many more of them will perish in consequence. under these circumstances we see no other resource but to look again to those kind- hearted friends who have done somuch already to relieve us in our distresses. our obligations are already very great, and we cherish deep feelings of gratitude for past favors. we would not willingly burden your kindness now were it not for the peculiarly difficult and perplexing condition of things just at the present time. but we feel that humanity towards our own people demands of us to make this application in their behalf, as well as of ourselves, for we will always cherish a lively remembrance of your kindness. wishing you the reward of the benevolent in the great day, we subscribe ourselves your obliged and sincere friends, in presence of asher wright, henry two guns, william krouse, george x button, john x greenblanket, abraham x john, james spring, daniel two guns. notwithstanding the fact that these indians were carried away without the knowledge or sanction of the government, and consequently without the requisite preparation for their comfort and subsistence in the western country, yet the commissioner of indian affairs, as soon as he was apprised of the movements of dr. hogeboom, anxious to afford them all the relief in his power, promptly ordered arrangements for their reception at the place of their destination, as will be seen by the following documents in the war department, to wit: war department, office of indian affairs, june th, . sir:--information has been receently received at this office that a. hogeboom had started for st. louis with a party of new york indians, in number about two hundred. this act of starting with a less number than two hundred and fifty, in connection with the recent action of this office, looking to a suspension of the emigration for a time, was wholly unauthorized, and of course unexpected, but as the party are without the reach of the department, measures must be taken to subsist them. i have therefore to request that you will give directions to the osage sub-agent to invite proposals as contemplated in my instructions to you of the th november, , to which you are referred. respectfully, &c., w. medill. to t. w. harvey, esq., supt. indian affairs, st. louis, mo. notwithstanding this humane effort on the part of the commissioner to make provision for the reception and accommodation of these emigrants, it appears that from the hardships and exposures to which they were subjected, and from the unwholesome nature of the climate one-third of them perished within six months after their arrival at their intended residence. when their distressed situation was made known to the department, the commissioner immediately addressed a letter to the indian agent at st. louis, calling his attention to their case, from which the following is extracted: war department, office indian affairs. october, , . sir:--i transmit herewith a copy of a letter just received from james cusick, one of the party of the new york indians removed west last summer by dr. hogeboom, from which it appears that there has been much sickness and mortality among those indians, and that they are in a distressed situation. mr. cusick's letter, supported by capt. burbanks, is calculated to excite much anxiety on account of these indians. they were removed contrary to the instructions and expectations of the department at the time, and their having gone west was not known until they were some distance on the route. there was, consequently, no opportunity for making the requisite preliminary arrangement for their comfort and welfare on their arrival west. after giving you the instructions of june th for their subsistance, such had to be left to the judgment and views of duty, under these circumstances, of yourself and the osage sub. agent, under whose immediate supervision they came, in regard to what further required to be done for them. in my letter of the th ultimo your attention was especially called to their situation, and no doubt is entertained, that your answers to that communication will show you have done, or caused to be done, all that could be done, under the circumstances, for their relief. should the amount now remitted not be sufficient to cover the expenses of what you have already done, or what it may be, in your judgment, further requisite to do for them in addition to their subsistance, for which there is a special appropriation, you will please report promptly accordingly, and the necessary funds will be furnished. funds will also be remitted on account of their subsistance when this office is informed that they are needed. respectfully, w. medill. thomas h. harvey, esq., st. louis, mo. missionary work. a record of the congregational church in the tuscarora reservation obtained by inquiry. the church in the tuscarora reservation was organized in the year , embracing six members only, under the care of the new york missionary society. rev. elkanah holmes, first missionary, from to . members of the church--sacarissa, a sachem, and his wife; nicholas cusick, an interpreter, and his wife; apollas jacobs and mary pempleton. rev. mr. gray, second missionary, from to . at first the indians converted their council house into one for public worship, and also for school operations, and in time they built a convenient chapel, which was painted red, and was destined to share the same fate as their dwelling houses at the hands of the british indians in the war of . it was on december th, , when they were burned to the ground, in consequence of which the operations of the mission were suspended from to , when rev. james c. crane took charge of the mission until the end of the year . in the year this mission was transferred from the new york missionary society to the united foreign mission society. rev. joseph b. lane, the fourth missionary, took charge of the mission from january , , to june , . rev. john elliot, the fifth missionary, also labored among these indians from june , , to may , , when he left the mission by his own request, being dismissed from the service of the american board of commissioners for foreign missions, to which this mission was transferred from the united foreign mission society in the year . rev. joel wood also labored in this mission from october , , to october, . rev. william williams also labored among them from october , , to august , . mr. gilbert rockwood, arrived and took charge of the station as teacher and overseer of the affairs of the church, and was afterwards ordained to the ministry. before he was ordained he would summon to his aid in the discipline and ordinances of the church, at different times, brother asher wright, and mr. bliss, of cattaraugus reservation, and rev. j. elliott, of youngstown. ordained at tuscarora mission, july rd, , rev. gilbert rockwood as a missionary of the american board of commissioners for foreign missions, to labor among the tuscarora indians. invocation and reading of the scriptures were performed by rev. lemuel clark, of lewiston; first prayer by rev. john elliott, of youngstown, and former missionary at tuscarora; sermon by rev. e. parmely, of jamestown, consecrating prayer by the rev. asher wright, of the seneca mission; charge by rev. asher bliss, of cattaraugus mission; right hand of fellowship by rev. a. wright; address to the church and people by rev. john elliott; concluding prayer by rev. elisha b. sherrod, of wilson; benediction by rev. gilbert rockwood. the exercises were listened to by an attentive audience of indians, who probably never witnessed anything of the kind before. the ceremonies were solemn and interesting to the people to the very close, although considerably protracted by passing through an interpreter. what added to the interest of the occasion was the ordination of three _native_ members as deacons of the church, at the close of the ordination. the church has received a refreshing from on high during the last winter, which has added a number of members, and is still in a peaceful and prosperous condition. rev. g. rockwood was a faithful missionary; he went in and out among the indians, visited in their homes, and talked with them in their inroads, and was a great advocate in the cause of temperance. he was a powerful preacher, and at times had great revivals: for instance, in the year , when i was first awakened to concern for my soul's welfare. it was then my soul was first filled with rejoicing in my newly found saviour; it was then i first poured out my soul in fervent prayer. on the th day of march, , was held a communion season, and on that memorable day forty converts were admitted to the full communion of the church. old men of seventy winters and youths of fourteen bowed down together to receive the ordinance of baptism, of whom i was one of the number, at the age of fifteen. it was a scene that angels might rejoice to behold. the whole number admitted to the church that winter were fifty converts. rev. g. rockwood finished his work among the tuscarora indians on the first day of january, . thus it is claimed that rev. g. rockwood spent the longest term of ministerial service at one installation in niagara county but one, which was rev. w. c. wisner of the first presbyterian church, lockport, n.y. the american board of commissioners for foreign missions, when they withdrew rev. rockwood from this mission, also withdrew their supplies, when the tuscaroras were thrown upon their own resources. in october following the church appointed as delegates mr. john mt. pleasant, a sachem; dea. samuel jacobs and elias johnson, interpreter, to attend a meeting of the niagara presbytery at yates, to make an application that this mission might come under the care of that body, which was granted them on october , . the presbytery appointed as committee on supplies, rev. joshua cook, of lewiston, and h. e. niles. in january, , rev. charles a. keeler was sent to take charge of the mission, who labored among them until , after which the preaching was supplied by some of the members of the church, and more particularly by dea. s. jacobs. rev. george ford supplied the church with preaching every fourth sabbath, and was succeeded by rev. wm. hall, and he by rev. w. p. barker, who began his labors among us in oct., , and was formerly a missionary in india. a letter by james cusick, concerning the baptist mission at tuscarora, to wit: "in , a portion of the tuscarora nation thought it expedient to become baptists, according to the dictates of their own conscience and free enjoyment of their religion in this republican government. consequently a baptist church was built and organized among the tuscaroras, and they were called in council with several baptist churches in this county. in they were admitted into the niagara baptist association at shalby. "in a ministerial council june th, , mr. james cusick was examined touching his christian experience, and called to preach the gospel by providence and the council. they decided on that question, and gave him ordination as a native preacher, deciding that he was well qualified by a knowledge of theology; and now he has labored among several tribes of the six nations." the first baptist church at tuscarora was broken up in the spring of , on account of an emigration to the indian territory, under the influence of rev. james cusick, the party being composed mostly of the members of that church, which caused its overthrow. the next year, after about one-third of the emigration party had died in the indian territory, the remainder came home among the tuscaroras, but rev. mr. cusick removed into canada and labored among the six nations at grand river. in the year rev. james cusick began his labors again among the tuscaroras, in the town of lewiston, having been invited here by james johnson, with the view of reorganizing the former baptist church. on the fifteenth day of february, , there was held a deliberative meeting at the house of james johnson, rev. james cusick acting as moderator. there were present, william green, of grand river; james johnson, isaac n. jack, isaac patterson, joseph williams, adam williams, sr. the church was organized on march , , at the house of james johnson, rev. james cusick, moderator, and isaac n. jack, clerk. a council of delegates from wilson and ransomville was invited by the reorganized baptist church to meet on the th day of april, , for recognition, which duly met, rev. william sawyer, chairman: james bullock, clerk. introductory prayer by rev. l. c. pattengill: hand of fellowship by rev. wm. sawyer; address by rev. l. c. pattengill, including prayer and benediction by rev. wm. sawyer. the following delegates were present, to-wit: from wilson--rev. l. c. pattengill, dea. r. robinson, dea. a. chapin. from ransomville--rev. wm. sawyer, dea. g. hopkins, dea. j. bullock. they were received into fellowship of the niagara baptist association june , , held at akron, erie county, n. y. james johnson, the first deacon, was chosen april , . they finished an edifice of x feet, a convenient chapel, which was dedicated february , . a sermon by rev. l. c. pattengill, prayer of dedication by rev. wm. sawyer, report of building by j. c. hopkins. rev. james cusick was to have been their first installed pastor, but in the year death took him to his long rest. he was a powerful preacher, and we had great revivals under his ministrations. rev. thomas green, a native, was baptized jan. th, , and on the third day of oct., , was licensed to preach the gospel of christ, a helper for rev. nicholas smith, and on sept. th, , was ordained to the ministry, and succeeded rev. n. smith as pastor of that church, which office he faithfully filled, went in and out among them, with meek and humble spirit, ever faithful to his trust. he had the gift of natural oratory, and we had some powerful revivals under his preaching. it would seem to us that he was called away too soon, but the omniscient being knows best. god called him from his labors and trials in this vale of tears to weal in the pleasures of his presence and of his only son, jesus, of whom he had preached, and fought, as did paul, the good fight of faith, and finished his course on jan. , , and has seen the crown of life which was lad up for him in heaven. rev. franklin p mt. pleasant, a native, began to preach the gospel in the spring of , by the invitation of rev. t. green, and was licensed on the d day of october, , and has been their constant preacher. school operations. for the earlier part of the history of school operations among the tuscarora indians, i can do no better than to give the report of rev. john elliot to the secretary of war, in the year , viz.: "_to the secretary of war_: "this will show the operations of the schools from their organization in , to september , . "the first school among the tuscaroras was taught by rev. mr. homes, the first missionary. this, according to the best information, was in . what amount has been expended, either from the fund of the society or by the government, to sustain its operation, i am wholly unable to state. the indians converted their council house into one for public worship, and also one for school operations, until , when, with a little assistance from abroad, they completed a convenient chapel, x feet, for publicworship. in they raised and finished a frame school house x feet, at an expense probably of $ . this sum, with the exception of $ , the indians obtained by contributions among themselves. "we have but one teacher, whose whole time is engrossed in the concerns of the school (mrs. elliot and myself are occasionally employed). her name is elizabeth stone, and the compensation she receives is only the means of support, the same that we receive. ninety scholars have, to our certain knowledge, entered the school since its commencement. one of the number is the principal chief and stated interpreter, who can communicate in three languages. eighty of this number have attended the school within the last six years. sixty have left with the prospect, in most cases, of exerting a happy influence. this influence is the result of a belief in, and adherence to, the doctrines of the gospel. since they have embraced the principals of christianity in full their progress in industry and temperance has been strikingly visible and rapid. but few of the number now sip ardent spirits--not more than one in twenty. "the young men are enterprising; some have large, convenient barns and comfortable dwellings, fine fields of wheat, corn, oats, &c.; others are beginning to plant orchards; they now depend on the cultivation of their lands for a livelihood." the second teacher who taught the school among the tuscaroras was the son of rev. mr. gray, the second missionary, in the years from to , and was then followed by a young man by the name of mr. youngs. these were the first three teachers who broke in and shed the light of education upon the dark minds of our forefathers. the schools were supported by the missionary societies in the same order as in the different transfers that were made concerning the support of the missionaries. in the year was the last transfer made from the american board of commissioners for foreign mission to the state of new york, by whom they are now sustained. there were many changes made in the teachers, all of whose names, with dates, in the order in which they came, i am not able to record; but i will record such names as i have been able to obtain which came under the appointment of missionary teachers, to wit: miss elizabeth stone, from to . miss lucia g. smith, . miss hannah t. whitcomb, from oct. , , to aug. , . miss mary j. t. thayer, from to . miss cinderella britto, from to . miss abigail peck, from to . assistant teachers not having regular appointment. miss emily parker, . miss burt, . miss nancy wood, . miss maria colton, . miss eleanor b. lyon, . under the new york state supervision: miss abigail peck, from to . miss mary a. smith, native. miss robinson. miss emily chew, native. miss pomeroy. miss margaret eddy. miss helen gansvort, native. mr. william sage, seven winters. mr. philip t. johnson, native. in the year of there was another school house built by the natives under the proposition of miss mary j. f. thayer. i have here a brief history of her labors among the tuscaroras, from her own writings, which is very interesting, to wit: miss m. j. f. thayer's labors as a missionary teacher. at the invitation of rev. g. rockwood (then the ordained missionary at tuscarora) miss m. j. f. thayer commenced her labors among the tuscaroras as teacher on april , , in the old school-house opposite mr. rockwood's house, receiving from the american board one dollar and fifty cents per week, besides her board. there were but few scholars, and these were very irregular in their attendance. miss t. visited the parents and tried to get them interested. she finally came to the conclusion that time and money were thrown away on that little _day_ school, and drew up a paper, which was read to the tuscaroras at their new year's feast, january , , in which she detailed her plans and wishes, asking their aid in executing them. their response was cordial and hearty. they resolved to build a new school-house; the site was selected on a corner near isaac miller's, and the people, as one man, went to work with great alacrity, under the leadership of one of their chiefs, wm. mt. pleasant, and had, before the next new year's, a snug house, x feet, well finished, furnished with two stoves, and a large pile of wood prepared. miss thayer commenced teaching at the new station (which she was pleased to call mt. hope) jan. , , having forty scholars the first day. on saturday, jan. , before school began, a church meeting was held at the new station. there were thirty persons present, and they voted to hold prayer meetings there every wednesday evening. feb. miss t. wrote--"fifty is the average attendance at school. scholars happy and bright and very eager to learn nearly every one has bought a new spelling book. the prayer meetings are well attended; sabbath evenings there are fifty present, wednesdays, thirty. they conduct these meetings without their pastor, usually. christians are being revived; there is an increasing spirit of prayer: the women have begun to pray; we had a precious meeting last sabbath evening." in march there was a great deal of sickness (typhoid fever), of which several died. the school was interrupted for a few days. may , she wrote--"my school flourishes. it is difficult to say which seem the happier, the children or their teacher. i have five little girls boarding with me. as the 'boarding school fund' is exhausted, i am obliged to meet all the expenses from my own allowance" it might be stated that miss thayer never received a "formal appointment" from the american board, because her health was so poor, but she was _employed_ and _paid_ by them. after she went to the new schoolhouse they paid her one hundred and fifty dollars a year, and she found everything. by "boarding school fund" is meant money received by miss thayer from friends of hers who were interested in her work and sent her, from time to time, small sums of money and sometimes articles of food and clothing for the children, _deficiencies_ she met from her own allowance. thus the work went on. several children were anxious to become inmates of the teacher's family. celia green, elizabeth cusick, ann and mary henry, susan patterson and sarah mt. pleasant were the favored ones. sept. , , miss t. wrote--"my school is small now, owing to the prevalence of the measles. the little girls living with me being attacked, their mothers have taken them home." under the same date adds-- "two weeks ago i passed a sleepless night, contemplating the deplorable condition of the young people here, agonizing and with tears wrestling in prayer for them. last week i learned that three young women had decided to forsake there evil ways, repenting of their sins, and looking to jesus for salvation. two of them came forward at the church meeting last saturday, and offered themselves as candidates for admission to the church. one of the young women stayed with me last sabbath night (this was louisa henry). she gave evidence of a change of heart. may many more be led to a saving knowledge of the truth." writing again to her father, (these extracts are all from letters to her father), dec. , --"it would do your heart good to look in upon my little family--my little ones so confiding affectionate and happy. my heart has again been made glad by the conversion of one of my older pupils, an interesting youth of seventeen. he and the two young women mentioned in a former letter united with the church at our last communion. i wept for joy at these tokens of the presence of a prayer- answering god." jan. , --"attended the new years' feast to-day. told the people of my plans for building an addition to the schoolhouse, so that i might take more children into my family. they adjourned to the council-house, and will talk over my propositions there this evening." jan. --"the church meeting to-day was very interesting. five young women offered themselves to the church, were examined and accepted. most of them state that they found the saviour last summer. as near as i can learn from their statements it was at the very time when i was so exercised in their behalf. for some time i agonized in prayer; then i became calm, and felt assured that my prayer was heard and would be granted." jan. , sabbath--"an interesting day. never saw so many of the tuscaroras present at a religious meeting. some one who counted them stated that there were nearly one hundred and forty, and all seemed serious and attentive. bro. b.'s discourse in the forenoon was full of instruction to the young converts. in the afternoon the young women examined yesterday were received into the church. eight children were baptized, and the sacrament administered. in the evening i repaired to the council house, where the sacrament was again administered, on account of an aged sister, nearly one hundred years old, too infirm to go to the meeting-house." jan. --"commenced school to-day with twenty-five scholars; have seven girls boarding with me; my little house is too small, but i hope soon to enlarge it, as the tuscaroras give encouragement that they will take hold and help about building. they hold another council to-day to make necessary arrangements." jan. --"a committee of chiefs called on me this morning, and advised me to accept the thirty dollars offered by mr. e. s. ely, of checktowga; it would be needed to purchase the fine lumber, which they can buy cheaper in canada than in the states. to-morrow they will turn out with their teams and draw logs to mill for the coarse lumber, and next week they will go to canada for the fine lumber, which mr. mt. pleasant will prepare. when all things are ready they will frame the building, enclose and shingle it." jan. , --"louisa henry, who seems to be in the last stages of consumption, has been with me since new year's; is failing fast; told me when she came that she expected to die soon, and wished to spend her last days with me; does not fear death; takes great delight in prayer and reading the bible; the d psalm is her favorite portion." jan. --"at an inquiry meeting this evening, as bro. r was absent, i conversed with those who came; explained the parable of 'the prodigal son' making personal application; three young persons requested prayers; one was only 'almost persuaded;' the other two expressed their determination to begin a new life at once; invited elias johnson and his brother james to stop after school for a season of prayer: they were both rejoicing in their newly-found savior, and poured out their souls in fervent prayer; my soul is filled with joy." jan. --"feel quite worn out; thought louisa dying; watched with her all night; sent for her aunt, who will watch with her to-night." jan. --"bro. r. called; decided to send the little ones home; close school for a few days, and take louisa to the mission house." jan. --"louisa's aunt took her home at the instance of the chiefs, who did not like to have the school interrupted." jan. --"louisa died to-day; her sufferings are over; her happy spirit is doubtless with the ransomed above." jan. --"attended l's funeral." jan. --"returned to the school-house, where we had an inquiry meeting in the evening; about fifty present, of whom one-half seem seriously inquiring the way to be saved; i conversed with the females; found five indulging a hope; others greatly distressed on account of their sins. within a few months there have been twenty hopeful conversions." jan. --"met the sisters according to appointment; there was some earnest wrestling with god; had conversation with one who, for many years, has been a backslider, but thinks she has now returned to god." feb. --"at the inquiry meeting many were present; several indulging a hope; deep feeling, but no excitement." feb. --"at the church meeting thirty-two candidates were examined for admission to the church." feb. --"sabbath; ninety tuscaroras in attendance upon divine services; a most solemn assembly." feb. --"an interesting young converts' prayer-meeting." feb. --"my children all have the whooping cough." feb. --"detained from church meeting by the sick children." feb. --"sabbath; detained from church; though i am much confined by home duties, the work of the lord prospers; bro. r. is very faithful, and the lord crowns his labors with great success. he now numbers fifty new converts; has united several couple in lawful marriage; many drunkards seem to be reclaimed; twelve of my bible-class have found the savior; so have three of the little girls that have boarded with me and ten of my day scholars." feb. --"i was afraid that i should have to stop teaching and devote myself to the care of my sick children, but their friends took them home last saturday; it seemed lonesome without them, but little elizabeth, who seems to love me with all her little heart, cried so much to come back that they could not keep her at home; she is with me now and seems quite happy. have written to secretary treat, urging that bro. rockwaod be permitted to remain here; none could be more active and efficient than he now is." feb. --"so many children have the whooping-cough that but few attend school. i, also, have a most troublesome cough, and find it difficult to teach; should have to give up if my school was very large, as i have fits of coughing just like the whooping-cough." march --"my brother in buffalo sent the sash and doors for my boarding- house; the building is going forward. miss howe writes that she will come to my assistance if i need her." march --"communion season--forty additions to the church. the old man of seventy and the youth of fourteen bowed together to receive the ordinance of baptism. a scene that angels might rejoice to behold." march --"have written to miss howe to come on, my health being very poor. have obtained leave of absence for a few weeks, or months, if i should find it expedient to go on to new york to dr. nichols' medical institute." march --"several calls from my tuscarora friends. they are very loth to have me leave, even for a short time, and it is a sore trial for me." march --"arrived at my father's in lancaster, n. y." march --"wrote in my journal, 'still at my father's,' but thinking continually of my dear tuscarora children. may i soon be restored to them, invigorated both in body and mind." march --"quite unwell; cannot tell how long i shall have to stay away from my school." april --"left lancaster for tuscarora." mt. hope, tuscarora, april , --"once more in my own sweet home, greeted by the sparkling eyes and smiling faces of my dear children. found miss howe nearly worn out and glad to be relieved. "there have been several deaths during my absence--some among my scholars. several calls this evening from my adopted people, who seem so glad to see me." april --"resumed my duties in the school-room." may --sabbath--"rising early went on foot with my little girls, though the road was muddy, reached the meeting house before a. m., in time for sunday-school, sacrament in the afternoon. five received into the church --three of them my scholars. so thankful to be once more with my beloved tuscaroras." may --"have had to relinquish my school again to miss howe, i am too feeble for school duties." june --"a week ago yesterday almost the whole nation turned out to help at the "raising." the excitement of the day was so great that i could sleep but little that night; so happy! the lord be praised. how mountains of difficulties have vanished. the tuscaroras are doing nobly; but, besides their work, to finish and furnish all will require about four hundred dollars; this will take all my funds, but when i need more, i know that the lord will provide. have already expended nearly one hundred dollars, yet, i trust there will be no lack. donations are coming in from various quarters." july --"how different my labors this summer from those of last winter. unable to teach, have given my school to another; nor, am i able to visit much among the people. occupy my time chiefly in taking care of my little girls, teaching them to sew, and preparing bedding for my contemplated boarding school; thankful that i may do a little, though i long to do more." sept. --"being unable to teach, and thinking that i might do more good here, if ever, to study medicine, having consulted my friends and mr. treat, i shall go to philadelphia to attend medical lectures. have bade adieu to my humble home, not to return before next february." miss thayer returned from philadelphia in february, . miss mary walker had taught the school during her absence. shortly after her return to mt. hope, miss abigail peck and miss cinderella britto arrived, the former to teach school, the latter to assist in housework, miss thayer to have general supervision as matron of the boarding school. the american board doubled their appropriation, so that each one of the ladies were to receive one hundred dollars a year, and find their own board. miss thayer taking it upon herself to meet the other expenses of the school. timely donations in money were received from philadelphia, brooklyn and new york, and various small sums; also boxes of clothing and some provision from friends in neighboring towns. march --miss thayer writes: "have received one hundred dollars from the sunday school in mr. barnes' church, for my building; have hired two carpenters to do the inside work, it having been framed, shingled, enclosed, and most of the lathing done, by the tuscaroras. my health is failing again and my mind much racked with planning, as my associates each want a separate room for their own private use, i have been obliged to vary from my original plan so as to secure pleasant rooms for them with chimneys for stoves." may --"the building goes forward rather slowly, and my associates are becoming somewhat impatient on account of the delay; yet we shall have a better finished and more commodious house than i had at first planned. though very much worn both in body and mind, i do not regret having undertaken the work. am more and more convinced that the only hope for the moral and physical well-being of the tuscaroras is to train up the children in the way they should go. the work is begun, and the lord is able to carry it forward, either with or without me." miss thayer's health continued poor and she took a vacation of four weeks, in the summer, leaving her associates in charge. then wrote to mr. treat that she should be obliged to give up the management of financial affairs, and asking them to assume the responsibility. to confer with him on the subject, mr. treat requested mr. rockwood, miss thayer and her associates to meet him in buffalo, where he would stop on his way to the meeting of the american board at cincinnati. the result of the conference: the boarding school was transferred to the immediate care of the board, with mr. rockwood as superintendent; the ladies to retain their respective positions--teacher, house-keeper and matron. from this time miss thayer felt greatly fettered, and the impression grew upon her that her presence was not desired at mt. hope; that her usefulness there was at an end. long and prayerfully did she weigh the matter, and at last, though it nearly broke her heart, she asked to be dismissed from the field. her request was granted, and miss thayer closed her labors at mt. hope, december , , _and longed to die_. it was the saddest day of her life, the bitterest trial she ever experienced, this giving up all her hopes of usefulness among her beloved tuscaroras. she knew not whither to go; could not tell the people what she had done. samuel jacobs was going to cattaraugus, and miss thayer went with him, hoping the lord would give her work to do there. engaged temporarily in teaching, was there until the latter part of july, ; in august applied to the presbyterian board for an appointment as missionary teacher for one of their schools among the southwestern indians, which was granted, and she was sent to the chickasaws, in the indian territory; arrived there in november, ; labored among the chickasaws, creeks and choctaws until september, , when again broken down in health, she reluctantly gave up the work of a missionary teacher, and returned to her father's house in bristol, wis., accompanied by her husband, (theodore jones), and her three young children (two sons and a daughter). she has since resided in bristol, wis., on the farm given to her by her father and brothers, a quiet, pleasant home. her children are growing up in the fear of the lord, having all of them, five years ago, (in april, ), united with the congregational church in bristol. although she has not the means to give them a liberal education, she hopes that they will be useful workers in the lord's vineyard. mrs. jones often thinks of her beloved tuscaroras, and would gladly visit them if it were not for the expense of such a journey. mrs. jones has culled the material for the foregoing pages from numerous letters written to her father, from tuscarora, and also made extracts from her private journal, kept whilst at tuscarora, and she gives elias johnson leave to embody such portions of it in his history of the tuscaroras as shall best suit his purpose. she sends herewith mr. treat's reply to her request to be released from the work at mt. hope; also a letter written by the tuscarora chiefs, representing her departure from their people." "mrs. mary j. e, jones, "february , . "bristol, wis." to elias johnson, tuscarora. * * * * * temperance society. about the year , a new religion was introduced among the six nations, who alleged to have received a revelation from the great spirit, with a commission to preach to them the new doctrine in which he was instructed. this revelation was received in circumstances so remarkable and the precepts which he sought to inculcate, contained in themselves such evidences of wisdom and beneficence, that he was universally received among them, not only as a wise and good man, but as one commissioned by the great spirit to become their religious teacher, by the name of _ga- ne-o-di-yo_, or "handsomelake." this new religion, as it has ever since been called, with all the ancient and new doctrines, was also taught, strenuously, the doctrine of temperance, which seemed to be the main and ultimate object of his mission, and upon which he chiefly used his influence and eloquence through the remainder of his life. he went from village to village, among the several nations of the iroquois, and continuing his visits from year to year, preaching the new doctrine with remarkable effect; many abandoned their dissolute habits and became sober and moral men. the wholesome doctrine of sobriety was not preached in vain, even among the tuscaroras; nevertheless, they did not embrace the ancient and the new faith, nor its ceremonies, but the preaching of this singular person. the influence of his eloquence, with which he enforced the doctrine of temperance, had the effect of forming a temperance society, which was kept up a number of years, by holding meetings and by lectures given by the leading men of the nation, until the year , when a regular temperance society was organized, which was based on a written constitution; and in the year there was a general temperance society formed at the cattaraugus reservation, embracing all the, then, different seneca reservations; and in the year the tuscaroras reorganized so as to be connected with the seneca temperance society, organized at cattaraugus. i found the following articles in the records of the tuscarora temperance society, to-wit: "temperance society, formed among the tuscaroras, february th, , re-organized january th, . "preamble. "whereas, present and past occurrences clearly prove that intemperance is a great and destructive evil; therefore,_resolved_, that we, the chiefs and warriors of the tuscarora nation, will do all in our power to arrest its progress, both in this village and elsewhere." experience has taught us that efforts to advance this good cause are not in vain, encouraged by what we have already effected, we have conceded to re-organize our society, which shall be named and governed as follows:-- "constitution. "article . this society shall be denominated the temperance society auxiliary to the general temperance society formed at cattaraugus, march st, , by our red brothers from five different reservations. "article . it shall embrace individuals of both sexes of men, women and children. "article . we who sign our names to this constitution, solemnly pledge ourselves to abstain entirely from the use of intoxicating liquors, and persuade others in an affectionate, faithful manner to do the same, not suffering it to be used in our families, nor purchasing it for those in our employ. "article . it shall be the duty of those who were appointed a committee by the general temperance society to visit the members of this society individually, and enquire whether they adhere to or strictly obey the articles of the constitution, and converse with others on the subject of temperance, so far as practicable, and make a report of their doings to the society. "article . the officers of this society shall be a president, vice- president, secretary and treasurer. the duty of the president shall be as follows, viz: to open the meetings by calling the assembly to orders to appoint the time for meeting; to settle questions in any discussions made in the society; to appoint the speakers. the duty of the secretary shall be to minute the proceedings of every meeting, and read the report at the close of every meeting, and to keep in record the names of the members of the society. the treasurer shall keep in charge the revenues of the contributions, and attend to the lights." names of the first officers of this society: president--nicholas cusick. vice-president--william mt. pleasant. secretary and treasurer--james n. cusick. names of chiefs at that time: william chew, william printup, jonathan printup, mathew jack, john mt. pleasant, john johnson, john fox, george printup, isaa miller. this united temperance society held a yearly convention on the different reservations, alternately, for a number of years, but the interest in the convention gradually declined, until the convention was entirely given up. afterwards they somewhat remodeled the constitution to suit their circumstances, and added the following article, viz: "in the temperance assemblies the following subjects are to be lectured on: temperance, industry, education and moral reform." we have also a cornet band, which is connected with the temperance society, which enliven and cheer the meetings by the sweet strains of their music, and adds very much to the interest of each meeting. this band goes by the name of the "tuscarora temperance cornet band." it was organized in the year , and has existed continually to the present time, in . on the th day of november, , there was a delegation sent here by the tuscaroras, from grand river, then canada west, now ontario, to connect themselves with our temperance society, which was granted them, and the following delegates were admitted, viz: william green, a sachem; david hill, jacob hill, rev. nicholas smith and thomas thomas. this society was afterwards invited to hold a temperance meeting on the tuscarora reservation at grand river, ontario, with the view of organizing a temperance society in conjunction to ours. the meeting was held according to the time designated. the meetings were opened and conducted with much interest, but dissolved without the formation of a society. there was a disagreement concerning the constitution of the society, respecting the subjects of discussion in the meetings of the society. the canada indians wished to have the three other subjects, from that of temperance, to bestricken out, but the tuscaroras of the states adhered to the forms of the constitution of their society, which includes industry, education and moral reform, as the subject of lecture of each meeting, which was adopted at anearly period. in the autumn of , the cornet band and a number of the members of the society made a visit to grand river, ontario, among their indian brethren, and when they arrived there the sons of temperance had a social party, to which we were very cordially invited to participate of the sumptous feast, which was already prepared, and were two days devoted to temperance meetings. the time was taken up by lectures on temperance and music by the two cornet bands, which played their music alternately, and added very much to the interest of the meetings. the speeches were interspersed with the rehearsals of the different traditions of the causes of the declension of the indian nations, and regretting the slowness of the progress of their civilization, and attribute to temperance, to be the great cause of the retard of their advancement in industry and civilization. they were invited several limits by these, our canada red brothers, to their sons of temperance conventions at grand river, of which they faithfully attended, and they were also invited at one of their conventions held at monseetown, near london, ontario, on the reservation of the oneidas: our cornet band and quite a number of the members of our society complied to the invitation. the meetings were very interesting. there were many speeches made on the subject of temperance, and on various topics for the advancement of the respective indian nations. a speech was also made by the author of this book, which began as follows, to-wit: "my dear friends and relatives. i have been interested in the great and good cause of temperance for a number of years, and have attended many meetings and assemblies in the temperance cause, but this, our present gathering, is to me, unusually interesting; it brings my mind back for more than a century, when the tuscaroras were broken down, as a nation, by the pale faces, and expelled from their long-cherished homes, and driven from the graves of our noble ancestors, into the wild and cold- hearted world: and when they were without a friend and without a home, and no one to pity them, in this, their time of trouble. you, the oneidas, gave us the hand of friendship and brotherly love, and gave us peaceful homes within your wide extended domain, and whispered in our ears the words of consolation; when, and how shall we ever forget or repay you for the unbounded kindness that your fathers exercised towards ours? we have ever given you a place nearest our hearts, with all its affections, here we give you our hands and our hearts in the great and good cause of temperance, and we wish you prosperity in every sense of the word both temporally and morally." this convention was denominated the six nations sons of temperance convention, although we, from the states were not members of that order. it seems that they deemed it not derogatory to their dignity that we should be present at their conventions, although ours is a common, open and free, temperance society. we, also, invited them to hold their convention on our reservation, which was acceded to and held in the fall of , and there were delegates of several oneidas, from monseetown, ontario, and of the tuscaroras, from grand river, ontario, and also a cornet band of the onondagas, from onondaga castle, n. y., which favored us with the sweet strains of their music, alternately, with our cornet band. every morning the assembly would meet at the school-house, mt. hope, at o'clock, a. m., and there form in procession and march to the council- house, about one mile, to the place of meeting: the two cornet bands played their music while the procession was moving, and our temperance banners were floating in the air, as if to say, rally round the temperance banner. our temperance banner was made in the year , by our people, assisted by, then, our missionery, rev. g. rockwood. it is illustrated by several animals illustrative of the several clans that are in the nation; and also, six stars that are grouped in the upper corner of the banner, next to the pole, indicative, as in the animals, of the several clans, that they, aught, also, group together and combine as in one, to work against the great monster, intemperance, which is also illustrated by a seven- headed serpent. as this monster is formidable, so aught we abstain from all intoxicating liquors. there is also, a great eagle soaring in the air, in the act of grasping the great seven-headed serpent. this illustrates that in our endeavers in the capacity of a society, to defeat the great monster--intemperance--we have a helper, which is the legislature of the state of new york and the united states, in enacting laws to the effect of staying the great tide of intemperance among the indians, in which weshould take courage. there was another convention held here in , when there was quite a large delegation of the oneidas, from monseetown, ontario, and also from grand river, ontario, among them was the tuscarora cornet band of grand river. the meetings were occupied by lectures on temperance and on other topics, which were thought to be the most needed for the advancement of the social and moral conditions of our red brethren. the grand river cornet band, and ours, played, alternately, their angelic melodies, to cheer us in the great temperance cause. it was then the convention of the sons of temperance urged upon us to adopt their order, but our people thought it not advisable to change the order of our society, as it has existed since the year ; the form may be different, but the object is the same. we said we preferred to adhere to the old form of our society, open to all, and free to partake of the benefits of it, we prayed them god's speed in their turning the great wheel of temperance, and we should lay hold on the same wheel and turn the same way. that same night the convention closed. there was a great bonfire made in the street; and then there was a general farewell, hand- shaking, and it closed with music from the bands in the dead of the night. the next convention was held at grand river, ontario, in october, , in the six nation council-house. there was quite a large representation of the six nations. speeches were made on the subject of temperance by all the different nations, to-wit: mr. josiah hill, sachem, of grand river, tuscarora. mr. david hill, sachem, of grand river, seneca. mr. levi jonathan, sachem, of grand river, onondaga. mr. clinch, sachem, of grand river, mohawk. mr. james jemison, of grand river, cayuga. mr. eligah, of monseetown, oneida. mr. william patterson, sachem, of lewiston, tuscarora. dea. samuel jacobs, of lewiston, tuscarora. mr. william chew, of lewiston, tuscarora. mr. elias johnson, of lewiston, tuscarora. the winter after the meetings above, a communication was received by the secretary of our society, dea. samuel jacobs, from the tuscaroras of grand river, ontario, wishing him to forward to them a copy of the constitution of our temperance society, and stating that they wish to form a society based upon the same, which was deferred by dea. jacobs until the june following, when dea. jacobs, wm. patterson, rev. thomas green and wm. chew went to grand river with the constitution. after it was read in their meeting, the canadian brothers adopted it and formed a society based on the same. it was then proposed and adopted that a convention should be held in the six nations council-house, at grand river, ontario, in october, . accordingly the convention duly met and continued three days. our cornet band was present, with quite a number of the members of our society. the meetings were very pleasant and interesting. the officers were as follows, to-wit: president--wm. chew, of lewiston vice-president--john hill, of grand river secretary--josiah hill, of grand river before the convention closed it was decided that the next convention should be at the tuscorora reservation, lewiston, n. y., on the th day of october, , and the officers appointed were as follows, to-wit: president--josiah hill, of grand river. vice-president--dea. samuel jacobs, of lewiston, n. y. secretary--elias johnson, of lewiston, n. y. just before the appointed time for the convention to meet, there was a communication received by mr. john mt. pleasant, our head chief, from a. sim logan, of cattaraugas reservation, n. y., being leader of the seneca national cornet band, asking the privilege of attending the contemplated convention with his band. the letter was read at one of the temperance meetings and was not only acceded to, but they were cordially invited to attend, and on the th day of october, , the day appointed for the convention, they were on hand. a. sims logan, with his national cornet band, of cattaraugus, and levi jonathan, with his tuscasora cornet band, of grand river, and solomon cusick, with his temperance cornet band, of lewiston, n. y, were present, which comprise the three leading bands of music of any nations of indians. the programme was substantially as follows: the meeting was called to order by the president, josiah hill, of grand river. a hymn was sung by the assembly, in the indian language, words, "oh, for a thousand tongues to sing my redeemer's praise;" tune, dundee. prayer by dea. samuel jacobs, of lewiston, n. y. the following were chosen as committees of arrangements to-wit: mr. wm. chew, of lewiston, n. y. mr. win. printup, of lewiston, n.y. mr. joseph henry, of grand river, ont. mr. george beaver, of grand river, ont. mr. wm. nephew, of cattaraugus, n. y. mr. wm. printup made the congratulatory speech of the meeting through an intrepreter, joseph henry. the speakers of the first session were as follows, to-wit: mr. levi jonathan, of grand river, ont., on temperance. dea. samuel jacobs, of lewiston, n.y., on moral reform. mr. joseph henry, of grand river, ont., on industry. mr. a. sim logan, of cattaraugus, n. y., on education the tuscarora cornet band favored this session with music between the speeches. adjourned at o'clock p. m. and convened again at o'clock p.m. the assembly was called to order by the president. the following were the speakers, to-wit. mr. simon carrier, of grand river, ont. mr. josiah hill, of grand river, ont. mr. william anderson, of grand river, ont. mr. wm. chew, of lewiston, n. y. mr. john mt. pleasant, of lewiston, n. y. mr. elias johnson, of lewiston, n. y. mr. wm. nephew, of cattaraugus, n. y. music was favored the second session by the seneca national band, of cattaraugus. n. y. adjourned at : o'clock p. m. to o'clock a. m. to-morrow, after singing the tune greenville, words, "savior, visit thy plantation." benediction by rev thomas green. oct. .--the assembly was called to order by the vice-president. dea. samuel jacobs, of lewiston, at o'clock a.m. opened by singing an indian hymn prayer by rev. thomas green, of lewiston, n. y. the following were the speakers, to-wit: mr. thomas williams, of grand river. mr. george beaver, of grand river. mr. john c. lay, of cattaraugus. adjourned at : o'clock p. m. to p. m. the assembly was called to order at o'clock p. m. by the president. the following were the speakers, to-wit: mr. john john, of grand river. mr. levi jonathan, of grand river. dr. bombry, of grand river. president josiah hill, of grand river. mr. albert cusick, of onondaga castle. mr. abram hill, of onondaga castle. rev. thomas green, of lewiston, n. y. mr. john mt. pleasant, of lewiston, n. y. mr. william patterson, of lewiston, n. y. mr. marvin crows, of cattaraugus, n. y. this forenoon we were favored with music by our temperance cornet band between the speeches. in the afternoon session we were favored with music by c. c. lay's orchestra band, of cattaraugus, n. y. president hill in the chair, business was resumed. mr. john c. lay moved that the next convention be held on the cattaraugus reservation, n. y. this was followed by a motion of levi jonathan, that the next convention be held at grand river, ontario, who claimed that they had adopted the constitution, while the senecas had not. after some discussion, a. sim logan said, "if you will give us a copy of your constitution, we will accept of it and form a society based on the same." it was then put to vote and carried that the next convention should be held at cattaraugus, n. y., on the th day of september, . the following officers were appointed, viz: mr. elias johnson. tuscarora, of lewiston, n. y., president. mr. josiah hill, tuscarora, of grand river, vice-president. dr. bombry, cayuga, of grand river, secretary. on the evening of october th, as aforesaid, the convention duly met, and was called to order by the president, e. johnson; opened by singing and prayer. business was then resumed. the secretary not being present, prof. chancy c. jemison, of cattaraugus, was appointed to fill the vacancy. the committee of arrangements was as follows, viz: mr. john canada, seneca, of cattaraugus. mr. a. sim logan, seneca, of cattaraugus. mr. job king, seneca, of cattaraugus. mr. levi jonathan, onondaga, of grand river. mr. james jemison, cayuga, of grand river. mr. josiah hill, tuscarora, of grand river. mr. john mt. pleasant, tuscarora, of lewiston. mr. wm. chew, tuscarora, of lewiston. mr. daniel la fort, onondaga, of syracuse, n. y. mr. abram hill, oneida, of syracuse, n. y. the convention continued three days. many speeches were made by the leading men of the several nations that were represented. the meetings were unusually interesting. every speaker seemed to be moved to the utmost of their enthusiasm. the congregations were large, and every face seemed to glow with the interest that was awakened in the great cause of temperance. the order and decorum that prevailed throughout all the meetings was becoming to any community. there were also four cornet bands which favored the assemblies with music, in their proper times, which added very much to the interest of the convocation. the bands were as follows, to-wit: mr. a. sim logan's national cornet band, of cattaraugus, n. y. mr. chester c. lay's silver cornet band, of the same place. mr. levi jonathan's tuscarora cornet band, of grand river, ontario. mr. enos johnson's temperance cornet band, of tuscarora, n. y. on the morning of the last day of the convention before the services began, the four cornet bands consolidated in one, which made over fifty members, and played several tunes together outside of the presbyterian church, in which the convention was held, and made a rousing band of music. the first article of the constitution, which reads thus: "this society shall be denominated the temperance society," was amended so as to read thus: "this society shall be denominated the six nations temperance society of the united states and canada." the assembly was then called to sign the temperance pledge of this society. there were upwards of two hundred that signed, most of whom resided on the reservation in which the convention was held; but there were some from the tonawanda, alleghany and onondaga reservations, and also one oneida, from green bay, wis. the onondagas and tonawandas made application for a copy of the constitution to be sent to them, that they might form temperance societies on their respective reservations, which was granted them, and mr. josiah hill was appointed to write the copy and send the same to them. the convention adjourned on the evening of the third day to meet again the next year at grand river, ontario. officers mr. john canada, seneca, of cattarauguh, president. mr. wm. patterson, tuscarora, of lewiston, n. y., vice-president. mr. josiah hill, tuscarora, of grand river, secretary. mr. john mt. pleasant, tuscarora, of lewiston, n. y., treasurer. it will be seen by the above that the tuscaroras have not been altogether idle on the subject of temperance. the temptations of intemperance surrounding our reservation are great. we hope that the legislature will aid us in enacting more rigid laws, for the temptation is working even in cider, which seems to be more intoxicating now than in former times. * * * * * friendship of the tuscaroras to the united states. the tuscarora indians have for more than a century been a firm friend to the united states. in the revolutionary war they took an active part for the declaration of independence; many took part, but few were enrolled, consequently, but few that drew pension from the united states. for instance, nicholas cusick, a tuscarora indian; where shall you look for another instance of friendship, greater than his, towards the distinguished marquis de lafayette, or for christian principle more firm and true than he evinced concerning his pension. in the war of the revolution he was under command of lafayette. many years after peace was concluded, as he was passing through washington, he accidentally heard the name of his old commander spoken of in the office in which he stopped on business. the moment his ear caught the sound, his eyes brightened, and full of earnestness he asked, "is he yet alive?" "yes," was the reply, "he is alive and looking well and hearty." with decided emphasis, he said, "i am glad to hear it." "then you knew lafayette, mr. cusick?" "oh, yes;" he answered. "i knew him well, and many a time in battle threw myself between him and the bullets, _for i loved him_." on asking him if he had a commission, he said, "yes; general washington gave me one, and he was lieutenant." this suggested to his friends that he was entitled to a pension, and on looking over the records, the truth of what he said was confirmed, and he received one for several years. afterwards, congress passed a law making it necessary that each recipient should swear that he could not live without the pension. when the old warrior was called upon to do this, he said, "now, here is my little log cabin, and it is my own; here is my patch of ground, where i raise my corn and beans, and there is lake oneida, where i can catch fish; with these i can make out to live without the pension, and to say that i could not, would be to lie to the great spirit." this is the honor of the tuscarora hero. how many among those of the white people who receive a pension would have done likewise, for conscience sake. cusick could speak the english language very well, but when he made an audible prayer, or said grace at the table, he used his native tuscarora language, "because," said he, "when i speak in english, i am often at a loss for a word; when, therefore, i speak to the great spirit, i do not like to be perplexed, or have my mind distracted to look after a word, when i use my own language, it is like my breath, i am composed." in this is exemplified that he fully understood the reverence which was due to the great architect of the universe. solomon longboard, also a tuscarora sachem, took an active part in the revolutionary war, with many others of his nation. in one of their scouting parties, he, with others, was taken captive by the british indians and brought to fort niagara, where they were kept for some time, and urged to take up arms and fight against the revolutionists. finally, this celebrated sachem, longboard, held a secret council among the captives, and instructed them all to take arms and advance with the british indians, and use their influence to lead them to a place where they might be captured, and they with the rest, which they successfully effected, and were re-captured by the americans. instead of gaining honor and laurels to his crown, he was to be sentenced to be shot as a traitor, but through the entreaties of the tuscarora chiefs, and the influence of the feasibility of their story that was made on the executives, he was released, but never drew pension as did mr. cusick. the tuscaroras again evinced their friendship for the united states in the war of , when they were asked to guard the niagara river at lewiston and down the river, against the british crossing it. here again we hear of the tuscarora sachem, solomon longboard, with about thirty-five tuscarora volunteers, stationed at lewiston on guard. i have recorded some of the names of these volunteers, which i was able to obtain from some of the old people that were yet living in the year , which are as follows, to-wit: the two sons of solomon longboard, jacob taylor, joseph cusick, john cusick, david cusick, john black nose and his brother, samuel thompson, john obediah, aaron pempleton, james pempleton, john mt. pleasant, harry patterson, john green, isaac allen, capt. williams, gau-ya-re-na-twa, wm. printup, better known as little billy, black chief, john printup, isaac green, surgin green, george printup. there were but few of these that drew pension, as it was alleged that they were not enrolled upon the army roll. on the night of december th, , the british army and british indians crossed the niagara river near calvin hotchkis' place, about two miles below lewiston. they noticed at first there were lights going across the river during the night, and at the dawn of day were despatched, jacob taylor (better known as colonel jacobs), and another indian to accompany him--both being tuscaroras. on their return they reported that the british indians had crossed the river in great numbers. the news was circulated in the village of lewiston and the neighboring country, that they might evacuate their places and go east, which they did, taking the ridge road. the tuscarora volunteers took the rear of the train as they moved eastward, commanded by their sachem, solomon longboard. the british indians went on the pursuit. after they had gone about two miles from the village of lewiston, where the tuscarora indians branched off on a road leading to their reservation, known as the indian hill, or mountain road. as they had advanced part way up the mountain they observed a canada indian on horseback, who headed off some of the train, and among the rest was also bates cooke, of lewiston. one of his legs had, a little previous to that time, been amputated, and the main canada force were about half a mile in the rear on pursuit. the commander of the tuscarora force ordered that the indian heading off the train be shot, which was done by john obediah. the indian tumbled off the horse and fell to the ground, and then got up and ran down the little hill into the wood, where it is said he died from the wound he received. when the report of the gun was heard by the canadian force and they saw the effect it had on their comrade, they halted. their commander, mr. longboard, of the tuscaroras which numbered at that time twenty-six, from them selected three men and instructed them to get upon and to go along the top of the mountain and to blow a horn occasionally, which they had in their possession, and to keep nearly opposite the canada indians. the object was to serve as a scare-crow, to make them believe that there was a force also on the mountain in the act of flanking them. but the remaining force of mr. longboard rushed down the mountain with their war whoops as if legion were coming down, and pursued the canada indians, while the train of white people had gone on in their flight. the canada indians retreated about one mile and a half, near to where the main force were. then one of their men halted and aimed his gun at one of our men, john obediah, and the latter also aimed to his opponent, while samuel thompson got behind a large elm tree. in the meantime, john obediah spoke to the stranger in all the different six languages of the iroquois, but did not get an answer. these were the only two men in pursuit at this time, as the rest of them had halted some ways back. finally the british indian retreated backwards, keeping aim as he went, and all at once gave a spring and ran off. the three men that were on the mountain kept occasionally blowing the horn as they went, as the road is parallel with the mountain. by this time the train of white people had gone quite a good ways in their flight: it is evident that the timely intervention of the tuscarora indians, saved great slaughter of men, women and children among the white people. the tuscaroras then went back and kept in the rear of the white people in their flight. the british indians perceiving that it was the tuscarora indians that killed one of their number and repulsed them, made their way to their reservation, (the nation had already deserted their homes), and began to burn their houses indiscriminately, and also a meeting-house which was built by them, except eight dollars, a convenient chapel where the early christian tuscaroras such as sacaresa and solomon longboard, both sachems, with many others, delighted to worship the almighty in the simplicity of their faith. and after they had finished their destruction they went down in pursuit of the fleeing train of white people on the ridge road: by this time the tuscaroras had stationed themselves at a log house, eight or ten miles from lewiston, near nathan peterson's, which was used as an armory; when the tuscaroras first came, there were a few white men there breaking open the powder kegs in this log house, making it ready to set on fire but the chief, mr. longboard, remonstrated in having it burned, and was interpreted to them by colonel jacobs, so they consented not to destroy the powder. when the british indians came in sight, mr. longboard instructed his men to keep moving back and forth from the log house or armory, to a thicket in the rear of the house, for the purpose of making the enemy believe that there was a large force stationed there; the enemy halted and finally went back, and thus the armory was saved. the manouvre of the tuscarora indians in these two cases above, was done with but very little sacrifice on their part, but the beneficence was great; but then, who cares anything about that, it was nothing but an indian affair anyhow; this will probably be the thought of those who peruse my little pages. when the tuscaroras evacuated their reservation they went to oneida castle and remained there during the war. in about the last part of june, , there was a company of volunteers composed of about thirty tuscaroras and a number of oneida indians, that started from oneida castle to sackett's harbor, to join themselves to an army that was commanded by general brown; on their way there, when they arrived at tonawanda. an officer came to them and asked where they were going; they answered, "to sackett's harbor, to join general brown's army." the officer said, "that is right;" he then asked them if they lacked anything, and they said, "nothing more than being short of victuals, but we can get along with what game we can procure on the way." the officer then gave them one dollar each and told them to go and buy some bread. they then went on, and on the rd or th of july they crossed the river from sackett's harbor, and on the th, they, with general brown and his army approached an intrenchment of general riall's, which was in a strong position. brown told the tuscaroras that he with his army would attack the enemy direct, "but," said he, "you must go around and attack the enemy on their flank." it is acceded by all american nations, that the characteristic of the indians in their war battles, is to fight in scouting and to attack by surprise: consequently, it seems that general riall instructed the british indians, which numbered several hundred, that when he was attacked, they the indians, should move and attack their enemy also on the flank; it seems that they moved in the shape of a v with the two points foremost. on the th occurred the battle of chippewa; the contest was obstinate and bloody; the tuscarora indians in moving on the flank of brown's army, they entered in the enemy's moving v of british indians, and when they arrived at the fork, and not until then, did the tuscaroras know where they were; but, nevertheless, they all made the war-whoop, fired and made a desperate charge at one point and broke through the ranks of the enemy. strange as it may seem, there was but one wounded and that slightly on the cheek, and not one killed; it was a very close contest, we getting away with the loss of but a few guns and coats, for when the enemy took hold of their coats they would only pull off and run. it was then that the enemy's v closed in on the rear of the tuscaroras and the bloody scene began; the enemy fired against themselves, and not until they had completely destroyed themselves did they discover in what frenzy they were; but at length the americans were victorious. these same tuscaroras were present at the memorable battle at bridgewater near niagara falls, where a desperate engagement, it is said, ensued, commencing about sunset and lasting until midnight, where generals brown and scott were wounded. in every instance when the united states were in trouble, the tuscaroras were ever ready to sacrifice their blood upon the american altar, which they again fully evinced in the war of the rebellion, when twenty-three of the tuscarora indian warriors enlisted as volunteers in the united states army, some of whom died in the service of the country; but some were spared by the good providence, and were permitted yet to share the sweets of home; some inherited diseases which they will probably carry down to their graves. in the year cornelius c. cusick, a grandson of nicholas cusick, the revolutionist, was commissioned to the office of second lieutenant. there were four other tuscaroras mustered in with him in the d n. y. volunteers, d reg't, co. d, to-wit: jeremiah peters, john peters, hulett jacobs, george garlow, and there are others who enlisted afterwards at different times during the war, to wit: twelfth n. y. vol's, cav., co. m.--ozias chew, john pempleton, charles pempleton, nichodemus thompssn. bat. k, st n. y. light art.--samuel bearfoot (ely patterson), wm. joseph (lewis patterson), alexander john (davis miller), zhacariah johnson (elijah johnson), wm. anderson (samuel jack). clinton mt. pleasant, oth, transferred to st n. j. vol's. inv. colored brigade. wilson jacobs, st n. y., vet. cav., co. m. edward spencer (edward anderson), inv. sway. co. a. th corps. alvis d. hewett, st n. y. vol's. thomas cornelius, co. k, d n. y. mounted rifles. charles green, th n. y. vol's, co. k. john longboard, samuel mt. pleasant. during the war, cornelius c. cusick was promoted to first lieutenant, and at the close of the war he was promoted to captain. he was some time afterwards commissioned into the regular army of the united states as first lieutenant. antique rock citadel of kienuka; or, gau-strau-yea. there has been much said by different writers of aboriginal forts, and fort builders of western new york, in availing themselves of steeps, gulfs, defiles, and other marked localities, in establishing works for security or defense. this trait is, however, in no case more strikingly exemplified than in the curious antique work of kienuka. the term "kienuka," means the stronghold or fort; but the original name of this fort is gau-strau-yea, which means bark laid down; this has a metaphorical meaning, in the similitude of a freshly peeled slippery elm bark, the size of the fort and laid at the bottom as a flooring, so that if any person or persons go in they must be circumspect, and act according to the laws of the fort, or else they will slip and fall down to their own destruction. the citadel of kienuka is situated about four miles eastward of the inlet of niagara gorge at lewiston, on a natural escarpment of the ridge on the tuscarora reservation, known at present by the name of the old saw mill. there is quite an interesting tradition connected with the antique fort gau-strau-yea. at the formation of the confederacy of the iroquois, there was a virgin selected from a nation which was called squawkihaws (a remote branch of the seneca nation), and was ordained a queen or peacemaker, who was stationed at this fort to execute her office of peace, her official name was ge-keah-saw-sa. the fort was built by the senecas aided by the squawkihaws, on an eminence on the north side of a steep of perpendicular rocks, which was about eight or ten feet down; and on the east, south and west sides they dug a trench four or five feet deep, and in this trench were placed timbers which were put up perpendicularly and jointed as close as possible, they projected above the ground ten or twelve feet, inclosing a place of about twenty by fifty rods. the house for the queen was in the center of this inclosure or fort, and adjacent houses were built in two rows, with a trail or path between them directing towards the queen's house; on each end and inside of the fort, which ran lengthwise east and west, was an entrance corresponding with the trail prepared leading to the house of the queen. then a suitable number of warriors were selected from the squawkihaws' nation, the ablest bodied, the swiftest runners and the most expert in the arts of war, which were stationed at this fort (and made their dwelling in the adjacent houses), to keep it in order and execute its regulations and laws; they were to be supported with subsistance and all other necessaries of life, and furnished with suitable implements of war by the iroquois. in order more fully to understand the laws and regulations of the fort or place of peace, it must be observed that at this period there were contentions, strife and wars between all the different known nations of the continent; nation against nation, like fishes of the waters, the larger ones eating the smaller. the warrior who can report in his rehearsal in the war-dance of having obtained the greatest number of scalps from the enemy, was the most honored and had the most laurels in his crown; consequently, they were constantly forming companies for an expedition to some nation in quest of honor and the applause of their nation. at this time the confederacy of the iroquois was formed, and this place of peace was ordained for the purpose, it may be, to alleviate the distress and commotion of the nations of the forest. the laws were that there shall be no nation or nations of the iroquois make war against any nation or nations of the same league, under any circumstances; and the iroquois must not make war with any alien nation without the consent of the queen. this fort must ever be held sacred, as it is a place of peace, by never allowing the shedding of blood within the inclosure. all executions decreed by the queen should be made outside of the fort. and any person or persons, aside from the keepers of the fort, should, on entering, never go any faster than a walk. and the queen must always have meals ready at every hour of the day and night-- allegorically speaking, it is called a kettle of hominy hanging, for all fugitives and pursuers from any nation on the continent to partake. all fugitives, irrespective of their nationalities, fleeing for life, from their enemy, when once their feet touch the threshold of the fort, their life is safe; then the queen conducts him or them into one end of her house, which is lengthwise east and west, with a door at each end and a partition in the center of the room by a curtain made of deer skin, and when the pursuer comes, she also conducts him or them to the other end of the room. she then gives to each of these parties, which are enemies to each other, sustenance to eat; when, this being done, she rolls away the curtain, so that each party can see the other; when they have done eating they pass out and go home to their respective nations in peace. it is contrary to law after a fugitive arrives at this fort and has gone out, for the enemy to execute their death scheme without the consent of the queen; and if this be violated, then the iroquois demand the trespasser from the nation to which he or they belong. if this is acceded to, 'tis well; then the trespassers are executed, of which the penalty is death. but should the nation harbor the trespasser, then the nation must suffer the devastations of war at the hands of the iroquois. i would here say a few words in relation to the question often asked, "who were the squawkihows, kah-kwahs, and the eries?" there has been much controversy on the question. these three named tribes were of one language and of one nation--a remote branch of the seneca nation--and spoke the same language as the senecas, varying but very little in a few words. these three tribes originally were called squawkihows. in time they became very numerous and powerful. they had their settlement from the chores of lake ontario and along the niagara river, and up lake erie as far as a place now called erie, and as far east as to the genesee river. this was their domain, within these limits. a settlement of this nation in the neighborhood of, now, north evans, south of buffalo, a place called by them kah-kwah-ka, and the squawkihows living in this vicinity were called kah-kwahs; and the squawkihows living further on along the shores of lake erie were called cats or eries, a name that originated from the name of the lake. by this explanation you will better understand my story. there was a time when the kah-kwahs' branch of that nation made a challenge to the seneca nation, another very powerful nation having their settlement on the east side of the genesee river, to play a game of ball, which the senecas readily accepted and a day was appointed; accordingly, the combat ensued, and was a hotly contested game; but the senecas finally came out victorious. the kah-kwahs immediately made another challenge, that of having a foot race, which the senecas also accepted. each nation chose their swiftest runners, then the flyers went which and tucker for a ways, but the senecas finally came out glorious. the kah- kwahs being mortified by the defeat of the two contests made the third challenge, that of wrestling, with the understanding that an umpire must be chosen from each nation and both to have a war club in hand, and the one that is defeated should suffer death by having his head struck with the war club while down, by the umpire opponent to the one defeated and should be best two in three. even in this the senecas accepted the challenge, and in this remarkable contest they were also victorious. with this the assemblage dispersed. the defeats of the kah-kwahs considerably alieniated the squawkihows from the senecas; the report, of course, reached the ears of the queen, which also alienated her feelings from the senecas, she being by birth a squawkihow, but the office to which she was ordained was by the iroquois. after this in one of the scouting tours of the senecas across the niagara river, among the masassauka indians, on their return at night to the "place of peace" or gau-strau-yea, they were pursued by a number of the masassaukas; when both parties had arrived and had their repast, they all lodged there to rest in peace for the night, as they were wont to do. but in the slumber and stillness of the midnight hour, was tested the treachery of the queen, by the masassaukas, in asking her consent to massacre the senecas in their unsuspecting slumber; her feelings having been previously somewhat alienated from the senecas, she was induced to give her consent, whereupon they were massacred; their number i have not been able to obtain. they were buried southwest from the queen's house, the mound of which was perceptible until a few years ago, when it was cultivated. this breach of the law of that fort by the queen giving consent in the shedding of blood in that sacred place, grated the conscience of the squawkikows, and being alienated by the defeat they experienced a short time previous by the matches they had with the senecas. this affair was kept secret for a while. at the same time the squawkihows urged the consent of the queen for them to exterminate the seneca nation and to take them on surprise, for, they said when they hear of the massacre, they will at once wage war against us. they finally prevailed on her, so she condemned the seneca nation to be exterminated. at this time there was one warrior of the senecas who had married into the squawkihows' nation and lived among them. when he heard that the queen had given up the seneca nation into the hands of the squawkihows, to be exterminated, he resolved to go to a place called tah-nyh-yea, among the senecas--east side of genesee river, on the seneca river--where dwelled the head sachem of the seneca nation, by the name of onea-gah-re- tah-wa, and make his report to that venerable sachem, the decision of the queen, which was final. to accomplish this, without exciting the suspicion of his family and neighbors, he went under the pretense of going away to hunt on the lake shore of ontario, and would not be expected home in two or three days. early one fine morning this warrior started on his high mission from his house, which was located near the fort (gau-strau-yea). he went northerly and touched lake ontario, where he had a canoe for the purpose of hunting and fishing, in which he embarked and rowed eastward to the mouth of the oswego river, and up the river as far as the seneca river: then up that river to the settlement of the senecas. he there left his canoe and made for tah-nyh-yea, and went directly to the sachem, (onea-gah-re-tah-wa's) wigwam in the dead of night, and called him out doors. he there related to the sachem the decree of the queen, concerning the seneca nation and the massacre, and requested him to keep secret the way he had received the message. the warrior immediately returned home in the same way that he came. in the morning the venerable sachem went out early and gave the war cry, which denoted that they were massacred, that war was inevitable, and for the warriors to rally and prepare for war. the nation soon gathered. he then related the message he had received during the night, and said he had heard that some of their warriors were massacred at the fort (gau- strau-yea), and that the queen had decreed their extermination at the hand of the squawkihows. he then appointed four warriors of the best runners to go and spy the fort and the settlement if there was any indication of preparation for war, with instructions that with the very first indication of a preparation for war that they should at once dispatch one of their number home to make his report, and the others to go on and to observe the progress of the preparation and make their reports accordingly. the four gallant warriors now made their way to the settlement at gau- strau-yea. when they arrived, they saw only the eldest people, from about upwards of sixty-five years of age, and the younger children, from about fourteen years of age and under. while they were traveling they saw two boys picking up sticks for firewood. one of them asked the smaller boy where his father was. the bright little fellow spoke promptly and said, "gone to war." before the older boy could divert his attention by touching him, the little fellow finished his answer. this they took to be news, and immediately dispatched one of their number home to make the report. when this one made his report to onea-gah-re-tah-wa, he at once dispatched runners to the other nations of the league to inform them of what had happened to their father, the seneca nation, and the desecration of their fort. the three that were left after the one was dispatched home, went onto a settlement of the same nation at gill creek, above niagara falls, where they found the people the same as at gau-straw-yea. the elders and the youngers only were at home. they also asked a boy there where his father was. he aswered: "at kah-kwah-ka," which is south of buffalo. these three spies took pains to get at kah-kwah-ka in the night. when they got there they fouud a great multitude gathered, and engaged in the war dance. the spies went right among the multitude without being suspected, because their language was the same as the squawkihows, and took part in the dances. they saw the warriors in their dance have a head of a bear, tossing it about and striking it with the war club, and at the same time exclaiming: "we will have the head of onea-gah-re-tah-wa, (the seneca sachem) and strike it thus" at the same time hitting it with their club. and the war chief said that they would start in the morning and on the third day they would have the head of onea-gah-re-tah-wa strung up on a pole. with that the spies dispatched home the second one to make his report of what they saw and heard, and this one retired from the crowd privately some little time before daybreak. the two still remained with the crowd, talking and chatting with them as if they were one of their nation. in the morning the grand march took their place in the war path towards their intended destruction. the ablest warriors took the front rank; then came the older ones; after them the boys upwards of fourteen years of of age; lastly came the able bodied females. thus they marched until the next night, when they prepared ground for a dance, and went through the same performance as the night before. now the third spy withdrew from the crowd just before daybreak to make his report and keep the senecas posted in the advance of the enemy. on the second day the march was renewed, and proceeded in the same order as on the first day. the next night was also spent as that of the last in flattering themselves of the wonderful things that they were to accomplish. about two hours before daybreak the last spy also withdrew from the crowd and made for home, to inform them how far off they were from the seneca settlement. after the last one had made his report, onea-gah-re-tah-wa arose from his seat, with that majestic movement which only would become him as the head sachem of the seneca nation, and said: "to you, first, my most beloved comrades, the chiefs and sachems of our noble nation, i would bring to your minds the past in a few words, and it may be for the last time. how often have we sat together around the council fire of our nation. i congratulate you all in the good feeling that has always prevailed in our deliberations of various subjects in relation to the welfare and happiness of our nation, and more particularly our sisters and their offspring, and we have not been unmindful even of those that are not yet born, for in them have we hoped of the existence of our nation. have not the nations of the iroquois respected and even honored your counsels around the great council fire of the league, and now is destruction awaiting your dawn? but if that is the will of the great spirit, by running we cannot flee from it. and to you, our sisters, have we not ever been mindful of you in our deliberations and ever wished you success: and have we not, as it were, embraced you and your children in our arms to protect you? we now commend you to the great spirit, who is our helper. and now to you, most noble warriors, in whom the council looks for the enforcement of their decrees. in bringing difficulties and contentions among yourselves, have we not brought back to you peace, by meting out to you justice; and in your troubles have we not whispered in your ears words of consolation? and we have ever placed you close to our hearts. in you is the power of the nation, and in you we look for safety. you have understood it that our nation has been given into the hands of our enemy by the queen and we are now in jeopardy. as i have said, we cannot, by running, flee from the decree of the great spirit, but if he is for us we shall prevail. he will give strength to our bow, direct our arrows, give might to our arms and direct our blows, and put to flight our enemy, and we shall conquer. he is able to give us peace in this our time of trouble, if we all but trust in him. it is he that made us and he is able to preserve us from our enemies. now my dear relatives in the different ties of blood, it is not meet that we should have our blood spilt within our domain, nor to have the dead bodies of our enemies strewed within our settlement. we must now march and meet our foe. we must not turn our heel to them; but if we are to be exterminated, let the last drop of seneca blood be spilt upon the bosom of our mother earth, and let the sun in the heavens be the witness that we die in the defence of our wives, children and homes, which is pleasing in the sight of the great spirit." they now made their march, and after they had advanced a number of miles they met the enemy. it was now sometime in the afternoon. a desperate battle ensued. the storm of the arrows headed with flint, and also the creased poisoned arrows was kept up until evening, when a peculiar war cry was given, which indicated rest, at which in an instant the storm of arrows ceased, when the sachems of the two parties came near together and deliberated on the conditions of rest during the night, that each party should retreat a ways and rest without either molesting the other during the night, but in the morning they should come together and resume the battle. in the morning the battle was renewed, even with more vigor than the day before, until nearly noon, when the war cry of rest was again given. the fight was again suspended for the purpose of taking refreshments. at this time onea-gah-re-tah-wa said to the chiefs of the squawkihows, "while we are resting let us have a recreation by having a wrestling between the two parties, and each one should have a war club in his belt, and the one that is defeated should die at the hands of his victor with the war club." the squawkihows accepted the challenge. then the wrestling was continued to several contests, in which the senecas were victorious. there were several of the very ablest warriors of the squawkihows killed in this simple contest of wrestling. they again resumed the battle. at this time the senecas reserved quite a number of their smartest warriors, with each of them a bunch of bark prepared for the purpose of tying prisoners. they were in the rear and laid low. the battle was still more deepcrate. they finally came in hand- in-hand. then they made use of their war clubs. at this time the squawkihows summoned to their aid their reserved company, which they kept in the rear. the young women came on the flank of the senecas' ranks, and beat them with clubs, which made the senecas falter for a while. finally they called on their reserved warriors, who made a desperate charge on the enemy and made them retreat. the senecas began taking prisoners. they tied their hands behind them to trees. in this way they took a great many prisoners, particularly the females. the warriors rallied and fought as they retreated. after a while a company suddenly broke off from their ranks and ran away. in a moment they had disappeared in the forest. those that remained rallied again and fought as they were retreating until evening, when all at once the whole company wheeled right around, gave a spring, and off they went. the senecas made their pursuit, every now and then taking a prisoner until dark, when they rested and camped for the night. the next morning they selected the best runners, the ablest bodied and the most skilled in the arts of war, who were sent out to exterminate the nation, to begin at the settlement of fort gau-strau-yea, and so on south to the other settlements of the nation. when the seneca invaders came at the fort (gau-strau-yea), they found it was evacuated and all the settlement had fled. the trail they left behind pointed southward plainly. the invaders followed to the next settlement at gill creek, above niagara falls, which they found vacated. they still followed on, bent on retaliation. they then came to the settlement of kah-kwas, which they also found evacuated. they kept on the pursuit until they came to the settlement of the eries, and also found it evacuated as the others. still they kept on their pursuit, and when they came to the alleghany river they saw pieces floating, which indicated the making of canoes. they immediately ascended the river. after they had gone some ways they found where the enemies had been encamped, and saw indications where they had built several canoes. the fires indicated that they must have just embarked that morning and rowed down the river. they they went down the river some distance, and finally gave up the chase. the invaders returned to their settlement--the seneca nation. a glorious victory crowned their severe trial and labor. a grand council was called of the seneca nation for the just returned warriors to make their report of the glory they had won, and the complete overthrow of the enemy. after they had finished making their report a great feast was made, and after that they were again permitted to smoke the calumet of peace, and once more settle down as heretofore, as one of the bright stars of heaven, among the several nations of the iroquois. at night they had a general dance, both young and old, irrespective of sex, to celebrate the great victory they had won. the squawkihows have never been heard of since, as a nation, to the present time. it is supposed that they must have gone in the far west and changed their name: but this is merely a supposition. those that the senecas took captives are still among the different settlements of the seneca nation, more particularly among the cattaraugus reservation. that is the way the senecas came in possession of so large a dominion. they held their domain east of the genesee river, and also took possession of the dominion of the squawkihows, which run from lake ontario and along niagara river and lake erie to the pennsylvania line. the office of the queen ge-keah-sau-sa, of fort gau-strau-yea, for several hundred years (it is said by the senecas about six hundred years ago she evacuated the fort), the iroquois did not reordain, for the reason, as it is alleged by them, that the female is the weaker sex of humanity. physically, it must follow that they are weaker also mentally, as it is evinced by the treachery of the queen in her easily being decoyed in making her rash decision concerning the massacre in the fort, and also in the giving up of the seneca nation in the hands of their enemy. they considered it not prudent to vest so much authority in the weaker sex. and as no one has been considered capable or worthy of the high honor that ge-keah-sau-wa once reigned, until about twenty-five years ago, from the year , there was a virgin selected from among the tonawanda band of the seneca nation by the name of caroline parker, sister to eli parker, once in general grant's staff, and commissioner of indian affairs, who was ordained to the high office of queen, or ge-keah- sau-sa. she is now the wife of a noted sachem of the tuscarora nation, mr. john mount pleasant, of no common wealth. she is located about two miles southwest of the antique fort gah-strau-yea, or kienuka, on the tuscarora reservation, where she ever held open her hospitable house, not only to the iroquois, but of every nation, including the pale faces. allegorical speaking, she has ever had a kettle of hominy hanging over her fire-place, ready to appease the hunger of those who trod her threshold. * * * * * the new religion. about the year a new religion was introduced among the six nations, the exponent of which alleged to have received a revelation from the great spirit, with a commission to preach to them the new doctrine in which he was instructed. this revelation was received in circumstances so remarkable, and the precepts he sought to inculcate contained in themselves such evidences of wisdom and beneficence that he was universally received among them, not only as a wise and good man, but as one commissioned by the great spirit to become their religious teacher. the new religion, as it has ever since been called, embodied all the precepts of the ancient faith, recognized the ancient mode of worship giving it a new sanction of the great spirit, and also comprehend such new doctrines as came in aptly, to lengthen out and enlarge the original system without impairing it. charges of imposture and deception were at first preferred against him, but disbelief of his divine mission gradually subsided, until at the time of his death the whole unchristianized portion of the six nations had become firm believers in the new religion, which to the present day has continued to some extent as a prevailing faith. this singular person who was destined to obtain such a spiritual sway over the descendants of the ancient iroquois was ga-ne-o-di-yo, or "handsomelake." a seneca sachem of the highest class, he was born at the indian village of ga-no-wau-ges, near avon, about the year , and died at onondaga in , where he happened to be on one of his pastoral visits. by birth he was a seneca of the turtle clan, and a half brother to the celebrated corn planter by a common father. the most part of his life was spent in idleness and dissipation during which time, although a sachem and ruler among the senecas for many years, and through the most perilous time of their history, he acquired no particular reputation. reforming late in life, in his future career he showed himself to be possessed of superior talents and to be animated by a sincere and ardent desire for the welfare of his race. at this period and for about a century preceeding, the prevailing habit of intemperance among the iroquois was the fruitful source of their domestic trouble, this in connection with their political disasters seemed to threaten the speedy extinction of their race. a temperance reformation, universal and radical, was the main and ultimate object of the mission which he assumed, and upon which he chiefly used his influence and eloquence through the remainder of his life. to secure a more speedy reception of his admonitions, he clothed them with divine sanction, to strengthen their moral principles, he enforced anew the precepts of the ancient faith; and to insure obedience to his teachings, he held over the wicked the terrors of eternal punishment. going from village to village among the several nations of the league, with the exception of the christainized oneidas and tuscaroras, continuing his visits from year to year, preaching the new doctrine with remarkable effect. many abandoned their dissolute habits and became sober and moral men; discord and contentions gave place to harmony and order, and vagrancy and sloth to ambition and industry. the origin of this project has at times been ascribed to cornplanter as a means to increase his own influence, but this is not only improbable but is expressly denied. the motives by which handsomelake claimed to be actuated were entirely of a religious and benevolent character, and in pursuance of the injunctions of his spiritual guides. at the time of his supernatural visitation, about the year , handsomelake resided at the village of cornplanter, on the alleghany river in the state of pennsylvania. as he explained the case to his brethren, having lain ill for a long time he had given up all hope of recovery and resigned himself to die. when in the hourly expectation of death, three spiritual beings in the form of men, sent by the great spirit, appeared before him, each carried in his hand a shrub bearing different kinds of berries, which, having been given him to eat, he was by their miraculous virtue immediately restored to health. they afterward revealed to him the will of the great spirit upon a variety of subjects, and particularly in relation to the prevailing intemperance, commissioning him to promulgate these doctrines among the league, causing him to see realities of the evil-minded, and to behold with his mortal eyes the punishment inflicted upon the wicked, that he might with more propriety warn his people of their impending destiny. he was also permitted to behold the realm and felicities of the heavenly residence of the virtuous. with his mind thus prepared, and stored with divine precepts, and with his zeal enkindled by the dignity of his mission, handsomelake at once commenced his labors. after his death, sase-ha-wa, (johnson) of tonawanda, was appointed his successor. the first and only person ever "raised up" by the iroquois, and invested with the office of a supreme religious instructor--a sincere believer in the verity of handsomelake's mission, and an eminently pure and virtuous man--sase-ha-wa (johnson) has devoted himself with zeal and fidelity to the duties of his office, as a spiritual guide and teacher of the iroquois. he was a grand-son of handsomlake, a nephew of red jacket, and was born at the indian village of ga-no-wan-ges, near avon, about the year . at the condolence and religious councils of the iroquois, which are still held at intervals of a few years, among the scattered descendants of the long house, it has long been customary to set apart portions of two or three days to listen to a discourse from johnson upon the new religion. on these occasions he explains minutely the circumstance attending the supernatural visitation of handsomelake, and delivers the instructions, word for word, which he had been accustomed to give during his own ministration. handsomelake professed to repeat the messages which were given to him from time to time by the celestial visitants, with whom he alleged to be in frequent communication, and whom he addressed as his spiritual guardian, thus enforcing his precepts as the direct command of the great spirit. at their councils and religious, festivals, it was customary for the chiefs and keepers of the faith to express their confidence in the new religion, and to exhort others to strengthen their beliefs. the late abraham la fort, an educated onondaga sachem, thus expressed himself upon this subject at a condolence council of the league, held at tonawanda as late as october, . "let us observe the operations of nature. the year is divided into seasons, and every season has its fruits. the birds of the air, though clothed in the same dress of feathers, are divided into many classes, and one class is never seen to associate or intermingle with any but its own kind. so with the beasts of the field and woods. each and every class and specie have their own separate rules by which they seem to be governed, and by which their actions are regulated. these distinctions, classes and colors the great spirit has seen fit to make. but the rule does not stop here. it is universal. it embraces man also. the human race was created and divided into different classes, which were placed separate from each other--having different customs, manners, laws and religions. to the indians it seems that no more religion had originally been than was to be found in the operations of nature, which taught him that there was a supreme being, all powerful and all wise; and on this account, as well as on account of his great goodness, they learned to love and reverence him. but these later times, when the restless and ambitious spirit of the whiteskinned race had crossed the boundary line and made inroads upon the manners, customs and primitive religion of the indian, the great spirit determined to and through his servant, handsomelake, did reveal his will to the indians. the substance of that will was no more than to confirm their ancient belief that they were entitled to a different religion--a religion adapted to their customs, manners and ways of thinking." as the discourses delivered by johnson from time to time contains a very full exposition of their ancient beliefs and mode of worship, together with the recent views introduced by handsomelake, mingled up in one collection, presenting probably a better idea of their ethical and religious system than could be conveyed in any other manner, it is given entire, and will explain itself as delivered, thus: "the mohawks, the onondagas, the senecas, and our children, the oneidas, cayugas and tuscaroras, have assembled here to-day to listen to the repetition of the will of the great spirit, as communicated to us from heaven through his servant, handsomelake. "chiefs, warriors, women and children, we give you a cordial welcome. the sun has advanced far in its path, and i am warned that my time to instruct you is limited to the meridian sun. i must hasten to perform my duty. turn you minds to the great spirit, and listen with strict attention. think seriously upon what i am about to speak. reflect upon it well, that it may benefit you and your children. i thank the great spirit that he has spared the lives of so many of you to be present on this occasion. i return thanks to him that my life is yet spared. the great spirit looked down from heaven upon the suffering and the wanderings of the red children. he saw that they had greatly decreased and degenerated. he saw the ravages of the firewater among them. he therefore raised up for them a sacred inspiration, who, having lived and traveled among them for sixteen years, was called from his labors to enjoy eternal felicity with the great spirit in heaven. be patient while i speak. i cannot at all times arrange and prepare my thoughts with precision. but i will relate what my memory bears. "it was in the month of june when handsomelake was yet sick. he had been ill for years. he was accustomed to tell us that he had resigned himself to the will of the great spirit. 'i nightly returned my thanks to the great spirit,' said he, 'as my eyes were gladdened at evening by the sight of the stars of heaven. i viewed the ornamental heaven at evening through the opening in the roof of my lodge, with grateful feelings to my creator. i had no assurance that i should at the next evening contemplate his works. for this reason my acknowledgment to him was more fervent and sincere. when night was gone, and the sun again shed its light upon the earth, i saw and acknowledged in the return of day his continued goodness to me and to all mankind. at length, i began to have an inward conviction that my end was near. i resolved once more to exchange friendly words with my people, and i sent my daughter to summon my brothers cornplanter and blacksnake. she hastened to do his bidding, but before she returned he had fallen into insensibility and apparent death. blacksnake, upon returning to the lodge, hastened to his brother's couch and discovered that portions of his body were yet warm. this happened at early day before the morning dew had dried. when the sun had advanced half way to the meridian his heart began to beat, and he opened his eyes. blacksnake asked him if he was in his right mind, but he answered not. at meridian he again opened his eyes, and the same question was repeated. he then answered and said, 'a man spoke from without and some one might come forth. i looked and saw some men standing without. i rose, and as i attempted to step over the threshold of my door i stumbled, and should have fallen had they not caught me. they were three holy men who looked alike and were dressed alike. the paint they wore seemed but a day old. each held in his hand a shrub bearing different kinds of fruits. one of them addressing me said, 'we have come to comfort and relieve you; take of these berries and eat; they will restore you to health: we have been witnesses of your lengthy illness; we have seen with what resignation you have given yourself up to the great spirit: we have heard your daily return of thanks; he has heard them all; his ear has ever been open to hear; you was thankful for the return of night, when you could contemplate the beauties of heaven; you was accustomed to look upon the moon as it coursed in its mighty paths; when there were no hopes to you that you would again behold these things, you willingly resigned yourself, to the mind of the great spirit; this is right; since, the great spirit made the earth and put man upon it, we have been his constant servants to guard and protect his works; there are four of us; some other time you will be permitted to see the other; the great spirit is pleased to know your patient resignation to his will; as a reward for yonr devotion he has cured your sickness; tell your people to assemble to-morrow, and at morn go in and speak to them.' after they had further revealed their intentions concerning him they departed. "at the time appointed handsomelake appeared at the council and thus addressed the people upon the revelations which had been made to him: "'i have a message to deliver to you. the servant of the great spirit has told me that i should yet live upon the earth to become an instructor to my people. since the creation of man the great spirit has often raised up men to teach his children what they should do to please him; but they have been unfaithful to their trust. i hope i shall profit by their example. your creator has seen that you have transgressed greatly against his laws. he made men pure and good. he did not intend that he should sin. you create a great sin in taking the firewater. the great spirit says you must abandon this enticing habit. your ancestors have brought great misery upon you. they first took the firewater of the white man, and entailed upon you its consequences. none of them have gone to heaven. the firewater does not belong to you. it was made by the white man beyond the great waters. for the white man it is a medicine; but they, too, have violated the will of their maker. the great spirit says drunkenness is a great crime, and he forbids you to indulge in this evil habit. his command is to the old and young. the abandonment of its use will relieve much of your sufferings, and greatly increase the comforts and happiness of your children. the great spirit is grieved that so much crime and wickedness should defile the earth. there are many evils which he never intended should exist among his red children. the great spirit has for many wise reasons withheld from man the number of his days, but he has not left him without a guide, for he has pointed out to him the path in which he may safely tread the journey of life. "'when the great spirit made man he also made woman. he instituted marriage, and enjoined upon them to love each other and be faithful. it is pleasing to him to see men and women obey his will. your creator abhors a deceiver and a hypocrite. by obeying his commands you will die an easy and happy death. when the great spirit instituted marriage he ordained to bless those who were faithful with children. some women are unfaithful and others become so by misfortune. such have great opportunities to do much good. there are many orphans and poor children whom they can adopt as their own. if you tie up the clothes of an orphan child the great spirit will notice it and reward you for it. should an orphan ever cross your path be kind to him and treat him with tenderness, for this is right. parents must constantly teach their children morality and reverence for their creator. parents must also guard their children against improper marriages. they, having much experience, should select a suitable match for their child. when the parents of both parties have agreed, then bring the young pair together and let them know what good their parents have designed for them. if in time they so far disagree that they cannot possibly live contented and happy with each other they may separate in mutual good feeling, and in this it is no wrong. "'when a child is born to a husband and wife they must give great thanks to the great spirit, for it is his gift and an evidence of his kindness. let parents instruct their children in their duty to the great spirit, to their parents and to their fellowmen. children should obey their parents and guardians, and submit to them in all things. disobedient children occasion great pain and misery. they wound their parents' feelings and often drive them to desperation, cause them great distress and final admission into the place of evil spirit. the marriage obligations should generate good to all who have assumed them. let the married be faithful to each other, that when they die it may be in peace. children should never permit their parents to suffer in their old age. be kind to them, and support them. the great spirit requires all children to love, revere and obey their parents. to do this is highly pleasing to him. the happiness of parents is greatly increased by the affection and the attention of their children. to abandon a wife or children is a great wrong, and produces many evils. it is wrong for a father or mother-in-law to vex a son or daughter-in-law, but they should use them as if they were their own children. it often happens that parents hold angry disputes over their infant child. this is also a great sin. the infant hears and comprehends the angry words of its parents. it feels bad and lonely. it can see for itself no happiness in prospect. it concludes to return to its maker. it wants a happy home, and dies. the parents then weep because their child has left them. you must put this evil practice from among you if you would live happy. "'the great spirit when he made the earth never intended that it should be made merchandise, but his will is that all his creatures should enjoy it equally. your chiefs have violated and betrayed their trust by selling lands. nothing is now left of our once large pobsessions save a few small reservations. chiefs and aged men, you, as men, have no lands to sell. you occupy and possess tract in trust for your children. you should hold that trust sacred, lest your children are driven from their homes by your unsafe conduct. whoever sells land offends the great spirit, and must expect a great punishment after death.'" johnson here suspended the naration of the discourse of handsomelake's, and thus addressed the council: "chiefs, keepers of the faith, warriors, women and children--you all know that our religion teaches that the early day is dedicated to the great spirit, and that the late day is granted to the spirits of the dead. it is now meridian, and i must close. preserve in your minds that which has been said. accept my thanks for your kind and patient attention. it is meet that i should also return my thanks to the great spirit that he has assisted me thus far in my feeble frame to instruct you. we ask you all to come up again to-morrow at early day, to hear what further may be said. i have done." the next morning, after the council had been opened in the usual manner, johnson thus continued. "relatives, uncover now your heads and listen. the day has thus far advanced, and again gathered around the council-fire i see around me the several nations of the long house. this gives me great joy. i see also seated around me my counselors (keepers of the faith), who have been regularly appointed, as is the custom of our religion. greetings have been exchanged with each other. thanks have been returned to handsomelake. thanks also have been returned to our creator by the council now assembled. at this moment the great spirit is looking upon this assembly. he hears our words, knows our thoughts, and is always pleased to see us gathered together of good. the sun is now high, and soon it will reach the middle heavens. i must therefore make haste. listen attentively, and consider well what you shall hear. i return thanks to our creator, that he has spared your lives through the dangers of the darkness. i salute and return my thanks to the four celestial beings who have communicated what i am about to say to you. i return thanks to my grandfather (handsomelake), from whom you first heard what i am about to speak. we all feel his loss. we miss him at our councils. i now occupy his place before you, but i am conscious that i have not the power which he possessed. "counselors, warriors, mother sand children--listen to good instruction. consider it well. lay it up in your hearts, and forget it not. our creator when he made us designed that we should live by hunting. it sometimes happens that a man goes out for to hunt, leaving his wife with his friends. after a long absence he returns and finds that his wife has taken another husband. the great spirit says this is a great sin, and must be put from among us. "the four messengers further said that it was wrong for a mother to punish a child with a rod. it is not right to punish much, and our creator never intended that children should be punished with a whip or be used with much violence. in punishing a refractory child water only is necessary, and it is sufficient. plunge them under. this is not wrong. whenever a child promises to do better the punishment must cease. it is wrong to continue it after promises of amendment are made. thus they said. "it is right and proper always to look upon the dead. let your face be brought near to theirs, and address them. let the dead know that their absence is regretted by their friends, and that they grieve for their death. let the dead know, too, how their surviving friends intend to live. let them know whether they will so conduct themselves that they will meet them again in the future world. the dead will hear and remember. thus they said. "continue to listen while i proceed to relate what further they said. our creator made the earth. upon it he placed man, and gave him certain rules of conduct. it pleased him also to give them many kinds of amusement. he also ordered that the earth should produce all that is good for man. so long as he remains, it will not cease to yield. upon the surface of the ground berries of various kinds are produced. it is the will of the great spirit that when they ripen we should return our thanks to him, and have a public rejoicing for the continuance of these blessings. he made everything which we live upon, and requires us to be thankful at all times for the continuance of his favors. when our life (corn, &c,), has again appeared, it is the will of the great spirit that we assemble for a general thanksgiving. it is his will also that his children be brought and to participate in the feather dance. your feast must consist of the new production. it is proper at these times, should any present not have their names published, or any changes have been made, to announce them then. "the festival must last four days. thus they said. upon the first day must be performed the feather dance. this ceremony must take place in the early day, and cease at the middle day. in the same manner, upon the second day, is to be performed the thanksgiving dance. on the third, the thanksgiving concert. ah-do-weh is to be introduced. the fourth day is set apart for the peach-stone game. all these ceremonies instituted by our creator must be commenced at early day, and cease at the middle day. at all these times we are required to return thanks to our grandfather heno (thunder) and his assistants. to them is assigned the duty of watching over the earth and all its produces for our good. the great feather and thanksgiving dances are the appropriate ceremonies of thanksgiving to the ruler and maker of all things. the thanksgiving concert belongs appropriately to our grandfathers. in it we return thanks to them. during the performance of this ceremony we are required also to give them the smoke of tobacco. again we must at this time return thanks to our mother--the earth--for she is our relative. we must also return thanks to our life and its sister. all these things are required to be done by the light of the sun. it must not be protracted until the sun has hid its face and darkness surrounds all things. "continue to listen. we have a change of season. we have a season of cold. this is the hunting season. it is also one in which the people can amuse themselves. upon the fifth day of the new moon nis-go-wuk-na (about february st), we are required to commence the annual jubilee of thanksgiving to our creator. at this festival all can give evidence of their devotion to the will of the great spirit, by participating in all of its ceremonies. "continue to listen. the four messengers of the great spirit have always watched over us, and have ever seen what was transpiring among men. at some times handsomelake was transported by them to the regions above. he looked down upon the earth and saw an assembly. out of it came a man. his garments were torn, tattered, and filthy. his whole appearance indicated great misery and poverty. they asked him how this spectacle appeared to him. he replied that it was hard to look upon. they then told him that the man he saw was a drunkard; that he had taken the firewater and it had reduced him to poverty. again he looked and saw a woman, seated on the ground. she was constantly engaged in gathering up and secreting about her person her worldly effects. they said the woman you see is inhospitable. she is selfish to spare anything, and will never leave her worldly goods. she can never pass from earth to heaven. tell this to your people. again he looked, and saw a man carrying in each hand large pieces of meat. he went about the assembly to give each a piece. this man they said is blessed, for he is hospitable and kind. he looked again, and saw streams of blood. they said thus will the earth be if the firewater is not put from among you. brother will kill brother, and friend kill friend. again they told him to look towards the east. he obeyed as far as his vision reached. he saw the increasing smoke of numberless distilleries arising and shutting out the light of the sun. it was a horrible spectacle to witness. they told him that here was the place that manufactured the firewater. again he looked, and saw a costly house, made and furnished by the pale faces. it was a house of confinement where were fetters, ropes and whips. they said those who persisted in the use of firewater would fall into this. our creator commands us to put this destructive vice far from us. again he looked and saw various assemblages. some of them were unwilling to listen to instruction. they were rioters and took great pride in drinking the strong waters. he observed another group who were half inclined to hear, but the temptations of vice that surrounded them allured them back, and they also revelled in the fumes of the firewater. he saw another assemblage who had met to hear instruction. this they said was pleasing to the great spirit. he loves those who will listen and obey. it has grieved him that his children are now divided by separate interests, and are pursuing so many paths. it pleases him to see his people live together in harmony and quiet. the firewater creates many dissensions and divisions among us. they said the use of it would cause many to die unnatural deaths. many will be exposed to cold and freeze. many will be burned, and others will be drowned while under the influence of the firewater. "friends and relations, all these things have often happened. how many of our people have frozen to death, how many have burned to death: how many have been drowned, while under the influence of the strong water. the punishment of those who use the firewater commences while they are yet on the earth. many are now thrown into houses of confinement by the pale faces. i repeat to you the ruler of us all requires us to unite and put this evil from among us. some say the use of the firewater is not wrong, and that it is food. let those who do not believe it is wrong make this experiment: let all who use the firewater assemble and organize into a council, and those who do not into another council near them. a great difference will then be discovered. the council of drunkards will end in a riot and tumult, while the other will have harmony and quiet. it is hard to think of the great prevalence of this evil among us. reform, and put it from among you. many resolve to use the firewater until near death, when they will repent. if they do this nothing can save them from destruction, for medicine can then have no power. thus they said. "all men were made equal by the great spirit, but he has given them a variety of gifts. to some a pretty face, to others an ugly one: to some a comely form, to others a deformed figure; some are fortunate in collecting around them worldly goods; but you are all entitled to the same privileges, and therefore must put pride from among you. you are not your own maker, nor the builders of your own fortunes; all things are the gifts of the great spirit, and to him must be returned thanks for their bestowal; he alone must be acknowledged as the giver. it has pleased him to make differences among men, but it is wrong for one man to exalt himself above another. love each other, for you are all brothers and sisters of the same great family. the great spirit enjoins upon all to observe hospitality and kindness, especially to the needy and helpless, for this is pleasing to him. if a stranger wanders about your abode, speak to him with kind words; be hospitable toward him; welcome him to your home, and forget not always to mention the great spirit. in the morning give thanks to the great spirit for the return of day and the light of the sun. at night renew your thanks to him that his ruling power has preserved you from harm during the day and that night has again come in which you may rest your wearied bodies. "the four messengers said further to handsomelake, 'tell your people, and particularly the keeper of the faith, to be strong-minded and adhere to the true faith. we fear the evil-minded will go among them with tempations. he may introduce the fiddle; he may bring cards and leave them among you; the use of these is a great sin. let the people be on their guard and the keepers of the faith be watchful and vigilant that none of these evils may find their way among the people. let the keepers of the faith preserve the law of moral conduct in all its purity. when meetings are to be held for instruction and the people are preparing to go, the evil-minded is then busy. he goes from one to another whispering many temptations, by which to keep them away. he will even follow persons into the door of the council and induce some at that time to bend their steps away; many resist until they have entered, and then leave. this habit once indulged in, obtains fast hold and the evil propensity increases with age. this is a great sin, and should be at once abandoned. thus they said.' "speak evil of no one; if you can say no good of a person, then be silent; let all be mindful of this, for these are the words of our creator. let all strive to cultivate friendship with those who surround them. this is pleasing to the great spirit. "counselors, warriors, women and children--i shall now rest. i thank you all for you kind and patient attention. i thank the great spirit that he has spared the lives of so many of us to witness this day. i request you all to come up again to-morrow at early day. let us all hope that until we meet again the creator and ruler of us all may be kind to us and preserve our lives, na-ho." the council on the following day was opened with a few short speeches by some of the chiefs or keepers of the faith, returning thanks for the privileges of the occasion, as usual at councils; after which johnson, resuming his discourse, spoke as follows: "friends and relatives, uncover now you heads. continue to listen to my rehearsal of the saying communicated to handsomelake by the four messengers of the great spirit. we have met again around the council fire. we have followed the ancient custom and greeted each other. this is right and highly pleasing to our maker. he now looks down upon this assemblage; he sees us all; he is informed of the cause of our gathering, and it is pleasing to him. life is uncertain; while we live let us love each other; let us sympathize always with the suffering and needy; let us also always rejoice with those who are glad. this is now the third day, and my time for speaking to you is drawing to a close. it will be a long time before we meet again; many moons and seasons will have passed before the sacred council-brand be again uncovered; be watchful, therefore, and remember faithfully what you may now hear. "in discoursing yesterday upon the duties of the keepers of the faith, i omitted some important things. the great spirit created this office; he designed that its duties should never end. there are some who are selected and set apart by our maker to perform the duties of this office; it is therefore their duty to be faithful, and to be always watching. these duties they must ever perform during their lives. the faithful when they leave this earth will have a pleasant path to travel. the same office exists in heaven, the home of our creator. they will take the same place when they arrive there. there are dreadful penalties awiting those keepers of the faith who resign their office without a cause. thus they said. "it was the original intention of our maker that all our feasts of thanksgiving should be seasoned with the flesh of wild animals, but we are surrounded by the pale faces, and in a short time the woods will all be removed: then there will be no game for the indians to use in their feasts. the four messengers said in consequence of this that we might use the flesh of domestic animals. this will not be wrong. the pale faces are pressing upon every side. you must therefore live as they do. how far you can do so without sin i will now tell you. you may grow cattle and for yourselves a comfortable dwelling house. this is not sin, and it is all you can safely adopt of the customs of the pale faces. you cannot live as they do. thus they said. "continue to listen. it has pleased our creator to set apart as our life the three sisters. for this special favor let us ever be thankful. when we have gathered in our harvest let the people assemble and hold a general thanksgiving for so great a good. in this way you will show your obedience to the will and pleasure of your creator. thus they said. "many of you are ignorant of the spirit of medicine. it watches over us constantly, and assists the needy whenever necessity requires. the great spirit designed that some man should possess the gift and skill in medicine, but he is pained to see a medicine man making exorbitant charges for attending the sick. our creator made for us tobacco. this plant must always be used in administering medicine. when a sick person recovers his health he must return his thanks to the great spirit by means of tobacco, for it is by his goodness that he is made well. he blesses the medicine, and the medicine man must receive as a reward whatever the gratitude of the restored may tender. this is right and proper. there are many that are unfortunate and cannot pay for attendance. it is sufficient for such to return thanks to the medicine man upon recovery. the remembrance that he has saved the life of a relative will be a sufficient reward. "listen further to what the great spirit has been pleased to communicate to us. he has made us, as a race, separate and distinct from the pale faces. it is a great sin to intermarry and intermingle the blood of the two races. let none be guilty of this transgression. "at one time the four messengers said to handsomelake, 'lest the people should disbelieve you and not repent and forsake their evil ways, we will now disclose to you the house of torment, the dwelling place of the evil-minded.' handsomelake was particular in describing to us all that he witnessed, and the course which departed spirits were accustomed to take on leaving the earth. there was a road which led upward; at a certain point it branched; one branch led straight forward to the house of the great spirit, and the other turned aside to the house of torment; at the place where the roads separated were stationed two keepers, one representing the good and the other the evil spirit; when a person reached the fork, if wicked, by a motion of the evil keeper, he turned instinctively upon the road which led to the abode of the evil-minded; but if virtuous and good, the other keeper directed him upon the straight road; the latter was not much traveled, while the former was so frequently trodden that no grass could grow in the pathway. it sometimes happens that the keepers have great difficulty in deciding which path the person should take, when the good and bad actions of the individual were nearly balanced. those sent to the house of torment sometimes remain one day, (which is one year with us); some for a longer period. after they have atoned for their sins they pass to heaven; but when they have committed either of the great sins, (witchcraft, murder, or infantcide), they never pass to heaven, but are tormented forever. having conducted handsomelake to this place, he saw a large dark-colored mansion, covered with soot, and beside it stood a lesser one. one of the four then held out his rod, and the top of the house moved up until they could look down upon all that was within. he saw many rooms. the first object which met his eyes was a haggard-looking man, his sunken eyes cast upon the ground, and his form half consumed by the torments he had undergone. this man was a drunkard. the evil-minded then appeared and called him by name. as the man obeyed his call, he dipped from a caldron a quantity of red- hot liquid and commanded him to drink it, as it was an article he loved. the man did as he was commanded, and immediately from his mouth issued a stream of blaze. he cried in vain for help. the tormentor then requested him to sing and make himself merry as he had done while on earth, after drinking the firewater. let drunkards take warning from this. others were then summoned. there came before him two persons who appeared to be husband and wife. he told them to exercise the privilege they were so fond of while on earth. they immediately commenced a quarrel of words. they raged at each other with such violence that their tongues and eyes ran out so far they could neither see nor speak. this, said they, is the punishment of quarrelsome and disputing husbands and wives. let such also take warning, and lie together in peace and harmony. next he called up a woman who had been a witch. first he plunged her into a caldron of boiling liquid. in her cries of distress she begged the evil-minded to give her some cooler place. he then immersed her into one containing liquid at the point of freezing. her cries were then that she was too cold. this woman, said the four messengers, shall always be tormented in this manner. he proceeded to mention the punishment which awaits all those who cruelly ill-treat their wives. the evil-minded next called up a man who had been accustomed to beat his wife. having led him up to a red- hot statue of a woman, he directed him to do that which he was fond of while upon earth. he obeyed, and struck the figure. the sparks flew in every direction, and by the contact his arm was consumed. such is the punishment, they said, awaiting those who ill-treat their wives. from this take seasonable warning. he looked again and saw a woman, whose arms and hands were nothing but bones. she had sold firewater to the indians, and the flesh was eaten from her hands and arms. this, they said, would be the fate of rum-sellers. again he looked, and in one apartment saw and recognized ho-ne-ya-wus (farmer's brother), his former friend. he was engaged in removing a heap of sand, grain by grain, and although he labored continually, yet the heap was not diminished. this, they said, was the punishment of those who sold land. adjacent to the house of torment was a field of corn filled with weeds. he saw a woman in the act of cutting them down, but as fast as this was done they grew up again. this, they said, was the punishment of lazy women. it would be proper and right, had we time, to tell more of this place of punishment, but my time is limited and must pass to other things. "the creator made men dependent upon each other. he made them sociable beings: therefore, when your neighbors visit you set food before them. if it be your next door neighbor, you must give him to eat. he will partake and thank you." "again they said, 'you must not steal.' should you want for anything necessary, you have only to tell your wants and they will be supplied. this is right. let none ever steal anything. children are often tempted to take things home which do not belong to them. let parents instruct their children in this rule. "many of our people live to a very old age. your creator says that your deportment toward them must be that of reverence and affection. they have seen and felt much of the miseries and pains of earth. be always kind to them when old and helpless. wash their hands and face and nurse them with care. this is the will of the great spirit. "it has been the custom among us to mourn for the dead one year. this custom is wrong. as it causes the death of many children, it must be abandoned. ten days mourn for the dead, and not longer. when one dies, it is right and proper to make an address over the body, telling how much you loved the deceased. great respect for the dead must be observed among us. "at another time the four messengers said to handsomelake that they would show him the destroyer of villages (washington), of whom you have so often heard. upon the road leading to heaven he could see a light, far away in the distance, moving to and fro. its brightness far exceeded the brilliancy of the noonday sun. they told him the journey was as follows: first they came to a cold spring, which was a resting place; from this point they proceeded into pleasant fairy grounds, which spread away in every direction: soon they reached heaven; the light was dazzling: berries of every description grew in vast abundance: the size and quality were such that a single berry was more than sufficient to appease the appetite: a sweet fragrance perfumed the air; fruits of every kind met the eye. the inmates of this celestial abode spent their time in amusement and repose. no evil could enter there. none in heaven ever transgress again: families are reunited and dwell together in harmony: they possessed a bodily form, the senses and the remembrance of earthly life; but no white man ever enters heaven. thus they said. he looked and saw an inclosure upon a plain, just without the entrance of heaven. within it was a fort. here he saw the 'destroyer of villages,' walking to and fro within the inclosure. his countenance indicated a great and good man. they said to handsomelake, 'the man you see is the only pale face that ever left the earth; he was kind to you when on the settlement of the great difficulty between the americans and the great crown (great britain), you were abandoned to the mercy of your enemies. the crown told the great american that as for his allies, the indians, he might kill them if he liked. the great american judged that this would be cruel and unjust; he believed they were made by the great spirit, and were entitled to the enjoyments of life; he was kind to you and extended over you his protection: for this reason he has been allowed to leave the earth. but he is never permitted to go into the presence of the great spirit. although alone, he is perfectly happy. all faithful indians pass by him as they go to heaven. they see him and recognize him, but pass on in silence. no words ever pass his lips. "frieads and relatives, it was by the influence of this great man that we were spared as a people, and yet live. had he not granted as his protection, where would we have been? perished--all perished. "the four messengers further said to handsomelake that they were fearful that unless the people repent and obey his consmands, the forbearance and patience of the creator would be exhausted; that he would grow angry with them and cause their increase to cease. "our creator, made light and darkness; he made the sun to heat and shine over the world; he made the moon, also, to shine by night and to cool the world, if the sun make it too hot by day. the keeper of the clouds, by direction of the great spirit, will then cease to act. the keeper of the springs and running brooks will cease to rule them for the good of man. the sun will cease to fulfil its office. total darkness will then cover the earth. a great smoke will rise and spread over the face of the earth. then will come out of it all monsters and poisonous animals created by the evil-minded, and they, with the wicked upon the earth, will perish together. "but before this dreadful time shall come, the great spirit will take home to himself all the good and faithful. they will lay themselves down to sleep, and from this sleep of death they will arise and go home to their creator. thus they said. "i have done. i close thus, that you may remember and understand the fate which awaits the earth, the unfaithful and the unbelieving. our creator looks down upon us. the four beings from above see us. they witness with pleasure this assemblage, and rejoice at the object for which it is gathered. it is now forty-eight years since we first began to listen to the renewed will of our creator. i have been unable, during the time alloted to me, to rehearse all the savings of ga-ne-o-di-yo (handsomelake); i regret very much that you cannot hear them all. "counselors, warriors, women and children, i have done. i thank you all for your attendance, and for your kind and patient attention. may the great spirit, who rules all things, watch over and protect you from every harm and danger while you travel the journey of life. may the great spirit bless all, and bestow upon you life health, peace and prosperity: and may you in turn appreciate his great goodness. this is all." sketches of an iroquois council, or condolence. in giving the description of the condolence, i have chosen the following writings of mr. g. s. riley, of rochester, to-wit: a grand council of the confederate iroquois was held octobcr , , at the indian councilhouse, on the tonawanda reservation, in the county of genesee. its proceedings occupied three days. it embraced representatives from all the six nations--the mohawk, the onondaga, the seneca, the oneida, the cayuga, and the tuscarora. it is the only one of the kind which has been held for a number of years, and is probably the last which will ever be assembled with a full representation of the confederate nations. the indians from abroad arrived at the council-grounds, or the immediate vicinity, two days previous, and one of the most interesting spectacles of the occasion was the entry of the different nations upon the domain and hospitality of the senecas, on whose grounds the council was to be held. the representation of the mohawks, coming as they did from canada, was necessarily small. the onondagas, with acting todotahhoh, of the confederacy, and his two counselors, made an exceedingly creditable appearance. nor was the array of the tuscaroras, in point of numbers, at least, deficient in attractive and improving features. we called upon and were presented to black smith, the most influential and authoritative of the seneca sachems. he is about sixty years old, is somewhat portly, is easy enough in his manners, and is well disposed, and even kindly towards all who convinced him that they have no sinister designs in coming among his people. jemmy johnson is the great high priest of the confederacy. though now sixty-nine years old, he is yet an erect, fine-looking and energetic indian, and is hospitable and intelligent. he is in possession of the medal presented by washington to red jacket in , which, among other things of interest, he showed us. it would be imcompatible with the present purpose to describe all the interesting men who were assembled, among whom were captain frost, messrs. le fort, hill, john jacket, dr. wilson and others. we spent much of the time during the week in conversation with the chiefs and most intelligent indians of the different nations, and gleaned from them much information of the highest interest, in relation to the organization, government, laws, religion and customs of the people and characteristics of the great men of the old and once powerful confederacy. it is a singular fact, that the peculiar government and national characteristics of the iroquois is a most interesting field of research and inquiry, which has never been very thoroughly, if at all, investigated, although the historic events which marked the proud career of the confederacy have been perseveringly sought and treasured up in the writings of stone, schoolcraft, hosmer, yates and others. many of the indians speak english readily, but with the aid and interpretations of mr. ely s. parker, a young seneca of no ordinary degree of attainment in both scholarship and general inteligence, and who, with le fort, the onondaga, is well versed in old iroquois matters, we had no difficulty in conversing with any and all we chose to. about midday on wednesday, october , the council commenced. the ceremonies with which it was opened and conducted were certainly unique-- almost indescribable; and as its proceedings were in the seneca tongue, they were in a great measure unintelligible, and in fact, profoundly mysterious to the pale faces. one of the chief objects for which the council had been convoked, was to fill two vacancies in the sachems of the senecas, which had been made by the death of the former incumbents; and preceding the installation of the candidates for the succession there was a general and dolorous lament for the deceased sachems, the utterance of which, together with the repetition of the laws of the confederacy, the installation of the new sachems, the impeachment and disposition of three unfaithful sachems, the elevation of others in their stead, and the performance of the various ceremonies attendant upon these proceedings, consumed the principal part of the afternoon. at the setting of the sun a bountiful repast, consisting of an innumerable number of rather formidable looking chunks of boiled fresh beef, and abundance of bread and succotash, was brought into the council house. the manner of saying grace on this occasion was indeed peculiar. a kettle being brought, hot and smoking from the fire, and placed in the center of the council house, there proceeded from a single person, in a high shrill key, a prolonged and monotonous sound, resembling that of the syllable _wah_ or _yah_. this was immediately followed by a responsive but protracted tone, the syllable _whe_ or _swe_, and this concluded grace. it was impossible not to be somewhat mirthfully affected at the first hearing of grace said in this novel manner. it is, however, pleasurable to reflect that the indians recognize the duty of rendering thanks to the divine being in some formal way for the bounties and enjoyments which he bestows; and, were an indian to attend a public feast among his pace faced brethren, he would be affected perhaps to a greater degree of marvel at witnessing a total neglect of this ceremony than we were at his singular way of performing it. after supper commenced the dances. all day tuesday and on wednesday, up to the time that the places of the deceased sachems had been filled, everything like undue joyfulness had been restrained. this was required by the respect customarily due to the distinguished dead. but now the bereaved sachems being again filled, all were to give utterance of gladness and joy. a short speech by capt. frost, introductory to the enjoyments of the evening, was received with acclamatory approbation, and soon eighty or ninety of these sons and daughters of the forest--the old men and the young, the maidens and the matrons--were engaged in the dance. it was indeed a rare sight. only two varieties of dancing were introduced the first evening, the trotting dance and the fish dance. the figures of either are exceedingly simple, and but slightly different from each other. in the first named, the dancers all move round a circle in a single file, keeping time in a sort of trotting step to an indian song of yo-ho-ha, or yo-ho-ha-ha-ho, as sung by the leader, or occasionally by all conjoined. in the other, there is the same movement in single file round a circle, but every two persons, a man and a woman, or two men, face each other, the one moving forward, the other backward, and all keeping step to the music of the singers, who are now, however, aided by a a couple of tortoise or turtle shell rattlers, or an aboriginal drum. at regular intervals there is a sort of cadence in the music, during which a change of position by all the couples takes place, the one who had been moving backward taking the place of the one moving forward, when all again move onward, one-half of the whole, of course, being obliged to follow on by dancing backwards. one peculiarity in indian dancing would probably strongly commend itself to that class among pale faced beau and belles denominated bashful; though, perhaps, it would not suit others as well. the men, or a number of them, usually begin the dance alone, and the women, or each of them, selecting the one with whom she would like to dance, presents herself at his side as he approaches and is immediately received into the circle. consequently, the young indian beau knows nothing of the tact required to handsomely invite and gallantly lead a lady to the dance; and the young indian maiden, unannoyed by obnoxious offers, at her own convenience, gracefully presents her personage to the one she designs to favor, and thus quietly engages herself in the dance. and moreover, while an indian beau is not necessarily obliged to exhibit any gallantry as towards a belle till she has herself manifested her own good pleasure in the matter; so, therefore, the belle cannot indulge herself in vascilant flirtations with any considerable number of beaux without being at once detected. on thursday the religious ceremonies commenced, and the council from the time it assembled, which was about o'clock a. m., till or o'clock p. m., gave the most serious attention to the preaching of jimmy johnson, the great high priest, and the second in the succession under the new revelation. though there are some evangelical believers among the indians, the greater portion of them cherish the religion of their fathers. this, as they say, has been somewhat changed by the new revelation, which the great spirit made to one of their prophets about forty-seven years ago, and which, as they also believe, was approved by washington. the profound regard and eneration which the indians have ever retained towards the name and memory of washington is most interesting evidence of his universally appreciated worth, and the fact that the red men regard him not merely as one of the best, but as the very best man that ever has existed, or that will ever exist, is beautifully illustrated in a singular credence which they maintain even to this day, namely, that washington, is the only white man who has ever entered heaven and is the only one who will enter there till the end of the world. among the senecas public religious exercises takes place but once a year. at these times jimmy johnson preaches hour after hour for three days, and then rests from any public charge of ecclesiastical offices the remaining three hundred and sixty-two days of the year. on this, an unusual occasion, he restricted himself to a few hours in each of the last two days of the council. we were told by young parker, who took notes of his preaching, that his subject matter on thursday abounded in good teachings, enforced by appropriate and happy illustrations and striking imagery. after he had finished the council took a short respite. soon, however, a company of warriors, ready and eager to engage in the celebrated corn dance, made their appearance. they were differently attired. while some were completely enveloped in a closely-fitting and gaudy-colored garb, others, though perhaps without intending it, had made wonderfully close approaches to an imitation of the costume said to have been so fashionable in many parts of the state of georgia during the last hot summer, and which is also said to have consisted simply of a shirt collar and a pair of spurs. but, in truth, these warriors, with shoulders and limbs in a state of nudity, with faces bestreaked with paints, with jingling trinkets dangling to their knees, and with feathered war caps waving above them, presented a truly picturesque and romantic appearance. when the center of the council house had been cleared and the musicians with the shell rattlers had taken their places, the dance commenced, and for an hour and a half--perhaps two hours--it proceeded with surprising spirit and energy. almost every posture of which the human frame is susceptible, without absolutely making the feet uppermost and the head for once to assume the place of the feet, was exhibited. some of the attitudes of the dancers were really imposing, and the dance as a whole, could be got up and conducted only by indians. the women, in the performance of the corn dance are quite by themselves, keeping time to the beat of the shells and gliding along sideways, without scarcely lifting their feet from the floor. it would probably be well if the indian everywhere could be inclined to refrain at least from the more grotesque and boisterous peculiarities of the dance. the influence of these cannot be productive of any good, and it is questionable whether it will be possible, so long as they are retained, to assimilate them to any greater degree of civilization, or to more refined methods of living and enjoyment than they now possess. the same may be said of certain characteristics of the still more vandalic war dance. this, however, was not introduced at the council. a part of the proceedings of friday, the last day of the council, bore resemblance to those of the preceding day. jimmy johnson resumed his preaching, at the close of which the corn dance was again performed, though with far more spirit and enthusiasm than at the first. double the numbers that then appeared, all hardy and sinewy men, attired in original and fantastic style, among whom was one of the chiefs of the confederacy, together with forty or fifty women of the different nations, now engaged, and for more than two hours persevered in the performance of the various complicated and fatigueing movement of this dance. the appearance of the dusty throng, with its increased numbers, and of course proportionably increased resources for the production of shrill whoops and noisy stamping, and for the exhibition of striking attitudes and rampant motions, was altogether strange, wonderful and seemingly superhuman. after the dance had ceased, another kind of sport--a well contested foot race--claimed attention. in the evening, after another supper in the council house, the more social dances--the troting, the fish, and one in which the women alone participated--were resumed. the fish dance seemed to be the favorite, and being invited to join in by one of the chiefs, we at once accepted the invitation, and followed in mirthful chase of pleasure with a hundred forest children. occasionally the dances are characterized with ebulitions of merriment and flashes of real fun, but generally a singular sobriety and decorum are observed. frequently, when gazing at a throng of sixty or perhaps one hundred dancers, we have been scarcely able to decide which was the most remarkable, the staid and imperturable gravity of the old men and women, or the complete absence of levity and frolicsomeness in the young. the social dances of the evening, with occasional speeches from the sachems and chiefs, were the final and concluding ceremonies of this singular but interesting affair. saturday morning witnessed the separation of the various nations and the departure of each to their respective homes. the writer would liked to have said a word or two or relation to the present condition and prospects of the indians, but the original design in regard to both the topics and brevity of this writing having been already greatly transcended, it must be deferred. the once powerful confederacy of the six nations, occupying in its palmy days the greater portion of new york state, now number only a little over , . even this remnant will soon be gone. in view of this, as well as of the known fact that the indian race is everywhere gradually diminishing in numbers, the writer cannot close without invoking for this unfortunate people renewed kindliness, sympathy and benevolent attention. it is true, that with some few exceptions, they possess habits and characteristics which render them difficult to approach; but still, they are only what the creator of us all has made them. and let it be remembered, it must be a large measure of kindliness and benevolence that will repay the injustice and wrongs that have been inflicted upon them. atotarho. atotarho, who by tradition was an onondaga, is the great embodiment of the iroquois courage, wisdom and heroism, and he is invested with allegoric traits which exalt him to a kind of superhuman character. unequalled in war and arts his fame spread abroad, and exalted the onondaga nation in the highest scale. he was placed at the head of the confederacy, and his name was used after his death as an examplar of glory and honor. while like that of caesar, it became perpetuated as the official title of the presiding sachem of the confederacy. he was a man of energy and renown. and such was the estimation in which he was held in his life time, and the popular veneration for his character after death, that, as above denoted, his name became the distinctive title for the office, and is not yet extinct, although the tribes have no longer war to prosecute or foreign embassadors to reply to. * * * * * iroquois laws of descent. at the establishment of the confederacy, fifty sachems were founded and a name assigned to each, by which they are still known, and these names are kept as hereditary from the beginning to the present time. there were also fifty sub-sachems, or war chiefs--that is, to every sachem was given a war chief, to stand behind him to do his biddings. these sachemships were, and are still confined to the five nations; the tuscaroras were admitted into the confederacy without enlarging the framework of the league, by allowing them their own sachems and sub-sachems, or war chiefs, as they inherited from their original nation of north carolina. but how, it may be asked, is a government so purely popular and so simple and essentially advisory in its character, to be reconciled with the laws of hereditary descent, fixed by the establishment of heraldic devices and bringing its proportion of weak and incompetent minds into office, and with the actual power it exercised and the fame it acquired. to answer this question, and to show how the aristocratic and democratic principles were made to harmonize in the iroquois government, it will be necessary to go back and examine the laws of descent among the tribes, together with the curious and intricate principles of the clans or tribal bond. nothing is more fully under the cognizance of observers of the manners and customs of the indians, than the fact of the entire nation or tribe being separated into distinct clans, each of them distinguished by the name and device of some quadruped, bird, or other object in the animal kingdom. this device is called by the tuscaroras or-reak-sa (clan). the iroquois have turned it to account by assuming it as the very basis of their political and tribal bond. a government wholly verbal must be conceded to have required this proximity and nearness of access. the original five nations of the iroquois were, theoretically, separated into eight clans or original families of kindreds, who are distinguished respectively by the clans of the wolf, bear, turtle, deer, beaver, falcon, crane and the plover. i find that there is a little difference in the clans of the tuscaroras, which are the bear, wolf, turtle, beaver, deer, eel and snipe. it is contrary to the usage of the indians that near kindred should intermarry, and the ancient rule interdicts all intermarriage between persons of the same clan. they must marry into a clan which is different from their own. a bear or wolf male cannot marry a bear or wolf female. by this custom the purity of blood is preserved, while the ties of relationship between the clans themselves is strengthened or enlarged. the line of descent is limited exclusively in the female's children. owing to this arrangement, a chieftain's son cannot succeed him in office, but in case of his death, the right of descent being in his mother, he would be succeeded, not by one of his male children, but by his brother; or failing in this then by the son of his sister, or by some direct, however remote, descendent of a maternal line. it will be noticed that the children are not of the same clan as their father, but are the same as their mother. thus, he might be succeeded by his own grandson, by the son marrying in his father's clan, and not by his daughter. it is in this way that the chieftainship is continually kept in a family dynasties in the female line. while the law of descent is fully recognized, the free will of the female to choose a husband from any of the clans, excluding only her own, is made to govern and determine the distribution of political power, and to fix the political character of the tribe. another peculiarity may be here stated. in choosing a candidate to fill a vacancy of the chieftainship, made either by death or misconduct, the power is lodged in the older women of the clan to choose the candidate, and then to be submitted for the recognition of the chiefs and sachems in council, for the whole nation. if approved, a day is appointed for the recognition also of the six nations, and he is formally installed into office. incapacity is always, however, without exception, recognized as a valid objection to the approval of the council. legendary. on long winter evening the indian hunters gatherd around their fireside, to listen to the historical traditions, legends of war and hunting, and fairy tales which had been handed down through their fathers and father's fathers, with scarcely any variation for centuries, kindling the enthusiasm of the warrior and inspiring the little child some day to realize similar dreams, and hand his name down to posterity as the author of similar exploits. they have superstitious fears of relating fables in summer: not until after snow comes will they relate of snakes, lest they should creep into their beds, or of evil genii, lest they in some way be revenged. it is very difficult for a stranger to rightly understand the morals of their stories, though it is said by those who know them best, that to them the story was always an illustration of some moral or principle. to strangers they offer all the rites of hospitality, but do not open their hearts. if you ask them they will tell you a story, but it will not be such a story as they tell when alone. they will fear your ridicule and suppress their humor and pathos: so thoroughly have they learned to distrust pale faces, that when they know that he who is present is a friend, they will still shrink from admitting him within the secret portals of their heart. and when you have learned all that language can convey, there are still a thousand images, suggestions and associations recurring to the indian, which can strike no chord in your heart. the myriad voices of nature are dumb to you, but to them they are full of life and power. no. .--the hunter and medicine legend. there once lived a man who was a great hunter. his generosity was the theme of praise in all the country, for he not only supplied his own family with food, but distributed game among his friends and neighbors, and even called the birds and animals of the forest to partake of his abundance. for this reason he received the appellation of "protector of birds and animals." he lived a hunter's life till war broke out between his own and some distant nation, and then he took the war path. he was as brave a warrior as he was a skillful hunter, and slew a great multitude of the enemy, till all were lying dead around him, except one, who was a _mighty man of valor_, and in an unguarded moment the hunter received a blow from his tomahawk on the head, which felled him to the earth; his enemy then took his scalp and fled. some of his own party saw what befell him, and supposing him dead left him on the field of battle; but a fox who had wandered this way immediately recognized his benefactor. sorrowful indeed, was he to find him thus slain, and began to revolve in his mind some means of restoring him to life. "perhaps," said he, "some of my friends may know of a medicine by which his wounds may be healed, and he may live again." so saying, he ran into the forest and uttered the "death lament," which was the signal for all the animals to congregate. from far and near they came, till hundreds and thousands of every kind had assembled around the body of the hunter, eagerly inquiring what had happened. the fox explained he had accidentally came that way and found their friend stretched lifeless upon the earth. the animals drew near and examined him more closely, to be sure that life was extinct; they rolled him over and over on the ground and were satisfied that he was dead, there was not a single sign of life. then they held a grand council of which the bear was the speaker. when all were ready to listen, he asked if any one present was acquainted with any medicine which would restore the dead man to life. with great alacrity each one examined his medicine box, but finds nothing adapted to this purpose. being defeated in their noble object of restoring their friend, all join in a mournful howl--a requiem for the dead. this attracted a singing bird, the oriole, who came quietly to learn the cause of the assembling of the great concourse and their profound lamentation. the bear made known the calamity which had befallen them, and as the birds would feel themselves equally afflicted, he requested the oriole to fly away and invite all the feathered tribes to come to the council and see if their united wisdom cannot devise a remedy that will restore their friend to life. soon were assembled all the birds of the air, even the great eagle of the iroquois, which was seldom induced to appear upon the earth, hastens to pay her respects to the remains of the renowned and benevolent hunter. all being satisfied that he was really dead, the united council of birds and animals, which remained convened, decided that his scalp must be recovered, saying that any bird or animal who pleased might volunteer to go on this mission. the fox was the first to offer his services and departed full of hope that his zeal would be crowned with success. but after many days he returned, saying he could find no trace of man's footsteps, not a chick or child belonged to any settlement the great love which they bore their friend prompted several others to go upon the same mission, and to the animals belonged the first right as they had first found him; but at length the birds were anxious to show their devotion and the pigeon hawk begged leave to make the first flight, as he was more swift of wing than any other and could visit the whole world in the shortest space of time. they had scarcely missed him when he returned: he said he had been over the entire earth and found it not. they did not consider his voyage satisfactory, as he had flown so swiftly that it was impossible for him to see anything distinctly by the way. next the white heron proposed that he be sent, because of being so slow of wing he could see every object as he passed. on his aerial voyage he discovered a plain covered with the vines of the wild bean, laden with the delicious fruit; it was too great a temptation for him to resist, and he descended to enjoy a feast. so gluttonously did he partake that he could not rise again from the earth, and the council after many days of anxious waiting, called for a substitute. here the crow came forward and acknowledged his fitness for such, an office, as he was also slow of wing and was accustomed to hover settlements and discern them afar off, he would not be suspected of any particular design should he linger near the one that contained the scalp. the warrior who possessed the coveted treasure knew the birds and animals were holding council on the field of battle to devise means to recover it, but when the crow drew near he was not alarmed. the smoke of the wigwams indicated a settlement and as the crow sailed lazily through the air at a great height above the roofs of the cabins, he espied the scalp which he knew must be the one he sought, stretched out to dry. after various unsuccessful strategems, he was able to seize it, and flew away to exhibit his trophy to the council. now, they attempted to fit it to his head, but, being dry, it was impossible; so search was made to find something with which to moisten it, but in vain. then slowly moved forward the great eagle, and bids them listen to his words. "my wings are never furled; night and day, for years and hundreds of years, the dews of heaven have been collected upon my back, as i sat in my nest above the clouds. perhaps these waters may have a virtue no earthly fountain can possess, we will see." then she plucked a feather from her wing and dipped it in the dewey elixir, which was then applied to the shriveled scalp, and lo! it became pliable and fresh as if just removed. now it would fit, but there must be a healing power to cause the flesh to unite, and again to awaken life. all were anxious to do something in the great work, therefore all went forth to bring rare leaves, flowers, barks, the flesh of animals and the brain of birds, to form a healing mixture. when they returned it was prepared, and having been moisted with the dew, was applied to the scalp, and instantly adhered to it and became firm. this caused the hunter to sit up; he looked around in astonishment upon his numerous friends, unable to divine the meaning of so strange an assemblage. then they bade him stand upon his feet and told him how he was found dead upon the plain and how great was the lamentation of all those who had so long experienced his kindness, and the efforts they had made to restore him to life. they then gave him the compound which had been the means of restoring him to life, saying, "it was the gift of the great spirit to man. he alone had directed them in the affairs of the council, had brought the eagle to furnish the heavenly moisture, and gave them wisdom in making the preparation, that they might furnish to man a medicine which should be effectual for every wound." when they had finished the animals departed to their forest haunts, the eagle soared again to his eyrie, and the birds of the air flew away to their nests in the tall trees, all happy and rejoicing that they had accomplished this great good. the hunter returned to his home and spread abroad the news of the miracle and the knowledge of the wonderful medicine, which is used to this day among the iroquois by those who are the favorites of the great spirit. no. . an indian hunter went forth to hunt, and as he wandered through the forest he heard a strain of beautiful music far off among the trees. he listened, but could not tell whence it came; he knew it could not be by any human voice, or from any instrument he had ever heard. as it came near it ceased. the next evening he went forth again, but he heard no music, and again, but in van. then came the great spirit to him in a dream and told him to fast, wash himself till he was purified, then he might go forth and would hear again the music. so he purified himself and went again among the dark trees of the forest, and soon his ear caught the sweet strains, as he drew near they became more beautiful; he listened till he learned them and could make the same sweet sound, then he knew that it was a plant with a tall green stem and long tapering leaves. he took his knife and cut the stalk, but ere he had scarcely finished, it healed and was the same as before; he cut it again, and again it healed. then he knew it would heal diseases, he took it home, dried it by the fire, pulverized it, and applied a few particles of it to a dangerous wound; no sooner had it touched the wound than it was healed. thus the great spirit taught the indian the nature of medicinal plants, and directed him where they were to be found, when and how used. medicine legends. the two above are the legends concerning the principal medicines used among the iroquois. the ancient manner of administering them, was to take a small wooden goblet and go to a running stream, dipping toward the way which the stream ran, fill the goblet and return, place it near the fire with some tobacco near it; a prayer is offered while tobacco is thrown upon the fire, that the words may ascend upon the smoke. the medicine is placed on a piece of skin near the goblet, being very finely pulverized, is taken up with a wooden spoon and dusted upon the water in three spots, in the form of a triangle, thus-- * * * the medicine man then looks at it critically, if it spreads over the surface of the water and whirls about, it is a sign that the invalid will be healed; if it sinks directly in the places where it was put, there is no hope, the sick person must die and the whole is thrown away. once in six months there is a great feast made, at the hunting season in fall and spring. on the night of the feast as soon as it is dark, all who are present assemble in one room, where no light or fire is allowed to burn, and placing the medicine near the covered embers, the tobacco by its side, they commence singing, which proclaims that the crows are coming to their feast, and also many other birds and various animals, the brains of whose species form part of their medicine. at the end of the song some one imitates the caw of a crow, the songs of the birds, the howls of the wolf, etc., as if the animals were present. three times in the course of the night they offer a prayer, while throwing tobacco on the smothered flames, asking that the people may be protected from all harm, and if they receive wounds that the medicine may be effectual in healing them. at the commencement of the ceremonies the doors are locked, and no one is allowed to enter or leave the house while they continue; neither is any one allowed to sleep, as that would spoil the medicine. the feast begins just before the dawn of day. the master of ceremonies first takes a deer's head, bites off a piece, imitates the cry of a crow and passes the head of the animal to another, who does the same, till all have tasted and imitated the peculiar note of some bird or animal. as soon as it begins to be light the presiding officer takes a duck's bill, and dipping it full of the medicine, gives it to each one present, who puts it in a bit of skin and wraps it in several coverings, keeps it carefully until the next semi-annual feast. the skin of a panther is preferred for the first envelope if it can be obtained. those who take part in the ceremonies are medicine men. chiefs are allowed to be present; also, any who have been cured of any disease by the medicine. without the building the young people gather for merriment, and the fragments of the feast are given to them when it is finished. when the medicine described in the second legend is used, the tune is sung which was heard at its discovery, both at the ceremonies of the feast and the time of administering it. they seem to think the ceremonies effectual in making the medicinal qualities of the compound imperishable. each medicine man has a large quantity which he keeps in a bag, and in order not to exhaust the whole, now and then, adds pulverized corn roots, squash vines, etc., and whenever it is administered several persons assemble and sing. both kinds are considered especially useful in healing wounds received in war. in reading the first legend there will be seen very humorous allusions to the habits of the pigeon, heron and crow, and there is a curious invention inspiring faith in the means used in healing. i have seen many who affirmed that they had tested the wonderful powers of each. * * * * * civilization. whatever may be the theories on the subject of indian civilization, i think it must be evident that the present position of the tuscarora nation on their reservation, is extremely favorable for the attainment of that object. they can no longer live by the chase. it is not now with them as it was with the indians on the delaware, when william penn said, "their pleasures feed them--hunting, fishing and fowling." surrounded by the white settlements, placed in the vicinity of cities and towns, they are obliged to apply to agriculture and other modes of labor, for the means of subsistence. they are now building good houses, planting orchards of various kinds of fruit, raising stock, etc.; they have horses and carriages. artificial wants--the very pillars of civilization--are increasing upon them. these require exertion, call into action their mental faculties, force them to provide for coming exigencies, gradually tames down their wild nature, and prepares them for that subdued, but improved state, in which alone is to be found the highest point of cultivation, as well as the highest enjoyment intended for man in this probationary world. if this experiment fails, we may, with melancholy, certainly look forward to a period when this futile branch of the human family shall be swept into oblivion, when the fine sounding names of the lofty mountains, the noble rivers, the splendid cataracts, the great inland seas and the silvery lakes will be the sole memorials of a race, that, only two or three centuries ago, covered the face of this vast continent. on the other hand, if this experiment should succeed, it will open a door of hope for the preservation, or if we may use the term, physical salvation of this apparently doomed race. it may encourage the philanthrophist to stretch forth his hand for the protection of the yet remaining tribes beyond the mississippi; and the child may already be born, who will live to behold that vast wilderness thickly dotted over with indian communities, with towns, villages, farms and manufacturing hamlets. they may live to see the hoe and the spade take the place of the bow and the tomahawk; the lion and the lamb feeding together; the sword beaten into a plowshare, and the spear into a pruning hook. domestic. in the first place, to women, in every well regulated society, should be committed the management of the families and the business connected with the household concerns, and they should be qualified to exercise a salutary influence within their appropriate sphere. secondly, as mothers they are responsible for the nursing and rearing of their children and for the proper sustenance of them in early life. they are also responsible for the habits of their children, including cleanliness and general propriety of behavior. a sensible, judicious mother can greatly control her children in these matters; she can make them modest or impertinent, ingenuous or deceitful, fearful or intrepid. the germ of all these traits of character exist in childhood, and a mother can repress or strengthen them. thirdly, a mother is responsible for the principles her children may entertain in early life, and it is for her to say whether they shall be imbued with sentiments of honesty, industry and morality, or with those of a contrary character--fraud, idleness and dishonesty. she is, to a very considerable extent responsible for the temper and disposition of her children. constitutionally he may be irritable or revengeful, but she may correct or repress these passions and in their places instil better feelings. lastly, and above all, she is responsible for the religious education of her children. the beginning of wisdom is a reverence for our creator, and obedience to his requirings; and this is within the power of every good mother to inculcate and cherish in the hearts of her children; at the same time it is the most important duty she owes them, and their usefulness and character throughout life may depend upon her correct and faithful discharge of it. if these be the appropriate duties and obligations of a mother, will it not be vain to expect that the indian warrior will be qualified for that station, or that they will be in a condition to give a proper education to their children, or train them up in habits or principles that will render them intelligent and good citizens, whilst they themselves are left in ignorance, and while, instead of devoting their time and attention to his discharge of these high moral duties, they are held in a state of servile degradation and compelled to perform all the menial drudgeries of life? women are created by providence equal to men in everything except mere physical strength. generally, they have much more discretion, and certainly are far more virtuous. they were designed to exercise a conservative influence in society and should be placed in a position which would enable them to fulfill this-most important office; for history confirms the deeply interesting fact, that no people ever yet were elevated to the rank of civilization, while their females were held in a servile condition, and we are also admonished by experience, that no community can be virtuous and happy, which is not chastened by the controlling example of female delicacy and refinement. these views are submitted to the consideration of the tuscaroras, in the hope that they will receive their serious attention, and lead to the adoption of an improved and proper division of the employments, both of the men and women of the nation; especially to the extension of more care towards the suitable education of their females, and the consequent elevation of the tuscarora women to their appropriate station and dignity, as the wives and rational companions of intelligent and educated husbands. in my communications, i have not felt it my duty to call your attention to any particular forms or observances in relation to your religious obligations. i believe that god is a spirit, and true worship to him can only be performed in spirit and in truth. i also believe that however diversified the human family may be in regard to the circumstances in which they may be placed, all stand equally before their creator, as objects of his care and personal regard; in his great mercy he visits us with remorse and sadness, when we have wilfully done what we know to be wrong, and which, if persisted in, might lead us to destruction; and it is he who fills our hearts with peace and consolation when we do that which we believe to be right. his goodness is not limited to any people or place nor, is that adoration which is due to him confined within temples built with human hands, or restricted to any particular form; he is everywhere present and in every place; the incense of a pious, devoted heart, may acceptably be offered to him in the rude homes of the red man. the plants of the earth are not more directly under the influences of the natural light and warmth by which they are nourished, than is the immortal soul or spirit of man under the immediate care and sustaining support of the divine presence, which is always near and round about us; for it is in him we live, and move, and have our existence. deeply impressed with the certainty of these truths, and fully believing he will never fail to lead in the paths of safety and peace, those who sincerely look to him for instruction and faithfully follow his counsel, i recommend you, with myself, carefully to attend to his manifestations of light and truth upon our minds, which will never deceive nor mslead, but, if obeyed, wisely conduct us through the dangers of this life, and finally will prepare us for a happy admission into the realms of eternal rest. osteological remains. "in the town of cambria, six miles west of lockport, a mr. hammon, who was employed with his boy in hoeing corn, in , observed some bones of a child, exhumed. no farther thought was bestowed upon the subject for a time, for the plain of the ridge was supposed to have been the site of an indian village, and this was supposed to be the remains of some child who had been recently buried there. eli bruce, hearing of the circumstance, proposed to mr. h. that they should repair to the spot, with suitable instruments, and endeavor to find some relics. the soil was a light loam, which would be dry and preserve bones for centuries without decay. a search enabled them to come to a pit but a slight distance from the surface. the top of the pit was covered with small slabs of the medina sandstone, and was twenty-four feet square, four and a half feet deep, planes agreeing with the four cardinal points. it was filled with human bones of both sexes and ages. they dug down at one extremity and found the same layers to extend to the bottom, which was the dry loam, and from their calculations, they deduced that at least four thousand souls had perished in one great massacre. in one skull two flint arrow-heads were found, and many had the appearance of having been fractured and cleft open by a sudden blow. they were piled in regular layers, but with no regard to size or sex. pieces of pottery were picked up in the pit, and had also been plowed up in the field adjacent. traces of a log council house were plainly discernable. for, in an oblong square, the soil was poor, as if it had been cultivated, till the whites broke it up, and where the logs of the house had decayed, was a strip of rich mould. a maple tree, over the pit, being cut down, two hundred and fifty concentric circles were counted, making the mound to be a. d. . it has been supposed by the villagers that the bones were deposited there before the discovery of america, but the finding of some metal tools with a french stamp, placed the date within our period. one hundred and fifty persons a day visited this spot the first season, and carried off portions of the bones. they are now nearly all gone and the pit plowed over. will any antiquarian inform us, if possible, why these bones were placed here? to what tribe do they belong? when did such a massacre occur?" the above is taken from the writings of mr. schoolscraft. on account of the questions above, i propose to give a tradition, (which the tuscaroras have preserved,) to give the antiquarians and critics a question to solve. was the great massacre above made in the circumstance of the tradition below, to wit: there was a settlement or indian nation where appeared several white men under the cloak of missionaries, (the reason i use the term cloak is by the way it terminated), and preached to them the gospel of jesus christ, and the great love evinced by the father in sending his only son to suffer and die on the cross to redeem the red children of nature, as well as the pale faces, from their degradation, shame and woe, to that of endless felicity beyond the shores of time. and that they wished to erect a house of worship in their midst, in which they might do their oblation to the great spirit, and that if they embraced the gospel they would have annuities from the government, to all of which the simple people of the forest made their assent. they immediately went to work, dug for the cellar, and erected the building on abutments of wood, and alleged that they would finish the cellar afterwards. when the chapel was finished the indians began to worship in it. now the time of the annuity arrived. the indians were told to all congregate and into the church, men, women and children, and all those who refused to enter, should be omitted in the distribution of the annuity. consequently the building was entered by them and filled jammed full. but there were two suspecting indians who kept a proper distance away, ambushed, to see the result. after it was thought all had entered, there was a company of soldiers with guns and burning faggots, surrounded the building and set it on fire on all sides, after they had fastened the door. in this condition they all perished within the flames. i will not make any attempt to give a sketch or in any way write in words the horrors and heart-rendings cries and moans of the dying children of nature in the flames, through a disguise of sheep's clothing, but will leave it to the conjecture of the reader. after the flames had subsided, these two indians repaired to the doomed spot, and found a heap of bones hob-nob, and they observed that some of the skulls and bones of the different parts of the body were fractured and broke open, supposed to have been done by, the falling timbers of the burning house. it is said, "in one skull, two flint arrow-heads were found." how easy for the artifice of the white men that accomplished the massacre in the manner they did, to have sunk these two flint arrows into one of those skulls, to leave the conjecture in after times to have been done by an indian war. mr. c. p. turner, with an honorable age of years, in . told me that he visited the deposit of these bones, the next day after they were uncovered, saw the skull with the two flint arrows in it, and saw the great deposit of bones in this mound, and also said the pile was in hap- hazard, and not "in regular layers," as stated above. he also saw bones which indicated being those of a child about inches in height. the tuscaroras who preserve this tradition are located in the vicinity in which this mound of bones were found. all historians are very cautious to leave out or omit from the pages of their history, any circumstance in the nature of the above tradition. an account of sa-go-ye-wat-ha or red jacket and his people, - . by john n. hubbard dedication _to the hon. henry g. hubbard, of middletown, conn._ dear sir: your name, associated with many pleasant memories in the past, and in later years with substantial tokens of esteem, is held in grateful recollection; and the hope that these pages may serve to interest an occasional leisure hour, has led to their being inscribed to you, by your friend and relative. the author. preface. the "life and times of red jacket" by colonel william l. stone, has been before the public for many years. the industry and ability of the author have made it a work of great value, and his extensive researches have left but little room for anything new to be said, by one coming after him. yet the fact need not be concealed that many, who were intimately acquainted with red jacket, were disappointed when they came to read his biography. if it had been prepared under the direct influence and superintendence of thayendanegea, or brant, it could not have reflected more truly the animus of that distinguished character. red jacket in his day was the subject, at different times of much angry feeling, and jealousy. the author has not taken pains to embalm it, in these memorials of the great orator of the senecas. much that was the subject of criticism during his life, admits of a more charitable construction, and the grave should become the receptacle of all human resentments. the author acknowledges his indebtedness to the labors of col. stone, and by an honorable arrangement, liberty was obtained for the use made of them, in the following pages. acknowledgments are due also to others, whose names will appear in the course of this work. tracy, cal., _april th_, . contents. chapter i. red jacket--name widely known--interest connected with his history--his origin--development of his genius--opinion of capt. horatio jones--customs of his people--their councils--love of eloquence--distinguished names-- eloquence an art among them--peculiarity of their language--field opened for his genius. chapter ii. glance at the early history of the iroquois--territory they occupied-- location of the different tribes--strength of their confederacy-- tuscaroras--traditions--probable course of their migrations--senecas-- story of their origin--singular romance. chapter iii. name red jacket, how acquired--indian name--name conferred--singular superstition--red jacket during the war of the revolution--neutrality of the indians proposed--services sought by great britain--sketch of sir wm. johnson--red jacket's position--taunt of cowardice--testimony of little beard--charge made by brant--red jacket's indifference--anecdote--early love of eloquence--interesting reminiscences. chapter iv. early struggles--red jacket's opportunity for trial--council at fort stanwix--office of sachem--his opposition to the treaty--excitement produced by his speech--part taken by cornplanter--his influence in deciding the treaty--how it affected him. chapter v. united states claim to indian lands--conflicting claims between states-- manner of adjustment--attempt to acquire by a lease--attempt defeated-- lands acquired by new york--from onondagas, oneidas, cayugas--indian destitution--indications of trouble--design of severing western new york from the rest of the state--how defeated--phelps and gorham purchase. chapter vi. union of the western indians--hostile influence of the british indian department in canada--ambitious project of thayendanegea or brant--visits england, desiring british aid in the event of war with the united states-- council at tioga point--indian ceremonies--visit of cornplanter and others at the seat of government--fresh occasion of trouble. chapter vii. expedition under general harmar--its failure--high expectations of the indians--colonel proctor visits the indians at buffalo creek--red jacket's speech--indian deputation refused--interference of the matrons--council at painted post--chiefs invited to philadelphia. chapter viii. expedition to the indian country under general st. clair--washington's charge--approach to indian villages--sudden surprise--disastrous battle-- indian victory--retreat of american force to fort jefferson--boldness of the indians--friendly indian deputation--welcome of the governor of pennsylvania--red jacket's speech in reply--address of president washington--red jacket's reply--cause of indian hostilities. chapter ix. indian appropriation--deputation to the west promised--instructions-- silver medal given to red jacket by the president--military suits-- washington's address at parting--thayendanegea's visit--council at au glaize--another indian council--delegation--british control--washington's letter--army under general wayne--successful campaign--treaty concluded. chapter x. canandaigua at an early day--facts in the early settlement of bloomfield-- indian council--its object--indian parade--indian dress--opening of the council--speeches--liberal offers of the government--mr. savary's journal --conclusion of treaty--account of red jacket by thomas morris. chapter xi. valley of the genesee--indian misgivings--mill yard--effort to obtain their land--council at big tree--coming of the wadsworths--indian villages--refusal to sell--discussion between red jacket and thomas morris--breaking up of the council. chapter xii. interview between farmer's brother and thomas morris--mr. morris addresses the women--distributes presents--negotiations continued--treaty concluded with the women and warriors--manner of payment--inquiries about a bank-- their reservations--white women--young king's dissent--final settlement-- charge of insincerity. chapter xiii. council at canawangus--interesting reminiscence of red jacket--address of farmer's brother--jasper parish--horatio jones--red jacket's visit at hartford, conn. chapter xiv. cornplanter in disrepute--effort to regain his standing--red jacket charged with witchcraft--his defense--further notice of cornplanter--early recollections--with the indians who defeated gen. braddock in --with the english in the war of the revolution--takes his father a prisoner--his address--release of his father--address to the governor of pennsylvania-- visit of president alden--close of his life. chapter xv. change in red jacket's views--causes producing it--unfavorable to any change in the habits of his people--opposes the introduction of christianity among them--visit of a missionary--missionary's speech--red jacket's reply--unpleasant termination of the council. chapter xvi. tecumseh and indian confederation--aid given by elskawata--doings at the prophet's town--great indian council at the west--red jacket's claim for precedence to be given the senecas--his adherence to the united states-- hostilities encouraged by british agents--warriors gathered at the prophet's town--visited by general harrison at the head of his troops-- hostilities disclaimed--surprised by a sudden attack--indians defeated-- war proclaimed against england--indians take sides--unfavorable commencement--different successes--part taken by red jacket. chapter xvii. taking of fort erie--battle of chippewa--service rendered by the indians-- general porter's account of the campaign--red jacket commended--withdrawal of indian forces--other successes--conclusion of peace. chapter xviii. pre-emptive right to the indian reservations, sold to the ogden company-- council to obtain an extinguishment of the indian title--red jacket's reply to mr. ogden's speech--indians refuse to sell--another council called--account given by hon. albert tracy--various utterances of the orator on that occasion--indians appeal to the governments of the united states and new york--noble response of governor de witt clinton of new york--final success of the ogden company. chapter xix. witchcraft--case of tom. jemmy--testimony of red jacket--red jacket's philippic--finding of the court--remarkable interview of dr. breckenridge with red jacket--further expression of views. chapter xx. personal characteristics--interview with general lafayette--visit of a french nobleman--col. pickering reproved--address on launching a schooner bearing his name--anecdote of red jacket and capt. jones--his humor-- strong memory--its cultivation--contempt for pretension without merit-- love of the sublime--portraits--acute perception--refined sense of propriety--first bridge at niagara falls--loss of his children--care for his people. chapter xxi. views at the close of life--incident--his lifework--unfavorable influences --advance of christian party--conversion of red jacket's wife--leaves her --his return--red jacket deposed--journey to washington--his restoration-- rapid decline--regards his end as near--talks with the people--endeavors to unite them--sickness and death. plates. portrait of red jacket portrait of king hendrick view of johnson hall portrait of sir john johnson portrait of barry st. leger portrait of joseph brant facsimile of washington's medal view of seneca mission church view of red jacket's house chapter i. name widely known--interest naturally awakened in his history--his origin --development of his genius--opinion of capt. horatio jones--customs of his people--their love of eloquence--distinguished orators among them--the inviting field opened. among the aborigines of this country, few names have excited a deeper interest, or have been more widely and familiarly known than that of red jacket. the occasion of this notoriety was the rare fact that, though a rude and unlettered son of the forest, he was distinguished for the arts and accomplishments of the orator. his life marks an era in the history of his nation and his name like that of demosthenes, is forever associated with eloquence. other circumstances however, impart interest to his history. his was the last great name of a nation, and he is entitled to remembrance, on the soil which was once the home of his fathers. and though linked with a melancholy association, as connected with the waning history of a people that once laid a claim to greatness, but are now fast passing into obscurity, it is not on this account the less attractive, but presents another reason for our regard. such was the name of sa-go-ye-wat-ha, or, as he has more commonly been called, red jacket. having risen, by the force of his eloquence, from an obscure station to the highest rank among his people, he became conspicuous in all of those great transactions, in which they gradually relinquished a title to their old hunting grounds, and gave place to the intrusive white man. and he lived to see his nation pass from the pride of their ancient dominion, to so humble an inheritance, that his last days were embittered with the thought, that the _red men_ were destined to become extinct. with him has ceased the glory of their council fire, and of their name. his origin, as we have intimated, was obscure. he must be introduced, as he has come down to us, without rank or pedigree. his pedigree nature acknowledged, and gave him a right to become great among her sons. his birth is a matter of fact, its time and place, circumstances of conjecture. some affirm that he was born at the old seneca castle, near the foot of seneca lake, not far from . [footnote: hist. of north american tribes by thos. l. mckenney.] another tradition awards the honor of his birth to a place at, or near canoga, on the banks of the cayuga lake. [footnote: schoolcraft's report.] who were his parents? and what, his early history? as the wave casts upon the shore some treasured fragment, and then recedes to mingle with its parent waters, so their names, and much of his early history have been lost in the oblivion of the past. so likewise it is uncertain, as to the time when the wonderful powers of his genius began to be developed, or as to the steps by which he arrived at the high distinction of orator among his people. whether by dint of study he gained the requisite discipline of mind, and acquired that elegance of diction for which he was distinguished; whether by repeated trial and failure, accompanied by a proud ambition, and an unyielding purpose, he reached, like demosthenes, the summit of his aspirations; or, assisted more by nature than by art, emerged, like patrick henry at once, into the grand arena of mind, and by a single effort attained distinction and fame, is to be gathered more from circumstances than from facts. it is generally conceded, however, that the powers of his intellect were of the highest order. captain horatio jones, the well known interpreter and agent among the indians, and than whom no one was more intimately acquainted with this orator of the seneca nation, was accustomed to speak of him as the greatest man that ever lived. "for," said he, "the great men of our own and of other times, have become so by education; but red jacket was as nature made him. had he enjoyed their advantages, he would have surpassed them, since it can hardly be supposed that they, without these, would have equalled him." [footnote: conversation of the author with col. wm. jones, of geneseo, livingston co., n. y., son of capt. horatio jones.] some allowance should be made for this statement, perhaps, on the ground that mr. jones was a warm admirer of the orator's genius; yet his admiration sprang from an intimate knowledge of him, seen under circumstances, that afforded the best opportunity of forming a just opinion of his talents; and these, he maintained, "_were among the noblest that nature ever conferred upon man_." but genius, while it may have smoothed the way, may not have spared him the pains, by which ordinary minds ascend to greatness. for since it is so universally the fact, that the path to eminence, is rugged and steep, and the gifts of fame seldom bestowed but in answer to repeated toil; curiosity would inquire by what means one, who was reputed a barbarian, gained the highest distinction ever awarded to civilized man. it is not enough to reply simply, "_that nature made him so_," or to receive, without qualification, his own proud assertion, "i am an orator, i was born an orator." the laws of mind are the same for peasants, and princes in intellect; great minds as well as small, must take measures to compass their object, or leave it unattained. it does not appear that his genius was sudden, or precocious in its development. it is said that his mind, naturally active and brilliant, gradually opened, until it reached its meridian splendor. nor did his powers grow without any means to mature and perfect them. as the young oak is strengthened by warring with the storm, so the faculties of his mind gained force by entering freely into conflicts of opinion. accustomed to canvass in private the questions which agitated the councils of his nation, he began to ascertain the reality of his own power, and by measuring his own with other minds, he gained the confidence that flows from superior wisdom. [footnote: conversation with col. wm. jones.] the tastes and regulations of his own people favored very much, the promptings of his genius. they were lovers of eloquence, and their form of government fostered its cultivation. this though differing but little from the simplicity found in rude states of society, presented a feature peculiar among a people not far advanced in civilization, which served greatly to promote elevation of mind, and advance them far above a condition of barbarism. they were in the habit of meeting in public assemblies, to discuss those questions that pertained to the interests, or destiny of their nation. around their council fires their chiefs and warriors gathered, and entered freely, so far as their dignity, consideration, or power of debate admitted, into a deliberation on public affairs. and here were manifested an ability and decorum which civilized nations even, have viewed with admiration and surprise. for though we might suppose their eloquence must have partaken of rant and rhapsody, presenting a mass of incoherent ideas, depending for their interest on the animation of gesture and voice, with which they were uttered, yet we would do injustice to their memory, if we did not give their orators the credit of speaking as much to the purpose, and of exhibiting as great a force of intellect, as many who would claim a higher place than they in the scale of intelligence and refinement. many of their orators were distinguished for strength of mind, and in native power of genius, might compare favorably, with the men of any age or clime. the names of garangula, adario, hendrick, skenandoah, logan and others, might be mentioned with pride by any people. [illustration: king hendrick] garangula, has been styled the very nestor of his nation, whose powers of mind would not suffer in comparison with a roman, or more modern senator. [footnote: drake.] adario is said to have been a man of "great mind, the bravest of the brave," and possessing altogether the best qualities of any indian known to the french in canada. [footnote: charlevoix.] it has been remarked of hendrick, that for capacity, bravery, vigor of mind, and immovable integrity united, he excelled all the aboriginal inhabitants of the united states, of whom any knowledge has come down to the present time. [footnote: dr. dwight.] skenandoah in his youth was a brave and intrepid warrior, and in his riper years one of the best of counsellors among the north american tribes. he possessed a most vigorous mind, and was alike active, sagacious, and persevering. he will long be remembered for a saying of his to one who visited him toward the close of life; "i am," said he, "an aged hemlock, the winds of an hundred winters have whistled through my branches. i am dead at the top. the generation to which i belonged has run away and left me." he was a sincere believer in the christian religion, and added to the above "why i live the great and good spirit only knows. pray to my jesus, that i may have patience to wait for my appointed time to die." [footnote: annals of tryon county.] and mr. jefferson regarded the appeal of logan to the white men, after the extirpation of his family, as without a parallel in the history of eloquence. these were men who have been revered by the civilized world, as worthy of a place with the distinguished and great among mankind. "oratory was not alone a natural gift, but an art among the iroquois. it enjoined painful study, unremitting practice, and sedulous observation of the style, and methods of the best masters. red jacket did not rely upon his native powers alone, but cultivated the art with the same assiduity that characterized the great athenian orator. the iroquois, as their earliest english historian observed, cultivated an attic or classic elegance of speech, which entranced every ear, among their red auditory." [footnote: mr. bryant's speech.] those public games, entertainments, religious ceremonies and dances, common among the indian tribes, added interest to their council gatherings, and made them a scene of attraction for the entire nation. thither the young and old of both sexes were accustomed to resort, and, assembled at their national forum, listened with profound attention and silence to each word spoken by their orators. "the unvarying courtesy, sobriety and dignity of their convocations led one of their learned jesuit historians to liken them to the roman senate." [footnote: w. c. bryant's speech before the buffalo historical society on the occasion of the re- interment of red jacket's remains.] "their language was flexible and sonorous, the sense largely depending upon inflection, copious in vowel sounds, abounding in metaphor; affording constant opportunity for the ingenious combination and construction of words to image delicate, and varying shades of thought, and to express vehement manifestations of passion; admitting of greater and more sudden variations in pitch, than is permissable in english oratory, and encouraging pantomimic gesture, for greater force and effect. in other words it was not a cold, artificial, mechanical medium for the expression of thought or emotion, or the concealment of either, but was constructed, as we may fancy, much as was the tuneful tongue spoken by our first parents, who stood in even closer relations to nature." [footnote: ib.] hence, though the iroquois were a warlike people, and delighted in deeds of bravery, there was an inviting field opened to one, who could chain their attention by his eloquence, and sway their emotions at will. such advantages being presented for the exercise of the powers of oratory, it can hardly be supposed that a mind endowed as richly, as was red jacket's, by the gifts of nature, would fail to perceive the path in which lay the true road to eminence among his people. and his subsequent career indicates but too clearly, the choice he made of the field in which to exercise his noble powers. chapter ii. glance at the early history of the iroquois--the territory occupied-- tuscaroras--original strength--traditions--probable course of migration-- the senecas--story of their origin--singular romance. rising up from the obscurity of the past, we find a people, singular in their habits and character, whose history has been strangely, and in some respects sadly interwoven with our own. they were the original occupants of the soil, claiming to have lived here always, and to have grown out of the soil like the trees of the forest. scattered over this continent were various indian tribes, resembling each other in their general features and habits, but in some instances exhibiting stronger and more interesting traits of character than the others. among these were the iroquois, and if red jacket was distinguished among his own people, his own people were not less conspicuous among the north american indians. he sprang from the senecas, and was accustomed to speak of his origin with feelings of conscious pride. for the senecas were the most numerous and powerful of the six nations, of whom they were a part. such was the title given to that celebrated indian confederacy which, for a length of time unknown to us, inhabited the territory embraced by the state of new york. here they lived in a line of settlements extending from one end to the other, through the middle of the state, and their domain as thus occupied, they were accustomed to style their _long house_. it was a shadowy dome, of generous amplitude, covered by the azure expanse above, garnished with hills, lakes, and laughing streams, and well stored with provisions, in the elk and deer that bounded freely through its forest halls, the moose that was mirrored in its waters, and the trout, those luscious speckled beauties, that nestled cosily in its crystal chambers. the eastern door was guarded by the mohawks, who resided at one, and its western by the senecas, who dwelt at the other extremity of this abode. when ever a messenger from another nation came to them on business, or knocked, as it was termed, at the eastern or western door of their _long house_, it was the duty of the nation to which he came, to give him entertainment, and examine into the nature of his embassy. if it was of small importance, it was decided by their own council; but if it was such as to demand the united wisdom of the tribes, a runner was sent with a belt of wampum to the nearest nation, which would take the belt and send a runner with it to the next, and so on, and thus with but little delay, a general meeting was summoned of all the tribes. this confederacy at one time consisted of five nations, but afterward embraced six, by the addition of the tuscaroras, a tribe that once occupied the territory of north carolina. this tribe is said to have belonged at an early day to the iroquois family, and to have inherited the enterprising and warlike character of the parent stock. they fought successfully with the catawbas, cowetas, and the cherokees, and thought to exterminate by one decisive blow, all of the white inhabitants within their borders. unsuccessful in the attempt, pressed sorely by the whites, who resisted the attack, and unwilling themselves to submit, they removed to the north, and through sympathy, similarity of taste, manners, or language, or from the stronger motives of consanguinity, became incorporated with the confederated tribes of the iroquois. [footnote: schoolcraft's report. mr. schoolcraft prefers, and quite justly the name iroquois, as descriptive of this confederacy, instead of six nations, since the term is well known, and applicable to them in every part of their history. whereas the other is appropriate only during the time when they were numerically six.] thus constituted they presented the most formidable power, of which we have any knowledge in the annals of the indian race. by their united strength they were able to repel invasion, from any of the surrounding nations, and by the force of their arms and their prowess in war, gained control over an extent of territory much greater than they occupied. they sent their war parties in every direction. the tribes north, east, south, and west of them were made to feel the power of their arms, and yield successively to their dexterity and valor. now they were launching their war-canoes upon the lakes and rivers of the west, now engaged in bloody conflicts with the catawbas and cherokees of the south, now traversing regions of snow in pursuit of the algonquins of the north, and anon spreading consternation and dread among the tribes at the remotest east. their energy and warlike prowess made them a terror to their foes, and distant nations pronounced their name with awe. by what means these several tribes had been brought to unite themselves under one government, how long they had existed in this relation, and what was the origin of each one, or of all, are questions which will never perhaps be fully determined. there being no written records among them, all that can be ascertained of their history previous to their becoming known to the whites, must be gathered from the dim light of tradition, from their symbolic representations, from antique remains of their art, and from their legends and myths. these present in an obscure and shadowy form, a few materials of history, whose value is to be measured by the consideration, that they are all we have to tell the story of a noble and interesting race of men. their traditions speak of the creation of the world, the formation of man, and the destruction of the world by a deluge. they suppose the existence originally of two worlds, an upper and lower. the upper completed and filled with an intelligent order of beings, the lower unformed and chaotic, whose surface was covered with water, in which huge monsters careered, uncontrolled and wild. from the upper there descended to the lower a creating spirit, in the form of a beautiful woman. she alighted on the back of a huge tortoise, gave birth to a pair of male twins and expired. thereupon the shell of the tortoise began to enlarge, and grew until it became a "_big island_" and formed this continent. these two infant sons became, one the author of _good_, the other of _evil_. the creator of _good_ formed whatever was praiseworthy and useful. from the head of his deceased mother he made the sun, from the remaining parts of her body, the moon and stars. when these were created the water- monsters were terrified by the light, and fled and hid themselves in the depths of the ocean. he diversified the earth by making rivers, seas and plains, covered it with animals, and filled it with productions beneficial to mankind. he then formed man and woman, put life into them, and called them ong-we hon-we _a real people_. [footnote: this term is significant of true manhood. it implies that there was nothing of sham in their make up.] the creator of _evil_ was active in making mountains, precipices, waterfalls, reptiles, morasses, apes, and whatever was injurious to, or in mockery of mankind. he put the works of the _good_ out of order, hid his animals in the earth, and destroyed things necessary for the sustenance of man. his conduct so awakened the displeasure of the _good_, as to bring them into personal conflict. their time of combat, and arms were chosen, one selecting flag-roots, the other the horns of a deer. two whole days they were engaged in unearthly combat; but finally the _maker of good_, who had chosen the horns of a deer, prevailed, and retired to the world above. the _maker of evil_ sank below to a region of darkness, and became the _evil spirit_, or kluneolux of the world of despair. [footnote: schoolcraft's indian cosmogony.] many of their accounts appear to be purely fabulous, but not more so perhaps than similar traditions, to be found in the history of almost every nation. the iroquois refer their origin to a point near oswego falls. they boldly affirm that their people were here taken from a subterranean vault, by the divine being, and conducted eastward along the river ye-no-na-nat-che, _going around a mountain_, now the mohawk, until they came to where it discharges into a great river running toward the mid-day sun, the hudson, and went down this river and touched the bank of a _great water_, while the main body returned by the way they came, and as they proceeded westward, originated the different tribes composing their nation; and to each tribe was assigned the territory they occupied, when first discovered by the whites. [footnote: account by david cusick, as contained in schoolcraft's report. mr. s. regards this account correct as indicating the probable course of their migrations.] the senecas, the fifth tribe of the iroquois, were directed in their original location, to occupy a hill near the head of canandaigua lake. this hill, called ge-nun-de-wa, is venerated as the birth place of their nation. it was surrounded anciently by a rude fortification which formed their dwelling in time of peace, and served for a shelter from any sudden attack of a hostile tribe. tradition hallows this spot on account of the following very remarkable occurrence. far back in the past, the inhabitants of the hill genundewa, were surprised on awaking one morning, to behold themselves surrounded by an immense serpent. his dimensions were so vast as to enable him to coil himself completely around the fort. his head and tail came together at its gate. there he lay writhing and hissing, presenting a most menacing and hideous aspect. his jaws were widely extended, and he hissed so terribly no one ventured to approach near. the inhabitants were thus effectually blockaded. some endeavored, but in vain, to kill this savage monster. others tried to escape, but his watchful eyes prevented their endeavors. others again sought to climb over his body, but were unable; while others still attempted to pass by his head, but fell into his extended jaws. their confinement grew every day more and more painful, and was rendered doubly annoying by the serpent's breath, which was very offensive. their situation drove them at length to an extremity not to be endured. they armed themselves with hatchets, and clubs, and whatever implements of war they could find, and made a vigorous sally upon their dreadful foe, but, alas! were all engulfed in his terrific jaws. it so happened that two orphan children remained, after the destruction which befell the rest. they were directed by an oracle to make a bow of a certain kind of willow, and an arrow of the same, the point of which they were to dip in poison, and then shoot the monster, aiming so as to hit him under his scales. in doing this, they encountered their adversary with entire success. for no sooner had the arrow penetrated his skin, than he presently began to grow sick, exhibiting signs of the deepest distress. he threw himself into every imaginable shape, and with wonderful contortions and agonizing pains, rolled his ponderous body down along the declivity of the mountain, uttering horrid noises as he went, prostrating trees in his course, and falling finally into the lake below. here he slaked his thirst, and showed signs of great distress, by dashing about furiously in the water. soon he vomited up the heads of those whom he had swallowed, and immediately after expired and sank to rise no more. [footnote: as related to the author by col. wm. jones.] from these two children, as thus preserved, the seneca nation are said to have sprung. so implicitly has this tradition been received by the senecas, that it has been incorporated into the solemnities of their worship, and its remembrance continued from one generation to another by the aid of religious rites. here they were formerly in the habit of assembling in council, and here their prayers and thanksgivings were offered to the great spirit, for having given them birth, and for rescuing their nation from entire destruction. in speaking of this to the whites, they point to the barren hillside, as evincing the truth of the story, affirming that one day the forest trees stood thick upon it, but was stripped of them by the great serpent as he rolled down its declivity. the round stones found there in great abundance, resembling in size and shape the human head, are taken as additional proof, for they affirm that these are the heads disgorged by the serpent, and have been petrified by the waters of the lake. [footnote: the author remembers well that in conversation with a seneca indian on this point, he seemed to take it as quite an affront that doubts should be expressed by the white people as to the reality of this occurrence.] if nearness of locality will justify a glance of the eye for a moment, to an object not directly in the line of our pursuit, we might survey in passing a bold projecting height, not far from the hill genundewa, marked by a legend which draws a tear from the eye of the dusky warrior, or sends him away in a thoughtful mood, with a shade of sadness upon his usually placid brow. the story is not of the same character and is of a more recent date than that of the serpent, but is said to be of great antiquity. it has been written with great beauty by col. stone, and as we are authorized, we present it in his own language. "during the wars of the senecas and algonquins of the north, a chief of the latter was captured and carried to genundewa, whereon a fortification, consisting of a square without bastions, and surrounded by palisades, was situated. the captive though young in years, was famed for his prowess in the forest conflict, and nature had been bountiful to his person in those gifts of strength and symmetry, which awaken savage admiration. after a short debate he was condemned to die on the following day, by the slow torture of empalement. while he was thus lying in the cabin of death, a lodge devoted to condemned prisoners, the daughter of the sachem brought him food, and struck with his manly form and heroic bearing, resolved to save him or share his fate. her bold enterprise was favored by the uncertain light of the gray dawn, while the solitary sentinel, weary of his night-watch, and forgetful of his duty, was slumbering. stealing with noiseless tread to the side of the young captive, she cut the thongs wherewith his limbs were bound, and besought him in breathless accents to follow her. "the fugitives descended the hill by a wooded path conducting to the lake; but ere they reached the water, an alarm whoop, wild and shrill, was heard issuing from the waking guard. they tarried not, though thorny vines and fallen timber obstructed their way. at length they reached the smooth beach, and leaping into a canoe previously provided by the considerate damsel, they plied the paddle vigorously, steering for the opposite shore. vain were their efforts. on the wind came cries of rage, and the quick tramp of savage warriors, bounding over rock and glen in fierce pursuit. the algonquin with the reckless daring of a young brave, sent back a yell of defiance, and soon after the splash of oars was heard, and a dozen war canoes were cutting the billows in their rear. the unfortunate lovers on landing, took a trail leading in a western direction over the hills. the algonquin, weakened by unhealed wounds, followed his active guide up the aclivity, with panting heart and flagging pace; while his enemies, with the grim old sachem at their head, drew nearer and nearer. at length finding further attempts at flight useless, she diverged from the trail, and conducted her lover to a table-crested rock that projected over a ravine or gulf, one hundred and fifty feet in depth, the bottom of which was strewed with misshapen rocks, scattered in rude confusion. with hearts nerved to a high resolve, the hapless pair awaited the arrival of their yelling pursuers. conspicuous by his eagle plume, towering form and scowling brow, the daughter soon descried her inexorable sire, leaping from crag to crag below her. he paused abruptly when his fiery eye rested on the objects of his pursuit. notching an arrow on the string of his tried and unerring bow, he raised his sinewy arms--but ere the missile was sent, wun-nut-hay, _the beautiful_, interposed her form between her father and his victim. in wild appealing tones she entreated her sire to spare the young chieftain, assuring him that they would leap together from the precipice rather than be separated. the stern old man, deaf to her supplication, and disregarding her menace, ordered his followers to seize the fugitive. warrior after warrior darted up the rock, but on reaching the platform, at the moment when they were grasping to clutch the young brave, the lovers, locked in fond embrace, flung themselves 'from the steep rock, and perished.' "the mangled bodies were buried in the bottom of the glen, beneath the shade of everlasting rocks; and two small hollows, resembling sunken graves, are to this day pointed out to the curious traveler, as the burial place of the lovers." it is a sweet, wild haunt, the sunbeams fall there with softened radiance, and a brook near by gives out a complaining murmur, as if mourning for the dead. [footnote: mr. stone adds in a note-- "this interesting legend was derived many years ago from a seneca chief of some note, named chequered cap, and was communicated to me by w. h. c. hosmer, esq., of avon. on the top of genundewa the remains of an indian orchard are visible, a few moss-grown and wind-bowed apple trees still linger, sad, but fitting emblems of the wasted race by whom they were planted."] let us return to the inquiry we were pursuing. of the origin of the iroquois confederacy, some traditionary accounts have been given, which represent the different tribes as dwelling for a time, in the separate locations assigned them, independent of each other. here they increased in valor, skill and knowledge, suited to their forest home. at length becoming numerous, rival interests arose among them, which did not exist when they were small and feeble. they fell into contention, and wasted and destroyed each other. each tribe fortified his own position, and dwelt in constant fear of being surprised and overcome by his neighboring foe. at length one of their sachems, distinguished for his wisdom and address, proposed that they should cease from a strife, which was only destroying themselves, and unite their energies against the alleghans, the adirondacks, the eries, and other ancient and warlike tribes, who were their superiors in their isolated and divided condition. already weary of their unprofitable conflicts, the proposal was received with favor, and ato-tar-ho, an onandaga chieftain, unequalled in valor, and the fame of whose skill and daring was known among all the tribes, became the leading spirit of this confederacy, and by common consent was placed at its head. so fully did experience demonstrate the wisdom of this arrangement, that they used every means to strengthen the bands of their union, and by the most solemn engagements of fidelity to each other, they became the ko-nos- hi-o-ni, or united people. [footnote: schoolcraft's report.] how long this confederacy had existed before their discovery by the whites, is unknown. there is a tradition which places it one age, or the length of a man's life, before the white people came to this country. [footnote: pyrlaus, a missionary at the ancient site of dionderoga, or fort hunter, writing between and , gives this as the best conjecture he could form, from information derived from the mohawks. it is thought however that this time is too short, to account for the degree of development attained by the iroquois, in their united capacity, at the time of their first discovery by the whites.] the union of these several tribes was the means of securing their pre- eminence over the other indians in this country. their individual traits are thus very fittingly represented;--"in their firm physical type, and in their energy of character, and love of independence, no people among the aboriginal race have ever exceeded, if any has equalled the iroquois." [footnote: schoolcraft.] they occupied a region surpassed by no other on the continent, for grandeur and beauty united, and inherited from this or some other source, a mental constitution of noble structure, which placed them in the fore-front of their race, and when united, no tribe on this continent could stand before them. this has served to render their history, a matter of earnest and interesting inquiry. chapter iii name red jacket, how acquired--indian name--conferred name--singular tradition--red jacket during the war of the revolution--neutrality of the indians--services sought by great britain--sketch of sir william johnson-- position of red jacket--taunt of cowardice--testimony of little beard-- charge made by brant--red jacket's indifference--anecdote--early love of eloquence--interesting reminiscences. the name red jacket, so familiar to the whites, was acquired during the war of the revolution. he was distinguished at this time as well as afterward, for his fleetness on foot, his intelligence and activity. having attracted the attention of a british officer by the vivacity of his manners, and the speedy execution of those errands with which he was intrusted, he received either in token of admiration, or for services rendered, or both, a beautifully ornamented jacket of a scarlet color. this he took pride in wearing, and when worn out, he was presented with another, and continued to wear this peculiar dress until it became a mark of distinction, and gave him the name by which he was afterward best known. at a treaty held at canandaigua in , captain parrish, who was for many years agent of the united states for the indians, presented him with another _red jacket_ to perpetuate a name of which he was particularly fond. [footnote: mckenney's indian biography politely favored by alfred b. street, esq., and assistant mr. j. h. hickox, of the state library, albany, n. y.] his original name was oti-ti-ani, _always ready_. sa-go-ye-wat-ha, the title conferred upon him at his election to the dignity of sachem, has been rendered, "_the keeper awake, he keeps them awake, and the author, or cause of a wakeful spirit_." [footnote: this latter translation was given to the author by the late wm. jones, a half-blood, son-in-law of red jacket and a chief of some note. this interpretation was given to some gentlemen from buffalo who proposed to erect a monument at red jacket's grave. it was given in a full council of the chiefs of his tribe.] the name is connected with a curious superstition among his people, and will best be understood, by an acquaintance with the circumstances under which it is used. if during the still hours of night, an indian's mind is taken up with thoughts that cause sleep to pass from him, preventing every effort of morpheus to lock him in fond embrace, he ascribes it to a spirit, which he calls sa-go-ye-wat-ha. the impressions made are regarded as ominous of some important event, joyful or otherwise, according to the feelings awakened. if his thoughts are of a pleasing nature, he is led to anticipate the occurrence of some joyful event. if they are of a melancholy turn, he regards it as foreboding evil. he may be led to dwell with interest on some absent friend; that friend he will expect to see the next day, or soon after. yet should his thoughts be troubled or anxious, he would expect to hear soon of that friend's death, or that something evil had befallen him. [footnote: conversation with wm. jones, seneca chief.] such was the spirit they called sa-go-ye-wat-ha. he could arrest the current of their thought, bring before them visions of delight, or send upon them melancholy reflections, and fill their minds with anxiety and gloom. this title conferred on red jacket, while it indicated the cause of his elevation, presented the highest compliment that could be paid to his powers of oratory. by the magic spell of his words, he could control their minds, make their hearts beat quick with emotions of joy, or send over them at will the deep pulsations of grief. the incident referred to as giving rise to the name, red jacket, introduces him in connection with the war of the revolution. as his conduct during this period has been the subject of frequent remark, severely criticised by some, and not very favorably viewed by others, justice to the orator's memory requires a brief statement of his reasons for the course he pursued. while thoughts of this contest were pending, the colonists took measures to secure the favorable disposition of the iroquois, and these efforts at the time were successful. the general government advised them to remain neutral, during the anticipated conflict. this course met the approval of their most considerate sachems. for though inured to war, and apt to enter with avidity into the excitement of a conflict, their forces had been reduced by recent encounters with the indians at the west, and south, and also with the french; and the few intervening years of peace served to convince them of its value, and caused them to receive with favor this proposition from our government. at a council held with the iroquois at german flats, in june, , by gen. schuyler, who had been appointed for this purpose, these assurances of neutrality were renewed. great britain also was not indifferent about the course these indian tribes would pursue. wishing to prevent an alliance of the indians with the colonists, willing to secure forces already on the ground, and with a view possibly, of striking terror into the minds of her rebellious subjects, her agents in this country spared no pains to enlist the sympathies of the iroquois on her side. in this they were but too successful. through their agents, britain had been in correspondence with these tribes for more than a hundred years, had supplied them with implements of war, articles of clothing, and with many of the comforts and conveniences of life. the indians had learned to be dependent upon her, and they called her king their "_great father_ over the water." her agents spent their lives among them. through them their communications were made to the crown, and they regarded them as essential to their happiness. hence they exerted a very great influence over them. this was especially true of sir william johnson, who died at johnson hall in the month of june, . mr. johnson was a native of ireland, of a good family and fitted by nature and education, to adorn the walks of civilized life. he came to this country not far from , as land agent of his uncle, sir peter warren, an admiral in the english navy, who had acquired a considerable tract of land upon the mohawk, in the present county of montgomery. possessing a romantic disposition, he readily adapted himself to the rude customs that prevailed in the wilds of america. the _gentleman's magazine_ of london said of him in ,--"besides his skill and experience as an officer, he is particularly happy in making himself beloved by all sorts of people, and can conform to all companies and to all conversations. he is very much of a gentleman in genteel company, but as the inhabitants next to him are mostly dutch, he sits down with them and smokes his tobacco, drinks flip, and talks of improvements, bear and beaver skins. being surrounded with indians, he speaks several of their languages well, and has always some of them with him. he takes care of their wives, and old indians, when they go out on parties; and even wears their dress. in short, by his honest dealings with them in trade, and his courage, which has often been successfully tried with them, he has so endeared himself to them, that they chose him as one of their chief sachems, or princes, and esteem him as their father." not far from the year , while the french and english were at war, he was made general of the colonial militia, and by virtue of a leadership that had been created by the iroquois, he was head warrior of all the indian tribes, who favored the english. [illustration: johnson hall] the gifts of his sovereign, and the opportunity he had of purchasing indian lands, were the means of his securing great wealth. the ease with which he secured land of the indians is illustrated by an amusing occurrence between him and a noted chief, hendrick. soon after entering upon his duties as superintendent of indian affairs in this country, he received from england some richly embroidered suits of clothes. hendrick, a mohawk chief, was present, when the package containing them was opened, and could not refrain from expressing his admiration of them. he went away very thoughtful, but soon after returned and said to sir william, that he had dreamed a dream. "ah! and what did you dream?" said sir william. "i dreamed," said hendrick, "that you gave me one of those new suits of uniform." sir william could not refuse it, and one of the elegant suits was presented to hendrick, who went away to show his gift to his countrymen and left sir william to tell the joke to his friends. a while after the general met hendrick and said--"hendrick, _i have dreamed a dream_." whether the sachem mistrusted he was now to be taken in his own net or not, is not certain, but he also inquired,--"and what did you dream?" the general said he dreamed that hendrick presented him with a certain piece of land which he described. it consisted of about five hundred acres, of the most valuable land in the mohawk valley. hendrick replied,--"it is yours;" but, shaking his head, said, "sir william i will never dream with you again." [footnote: drake's book of the indians.] sir william's large estate, the partiality of his countrymen, together with his military honors, and his great influence with the indians, rendered him "as near a prince as anything the back-woods of america has witnessed." [footnote: the expression of an english lady.--turner.] he built two spacious and convenient residences on the mohawk river, known as johnson castle and johnson hall. the hall was his summer residence. here he lived something like a sovereign, kept an excellent table for strangers and officers, whom the course of duty led into these wilds, and by confiding entirely in the indians, and treating them with truth and justice, never yielding to solicitations once refused, they were taught to repose in him the utmost confidence. his personal popularity with the indians, gave him an influence over them greater it is supposed, than any one of our own race has ever possessed. he was the first englishman that contended successfully with french indian diplomacy, as exercised by their governors, missionaries and traders. [footnote: turner's phelps and gorham purchase.] had he lived until the war of the revolution, it is supposed by some he might have remained neutral, and have kept the indians from engaging in the conflict, though this is altogether uncertain. he lived to see the gathering of the storm that swept away most of his great possessions. on the death of sir william, his son john johnson succeeded to his titles and estate. the office of general superintendent of the indians, fell into the hands of col. guy johnson, a son-in-law, who appointed col. claus, another son-in-law, as his deputy. into their hands fell the property, and a large share of the influence over the indians, possessed by sir william johnson. this influence was exerted in favor of great britain. when the indians heard of the uprising in boston, and of the battle of lexington, they were told, that these out-breaks were the acts of disobedient children, against the great king, who had been kind to them, as he had to the six nations. that their "_great father over the water_," was rich in money and men; that the colonists were poor, and their numbers small, and that they could easily be brought into subjection. at a council of the iroquois convened at oswego, by sir john johnson and other officers and friends of the crown, they were informed that the king desired them to assist him in subduing the rebels, who had taken up arms against him, and were about to rob him of a part of his great possessions. but the chiefs one by one assured the british agents that they had the year before, in a council with general schuyler, pledged themselves to neutrality, and could not without violating their promise, take up the hatchet. but they were assured that the rebels justly merited all the punishment that white men and indians could inflict;--that they would be richly rewarded for their services, and _that the king's rum was as plenty as the waters of lake ontario_. this appeal to their appetites, already vitiated, together with the promise of large rewards, at length prevailed; and a treaty was concluded, in which the indians pledged themselves to take up arms against the rebels, and continue in service during the war. they were then presented each with a suit of clothes, a brass kettle, a gun, a tomahawk, a scalping knife, a quantity of powder and lead, and a piece of gold. [footnote: life of mary jemison.] the senecas were among those who consented to join the royal standard. of this action red jacket did not approve. he declared plainly and unhesitatingly to those who had determined to engage in the war,--"_this quarrel does not belong to us,--and it is test for us to take no part in it; we need not waste our blood to have it settled. if they fight us, we will fight them, but if they let us alone, we had better keep still_." [footnote: testimony given to the author by wm. jones, seneca chief, and confirmed by col. wm. jones, son of the indian interpreter, who affirms that prominent indian chiefs had declared in his hearing that these were the sentiments of red jacket at this time.] red jacket at this time was not far from twenty-six years old. his forensic abilities had not been called forth, and his influence weighed but little in comparison with that of older men. but it may be observed that his conduct ever after this, will be found consistent with the sentiments he entertained, and was free to express. though young, his perceptions were keen, he had a deep and penetrating mind and saw at a glance that in this contest his people were doomed to suffer, to be ground between the upper and nether mill stone. when, in the summer of , his people received an invitation to join the forces that were preparing to march under the command of col. st. leger upon fort stanwix, being assured that they would not be required to endure the fatigues and dangers of the battle, but might "sit down quietly and smoke their pipes, and see the sport;" red jacket endeavored, but in vain, to prevent his people from going. he said to them, "_it's a cheat; the design is to deceive you, and if you go you will find that you have been deluded_." they threw back the taunt,--"_you are a coward, you have the mind of a woman, and are not fit to go to war_." red jacket though not at this time a chief, was a young man of acknowledged talent and influence, and having a right to express his opinion, did not hesitate to give it in favor of peace. his opinion was well known among his people. little beard has frequently been seen to bury his face in his blanket, and give vent to his tears, in view of the havoc made among the senecas by the war, at the same time declaring,--"_red jacket was opposed to the war_, he was always in favor of peace, _and how much better it had been, had we listened to his advice_." [footnote: conversation of the author with col. jones.] [illustration: barry st. leger] red jacket's prediction was too nearly verified. the senecas suffered most severely in that campaign. they fell under the command of thay-en-dan-e- gea or brant, who went with a company of tories, led by col. butler, to intercept general herkimer, who was reported as coming to the relief of the garrison. at a certain point on the way, where they expected the general would pass, they formed an ambuscade, and though they selected their ground with wisdom, and acquitted themselves with great bravery, they were unable to stand before the invincible courage of the heroes of oriskany. the senecas claim to have lost in that engagement thirty-three of their chiefs, and their feelings in view of it are said to have been sad in the extreme. [footnote: "the mourning was excessive, and was expressed by the most doleful yells, shrieks and howlings and by inimitable gesticulations."--mrs. jemison's narrative.] the charge of cowardice applied by the young warriors to red jacket, upon their first starting out on this campaign, was one frequently made during the war. his views were at different times expressed in opposition to it, and his arguments as often repelled by the young braves, who could not endure his invectives. the reply was easily made, and hence in more frequent demand, than if it had imposed a greater tax upon their intellects. the epithet has often been applied to him since, and though his tastes did not lead him to seek the fame of a warrior, still it is believed he was not so devoid of courage, as has sometimes been represented. his views of the war, were not those of a partisan, hence his conduct was often censured by those who had entered heartily into the contest. brant has charged him with being the occasion of trouble to him, in his efforts to arrest the march of sullivan, and his army, into the indian country. particularly at newtown, where considerable preparations had been made for defense. says col. stone,--"sa-go-ye-wat-ha was then twenty-nine years old, and though it does not appear that he had yet been created a chief, he nevertheless seems to have been already a man of influence. he was in the practice of holding private consultations with the young warriors, and some of the younger and less resolute chiefs, for the purpose of fomenting discontents, and persuading them to sue for what brant considered, ignominious terms of peace. "on one occasion as brant has alleged, red jacket had so far succeeded in his treachery, as to induce some of the disaffected chiefs to send a runner into sullivan's camp, to make known dissensions he himself had awakened, and invite a flag of truce, _with propositions of peace to the indians_." though charged with acting criminally, it is here expressly asserted, _that it was to obtain peace_. peace he most earnestly desired for his people, who were doomed to be wasted in a contest not their own. nor, in view of his feelings respecting the war, is it surprising he should have incurred the displeasure of cornplanter, while endeavoring to bring his countrymen to make a stand against a portion of the invading army, on the beach of canandaigua lake, where was an indian village of some size. not finding in red jacket an ardor for the undertaking which corresponded in any degree with his own, he turned to the young wife of the orator and exclaimed,--"_leave that man, he is a coward; your children will disgrace you, they will all be cowards_." [footnote: col. wm. jones.] the epithet thus applied occasioned uneasiness to none less than to the orator himself. whenever he chose to notice it, he would make a good return for what he had received.--in a war of words, he was on his own chosen ground. he was a match for their greatest champion, and in cross- firing, it could easily be seen that his missiles were directed by one who was perfect master of the art. he could handle at will the most cutting sarcasm, and while maintaining a good natured, playful mood, deal his blows with such power and effect, as to make the victim of his irony resort to some other means of defense, than the tongue. it is said that frequently by his cool, good natured railery, he has caused the victim of his sport to turn upon and strike him. he would answer it by a hearty laugh, unless the blow was of such a nature as to demand of him a different reception. [footnote: wm. jones, seneca chief.] he seemed to be armed at every point, as with a coat of mail, against the arrows of his assailants. their most powerful weapons would be turned aside by his presence of mind, and matchless skill, and leave him apparently unharmed. a circumstance illustrating this point, once occurred between him and little billy, a chief of some note among the senecas, who was frequently in the orator's company. this chief, with red jacket and one or two others, were once passing from their settlement on canandaigua lake, to the old seneca castle, near the foot of seneca lake. on their way they encountered a large grizzly bear. little billy and the others in the company, were frightened and began to run. red jacket who was distinguished as a hunter, and an excellent marksman, drew up his rifle, and brought the monster to the ground. it so happened, on one occasion sometime afterward, that little billy was very pertinacious in calling red jacket a coward. the orator did not appear to notice him at first; but finding that he persisted in the charge, he turned to him and coolly and sarcastically said,--"_well, if i am coward i never run unless it's for something bigger than a bear_." [footnote: conversation with seneca chief, wm. jones.] it is hardly necessary to add, that nothing more was heard from little billy concerning his cowardice on that day. this charge of cowardice was owing in a great degree to the orator's position. he was not on the popular side. the majority of his people were against him. had he acted in accordance with their wishes, it is a question whether anything would ever have been said about his deficiency in courage. and this supposition is strengthened by the fact, that at a subsequent period in his history, a little display of courage, when acting in accordance with the wishes of his people, gained for him a marked degree of approbation, and gave rise to the affirmation, "_the stain fixed upon his character, was thus wiped away by his good conduct in the field_." [footnote: mckenney's indian biography.] in opposing the wishes of his people, when bent on a war of which he did not approve, he gained the epithet of _coward_. with less intelligence, and less moral courage, he might have seconded the views of his nation, and been ranked a brave. hence, though we do not claim for red jacket the possession of qualities, adapted to make him conspicuous as a military chieftain, we are disposed to attribute to him the higher courage of acting in accordance with his own convictions of propriety and duty. "he was born an orator, and while morally brave, lacked the stolid insensibility to suffering and slaughter, which characterized the war-captains of his nation." [footnote: bryant's address.] we readily concede that red jacket was fitted by nature to excel in councils of peace, rather than in enterprises of war; to gain victories in a conflict of mind with mind rather than in physical strife, on the field of battle. and it may be questioned whether the qualities adapted to the highest achievements of oratory, would be congenial to the rough encounters of war. especially when the mind is already preoccupied with inward thirstings after the glory of the rostrum; it will not be apt to sigh for the camp, or the noise and tinsel of mere military fame. it is related of him that when a boy, he was present at a great council held on the shenandoah. many nations were there represented by their wise men and orators. the greatest among them was logan, who had removed from the territory of his tribe to shamokin. he was the son of shikellemus, a celebrated chief of the cayuga nation, who, before the revolution was a warm friend of the whites. on the occasion referred to, red jacket was so charmed with logan's style, and manner of delivery, that he resolved to attain if possible the same high standard of eloquence; though he almost despaired of equalling his distinguished model. on his return to cunadesaga, near the seneca lake, which was at that time his home, he sometimes incurred the displeasure and reproof of his mother, by long absence from her cabin, without any ostensible cause. when hard pressed for an answer, he informed his mother, that "_he had been playing logan_." "thus in his mighty soul the fire of a generous emulation had been kindled, not to go out until his oratorical fame threw a refulgent glory on the declining fortunes of the once formidable iroquois. in the deep and silent forest he practiced elocution, or to use his own expressive language, _played logan_, until he caught the manner and tone of his great master. unconsciously the forest orator, was an imitator of the eloquent greek, who tuned his voice on the wild sea beach, to the thunders of the surge, and caught from nature's altar his loftiest inspiration. "not without previous preparation, and the severest discipline, did red jacket acquire his power of moving and melting his hearers. his graceful attitudes, significant gestures, perfect intonation, and impressive pauses, when the lifted finger, and flashing eye told more than utterance, were the result of sleepless toil; while his high acquirement was the product of stern habitual thought, study of man, and keen observation." "he did not trust to the occasion alone for his finest periods, and noblest metaphors. in the armory of his capacious intellect the weapons of forensic warfare had been previously polished and stored away. ever ready for the unfaltering tongue was the cutting rebuke, or apt illustration. by labor, persevering labor, he achieved his renown. by exercising his faculties in playing logan when a boy, one of the highest standards of mortal eloquence, either in ancient or modern times, he has left a lesson to all ambitious aspirants, that there is no royal road to greatness; that the desired goal is only to be gained by scaling rugged cliffs, and treading painful paths." [footnote: this statement, together with the remarks that follow, is presented almost entire, from a reminiscence of red jacket, given by mr. turner in his pioneer history of the phelps and gorham purchase, a work that has rescued from oblivion, many interesting and valuable historical recollections.] the habit thus acquired in the orator's youth, became characteristic of him, at a later period of his life. previous to his making any great forensic effort, he could be seen walking in the woods alone, apparently in deep study. [footnote: col. wm. jones.] chapter iv. early struggles--red jacket's opportunity for trial--council at fort stanwix--red jacket's office of sachem--red jacket's opposition to the proposed treaty--excitement created by his speech--allayed by cornplanter --his influence in deciding the treaty--how it affected him. how long and toilsome the way, ere the ambitious aspirant passes from the low grounds of obscurity, to the dazzling heights of fame! how many hours of anxious toil, through wearisome days and nights, protracted through months and years, are passed, before the arena even is entered, where the race commences in earnest! how many struggling emotions between hope and fear, encouragement and doubt, promise and despair, mark the experience, and clothe it with the sublimity and interest that belong to action in its highest forms! did this child of nature cherishing the bright dream from early life, never suffer from these contending emotions, ere he awoke finally to the consciousness of the reality, where he could exclaim, i am an orator, yes, i am an orator! this idea red jacket began now to cherish. he had practiced in his native wilds, the forest depths had echoed back those strains of eloquence, that had struggled for utterance in his impassioned bosom, and their force being expended here, served but to awaken a still stronger desire to try his powers, where he could have the answering sympathy of human hearts. his fame and greatness were yet to be achieved. with the inward consciousness of strength that would secure for him the eminence he desired, he awaited eagerly the opportunity for its exercise. this opportunity came. when the storm of war had rolled by, the hour came for deliberation, and council. england and america had concluded peace, and the jurisdiction of the country of the iroquois had been surrendered to the united states. still no provision had been made by the crown for those tribes that had freely fought in her defence. they were left to make their own peace, or prosecute the war on their own account. their attitude was yet hostile. no expedition of importance was undertaken, but the border men were constantly annoyed by indians, who drove away their horses and cattle, and committed other acts of depredation. and the inhabitants of the frontier had suffered so severely from the indian tribes during the war, that these acts served to awaken still deeper feelings of hostility toward them, and led some openly to recommend that the indians be driven from their lands, and that these be forfeited to the state. these councils were strenuously resisted by the general government. the humane and considerate washington thought it wiser to try and conciliate them, and if possible win their confidence and esteem, claiming that their lands, when needed, could be obtained at a cheaper rate by negotiation and purchase, than by war and conquest. this course, the excellence of which experience has fully demonstrated, was finally adopted, and in pursuance of this design, a general council of the iroquois was convened at fort stanwix, in the fall of . it was attended by oliver wolcott, richard butler, and arthur lee, who were appointed commissioners on the part of the united states. the different tribes of the iroquois were represented, and red jacket was present, and took an active part in its deliberations. he had now been elected to the office of sachem; at what time precisely, is not known, but probably not far from the close of the war of the revolution. the manner in which he gained this office has been ascribed by some to artifice as well as the force of his eloquence. col. stone says, that "aspiring to the rank of chief, he not only wrought upon the minds of his people, by the exertion of that faculty which was ever with them a high standard of merit, but he succeeded in availing himself of the superstitious constitution of his race, to effect his purpose. his first essay was to dream that he was, or should be a chief, and that the great spirit was angry that his nation had not advanced him to that dignity. this dream, with the necessary variations, he repeated until, fortunately for him, the small pox broke out among the senecas. he then proclaimed the loathsome infliction a judgment sent by the great spirit, to punish them for their ingratitude to him. the consequence ultimately was, that by administering flattery to some, working upon the superstitious fears of others, and by awakening the admiration of all by his eloquence, he reached the goal of his ambition." [footnote: col. stone's life and times of thayendanegea and life and times of red jacket. this statement has been denied by some, who affirm that his eloquence was the sole cause of his elevation. if this representation came from brant, it may be recollected that between red jacket and brant there did not exist a very strong attachment, and statements made by one concerning the other, would not be likely to bear the coloring of a very warm friendship.] however this may have been, it is certain this course was not necessary to establish red jacket's position among his people. the circumstances of their history created a necessity for his transcendent abilities, and the light of his genius, though it may have been obscured for a time, must eventually have shone forth, in its original beauty and splendor. red jacket was now called upon to assist in the deliberations of his people, and from this time to the day of his death, we find him connected with, and bearing an important part in all of their public transactions. the council at fort stanwix was the first occasion in which he appeared before the public. it was a meeting of no small moment. with an anxious heart the indian left his home and wended his way, through his native forests, to the place where he was to meet in council, the chiefs of the thirteen fires. his own tribes had been wasted, by a long and bloody war. the nation they had so long clung to, and by whose artifice they had been led to engage in the strife, stood confessedly vanquished. a new power had arisen in the land, what bearing would it have on their future fortunes? with the importance of this gathering none were more deeply impressed than red jacket.--yonder he stands, alone;--his knit brow, and searching glance indicate a process of thought, which stirs deeply the emotions of the inner man.--tread lightly, lest you disturb the silent evolutions of that airy battalion, that is wheeling into rank and file, thoughts that discharged in words, reach the mark and do execution.--now he wears a look of indignation, which presently turns to one of proud defiance, as he contemplates the encroaching disposition of the white race.--now you may detect an air of scorn, and his eye flashes fire, as he regards them at first a feeble colony, which might easily have been crushed by the strong arm of the iroquois.--a feeling of deep concern directly overspreads his features, as he thinks of their advancing power, and of the prospect of their surpassing even the glory of his own ancestry.--a still deeper shade steals over him as he thinks of the waning fortunes of his people.-- presently his countenance is lighted up;--his feelings are all aglow,--a bright thought, has entered his mind.--he conceives the idea of the union of the entire race of red men, to resist the encroachments of the whites. --are they not yet strong? and united, would they not yet be, a formidable power? with anxious and matured thoughts, red jacket comes to this council gathering. its bearing on his nation and race, he deeply scans, and treasures up those burning thoughts, with which he is to electrify, and set on fire the bosoms of his countrymen. of the proceedings of this council, little is known aside from the bare treaty itself. by this treaty perpetual peace and amity were agreed upon between the united states, and the iroquois, and the latter ceded to the united states, all their lands lying west of a line commencing at the mouth of a creek four miles east of niagara, at a place on lake ontario called johnson's landing; thence south, in a direction always four miles east of the portage, or carrying-path, between lakes erie and ontario, to the mouth of buffalo creek, on lake erie; thence due south to the north boundary of the state of pennsylvania; thence west to the end of said boundary; thence south along the west boundary of the state of pennsylvania to the ohio river. in consideration of this surrender to the united states of their claim to western lands, the iroquois were to be secure in the peaceful possession of the lands they inhabited in the state of new york. this treaty red jacket strenuously resisted. he regarded the proposed cession of lands as exorbitant and unjust, and summoned all the resources of his eloquence to defend his position. the course of his argument and the various means he took to enforce it, we have no means of adequately presenting. a few hints respecting it, and the testimony of those present as to the effect produced, is all we have to guide us in forming any estimate of its merits. after giving a vivid representation of the encroachments already made upon them by the whites, and of the advances they were making in numbers and power, as well as extent of territory, he reminded his hearers of the ancient glory of the iroquois, and contrasted it with their present wasted and feeble condition. they had been passing through a mighty convulsion, the hurricane had swept over their dwellings, their homes were laid waste, their country made desolate. he directed them to the extensive dominion they had exercised. their empire was wide, on the north, and east, and south, and west, there were none to stay their hand, or limit their power. a broad continent was open to them on every side, and their seats were large. but now they were met by a people to whom they had surrendered a large portion of their lands, and "they are driving us on toward the setting sun. they would shut us in, they would close up the path to our brethren at the west. we demand an open way." they had no right, he affirmed, to part with their western lands. their laws, their ancient usages forbade it. they ought never to decide a question so momentous as this, without giving all the parties a hearing, who have any interest in its decision. they should be present and join in their deliberations. their brethren at the west had a right to be consulted in this matter.--it would be unworthy of the name, and exalted fame of the iroquois, to decide the question without reference to them.-- it was a question that affected deeply the interests of the entire race of red men on this continent. he declared finally that rather than yield to the exorbitant demands of the treaty, they should take up their arms, and prosecute the war on their own account. such is the scanty outline of a speech that made a wonderful impression on the minds of all his people who were present. during the progress of his speech, their emotions were wrought up to a pitch, that seemed to betoken a rising storm, and at times it seemed as though it needed but a spark to set on fire a flame that was ready to burst out with consuming force. those present, who did not understand the language of the orator, were deeply interested in his voice, his manner of elocution, and his perfect and inimitable action. they caught fire from his eye, and felt the inspiration, which was kindled in the minds of all who listened to him understandingly. when he sat down his work was accomplished. there was but one heart among his people. from this time on, he was the peerless orator of his nation. a very interesting sketch of red jacket as an orator, refers, for the existence of the facts which form the basis of its statements, to a treaty held at canandaigua in . it has been copied by drake, and published in almost every sketch of the orator's life. mr. stone questions its truthfulness on the ground that there is no notice of it in any notes of this council taken at the time, and because also there was evidently an absence of the peculiar circumstances, which the speech referred to, seems to demand. still he introduces it under the supposition that if delivered there at all, it might have been during the excitement produced among the indians, by the rejection from the council, by col. pickering, of one johnson, a messenger from brant, who had been invited to be present at that council. yet this is by no means probable, as red jacket would have been far from rising into eloquence on an occasion, which from his known relations to the proud mohawk, he would naturally view with satisfaction, instead of resentment. the more probable supposition is, that the writer caught up this as a traditionary statement, which, owing to the lapse of time and the uncertainty of memory, had been changed in one or two of its items, and receiving it as correct, penned it in good faith, as having transpired at that treaty. it is a correct presentation of some of the points in the orator's speech on this occasion, and is as follows: [footnote: mr. stone justly supposes this speech might have been made at the treaty of fort stanwix in .] "... the witnesses of the scene will never forget the powers of native oratory. two days had passed away in negotiation with the indians for a cession of their lands. the contract was supposed to be nearly completed, when red jacket arose. with the grace and dignity of a roman senator, he drew his blanket around him, and with a piercing eye surveyed the multitude. all was hushed. nothing interposed to break the silence, but the rustling of the leaves. after a long and solemn, but not unmeaning pause, he commenced in a low voice, and sententious style. rising gradually with the subject, he depicted the primitive simplicity and happiness of his nation, and the wrongs they had sustained from the usurpations of white men, with such a bold and faithful pencil, that every auditor was soon roused to vengeance, or melted to tears. the effect was inexpressible. but ere the emotions of admiration and sympathy had subsided, the white men became alarmed. they were in the heart of an indian country, surrounded by ten times their number, who were inflamed by a remembrance of their injuries, and excited to indignation by the eloquence of a favorite chief. appalled and terrified, the white men cast a cheerless gaze on the hordes around them. a nod from the chiefs might be the onset of destruction. at this portentious moment, farmer's brother interposed. he replied not to his brother chief, but with a sagacity truly aboriginal, he caused the cessation of the council, introduced good cheer, commended the eloquence of red jacket, and before the meeting had reassembled, with the aid of other prudent chiefs, he had moderated the fury of his nation to a more salutary view of the question before them." the commissioners replied, but without making much headway on account of the agitation and excitement, produced by the orator's speech; that by the common usages of war they might lay claim to a much larger extent of territory; that their demand was characterized by great moderation, and insisted on their yielding to the terms proposed. there was little disposition among them to yield the point, yet the treaty was finally brought to a successful issue, by the influence of cornplanter. cornplanter was a noble specimen of the indian race. he had all the sagacity for which his people were distinguished, and was equally active, eloquent and brave. he was well qualified by his talents to engage in the legislative councils of his nation, and was unsurpassed by any, for prowess and daring in the bloody field of strife. no chief, thayendanegea not excepted, had gained higher laurels for personal valor, and none commanded more fully the confidence and esteem of his nation. his people looked up to him as a tower of strength, and when he spake, his words fell upon them with the weight of great authority. better acquainted than his junior associate with the details of war, and understanding likewise the wasted and feeble condition of his people, and having learned in the late conflict something of the power of the enemy they would have to encounter, he regarded the idea of their resistance as wholly impracticable, and advised a compliance with the terms of the treaty. though he regretted the loss of any more territory, he wisely concluded it was better to lose a part, than to be deprived of all. and by throwing his influence decidedly in favor, he succeeded finally in quieting the minds of his people, and in persuading them to accede to the proposals made. it is a matter of regret that so few traces are left, of red jacket's speech on this occasion. yet had his speech been reported, we might have been as much at a loss as at present, to derive from it a just estimation of his talents. his speeches as reported are tame when compared with the effect produced. the indian was an unwritten language. the most distinguished orators of the iroquois confederacy, matured their thoughts in solitude without the aid of the pen, and when uttered in the hearing of the people, they passed forever into oblivion, only as a striking passage may hare been retained in memory. and with them the want of a written language was thus in a measure compensated. they made an increased effort to treasure up their thoughts. yet how much must necessarily have been lost! and how liable to waste away, that which remained. trusting to them how imperfect must have been a reported speech! and relying on those who transferred their speeches to a different language, we have little assurance of any thing better than mutilated transcripts of the original. need we be surprised then, to find in red jacket's published speeches, a tameness unworthy of his fame? red jacket was esteemed by the men of his time as an orator, surpassingly eloquent. in his speeches as reported, this does not appear. hence, his reported speeches fail to do him justice, or the men of his time very much overrated his talents. taking the latter horn of the dilemma we impeach the judgment and good sense of those who have gone before us. assuming the former, we present an admitted and proclaimed fact. his contemporaries, while they conceded to him the highest attributes and accomplishments of eloquence, unite in affirming that his reported speeches come far short of the original. _captain horatio jones_, a favorite interpreter, has frequently declared,--"_it is impossible to do red jacket justice_." the peculiar shade given to the idea, its beauty in its own native idiom, was often entirely lost in the transfer. in much the same way, captain jasper parrish, of canandaigua, has frequently been heard to speak, when referring to the forensic efforts of the orator. and besides, those passages that were most deeply fraught with eloquence, were often lost entirely, from the fact that the way having been prepared by a recital of those details that are reported, the reporter himself has been carried away by the very flood that surrounded, uplifted, and carried away the mass of those who heard him speak. so that the only note that would be made, of a passage of considerable length, is given in one or two short sentences. [footnote: conversation of the author with col. wm. jones.] by the generality of the iroquois, the terms of the treaty at fort stanwix were regarded as severe; and though the services of the renowned cornplanter were engaged by the commissioners, in an effort to persuade the disaffected into a reconciliation with it, the attempt was but partially successful, and was made at the expense of his own high standing among his people. they were not easily reconciled, and were so much displeased with his conduct on this, and one or two subsequent occasions, that they even threatened his life. a circumstance he touchingly refers to in a speech addressed to general washington. "father," said he, "we will not conceal from you that the great god and not man, has preserved cornplanter, from the hands of his own nation. for they ask continually--where is the land which our children, and their children after them are to lie down upon? when the sun goes down he opens his heart before god, and earlier than the sun appears upon the hills, he gives thanks for his protection during the night; for he feels that among men become desperate by their danger, it is god only that can preserve him." chapter v. claim of the united states to indian lands--conflicting claims of different states--difficulty settled--attempt to acquire the land by a lease--purchase by phelps and gorham--further purchase by robert morris. at the close of the war of the revolution, the territory ceded by great britain to the united states, included large tracts of country occupied by the indians. in ceding these lands, she ceded only the right claimed by herself, on the ground of original discovery, which was simply a priority of right to purchase of the original occupants of the soil. the indians were allowed to dwell upon these lands, and were considered in a certain sense the owners, but were required in case of a sale, to dispose of them to the government. [footnote: kent's commentary.] as each state claimed to be sovereign in every interest not ceded to the general government, each state claimed the territory covered by its original charter. these charters, owing to great ignorance of geographical limits, created claims that conflicted with each other. from this source originated difficult questions about land titles and jurisdiction, between the states of connecticut and pennsylvania,--massachusetts and new york. these difficulties which existed before, the greater question of the revolutionary war suspended for a time, but when peace was concluded, they came up again for a consideration and settlement. the way was in a measure prepared for this, by the relinquishment to the general government, on the part of new york in , and of massachusetts in , of all their right to territory west of a meridian line drawn south, from the western end of lake ontario. in the adjustment of these difficulties, connecticut relinquished her claim to a tract of land on the susquehanna in pennsylvania, called the gore, and acquired that part of the state of ohio called new connecticut, or western reserve. and pennsylvania obtained a tract of land lying immediately beyond the western boundary of the state of new york, and north-east of her own, embracing the harbor of presque isle, on lake erie, familiarly known as the triangle, thus giving her access to the waters of this lake. the question in controversy between the states of new york and massachusetts was more serious, owing to the large amount of territory claimed by the latter in western new york. it was brought to an amicable settlement, by massachusetts surrendering to new york the right of jurisdiction, over all the land west of the present eastern boundary of the state; and by new york giving to massachusetts the pre-emptive right, or right of purchasing of the indians, all of the lands lying west of a meridian line drawn through seneca lake, from a certain point on the northern boundary of pennsylvania, reserving however, a strip of land one mile in width, along the eastern shore of the niagara river. thus new york, while she retained the sovereignty, lost the fee of about six millions of acres of land, in one of the finest regions of country in the new world. [footnote: for a more full account, see "turner's history of the phelps and gorham purchase."] while these difficulties were being adjusted, a magnificent speculation was in progress, which bid fair to meet the expectations of its earnest projectors. a company was organized, called the new york and genesee land company, with a view to obtain the entire tract of indian lands within the state. to evade the law forbidding the sale of these lands to any party not authorized by the state, it was proposed to obtain them by a lease, that should extend nine hundred and ninety-nine years. a lease extending so long, was regarded as equivalent to a sale. with a view to further its designs another company, the niagara genesee company, was also formed in canada, of those who were most in correspondence with the indians, and who would be influential in securing from them a decision in favor of their object. these organizations, especially the new york land company, were large, and included men of wealth and prominence, both in new york and canada. with such appliances as they were enabled to bring to bear upon the indians, they secured, in november, , a _lease for nine hundred and ninety- nine years_, of all the lands of the iroquois in the state of new york, except some small reservations, and the privilege of hunting and fishing, for an annual rent of two thousand dollars, and a promised gift of twenty thousand dollars. the formidable character of these associations created a just alarm, and measures were immediately undertaken to circumvent their influence. an act was passed by the legislature of new york, in march, , authorizing the governor to disregard all contracts made with the indians, and not sanctioned by the state; and to cause those who had entered upon indian lands under such contracts, to be driven off, and their houses destroyed. the sheriff of the county was directed to dispossess intruders and burn their dwellings, and a military force was called out, that strictly enforced these orders. thus by the energetic action of governor clinton of new york, the designs of these organizations were overruled. as early as , the legislature of new york had passed an act, appointing the governor, and a board of commissioners, the superintendents of indian affairs, and as there were other indian lands within the state, not covered by the pre-emptive right of massachusetts, these commissioners with the governor at their head, entered upon negotiations with a view of purchasing them, and securing a title to them for the state. [footnote: the commissioners designated were: abraham cuyler, peter schuyler and henry glen, who associated with them philip schuyler, robert yates, abraham ten broeck, a. yates, jr., p. w. yates, john j. beekman, mathew vischer, and gen. gansevoort.] a council of the iroquois was appointed for this purpose, at fort schuyler, on the first of september, . the leasees disappointed and angered by the bold and decisive measures taken against them, exerted their influence to prevent the indians from assembling. but by measures equally energetic in its favor, a representation of the different tribes was obtained, and a treaty was concluded on the th, in which was conveyed to the state the land of the onondagas; some reservations excepted, in consideration of one thousand dollars, in hand paid and an annuity of five hundred dollars forever. then followed negotiations with the oneidas. speeches were interchanged, propositions made and rejected, until finally an agreement was made, and a deed of cession executed by the chiefs, conveying all their lands, excepting certain reservations, in consideration of two thousand dollars in money, two thousand dollars in clothing and other goods, one thousand dollars in provisions, five hundred dollars for the erection of a saw and grist mill on their reservation, and an annuity of six hundred dollars forever. the commissioners next appointed a council to be held at albany, december , . great difficulty was experienced in getting the indians together, the leasees it is said, "kept the indians so continually intoxicated, it was impossible to do anything with them." [footnote: turner's history.] it was not until the eleventh of the february following, that a sufficient number were brought together, to proceed with the negotiations; and on the twenty-fifth, the preliminaries having been settled, the cayugas ceded to the state all of their lands, excepting a large reservation of one hundred square miles. it was in consideration of five hundred dollars in hand, sixteen hundred and twenty-eight dollars in june following, and an annuity of five hundred dollars forever. mr. turner in alluding to these negotiations very properly observes, "it was only after a hard struggle of much perplexity and embarrassment, that the object was accomplished. for the honor of our country, it could be wished that all indian negotiations and treaties, had been attended with as little wrong, had been conducted as fairly as were those under the auspices and general direction of george clinton. no where has the veteran warrior and statesman left a better proof of his sterling integrity and ability, than is furnished by the records of these treaties. in no case did he allow the indians to be deceived, but stated to them from time to time, with unwearied patience, the true conditions of the bargains they were consummating." he says further, "the treaties for lands found the six nations in a miserable condition. they had warred on the side of a losing party; for long years the field and the chase had been neglected; they were suffering for food and raiment. half-famished they flocked to the treaties and were fed and clothed. one item of expense charged in the accounts of the treaty at albany in , was for horses paid for, that the indians had killed and eaten on their way down. for several years in addition to the amount of provisions distributed to them at the treaties, boatloads of corn were distributed among them by the state." it does not appear that red jacket, cornplanter, brant, or other of the more noted chiefs among the iroquois, were present to take a part in these negotiations. hence exception was taken to these proceedings. when the time drew near for paying the first annuity, the onondagas sent an agent to governor clinton, saying they had received four strings of wampum from the senecas, forbidding them to go to fort stanwix to receive the money, and declaring also "that the governor of quebec wanted their lands; that sir john wanted them; col. butler wants the cayugas' lands; and the commanding officer of fort niagara wants the senecas' lands." they were assured in reply that they might "make their minds easy," the governor would protect them; that the leasees were the cause of their trouble. the cayugas also sent a message to the governor, saying they were "threatened with destruction, even total extermination. the voice comes from the west; _its sound is terrible, our brothers the cayugas and onondagas are to share the same fate_." the complaint was, they had sold their lands without consulting the _western tribes_. the decided position of the executive in giving them assurance of protection, was the means of dissipating their alarm. historical evidence renders it apparent, that at this early period, the design was entertained by those in canada, whose control over the indians was well nigh supreme, to gain through them possession of western new york, and without compromising the government of great britain, sever it from the united states, connect it with the territory of the north-west, and hold it by indian possession, in a sort of quasi allegiance, to the crown of england. their design with respect to western new york was defeated by the energetic measures of its chief executive, but further on we will see they did not relinquish the idea of holding from the united states, the territory of the north-west. next in the race of competition for the broad and fertile lands of the genesee, appear the names of oliver phelps and nathaniel gorham. they were the acknowledged representatives of a considerable body of men, who were ambitious of securing an interest in what was regarded as the most desirable region in this country. from the advent of gen. sullivan's army into the indian country in , their route being through the very finest portion of western new york, and at a season of the year when vegetation was in its highest perfection; the beauty and fertility of these lands became the theme of praise, on the part of every soldier that beheld them. their fame was thus carried to almost every village and hamlet in pennsylvania and new england. hence great eagerness was manifested in regard to the title, and settlement of these lands. the company of which messrs. phelps and gorham were the leading spirits, having purchased the pre-emptive right of massachusetts, in the spring of , mr. phelps went on to the ground, and was successful in convening a council of the indians for the sale of their lands, at buffalo creek, during the month of july of the same year. [footnote: his success in obtaining this council, and securing a sale, was owing in a large degree, to his policy in paying court to the powerful faction of the leasees residing in canada, and giving them an interest in the purchase.] the indians at this treaty strenuously resisted the sale of any of their land west of the genesee river; yet with a view of furnishing "_a piece of ground for a mill yard_" at the genesee falls, were finally persuaded to give their assent to a boundary line, that included a tract twelve miles square, west of that river. the eastern boundary of the lands sold, was the massachusetts pre-emptive line; the western, was a line "beginning in the northern line of pennsylvania, due south of the corner or point of land made by the confluence of the genesee river, and the canaseraga creek, thence north on said meridian line to the corner or point, at the confluence aforesaid; thence northwardly along the waters of the genesee river, to a point two miles north of canawangus village, thence running due west miles; thence running northwardly so as to be twelve miles distant from the western bounds of said river, to the shores of lake ontario." the lands thus ceded, are what has been called "_the phelps and gorham purchase_." it contained by estimation two million and six hundred thousand acres, for which they agreed to pay the indians five thousand dollars, and an annuity of five hundred dollars forever. robert morris, the distinguished financier of the revolution, afterward became owner of the greater part of this purchase, as well as of the pre- emptive right of massachusetts to the remaining part of western new york. through his agent in london, wm. temple franklin, grandson of doctor franklin, these lands were again sold to an association of gentlemen, consisting of sir william pultney, john hornby, and patrick colquhoun, and the farther settlement of this region, auspiciously commenced under its original proprietors, was conducted principally under their administration. an intelligent and enterprising young scotchman, charles williamson, who had previously devoted his time while detained as a prisoner in this country, during the war of the revolution, to investigations respecting its geographical resources and limits, and who from his disposition and business capacity, was well qualified for the station, was appointed their agent, and emigrating hither with his family, and two other young scotchmen as his assistants, john johnstone, and charles cameron, he became identified with the early history and progress of the extensive and important part of the indian territory, that as we have seen, had just been opened, and was inviting a new race, to take possession of its virgin soil. chapter vi. union of the western indian tribes contemplated--hostile influence of the agents of great britain in canada--ambitious project of thayendanegea or brant--council at tioga point--indian ceremonies--visit of cornplanter and others at the seat of government--kindly feeling of washington--fresh occasion of trouble. when red jacket, at the treaty of fort stanwix, in , projected the bold idea of the union of all the indian tribes on the continent, to resist the aggressions of the whites, he may not have thought it would soon come near having a practical fulfillment. this thought grew out of the circumstances and necessities of the times, and was the natural forecast of a great mind. his words sank deep into the hearts of his people,--they were carried beyond the bounds of that council-fire,--they went gliding along with the light canoe that plied the lakes,--and were wafted onward by the waters of the ohio and mississippi. several causes contributed to give direction and force to this movement. prominent among them was the fact, that the treaty of peace with great britain in , though it put an end to the war, did not secure friendly relations between the two countries. hostile feelings had been engendered and were still cherished, particularly by those who had taken refuge in canada, in the early part of the revolutionary struggle. some of them were very active in stirring up indian hostilities among the tribes at the west. but prominent above all others were the exertions of thayendanegea, or brant, the famous war-chief, from whose leadership the inhabitants of our frontier settlements had suffered so severely, during the war of the revolution. very soon after the treaty at fort stanwix in , from the dissatisfaction growing out of that treaty, and other indications among the indians, he began to entertain the ambitious project of forming a grand indian confederacy, of which he would be chief, embracing not only the iroquois, but all of the indian nations of the great north-west. he had given the entire summer of , to the business of visiting these nations, and holding councils among them, with a view to the furtherance of this object. [footnote: see stone's life and times of brant, vol. , p. .] he visited england at the close of this year, "ostensibly for the purpose of adjusting the claims of the loyal mohawks upon the crown, for indemnification of their losses and sacrifices in the contest, from which they had recently emerged." [footnote: see stone's life and times of brant, vol. , p. .] ... "coupled with the special business of the indian claims, was the design of _sounding the british government, touching the degree of countenance or the amount of assistance which he might expect from that quarter, in the event of a general indian war against the united states_." [footnote: ibid.] his arrival at salisbury was thus noted in a letter from that place, dated december , , and published in london. "monday last, colonel joseph brant, the celebrated king of the mohawks, arrived in this city from america, and after dining with colonel de peister, at the head-quarters here, proceeded on his journey to london. this extraordinary personage is said to have presided at the late grand congress of confederate chiefs, of the indian nations in america, and to be by them appointed to the conduct and chief command in the war, _which they now meditate against the united states of america_. he took his departure for england immediately as that assembly broke up; and it is conjectured that his embassy to the british court is of great importance." [footnote: life of brant, vol. , p. .] no public, decisive answer, for obvious reasons, was given to this application for countenance and aid in the contemplated war, for this part of the errand of the mohawk chief, was "_unknown to the public at that day_." [footnote: life of brant, vol. , p. .] captain brant on his return to america in , entered once more upon the work of combining the indian forces, and assembled a grand confederate council, which was held at huron village, near the mouth of detroit river. [footnote: it was attended by the six nations, the hurons, ottawas, miamis, shawanese, chippewas, cherokees, delawares, pottowattamies, and wabash, confederates.] an address to the congress of the united states was agreed upon at this council, pacific in its tone, provided no encroachments were made upon their lands west of the ohio river. this was their ultimatum previous to the war, in which they were afterwards united. at the treaty of peace between great britain and the united states in , it was stipulated that the military posts south of the great lakes should be surrendered. this surrender was refused, on the plea that the united states had not fulfilled an agreement on her part, to see the just claims, due the subjects of great britain, cancelled. from certain correspondence at this time it appears that there were other reasons also, for the witholding of these forts. their surrender was earnestly desired on the part of the united states, as it was well understood, they gave encouragement to the hostile combinations, that at this time were going on. in a letter to captain brant by sir john johnson dated quebec, march d, , he says, "do not suffer an idea to hold a place in your mind, that it will be for your interest to sit still and see the americans attempt the posts. [footnote: oswegatchie, oswego, niagara, detroit and mackinaw.] _it is for your sakes chiefly, if not entirely, that we hold them._ if you become indifferent about them, they may perhaps be given up; what security would you then have? you would be at the mercy of a people whose blood calls aloud for revenge; whereas, by supporting them, you encourage us to hold them, and encourage new settlements, already considerable, and every day increasing by numbers coming in, who find they can't live in the states. many thousands are preparing to come in. this increase of his majesty's subjects will serve as a protection to you, should the subjects of the states, by endeavoring to make further encroachments on you, disturb your quiet." [footnote: stone's life and times of brant.] another letter soon after, by major mathews seems to confirm the above statements. "his lordship [footnote: lord dorchester, governor general of canada, formerly sir guy carlton.] wishes them (the indians), to act as is best for their interest; he cannot begin a war with the americans, because some of their people encroach and make depredations upon parts of the indian country; but they must see it is his lordship's _intention to defend the posts_; and that while these are preserved, the indians must find great security therefrom, and consequently the americans greater difficulty in taking their lands; but should they once become masters of the posts, they will surround the indians, and accomplish their purpose with little trouble." [footnote: life of brant, vol. , p. .] thus it is seen that those at the head of british affairs in canada, while they studiously avoided coming into open collision with the united states, were viewing with satisfaction the gathering war-cloud, and were lending their influence to extend and intensify its threatening character. the only course left for the united states was to prepare for the conflict; and while forces were being summoned to take the field, they were preceded by efforts of a pacific character. a treaty was held with the six nations at fort harmar, on the muskingum, in january, , by gen. st. clair, in behalf of the united states, with a view to renew and confirm all the engagements, made at the treaty of fort stanwix in . goods amounting to three thousand dollars were distributed among the indians, after the satisfactory conclusion and signing of the treaty. [footnote: indian treaties.] at the same time a treaty was concluded with the wyandot, delaware, ottawa, chippewa, pottowattamie and sac nations, and goods distributed among them amounting to six thousand dollars, for a relinquishment of their claim to western lands. these negotiations were doubtless attended with a beneficial influence, but they could not arrest the tide of warlike feeling that had been created. hostilities were continued throughout the long line of our frontier settlements, and two of the senecas having been killed by some bordermen of pennsylvania, a great excitement was awakened among them. our government, anxious to remove the new occasion of disaffection, immediately disavowed the act, sought to bring the perpetrators of the crime to justice, and invited a friendly conference of the iroquois at tioga point. this council was convened on the sixteenth and remained in session until the twenty-third of november, . the chiefs in attendance at this council, and who took an active part in its deliberations, were fish carrier, farmer's brother, hendrick, little billy and red jacket. colonel pickering, as commissioner on the part of the united states, was present. red jacket, their principal speaker, portrayed in a vivid and strong light, the sorrow they experienced, the injustice they had suffered, and the unpleasant feelings aroused among them. a large number of indians were present, and were powerfully moved, and deeply affected by his speech. colonel pickering, on the other hand, gave a very clear view of the facts in the case, showing conclusively the innocence of the government in the murder committed, and after a time succeeded in allaying the excitement, drying up their tears, and wiping out the blood that had been shed. this council was enlivened by good cheer, and the observance of ceremonies common among the indians. thomas morris, who was present, was at this time adopted into one of their tribes. his father, robert morris of philadelphia, having purchased of massachusetts, in , the pre-emptive right to that part of western new york, not sold to phelps and gorham, sent his son, as preparatory to the negotiations he desired to make with the indians, and for the general management of his business connected with the undertaking, to reside in canandaigua. while here he was diligent in cultivating an acquaintance with the principal chiefs of the iroquois confederacy, who resided in that region. in this he was successful, and soon became a general favorite among them. he was in attendance with colonel pickering at tioga point, where the indians determined to adopt him into the seneca nation, and red jacket bestowed upon him the name himself had borne, previous to his elevation to the dignity of sachem; o-ti-ti-ani, "_always ready_." it is beautifully described by colonel stone, and is given in his language. "the occasion of which they availed themselves to perform the cermony of conferring upon young morris his new name, was a religious observance, when the whole sixteen hundred indians present at the treaty, united in an offering to the moon, then being at her full. it was a clear night, and the moon shone with uncommon brilliancy. the host of indians, and their neophite, were all seated upon the ground in an extended circle, on one side of which a large fire was kept burning. the aged cayuga chieftain, fish carrier, who was held in exalted veneration for his wisdom, and who had been greatly distinguished for his bravery from his youth up, officiated as the high priest of the occasion;--making a long speech to the luminary, occasionally throwing tobacco into the fire, as incense. on the conclusion of the address, the whole company prostrated themselves upon the bosom of their parent earth, and a grunting sound of approbation was uttered from mouth to mouth, around the entire circle. "at a short distance from the fire a post had been planted in the earth, intended to represent the stake of torture, to which captives are bound for execution. after the ceremonies in favor of madam luna had been ended, they commenced a war-dance around the post, and the spectacle must have been as picturesque as it was animating and wild. the young braves engaged in the dance were naked, excepting a breech-cloth about their loins. they were painted frightfully, their backs being chalked white, with irregular streaks of red, denoting the streaming of blood. frequently would they cease from dancing, while one of their number ran to the fire, snatching thence a blazing stick, placed there for that purpose, which he would thrust at the post, as though inflicting torture upon a prisoner. in the course of the dance they sung their songs, and made the forests ring with their wild screams and shouts, as they boasted of their deeds of war, and told the number of scalps they had respectively taken, or which had been taken by their nation. during the dance those engaged in it, as did others also, partook freely of unmixed rum, and by consequence of the natural excitement of the occasion, and the artificial excitement of the liquor the festival had well nigh turned out a tragedy. it happened that among the dancers was an oneida warrior, who in striking the post, boasted of the number of scalps taken by his nation during the war of the revolution. now the oneidas, it will be recollected, had sustained the cause of the colonies in that contest, while the rest of the iroquois confederacy, had espoused that of the crown. the boasting of the oneida warrior therefore, was like striking a spark into a keg of powder. the ire of the senecas was kindled in an instant, and they in turn boasted of the number of scalps taken from the oneidas in that contest. they moreover taunted the oneidas as cowards. quick as lightning the hands of the latter were upon their weapons, and in turn the knives and tomahawks of the senecas began to glitter in the moon-beams, as they were hastily drawn forth. for an instant it was a scene of anxious, almost breathless suspense, a death- struggle seeming inevitable, when the storm was hushed by the interposition of old fish carrier, who rushed forward, and striking the post with violence, exclaimed '_you are all a parcel of boys. when you have attained my age, and performed the warlike deeds that i have performed, you may boast of what you have done; but not till then._' "saying which he threw down the post, put an end to the dance, and caused the assembly to retire. this scene in its reality must have been one of absorbing and peculiar interest. an assembly of nearly two thousand inhabitants of the forest, grotesquely clad in skins and strouds, with shining ornaments of silver, and their coarse raven hair falling over their shoulders, and playing wildly in the wind as it swept past, sighing mournfully among the giant branches of the trees above, such a group gathered in a broad circle of an opening in the wilderness, the starry canopy of heaven glittering above them, the moon casting her silver mantle around their dusky forms, and a large fire blazing in the midst of them, before which they were working their spells, and performing their savage rites, must have presented a spectacle of long and vivid remembrance." [footnote: stone's life and times of sa-go-ye-wat-ha.] this meeting conducted with evident good feeling, served much to allay the excitement and anger of the senecas, and other tribes there represented, but the question concerning their lands, was still agitated and created dissatisfaction. with a view to obtain some concession in their favor, cornplanter, half town and big tree visited philadelphia, which was at that time the seat of the general government, very soon after the council at tioga point. they were especially anxious to obtain the restoration of a portion of land south of lake erie, and bordering upon pennsylvania, which was occupied by half town and his clan. they represented it as the land on which half town and all his people live, with other chiefs who always have been, and still are dissatisfied with the treaty at fort stanwix. "they grew out of this land, and their fathers grew out of it, and they cannot be persuaded to part with it. _we therefore entreat you to restore to us this little piece._" this appeal, so simple and touching, was responded to by president washington with great kindness. he reminded them that the treaty at fort stanwix had been fully confirmed at fort harmar in , that it was not within his province to annul the provisions of a treaty, especially one that had been concluded before his administration commenced, yet he assured them that half town and his people, should not be disturbed, in the peaceful occupancy of the land in question. from the friendly manner in which they were received and treated by the president, and the generous gifts bestowed, they returned home feeling satisfied that the ruler of the thirteen fires would do them no injustice, and they were hence better reconciled to the people he governed. before leaving, however, they were engaged to go in company with colonel proctor, of the indian department, on an embassy of peace to the hostile tribes at the west, which was undertaken in the following spring. on reaching their own country it was found that another outrage had been committed by a party of border-men, upon the senecas at beaver creek, in the neighborhood of pittsburg, in which three men and one woman were killed. cornplanter immediately sent runners with a dispatch to the government, informing them of the event, and with the earnest inquiry, "our father, and ruler over all mankind, _speak now and tell us, did you order those men to be killed_?" the secretary of war utterly disclaimed and denounced the transaction, promised them restitution, and that the offenders should be brought to justice. these times were so fruitful in difficulties, that ere one was healed another was created; yet our government by wise and prompt measures were after this successful, in securing peace with all of the iroquois family within its borders. chapter vii. expedition under gen. harmar--its failure--high hopes of the indians--col. proctor's visit to the indians at buffalo creek--red jacket's speech-- indian deputation refused--interference of the matrons--council at painted post--chiefs invited to philadelphia. the efforts of our government to secure peace with the indians, were but partially successful. as our settlements extended westward in pennsylvania, and along the ohio and kentucky borders, indian hostilities and depredations continued to multiply. from the year when peace was concluded with great britain, until october, , when the united states commenced offensive operations against them, the indians killed, wounded and took prisoners on the ohio and the frontiers, about fifteen hundred men, women and children; besides taking away two thousand horses, and a large amount of other property. the shawanese, miamis and wabash indians were chiefly concerned in these bloody transactions; and our government finding protection for her citizens could not be secured by pacific means, resolved to proceed with vigorous offensive measures. general harmar, a veteran of the revolution, with a force of fourteen hundred and fifty men, three hundred and twenty from the regular army, and the balance made up of recruits from kentucky and pennsylvania, advanced toward the indian country. the expedition left fort washington, the present site of cincinnati, on the th of september, . the indians, who kept watch of his movements, burned before his coming, their principal village and retired. seizing a favorable opportunity, they fell suddenly upon a detachment of the main army commanded by colonel harding, consisting of two hundred and ten men, thirty of whom were regulars. at the first onset the militia, the main part of the force, fled. the regulars stood their ground bravely for a time, but at a fearful odds; seven only escaped. colonel harding, desirous of retrieving the disgrace, the next day with three hundred militia and sixty regulars, gave battle to the indians. they fought near the junction of st. joseph and st. mary rivers, and the struggle, though severe and bloody, ended with the defeat of the americans. success elated and emboldened the indians, and rendered hopeless the negotiations for peace. nevertheless the mission of colonel proctor, with a deputation from the iroquois was not given up, and when spring opened he repaired to their country, to be joined by cornplanter, red jacket and others, and proceed on his visit to the hostile tribes of the west. anticipating his arrival, a council of the iroquois had been called at buffalo creek. already messengers had been sent, earnestly soliciting them to join the warriors that were rising everywhere, from toward the setting sun. they had defeated the americans, and nothing was wanting but the united action of all the indian tribes, to secure the broad lands of the north-west, where they could spread their blankets in peace, and dwell securely forever. the senecas, particularly, were urged to join in a war, that opened so many hopeful and glorious anticipations. the distinguished warrior brant was very solicitous on this point, and being encouraged by those at the head of british affairs in canada, was sanguine of ultimate success. colonel proctor, accompanied by cornplanter, arrived at the council fire kindled at buffalo creek, on the th of april, . among the indian chiefs present were young king, farmer's brother and red jacket. the latter had now an acknowledged pre-eminence among his people, and took a leading part in the deliberations of this council. it was opened by a speech from red jacket, as follows: "brother: listen. as is our custom we now address you, and we speak to you as to a brother that has been long absent. we all address you, and our chief warrior, cornplanter; and we thank the great spirit for his and your safe arrival, coming as you do hand in hand from honandaganius [footnote: name given to general washington.] on important business. "you have traveled long with tearful eyes, from the roughness of the way, and the inclemency of the season. besides the difficulties between the bad indians and our brothers the white people, everything has been conspiring to prevent your coming, thwart your business, and cause you to lose your way. the great waters might have prevented your coming; the wars might have stopped you; sickness and death might have overtaken you, for we know not what is to happen till it comes upon us. therefore we thank the great spirit, who has preserved you from dangers, that would have prevented our hearing the good news you have come to bring us. and when filled with good news, how is it possible that disasters should befall you on the way? "wipe therefore from your eyes, the tears that have been occasioned by the dangers through which you have come. we now place you upon a seat where you can sit erect, a seat where you will be secure from the fear of your enemies, where you can look around upon all as your friends and brothers in peace. "you have come with your heart and lips firmly closed, lest you should lose anything you had to say. with a brotherly hand we now open your hearts, and we remove the seal from your lips, that you may open them and speak freely without obstruction. your ears too have been closed, that they might hear nothing until saluted by our voice. open your ears to hear our counsels when we shall have had messages from you. "we present therefore the compliments of the chiefs and head men of buffalo creek, to you and to our great warrior, the cornplanter, hoping that you may each proceed safely with your business." to this cornplanter replied briefly, in behalf of himself and col. procter, reciprocating the kindness manifested, in the welcome that had been given them. after which col. proctor explained fully the object of their coming, which was to obtain from them a deputation of peace, to visit with him the hostile indian tribes at the west; and assured them of the liberal views, and friendly feelings of the chief of the thirteen fires toward them. several days were thereupon consumed in devising expedients and raising objections, which terminated finally in the declaration that nothing could be done without consulting their _british friends at fort niagara_. they desired the colonel to go with them there. his business not being with the british, but with them, he declined going. they then insisted upon having one of the officers of the fort to sit with them in council. this being allowed, col. butler afterward appeared among them, and after a little private consultation with him, they seemed to be utterly averse to sending the proposed delegation. captain brant, just before starting on a visit to western tribes, had been holding a consultation with these chiefs, and had no doubt been influential in causing them to be averse to joining this embassy. col. proctor, finding further negotiation hopeless, declared his purpose to return, and expressed his regret in having to carry back an unfavorable report to the government, on whose kind and pacific errand he had been sent forth. this announcement made a deep impression on their minds, and immediately a change took place in their proceedings, which revealed a peculiar feature of indian diplomacy. the women, who had been carefully watching the proceedings of this council, began to express their unwillingness to send to general washington an unfavorable reply. to them was conceded the right, in things pertaining to the safety of their homes, of reversing, if they thought proper, the decision of the men. they did so on this occasion, and employed red jacket to present their views on the following day. it was decided by them, in view of the threatening aspect of affairs, that cornplanter, their most experienced warrior, should not leave them; but that a sufficient deputation, for which they had obtained volunteers, should accompany col. proctor, at the same time advising him of the danger, admonishing him to proceed with caution; "_to reach his neck over the land, and take in all the light he could, that would show him his danger_." the journey being regarded as too hazardous by land, and the indians unwilling to perform it with their canoes, the case was decided by the british officers, who refused them a vessel for the undertaking. so great was the excitement among the indians at this time, that before the result of col. proctor's mission was generally known, another council of the iroquois was invited to meet at painted post, and was held during the month of june following. the british officers at niagara, and runners from the western tribes, exerted their influence to prevent the iroquois from coming into alliances of peace with the united states. but through the exertions of col. proctor, assisted by cornplanter and the elderly matrons, the minds of the leading chiefs were turned from the proposed western alliance to colonel pickering and the treaty ground at painted post. red jacket, together with other leading chiefs was present, and took an active part in the deliberations of this council. it was well attended by the indians, as also by several american gentlemen, and a number of speeches were interchanged, whose general drift was in the direction of peace. the result of this gathering was satisfactory to all parties. it served to bind more closely the friendship of the leading chiefs to the united states, and it served also to interest the minds of the young warriors, who had else from a love of adventure followed the war path, with the tribes at the west. at the close of this council, a large entertainment was prepared purely after the civilized style, and when it was about concluded, colonel pickering took occasion to place before them the blessings and advantages of a cultivated state of society; and the happy influences that would arise from the introduction among them of the arts of civilized life. he assured them of the kind interest felt by general washington and others in their welfare, and promised to aid them in any efforts they were disposed to make, for the advancement of their people. presents were then liberally distributed among them, and they were invited at a convenient time to visit general washington, and confer with him more fully on the subject. the indians were pleased with these suggestions, and promised to accept of the proffered invitation. thus happily closed this council, gathered amid distracting influences, the indians returning home better satisfied with their friendly attitude toward the government, and their feelings in striking contrast with those of their brethren at the west. chapter viii. expedition to the indian country--washington's charge to gen. st. clair-- approach to the indian villages--sudden surprise--disasterous battle-- indian victory--retreat of the americans--boldness of the indians-- friendly indian deputation--welcome of the governor of pennsylvania--red jacket's reply--address of president washington--reply of red jacket-- cause of indian hostilities. indian hostilities still continued to destroy the peace and safety of our frontier settlements. and congress with a view to provide relief, resolved to increase our military force, and place in the hands of the executive, more ample means for their defense. a new expedition was therefore projected. general st. clair, governor of the territory west of the ohio, was appointed commander-in-chief of the forces to be employed. president washington had been deeply pained by the disasters of general harmar's expedition to the wabash, resulting from indian ambushes. in taking leave of his old military comrade, st. clair, he wished him success and honor; at the same time to put him on his guard, said,--"you have your instructions from the secretary of war. i had a strict eye to them, and will add but one word--beware of a surprise! you know how the indians fight. i repeat it--_beware of a surprise_!" with these warning words sounding in his ear, st. clair departed. [footnote: irving's life of washington.] on the seventh of september, , general st. clair set out for the indian country. the american banner was unfurled and waved proudly over two thousand of her soldiers, as with sanguine hopes and bright anticipations, they took up their line of march for the miami, designing to destroy the indian villages on that river, expel the savages from the region, and by establishing a line of posts to the ohio river, prevent the indians from returning to a point, where they had been the occasion of great mischief. on their way they constructed two forts, hamilton and jefferson, and advanced but slowly, having to open for themselves a way through the forest. too many of those composing this little army were deficient in soldier-like qualities. they had been recruited from the off- scourings of large towns and cities, enervated by idleness, debauchery, and every species of vice, which unfitted them for the arduous service of indian warfare. hence insubordination, and frequent desertion, were among the difficulties encountered. not until the third of november, did they come near the indian villages on the miami. on the evening of that day they selected a position on the bank of a creek, which favored their purpose, and bivouacked for the night. their number, from desertion, and those left to garrison the forts, amounted to but fourteen hundred. the place of their encampment was surrounded by close woods, dense thickets, and the trunks of fallen trees, affording a fine cover for stealthy indian warfare. it was the intention of st. clair to throw up a slight work on the following day, and then move on to attack the indian villages. the plan of this work he concerted in the evening with major ferguson, of the artillery. in the mean time, colonel oldham, an officer commanding the militia, was directed to send out that evening, two detachments, to explore the country and gain what knowledge they could of the enemy. the militia showed signs of insubordination, complained of being too much fatigued, and the order apparently could not be enforced. the militia were encamped beyond the stream, about a quarter of a mile in advance, on a high flat, a position much more favorable than was occupied by the main body. the placing of sentinels, about fifty paces from each other, formed their principal security against surprise. at an early hour the next morning, the woods about the camp of the militia, swarmed with indians, and a terrific yell, followed by sharp reports of the deadly rifle, were startling sounds, in the ear of the newly recruited soldier. the militia returned a feeble fire, and immediately fled toward the main body of the army. they came rushing in, pell-mell and threw into disorder the front rank, drawn up in the order of battle. the indians, still keeping up their frightful yell, followed hard after the militia, and would have entered the camp with them, but the sight of troops drawn up with fixed bayonets to receive them, checked their ardor, and stopping short they threw themselves behind logs and bushes, and poured in a deadly fire upon the first line, which was soon extended to the second. our soldiers were mown down at a fearful rate. the indians fought with great desperation. they charged upon the center of the two main divisions commanded by general butler, and colonel darke with unexampled intrepidity. they aimed a destructive fire upon the artillerists from every direction, and swept them down by scores. the artillery if not very effective, was bravely served. a quantity of canister and some round shot were thrown in the direction whence the indians fired; but concealed as they were, and seen only occasionally, as they sprang from one covert to another, it was impossible to direct the pieces to advantage; and so effective was the fire upon them, that every artillery officer, and more than two-thirds of the men, were killed or wounded. st. clair, unable to mount his horse, was borne about on a litter, and in the midst of peril and disaster, gave his orders with coolness and judgment. seeing to what disadvantage his troops fought with a concealed enemy, he ordered colonel darke, with his regiment of regulars, to rouse the indians from their covert with the bayonet, and turn their left flank. this was executed with great spirit; the enemy were driven three or four hundred yards; but for want of cavalry or riflemen, the pursuit slackened, and the troops were forced to give back in turn, and the indians came on with a deadlier aim, the moment pursuit was relinquished. strenuous efforts were made by the officers, early in the engagement, to restore order, which resulted in making themselves a mark, and they were cut down by the quick-sighted enemy. all the officers of the second regiment were cut off except three. the contest disastrous from the first, had now continued for more than two hours and a half. the loss of so many officers, and the hopeless condition of the army, the half of them killed, and the situation of the remainder desperate, brought discouragement to many a brave heart. it was useless to make further effort, which promised only a more fatal result. a retreat therefore was ordered, colonel darke being directed to charge the indians that intercepted the way toward fort jefferson, and major clark with his battalion to cover the rear; these movements were successfully made, and the most of the troops that remained collected in a body, with such of the wounded as could possibly hobble along with them; thus they departed, leaving their artillery and baggage. the retreat, though disorderly, was accomplished without difficulty, as the indians did not pursue them far, from a desire to return for plunder. yet the entire way, for near thirty miles, the distance to fort jefferson, bore the marks of a trepidation that seemed to characterize the entire engagement. the soldiers continued to throw away their guns, knapsacks, or whatever else impeded their flight, even when at a wide remove from all danger. the army reduced by killed, wounded and desertion to about one-half its original number, fell back upon fort washington, the point of starting, and thus unfortunately closed a campaign, concerning which the highest expectations had been entertained. it was a heavy blow upon our infant republic, and spread over our country a gloom, which was greatly deepened by a sorrow for the loss of many worthy and brave men, who though they freely sacrificed their lives, could not avert these disasters. the indians, on account of this further victory, were elated beyond endurance, and conducted more haughtily than ever before. their incursions were more frequent, their depredations more extensive, and their cruelties more excessive. the frontier inhabitants, especially of pennsylvania, and kentucky, never felt more insecure, and were never more exposed to loss of life, plunder and burning. in some instances whole settlements were broken up, by those who left their homes and sought, in the more densely peopled sections of the east, places of greater security. these circumstances served to impart a deeper interest to the visit of a friendly deputation, consisting of about fifty chiefs of the iroquois, who came to philadelphia early in the spring of , in compliance with the request of colonel pickering made at painted post the preceding year. red jacket was a prominent member of this delegation. their presence had been solicited, with the view of calling the attention of the leading chiefs, to thoughts and efforts for the improvement of their race; as well as by kind and generous treatment, to bring them into firmer alliance with the united states. and it is a pleasing thought that amid the wrongs done to the indian, we are able to point to earnest and well intended endeavors, on the part of our government, to promote his welfare. the governor of pennsylvania cordially welcomed this deputation, representing the happiness their coming had created, and assuring them that every provision had been made, to render their stay agreeable, closing his remarks in these words: "brothers: i know the kindness with which you treat strangers that visit your country; and it is my sincere wish, that when you return to your families, you may be able to assure them, that the virtues of friendship and hospitality, are also practiced by the citizens of pennsylvania." to this welcome red jacket, a few days afterward replied, apologizing for not answering it sooner, and expressing the pleasure it afforded them, of meeting in a place where their forefathers in times past, had been wont to greet each other in peace and friendship, and declaring it as his wish, that the same happy relations might be established, and exist between the united states and all of the indian tribes. his remarks on peace were introduced by a beautiful reference to a picture of penn's treaty with the indians, and an enconium on the governors of pennsylvania for their uniformly peaceable disposition. it has been said of him as having occurred at a subsequent visit to the seat of our government, that when shown in the rotunda of the capitol, a panel representing, in sculpture, the first landing of the pilgrims, with an indian chief presenting them an ear of corn, in token of a friendly welcome, he exclaimed,--"_that was good.--the indian knew they came from the great spirit, and he was willing to share the soil with his brothers._" when another panel was pointed out to him representing penn's treaty,--he exclaimed sadly,--"_ah! all's gone now._" [footnote: drake's book of the indians.] the indians were again addressed by president washington, who gave them a hearty welcome to the seat of government, declaring that they had been invited by his special request, to remove all causes of discontent, devise plans for their welfare, and cement a firm peace. he wished them to partake of all the comforts of the earth to be derived from civilized life, to be enriched by industry, virtue and knowledge, and transmit these invaluable blessings to their children. the western indians had charged the united states with an unjust possession of their lands. they desired no lands, he said, but such as had been fairly obtained by treaty, and he hoped the error might be corrected. for the further explanation of his views and wishes, he commended them to general knox, the secretary of war, and colonel pickering; concluding his address with these words:-- "as an evidence of the sincerity of the desire of the united states for perfect peace, and friendship with you, i deliver you this white belt of wampum, which i request you will safely keep." the president having thus appointed colonel pickering and general knox, to attend to the further conferences with the indians, red jacket's reply to the president's address, was made to them. his address was directed mainly to colonel pickering. taking in his hand the belt presented by president washington, he spoke very much as follows: "your attention is now called to the words of the american chief, when, the other day he welcomed us to the great council fire of the thirteen united states. he said it was from his very heart; and that it gave him pleasure to look around and see so large a representation of the five nations of indians. that it was at his special request we had been invited to the seat of the general government, with a view to promote the happiness of our nation, in a friendly connection with the united states. he said also that his love of peace did not terminate with the five nations, but extended to all the nations at the setting sun, and it was his desire that universal peace might prevail in this land. "what can we, your brothers of the five nations, say in reply to this part of his speech, other than to thank him, and say it has given a spring to every passion of our souls. "the sentiment of your chief, who wishes our minds might all be disposed to peace,--a happy peace, so firm that nothing shall move it,--that it may be founded on a rock,--this comparison of the peace to a _rock, which is immovable_, has given joy to our hearts. "the president observed also, that by our continuing in the path of peace, and listening to his counsel, we might share with you all the blessings of civilized life; this meets with our approbation, and he has the thanks of all your brothers of the five nations. "and further, that if we attended to his counsel in this matter, our children and children's children, might partake of all the blessings which should rise out of this earth. "the president observed again, that what he had spoken was in the sincerity of his heart, and that time and opportunity would give evidence that what he said was true. and we believe it because the words came from his own lips, and they are lodged deep in our minds. "he said also that it had come to his ears that the cause of the hostilities of the western indians, was their persuasion that the united states had unjustly taken their lands. but he assured us this was not the case; that none of his chiefs desired to take any of their land, without agreeing for it; and that the land, given up at the treaty at muskingum, he concluded had been fairly obtained. "he said to us that in his opinion the hostile indians were in error, that whatever evil spirit, or lies had turned them aside, he wished could be discovered, that they might be removed. he had a strong wish that any obstacles to the extension of peace westward, might be discovered, so that they might be removed. "in conclusion he observed that our professions of friendship and regard, were commonly witnessed by some token; therefore in the name of the united states, he presented us with this white belt, which was to be handed down from one generation to another, in confirmation of his words, and as a witness of the friendly disposition of the united states, towards the peace and happiness of the five confederated nations." red jacket here laid down the white belt presented by the president, and taking up a belt of their own, continued his speech as follows: "now let the president of the united states possess his mind in peace. our reply to his address to us the other day has been brief, for the belt he gave us is deposited with us, and we have taken firm hold of it. we return our united thanks for his address, in welcoming us to the seat of the great council, and for the advice he has given us. "we have additional pleasure in knowing that you, con-neh-sauty [footnote: col. pickering.] are appointed to assist us, in devising the means to promote and secure the happiness of the six nations. "now open your ears, representatives of the great council, hear the words we speak. all present of the great council, [footnote: referring to members of congress present.] and our brethren of the five nations, hear! we consider ourselves in the presence of the great spirit, the proprietor of us all. "the president has in effect told us we are freemen, the sole proprietors of the soil on which we live. this has gladdened our hearts, and removed a weight that was upon them. this indeed is to us an occasion of joy, for how can two brothers speak freely together, unless they feel they are upon equal ground? "we now speak freely, as they are free from pressure, and we join with the president in his wish, that all the evils which have hitherto disturbed our peace, may be buried in oblivion. this is the sincere wish of our hearts. "now, brother, continue to hear, let all present open their ears, while those of the five nations here present speak _with one voice_. we wish to see your words verified to our children, and children's children. you enjoy all the blessings of this life; to you therefore we look to make provision, that the same may be enjoyed by our children. this wish comes from our heart, but we add that our happiness cannot be great if, in the introduction of your ways, we are put under too much constraint. "continue to hear. we, your brothers of the five nations, believe that the great spirit let this island [footnote: the indians use the term _island_, in speaking of this continent.] drop down from above. we also believe in his superintendency over this whole island. he gives peace and prosperity, he also sends evil. prosperity has been yours. american brethren, all the good which can spring out of this island, you enjoy. we wish, therefore, that we and our children, and our children's children, may partake with you of that enjoyment. "i observe that the great spirit might smile on one people, and frown on another. this you have seen, who are of one color, and one blood. the king of england, and you americans strove to advance your happiness by extending your possessions on this island, which produces so many good things. and while you two great powers were contending for those good things, by which the whole island was shaken, violently agitated, is it strange that our peace, the peace of the five nations, was shaken and overthrown? "but i will say no more of the trembling of this island. all in a measure is now quiet. peace is restored. our peace, the peace of the five nations is beginning to bud forth. but still there is some shaking among our brethren at the setting sun; and you, of the thirteen fires, and the king of england know what is our situation and the cause of this disturbance. here now, you have an ambassador, [footnote: referring to the british envoy to the united states.] as we are informed from the king of england. let him in behalf of the king, and the americans, adjust all their matters, according to their agreement, at the making of peace--and then you will soon see all things settled among the indian nations. peace will extend far and near. let the president and the ambassador use all their exertions to bring about this settlement, according to the peace, and it will make us all glad, and we shall consider both as our real friends. "brother: continue to hear! be assured we have spoken not from our lips only, but from our very hearts. allow us then to say: that when you americans and the king made peace, he did not mention us, showed us no compassion, notwithstanding all he said to us, and all we had suffered. this has been the occasion to us, the five nations, of great loss, sorrow and pain. when you and he settled the peace between you two great nations, he never asked for a delegation from us, to attend to our interests. had this been done, a settlement of peace among all the western nations might have been effected. but neglecting this, and passing us by unnoticed, has brought upon us great pain and trouble. "it is evident that we of the five nations have suffered much in consequence of the strife between you and the king of england, who are of one color and of one blood. but our chain of peace has been broken. peace and friendship have been driven from us. yet you americans were determined not to treat us in the same manner as we have been treated by the king of england. you therefore desired us at the re-establishment of peace, to sit down at our ancient fireplaces, and again enjoy our lands. and had the peace between you and the king of england been completely accomplished, it would long before this have extended far beyond the five nations. "brother con-neh-sauty: we have rejoiced in your appointment, for you are specially appointed with general knox, to confer with us on our peace and happiness. we hope the great warrior will remember, that though a _warrior_, he is to converse with us about _peace_; letting what concerns war sleep; and the counselling part of his mind, while acting with us, be of _peace_. "have patience, and continue to listen. the president has assured us that he is not the cause of the hostilities now existing at the westward, but laments it. brother, we wish you to point out to us of the five nations, _what you think is the real cause_. "we now publicly return our thanks to the president, and all the counsellors of the thirteen united states, for the words he has spoken to us. they were good, unqualifiedly good. shall we observe that he wished that if the errors of the hostile indians could be discovered, he would use his utmost exertions to remove them? "brother! you and the king of england are the two governing powers of this island. what are we? you both arc important and proud; and you cannot adjust your own affairs agreeably to your declarations of peace. therefore the western indians are bewildered. one says one thing to them, and another says another. were these things adjusted, it would be easy to diffuse peace everywhere. "in confirmation of our words, we give this belt, which we wish the president to hold fast, in remembrance of what we have now spoken." [footnote: this speech, given by col. stone from a manuscript of j. w. moulton, esq., on account of its importance, is presented almost entire. a few changes have been made, but the ideas of the orator, and the language mostly in which they are given, have been strictly maintained, while the changes are no greater than would have been made, had two reporters taken the words as they came from the lips of the orator.] a very touching reference is made in this speech, to the manner in which the indians had been treated by great britain, when peace was concluded with the united states. notwithstanding the promises and high expectations held out to them, at the commencement of the war, and their sacrifices and services during its continuance, no notice was taken, no mention made of them in the treaty of peace. in the expressive language of red jacket, "_the king showed them no compassion_." they had for years fought side by side with the soldiers of britain, they had, with stealthy tread, come down upon our settlements far removed from the seat of war, surprised peaceful inhabitants, slain defenseless women and children, plundered and burned their dwellings, and wrought in the hearts of the american people a sense of wrong, that cried for redress. what could be their position, now that the armies of britain are withdrawn? the armies of britain defeated, could they, single handed, cope with the american army? these were questions that weighed deeply on their minds. did they expect the hand of friendship to be extended toward them? to be invited to councils of peace, --to the intimacies, hospitalities, and kindly feeling manifested on this occasion? the orator was deeply impressed by it, and notes the contrast apparent in the conduct toward them, of britain and america. "_you americans were determined not to treat us in the same manner, as we had been treated by the king of england. you desired us at the re- establishment of peace, to sit down at our ancient fire-places, and again enjoy our lands_." he further very significantly refers to the occasion of the hostile feelings among the indians at the west. it was because the peace between england and america "_had not been fully accomplished_." in other words, hostile feelings were still cherished, and their _outward manifestation_ could be seen, in the plundering and massacres, still carried on among our frontier settlements. the establishment of a _true peace_ between the two countries,--the existence and cultivation of genuine amicable relations between them, would, in his view, end all this trouble, and "_diffuse peace everywhere_." we have already had occasion to notice the unfriendly feeling, cherished by the british indian department in canada, toward the united states; and evidence will be afforded further on, of their being deeply implicated in the hostilities endured, coming from the indians on our western border. chapter ix. indian appropriation--embassy sent west--instructions--medal presented to red jacket--military suits--close of conference--washington's parting words--visit of thayendanegea--council at au glaize--result--another commission--indian diplomacy--washington's letter to mr. jay--commission goes west--various interviews--result of council--re-organization under general wayne--ready for action--advice of little turtle--wayne's battle and victory--treaty of peace. while these indian chiefs were at philadelphia, a bill was passed by congress, and ratified by the president, appropriating fifteen hundred dollars annually, for the benefit of the iroquois, in purchasing for them clothing, domestic animals, implements of husbandry, and for encouraging useful artificers to reside in their villages. they were engaged also to go on a pacific embassy to the hostile indians of the west, and assure them of the friendly disposition of the united states toward them;--that they want nothing which belongs to the hostile indians;--that they appointed commissioners to treat with them for their lands, and give them a large quantity of goods;--that a number of chiefs signed the deeds, and from the reports of the commissioners, it was supposed the lands had been fairly obtained;--that under this supposition large tracts had been sold, and hence difficult to restore again; but as the united states desire only what is just, they will attentively hear the complaints of the western indians;--they will re-examine the treaties, and inquire into the manner in which they were conducted;--and if the complaints of the western indians, appear to be well founded, the united states will make them ample compensation for their lands. they will do more;--so far from desiring to injure, they would do them good; they would cheerfully impart to them that knowledge, and those arts, by which they propose to increase the happiness, and promote the welfare of the six nations. it was during this visit that president washington, in token of his friendship and esteem, gave red jacket a large silver medal bearing his likeness, which he ever after preserved with much care, and took great pride in wearing. [illustration: george washington president. .] general knox, the secretary of war, directed also that a military suit of clothes be given to each member of the deputation, including a cocked hat, as worn by the officers of the united states army. when red jacket's suit was presented to him he eyed it carefully, and rather admiringly, but requested the bearer to inform general knox that the suit would hardly become him, as he was not a war-chief but a sachem, the sachems being civil, rather than military officers. he desired therefore that another suit be prepared, which would accord better with the relation he sustained to his people; at the same time declaring the one sent very good, and manifesting a disposition to retain it, until the other was prepared. a plain suit was accordingly prepared and brought to him, and with this he seemed to be highly pleased. the bearer tarrying a little, and manifesting a readiness to carry back the other suit, red jacket coolly and rather playfully remarked, that though the present suit was more in keeping with his character as sachem, it nevertheless, occurred sometimes, in cases of emergency, that the sachems also went to war, and as it would then be very becoming and proper for him to wear it, he was happy to have one in case a circumstance of this kind should occur. these indian chiefs were all highly gratified with the attention shown them, during this visit to the general government. they were especially pleased with the interest that had been taken in the improvement of their people, and the pledges they had received of aid in carrying out the benevolent designs entertained toward them. and they all, red jacket with the rest, were favorably impressed with the views of washington, in desiring to introduce among them the improvements of civilized life. these conferences were brought to a close on the thirtieth of april, and president washington in a concluding speech, said to them,--"when you return to your country, tell your nation that it is my desire to promote their prosperity, by teaching them the use of domestic animals, and the manner that the white people plough and raise so much corn, and if upon consideration, it would be agreeable to the nation at large, to learn those arts, i will find some means of teaching them at some places within their country, as shall be agreed upon." [footnote: irving's life of washington.] the government had taken special pains also to secure the attendance of the celebrated thayendanegea or brant, with this deputation of friendly chiefs. the invitation, though a pressing one, was declined, and not without reason. for besides the powerful influence exerted over him by the officers of the british government in canada, who strenuously opposed his coming, it has since been ascertained that he was the leading spirit who directed with so much success to the indians, the onslaught upon general st. clair's army, the preceding fall. hence his own feelings could not have been of the most friendly character. he was, nevertheless, induced to visit the seat of government during the month of june following, and pledged himself to exert his influence in an effort to secure peace for the united states, with the indians at the west. a very large indian council, composed of delegates from many and some of them very distant nations, was held at au glaize, on the miami of lake erie, in the autumn of . a large delegation from the six nations, friendly to the united states, was present and took part in the deliberations. red jacket was the principal speaker, and strenuously advocated the settlement of their difficulties, by peaceful negotiations instead of war. the shawanese as strenuously advocated the continuance of hostilities. they taunted the six nations with having induced them to form a great confederacy, a few years before, and of having come to the council now, "with the voice of the united states folded under their arm;"--referring to the belt which was significant of their embassy. the shawanese, miamis and kickapoos were addicted to horse-stealing, and while hostilities were continued, they reaped from this source, their greatest harvests. captain brant on account of sickness was unable to be present, and it may be noticed that from this time on, his efforts to form a north-western indian confederacy, were very sensibly remitted. he no doubt found there were so many conflicting interests and national jealousies in the way, as to render the project comparatively hopeless. but more than all, he had depended upon the following of the entire body, composed of the six nations, and when he saw them coming largely under the influence of the united states, he could realize that the strength and permanence of his contemplated position, were so seriously affected, as to render its attainment extremely doubtful. the addition of the entire iroquois family, to the proposed confederation, would have brought into it an element of intellectual superiority, and their long established polity of acting in concert, would have been of essential service among forces that were wild and chaotic. and we are not surprised that the diversion effected among them, should have changed somewhat the views of the distinguished thayendanegea. no decisive action was reached at this council, but an agreement was made to suspend hostilities during the winter, provided the united states would withdraw their troops from the west side of the ohio; and another council was appointed to meet at the miami rapids during the following spring. the iroquois delegation forwarded to our government a report of the service they had rendered, the action taken by the council, and the agreement to meet in the spring, and requested that agents might be sent, "who were men of honesty, not land-jobbers, but men who love and desire peace. we also desire that they may be accompanied by some friend, or quaker, to attend the council." on the th of february, , general benjamin lincoln, beverly randolph and colonel pickering were commissioned by the president to attend the great indian council at miami rapids, in the ensuing spring. meanwhile the indians, dissatisfied with the views of the president, as transmitted by the six nations, held another council at au glaize in february, and framed a very explicit address to the six nations, affirming they would listen to no proposition from the united states, that did not concede the ohio river, as the boundary line between them, and the indian country. they desired the united states to be fully apprised of this, before sending their delegation; and they notified the six nations of a private council at miami rapids, before meeting the american commissioners, to adjust their opinions, so as to speak but one language at the council; they further declared their intention not to meet the commissioners at all, until assured they had authority to conclude a treaty on this basis. in this determination they were encouraged, and sustained by the british indian department of canada. president washington, in a letter to mr. jay, our minister in london, writing in , very clearly sets forth the work thus accomplished.--he says:--"there does not remain a doubt, in the mind of any well informed person in this country, not shut against conviction, that all the difficulties we encounter with the indians, their hostilities, the murder of helpless women and children, along our frontiers, result from the conduct of agents of great britain in this country. in vain is it then for its administration in britain to disavow having given orders which will warrant such conduct, whilst their agents go unpunished; while we have a thousand corroborating circumstances, and indeed as many evidences, some of which cannot be brought forward, to prove that they are seducing from our alliances, and endeavoring to remove over the line, tribes that have hitherto been kept in peace and friendship at great expense, and who have no causes of complaint, except pretended ones of their creating; whilst they keep in a state of irritation the tribes that are hostile to us, and are instigating those who know little of us or we of them, to unite in the war against us; and whilst it is an undeniable fact, that they are furnishing the _whole with arms, ammunition, clothing, and even provisions to carry on the war_, i might go farther, and if they are not much belied, add, _men in disguise_." [footnote: marshall's washington.] the commissioners of the united states appointed to confer with the indian tribes at the west, proceeded on their way, arriving at niagara the latter part of may, . here they were very kindly entertained by governor simcoe until the council was ready to receive them. while here they were visited by a large deputation from the council at miami rapids, who desired an explicit answer to the inquiry whether they were authorized to run and establish a new boundary? which they answered in the affirmative, at the same time reminding the indians that in almost all disputes there were wrongs on both sides, and that, at the approaching council, both parties must expect to make some concessions. this reply was well received and sanguine hopes were entertained of a favorable termination of their mission. the indians returned again to their council at miami, and the commissioners supposing they would now be prepared to receive them, proceeded on their voyage westward. arriving at the mouth of detroit river they were obliged to land, being forbidden by the british authorities to proceed any farther toward the place of meeting. they were met here by another indian deputation, bringing a paper with a written statement of their determination, to make the ohio the boundary line between the indian country and the united states, and requiring the latter, if sincere in their desires for peace, to remove their settlements to the south side of that river. to this the commissioners were desired to give an explicit written answer. they replied, referring to the understanding from their conference at niagara, that some concessions were to be made on both sides, and giving a brief history of the treaties by which a title had been acquired to land north of the ohio, on the faith of which, settlements had been formed which could not be removed; hence they answered explicitly.--"_the ohio river cannot be designated as the boundary line._" they expressed the hope that negotiations might proceed on the basis of these treaties, closing with some concessions, and liberal offers for some lands still held by the indians. the debate at this council, it is said, ran high. thayendanegea, and others of the six nations were strenuous in their advocacy of peace. the offer of the commissioners to establish a boundary line that would include the settlements already made north of the ohio, they regarded as reasonable, and that farther concessions ought not to be required. quite a number of tribes were influenced to adopt this view, which at one time it was thought would prevail. but there were certain ruling spirits present determined to make no concession, and the council broke up without allowing the commissioners, or any other white person, not in sympathy with britain, to be present. previous to the holding of this council, the army had been re-organized under the command of general anthony wayne, an officer of untiring energy and vigilance; a larger number of soldiers had been called into the field, and as they were placed under a severe discipline, to inure them to the dangers and hardships of the campaign, it was undertaken with flattering prospects of success. pittsburgh had been made the place of rendezvous; but fearing the influence of an encampment near a town, and wishing to inspire in his soldiers a feeling of self reliance, general wayne, on the th of november, , marched his army to a point twenty-two miles distant on the ohio, which he called legionville, fortifying it and taking up his quarters there for the winter. on the th of april, , as spring had opened, he broke up his garrison at legionville, and led his army down the river, to fort washington, its site being that of the present beautiful and flourishing city of cincinnati. here he remained while the negotiations were going on with the indians at the west. as soon as they were ended and the result known, he took a more advanced position, marching in october in the direction pursued by, general st. clair, to a point on the south-west branch of the miami, six miles beyond fort jefferson, and eighty from fort washington, which he fortified and called greenville. on the d of december, a detachment of the army commanded by major burbeck took possession of the ground where the army of general st. clair, two years before on the th of the preceding november, had sustained a terrible defeat. here they gathered up sadly and sacredly the bones that marked this as a place of human slaughter, put in order the field-pieces that were still upon the ground, served them with a round of three times three, over the remains of their fallen comrades, and erected a fortress, appropriately naming it fort recovery. the army at different points had skirmishes with the enemy that were not serious, but they served to create confidence and inspire courage in the minds of the soldiers. it was not until the th of august, , that general wayne had a regular engagement with the indians. yet like a true gladiator he had been preparing for the struggle, and his wariness, which had gained for him the title of "_black snake_" may be gathered from the speech of little turtle, chief of the miamis, and one of the most active and brave warriors of his time. he counselled his countrymen to think favorably of the proposals of peace offered by general wayne before giving them battle; saying,--"we have beaten the enemy twice under separate commanders. we cannot expect the same good fortune always to attend us. the americans are now led by a chief who never sleeps. the night and the day are alike to him; and during all the time he has been marching on our villages, notwithstanding the watchfulness of our young men, we have never been able to surprise him. there is something that whispers to me,--_it would be prudent to listen to his offers of peace_." but this counsel was rejected by the indians, who determined to give battle to the americans the next day. they fought in the vicinity of a british fort, which governor simcoe of canada had caused to be erected at the foot of the rapids of the miami emptying into the lakes, far within the acknowledged territory of the united states. the ground occupied by the indians was well chosen, being a thick wood, where were old fallen trees that marked the track of some ancient hurricane, where the use of cavalry would be impracticable, a place suited to afford them shelter and well adapted to their peculiar mode of warfare. but the order of general wayne to advance with trailed arms, and rouse the indians from their covert at the point of the bayonet, and when up deliver a close and well directed fire on their backs, followed by a brisk charge, so as not to give them time to load again; was executed so promptly, and with so much effect that the indians were driven in one hour more than two miles, and soon dispersed in terror and dismay, leaving the ground in full and quiet possession of the victorious army. this battle, which terminated within reach of the british guns, decided the fate of the campaign. the indians after this were dispirited and unable to make a general rally. the distrust awakened by the coolness of their supposed friends, the gates of whose fort remained unopened while they were fleeing thither for a covert, served not less than the victory to dishearten them, and incline their thoughts toward peace. the few days spent by the army on the battle ground after its victory, were occupied in destroying the property of the indians in that vicinity, including also the extensive possessions of colonel mckee, an officer of the british indian department, whose influence had been exerted in promoting these hostilities, whose effects were now being experienced. the fort itself was poised in the general's mind, as was also the torch of the gunner, who was only restrained by his commanding officer from firing upon wayne, who, as he thought came too near, in making his observations on one of his majesty's forts. prudence prevailed. the fighting was confined to a war of words in a spirited correspondence between general wayne, and the officer in command of the fort. general wayne after laying waste their principal towns in this region, continued in the indian country during the following year, bringing his campaign to a close by a treaty with the north-western tribes, which was entirely agreeable to the wishes of the united states. chapter x. canandaigua at an early day--facts in the early settlement of bloomfield-- indian council--its object--indian parade--indian dress--opening of council--speeches--liberal offers of the government--mr. savary's journal --treaty concluded--account of red jacket by thomas morris. canandaigua at an early day was the objective point for all who were seeking what was called the genesee country. it was at the head of navigation. parties coming from the east could transport their goods by water from long island sound to canandaigua, with the exception of one or two carrying places, where they were taken by land. we can hardly realize that at that time there was here a widely extended forest, in all its loneliness and grandeur. its first trees were cut down in the fall of , soon after mr. phelps had concluded his treaty of purchase with the indians. by means of them a log store-house was constructed, near the outlet of the lake. the family of a mr. joseph smith took possession of it in the spring of . judge j. h. jones, who in the fall of , was one of a party to open a road between geneva and canandaigua, witnessed, on revisiting the latter place in , a great change. "when we left," he says, "in the fall of ' , there was not a solitary person there;--when i returned fourteen months afterwards, the place was full of people; residents, surveyors, explorers, adventurers; houses were going up; it was a thriving, busy place." during the following year quite a nucleus for a town had gathered here. in , mrs. sanborne, an enterprising landlady, whose eye kindled with the recollection of those days, served up in a tea saucer the first currants produced in the genesee country. [footnote: conversation of the author with mrs. sanborne.] canandaigua at that time and for many years after was head-quarters for all who were making their way into what at that time was called the indian country, and from the respectability and enterprise of its early inhabitants, it became attractive as a place of residence. but though considerable improvements had been made here, the entire region was new, romantic and wild. such was its condition at the time of the great indian council that convened here in the autumn of . indians and deer, and wolves, and bear were very abundant and were mingled with the early associations of those who contributed to make this an abode of elevation and refinement. the cow-boy, often startled while on his way by the appearance of a bear, went timidly forth on his evening errand, inspired with courage by the thought that he might, for his protection, shoulder a gun. bear incidents, narrow escapes from fighting with bears, and bear stories of every description, entered largely into the staple of their conversation, and many an evening's hour was thus beguiled away, around the huge and brightly blazing fire of the early pioneer. "did you hear," said a mrs. chapman to a mrs. parks, how neighbor codding came near being killed yesterday? "mercy! no. how did it happen? "mr. codding was in the woods splitting rails, and just as he was turning around to take up his axe to cut a sliver, don't you believe he saw a great bear sitting up on his hind legs, and holding out both fore paws ready to grab him." "mercy on us! what did he do? "what did he do? he took up his axe, and instead of cutting the sliver, cut into the old bear's head. but the axe glanced and only cut into the flesh, without killing the bear, and he ran away with the axe sticking fast in the wound. "awful! awful! how thick the bears are getting to be! husband says they have killed off most all of our hogs. "your hogs! just think once, there was a great bear came the other night and got hold of a hog in asahel sprague's hog-pen, and would have killed him, if mr. sprague hadn't shot the old fellow. "yes, and last summer when mr. sperry was gone off to training, there was a bear came in the day time and tackled one of their hogs right in their own door yard; but mrs. sperry and the children screamed so awfully, and gave him such a tremendous clubbing, he was glad to put off into the woods again. "ha! ha! she was about up to jim parker, who broke a bear's back with a hand-spike in driving him out of his corn field, just as he was climbing over the fence." [footnote: facts which transpired in the early history of bloomfield. see turner's history.] wolves were equally if not more numerous, destroying in some instances entire flocks of sheep, so that there was not a farmer in the region who did not suffer more or less from their depredations. it was something of an off-set to these annoyances that deer were very abundant, and furnished the inhabitants with an ample supply of their delicious meat. the indians while assembled here during the council, often killed more than a hundred of them in a single day. the object of convening this council was to settle difficulties of long standing, and quiet the minds of the iroquois, who were much disturbed by the warlike spirit prevailing at this time among the indians at the west. the influences from this source were of such a nature as to render many among these friendly tribes exceedingly bold. in some instances on entering the houses of settlers they would manifest a very haughty temper, and rudely demand a supply of their wants as though they were still proprietors and lords of the soil, and the settlers only their servants or tenants. the settlers themselves began to feel unpleasantly about their position. during the spring of this same year while thomas morris was painting his house, erected the previous summer, and making other improvements around it, indicating his design of having a permanent and inviting home, it so happened that a company of settlers in passing by, paused to view with astonishment what was going on. from a feeling of insecurity they had just abandoned their new locations in this region, and had come thus far on their way, having resolved to return to the more safe and quiet homes they had left at the east. but beholding the enterprise of mr. morris, and the business and thrift that prevailed here on every side, they inferred that their situation could not be so very precarious, and wisely concluded to return and carry forward the improvements commenced by themselves. the indian council, held during the months of october and november, had been appointed before the victory of general wayne, noticed in the preceding chapter, had transpired. this had much to do in giving a favorable turn to the proceedings, and of securing those pacific relations with the iroquois, that were then established. before this these tribes and the indians generally were stimulated with the idea that they might form and maintain in the north-west an independent nationality, that would reflect once more the pride and glory of the ancient dominion of the iroquois. but when the news of this signal victory was circulated among them, their spirits were humbled and broken. they seemed to relinquish this dream of greatness, and gave themselves up to the stern demands of an evident necessity. this sad intelligence, however, did not reach them until the council had been for several days in progress. its first opening was darkened by no cloud of evil. there was nothing to hinder the exercise of that proud bearing with which their past greatness, and a hopeful future inspired them. they began to assemble by the arrival of the oneidas on the eleventh of october. the onondagas, cayugas, and a part of the senecas, led by farmer's brother, came in on the fourteenth. cornplanter at the head of the allegany clan of senecas arrived on the sixteenth, and red jacket with his, on the eighteenth. on assembling, a degree of dignity and decorum was manifested, which served to indicate their ideas of the forms and proprieties due to the occasion. before reaching the council fire the chiefs and warriors halted, carefully decorated themselves after their manner, and then marched to meet those appointed to confer with them on the part of the government, and after passing around and encircling them, with the train, the leader stepped forth, formally announced their arrival in obedience to the summons they had received, at the same time delivering the belt brought by the messenger sent to call them together. the next tribe that came, halted and prepared themselves as the others, were received by the tribe or tribes already on the ground, who also arrayed themselves in their uniform, and having received their welcome, salutes being fired and returned, they marched all together and formed in a circle around the commissioners, when the same ceremony was observed, as before, of delivering the belt. they proceeded thus until all the indians had assembled to the number of about sixteen hundred. it was an occasion for the display of indian pageantry, and though it may have been more rude than among nations calling themselves civilized, it was the same in its essential elements, and this council was ushered in with as true a military spirit as though banners had been flying, bayonets gleaming, and soldiers marching to the liveliest, or most heart-stirring sounds of music. the uniform of the indian was not as the dress of the european, ornamented, epauletted, tinselled; it was a more simple, less expensive, but not a less time honored mode of adorning his person. though his military coat was of paint of different colors with which he was striped in a distinguishing manner, he regarded it no doubt as gorgeous and gay. instead of the gracefully waving plume he was bedecked with the feathers of the kingly eagle; beads and shells served in the place of military buttons; and his trophies in the chase, and in war, he regarded as forming a prouder sash than the richest scarf of scarlet or of blue. canandaigua, in years gone by, has often witnessed scenes of proud military display. but never will there be witnessed so grotesque, and in many respects so imposing a parade as appeared on this occasion. the neighboring forest swarmed with life, and resounded with the wild yell and deafening war-whoop of the indian. it was his gala day, and highly fitting that before surrendering these grounds forever to the dominion and usages of another race, he should come forth once more from his native wilds, and depart in the fullness of his strength, as the sun passing from under a cloud, sheds his full glory over the earth before sinking beneath the western horizon. this was his last day of pride on ground hallowed in the memories of the past. the occasion called forth an unusual attendance. it was known that colonel pickering who had been appointed to hold this treaty, would come prepared to give them a grand feast, and distribute among them a large amount of money and of clothing. hence they all came. "for weeks before the treaty, they were arriving in squads from all their villages, and constructing their camps in the woods, upon the lake shore, and around the court-house square. the little village of whites was invested, overrun with the wild natives. it seemed as if they had deserted all their villages, and transferred even their old men, women and children to the feast, the carousal, and the place of gifts. the night scenes were wild and picturesque; their camp fires lighting up the forest, and their whoops and yells creating a sensation of novelty not unmingled with fear, with the far inferior in numbers who composed the citizens of the pioneer village and the sojourners of their own race." [footnote: history of the phelps and gorham purchase.] the council was formally opened on the eighteenth of october, by a speech of condolence on the part of the oneidas and onondagas, to the senecas, cayugas, tuscaroras and delawares, some of whom were present, on account of the death of a number of their chiefs since the last meeting.--it was with a view to "_wipe away their tears,--brighten their faces, and clear their throats_,"--that they might speak freely at the council fire. red jacket in reply made a very sympathetic, and as it was regarded at the time, beautiful address, presenting belts and strings of wampum to "_unite each to the other as the heart of one man_." next was given a speech of congratulation by colonel pickering, who appointed a council of condolence on the following monday for the delawares, who were mourning for a young brother killed by a white man. the ceremony of burying the dead,--covering the grave with leaves to obscure it from sight,--of burying the hatchet taken from the head of the victim, thus representing his death by violence,--of covering it with stones and pulling up and planting over it a pine tree, so that in after years it should never be disturbed; of wiping the blood from the head of the victim, and tears from the eyes of the mourners,--these things represented by speech and action having been performed, the council was opened in earnest on the day following. in reply to colonel pickering's remarks of the preceding day respecting peace, and upon keeping the chain of friendship bright, fish carrier, an aged and influential chief, in a speech of some length recounted the history of the whites and of their intercourse with the red men from their first settlement in this country. he referred to the manner in which they had been received, to the friendship, that had existed before the controversy of the united states with great britain, and to the negotiations that had taken place since that time, the grievances they had suffered, dwelling particularly upon the dissatisfaction still existing among them about the treaty at fort stanwix in . "the commissioners were too grasping, they demanded of us too much." but as they had taken hold of the chain of friendship with the fifteen fires they were disposed to hold fast; but he thought it needed brightening up a little. colonel pickering in reply to them said they ought not to think very hard of them about that treaty, for they had just come out of a long and bloody war, and as they had been victorious the six nations ought not to blame them for feeling a little proud; and they ought not to be surprised, in view of what had taken place during the war, if the commissioners were somewhat severe. a deputation from the quakers was present at this council, and their address being read and interpreted, was received by the indians with much satisfaction. at the opening of the council the next day, a request was presented by some of the indian women, who desired that their views might be heard; and permission being granted, red jacket spake in their behalf. he represented that the women had taken a deep interest in everything pertaining to the wellfare of their nation; and he requested the sachems and warriors, as well as the commissioner, to give an attentive consideration to the views of those he had been chosen to represent. they had attended upon the council, had listened to all that had been said, and they desired it to be understood that their views were in accordance with those of their sachems and chiefs. they felt that the white people had caused them a great deal of suffering. the white people had pressed and squeezed them together until their hearts were greatly pained, and they thought the white people ought to give back all their lands. a white woman had told the indians to repent; [footnote: referring to jemima wilkinson.] they wished in turn to call upon the white people to repent; they needed to repent as much as the indians; and they hoped the white people would repent and not wrong the indians any more. the commissioner thanked them for their speech, saying he had a high respect for the women, and would be happy to hear from them whenever they had anything to say. after several days had passed without coming to anything decisive in regard to the main object of the council; colonel pickering called their attention to the fact of their grievances, saying they had been together sometime and talked them over and had found but two rusty places in the chain of friendship, one of which they had already brightened. but the other spot they thought was too deep to be cleared up. it related to their lands. he then showed them maps which clearly pointed out the limits agreed upon in their treaties, and by a distinct statement of the negotiations and treaties that had been made at different times with them, and afterward confirmed, proving that the claims of the united states were just, he declared himself ready to stipulate concerning their grievances, that they should still have the privilege of hunting upon the lands they had ceded, and that their settlements thereon should remain undisturbed. he further assured them that the united states would increase their annuity from fifteen hundred to four thousand five hundred dollars, to say nothing about the presents he had brought them amounting to ten thousand dollars. these he would distribute in case of a favorable termination of their council. he hoped in view of these liberal offers they would dismiss their complaints, bury the hatchet deep and take hold of the chain of friendship so firmly as never again to have it torn from their grasp. the indians appeared to be pleased with these offers, and promising to regard them favorably, spent several days in deliberating among themselves, inviting to their councils the quakers, a deputation of whom, as we remarked were present. william savary, one of their number made the following interesting note of his observations at the time.-- "oct. . after dinner john parrish and myself rode to view the farmer's brother's encampment which contained about five hundred indians. they are located by the side of a brook in the woods: having built about seventy or eighty huts, by far the most commodious and ingeniously made of any i have seen. the principal materials are bark, and boughs of trees, so nicely put together as to keep the family dry and warm. the women as well as the men appeared to be mostly employed. in this camp there are a large number of pretty children, who in all the activity and buoyancy of health, were diverting themselves according to their fancy. the vast number of deer they have killed, since coming here, which they cut up and hang round their huts inside and out to dry, together with the rations of beef, which they draw daily, give the appearance of plenty to supply the few wants to which they are subjected. the ease and cheerfulness of every countenance, and the delightfulness of the afternoon, which the inhabitants of the woods seemed to enjoy with a relish far superior to those who are pent up in crowded and populous cities, all combined to make this the most pleasant visit i have yet made to the indians; and induced me to believe that before they became acquainted with the white people, and were infected with their vices, they must have been as happy a people as any in the world. in returning to our quarters we passed by the indian council, where red jacket was displaying his oratory to his brother chiefs on the subject of colonel pickering's proposals." mr. savary again observes:--"red jacket visited us with his wife and five children, whom he had brought to see us. they were exceedingly well clad, in their manner, and the best behaved and prettiest indian children i have ever met with." [footnote: as quoted by col. stone.] various councils and deliberations with the indians, resulted finally in the conclusion of a treaty, which was quite satisfactory to all the parties.--by this treaty peace was again declared to be firmly established, the different tribes were confirmed in their reservations, and lands that had not been sold, the boundaries of which were accurately described, and the united states engaged never to claim these lands, or disturb the six nations in the free use and enjoyment of them. the six nations pledged themselves also not to claim any other lands within the boundaries of the united states, nor disturb the people of the united states in the free use and enjoyment thereof. it was stipulated also that the united states should have the right of way for a public road from fort schlosser to lake erie, have a free passage through their lands, and the free use of harbors and rivers adjoining and within their respective tracts of land, for the passing and securing of vessels and boats, and liberty to land their cargoes, where necessary for their safety. in consideration of these engagements the united states were to deliver the presents, and pay the annuity as already intimated in the promise of colonel pickering.--the money thus pledged was to be expended yearly forever in purchasing clothing, domestic animals, implements of husbandry, and other utensils suited to their circumstances, and for compensating useful artificers who might be employed for their benefit. it was further agreed that for injuries done by individuals on either side, private revenge should not take place, but that complaint be made by the injured party to the nation to which the offender belonged, and that such measures were then to be pursued as should be necessary for the preservation of peace and friendship. [footnote: indian treaties. favored with a copy by o. parrish. esq., of canandaigua, n. y.] the conclusion of this treaty was regarded as a great point gained. previous to this time, such of the iroquois as remained in their ancient seats, were but partially reconciled to the united states, and were oscilating in their friendship. but henceforth they were uniformly steadfast in the allegiance they had promised. the holding of this council was further useful in withdrawing the attention of this large body of indians with their warriors, who had been earnestly solicited to join their hostile brethren at the west. during the progress of the council there were several speeches made, but as they are not of special interest or importance they have not been given. colonel stone mentions an evening when quite a number of the chiefs dined with colonel pickering. he says,--"much good humor prevailed on this occasion. the indians laid aside their stoicism, indulged in many repartees, and manifested the keenest relish for wit and humor. red jacket, in particular, was conspicuous for the readiness and brilliance of his sallies." [footnote: col. stone's life and times of red jacket.] not far from this time, and with reference it is believed to this treaty, thomas morris says,--"red jacket was, i suppose, at that time about thirty or thirty-five years of age, of middle height, well formed, with an intelligent countenance, and a fine eye; and was in all respects a fine looking man. he was the most graceful public speaker i have ever known; his manner was most dignified and easy. he was fluent, and at times witty and sarcastic. he was quick and ready at reply. he pitted himself against colonel pickering, whom he sometimes foiled in argument. the colonel would sometimes become irritated and lose his temper; then red jacket would be delighted and show his dexterity in taking advantage of any unguarded assertion of the colonel's. he felt a conscious pride in the conviction that nature had done more for him, than for his antagonist." "a year or two after this treaty, when colonel pickering from post master general, became secretary of war, i informed red jacket of his promotion. --'ah!' said he,--'we began our public career about the same time; he knew how to read and write; i did not, and he has got ahead of me.--if i had known how to read and write i _should have got ahead of him_.'" chapter xi. valley of the genesee--indian misgivings--mill yard--effort to obtain their land--council at big tree--coming of the wadsworths--indian villages --refusal to sell--discussion between red jacket and thomas morris-- breaking up of the council. the valley of the genesee was a favorite resort of the indian. his trail led along its banks and brought him at short intervals to indian villages, or the head-quarters of indian chiefs. its flats were broad and beautiful, and were bordered on either side by hills that rose gradually to their summit, where they stretched out into extensive table lands. these hills, as we ascend the valley gradually become higher and higher, until we are brought into the vicinity of mountain elevations, where the scenery becomes very romantic, and the country much broken. the valley itself is almost of uniform width from its commencement, a few miles south of the city of rochester, to the pleasant and thriving village of mount morris. here these flats which are quite extensive and exceedingly rich and beautiful, appear to leave the river and follow its tributary, the canaseraga, to a point about sixteen miles above; diminishing somewhat in width as they ascend, until they come near the present village of dansville, where the hills again recede and forming a large basin, enclose it on the south, presenting the appearance of a magnificent amphitheater. the canaseraga is here joined by two streams, stony brook and mill creek, which flow down from the highlands beyond, over precipices, and through gorges deep and wild, where rugged cliffs defying all attempts at culture, rise abruptly at times, from one to three hundred feet on either side. the indian's trail conducted him to these wilds, which still remain the most unchanged of all his ancient haunts. here are solitudes seldom visited by man, where are treasured sublimities that enchain the mind, and inspire a feeling of devotion in the heart of the beholder. here the indian, undisturbed by other sights or sounds, may yet listen to the voice of the waterfall as it sounded in the ear of his fathers, or to the gentle murmur of the stream discoursing now, as it did to them, in passing hurriedly over its rocky bed. [footnote: who would ever suspect that a railroad would stride across any of these deep chasms? how presumptuous.] beyond this point the canaseraga itself, as it flows from its source among the hills bordering on pennsylvania, passes often through deep ravines, narrow defiles, and overhanging cliffs. the same is true also of the genesee river above mount morris. its course is marked by scenery rarely surpassed in sublimity and grandeur. [footnote: the high banks, as they are called, near mt. morris, and a similar formation, together with the falls, near portage, have attracted the attention, and are often visited by the tourist.--j. n. h.] the indian as he followed his trail leading up along its banks, paused often to listen to the thunder of its waterfalls, or to watch its course while threading its way at the bottom of ravines, hundreds of feet beneath the jutting point where he was standing. the territory marked by this river was unsurpassed in the magnificence and beauty of its scenery, and in the variety and richness of its soil; and the indian who lived for the most part in the open world, found here a home congenial to his spirit, and he loved it. the white man saw and loved it too. but he loved it not as the indian, who looked upon it as already complete. the hills brought him venison, the valleys corn, and the streams on every side abounded in fish, the beautiful speckled trout, which fairly swarmed in all of these waters. what could he want more? he loved it as it was; just as it came from the forming hand of the great spirit. the white man loved it for what he saw he could make of it; but how little he thought his making, would mar the desirableness and beauty of the indian's home. he had already obtained of the indian a title to all his land lying on the east side of this river. he had even been allowed to cross over to the west side, and look upon that generous _mill yard_, twelve miles square, as his own. a very extensive gift it is true, but as it was proposed to erect at the genesee falls a saw mill, which was claimed to be a vastly benevolent institution, and would be useful to the indians as well as whites, inasmuch as it would save the immense labor of splitting and hewing logs for plank, as they were going to make the water of the river split the logs and hew them at the same time; it was claimed that this surrender on the part of the indians, would be but a just offset against the self-denial, great expense, and severe labor of the whites, in establishing so benign an institution as a _saw mill_, in these western wilds. this is one among many instances of the benevolence of the white man toward the indian. if the genesee country was prized by the indian, it was regarded with a wishful eye by the white man. and as he had obtained what was on the east side of the genesee river, he was not content without a larger portion on the west. already the tide of emigration had brought him to the utmost limit of his possessions, and he could hardly refrain from looking, with a wishful eye, upon the fertile fields lying beyond. the indian on the other hand, began to feel uneasy about having sold so much of his land. he regretted very much the permission he had given the white man to own one foot of ground, on the west side of the genesee river. natural boundaries with him weighed more than with the white man; and had the white man's possessions been confined strictly to the east side of the river, he would have felt better satisfied though it had cost him a larger area of ground. the white man's mode of running lines and of measuring land, he did not comprehend or appreciate. but when the line was made by a creek, river, or mountain, he understood it, and it harmonized better with his views of fitness, in dividing up the surface of this great earth. he was utterly unschooled in the art of computing by acres and roods. but the water's edge he had traversed with his light canoe, and with every point and islet on the lakes he was familiar. he had followed the rivers to where they came bubbling up from their rocky bed amid mountain elevations, and there was not a tributary stream or run, by whose side he had not rested, or by whose music he had not been charmed, keeping pace with it, as it went innocently busying and babbling along on its downward way. with any or all of these landmarks he was familiar, and when fixed upon as boundaries, he could readily recur to, and religiously keep them; for they had been made by the great spirit, and it was his life- study to know them. not satisfied with the large purchase already made, the white man contemplated still greater acquisitions of indian land. little did the red man suspect, while roaming unmolested over his native hills, that in civilized circles, the advantages and disadvantages of his cherished home were canvassed, and made the subject of negotiation and purchase. and it awakened his deepest surprise when assured, that without his knowledge or consent, his land had been sold. he was not aware that his ignorance of the value of his country, for the purposes of civilization, was made a subject of barter among his superiors in knowledge, and that men of enterprize were willing to pay for the privilege of making a bargain with him for his lands. this right, as we have seen, was claimed by the government; massachusetts holding the right of buying the indian lands in western new york. this right, under sanction of which the phelps and gorham purchase was made, was in part sold, as related in a preceding chapter. the pre-emptive right to the remainder was bought by robert morris in the spring of . he re- sold soon after, to a company of gentlemen in holland; pledging himself to survey the entire tract, and extinguish the indian title. thirty-five thousand pounds sterling of the purchase money were retained, as a guaranty of his fulfilling these engagements. it became an object therefore for mr. morris to obtain, at as early a period as practicable, a conference with the indians, and their consent to sell this land. owing to their extreme reluctance to part with any more land, he had not been able to persuade them to appoint a council for this purpose, and committed the further prosecution of this to his son thomas. hence the occasion given to notice the presence of thomas morris at the indian councils, particularly that at tioga point. for several years he had been cultivating an acquaintance with the indians, residing in their midst, attending their councils, and making himself generally agreeable; and by means of his own personal influence with the chiefs, and unwearied exertions he gained their permission to hold a council, which assembled at big tree, the present site of genesee, in august, . this had already become the residence of the white man. james and william wadsworth, from durham, conn., had emigrated hither as early as the year . under their auspices a new settlement had been commenced. on rising ground which commanded a fine view of the flats, stood their large block house. the same site has still its attractions, for what at a later day, was the old wadsworth mansion. the coming of the wadsworths into this region, which was still in possession of the indians, and their prominence in its subsequent history, would seem to justify a more extended notice. in the spring of , james wadsworth, then a young man of twenty-two, was debating with himself the question of his future calling in life. he had graduated at yale college in the fall of ' :--had spent the winter of ' and ' , at montreal, canada, teaching school. he had no thought of teaching as his life-work, and what would he do next? was his earnest inquiry. some one suggested that he should study medicine; but this did not suit him. as he had received a liberal education, it was further intimated that he should lead a professional life and become a lawyer, or a minister. after duly considering the matter, choosing for this purpose the retirement of a neighboring wood, he returned the answer,--"i am not satisfied with either of these professions." "what will you do, then?" was the inquiry. he replied, "i know god has made me for something, and i am trying to find out what that is." with his mind thus unsettled, he determined to visit his uncle, colonel jeremiah wadsworth, of hartford. this uncle had pursued a sea-faring life, entering upon it at first for the benefit of his health, and following it afterward, from a love for the employment. from a sailor before the mast, he came to be mate, and captain, and at the breaking out of the revolutionary war he had retired from the sea, and had settled at hartford, conn. he was appointed commissary of the connecticut line, and subsequently had important trusts committed to his charge, by his own state, and also by the congress at philadelphia, having reference to the pay, clothing and subsistence of the continental troops. in the discharge of his official duties he had formed an acquaintance with oliver phelps; and after mr. phelps had secured an interest in the genesee country, he represented its advantages to colonel wadsworth in such glowing colors, as led him to purchase a considerable tract of land in that region. being a man of wealth and advanced in life, he had no thought of emigrating thither, but designed to provide for his interests by employing an agent. as soon as james wadsworth arrived at the house, he was met at the door by his uncle, who eagerly grasped his hand and exclaimed,--"james, i am glad you have come, you are the very man i have been wanting to see." it was not long before they were deeply engaged in discussing the genesee question, this becoming the chief topic of conversation during the visit. as the result, james purchased on advantageous terms a part of the tract at big tree, and became agent for the remaining lands, qualified by the condition that his brother william would consent to accompany him in the proposed emigration. [footnote: conversation of the author with nehemiah hubbard, esq., of middletown, conn., and statements in turner's history.] the two brothers jointly entered upon the undertaking, and commenced preparations for their journey into this, at that time, far-off wilderness. an ox cart, and ox team, are in wide contrast with the conveniences of travel enjoyed at present. yet with these, and two or three hired men, and a colored woman, a favorite slave belonging to the family, william set forth to encounter the vicissitudes and dangers involved in the enterprise. it was a slow and wearisome journey, most of the way rough, and some of the way requiring to be opened and prepared for travel. james, with provisions and a small supply of household furniture, went by the sound, the hudson, and the head of navigation on canandaigua outlet. he arrived at canandaigua three days in advance of his brother. from this point their journey was comparatively easy. they pursued the route taken by sullivan in ' , yet not without having frequently to cut a way for their team and cart. they arrived at their point of destination on the th of june, . captain horatio, and john h. jones preceded the wadsworths, and other families came into the region soon after. but the country was full of indians. their villages swarmed with life in every direction. ken-de-wah or big tree, as principal chief was at the head of a numerous clan, located on the bluffs near by. not far from them on the river was a village of the tuscaroras. two miles below was oneida town, a large village of oneidas. near the present site of west avon was another principal village, whose chief was ga-kwa-dia, or hot bread. above was another large village called little beard's town, occupying the present site of cuylerville. further on were allen's hill, squaky hill and gardeau, the residence of the "white woman." her husband was principal chief of the clan at this point. further on at nunda, was another village, its principal chiefs were elk hunter and green coat. still higher up on the river at caneadea, was another considerable village, whose chief was john hudson. [footnote: it was here the author's grandfather, as an indian prisoner, had to run the gauntlet in the spring of . the author remembers hudson very well. often visiting his grandfather's house in angelica, n. y. when a boy he often sat on hudson's knee, whom he regarded as a very pleasant, kind indian.] these villages were mostly in the vicinity of big tree, a region which at that time was not without its charms, and has since been regarded as possessing attractions in soil and scenery, unsurpassed by any in the state. it was here the council, solicited by thomas morris, assembled. the unfinished block house of the wadsworths was engaged for the accommodation of those particularly interested with mr. morris in conducting the council; and a large tent covered with boughs, and prepared with rows of seats, and a platform, furnished a place suited to their deliberations. the united states, though not directly concerned as a party in this council, were interested in the welfare of the indians, and appointed a commissioner to watch over their rights, and see that no injustice took place. massachusetts reserved this right in the sale of her pre-emptive title. accordingly colonel wadsworth of connecticut, appeared as commissioner on the part of the united states, and general wm. shepard in behalf of the commonwealth of massachusetts. william bayard of new york represented the interests of the holland company, and mr. morris, appeared through his agents, thomas morris and colonel williamson. the engagements of mr. williamson calling him away, the responsibility of conducting the treaty devolved upon thomas morris. a large number of indians were present, brought together by the prospect of good cheer, no less than their interest in the object of their assembling. the council being duly opened, the commissioners offered their credentials, and explained the reason of their appointment; after which mr. morris presented in a speech of some length, the object for which they had been convened. representing the desire of his father to obtain by purchase a part, or all of their lands, and how much better it would be for them to dispose of all, except what were actually needed for settlement, and place the money at interest, than to retain in their possession uncultivated wastes, whose only value to them could be such as were derived from the chase; and that this advantage would not be lost, for they could still use it for hunting, the same as before. he concluded by offering them the sum of one hundred thousand dollars, for the entire tract that remained to them in the state, allowing them such reservations as might be needed for actual use. the indians after deliberating for a time returned an unfavorable answer; saying "they did not wish to part with any more of their land." mr. morris replied, urging them to reconsider the case, that they ought not to decide hastily, setting before them in various ways the favorable terms he had proposed. after deliberating once more, they returned the answer they had already given. meetings and speeches thereupon succeeded; farmer's brother, cornplanter, little billy, little beard, and red jacket, taking part in the discussion, the chief burden of which fell upon the latter. when mr. morris urged upon their attention the liberal sum he had proposed to pay for their lands:-- red jacket replied,--"we are not yet convinced that it is best for us to dispose of them at any price." "but," said mr. morris, "what value can they be to you as they now are, any further than the consciousness that you own them?" "yes," said red jacket, _but this knowledge is everything to us. it raises us in our own estimation. it creates in our bosoms a proud feeling which elevates us as a nation_. observe the difference between the estimation in which a seneca and an oneida are held. we are courted, while the oneidas are considered as a degraded people, fit only to make _brooms_ and _baskets. why this difference_? it is because the senecas are known to be the proprietors of a _broad domain_, while the oneidas are _cooped up in a narrow space_." "ah," said mr. morris, "you presume too much in regard to the consequence of your nation. it is far from being as great as you seem to suppose; and in proof of this let me refer you to the manner in which your deputation to the miamis was received in . though large and composed of many of the first men of your nation, it had but little influence." "very true," replied red jacket, "_and why_? it was because we were in _bad company. we went with the pale faces_. had we gone alone, we should have been treated with the _dignity which belongs to the senecas throughout the world_." while red jacket was still standing some one interposed the remark,-- "_he's a coward_." turning round with a look of contempt, and in tone and manner expressing the deepest sarcasm, he said,--"yes, i am a coward." and then waving his hand over the broad and beautiful lands that were spread out before them, added: "_assure me that you can create lands like these, which the great spirit has made for us his red children, so that you can give us lands like them in return, and i will be brave:_ until then, i am a coward,--i dare not sell these lands." [footnote: conversation of the author with wm. jones.] the commissioners together with the agent of the holland company, who had been looking on and anxiously observing the proceedings for about two weeks, began to regard the undertaking as hopeless, and urged mr. morris to use more decisive means with them, and bring them to terms one way or the other. though contrary to mr. morris' convictions from his knowledge of the indian character, as to its being the best method to pursue, he yielded to their solicitations; and when the indians presented him the offer of a single township on the line of pennsylvania, at one dollar an acre, red jacket assuring him that he could sell this at a sufficient advance, to pay for the trouble and expense of the treaty, he told them if that was all they could offer, they might return to their homes, for the sooner their conference was ended the better. red jacket thereupon sprang to his feet and said, "you have now come to the point to which i wished to bring you. you told us in your first address, that even in the event of our not agreeing to sell our lands, we would part friends. here then is my hand." mr. morris taking his hand, he then added; "i now cover up the council fire." chapter xii. interview between farmer's brother and thomas morris--mr. morris addresses the women--distributes presents--negotiations continued--treaty concluded with the women and warriors--manner of payment--inquiries about a bank-- their reservations--white woman--young king's dissent--charge of insincerity. the indians appeared to regard the breaking up of the council at big tree, with great satisfaction. their joy was unbounded; they made the forest ring with their wild yells, inveighing loudly and insultingly against mr. morris, and the commissioners, and assuming such menacing attitudes, as fairly to intimidate those unaccustomed to their rude manners. to all present but mr. morris, the prospect of accomplishing any thing after this seemed utterly hopeless, and it was with some difficulty the commissioners were persuaded to remain, for the purpose of giving him the opportunity of another trial. yet his hopes of success were so sanguine, as to induce them to tarry a short time longer. the day after the breaking up of the council, farmer's brother called on mr. morris, expressed his regret at what had transpired, and the hope that it might not destroy the interest he had manifested for his nation. "certainly not," said mr. morris,--"you had a right to refuse to sell your lands;" but he added, the treatment he had received from his people at the close of the council, especially in allowing a drunken warrior to menace and insult him; while they were yelling in approbation of his conduct, was uncalled for, and ungenerous. he had not deserved this from them. they had for years had food at his house in canandaigua, and liquor as much as was for their good, and whenever any of them had been at philadelphia, his father had treated them with equal kindness and hospitality. farmer's brother acknowledged that all this was true, and regretted that the council fire had been extinguished so hastily, or they might have had a meeting, to smooth over these difficulties. "yes,"--said mr. morris, "and here is another ground of complaint. red jacket assumed the right of covering up the fire. this did not belong to him. for according to your custom, he only who kindles the council fire, has a right to cover it up." "that is so,"--said farmer's brother. "then as i did not cover it up the council fire is still burning." after thinking a moment he replied,--"_yes_:"--and appeared to be pleased that it was so, and proposed to have the council convene again. mr. morris signified his pleasure to delay a few days, to give him time to look over his accounts, pay for the provisions that had been consumed, collect his cattle that had not been slaughtered, and arrange other matters preparatory to his leaving the treaty ground. he had become so well acquainted with indian customs, that he had resolved upon another expedient, when his negotiations with the sachems had failed. it is a rule among the indians that their sachems shall have a right to transact whatever business belongs to their nation, whether relating to their lands, or anything else. but in transactions that concern their lands, if their course is not satisfactory to the women and warriors, they have a right to arrest the proceedings, and take the management into their own hands. the reason they assign for this practice is,--that the land belongs to the warriors, because they are the defense and strength of their nation, and to the women, because they are mothers of the warriors. in their polity therefore they recognize head or chief women, whose privilege it is to select a speaker to represent their views. mr. morris determined as a last resort, to refer his case to the chief women and warriors. he accordingly sought and obtained such a meeting. he made known to them his business, told them of the offer he had made their sachems, portrayed to them in glowing colors, the advantages they would receive from the annuity so large a sum would bring,--how it would furnish them with food and clothing, without any anxiety or toil on their part, and that they would thus be relieved of many hardships, which they were now compelled to endure.--that the sachems, who were unwilling to sell the land, always had enough to supply their wants.--that they could kill game, and feast on the meat, and go to the settlements and sell the skins, and buy them clothing. hence they did not care to exchange their land for money, that would enable the women to obtain for themselves and children food and clothing, whereas they were now often compelled to go hungry and naked. by selling such a portion of their land as they had no use for, they would have the means of supplying their necessary wants, and of making themselves comfortable. he then displayed before them a large supply of beads, blankets, silver brooches, and various other ornaments, of which the natives were particularly fond, and said he had brought these with the design of making them presents, in the event of a successful treaty. but in as much as the women were not to blame for breaking off the negotiations, he was determined they should have the presents he had intended for them. he accordingly proceeded to distribute among sparkling eyes, and joyous hearts, the beauties and treasures, he had brought for them. these gifts proved a most powerful addition to his argument, and were the means of giving a favorable turn to their counsels. for several days after this the chiefs, and women, and warriors, could be seen scattered about here and there in small parties, engaged in earnest conversation, which resulted in a renewal of their negotiations. mr. morris was informed that their council fire was still burning, and that their business might proceed,--but instead of being carried on by the sachems, would be conducted by the women and warriors. cornplanter being the principal war-chief, appeared on this occasion in their behalf. he said,--"they had seen with regret the misconduct of the sachems; that they thought also the action of mr. morris was too hasty; but still they were willing the negotiations should be renewed; and hoped they would be conducted with better temper on both sides." mr. morris offered a few conciliatory remarks in reply; and farmer's brother, on the part of the sachems, represented these proceedings of the women and warriors, as in accordance with the customs of their nation. the way being thus opened, the negotiations were readily carried forward to a successful termination. they consented to sell their lands for the sum proposed, which was one hundred thousand dollars, leaving their reservations to be settled, as they could agree. the simplicity of the indian character was apparent, in the eagerness with which they desired to know about a _bank:_ the president having directed that the money they received for their lands, in case they were sold, should be invested for their benefit in stock of the united states bank; in the name of the president, and his successors in office, as trustees of the indians; they earnestly inquired,--_what is a bank_? several attempts were made at explanation, when finally they came to understand, that the united states bank, at philadelphia, was a large place where their money would be planted, and where it would grow, like corn in the field. as it was desirable also for them to understand, that the dividends from it might be greater some years than others, this was explained by referring to the idea of planting, as they could know from experience, that some years they would have from the same ground a better crop than others. hence after this when speaking to mr. morris about their money, they would inquire _what kind of a crop they were going to have that year_? another point of interest with them, was to ascertain _how large a pile, the money they were to receive, would make_? this was shown them by representing the number of kegs of a given size, it would take to hold, and the number of horses that would be necessary to draw it. these questions being settled, the next point to be agreed upon, was the size of their reservations. mr. morris had stipulated, in case their demands were reasonable, no deduction would be made from the price they were to receive. but instead of moderate, very exhorbitant claims were presented, growing out of a degree of rivalry between different chiefs. their comparative importance would be graduated in a measure by the size of their domain, and the number of people they would thus be enabled to have about them; hence they were individually ambitious of not being out- done, in the size of their reservations. red jacket put in a claim to about one-fourth of the entire tract purchased. cornplanter desired about as much; and other chiefs were alike ambitious in securing extensive reservations; and they wished to have them marked out by natural boundaries, such as rivers, hills or the course of streams. to all of these demands mr. morris was obliged to give a stout and resolute denial, requiring them to fix upon a certain number of square miles, which, in the aggregate, should not be far from three hundred and fifty. here also arose difficulties about the size of their respective allotments, which they were unable to settle, so that mr. morris was obliged to assume the office of arbiter, and decide these for them, which he accomplished generally to their satisfaction. in only one instance did he depart from his purpose of not allowing natural boundaries, in describing their reservations. it was in case of mary jemison, the white woman, who lived on the genesee river, some few miles above mt. morris. her history is one of singular interest, and as belonging to this region, and connected with the circumstances under consideration, a brief notice of this remarkable woman, will not be out of place. hers is an instance of the entire change that may be wrought, in the taste and inclination, so that instead of a civilized, a person may prefer an uncultivated state of society. though descended from the whites, she became so thoroughly indian in her feelings and habits, that she was regarded as a curiosity, and called by way of distinction--the "_white woman_." she was born on the ocean, while her parents were emigrating from ireland to this country, about the year or . her father and mother soon after landing at philadelphia, removed to a frontier settlement of pennsylvania, lying on what was called marsh creek. during the war between the french and english, she was taken captive with her parents, by a party of shawnee indians. on the way, her father and mother were killed. the mother anticipating, from tokens she had observed, what would be their fate, advised her child not to attempt an escape from the indians, as she most likely would be taken again, and treated worse. but as a course better adapted to promote her welfare, she was told to try and please her captors, adding as her parting counsel,--"don't forget, my daughter, the prayers i have taught you,--repeat them often; be a good child, and may god bless you." after this, under various trials she went with the party, until they came to fort du quesne. [footnote: afterwards called fort pitt, now the site of pittsburg.] here she was given to two indian women, who were of the seneca nation, and lived eighty miles below, on the ohio river, at a place called she-nan-jee. with the usual ceremony observed by the indians on such occasions, she was adopted into their family, and called de-ha-wa-mis. at length under kind treatment she began to feel as one of them. in time she was married to a young chief of the delaware tribe, with whom she lived happily for several years in the shawnee country. she became devotedly attached to her indian husband, who treated her with marked tokens of affection. after a time she welcomed with the joy of a young mother's heart, the appearance in her wigwam of a daughter, her first born. the bright morning of her domestic joy was soon overcast with sorrow; she is seen strewing over her little one's grave, the fallen leaves of autumn. she-nin-jee, her indian husband once more became a father. together they gladly embraced a son. their lonely cabin after this was enlivened and cheered by his childish prattle; nothing now remained to interrupt the joy of the mother, but the absence of the father, whom the season of hunting, took far away from his cherished home. yet with returning spring these toils are forgotten, as he is surrounded once more with the charms of the domestic fireside. but at length there came a spring whose joyful return, brought not the long wished for she-nin-jee, back to his lonely cabin. many an evening fire blazed brightly to bid him welcome, yet he did not come. choice venison had been dried and laid up for him, new skins had been prepared and spread for his couch, and many a silent hour whiled away with thoughts of the absent one, but he came not. his returning comrades brought back the sad news of his death. de-ha-wa-mis mourned long and deeply for the pride of her indian wigwam. her own kindred could not have extended to her more genuine sympathy, than did her new relatives by adoption. they kindly offered to take her back, if she desired to go, to her former friends among the whites, or if she chose to remain among them, they promised to give her a home of her own. a part of her indian relatives lived in the valley of the genesee, and this was the occasion of her removal there, from her home on the ohio. a few years intervened, and she again became the wife of an indian, the distinguished seneca warrior hio-ka-too. she resided with him until his death, at gardeau, the place where she was living, at the time of her appearance at this treaty. the chiefs desired for her a special reservation. to this mr. morris readily assented, in case she would specify a certain number of acres. she said to him,--"i do not know any thing about acres, but i have some improved places;" pointing them out on the ground; "here a patch of potatoes, there, a few beans, and another still, where there's a little corn." she wished these might be embraced in her reservation, at the same time giving boundaries, which she thought would include them. mr. morris owing to the lateness of the hour, and the impatience of the commissioners, gave his consent to the boundary named, supposing it might include a hundred or a hundred and fifty acres. but much to his surprise, the tract when surveyed, was found to contain not less than seventeen thousand, nine hundred and twenty-seven acres. [footnote: indian treaties, p. . this reservation has been variously represented to contain, four thousand, and by others a larger number of acres. col. stone makes it thirty thousand. the amount given in the text is that obtained by actual survey of the boundaries in question. they are as follows: "beginning at the mouth of steep hill creek, thence due east until it strikes the old path, thence south until a due west line will intersect with certain steep rocks on the west side of the genesee river, thence extending due west, due north, and due east, until it strikes the first mentioned bound, enclosing as much land on the west side, as on the east side of the river." the survey by augustus porter, surveyor, gives it , .] mary jemison, the white woman, had thus secured to her, according to the pledge of the indians to give her a home, a princely domain, where for years after in primitive simplicity, she planted her beans, potatoes and corn, and maintained, as in former years, the usages of her indian life. the most of this tract she afterward sold to john grey and henry b. gibson of canandaigua; a deed for which was executed bearing date of september d, . she retained for her own use twelve hundred and eighty acres, and received for the balance, the sum of four thousand two hundred and eighty-six dollars, or an annuity of three hundred dollars forever. the senecas became gradually dispossessed of their lands in the valley of the genesee, and in the year , removed to their reservation at buffalo. at the time of their removal, the white woman refused to part with the residue of her land, and continued to reside at the place, where she had passed the greater part of her long life, and which was now endeared to her by many associations in the past. but here she soon found herself surrounded by another race, and as time advanced, she longed to be among the people she had chosen for her kindred, and disposing of her possessions in the genesee valley, removed to buffalo in . she had now upon her the infirmities of age. long had the parting injunction of her christian mother passed from memory. the religion as well as habits of the indian, had become hers. ninety summers had passed over her head. the missionary had visited her, and had been assured that her faith had long been in accord with that of the red man, and she had no desire to change her religious views. but ere her last hour came a voice reached her from the distant past. it awakened memories long forgotten. she sent for the missionary. he came and stood by her. she was almost withered away. her small, shrivelled, finely wrinkled face, silvery hair, toothless mouth, the nose almost touching her chin, and her thin, wasted form, indicated the presence of second childhood. the memory of that long lost mother rushed back upon her mind. she cried out in anguish, as well as sincerity of heart, "oh, god! have mercy upon me!" the prayer of her childhood returned; she instinctively began to say.--"_our father which art in heaven._" as a child she received the instructions of the missionary, and before departing this life, her soul was lighted up with a cheering hope, based upon a reception of the clear and living truths of christianity. no one had sought to disturb the serenity of her advanced life, by intruding upon her the idea that she was a sinner. how came she to be thus exercised? the lessons given in childhood, availed more than sermons, and impressions were then made, which though apparently effaced, still remained to be quickened into life, and bring forth fruit, which cheered the closing days of her singularly eventful history. with the settlement of the white woman's reservation, mr. morris regarded the business of the treaty, as about concluded. yet a new obstacle was presented by the arrival of young king, a descendant of "old smoke," a renowned chief, held in great veneration among the senecas. none had ever attained a greater degree of power, or swayed a more commanding influence. the son though not possessing the high endowments of the father, yet when he chose to exert it, commanded an extensive hereditary influence, which carried with it great weight. having been informed of the proceedings of the council thus far, he expressed his disapproval. cornplanter and farmer's brother informed mr. morris that the treaty could not be completed contrary to the wishes of young king; that however unreasonable it might appear to him, for one man to defeat the will of the entire nation, it was a power he received from his birth, and one of which he could not be deprived. yet after much persuasion, young king, though not reconciled to the idea of selling their lands, acquiesced; saying--"he would not stand out against the wishes of his nation." the signing of the treaty yet remained; and red jacket according to the testimony of mr. morris, though he had strenuously resisted the sale, desired nevertheless to have his name appear among the chiefs of his nation, whose signatures were appended to the deed executed on the th of september, , conveying to robert morris of philadelphia, the title to all their lands west of the genesee river, not included in their reservations, or previously sold. from this fact the inference has been derived, that the orator was _insincere_ in his opposition to the sales made of his people's lands. his sincerity though questioned now, was never after this a matter of doubt. if he had been insincere before, the effect of this sale on the destiny of his people, imposed upon him considerations of so grave a nature, as to render the idea of his indifference extremely improbable, and no one after this ever thought of imputing to him such a motive. yet in all the sales the senecas made of their land, subsequent to this period, red jacket's name, however much he may have resisted the act, was appended to the deed or instrument of conveyance. the reason he assigned for this, was his desire to have his name go, whether for better or worse, with the destinies of his people. having exerted all his energies to prevent the sale of their lands, he felt that his duty had been discharged. and when his people decided against him, he regarded the responsibility of the transaction as resting on those who had effected it, and whether he gave or witheld his name, it would have no influence in determining the result. he may have had some pride also in having his name appended to a document, which he knew the white people regarded, as of much importance, and were very careful to preserve. it is related of him as having transpired at a later period, when mr. greig of canandaigua, acting for the ogden company, was holding a council with a view to purchase some of the smaller indian reservations, lying along the genesee river, he was opposed step by step, by the persistent efforts of red jacket. yet notwithstanding the opposition, mr. greig was successful in securing the extinguishment of their title, to about eighty thousand acres of their land. when the time came for signing the deed, mr. greig said to red jacket,--"_as you have been opposed to the sale of the land, you need not have your name attached to the deed_." but he would hear to nothing of the kind, and insisted upon signing it, seeming to take pride in having his name appended to the paper. [footnote: conversation of the author with the hon. john greig of canandaigua. some years ago a story illustrating the eloquence of red jacket went the rounds of the papers, in which mr. greig was represented as arguing a case in opposition to and as being defeated by red jacket. not happening to see it at the time, the author sought for a copy, but learning that its principal statements were fictitious, he relinquished the undertaking. mr. greig never argued the case as represented, but took down a speech from the interpreter which he read to the orator, who was much pleased with its correctness and bestowed on him an indian name, signifying--"_a ready writer_."] chapter xiii council at canawangus--interesting reminiscence of red jacket--address of farmer's brother--jasper parrish--horatio jones--red jacket's visit at hartford, conn. a council of the iroquois was held at ca-na-wau-gus, near west avon, in the autumn of . connected with it is a reminiscence of red jacket of much interest, as an item of history, and it serves well to illustrate the orator's mental habit. his conduct was such on this occasion, as to excite the observation as well as curiosity of captain parrish, who related the occurrence. for the first few days of the council, he uttered not a word. he appeared to be in deep thought, and was exceedingly reserved.--the expression of his countenance was severe, and there was much _hauteur_ in his manner. he ate scarcely anything, and his appearance was so remarkable, as to excite the wonder of all present. at length on the third or fourth day of the council, he arose with great dignity, and solemnity of air, and commenced speaking. his exordium was for the most part a beautiful and highly wrought enconium on the character and history of the indians; particularly of his own people, in the past. they were taken back, as by a magic spell, to primitive times. the days of their renown, when the name and glory of their nation, were the admiration of the world. when from the rising to the setting sun, there was no power to stand before them, or hinder the victorious march of their warriors through the land. as they glided over the waters of river or lake, as they ascended the mountain, or passed through the valley, they could feel that their dominion was wide, and undisputed. every deer that bounded through the forest, every bird that winged the air, and the fish in all the waters, were theirs, and they were happy. such was the glowing picture he drew, they did not realize the present, from the engrossing theme of the past. he next proceeded to sketch their history, as affected by the coming of the white man among them. the friendly relations, that marked their early intercourse. their small beginnings, and the imperceptible manner of their increase. how they began to line the eastern shores,--plant themselves upon the borders of their rivers, and gather into neighborhoods, and towns, and cities. how these new and wonderful things engaged the attention of the indians, and kept them spell-bound, so that they were insensible to what had been going on till the whites were firmly planted, like a tree that has taken deep root, and sends its branches out over the land. he next drew their attention to a time when the signs of a great tempest began to appear. when the clouds began to overspread the heavens, when the lightning flashed, and the thunders rolled, and the land was shaken by their power. a mighty whirlwind came sweeping through the land, the tall trees of the forest were uprooted, the branches torn off and sent flying through the air. so has our nation he said been uprooted,--the strong men torn from us, and scattered, and laid low. thus he went on recounting as few could, the circumstances of their history, and as he advanced, his expressions matured in their intensity, his thoughts appeared to be winged, and came glowing, as if from some furnace in nature, where all her materials are wrought under intense heat, and sent forth in forms of highest brilliancy, and beauty. his hearers were amid the heavings of the earthquake,--the blackness of the storms,--the wild and irresistible sweep of the tornado. the heavens, the earth, the elements, seemed to be careering under the rapid and startling flights of his fancy. he next adverted with much feeling, and with evident sadness, to the transactions of the past year, by which they had become dispossessed of the largest part of their ancient inheritance: and then he drew, with a prophetic hand, a picture of their probable future, that brought sorrow to their hearts, and tears to their eyes.--he closed his harangue by pronouncing a most withering phillipic against the whites.--the effect of his speech was wonderful.--mr. parrish declared that it exceeded, in its brilliancy and force, all his former utterances, of which he had any knowledge; and he never heard from him afterward, anything that could compare with it. his auditors were mainly those of his own people. his flow of thought was not interrupted by the slow, and embarrassing process of interpretation. the full grief of his heart, in view of the transactions of the previous year, was poured forth, and came like the irresistible sweep of a whirlwind. [footnote: conversation of the author with samuel j. mills, esq., formerly of mt. morris, n. y., later of nevada, iowa. mr. mills heard mr. parrish give this description of red jacket and of his speech, while sitting at one time on the porch of one of the hotels at avon springs. mr. parrish pointed out the ground occupied by the indians, when this speech was delivered. it was only a little distance from the porch where they were sitting.] it was some little time after the delivery of this speech, before the minds of the indians were sufficiently composed to attend to the main business of their council, which was presented in a speech by farmer's brother, and embodied in an address to the legislature of new york, thus: "the sachems, chiefs and warriors of the seneca nation, to the sachems, and chiefs assembled about the great council fire of the state of new york: "brothers: as you are once more assembled in council for the purpose of doing honor to yourselves and justice to your country, we, your brothers, the sachems, chiefs and warriors of the seneca nation, request you to open your ears, and give attention to our voice and wishes. "you will recollect the late contest between you and your father, the great king of england. this contest threw the inhabitants of this whole island into a great tumult and commotion, like a raging whirlwind, which tears up the trees, and tosses to and fro the leaves, so that no one knows whence they come, or where they will fall. "brothers: this whirlwind was so directed by the great spirit above, as to throw into our arms two of your infant children, jasper parrish, and horatio jones. we adopted them into our families, and made them our children. we loved them and nourished them. they lived with us many years. at length the great spirit spoke to the whirlwind, and it was still. a clear and uninterrupted sky appeared. the path of peace was opened, and the chain of friendship was once more made bright. then these, our adopted children, left us, to seek their relations. we wished them to return among us, and promised if they would return, and live in our country, to give each of them a seat of land for them, and their children to sit down upon. "brothers: they have returned, and have for several years past been serviceable to us as interpreters. we still feel our hearts beat in affection for them, and now wish to fulfil the promise we made them, and to reward them for their services. we have therefore made up our minds to give them a seat of two square miles of land lying on the outlet of lake erie, about three miles below black rock, beginning at the mouth of a creek known by the name of scoy-gu-quoy-des creek, running one mile from the river niagara, up said creek, thence northerly as the river runs two miles, thence westerly one mile to the river, thence up the river as the river runs to the place of beginning, so as to contain two square miles. "brothers: we have now made known to you our minds; we expect and earnestly request that you will permit our friends to receive this our gift, and will make the same good to them, according to the laws and customs of your nation." by the laws of the state, no sale or transfers of indian lands could be made to private individuals, without permission from the government. hence the address embodying the request as presented above, which was complied with, and the land secured as desired by the indians. the above is certainly an able document, and has been justly admired for its originality, and the boldness of its figures. it is in keeping with the high order of mind, that has marked the history of the six nations. one expression in it has been pointed out, as an instance of the truly sublime: "the great spirit spoke to the whirlwind, and it was still." we may observe here that in tracing the history of the iroquois, the instances are not rare of a true nobility of character. their confidence and esteem once secured, no slight cause would interrupt, none appreciated more highly the offices of kindness,--and none would go further in making a generous return for favors rendered. jasper parrish and horatio jones were favorite interpreters of red jacket, and as they passed no inconsiderable part of their lives among the indians, a further notice of their history is desirable. the early life of captain jasper parrish was marked by scenes alike trying and eventful. he was a native of connecticut, from which state his family removed to the waters of the delaware, in the state of pennsylvania. in , when but eleven years old, he accompanied his father on a short expedition, to remove a family of backwoodsmen, to a less exposed part of the settlement. on their way they were attacked by a small party of indians, and made captives. the father was taken to niagara, and after a captivity of two years, was exchanged and enabled to return to his own family. the son was claimed by a war-chief, who treated him kindly, and after a time took him to the waters of the chemung. on entering an indian village, the war-party which accompanied them, sounded the war-whoop, and it was answered by the indians and indian boys who came out to meet them. they pulled the young prisoner from the horse he was riding, scourged him with whips, and beat him with the handles of their tomahawks, one of the forms of their gauntlet, until his master humanely rescued him. he was after this sold to a family of delawares, and taken to reside with them on the delaware river, where he suffered much from want of proper clothing, and from scanty fare. to inure him to cold, the indians compelled him almost daily, to strip and plunge into the icy waters of the river. he was with the indians when general sullivan invaded their country, and witnessed their retreat, after the battle at newtown, until they found protection from the guns of the british, at fort niagara. here they subsisted during the winter by rations from the garrison, and to induce them to return again to their villages, on the genesee river, the officers pledged them an increased bounty for american scalps. on one occasion, while with the delaware family at niagara, he came near being a victim of the british bounty for scalps. left alone with some indians, who were having a carousal, he overheard a proposal to kill the young yankee, and take his scalp to the fort, and sell it for rum. in a few moments one of them took a large brand from the fire and hurled at him, but being on the alert he dodged it, and made his escape. the indians pursued, but it was dark and they did not find him. from the delaware family, he was sold to an indian of the mohawk tribe, called captain david hill. at a council of the british and indians, he was afterwards adopted with much ceremony, into the family of captain hill, as his own son. he resided with him at the mohawk settlement near the present village of lewiston, till the close of the war, and being surrendered in accordance with the stipulations of the treaty at fort stanwix in , he returned once more to his own father's house. it was with some effort he recovered again the use of his own native tongue. during his captivity he had acquired and could speak fluently, the language of five different tribes, and his qualifications as an interpreter, together with his known faithfulness and integrity, coming to the knowledge of our government, he received an appointment in the indian service, and during the greater part of his subsequent life, was actively employed in business relating to the welfare of the indians. he died at his residence in canandaigua, july th, , in the sixty-ninth year of his age. captain horatio jones, was a native of chester county, pennsylvania. at the age of sixteen he enlisted as a volunteer, in a company commanded by captain john boyd. it was when the indians, led by the notorious butler, brant, and nellis, were committing their depredations and massacres among the settlers of the frontier, sparing neither age nor sex, from the tomahawk and scalping knife. with the ardor of youth he engaged in the active employments of a soldier, and accompanied captain boyd on several important and dangerous expeditions, in which himself and commander had the good fortune to escape unhurt. at length in the spring of , while captain boyd and his men, numbering thirty-two, were in pursuit of nellis, they were surprised by a large party of indians, who killed about half their number, and of the rest took eight prisoners, jones and his commanding officer being among the number. the indians conducted them to their towns on the genesee river, where they had to run the gauntlet, and having passed with safety through this trying ordeal, they next came near losing their lives in a savage frolic. the warriors, on returning from their excursion, gave themselves up to drinking and merriment. partaking freely of the intoxicating bowl, they soon became much excited, and the ferocity, which a time of war engenders, was thoroughly aroused among them. one of the prisoners they killed, and severing his head from the body, carried it about the camp, on the end of a pole, with wild shouts and frantic yells. they next meditated the death of boyd and jones, and while discussing the manner in which they would have them suffer, a few squaws conveyed them away and hid them. jones was subsequently adopted into an indian family, became familiar with their customs and language, and after the declaration of peace, was appointed by president washington as indian interpreter, the duties of which office he discharged with fidelity, until within a year or two of his death. mr. jones was about the ordinary stature, firmly built, and qualified by nature for duties requiring activity and endurance. possessing uncommon mental vigor, and quick perception, he was enabled to form a just estimate of character, and determine with readiness the springs of human action. his bravery, physical power, energy and decision of character, gave him great command over the indians with whom he was associated, and having their entire confidence, he was enabled to render the government invaluable service in her treaties with the northern and north-western tribes. he was a favorite interpreter of red jacket, and his style is said to have been energetic, graphic, and chaste. he died at his residence near genesee, on the th of august, . it was not far from the time of this council at canawangus that red jacket visited hartford, conn. in the adjustment of the land difficulties between the states of connecticut and pennsylvania, owing to the indefinite terms of their original charters, connecticut obtained, as we have seen, a title to that part of ohio, called western reserve. the senecas laying claim to this, on the ground of conquest, negotiations were entered into with them for the extinguishment of their title. this was the occasion of the orator's visit, concerning which there is but a very brief record. his appearance, however, has been spoken of in terms of high commendation, and a single passage only of the speech he made on that occasion has been preserved. "we stand,"--said he, when representing the condition of his people,--"a small island in the bosom of the great waters. we are encircled,--we are encompassed. the evil spirit rides upon the blast, and the waters are disturbed. they rise, they press upon us, and the waves once settled over us, we disappear forever. who then lives to mourn us? none. what marks our extermination? nothing. we are mingled with the common elements." the entire speech was listened to with feelings of profound admiration, and his action elicited praise for its dignity and grace. he entered the august assemblage, before which he was called to appear, with a step measured, firm and dignified,--a countenance erect, bold and discursive,-- without manifesting surprise, fear or curiosity; and his effort sustaining fully his high reputation as an orator, made the occasion one of great interest, to those whom it had been the means of bringing together, or who had been attracted by curiosity, to see one whose fame had reached the land of steady habits. [footnote: col. stone, from collections by j. w. moulton.] chapter xiv. cornplanter in disrepute--effort to regain his standing--red jacket charged with witchcraft--his defense--further notices of cornplanter-- early recollections--at the defeat of general braddock in --with the english in the war of the revolution--takes his father a prisoner--his address--releases him--address to the governor of pennsylvania--visit of president alden--close of his life. not long after the large sale of their domain to robert morris, which had been negotiated at big tree, the senecas began to realize that they had committed a great mistake. the broad lands, mountain, hill, and valley, over which they had roamed, the springs and streams of water by whose side they had been wont to encamp, and above all the graves of their sires, where affection's altar had been hallowed by their sighs and tears, these were still in view, but they appeared not as in days gone by, to wear for them the smiles of old and long tried friends. they seemed to present a look and utter a voice of reproach, as though chiding them for having broken in upon the harmony of those time honored arrangements, which had bound them together, and the thought of this filled their minds with anxiety and grief. had they been aware of the sorrow they would experience in looking upon these lands, as no longer their own, their consent to part with them would not so readily have been given. the reverse which thereupon took place in their minds, fell heavily on those who had taken the most active part of the business of selling their country. cornplanter, having borne a prominent part in these proceedings, fell deeply under the displeasure of his people. their displeasure was so marked as to lead him to cast about for some means of relief. aware of the credulity and superstition of his people, he resolved to avail himself of these characteristics of his nation, to accomplish the end he had in view. for this purpose he was in consultation with his brother ga-ne-o-di-yo, who on one occasion terminated a scene of great dissipation, by the announcement that he had been delegated by the great spirit, with a new revelation, and with supernatural gifts. a severe illness became the occasion during which he made a visit to the unseen world, where visions and revelations of a most extraordinary nature, had been made known to him. the happiness of the good, and the tortures of the wicked, had thus become matters of personal observation. the announcement of these, in language and gesture indicating his assurance of their reality, gained for him credence among the people, as well as chiefs of his nation, and he was received as a prophet. his earliest attempts were successful in accomplishing a desirable reform, especially among the onondagas, the most profligate of the six nations, from the degrading vice of intemperance. his influence in this direction was salutary, and had he confined his efforts to the recovery of his people from drunkenness, his mission would truly have been one of mercy, and his career might have terminated with the highest usefulness and honor. but sympathizing with cornplanter, his brother, he conceived the idea of instituting against their enemies, the charge of _witchcraft_. in this the indians generally believed, and a charge of this nature, coming from such a source, was a very grave matter. through the instrumentality of congress selected by himself, the sentence of death was procured against certain "familiars of satan," and this sentence would have been executed, had there been no interference, from the knowledge of it coming to the whites, living in the vicinity. in no way discouraged, but rather emboldened by their success, they proceeded so far as to bring such a charge against red jacket himself, who was thus publicly denounced, at a great council held at buffalo creek, and put upon trial. a degree of rivalry had hitherto existed between cornplanter and red jacket, and as the former descended in the estimation of his people, for the part he had taken in the sale of their lands, the latter rose for the same reason, so that the highest aim of cornplanter was reached, when he could, by this means, affect materially the character, and influence of his distinguished rival. the orator was thus placed in circumstances the most critical and trying, of any that had hitherto met him in life. he perceived at a glance, that his entire history in the future, would depend on the decision that would then and there take place. he might be doomed, if his life were spared, and this was not altogether certain, to be the victim of surmises and superstitions, that would be annoying, if they did not prove to be utterly destructive of his happiness. he accordingly summoned himself for an effort as great, as his position was dangerous. he conducted the trial in his own defense. in this he exhibited the exceeding wariness, which was ever a prominent characteristic of his nature. the slightest circumstance affecting the character, or bearing suspiciously upon his adversary was not overlooked, and his history was scanned with the searching scrutiny of a mind, that seemed to grasp intuitively, the secret springs, which had influenced his conduct. one by one the professions that had formed his garb of sanctity, were exposed to the burning power of his keen satire, and step by step he advanced to a point, where, from the full assurance he had established this conviction in the minds of his people, he pronounced him an imposter,--a cheat. [footnote: conversation of the author with wm. jones, a chief among the senecas, and a son-in-law of red jacket.] his speech riveted the attention of his hearers for nearly three hours. he prevailed. "the iron brow of superstition relented under the magic power of his eloquence."--the indians divided and a majority appeared in his favor. "perhaps,"--says the distinguished author just quoted,--"the annals of history cannot furnish a more conspicuous instance of the triumph and power of oratory, in a barbarous nation, devoted to superstition, and looking up to the accuser as a delegated minister of the almighty." [footnote: governor clinton's historical discourse.] the victory which red jacket thus achieved recoiled heavily on cornplanter, and gave him a blow, from which he never afterward fully recovered. he retired to his reservation, on the waters of the alleghany river, within the boundaries of pennsylvania, where he devoted himself, during the remainder of his long life, to the elevation and improvement of his people. he did not, after the example of his great rival red jacket, spurn the improvements of civilization, but engaged in agriculture after the example of the whites, and welcomed to his abode the teachers of christianity, and himself openly avowed his belief in its doctrines. cornplanter was a native of ca-na-wan-gus, on the genesee river, a half breed, the son of an indian trader, from the valley of the mohawk, a white man named john o'bail. of his early life little is known further than he himself intimated, in a letter written long afterward, to the governor of pennsylvania:--in which he said,--"when i was a child i played with the butterfly, the grasshopper, and the frogs; and as i grew up, i began to pay some attention, and play with the indian boys in the neighborhood; and they took notice of my skin, being a different color from theirs and spoke about it. i inquired of my mother the cause, and she told me that my father was a resident in albany. i still ate my victuals out of a bark dish. i grew up to be a young man, and married me a wife, and i had no kettle or gun. i then knew where my father lived, and went to see him, and found he was a white man, and spoke the english language. he gave me victuals, while i was at his house, but when i started to return home, he gave me no provision to eat on the way. he gave me neither kettle or gun." he was with his people when they fought in alliance with the french in the year . the principal part of the force which met and defeated the english under general braddock was indian, and it was through their prowess mainly, if not entirely, that the victory was gained. what part cornplanter took in that engagement is not known, but in the war of the revolution, he was a war-chief, and ranked high in the estimation of his people. in a speech addressed to president washington in , he related the manner in which the indians came to be in alliance with the english. "many nations inhabited this country; but they had no wisdom, therefore they warred together. the six nations were powerful and compelled them to peace; the lands to a great extent were given up to them; the french came among us and built niagara; they became our fathers and took care of us. sir william johnson came and took that fort from the french; he became our father and promised to take care of us, and did so until you were too strong for his king. "when you kindled your thirteen fires separately, the wise men that assembled at them told us that you were all brothers, the children of one great father, who regarded the red people also as his children. they called us brothers, and invited us to his protection; they told us that he resided beyond the great water, where the sun first rises; that he was a king whose power no people could resist, and that his goodness was as bright as that sun. what they said went to our hearts; we accepted the invitation, and promised to obey him. what the seneca nation promise, they faithfully perform; and when you refused obedience to that king, he commanded us to assist his beloved men, in making you sober. in obeying him we did no more than yourselves had led us to promise. the men that claimed this promise told us that you were children, and had no guns; that when they had shaken you, you would submit. we hearkened to them and were deceived." as a leader he was very active and brave, and as a partisan of the english, bore a prominent part in all of the principal engagements, in which the indians were concerned during that war. he was on the war-path with brant during the campaign of general sullivan against the indian towns in the genesee country in , and also when under the command of brant and sir john johnson, the indians subsequently avenged the invasion of sullivan, by the fearful destruction they wrought in the valley of the mohawk. it was during this expedition that cornplanter visited his father a second time. he was residing then in the vicinity of fort plain, and ascertaining where he lived, cornplanter watched his opportunity and made his father a prisoner, but managed so adroitly, as to avoid recognition. he marched his sire ten or twelve miles up the river, and then stepped in front of him, faced about, and addressed him in the following manner:-- "my name is john o'bail, commonly called cornplanter. i am your son! you are my father! you are now my prisoner, and subject to the customs of indian warfare. but you shall not be harmed: you need not fear. i am a warrior! many are the scalps i have taken! many the prisoners i have tortured to death! i am your son! i was anxious to see you, and greet you in friendship. i went to your cabin, and took you by force. but your life shall be spared. indians love their friends and their kindred, and treat them with kindness. if now you choose to follow the fortunes of your yellow son, and to live with our people, i will cherish your old age with plenty of venison, and you shall live easy. but if it is your choice to return to your fields, and live with your white children, i will send a party of my trusty young men to conduct you back in safety. i respect you, my father: you have been friendly to indians, and they are your friends." the father preferred to return to his white children, and was therefore set at liberty, and escorted back in safety to his own home. in another address to the governor of pennsylvania, he used this language: "i will now tell you, that the great spirit has made known to me that i have been wicked; and the cause was the revolutionary war in america. the cause of indians having been led into sin, at that time, was that many of them, were in the practice of drinking and getting intoxicated. great britain requested us to join with them in the conflict against the americans, and promised the indians land and liquor. i myself was opposed to joining in the conflict, as i had nothing to do with the difficulty between the two parties. "they told me they would inform me of the cause of the revolution, which i requested them to do minutely. they then said it was on account of the heavy taxes, imposed on them by the british government, which had been for fifty years increasing upon them; that the americans had grown weary thereof, and refused to pay, which affronted the king. there had likewise a difficulty taken place about some tea, which they wished me not to use, as it had been one of the causes that many people had lost their lives. and the british government now being affronted, the war commenced, and the cannons began to roar in our country. "the white people who live at warren, called on me, some time ago to pay taxes for my land; which i objected to, as i had never been called upon for that purpose before; and having refused to pay, the white people became irritated, called upon me frequently, and at length brought four guns with them, and seized our cattle. i still refused to pay, and was not willing to let the cattle go. after a time of dispute, they returned home, and i understood the militia was ordered out to enforce the collection of the tax. i went to warren, and to avert the impending difficulty, was obliged to give my note for the tax, the amount of which was forty-three dollars and seventy-nine cents. it is my desire that the governor will exempt me from paying taxes for my land to the white people; and also cause that the money i am now obliged to pay, may be refunded to me, as i am very poor." this appeal was brought before the legislature of pennsylvania, and an act was passed by which the chief was exonerated from the tax. one writer speaks of him as possessing uncommon genius, a strong and discriminating mind, and as having the power of enduring great mental application. he anxiously inquired into the evidences in support of the scripture account of creation, and of the scheme of doctrines which christianity unfolded. president alden of alleghany college, speaks with delight of a visit he made to the old chief. he found him on the banks of the alleghany, on a piece of first rate bottom land, a little within the limits of pennsylvania. he was the owner of thirteen hundred acres of land, on a part of which stood his village, whose inhabitants gave signs of industry and thrift. he found it pleasant to behold the agricultural habits of the place as appeared from the numerous enclosures of buckwheat, corn and oats. he also speaks of seeing a number of oxen, cows and horses; and many logs designed for the saw mill, and the pittsburgh market. "cornplanter had for some time been very much in favor of the christian religion, and hailed with joy such as professed it. when apprised of mr. alden's arrival he hastened to welcome him to his village, and to wait upon him. and notwithstanding his high station as a chief, having many men under his command, he chose rather, in the ancient patriarchal style, to serve his visitors himself; he therefore took care of their horses, and went into the field and cut and brought oats for them." [footnote: drake's book of the indians.] he died at his reservation march th, , a hundred winters having passed over him, and was buried beneath the sheltering branches of a noble tree standing in his field. no other monument marks his grave. chapter xv. change in red jacket's views--how caused--his opposition to christianity-- visit of a missionary--missionary's speech--red jacket's reply--unpleasant termination of the council. as time advanced, the mind of red jacket gradually receded from the favorable opinion he had entertained, with respect to the introduction among his people, of the customs of civilized life. before this he regarded with favor the philanthropic designs of washington and others, which contemplated such a change. but henceforth his influence and energies were uniformly exerted, in resisting any innovation, upon the anciently established usages of the iroquois. several causes seemed to influence such a result. first of all was the condition of his people, as affected by the whites. they had been wasted and greatly enfeebled by the wars carried on between the whites, taking sides, as in the revolution, against each other. and in their own conflicts, though in some instances successful, they had been so effectually overcome, that no hope now remained to them of resistance by war; no matter what combinations they might be able to effect among themselves. a still deeper source of regret, was the loss of so large a portion of their wide and beautiful country. since parting with it, swarms of settlers had been flocking to the more favored portions, and were irresistibly advancing to full and entire possession. the idea that they could have their country to hunt in, as well after it was sold as before, was rapidly dissipated by the busy sounds, all through the forest, of the woodman's axe, and by the roar of the stately trees, as they fell down before the enterprising pioneer. the indian brooded over this in silence, while all of these sounds, delightful to the emigrant, were as a knell of death to his ear. the eloquence of red jacket had been exerted in vain, to arrest the progress of the white men. onward they swept, bidding defiance to all the obstacles in their way. they were in possession of the ancient seats of the iroquois. the red man's inheritance, was but a beggarly portion, when compared with his former princely domain. the thought of this weighed heavily upon red jacket's lofty spirit, and affected materially the disposition with which he regarded the white man. he had observed also that the indian had not been improved, but rather made worse by intercourse with the white man. he more readily acquired his vices, than his virtues. the schools likewise that had been established among the indians, had not been attended with very salutary results. and some of the indian boys that had been sent to the schools of the whites, had failed to be qualified for usefulness among white men, and were unfitted in their tastes and habits for a life among the indians. as was observed by red jacket: "they have returned to their kindred and color, neither white men nor indians. the arts they have learned are incompatible with the chase, and ill adapted to our customs. they have been taught that which is useless to us. they have been made to feel artificial wants, which never entered the minds of their brothers. they have imbibed, in your great towns, the seeds of vices, which were unknown in the forest. they become discouraged and dissipated, --despised by the indians, neglected by the whites, and without value to either,--less honest than the former, and perhaps more knavish than the latter." [footnote: washington had always been earnest in his desire to civilize the savages, but had little faith in the expedient which had been pursued, of sending their young men to our colleges; the true means he thought, was to introduce the arts and habits of husbandry among them.-- irving's life of washington.] red jacket was not alone in this opinion. one of cornplanter's sons, henry o'bail, had been educated in philadelphia; but on returning to his people, became a drunkard, and was discarded by his father. he had other sons, but resolved that no more of them should be educated among the whites, for said he, "it entirely spoils indian." "what have we here?" exclaimed red jacket on one occasion addressing one of them. "what have we here? _you are neither a white man, or an indian; for heaven's sake tell us, what are you?_" but further than this, red jacket had witnessed among the whites so many evidences of deceit and fraud; he had so often seen the indians circumvented by their avarice and craft, that he looked with suspicion even on their attempts to do the indians good. the language of the trojan patriot concerning the greeks--represents very nearly the feelings he entertained toward the whites. "timeo danaos et dona ferrentes. "the greeks i fear, e'en in the gifts they bear." hence red jacket began to look unfavorably on the attempts that had been made to civilize the indian. he scorned to use the white man's axe, or hoe, or any implement of husbandry. he would not even use his language. understanding well what was said to him in english, he spurned the idea of holding any communication with a white man, save through an interpreter. the indian he looked upon as the rightful lord of this part of creation, the white man, as an intruder. the white man's ways were good for the white man; but in his view they would spoil the indian. he believed that the peculiar characteristics of the indian, were conferred on him by the great spirit for a wise purpose, and for his good, they needed to be maintained. hence all the ancient habits of his people, he earnestly strove to preserve, and had it been in his power, he would have built a wall like the chinese, to keep his people from meeting with, and being contaminated by the whites. he would frown contempt on the indian, who used a stool or chair in his cabin, and no king in his palace, ever sat more proudly, or with greater dignity on his throne, than did red jacket on his bear-skin in his humble dwelling. we can but admire in this, his independence of character; and when we reflect upon his conduct as influenced by the conviction, that such a course was essential for the good of his people, we may view it as meriting the praise of philanthrophy. had he been as firm in resisting every enticement of the whites, he would have maintained a greater consistency, and himself attained a higher degree of excellence. red jacket was equally opposed to the introduction of christianity among his people. he looked upon the religion of the white man, with the same feeling of suspicion and distrust as everything else coming from that source. he had no evidence from experience, of the benefits that would arise to them from its introduction among them. on the contrary his convictions, arising from observation, were against it; because he saw his people were made worse, by associating with the whites. when asked on one occasion, why he was opposed to the coming of missionaries among his people, he replied,--"because they do us no good. if they are not useful among the white people, why do they send them among the indians?--if they are useful to the white people, why do they not keep them at home? they are surely bad enough, to need the labor of every one, who can make them better." the indians made no distinction between those who professed religion and those who made no profession. their own religion was national. there was no division between the religious and irreligious. all were religious. in other words, they were all educated in the same faith, all united in observing the same religious rites, and all entertained the same religious belief, as had been handed down to them from their forefathers. this was salutary in promoting among them many virtues, worthy of commendation. they very properly estimated the value of religion, by the practical influence it exerted on those who received it. and they judged of the christian religion, by the conduct and character of the nation that received and cherished it; who were nominally christian. unfortunately for the success of christianity among them, they had witnessed so much deceit and fraud, there were so many among the whites, who were ready to take advantage of them,--to make them drunk, and then cheat them, they were unable to perceive in what way the religion of the whites, from whom they had received such treatment, could be better or as good, even as their own. they had not learned to regard those only as christians, who reduced the principles of christianity to practice, and were not aware that as a system, it enforced only what was right, and tolerated no conduct that was wrong. hence in the efforts made to introduce christianity among the senecas, we find red jacket summoning the entire force of his influence, and eloquence in opposition to the measure. the arrival among them of a missionary from massachusetts, was the occasion of a forensic effort, which defines very clearly his position, and though it may have suffered, as did most of his speeches, from coming through an interpreter, it displays nevertheless, indications of deep thought, and of a high order of talent. it was regarded at the time as an effort of great ability, and is perhaps as fair a specimen of his oratory, as has come down to us from the past. a council having been called to consider the matter, the missionary was introduced, who spoke as follows: [footnote: the speech of the missionary is quoted from col. stone; the reply of red jacket from drake, who is col. stone's authority for the same speech.] "my friends: i am thankful for the opportunity afforded us of meeting together at this time. i had a great desire to see you, and inquire into your state and welfare. for this purpose i have traveled a great distance, being sent by your old friends, the boston missionary society. you will recollect they formerly sent missionaries among you, to instruct you in religion, and labor for your good. although they have not heard from you for a long time, yet they have not forgotten their brothers, the six nations, and are still anxious to do you good. "brothers: i have not come to get your lands, or your money, but to enlighten your minds, and instruct you how to worship the great spirit, agreeably to his mind and will, and to preach to you the gospel of his son, jesus christ. there is but one religion, and but one way to serve god, and if you do not embrace the right way, you can not be happy hereafter. you have never worshipped the great spirit, in a manner acceptable to him, but have all your lives, been in great errors and darkness. to endeavor to remove these errors, and open your eyes, so that you might see clearly, is my business with you. "brothers: i wish to talk with you as one friend talks with another; and if you have any objections to receive the religion which i preach, i wish you to state them; and i will endeavor to satisfy your minds, and remove the objections. "brothers: i want you to speak your minds freely; for i wish to reason with you on the subject, and if possible remove all doubts, if there be any on your minds. the subject is an important one, and it is of consequence, that you give it an early attention, while the offer is made you. your friends, the boston missionary society, will continue to send you good and faithful ministers, to instruct and strengthen you in religion, if on your part you are willing to receive them. "brothers: since i have been in this part of the country, i have visited some of your small villages, and talked with your people. they appear willing to receive instruction, but as they look up to you, as their elder brothers in council, they want first to know your opinion on the subject. you have now heard what i have to propose at present. i hope you will take it into consideration, and give me an answer before we part." the chiefs were in consultation for about two hours, when red jacket arose and spoke as follows: "friend and brother: it was the will of the great spirit that we should meet together this day. he orders all things, and has given us a fine day for our council. he has taken his garment from before the sun, and caused it to shine with brightness upon us. our eyes are opened that we see clearly; our ears are unstopped, that we have been able to hear distinctly the words you have spoken. for all these favors we thank the great spirit, and him only. "brother: this council fire was kindled by you. it was at your request that we came together at this time. we have listened with attention to what you have said. you requested us to speak our minds freely. this gives us great joy: for now we consider that we stand upright before you, and can speak what we think. all have heard your voice, and all speak to you now as one man. our minds are agreed. "brother: you say you want an answer to your talk before you leave this place. it is right you should have one, as you are a great distance from home, and we do not wish to detain you. but we will first look back a little, and tell you what our fathers have told us, and what we have heard from the white people. "brother: listen to what we say.--there was a time when our fathers owned this _great island_. [footnote: the term used by the indians when speaking of this continent.] their seats extended from the rising to the setting sun. the great spirit had made it for the indians. he had created the buffalo, the deer, and other animals for food. he had made the bear, and the beaver. their skins served us for clothing. he had scattered them over the country, and taught us how to take them. he had caused the earth to produce corn for bread. all this he had done for his red children because he loved them. if we had some disputes about our hunting ground, they were generally settled without the shedding of much blood. but an evil day came upon us. your forefathers crossed the great water, and landed on this island. their numbers were small. they found friends and not enemies. they told us they had fled from their own country for fear of wicked men, and had come here to enjoy their religion. they asked for a small seat. we took pity on them, granted their request, and they sat down amongst us. we gave them corn and meat; they gave us poison in return. [footnote: spirituous liquors.] "the white people had now found our country. tidings were carried back, and more came amongst us. yet we did not fear them. they called us brothers. we believed them and gave them a larger seat. at length their numbers had greatly increased. they wanted more land;--they wanted our country. our eyes were opened, and our minds became uneasy. "wars took place. indians were hired to fight against indians, and many of our people were destroyed. they also brought strong liquors among us;-- they were strong and powerful, and have slain thousands. "brother: our seats were once large, and yours were very small. you have now become a great people, and we have scarcely a place left to spread our blankets. you have got our country, but are not satisfied;--you want to force your religion upon us. "brother: continue to listen. you say that you are sent to instruct us how to worship the great spirit agreeably to his mind, and if we do not take hold of this religion which you white people teach, we shall be unhappy hereafter. you say that you are right, that we are lost. how do we know this to be true? we understand that your religion is written in a book. if it was intended for us as well as you, why has not the great spirit given it to us, and not only to us, but why did he not give to our forefathers the knowledge of that book, with the means of understanding it rightly? we only know what you tell us about it. how shall we know when to believe, being so often deceived by the white people? "brother: you say there is but one way to worship and serve the great spirit. if there is but one religion why do you white people differ so much about it? why are you not all agreed,--as you can all read the book? "brother: we do not understand these things. we are told that your religion was given to your forefathers, and has been handed down from father to son. we also have a religion which was given to our forefathers and has been handed down to us their children. we worship in that way. it teaches us to be thankful for all the favors we receive; to love each other, and to be united. we never quarrel about religion. "brother: the great spirit has made us all, but he has made a great difference between his white and red children. he has given us different complexions, and different customs. to you he has given the arts. to these he has not opened our eyes. we know these things to be true. since he has made so great a difference between us in other things, why may we not conclude that he has given us a different religion according to our understanding? the great spirit does right. he knows what is best for is children; we are satisfied. "brother: we do not wish to destroy your religion, or take it from you. we only want to enjoy our own. "brother: you say you have not come to get our land or our money, but to enlighten our minds. i will now tell you that i have been at your meetings, and saw you collect money from the meeting. i cannot tell what this money was intended for, but suppose it was for your minister, and if we should conform to your way of thinking, perhaps you may want some from us. "brother: we are told that you have been preaching to the white people in this place. these people are our neighbors. we are acquainted with them. we will wait a little while, and see what effect your preaching has on them. if we find it does them good, makes them honest, and less disposed to cheat indians, we will then consider again of what you have said. "brother: you have now heard our answer to your talk, and this is all we have to say at present. as we are going to part, we will come and take you by the hand, and hope the great spirit will protect you on your journey, and return you in safety to your friends." suiting the action to the word, he then drew near the missionary with the other chiefs, to take him by the hand; but he would not receive them, and rising hastily from his seat, said, there was no fellowship between the religion of god, and the works of the devil, and he could not therefore join hands with them. when this was interpreted to the indians, they smiled and retired from the interview, without saying anything further. such is the account given of this transaction. the termination is painful. it is a sad thought, that when the indians had been invited to make known their objections, if they had any; and when they had been offered in good faith by this unlettered son of the forest, he should have been answered with so little patience or kindness. we hesitate not to say that the red man in this, manifested the better spirit. mr. crane afterward regretted the course he had taken, saying, "he supposed by shaking hands with them, they would regard it as signifying his approval of what they had said." chapter xvi. tecumseh and indian confederation--aid given by elskawata--doings at the prophet's town--great indian council at the west--red jacket's claim for precedence of the senecas--his adherence to the united states--hostilities encouraged by british agents--warriors gathered at prophet's town--visited by gen. harrison at the head of his troops--hostilities disclaimed-- surprised by a sudden attack--indians defeated--war proclaimed against england--indians take sides--unfavorable commencement--different successes --part taken by red jacket. sixteen years had intervened since the treaty of peace, concluded with the indians at greenville, by general wayne in . during this time friendly relations had been maintained with the various indian tribes, who were in correspondence with the united states. this period had not closed, however, ere the ambitious designs of an active and influential chief, began to wear the appearance of open hostility. the possession of rare mental endowments, together with physical qualifications, that were the means of extending his renown, as an intrepid brave, far beyond the boundaries of his own tribe, rendered the name of tecumseh, a rallying word for the dusky warriors, even among the remote wilds visited by the indian. tecumseh entertained the ambitious project, at various times a favorite design with the indian, of uniting all their tribes at the west and south-west, in one strenuous endeavor, to resist the further advance of the whites into their country, and of forming here a confederacy, similar to that which had existed among the iroquois. in these views he was greatly assisted and strengthened by the influence and efforts of his brother, elskawata. elskawata, on the death of penagashega, an aged and revered prophet, very adroitly assumed the sacred office of this indian saint, and began to proclaim himself, as a delegated messenger of the great spirit to his people. he commenced his career among the shawnees, the people of his tribe, as early as . but not content with so narrow a sphere for his endeavors, he went from tribe to tribe, and assembled as he was able, different nations, that he might make known to them the important instructions, he had been divinely authorized to communicate. for a long time his efforts wore the appearance of a religious, and pacific character. he proclaimed the high superiority of the indians over the whites, and of his own tribe among the indian tribes. he declared it to be the will of the great spirit, that the indians should abandon the use of intoxicating drinks, refrain from intermarrying with the whites, live at peace with each other, have their property in common, and maintain their customs, as they had been anciently established. at a later period he affirmed with much solemnity, that he had received power from the great spirit, to cure all diseases, confound his enemies, and stay the arm of death, in sickness, or on the field of battle. as time advanced, the prophet passed from nation, to nation, artfully sustaining his assumptions, and proclaiming his doctrines. he gathered around him adherents from various tribes, encouraged pilgrimages to his camp, became conspicuous in all their general councils, and extended his influence to the various indian towns, in the vicinity of the northern lakes, and on the broad plains, watered by the mississippi and its branches. he could now, as he did, forward very effectively the ambitious views of his brother tecumseh. from the prophet's town, which was established on the banks of the wabash, near the mouth of its tributary the tippecanoe, as early as , a correspondence was kept up with the numerous tribes at the north and west, and means were taken also to extend the combination they were forming, to the cherokees and other nations of the south. runners were sent as far even as the country of the senecas, and the iroquois in new york and canada, were solicited to join the great western confederacy. connected with this movement was the holding of indian councils, at different places in the west. a very large council, was held at or near detroit, which embraced in it deputations from the most distant tribes. a strong deputation was sent from the senecas, with red jacket at its head. at the opening of this council a question arose as to precedence in debate, which is said to have been the occasion of one of red jacket's most effective and brilliant speeches, and was the means of securing for himself and fellow delegates, the high position he ever claimed, as belonging rightfully to his nation. the right of precedence was claimed by the wyandots, a large and powerful nation, which for a long time, had been pre-eminent among the western tribes. to them had been committed for preservation and safe keeping, the great belt, the symbol of a previous union among the tribes. it had been used in gathering them to form their league, to resist the settlements of the whites north and west of the ohio river. the concert of action among the indians, in the wars at the west between and , is to be traced to this league. to the wyandots also had been given the original duplicate of the treaty of peace, concluded at greenville in . hence the claim they presented to precedence at this council; a claim which was eloquently supported by their most able chiefs. this claim was denied by red jacket, who maintained that the place in question belonged rightfully to the senecas, and sustained his position by a reference to facts and usages in the past, which displayed a minute and accurate knowledge of the history of the different indian tribes, that surprised as well as delighted his hearers. his speech was characterized throughout by great ability, and displayed such a power of oratory, particularly of invective, as to excite the wonder of all present, who could understand his language, and comprehend the force of his allusions. his effort was entirely successful. no attempt was made at reply. the first rank after this, without further hesitation, was given to the senecas. it is due to the memory of red jacket, who has been, called _double tongued and deceitful_, to state that from the time he fully gave his adherence, he never swerved from his allegiance to the united states. ever afterward he was their faithful friend and ally. the impatient affirmation of brant, that "red jacket had vowed fidelity to the united states, and sealed his promise, by kissing the likeness of general washington," though in a measure true, as expressive of his fidelity, had never any occasion to be qualified, by a statement to the contrary. during the present council, his views were in opposition to those generally entertained and expressed, and no consideration availed with him, to break faith with the united states. he had before this notified the indian agent of the formation of another league, and of the avowedly warlike purpose of certain indian councils, that had been held at the west. early in the year , at the head of a delegation of his people and accompanied by the agent, and captain parrish as interpreter, he visited the city of washington, and informed our government of the hostilities that were in contemplation, and of the efforts of his people to secure peace. the pacific councils of red jacket were of little avail. the warlike agitation was continued. the retreat of the prophet on the banks of the wabash, became not less noted for warlike exercises, than for its religious harangues. the minds of the indians were already ripe for an outbreak, whenever a sufficient pretext should offer. the visit of tecumseh at vincennes in the summer of , with three hundred well armed warriors, and his haughty and insulting bearing toward governor harrison, indicated clearly, the hostile spirit that was rife among them. not long after this, the report came that a thousand warriors awaited his command, in and about the prophet's town. so large a horde of indians together, without the means of support, and practicing themselves in the arts of war, were viewed with suspicion. charity must have been blind, to have supposed they were assembled merely for the purpose of devotion. frequent plundering, midnight arson, and occasional massacres in frontier settlements, proclaimed the fact, that hostilities had already commenced, and that our people in this region needed protection. the indians were greatly encouraged in their warlike feeling, by the intercourse they constantly maintained with the british indian department. the british fur company also by her traders, had correspondence with the leading men of all these western and north-western tribes, and this intercourse resulted in holding the indians more firmly, in alliance with the english. the desire they entertained for dominion on this continent, led them to encourage the indians, in their effort to hold in check the settlements of the united states, that were pushing their way westward. thus countenanced and encouraged, the indians became more determined and bold in their hostility. these threatening indications, coming to the knowledge of our government, general harrison was directed to go with an armed force to the prophet's town, and his visit resulted in the battle of tippecanoe, fought on the seventh of november, . his officers desired him to attack the town on the day before, but wishing to avoid fighting if possible, and having been met by several chiefs, who disclaimed having hostile intentions, and offered submission and peace, he made a careful survey of the country, and selecting an advantageous position, encamped for the night. at an early hour in the morning they were furiously assailed by the indians, who had stealthily crept up very near without being observed. a bloody and, for a time doubtful, engagement ensued, but at length the indians were repulsed and a decisive victory gained. the prophet was securely stationed on an adjoining eminence during the battle, and the american bullets having a more powerful effect upon the indians than they had been led to anticipate, a runner was sent to him with the intelligence. he was engaged singing very piously, one of his old war songs. when told what was taking place, he said, "go,--fight on: it will soon be as i have said;" and commenced singing again more loudly. [footnote: the prophet had assured them that the americans would not be successful. that their bullets would not hurt the indians, who would have light while their enemies would be in darkness.--life and times of wm. h. harrison.] tecumseh was absent when the battle was fought, being engaged in forwarding his designs among the indian tribes at the south. he was disappointed and grieved with the result, regarding the battle as premature, and tending very much to thwart the purposes he had in view. he awaited a more favorable turn in the wheel of fortune, and thought this would come with the war anticipated between england and the united states. difficulties, growing out of the right assumed by the former, of boarding american vessels, to discover and remove any english sailors belonging to the crew, which frequently resulted in seizing american seamen and forcing them into the british navy, had now assumed so formidable an aspect, as to call forth from our government a proclamation of war against england, issued on the th of june, . in anticipation of this event, as well as after it, means were employed by the agents of britain, to secure the services of the indians during this contest. the opportunity was gladly welcomed by the miamis, shawnees and other indian tribes, who had recently been severely chastised by general harrison. the mohawks and other indians in canada were also induced to take up the hatchet, and efforts were made to influence such of the six nations, as resided within the state of new york, to take sides with the british in this war, but they were not successful. the united states, instead of seeking among the indians recruits for their army, advised the senecas, and other tribes of the iroquois within their borders, to remain neutral. a council was convened by the indian agent, mr. erastus granger, for the purpose of spreading the whole matter before them. it resulted in securing from them a pledge of neutrality. so well convinced were they of the wisdom of this course, they determined to send a deputation of their brethren to canada, to dissuade them if possible, from taking any part in the war. it was sent, but did not accomplish the end desired; the mohawks had fully resolved upon engaging in the contest. it was difficult however, for the senecas to enforce their decision upon their young braves, who were made restless by the sound of war, and were eager to engage in it; yet their sympathies were with the united states. the stirring music, martial array, noise and pomp of war, wrought so effectually on their minds, they would fain have persuaded their nation to declare war on their own account. the circulation among them of a rumor that the british had taken possession of grand island, a part of their own domain, led them to convene a council, which mr. granger was invited to attend, and after stating the case to him, red jacket declared the purpose of the senecas in the following language:-- "brother: you have told us, that we have nothing to do with the war, that has taken place between you and the british. but we find that the war has come to our doors. our property is taken possession of, by the british and their indian friends. it is necessary for us now to take up the business, defend our property, and drive the enemy from it. if we sit still upon our seats, and take no means of redress, the british according to the customs of you white people, will hold it by conquest. and should you conquer the canadas, you will claim it on the same principle, as though you had conquered it from the british. we therefore request permission to go with our warriors, and drive off those bad people, and take possession of our lands." their request was granted, and the chiefs regarding themselves as an independent nation, issued a formal declaration of war, against the provinces of upper and lower canada, and summoned their warriors to protect their rights and liberties, with the americans. four hundred warriors, armed and painted, and ready for the field, answered to this call, led by the brave though now aged farmer's brother, who was said by colonel worth, to have been "the noblest indian in form and mould, in carriage and in soul, of that generation of his race." [footnote: col. worth as given by col. stone.] the principal scene of war at this time was on our north-western frontier. its commencement had been disastrous. the capture of mackinaw, chicago, and detroit, attended by the surrender of general hull, commander of the american forces at the latter place, spread a feeling of insecurity and dismay all along our western frontier settlements. for an immense extent they were without protection. but new troops were raised and brought on to the field, under the wise conduct of general harrison, and the signal naval victory of commodore perry on lake erie, september , , and the equally decisive battle on the river thames, in the october following, very materially improved the prospect of the american arms. after this battle, the western indians were disposed to entertain propositions of peace. thus far they had proved to be efficient allies of the british, increasing their force by an addition of nearly eighteen hundred, commanded by the renowned tecumseh, who had been called the "indian bonaparte." his pre- eminence among them was now widely acknowledged, and he swayed by his influence a greater number of warriors, than any indian of his time. before engaging in the battle of the thames, he seemed to have a presentiment of his death. he said to the chiefs about him, "brother warriors, we are about to enter into an engagement from which i shall never come out,--my body will remain on the field of battle." [footnote: life of tecumseh, by benjamin drake.] his prediction was verified; as marking the field of strife where the americans were victorious, the ashes of this celebrated warrior here repose, near the borders of a willow marsh, the willow and the wild rose weaving a chaplet over his grave. the indians who had volunteered their services in the american army, were first employed in the gallant defense made at black rock, during the month of july, of this same year, . a surprise party from the british head-quarters at lundy's lane, was sent against the american stores, collected at black rock and at buffalo, and were not at this time strongly guarded. they were successful in their first attempt, but were in turn unexpectedly met by the adroit management of general porter, under whose supervision the forces in this vicinity had been placed, who rallied volunteers at buffalo, turned back the retreating garrison, and by a well planned attack, succeeded in driving the enemy from the post they had taken a short time before. the indians were soon after in another engagement, in the vicinity of fort george, and from an official report made at the time, it appears that this formed a part of red jacket's military experience. a company of volunteers and indians commanded by major chapin, to which was added a force of about two hundred regulars under major cummings, amounting in all to about five hundred, the whole being under the direction of general porter, proceeded to attack the british and indian encampment, and were entirely successful. in an official statement of this affair given by general boyd, then commanding the post at st. george, he says:--"those who participated in this contest, particularly the indians, conducted with great bravery and activity. general porter volunteered in the affair, and major chapin evinced his accustomed zeal and courage. the principal chiefs who led the warriors this day were farmer's brother, red jacket, little billy, pollard, black smoke, johnson, silver heels, captain half town, major henry o'bail, and captain cold, who was wounded. in a council held with them yesterday, they covenanted not to scalp or murder; and i am happy to say, that they treated the prisoners with humanity, and committed no wanton cruelties on the dead." chapter xvii. taking of fort erie--battle of chippewa--service rendered by the indians-- general porter's account of the campaign--red jacket commended--withdrawal of indian forces--other successes--conclusion of peace. directly across from buffalo, at the head of niagara river, on the canada side, stood fort erie. chippewa, at that time head-quarters of the british army, was eighteen miles below, on the same side. fort erie was garrisoned by about one hundred and seventy men; at chippewa and within available distances from it, was stationed the principal part of the british force in this region. the plan with which it was proposed to open the campaign of , contemplated an attack on both of these places. the campaign of the previous year, though favorable in a good degree, did not close with entire success to the american arms. the idea was entertained of descending the st. lawrence, with a view of capturing montreal, a design which signally failed. taking advantage of the feeble defense of our frontier, by the withdrawal of the regular troops for the purpose named, the enemy, on the th of december, surprised and took fort niagara, and sweeping along our frontier settlements on the niagara river, ravaged the country by fire and sword, as they passed rapidly on, carrying the works at lewiston, and manchester, and laying in ashes the thriving villages of black rock and buffalo. they burned also without opposition, a village of the tuscaroras. the voice of red jacket was thereupon heard, arousing his people again, to the necessity of taking up arms. and as the result, about six hundred warriors, mostly from the seneca nation, were in readiness to offer their services, at the opening of the present campaign. buffalo was the appointed place of rendezvous, and on the first of july, general brown, who commanded our forces, regarding them as sufficient to warrant the commencement of the plan of operations, began by reconnoitering fort erie. during the night of the second of july, general ripley, with a part of his brigade, embarked in boats, with a view of landing on the opposite shore, one mile above the fort, at about day break the next morning. general scott with his brigade was to cross the niagara river, through a difficult pass in the black rock rapids, and make a simultaneous landing below the fort. the two brigades enclosing the fort, could prevent the escape of the garrison, until artillery to reduce it, should be brought from buffalo. general scott with his usual promptness, made good his landing, and was on the ground at the hour appointed, and by the aid of a few indians and volunteers who accompanied him as guides, invested the fort, so as to secure its garrison. general ripley though prompt in his departure, was delayed in reaching his position, by a dense fog which misled his pilots. as the sun rose the british commandant and his officers, could see the busy operations going on in ferrying across from buffalo, artillery, indians and soldiers, with their various preparations of war. they discovered also how completely they were invested. at the demand of general brown, without firing a gun or making any attempt at resistance, the fort and garrison were surrendered. this part of their enterprise being accomplished, they next turned their thoughts toward chippewa. the chippewa or welland river, is a considerable stream not far from one hundred yards wide, and from twelve to twenty feet deep, entering the niagara at right angles, as it flows in from the west. on the north or left bank of this stream, near its mouth, the british army had its station and defenses, consisting of two block houses, connected and flanked by a parapet. street's creek was two miles above, or south of this, a small sluggish stream, which enters the niagara in a direction parallel with the chippewa. the mouth of this creek was selected by the american commanders, as affording a favorable position for their army before the battle. on the evening of the same day of the capture of fort erie, general scott with his brigade and towson's artillery, proceeded down the river on his way toward chippewa, and on the morning of the fourth, encamped in the open field, on the south side of street's creek, having driven in some advanced posts of the enemy. in the evening he was joined by general brown, with general ripley's brigade, which took post in the same field, in rear of general scott. general porter with the indians, and pennsylvania volunteers, crossed the niagara at black rock during the night of the fourth, and on the morning of the fifth, marched for the camp, arriving there at about noon. the two armies nearly equal in numbers, and well qualified by their thorough equipments, and the skill of their commanders, to harm each other effectually, were now encamped with only two miles, and the two streams, on whose banks they rested, between them. but though thus near, intervening objects prevented their seeing each other. between them was a strip of woodland about one-fourth of a mile in width, extending from the forest on the west, near to the bank of the river, where it was cleared for the public highway. this effectually shut out from the view of the other, the manoeuvres of each army. the indians and militia from the british army infested these woods, and became annoying to our forces. general porter being well acquainted with the country, and having charge of the indians, was requested to take them, and a part of his pennsylvania volunteers, and dislodge this portion of the enemy; general brown assuring him, that none of the british regulars would be found south of the chippewa on that day, and promising him in case of so improbable a contingency, the support of general scott's brigade. at about three o'clock of the same day of his arrival, general porter formed his men, half a mile in rear of the main camp, into single or indian file, placing the indians on the left, and a part of the pennsylvanians on the right. "thence he marched into the woods in the same order, in a line at right angles to the river, until the whole indian force was immerged in the forest, leaving the white troops in the open field; they had only to halt and face to the right, when the whole were formed in line of battle, three-fourths of a mile long and one man deep, looking in the direction of chippewa. red jacket was placed on the extreme left of the line, and general porter took his station on the margin of the woods between his white and red troops, accompanied by captain pollard, a seneca chief, who, in this campaign, was considered first in command among the indians; colonel flemming, the quarter-master of the indian corps, lieutenant donald fraser his aid, and henry johnson his interpreter. he was also accompanied by major jones, and major wood of the engineers, as volunteers; and was supported by a company of regular infantry, marching in column in rear, as a reserve. "the indians were commanded by their war-chiefs, who were indulged in their own mode of conducting the attack, marching about twenty yards in advance of the warriors of their respective tribes. general porter having sent out scouts to reconnoiter the enemy, the march was commenced by signal, and proceeded at first with great stillness and caution. the chiefs have signals, by which, on the discovery of any circumstance requiring consultation, or change of route or action, they convey notice through their ranks with great celerity, on which the whole line of warriors drop instantly on the ground, and remain there until further orders. two manoeuvres of this kind occurred on the march, the first of little moment, but the second communicating through the scouts, the exact position of the enemy, who, apprised of their assailants' approach, lay concealed in a thicket of bushes, along the margin of street's creek. "a consultation was thereupon held, and new orders given, the purport of which was to change the line of march, so as to meet the enemy to more advantage, to increase the speed as much as was consistent with the preservation of order, and to receive their first fire, but not to return it except singly, and when it could be done with certain effect, and then to raise the war-whoop, pursue, capture, and slay as many as practicable, until they should reach the open ground in front of chippewa, and thence return to camp. "the march was accordingly resumed, the fire of the enemy received, and a rush accompanied with savage yells made upon them, and continued for more than a mile, through scenes of frightful havoc and slaughter, few only of the fugitives offering to surrender as prisoners, while others, believing that no quarter would be given, suffered themselves to be cut down with the tomahawk, or turning back upon their pursuers, fought hand to hand to the last. "on reaching the open field in front of chippewa, the assailants were met by a tremendous discharge of musketry, by which the warriors, who were principally in front, were thrown back upon the volunteers and reserve, who for want of equal speed were a short distance in the rear. presuming that the fire had come from the enemy he had been pursuing, and who had rallied on reaching the open ground, general porter made an effort, not without success, to reform his line with volunteers, reserve and a portion of the warriors; but on again advancing to the margin of the woods, found himself within a few yards of the whole british regular army, formed in line of battle, and presenting within a given space at least three men fresh from their camp, to a single one in his own attenuated and exhausted line. after receiving and returning two or three fires, the enemy rushed forward with charged bayonets, when hearing nothing from general scott, he gave the order to retreat and form again on the left of general scott's brigade, wherever it should be found. "it appears that the british commander had resolved on making a general attack, that day, on the american camp; and in execution of this purpose had marched his whole force across the chippewa, a short time before general porter entered the woods with the indians; and having sent forward his indians and militia, which was the british force met in the woods, to commence his attack on the left flank of the americans, formed in the meantime his battalions of regulars on the plain, under cover of the strip of woodland which divided the two camps, with his artillery on his left, near the gorge occupied by the road along the bank of the river; ready to act the moment the effect of the flank attack should be developed. "the repulse of general porter's command was thus effected by the main body of the british army, while general scott's brigade was more than a mile in the rear, and had not yet crossed the bridge over street's creek.... in a retreat of a mile in a diagonal direction to the right, so as to uncover the enemy to the fire of the american line, then just beginning to form, they gained but little distance on the british columns, who were in hot pursuit. when general porter and his staff arrived at street's creek, they were met by major jessup's battalion, then in the act of taking its position, which was on the left, and a short distance from the remainder of general scott's brigade; and the volunteers fatigued as they were, aided major jessup's evolutions, which were executed with great order and celerity, by breaking down the fences to enable him to pass from the road bordering on street's creek, to his position in the field. "nothing could exceed the coolness and order with which general scott's brigade crossed the bridge and formed its line, under the galling fire of the enemy's artillery, and the headlong approach of his infantry, who, when only fifty yards distant, were received by a tremendous discharge of musketry from the american line, which forced them to fall back for a considerable distance. but they speedily rallied and advanced again, when they were met in the same gallant manner; and they thereupon fled, with as much precipitation as they had entered it, not halting until they had recrossed the chippewa and destroyed their bridge. "general scott pursued them around the point of woods, beyond which he could only advance in face of their batteries, and these he could not reach by reason of the intervening river. he therefore deployed to the left, and forming a line in the open field, in front of chippewa, directed his men to lie down with their heads toward the batteries, the better to avoid the effect of their fire. "the battle between the regular troops, was but of a few minutes duration, with the exception of the artillery, which on both sides was earliest and longest engaged, and served with the most destructive effect; colonel towson occupying the right of the american line, on street's creek, and the british artillery the left of theirs, at the point of woods, and both commencing with the first movements of the regular troops. "immediately after the two lines had encountered on street's creek, a magnificent charger completely caparisoned, but without a rider, was seen prancing and curveting in the centre of the battle field, and endeavoring to make his escape through the american line to the rear. presuming that he belonged to some officer who had fallen, he was forthwith secured by the servant of general porter, and immediately mounted by the general, to whom he was a most acceptable acquisition, after the labors of the day, which he had performed on foot. "riding up to general brown, who was also in the midst of the action, general porter received his orders to march with the two hundred pennsylvanians, who had been left in camp, to the support of general scott; which orders were promptly executed by following general scott's brigade around the point of woods, receiving the fire of the british batteries, and taking post on his left, with the men in the same recumbent position. here they awaited the arrival of general ripley's brigade, which on the first discovery that the whole british army was in the field, had been ordered to make a detour through the woods, and attack the enemy's right. they soon came up, in the same muddy plight with the volunteers and indians, who had previously traversed the same ground; when the whole army at about sundown quietly retired to their camp, on the south side of street's creek. "and thus ended the battle of chippewa, which probably produced more important results in favor of the american arms, than any other engagement by land in the course of that war; although there were several battles fought on the niagara, if not elsewhere, during the same campaign, exhibiting a greater number of combatants engaged, a larger number of slain, and a result equally creditable to the gallantry and good conduct of the american soldiers. "the first advantage gained was in driving from the british army those troublesome enemies, their indian allies, who had been the terror of our troops in the west, during all the preceding stages of the war, and had kept the camps of general dearborn, general lewis, and general boyd, in a perpetual panic during the campaign of . terrified and disheartened by the reception they met with at chippewa, they fled from the battle field to the head of lake ontario, a distance of thirty miles, without halting, and never again during the remainder of the war appeared in the british camp." [footnote: colonel stone's life and times of red jacket. mr. stone refers to general porter, as his authority, representing him as having voluntarily prepared the account given of this campaign.] the indians during this engagement performed a most important service. their conduct was highly commended by general porter. speaking of those under his command, general porter says: "the great body of warriors as well as volunteers, engaged in the opening attack, fought with boldness, not to say desperation, unsurpassed by any other troops, until they were placed in a situation where it would have been madness not to retreat." the part red jacket took in this battle, though by no means conspicuous, was such as to call forth from an early biographer the affirmation, that "he displayed the most undaunted intrepidity, and completely redeemed his character from the suspicion of that unmanly weakness, with which he had been charged in early life; while in no instance did he exhibit the ferocity of the savage, or disgrace himself, by any act of outrage towards a prisoner, or a fallen enemy." the same writer adds: "his therefore was that true moral courage, which results from self respect, and the sense of duty, and which is more noble, and a more active principle, than that mere animal instinct which renders many men insensible to danger. opposed to war, not ambitious of martial fame, and unskilled in military affairs, he went to battle from principle, and met its perils with the spirit of a veteran warrior, while he shrunk from its cruelties with the sensibility of a man and of a philosopher." [footnote: life of red jacket. mckenny's indian biography.] red jacket as a civil officer was not called to take so prominent a place on the field of battle, as the war chiefs. yet in all of their deliberations, which were frequent during the campaign, he could act as their counsellor, as he did on every such occasion. he was uniformly their principal orator, and his manner on these occasions is represented as being "graceful and imposing in the eye of every beholder, and his voice music, especially in the ears of his own people. he had the power of wielding them at will, and the soul stirring trumpet could not produce a more kindling effect in the bosoms of a disciplined army, than would his appeals upon the warriors of his race." [footnote: col. stone's life of red jacket.] that the battle of chippewa was particularly severe to the indian forces engaged in it, may be inferred from the fact that the british indians retreated not only beyond the chippewa, but stayed not until they had gone thirty miles further. the battle ground was strewed with many of their number who had been slain. two, who had been mortally wounded, and were still alive, were despatched by a party of new york indians, who were looking for the bodies of their fallen friends. being reproached for their conduct in taking the life of an unresisting foe, one of them replied, in a manner that indicated evident sorrow for the deed done, "that it did seem hard to take the lives of these men, but they should remember that these were very hard times." [footnote: col. stone.] the sight of slain warriors was far from being a pleasing object for red jacket to behold, and having ever been opposed to his people engaging in contests that did not really concern them, he proposed now that the indians had helped chastise the british for burning one of their villages, and as they were no longer on indian ground, that they should withdraw from a further participation in the war, in case they could prevail on their canadian brethren to do the same. with the consent and approval of general brown, a deputation of two brave and influential chiefs was sent to the indians, who had fought with the british, with this in view. they were successful in persuading them to enter into this arrangement. the indians therefore after this retired to their villages, with the exception of a few young braves, with whom the love of war, was a more potent influence, than the counsels of the aged and more considerate of their nation. soon after the battle, our army forced a passage across the chippewa, and after a short engagement the enemy gave way, and retired to lake ontario. our army continued its march down the niagara river, destroying some of the british works on their way. with new forces brought into the field, general drummond took command of the british, and on the th of july the two armies met again, and there was a hard fought, but not very decisive battle, at lundy's lane, near niagara falls. the american army soon after fell back to fort erie. a british force of five thousand advanced and laid siege to the fort, making a vigorous assault on the th of august. they were repulsed with a loss of a thousand men. later, general brown issued from the fort and gave them so stunning a blow as caused them to relinquish the siege. other successful engagements during the year, ending with the signal victory at new orleans under general jackson, inspired greatly the hopes of the american people, and served likewise to repress the ardor of their opponents; which led to the return of peace with england, which was concluded at ghent on the th of december, . chapter xviii pre-emptive right to the indian reservations sold to ogden and company-- council to obtain the lands--mr. ogden's speech--red jacket's reply-- indians refuse to sell--another council called--account of it by hon. albert tracy--various utterances of the orator on that occasion--indians' appeal to the governments of the united states and new york--noble response of governor de witt clinton of new york--final success of the ogden company. though the indian lands within the state of new york, had now been narrowed down to a comparatively small compass, there were not wanting those who would take from them, the remaining portion of their ancient inheritance. the preemptive right to their reservations was sold by the holland land company, to colonel aaron ogden and others, who were known as the ogden company. the efforts of these gentlemen to induce the indians to dispose of their reservations, resulted in calling several indian councils, at which red jacket was the prominent speaker, and in which the entire force of his great powers was summoned, to withstand and thwart their endeavors. a council for this purpose was convened at their village near buffalo, during the summer of . the hon. morris s. miller of oneida, was present as a commissioner on the part of the united states; and the hon. nathaniel gorham of canandaigua, represented the interests of the state of massachusetts. captain parrish of canandaigua, and captain horatio jones of genesee, were present as interpreters. as it was known red jacket was to speak in opposition to the interests of the land company, the occasion drew together a large concourse of people; pale faces as well as red, who were interested in the result of the negotiations contemplated, as also by a desire to hear the speech of the distinguished orator of the senecas. of this colonel stone remarks: "no subsequent assemblage of the indians within the state of new york, has presented so numerous and imposing an array, nor is it likely that so many of them will ever again meet, on the soil of their fathers." a gentleman who was present at this treaty by the invitation of a friend, speaks of it, in the following terms:--"my friend and myself having arrived on the ground at an early hour; we saw at a little distance from the wigwams, a group of indians, under the shade of a cluster of plum trees, lying on the ground. among these were a number of chiefs, of whom in a conspicuous place, was red jacket, apparently in deep thought, with a pile of little small sticks, two or three inches long, before him. "i inquired of a gentleman who was conversant with indian proceedings, what red jacket was doing? he replied that he was studying his speech, and advised us to retire, as he perceived it disturbed him. about this time the commissioners, governor ogden, his friends, and the two celebrated indian interpreters, parrish and jones, and a large concourse of people, gentlemen and ladies, began to assemble under another cluster of trees, where benches had been prepared in two parallel lines, with a wide space between, and seats across the upper end, for the commissioners. the long seats were occupied on the right by messrs. ogden, their officers, and other gentlemen and ladies; the left by red jacket, a large number of chiefs, and other indians. "there was order, dignity, and perfect silence. the contest soon commenced. governor ogden, a dignified, fine looking man, rose and opened the case. mr. parrish, a man of large stature, stood up at the same time, and interpreted it to the indians, sentence by sentence." [footnote: author's scrap book.] the object was to buy the indian title, as they had already brought the pre-emptive right. governor ogden told them it was the wish of their great father, the president of the united states, that they should sell these lands, and go down to a reservation on the allegany river, where they could live in peace, and have a good foothold forever; and used various arguments in favor of such a course. after governor ogden had finished his speech, red jacket rose with a great deal of composure, and adjusting his belt of handsome wampum, and looking to the sky for a moment spoke. mr. parrish interpreted: "red jacket says he thanks the great spirit that we are all alive and here this pleasant day." he then addressed the commissioners, answering all the statements and arguments of governor ogden in their order, unfolding a long roll of parchments attached together, of treaties that had been made at different times by the united states, with the six nations. they had been preserved in good order. he pointed to the dates, and to the substance of the treaties from time to time, with great accuracy, as appeared from the interpretation, answering governor ogden with the most forcible arguments, interspersed with wit and humor. his speech on this occasion, as quoted by col. stone, is as follows: "brother: we understand that you have been appointed by our great father, the president, to make these communications to us. we thank the great spirit for this pleasant day given us for our reply, and we beg you to listen. "brother: previous to your arrival at this council fire, we were told that our great father had appointed a commissioner to meet us. you have produced your commission, and it has been read and explained to us. you have also explained the object of your mission, and the wishes of the president in sending you to the council fire of the six nations. we do not doubt that the sealed document you produced, contained the words of the president, our great father. when first informed of your appointment, we supposed that you were coming to meet us on a very different subject. since the war of the revolution, we have held various councils with our white brothers, and in this same manner. we have made various speeches, and entered into several treaties, and these things are well known to our great father; they are lodged with him. we, too, perfectly understand them all. the same interpreters were then present as now. in consequence of what took place during the late war, we made it known to our great father, through our interpreter, that we wished to have a talk. our application was not complied with. we sent a messenger to brighten the chain of friendship with our great father, but he would not meet around the council fire, and we were disappointed. we had supposed that the commissioner he has now sent, came forward to brighten the chain of friendship, to renew former engagements. when we made a treaty at canandaigua with colonel pickering in , we were told, and thought that it was to be permanent, and to be lasting, between us and the united states forever. after several treaties had been entered into under our great father, general washington, large delegations from the six nations were invited to meet him. we went and met him in philadelphia. we kindled a council fire. a treaty was then made, and general washington then declared that it should be permanent between the red and white brothers; that it should be spread out on the largest and strongest rocks, that nothing could undermine or break; that it should be exposed to the view of all. "brother: we shall now see what has been done by the united states. after this treaty had been formed i then said that i did not doubt, but that the united states would faithfully perform their engagements. but i told our white brothers at that time, that i feared eventually they would wish to disturb those contracts. you white brothers have the faculty to burst the stoutest rocks. on our part we would not have disturbed those treaties. shortly after our interview with our great father, general washington, at philadelphia, a treaty was made at canandaigua, by which we widened our former engagements with our white brothers, and made some new ones. the commissioner, colonel pickering, then told us that this treaty should be binding and should last, without alteration for two lives. we wished to make it extend much farther, and the six nations then wished to establish a lasting chain of friendship. on our part, we wished the treaty to last as long as trees grow, and waters run. our brother told us that he would agree to it. "brother: i have reminded you of what had taken place between our confederates, the six nations, and our white brothers, down to the treaty of canandaigua. at the close of that treaty it was agreed, it being as strong and binding, as by my former comparisons i have explained, that if any difficulty should occur, if any monster should cross the chain of friendship, that we would unite to remove those difficulties, to drive away the monster; that we would go hand in hand and prolong the chain. so it was agreed. "brother: many years ago we discovered a cloud rising that darkened the prospect of our peace and happiness. we heard eventful things from different quarters, from different persons, and at different times, and foresaw that the period was not very distant, when this threatening cloud would burst upon us. "brother: during the late war we intended to take no part. yet residing within the limits of the united states, and with the advice of general porter, we agreed around our council fire, that it was right, and we took a part. we thought it would help to promote our friendship with our white brothers, to aid the arms of the united states, and to make our present seats still stronger. these were our reasons. what were the results? we lost many of our warriors. we spilt our blood in a cause between you, and a people not of our color. "brother: these things may be new to you, but they are not new to your government. records of these things are with our great father, the president. you have come, therefore, for a very different purpose from the one we expected. you come to tell us of our situation, of our reservations, of the opinion of the president that we must change our old customs for new ones; that we must concentrate in order to enjoy the fair means you offer of civilization, and improvement in the arts of agriculture. "brother: at the treaty of canandaigua, we were promised that different kinds of mechanics, blacksmiths, and carpenters, should be sent among us; and farmers with their families, that our women might learn to spin. we agreed to receive them. we even applied for these benefits. we were told that our children were too young to be taught. neither farmers or mechanics were sent. "brother: we had thought that the promises made by one president, were handed down to the next. we do not change our chiefs as you do. since these treaties were made, you have had several presidents. we do not understand why the treaty made by one, is not binding on the other. on our part we expect to comply with our engagements. "brother: you told us when the country was surrounded by whites, and in possession of indians, that it was unproductive, not being liable to taxes, nor to make roads nor improvements, it was time to change. as for the taxing of indians, this is extra-ordinary; and was never heard of, since the settlement of america. the land is ours, by the gift of the great spirit. how can you tax it? we can make such roads as we want, and did so when the land was all ours. we are improving our condition. see these large stocks of cattle, and those fences. we are surrounded by the whites, from whom we can procure cattle, and whatever is necessary for our improvement. now that we are confined to narrow limits, we can easily make our roads, and improve our lands. "look back to the first settlement by the whites, and then look at our present condition. formerly we continued to grow in numbers, and in strength. what has become of the indians, who extended to the salt water? they have been driven back and become few, while you have been growing numerous, and powerful. this lands is ours, from the god of heaven. it was given to us. we cannot make land. driven back and reduced as we are, you wish to cramp us more and more. you tell us of a pre-emptive right. such men you say own one reservation, and such another. but they are all ours, ours from the top to the bottom. if mr. ogden had come from heaven, with flesh on his bones, as i we now see him, and said that the heavenly father had given him a title, we might then believe him. "brother: you say that the president has sent us word that it is for our interest to dispose of our lands. you tell us that there is a good tract of land at allegany. this too is very extraordinary. our feet have covered every inch of that reservation. a communication like this has never been made to us, at any of our councils. the president must have been disordered in mind, when he offered to lead us off by the arms, to the allegany reservation. i have told you of the treaty we made with the united states. here is the belt of wampum, that confirmed that treaty. here too is the parchment. you know its contents. i will not open it. now the tree of friendship is decaying; its limbs are fast falling off. you are at fault. "formerly we called the british brothers. now we call the president, our father. probably among you, are persons with families of children. we consider ourselves the children of the president. what would be your feelings, were you told that your children were to be cast upon a naked rock, there to protect themselves? the different claims you tell us of, on our lands, i cannot understand. we are placed here by the great spirit, for purposes known to him. you have no right to interfere. you told us that we had large and unproductive tracts of land. we do not view it so. our seats, we consider small; and if we are left here long, by the great spirit, we shall stand in need of them. we shall be in want of timber. land after many years' use wears out; our fields must be renewed, and new ones improved, so that we have no more land in our reservations than we want. look at the white people around us, and back. you are not cramped for lands. they are large. look at that man. [footnote: mr. ellicott, agent of the holland land company.] if you want to buy, apply to him. he has lands enough to sell. we have none to part with. you laugh, but do not think i trifle. i am sincere. do not think we are hasty in making up our minds. we have had many councils, and thought for a long time upon this subject. we will not part with any, not with one of our reservations. "we recollect that mr. ogden addressed his speech to you, therefore i have spoken to you. now i will speak to mr. ogden. "brother: you recollect when you first came to this ground, that you told us you had bought the pre-emptive right. a right to purchase given you by the government. remember my reply. i told you, you had been unfortunate in buying. you said you would not disturb us. i then told you as long as i lived, you must not come forward to explain that right. you have come. see me before you. you have heard our reply to the commissioner sent by the president. i again repeat that, one and all, chiefs and warriors, we are of the same mind. we will not part with any of our reservations. do not make your application anew, nor in any other shape. let us hear no more of it. let us part as we met, in friendship." col. stone refers to the kindness of major joseph delafield, for the speeches made at this council, as given in his work, and the most important of which is presented here; they were taken down at the time from the lips of the interpreter, who stated that "he could not translate some of red jacket's figurative flights, they were too wild and difficult to be rendered in english, and he did not attempt it." much doubtless that served to give point and zest to his speech, was either omitted, or lost its force, in being transferred to our language. the writer of the sketch previously alluded to, among several points in this speech which were impressed on his memory, mentions one not found in the above. "the gentleman says, that our great father says, we can go allegany, and have a good foothold forever; _yes, a good foothold, for it is all rock_." though the efforts of the ogden company to obtain the consent of the indians to sell their remaining lands, were at this time unsuccessful, they were nevertheless repeated. the demand of red jacket, "do not make your application anew, nor in any other shape," was unheeded. col. stone, on the authority of the hon. albert tracy, mentions a treaty held for this same purpose in or , in which red jacket replied to a speech made by the commissioner, and also by governor ogden, entering, as in the preceding speech, upon a regular and connected history of the transactions of the indians with the whites, up to that time, and in the course of his speech, used the language very happily alluded to by mr. bryant, in his memorial address. at the close of the speech that has been quoted almost entire, some of his people desired him to apologize for one or two utterances he had made, regarding them as rude, and adapted to awaken unpleasant reflections. he refused, saying, "no, it has gone forth, let it stand." a circumstance doubtless alluded to, in the words which immediately follow: "often the fierceness of his temper, the righteous indignation that swelled his bosom, impelled him to hurl defiance at his foes, and to use language, the possible consequences of which, caused the more timid and abject of his followers, to tremble with apprehension. but red jacket would retract not a single word, although a majority of the chiefs, would sometimes secretly deprecate the severity of his utterances." "again on other occasions, sorely beset and almost despairing, he would essay to melt the hearts of the pitiless pursuers of his people, and give utterance to such touching words as these: "we first knew you a feeble plant, which wanted a little earth whereon to grow. we gave it to you, and afterward, when we could have trod you under our feet, we watered and protected you; and now you have grown to be a mighty tree, whose top reaches the clouds, and whose branches overspread the whole land; whilst we, who were then the tall pine of the forest, have become the feeble plant and need your protection." "again assuming the pleading tones of a supplicant, he said, 'when you first came here, you clung around our knee, and called us father. we took you by the hand and called you brothers. you have grown greater than we, so that we can no longer reach up to your hand. but we wish to cling around your knee, and be called your children.'" in this same speech, referring to their services during the late war with england, he said: "not long ago you raised the war-club against him, who was once our great father over the waters. you asked us to go with you to the war. it was not our quarrel. we knew not that you were right. we asked not; we cared not; it was enough for us, that you were our brothers. we went with you to the battle. we fought and bled for you; and now," his eye kindling with emotion, and the deepest feeling indicated in his utterance, as he pointed to some indians present, that had been wounded in that contest; "and now, dare you pretend to us, that our father the president, while he sees our blood running, yet fresh from the wounds received, while fighting his battles, has sent you with a message to persuade us to relinquish the poor remains of our once boundless possessions; to sell the birth place of our children, and the graves of our fathers! no! sooner than believe that he gave you this message, we will believe that _you have stolen your commission, and are a cheat and a liar_." once more, speaking of the pre-emptive right and the assurance given them that their lands were desired only in return for a fair equivalent of their value, he called their attention to the great cessions the indians had already made, together with the solemn declarations that they should not be importuned to relinquish their remaining reservations, he said: "you tell us of your claim to our land, and that you have purchased it from your state. we know nothing of your claim, and we care nothing for it. even the whites have a law by which they cannot sell what they do not own. how then has your state, which never owned our land, sold it to you? we have a title to it, and we know that our title is good; for it came direct from the great spirit, who gave it to us, his red children. when you can ascend where he is," pointing toward the skies, "and will get his deed, and show it to us, then, and never till then, will we acknowledge your title. you say you came not to cheat us of our lands, but to buy them. who told you that we have lands to sell? you never heard it from us." then rising up and giving mr. ogden a look of deep earnestness, if not of indignation, he said: "did i not tell you the last time we met, that whilst red jacket lived, you would get no more lands of the indians? how then, while you see him alive and strong," striking his hand violently on his breast, "_do you think to make him a liar?_" the persistence with which the senecas were importuned to sell their lands, led them to make an appeal to the president, and afterward to the governor of new york. the latter, governor de witt clinton, sent them a reply worthy of his name and office. it is as follows: "all the right that ogden and his company have to your reservations, is the right of purchasing them when you think it expedient to sell them, that is, they can buy your lands, but no other person can. you may retain them as long as you please, and you may sell them to ogden as soon as you please. you are the owners of these lands in the same way that your brethren the oneidas, are of their reservations. they are all that is left of what the great spirit gave to your ancestors. no man shall deprive you of them without your consent. the state will protect you in the full enjoyment of your property. we are strong and willing to shield you from oppression. the great spirit looks down on the conduct of mankind, and will punish us if we permit the remnant of the indian nations which is with us to be injured. we feel for you, brethren; we shall watch over your interests. we know that in a future world we shall be called upon to answer for our conduct to our fellow creatures." col. stone refers to the hon. albert h. tracy, as having furnished the notes of the council we have just been considering. the same authority speaking of the eloquence of red jacket, says: "it is evident that the best translations of indian speeches, must fail to express the beauty and sublimity of the originals; especially of such an original as red jacket. it has been my good fortune to hear him a few times, but only of late years, and when his powers were enfeebled by age, and still more, by intemperance. but i shall never forget the impression made on me, the first time i saw him in council: "deep on his front engraven, "deliberation sate, and public care, "and princely counsel in his face yet shone, "majestic, though in ruin. "i can give no idea of the strong impression it made on my mind, though conveyed to it through the medium of an illiterate interpreter, even in this mangled form, i saw the _disjecta membra_ of a regular and splendid oration." [footnote: col. stone's life and times of red jacket.] the ogden company though defeated time and again by the watchfulness, and powerful influence of red jacket, continued to ply their endeavors, until by degrees, the remaining portion of their once proud inheritance, was wrested from them, and the orator was left in the decline of life to survey, as he often did in a spirit of dejection, the haunts of his youth, which had nearly all passed into other hands, through the craft and avarice of the white man. chapter xix. witchcraft--lease of tom-jemmy--testimony of red jacket--red jacket's philippic--finding of the court--remarkable interview of dr. breckenridge with red jacket--further expression of views. in the spring of , a man belonging to red jacket's tribe, fell into a languishing condition, and after lingering for some time, unable to obtain relief, died. the _medicine men_ were unable to divine the cause of his malady; the circumstances of his sickness and death, were thought to be very peculiar, and his friends could discover no better way of explaining the matter, than to suppose he had been bewitched. the indians believed in sorcery, and at different times in their history had been known to execute summary judgment, on those whom they supposed to be guilty of practicing the satanic art. in the present instance suspicion rested on the woman, by whom he had been attended, during his sickness. in pursuance of the customs of their nation she was condemned to die. the sentence was executed by soo-nong-gise, a chief, commonly called tom- jemmy. it took place at their reservation near buffalo. coming to the knowledge of the whites in the vicinity, it excited feelings of horror, mingled with indignation. the case was taken in hand by their authorities, who without regard to indian jurisdiction, arrested tom-jemmy and threw him into prison. at his trial the plea was set up in his defense, that the indians were a sovereign and independent nation, having their own laws, and their own mode of carrying them into execution; that the offense was within the acknowledged bounds of their own territory, that according to their laws, it was not a crime, inasmuch as the act of the prisoner was in the execution of a sentence, that had been passed upon the woman in question. the trial was conducted with reference to this issue, and numerous witnesses were examined to substantiate the facts having a bearing on the case. red jacket, among others, was called upon the stand, and examined with reference to the laws, and usages of his people. the counsel who conducted the prosecution, wishing to exclude his testimony, inquired whether he believed in the existence of a god? "_more truly than one who could ask me such a question_;" was his instant and indignant reply. on cross examination the inquiry was made, as to the rank he held among his own people? "look at the papers, which the white men keep the most carefully," meaning the treaties ceding their lands, "and they will tell you." the orator's testimony, as did also that of other witnesses, who testified in the case, went to show that this woman, according to the judgment of the indians, was a witch. that she had been regularly tried, and condemned by their laws; and her death was in conformity with usages, that had been in existence among them, from time immemorial. during the course of this examination, red jacket perceived that the belief of the indians in witchcraft, was made a subject of ridicule among the bystanders, as well as legal gentlemen present, and he took occasion when an opportunity offered, to break forth in the following language: "what! do you denounce us as fools and bigots, because we still believe that which you yourselves believed two centuries ago? your black coats thundered this doctrine from the pulpit, your judges pronounced it from the bench, and sanctioned it with the formalities of law; and you would now punish our unfortunate brother, for adhering to the faith of _his_ fathers and of _yours_! go to salem! look at the records of your own government, and you will find that hundreds have been executed for the very crime, which has called forth the sentence of condemnation against this woman, and drawn down upon her the arms of vengeance. what have our brothers done, more than the rulers of your own people have done? and what crime has this man committed, by executing in a summary way, the laws of his country, and the command of the great spirit?" [footnote: col. stone, and also drake's book of the indians.] it has been observed of red jacket's appearance on this occasion: "there is not, perhaps in nature, a more expressive eye than that of red jacket; when fired by indignation or revenge, it is terrible; and when he chooses to display his unrivalled talent for irony, his keen sarcastic glance, is irresistible." [footnote: drake.] this trial resulted in finding the allegations in the prisoner's plea to be true; yet the judgment being suspended, it was referred finally to the supreme court. a thorough examination of the laws, treaties and history relating to our correspondence with the indian tribes, gave evidence of a sort of sovereignty among them, but as it was thought inexpedient to render a decision, that would recognize their independent jurisdiction, the prisoner was liberated, and the case dismissed. not far from the time we are now considering, a remarkable conversation took place between red jacket and a young candidate for the clerical office, who afterward became an eminent divine. [footnote: rev. john breckenridge, d. d.] it serves very much to illustrate the orator's character and views, and as we have permission, we give it entire, as follows: "the first-opportunity i ever enjoyed of seeing that deservedly celebrated indian chief, red jacket, was in the year , at the residence of general peter b. porter, black rock, new york. being on a visit to the general and his family, it seemed a peculiarly fit occasion to become acquainted with the great seneca orator, whose tribe resided within a few miles of black rock. general porter embraced in his command, the indian warriors who fought with us on that line, during the late war, with great britain. from this cause; from his high character; his intimate acquaintance with the chiefs; and his known attachment to these interesting people, he had great influence over them; and his lamented lady, who it is not indelicate for me to say, was my sister, had by her kindness won the rugged hearts of all their leading men. so that their united influence, and my near relationship to them, secured to me at once access to the chiefs, and their entire confidence. "i had not only a great desire to see red jacket, but also to use this important opportunity to correct some of his false impressions, in regard to christianity, and the missionaries established in his tribe. to this end it was agreed to invite red jacket and the other chiefs of the senecas, to visit co-na-shus-ta, [footnote: name given by red jacket to general porter.] and meet his brother at his house. the invitation was accordingly given, and very promptly and respectfully accepted. "on the appointed day they made their appearance in due form headed by red jacket, to the number of perhaps eight or ten, besides himself. red jacket was dressed with much taste, in the indian costume throughout. he wore a blue dress, the upper garment cut after the fashion of a hunting shirt, with blue leggings, very neat moccasins, a red jacket, and a girdle of red about his waist. i have seldom seen a more dignified or noble looking body of men than the entire group. it seems, though no such impression was designed to be made by the terms of the invitation, that some indefinite expectation had been excited in their minds, of meeting an official agent on important business. and they have been so unworthily tampered with, and so badly treated by us, as a people, and many of their most important treaties have been so much the result of private and corrupting appeals, that they very naturally look for some evil design in every approach to them, however open and simple it may be. so it was on this occasion. as soon as the ceremonies of introduction had passed, with the civilities growing out of it, the old orator seated himself in the midst of the circle of chiefs, and after a word with them, followed by a general assent, he proceeded in a very serious and commanding manner, always speaking in his own nervous tongue, through an interpreter, to address me as follows: "'we have had a call from our good friends,' (pointing to the general and his lady), 'to come down to black rock to meet their brother. we are glad to break bread and to drink the cup of friendship with them. they are great friends to our people, and we love them much. co-na-shus-ta is a great man. his woman has none like her. we often come to their house. we thank them for telling us to come to-day. but as all the chiefs were asked we expected some important talk. now, here we are: what is your business?' "this, as may be readily supposed, was an embarrassing position to a young man just out of college. i paused. every countenance was fixed upon me, while red jacket in particular seemed to search me with his arrowy eye, and to feel that the private and informal nature of the meeting, and the extreme youth of the man, were hardly in keeping with the character and number of the guests invited; and his whole manner implied, that 'but for the sake of the general and his good viands, i should have waited for you to come to us.' with these impressions of his feelings, i proceeded to say in reply: "that i should have thought it very presumptuous in me to send for him alone, and still more for all the chiefs of his tribe, to come so far to see me; and that my intention had been to visit him, and the other chiefs at his town; but the general and his lady, could not go with me to introduce me. nor were we at all certain that we should find him and the other chiefs at home; and at any rate the general's house was more convenient. he intended, when he asked them, to keep them as long as they could stay, and to invite them to break his bread, and drink his cup, and smoke his pipe; that his woman, and he as well as i, desired to see them at their house; that as to myself, i was a young man, and had no business with them, except that i had heard a great deal of red jacket, and wished to see him and hear him talk; and also that i had some things to say to him, when we were better acquainted, which though not _business_, were important to his people; and i thought it would be interesting to him, as i knew he loved his people much; and finally that i would return his visit, and show him that it was not out of disrespect, but out of regard for him, and great desire to see him, that we had sent for him, this being the way that white men honor one another. "mrs. porter immediately confirmed what i had said, and gave special point to the hospitality of the house, and the great desire i had to see red jacket. her appeal, added to the reply, relaxed the rigor of his manner and that of the other chiefs, while it relieved our interview of all painful feelings. "after this general letting down of the scene, red jacket turned to me familiarly and asked; 'what are you? you say you are not a government agent, are you a gambler? [footnote: the name given by red jacket to a land speculator.] or a black coat? or what are you?' i answered: 'i am yet too young a man to engage in any profession: but i hope some of these days to be a black coat.' he lifted up his hands accompanied by his eyes, in a most expressive way, and though not a word was uttered, every one fully understood that he very distinctly expressed the sentiment, what a fool! "i had too often been called to bear from those reputed great and wise among _white_ men, the shame of the cross, to be surprised by his manner; and i was too anxious to conciliate his good feelings to attempt any retort, so that i commanded my countenance, and seeming not to have observed him, i proceeded to tell him something about our colleges, etc., etc. that gradually led his mind away from the ideas with which it was filled and excited when he arrived. "a good deal of general conversation ensued, addressed to one and another of the chiefs, and we were just arriving at the hour of dinner, when our conference was suddenly broken up by the arrival of a breathless messenger, saying that an old chief, whose name i forget, had just died, and the other chiefs were immediately needed to attend his burial. one of the chiefs shed tears at the news; all seemed serious; but the others suppressed their feelings, and spent a few moments in very earnest conversation, the result of which red jacket announced to us. they had determined to return at once to their village; but consented to leave red jacket and his interpreter. in vain were they urged to wait until after dinner, or to refresh themselves with something eaten by the way. with hurried farewell and quick steps they left the house, and by the nearest footpath returned home. "this occurrence relieved me of one difficulty. it enabled me to see red jacket at leisure and alone. it seemed also to soften his feelings, and make him more affable and kind. "soon after the departure of the chiefs, we were ushered to dinner. red jacket behaved with great propriety, in all respects; his interpreter, major berry, though half a white man and perhaps a chief, eat like a true savage. after a few awkward attempts at the knife and fork, he found himself falling behind, and repeating the old adage which is often quoted to cover the same style among our white urchins of picking a chicken-bone, '_that fingers were made before knives and forks_,' he proceeded with real gusto, and much good humor, to make up his lost time upon all parts of the dinner. it being over, i invited red jacket into the general's office, where we had, for four hours a most interesting conversation on a variety of topics, but chiefly connected with christianity; the government of the united states; the missionaries; and his loved lands. "so great a length of time has passed since that interview, that there must be supposed a failure in the attempt perfectly to report what was said. i am well assured i cannot do justice to his language, even as diluted by the ignorant interpreter; and his manner cannot be described. but it was so impressive a conversation, and i have so often been called on to repeat it, that the substance of his remarks has been faithfully retained by my memory. it is only attempted here to recite a small part of what was then said, and that with particular reference to the illustration of his character, mind and opinions. "it has already been mentioned and is largely known, that red jacket cherished the most violent antipathy toward the american missionaries, who had been located among his people. this led to very strenuous resistance of their influence, and to hatred of their religion, but of the true character of which, he was totally ignorant. his deep attachment to his people, and his great principle that their national glory and even existence, depended upon keeping themselves distinct from white men, lay at the foundation of his aversion to christianity. though a pagan, yet his opposition was political, and he cared very little for any religion except so far as it seemed to advance, or endanger the glory and safety of the tribe. "he had unfortunately been led by designing and corrupt white men, who were interested in the result, falsely to associate the labors of the missionaries, with designs against his nation; and those who wished the senecas removed from their lands that _they_ might profit by the purchase, and who saw in the success of the mission the chief danger to _their_ plans, artfully enlisted the pagan party, of which red jacket was the leader, to oppose the missionaries, and thus effectually led to the final frustration of red jacket's policy; in and by the defeat of the missionary enterprise. but as this question is discussed in the sequel, i will not anticipate. thus much it was necessary to premise, in order to explain the nature and ends of my interview with red jacket. "my object was to explain the true state of the case to him, and after this to recommend the doctrine of christ to his understanding and heart. my first step, therefore, was to ask him why he so strongly opposed the settlement and labors of the missionaries? he replied, because they are the enemies of the indians, and under the cloak of doing them good are trying to cheat them out of their lands. i asked him what proof he had of this. he said he had been told so by some of his wise and good friends, among the white men, and he observed that the missionaries were constantly wanting more land, and that by little and little, for themselves, or those who hired them to do it, they would take away all their lands, and drive them off. "i asked him if he knew there was a body of white men, who had already bought the exclusive right to buy their lands, from the government of new york, and that therefore the missionaries could not hold the lands given or sold them by the indians, a moment after the latter left their lands and went away. he seemed to be startled by the statement, but said nothing. i proceeded to tell him that the true effect of the missionary influence on the tribe was to secure to them the possession of their lands, by civilizing them, and making them quit the chase, for the cultivation of the soil, building good houses, educating their children, and making them permanent citizens and good men. this was what the speculators did not wish. therefore they hated the missionaries. he acknowledged that the christian party among the indians did as i said; but that was not the way for an indian to do. hunting, war and manly pursuits, were best fitted to them. but, said i, your reservation of land is too little for that purpose. it is surrounded by the white people, like a small island by the sea; the deer, the buffalo and bear, have all gone. this won't do. if you intend to live so much longer, you will have to go to the great western wilderness, where there is plenty of game, and no white men to trouble you. but he said, we wish to keep our lands and to be buried by our fathers. i know it, and therefore i say that the missionaries are your best friends; for if you follow the ways they teach, you can still hold your lands, though you cannot have hunting grounds, and therefore you must either do like white men, or remove from your lands, very soon. your plan of keeping the indians distinct from the white people is begun too late. if you would do it and have large grounds, and would let the missionaries teach you christianity, far from the bad habits and big farms of the white people, it would then be well: it would keep your people from being corrupted, and swallowed up by our people who grow so fast around you, and many of whom are very bad. but it is too late to do it here, and you must choose between keeping the missionaries, and being like white men, and going to a far country: as it is, i continued, red jacket is doing more than any body else to break up and drive away his people. "this conversation had much effect upon him. he grasped my hand and said if that were the case it was new to him. he also said he would lay it up in his mind (putting his hand to his noble forehead), and talk of it to the chiefs, and the people. "it is a very striking fact that the disgraceful scenes now passing before the public eye over the grave of red jacket, so early and so sadly fulfil these predictions; and i cannot here forbear to add that the thanks of the nation are due to our present chief-magistrate, [footnote: the president alluded to is mr. van buren.--w. l. s.] for the firmness with which he has resisted the recent efforts to force a fraudulent treaty on the remnant of this injured people, and drive them against their will, and against law and treaties sacredly made, away from their lands, to satisfy the rapacity of unprincipled men. "it may be proper here to say likewise, that i do by no means intend to justify, all that possibly may have been done by the missionaries to the senecas. it is probable the earliest efforts were badly conducted; and men of more ability ought to have been sent to that peculiar and difficult station. but it is not for a moment to be admitted, nor is it credible that the authors of the charge believe it, that the worthy men who at every sacrifice went to the mission among the senecas, had any other than the purest purposes. i visited the station, and intimately knew the chief missionary. i marked carefully their plan and progress, and do not doubt their usefulness any more than their uprightness; and beyond all doubt it was owing chiefly to malignant influence exerted by white men, that they finally failed in their benevolent designs. but my business is to narrate, not to discuss. "my next object was to talk with red jacket about christianity itself. he was prompt in his replies, and exercised and encouraged frankness, with a spirit becoming a great man. "he admitted both its truth and excellence, as adapted to white men. he said some keenly sarcastic things about the treatment that so good a man as jesus, had received from white men. the white men, he said, ought all to be sent to hell for killing him; but as the indians had no hand in that transaction, they were in that matter innocent. jesus christ was not sent to them; the atonement was not made for them; nor the bible given to them; and therefore the christian religion, was not meant for them. if the great spirit had intended that the indians should be christians, he would have made his revelation to them, as well as to the white men. not having done so, it was clearly his will that they should continue in the faith of their fathers. he said that the red man was of a totally different race, and needed an entirely different religion, and that it was idle as well as unkind, to try to alter their religion, and give them ours. "i asked him to point out the difference of the races, contending that they were one, and needed but one religion, and that christianity was that religion, which christ intended for, and ordered to be preached, to all men. he had no distinct views of the nature of christianity as a method of salvation, and denied the need of it. as to the unity of the races, i asked if he ever knew two distinct races, even of the lower animals to propagate their seed from generation to generation. but do not indians and white men do so? he allowed it; but denied that it proved the matter in hand. i pressed the points of resemblance in every thing but color, and that in the case of the christian indians there was a common mind on religion. he finally waived this part of the debate, by saying that one thing was certain, whatever else was not, that white men had a great love for indian women, and left their traces behind them wherever they could! "on the point of needing pardon, from being wicked, he said the indians were _good_ till the white man corrupted them. but did not the indians have _some_ wickedness _before_ that? 'not so much.' and how was _that_ regarded by the great spirit?--would he forgive it? he hoped so, 'did not know.' jesus, i rejoined, came to tell us he would, and to get that pardon for us. "as to suffering and death among the indians, did not they prove that the great spirit was angry with _them_, as well as with white men? would he thus treat men that were _good_? he said they were not wicked before white men came to their country, and taught them to be so. but they _died before that_? and why did they die, if the great spirit was not angry, and they wicked? he could not say, and in reply to my explanation of the gospel doctrine of the entrance of death by sin, he again turned the subject by saying he was a 'great doctor,' and could cure any thing but death. "the interpreter had incidentally mentioned that the reason the chiefs had to go home so soon, was that they always _sacrificed a white dog on the death of a great man_. i turned this fact to the account of the argument, and endeavored to connect it with, and explain by it the doctrine of atonement, by the blood of christ, and also pressed him on the questions, how can this _please_ the great spirit on _your_ plan? why do you offer such a _sacrifice_, for so it is considered? and _where_ they got such a rite from? he attempted no definite reply. many other topics were talked over. but these specimens suffice to illustrate his views, and mode of thinking. "at the close of the conversation he proposed giving me a _name_, that henceforth i might be numbered among his friends, and admitted to the intercourse and regards of the nation. supposing this not amiss, i consented. but before he proceeded he called for some whiskey. he was at this time an intemperate man, and though perfectly sober on that occasion, evidently displayed toward the close of the interview, the need of stimulus, which it is hardly necessary to say, we carefully kept from him. but he _insisted_ now, and after some time a small portion was sent to him in the bottom of a decanter. he looked at it, shook it, and with a sneer said, 'why here is not whiskey enough for a name to float in.' but no movement being made to get more, he drank it off, and proceeded with a sort of pagan orgies, to give me a name. it seemed a semi-civil, semi- religious ceremony. he walked around me again and again, muttering sounds which the interpreter did not venture to explain; and laying his hand on me pronounced me 'con-go-gu-wah,' and instantly, with great apparent delight, took me by the hand as a brother. i felt badly during the scene, but it was beyond recall, and supposing it might be useful in a future day, submitted to the initiation. "red jacket was in appearance nearly sixty years old at this time. he had a weather-beaten look; age had done something to produce this, probably intemperance more. but still his general appearance was striking, and his face noble. his lofty and capacious forehead, his piercing black eye, his gently curved lips, and slightly aquiline nose, all marked a great man, and as sustained and expressed by his dignified air, made a deep impression on every one that saw him. all these features became doubly expressive when his mind and body were set in motion by the effort of speaking, if effort that may be called which flowed like a free, full stream from his lips. i saw him in the wane of life, and i heard him only in private, and through a stupid, careless interpreter. yet notwithstanding these disadvantages, he was one of the greatest men and most eloquent orators i ever knew. his cadence was measured and yet very musical. in ordinary utterance it amounted to a sort of musical monotony. but when excited he would spring to his feet, elevate his head, expand his arms and utter with indescribable effect of manner and tone, some of his noblest thoughts. "after this interesting conference had closed, the old chief with his interpreter, bade us a very civil and kind farewell, and set forth on foot for his own wigwam. "it was four years after this before i had the pleasure of again seeing my old friend. i was then on a flying visit to black rock. at an early day i repaired to his village, but he was not at home. ten days after, as we were just leaving the shore in the steamboat to go up the lake, he suddenly presented himself. it was unhappily too late to return. he hailed me by name, and pointed with much animation to such parts of his person as were decorated with some red cloth which i at parting had presented to him, and which, though not worn as a jacket, was with much taste distributed over his person. these he exhibited as proofs of his friendly recollection. "the last time i ever saw him was at the close of mr. adams' administration. he, with a new interpreter (major berry having been removed by death), had been on a visit to his old friend, co-na-shus-tah, then secretary of war. after spending some time at the capital, where i often met him, and had the horror to see his dignity often laid in the dust, by excessive drunkenness, he paid me by invitation a final visit at baltimore, on his way home. he took only time enough to dine. he looked dejected and forlorn. he and his interpreter had each a suit of common infantry uniform, and a sword as common, which he said had been presented to him at the war department. he was evidently ashamed of them. i confess i was too. but i forbear. he was then sober and serious. he drank hard cider, which was the strongest drink i could conscientiously offer him, so i told him. he said it was enough. i said but little to him of religion, urged him to prepare to meet the great spirit, and recommended him to go to jesus for all he needed. he took it kindly, said he should see me no more, and was going to his people to die. so it was, not long after this, he was called to his last account." col. stone represents the testimony of dr. breckenridge as corresponding with hundreds of others, who confess their inability to do the orator justice. he laments "his inability to make even an approach to justice, as to the language, and figures in which red jacket clothed his thoughts, and by which he illustrated and enforced them." at another time the benefits of christianity and the advantages of civilization, being urged by a benevolent gentleman on red jacket's attention, he made use of the following language: "as to civilization among the white people, i believe it is a good thing, and that it was so ordered they should get their living in that manner. i believe in a god, and that it was ordered by him that we, the red people, should get our living in a different way, namely: from the wild game of the woods, and the fishes of the waters. i believe in the great spirit who created the heavens and the earth. he peopled the forests, and the air and the waters. he then created man and placed him as the superior animal of this creation, and designed him as governor over all other created beings on earth. he created man differing from all other animals. he created the red man, the white, the black and the yellow. all these he created for wise but inscrutable purposes." reasoning from analogy and from the different varieties of the same species, and the different species under one genus, among all other animals, he pointed out their different modes of living, and the different designs of the creator, that appeared to be evinced with respect to them. he then proceeded: "this being so, what proof have we that he did not make a similar arrangement with the human species, when we find so vast, so various, and so irreconcilable a variety among them, causing them to live differently, and to pursue different occupations. "as to religion, we all ought to have it. we should adore and worship our creator, for his great favor in placing us over all his works. if we cannot with the same fluency of speech, and in the same flowing language, worship as you do, we have our mode of adoring, which we do with a sincere heart; then can you say that our prayers and thanksgivings, proceeding from grateful hearts, and sincere minds are less acceptable to the great god of the heavens and the earth, though manifested either by speaking, dancing, or feasting, than yours, uttered in your own manner and style?" [footnote: as quoted by col. stone from ms collections of joseph w. moulton.] chapter xx. personal characteristics--interview with general lafayette--visit of a french nobleman--col. pickering reproved--address on launching a schooner bearing his name--anecdote of red jacket and capt. jones--his humor-- strong memory--its cultivation--contempt for pretension without merit-- love for the sublime--portraits--acute perception--refined sense of propriety--first bridge at niagara falls--loss of his children--care for his people. a prominent characteristic of red jacket's mind, was self esteem, which led him to be quite tenacious of his own opinion. he probably did not underrate his own ability. he felt conscious of possessing talents, which would enable him to act with dignity and propriety, in any emergency calling for their exercise. he never appeared to be intimidated or embarrassed at the thought of meeting with great men, but seemed always to be at home in their society, and to feel and act as though he regarded himself on an equality with them. this was evident in his interview with general lafayette, in . on being presented to the general, the orator inquired if he recollected being present, at the treaty of peace with the six nations at fort stanwix, in . lafayette replied that he remembered that great council very well. "and what," said he, "has become of the young chief, who resisted so strenuously and eloquently on that occasion, the idea of the indians' burying the hatchet?" "_he is before you_," was the instant reply. upon which the general remarked, that time had wrought very great changes upon them both since that memorable period. "ah!" said red jacket, "time has not been so severe on you, as it has on me. it has left you a fresh countenance, and hair to cover your head; while to me,--behold!"--and taking a handkerchief from his head, with an air of much feeling, he disclosed the fact that he was nearly bald. several persons present could not refrain from smiling at the simplicity of the indian, who appeared ignorant of the way the white man, was wont to repair the ravages of age in this respect. his simplicity was enlightened by the fact, that the general was indebted to a wig, for his generous supply of hair. whereupon the orator playfully remarked, referring to the practice of his people in war, that it had not occurred to him before, that he might supply the deficiency by _scalping_ some of his neighbors. m. lavasseur, the secretary of general lafayette, remarks of the orator's appearance at that time. "this extraordinary man, although much worn down by time and intemperance, preserves yet in a surprising degree, the exercise of all his faculties. he obstinately refuses to speak any language, but that of his own people, and affects a great dislike to all others. although it is easy to discern, that he perfectly understands the english. he refused nevertheless, to reply to the general before his interpreter had translated his questions into the seneca language." [footnote: see drake, col. stone and others.] a few indian words, which the general had picked up during his previous visit to this country, on being repeated by him to the orator, gratified him exceedingly, and appeared to increase very much his regard for lafayette. red jacket appeared always to be gratified by attentions received from distinguished characters. yet even to enjoy their society, he would not compromise his own dignity. it is said that "about the year , a young french nobleman, who was making the tour of the united states, visited the town of buffalo. hearing of the fame of red jacket, and learning that his residence was but seven miles distant, he sent him word, that he was desirous to see him, adding a request that the chief would visit him in buffalo the next day. red jacket received the message with contempt, and replied: 'tell the _young man_ that if he wishes to see the _old chief_, he may find him with his nation, where other strangers pay their respects to him; and red jacket will be glad to see him.' "the count sent back his mesenger to say he was fatigued with his journey, and could not go to the seneca village; that he had come all the way from france, to see the great orator of the senecas, and after having put himself to so much trouble, to see so distinguished a man, the latter could not refuse to meet him at buffalo. "'tell him,' said the sarcastic chief, 'it is very strange he should come so far to see me, and then stop within seven miles of my lodge.' the retort was richly merited. the count visited him at his wigwam, and then red jacket accepted an invitation to dine with him, at his lodgings at buffalo. "the young nobleman was greatly pleased with him, declaring that he considered him a greater wonder than the falls of niagara. this remark was the more striking as it was made within view of the great cataract. but it was just. he who made the world, and filled it with wonders, has declared man to be the crowning work of the whole creation." [footnote: mckenney's indian biography.] on one occasion at a treaty attended by colonel pickering, red jacket observed that the attention of the colonel, who was in the habit of taking down, as they were interpreted, the indian speeches made, was withdrawn from himself, and his eye directed to the paper on which he was writing. red jacket paused. the colonel desired him to proceed. "no," said the orator, "not when you hold down your head." "why can you not go on while i write?" "because," replied the chief, "if you look me in the eye, you will then perceive if i tell you the truth or not." [footnote: col. stone.] on another occasion, colonel pickering turned, while the orator was addressing him to speak to a person near. the chief thereupon rebuked him, saying with much emphasis, "when a seneca speaks he ought to be listened to with attention, from one extremity of this great island to the other." [footnote: ib.] toward the close of his life he was present by invitation, at the launching of a schooner at black rock, bearing his name. he made a short address on the occasion which indicates the estimation in which he regarded his own merit. in the course of his speech, addressing himself directly to the vessel, he said: "you have a great name given you, strive to deserve it. be brave and daring. go boldly into the great lakes, and fear neither the swift winds, nor the strong waves. be not frightened nor overcome by them, for it is by resisting storms and tempests, that i, whose name you bear, obtained my renown. let my great example inspire you to courage, and lead you to glory." [footnote: col. stone.] also late in life, when at one of the hotels in auburn, n. y., observing a person whom he thought did not treat him with proper deference, he came and stood before him and stamping his foot on the floor, exclaimed with much emphasis, "_i am red jacket!_" [footnote: incident given to the author by j. c. ivison, esq., of auburn.] he did not relish being trifled with even in playfulness. "at one time when visiting the house of captain jones, on taking his seat at the breakfast table with the family, mrs. jones, knowing his extreme fondness for sugar, mischieviously prepared his coffee without the addition of that luxury. on discovering the cheat, the chief looked at the captain with an offended expression, and thus rebuked him: 'my son,' stirring his cup with energy, 'do you allow your squaw thus to trifle with your father?' perceiving at the same time, by the giggling of the children, that they had entered into the joke, he continued, 'and do you allow your children to make sport of their chief?' jones and his wife thereupon apologized, and the latter made the _amende honorable_, by handing him the sugar-bowl, which he took, and with half angry sarcasm filled the cup to the brim, with sugar. the liquid not holding so large a quantity in solution, he ate the whole with his spoon." [footnote: col. stone.] still he enjoyed a laugh when he was making the sport. he was very entertaining in conversation, and would sometimes in the presence of his associates, relax his dignity, and for a time, when he felt in the mood, keep them in a roar of laughter, by his anecdotes, or by taking off something ludicrous, he had observed among the whites. when he had carried it sufficiently far, he would draw himself up, and resume his dignity, when by common consent, the sport would cease. [footnote: wm. jones, to the author.] he very often entertained his people also, by recounting his interviews with distinguished persons, or by describing what he had seen in great places. one conversant with him thus speaks of the manner in which he represented to his people, what he had seen during his visit at the seat of government. "i remember having seen him on one of those occasions, when, after having seated the indians around him in a semi-circle, taking the cocked hat that had been presented to him by general knox, then secretary of war, in his hand, he went round bowing to the indians, as though they were the company at the president's house, and himself the president. he would then repeat to one and another all the compliments which he chose to suppose the president had bestowed upon him, and which his auditors and admiring people, supposed had been thus bestowed." [footnote: thomas morris to col. stone.] red jacket had a very _tenacious memory_. the indians were noted for the care they bestowed on this faculty of the mind. in the absence of written records, they formed a device, which was quite ingenious, and indicated a high degree of intelligence, by which they perpetuated the knowledge of important events, in their history. they used belts, and strings of wampum. for instance, they are assembled to form some important treaty. this _treaty_ would be represented by the _belt_. each string in that belt would represent a distinct article, or provision in that treaty. as they fixed their eye upon the belt, they knew it as well as though it had been labelled. as they took hold of each string, they could as it were, read each article of the treaty. for the preservation of these belts they had what were termed their council-houses, where they were hung up in order, and preserved with great care. at times they were reviewed. the father would go over them, and tell the meaning of each belt and of each string in the belt to the son, and thus the knowledge of all their important events, was transmitted from one generation to another. red jacket, without any doubt excelled all of his race, in the perfection to which he had brought this faculty of his mind. nothing escaped the tenacious grasp of his memory. the following is an instance in point. at a council held with the indians by gov. tompkins of new york, a contest arose between him and red jacket in regard to a fact connected with a treaty of many years' standing. mr. tompkins stated one thing, and the indian chief corrected him, insisting that the reverse of his assertion was true. "but" it was rejoined: "you have forgotten." we have it written down on paper. "the paper then tells a lie," was the confident answer; "i have it written down here;" he added, placing his hand with great dignity on his brow. "you yankees are born with a feather between your fingers, but your paper does not speak the truth. the indian keeps his knowledge here. this is the book the great spirit gave them; it does not lie." a reference was immediately made to the treaty in question, when to the astonishment of all present, and the triumph of the unlettered statesman, the document confirmed every word he had uttered. [footnote: mckenney's indian biography.] he held in utter contempt _pretensions_ without _merit_. "on one occasion not many years before his death, a gentleman from albany, on a visit at buffalo, being desirous of seeing the chief, sent a message to that effect. the gentleman was affluent in money and in words, the latter flowing forth with great rapidity, and in an inverse ratio to his ideas. he had also a habit of approaching very near to any person with whom he was conversing, and chattering with almost unapproachable volubility. on receiving the message, red jacket dressed himself with the utmost care, designing, as he ever did when sober, to make the most imposing impression, and came over to the village. "being introduced to the stranger, he soon measured his intellectual capacity, and made no effort to suppress his disappointment, which was indeed sufficiently disclosed in his features. after listening, for a few moments to the chatter of the gentleman, red jacket with a look of mingled chagrin and contempt, approached close to him and exclaimed, 'cha, cha, cha,' as rapidly as utterance would allow. then drawing himself to his full height, he turned proudly upon his heel, and walked away in the direction of his own domicil, _as straight as an indian_, nor deigned to look behind while in sight of the tavern. the gentleman with more money than brains, was for once lost in astonishment, and longer motionless and silent than he had ever been before." [footnote: col. stone.] he held the mere sensualist in equal contempt. "many years ago, before the indian towns were broken up along the valley of the genesee, a clan of the senecas resided at canawangus, in the vicinity of the present town of avon. the chief of the clan was a good, easy man, named hot bread. he was a hereditary sachem, not having risen by merit, was weak and inefficient, and of gluttonous habits. on a certain occasion, when mr. george hosmer was accompanying red jacket to an indian council, in the course of general conversation he inquired the chief's opinion of hot bread. 'waugh!' exclaimed red jacket: 'he has a little place at canawangus, big enough for him. _big man here_,' laying his left hand on his abdomen, '_but very small here_,' bringing the palm of his right hand _with significant_ emphasis to his forehead." [footnote: ib.] he loved to hold communion with the sublime and grand in nature. he never wearied when viewing the falls of niagara, and their roar, the baritone of nature's anthem, stirred within, depths that other harmonies failed to reach. when mr. catlin, the celebrated indian portrait painter, desired to obtain the orator's picture, his consent was given, but he must be represented as standing on table rock, "for," said he, "when i pass to the other world, my spirit will come back, and that is the place around which it will linger." [footnote: catim's north american indians.] the artist gratified the orator, and represents him as standing there in the attitude of deep thought, dressed with much care in complete indian costume, a very interesting memorial, presenting evident marks of being one of nature's noblemen. since then red jacket has gone to his grave, and this rock where he often stood and feasted his soul on sublimities unrivalled in nature, has likewise fallen, while the world, like the impetuous flood, rolls on unconscious of both. of the various paintings of red jacket, col. stone remarks, "the picture by mr. robert w. weir, taken in , at the request of doctor john w. francis of new york, is of far the highest order of merit, and has become the standard likeness of the last of the seneca orators." to this is subjoined the following description from the pen of doctor francis, of the orator's appearance on the occasion, "for this purpose he dressed himself in the costume which he deemed most appropriate to his character, decorated with his brilliant overcovering and belt, his tomahawk, and washington medal. "for the whole period of nearly two hours, on four or five successive days, he was as punctual to the arrangements of the artist, as any individual could be. he chose a large arm chair for his convenience, while his interpreter, as well as himself, was occupied for the most part in surveying the various objects, which decorated the artist's room. he had a party of several senecas with him, who, adopting the horizontal position, in different parts of the room, regaled themselves with the fumes of tobacco, to their utmost gratification. red jacket occasionally united in this relaxation; but was so deeply absorbed in attention to the work of the painter, as to think, perhaps, of no other subject. at times he manifested extreme pleasure, as the outlines of the picture were filled up. the drawing of his costume, which he seemed to prize, as peculiarly appropriate, and the falls of niagara, scenery at no great distance from his residence at the reservation, forced him to an indistinct utterance of satisfaction. when his medal appeared complete in the picture, he addressed his interpreter, accompanied by striking gestures; and when his noble front was finished, he sprang upon his feet with great alacrity, and seizing the artist by the hand, exclaimed with great energy, 'good! good!' the painting being finished, he parted with mr. weir with a satisfaction apparently equal to that which he doubtless, on some occasions had felt, on effecting an indian treaty. red jacket must have been beyond his seventieth year when the painting was made. he exhibited in his countenance, somewhat of the traces of time and trial, on his constitution. nevertheless he was of a tall, erect form, and walked with a firm gait. his characteristics are preserved by the artist to admiration; and his majestic front exhibits an attitude surpassing every other, that i have ever seen of the human skull. as a specimen for the craniologist, red jacket need not yield his pretensions to those of the most astute philosopher. he will long live by the painting of weir, the poetry of halleck, and the fame of his own deeds." red jacket had a quick and acute perception, he was very adroit. he at one time exposed the false pretenses of jemima wilkinson by arranging it with a few indians to converse in her presence, in a manner that excited her curiosity. the ruse was successful, she anxiously inquired what they were talking about? turning upon her a searching glance, he exclaimed, "what! are you jesus christ? and not know indian?" though unacquainted with the usages of society, in the refined circles where he often appeared, he readily adapted himself to the new position, and conducted with propriety and ease, careful to conceal his ignorance at the time. mr. thomas morris in a letter to colonel stone, observes: "he once on his return from philadelphia, told me that when there he perceived many things, the meaning of which he did not understand, but he would not make inquiry concerning them there, because they would be imputed to his ignorance. he therefore determined on his return to ask me. "he said when he dined at general washington's, a man stood all the time behind his chair, and would, every now and then run off with his plate, and knife and fork, which he would immediately replace by others. 'now,' said red jacket, 'what was this for?' i replied that he must have observed on the president's table a variety of dishes, that each dish was cooked in a different manner, and that the plates and knives and forks of the guests, were changed as often as they were helped from a different dish. 'ah!' said he, 'is that it?' i replied in the affirmative. 'you must then suppose,' he continued, 'that the plates, and knives, and forks, retain the taste of the cookery?' yes, i replied. 'have you then,' he added, 'any method by which you can change your palates every time you change your plates? for i should suppose that the taste would remain on the palate longer than on the plate?' i replied that we were in the habit of washing that away by drinking wine. 'ah!' said he, 'now i understand it. i was persuaded that so general a custom among you was founded in reason, and i only regret that when i was in philadelphia i did not understand it; when dining with general washington and your father. the moment the man went off with my plate i would have drunk wine until he brought me another; for although i am fond of eating, i am more so of drinking.'" [footnote: col. stone's life of red jacket.] it has been well observed of him, "he had an innate refinement and grace of manner, that stamped him the true gentleman, because with him these virtues were inborn, and not simulated or acquired." [footnote: w. c. bryant's memorial address.] on one occasion when mr. george hosmer of avon, and several others of his tribe, were on their way to attend a certain treaty, the indians one evening after the fatigues of the day, were unusually mirthful. red jacket conceiving the idea that mr. hosmer, who was unacquainted with their language might suppose he was the subject of their mirth, caused them to be silent, and through his interpreter, captain parrish, thus addressed him. "we have been made uncomfortable by the storm; we are now warm and comfortable, it has caused us to feel cheerful and merry. but i hope our friend who is traveling with us will not feel hurt at this merriment, or suppose that we are taking advantage of his ignorance of our language, to make him in any manner the subject of our mirth." to which mr. hosmer replied, that knowing himself to be in the company of brave and honorable men, he could not allow himself to entertain such an impression. after which they resumed their merriment, and red jacket his gravity. [footnote: col. stone.] the first efforts to construct a bridge at niagara falls was unsuccessful. it was supposed the force of the water where it flowed smoothly, would not be as great as where it dashed against the rocks and appeared more boisterous. this was a mistake. every endeavor to fix a bent where the water was smooth, proved utterly abortive. at length an architect conceived the idea of placing the bridge, down where the water began to be broken in its descent, and of obtaining a foot-hold for his bent, behind some rock against which the water dashed. this resulted in the successful completion of a bridge, leading to goat island. after its completion, red jacket, in company with general porter, was passing over it one day, when the chief, whose curiosity was excited, examined minutely every part of its construction, evidently regarding it, as a great wonder. at length discovering the secret, he exclaimed, "_ugh! still water_!" and immediately added, "_d--n yankee_." [footnote: given to the author by t. m. howell, esq., of canandaigua, n. y.] red jacket was not a stranger to _tender and refined sensibilities_. william savary in his journal, while attending the indian treaty held at canandaigua in , speaks of the children of red jacket in terms of high commendation. most of them died of consumption, "in the dew of their youth." on one occasion, when visiting an aged lady of his acquaintance near avon, who from early life had been more or less familiar with his history, she inquired of him, if any of his children were still living? fixing his eyes upon her, with a sorrowful expression, he replied: "red jacket was once a great man, and in favor with the great spirit. he was a lofty pine among the smaller trees of the forest. but after years of glory he degraded himself, by drinking the firewater of the white man. the great spirit has looked upon him in anger, and his lightning has stripped the pine of its branches." [footnote: related to col. stone by mrs. george hosmer of avon.] some four or five years before his death, three brothers, named thayer, were executed at buffalo for the crime of murder. the occasion was unusual, and multitudes of both sexes, from the surrounding region, flocked to witness the unhappy spectacle. on the day of the execution, red jacket was met by judge walden, of buffalo, wending his way from the town to his home. the judge inquired where he was going? at the same time expressing his surprise that he did not go with the multitudes, flocking to witness the spectacle. his answer was brief; "fools enough there already. battle, is the place to see men die." the reply was a merited rebuke to the desire so prevalent, to witness these awful sights. [footnote: mrs. george hosmer to col. stone.] red jacket ever cherished a watchful regard over the interests of his people, and was always ready to speak in their behalf. at the trial of an indian for burglary, himself and other chiefs were present to render any aid in their power, to their brother in bonds. the prisoner was found guilty of having broken into a house and stolen a few silver spoons. the crime of petit larceny, was thus merged in the greater one of burglary. at a fitting opportunity red jacket arose and spoke eloquently in his brother's defense; urging the independence of his nation, the existence among them of laws for the punishment of theft, and boldly demanding the surrender of the prisoner, assuring the court that the prisoner should be tried by these laws, and suffer the penalty they demanded. his effort though regarded as able and brilliant, did not avail to rescue the prisoner from the white man, whose sentence in the case being for burglary instead of theft, red jacket regarded as unnecessarily severe. when the proceedings were over, red jacket, who happened to be standing with a group of lawyers, took the following method of expressing his dissatisfaction. beholding on the sign of a printing office near by, an emblematic representation in large figures and characters, of liberty and justice; he asked in broken english, pointing to one of them, "_what-him-call?_" it was answered, _liberty_. "ugh!" was his significant and truly aboriginal response. pointing then to the other figure, he inquired, "_what_-him-call?" it was answered, justice. whereupon his eye kindling with animation, he asked with evident emotion, "where-him-live- now?" [footnote: geo. hosmer, esq., to col. stone.] if the sincerity of red jacket's regard for the welfare of his people was ever questioned, it was by those who knew not his inner self. in guarding the interests of his people, he was in the habit of closely watching strangers, not only, but even his own friends. owing to slanderous reports that had been circulated, he at one time began to suspect that his friend captain jones, was actuated by motives of self- interest, and did not property regard the interest of the indians. jones soon after met red jacket with his usual cordiality of manner, but was received with evident marks of coldness and distrust. "after the lapse of a few minutes, during which time the questions of jones were answered in monosylables, the captain asked an explanation of the orator's conduct. fixing his searching glance upon him, as if reading the secrets of his soul, red jacket told him of the rumor circulated, in reference to his fidelity to the indians, and concluded by saying with a saddened expression, 'and have _you_ at last deserted us?' the look, the tone, the attitude of the orator, were so touching, so despairing, that jones, though made of stern materials, wept like a child; at the same time refuting the calumny in the most energetic terms. convinced that jones was still true, the chief, forgetful of the stoicism of his race, mingled his tears with those of jones, and embracing him with the cordiality of old, the reconciled parties renewed old friendship over a social glass." [footnote: w. h. c. hosmer to col. stone.] chapter xxi views at the close of life--incident--his life work--unfavorable influences--advance of the christian party--conversion of red jacket's wife--he leaves her--his return--red jacket deposed--journey to washington --his restoration--rapid decline--regards his end as near--talks with his people--endeavors to unite them. with the views entertained by red jacket, the objects that met him on every side, as he drew near the close of life, were far from pleasant. yonder hillside, exposed to the gaze of the world, its huge rocks laid bare; those fields, stretching further than eye could reach, bounded not by woodland, lake, or river, but by the white man's fence; ten thousand dwellings, smiling with the abundance and thrift of the husbandman, city and village, bustling with tumult, and the noise of busy hammers, and rattling wheels, and roaring engines; all of these however gratifying to the white man, as marks of improvement, afforded him no pleasure. he saw in them the sepulcher of his people's pride and glory. the hillside opened to the sunlight, for the innocent lamb to sport upon, or to make the stable ox a home, he would have loved better, as when sheltered once by the sturdy oak or stately pine, its rocks jutting out from behind the ivy, and its bosom threaded by the path of the deer. the fields might have appeared inviting and green, but the white man's barrier would have warned him away, the road he would have looked upon as a prisoned path, and he would have taken to the woods, as a place more congenial to his spirit. it is said of him "that in the days of his youth he was wont to join the hunters in the beautiful valley of the genesee, with great enthusiasm. game was then plenty, and they were the finest hunting grounds, he could traverse. toward the close of his life he went thither to indulge once more, in the pleasures of the chase, where a forest apparently of considerable extent, yet remained. he entered it, recognizing some of his ancient friends among the more venerable of the trees, and hoping yet to find abundant game. but he had not proceeded far before he approached an opening; and his course was presently impeded by a fence, within the enclosure of which, one of the pale faces was guiding the plow. with a heavy heart he turned in another direction, the forest seeming yet to be deep, and where he hoped to find a deer, as in the days when he was young. but he had not traveled long, before another opening broke upon his view, another fence impeded his course, and another cultivated field appeared within. he sat down and wept." [footnote: circumstances related to col. stone by a seneca chief.] it has been well observed: "the whole life of the seneca chief was spent in vain endeavors to preserve the independence of his tribe, and in active opposition as well to the plans of civilization proposed by the benevolent, as to the attempts at encroachment on the part of the mercenary.... he yielded nothing to persuasion, to bribery, or to menace, and never to his last hour remitted his exertions, in what he regarded the noblest purpose of his life." [footnote: mckenney's biography.] but at the close of life, red jacket began to realize more than ever the power of those forces bearing down upon him, to resist which he had summoned all the energies he could command. his people, notwithstanding his efforts, were constantly brought by the encroachments of the whites, into a narrower compass, and the religion and customs of the whites continued to gain ground, and threatened to supercede the time honored usages of his fathers. intoxicating drinks also, the bane of the indian race, wrought sad havoc among his people, and had well nigh ruined himself. his influence was thus effectually crippled, and his opposition to christianity, and the efforts of the whites to obtain their land, carried much less weight, than at an earlier period of his life. he saw and felt this, and in view of it, was much cast down. his opposition to christianity, is said to have been much encouraged by wicked and designing men among the whites, who feared that the presence of missionaries among the indians, would interfere with their unworthy and base designs. but his decision when formed, as already intimated, was consistently and perseveringly maintained. he narrowly watched every proceeding, gathered around him such as would be controlled by his influence, or example, and inculcated in them those sentiments of steadfastness, in the religion of their fathers, so strikingly manifested in his own conduct. after various discouragements and reverses, the missionary was at length established among his people, and the adherents of red jacket, which at first were the most numerous, by degrees diminished, until finally those friendly to christianity, outnumbered the others. red jacket's people one by one, became interested in the religion the missionary had come to teach. the schools established began to be well attended, several chiefs embraced the new religion; some of them were men of influence and carried with them many others. finally in , red jacket's wife became interested on the subject of religion, attended the meetings of the christians, was led to abandon the pagan worship, she formerly attended, altogether, and giving evidences of piety, proposed to unite with the mission church, under the care of the rev. mr. harris. before uniting, she laid the subject before red jacket and desired his consent. this he utterly refused, and threatened in case she did so, to leave her and never visit her again. her trial in view of this refusal, she referred to mr. harris, who kindly endeavored to show her what the law of christianity demanded, that it required her to obey god, rather than man; that though her course might subject her to trial, she had the promise of the grace of christ to help her, and that in the end it might promote her good. still he committed the matter wholly to her own conscience, advising her to pursue the course that might thus be indicated, and leave the event in the hands of god. after deliberating for a time she united with the church, and red jacket, true to his threat, left her and went to another reservation. she bore his displeasure with a meek and christian spirit, remained at home with her family, and conducted discreetly, pursuing as before the duties of her household. red jacket after a few months' absence returned, desiring to be welcomed again by his wife, who received him on condition of his not interfering with her, in her religious views, or attendance on the meetings of the mission. to this he gave his assent, and was ever afterward faithful in observing his pledge; not opposing, but aiding her in performing, according to her desire, her religious obligations. a division was now apparent among the senecas, in regard to religion. there was a christian, and a pagan party. the former led by young king, captain pollard, and others; the latter recognized red jacket as its ruling spirit. the opposition he had so long exerted, began to be regarded with impatience. as the christian party advanced and became more numerous, they were unwilling to submit to the dictation of the orator. they began to feel that in his opposition to the education and improvement of his people, he was acting the part of an enemy, and not a friend. his habits of intemperance also, having greatly lessened their esteem, they became unwilling he should longer hold the commanding position he had enjoyed, and so well adorned, in the earlier part of his life. at a council held in september, , a paper was drawn up, containing charges against the orator, which were assigned as a reason for the extraordinary course they pursued, closing with the declaration, that they renounced him as their chief, and forbade him to act as one, affirming that he should thereafter be regarded as a private man. this proceeding stung the orator to the quick, and aroused him to action, he could not endure the thought of the humiliation thus brought upon him, at the close of life. the thought too, that it had been effected by those who differed from him, in their religious sentiments, and would be regarded as a triumph over him, touching the views he had long entertained, as to what would best promote the welfare of his people, affected him in a point so near his heart, as to forbid his resting under it. "it shall not be said," thought he, "that sa-go-ye-wat-ha, lived in insignificance, and died in disgrace. am i not yet strong? have i not yet power to withstand my enemies?" he set out for washington, to spread his griefs before his great father. on arriving there he visited colonel mckenney, who had charge of indian affairs. that officer had been informed, through the indian agent, of all that had transpired among the senecas, and of the cause of their displeasing red jacket. when the customary salutations were over, red jacket remarked through his interpreter, "i have a talk for my father." "tell him," said colonel mckenney, "i have one for him. i will make it, and will then listen to him." the colonel then proceeded to give a minute history of all that had recently transpired, and dwelt upon the various causes that had operated in producing the rupture, that had taken place. he pointed out to him the course he ought to have pursued, that he should have manifested a spirit of forbearance, and allowed the christian party the same liberty in the exercise of their sentiments, which he demanded for himself; and that this course would have saved him the mortification he now experienced, in being expelled from office and power. during this conversation red jacket never took his keen and searching eye from the speaker, but at its close turned to the interpreter, and pointing in the direction of his home and people, said, "_our father has got a long eye._" he then proceeded to vindicate himself and his cause, not forgetting to pour upon the black coats plentiful effusions of wrath. the colonel advised him to return to his people, convene a council and come to a better understanding with them, by allowing those among them who desired to do so, to become christians, while himself and those who thought like him, might claim the privilege of following unmolested, the faith of their fathers. [footnote: col. mckenney's indian biography.] about one month had passed since red jacket's deposition. in the mean time red jacket had been very active in going from one reservation to another, and sparing no pains, in gathering a great council, from those belonging to the six nations. another council was convened, much larger than the former, composed of members from other reservations, belonging to the iroquois confederacy. it assembled at the upper council-house of the seneca village near buffalo. at the opening of the council, the paper declaring the orator's deposition was read. half town, a seneca chief of the cattaraugus reservation then arose, and said there was but one voice in his nation, and that was of general indignation at the contumely cast on so great a man as red jacket. the council was then addressed by several other chiefs very much to the same effect. after which the condemned orator arose slowly, as if grieved and humiliated, but yet with his ancient air of command. "my brothers:" said he, after a solemn pause, "you have this day been correctly informed of an attempt to make me sit down, and throw off the authority of a chief, by twenty-six misguided chiefs of my nation. you have heard the statements of my associates in council, and their explanations of the foolish charges brought against me. i have taken the legal and proper way to meet these charges. it is the only way in which i could notice them. charges which i despise, and which nothing would induce me to notice, but the concern which many respected chiefs of my nation, feel in the character of their aged comrade. were it otherwise i should not be before you. i would fold my arms, and sit quietly under these ridiculous slanders. "the christian party have not even proceeded legally to put me down." he then made some artful observations on the origin of the attack made upon him. he laid open its history step by step. he dwelt upon the various circumstances connected with the introduction of christianity among them. he alluded to the course taken by the christians as ruinous and disgraceful, especially in their abandonment of the religion of their fathers, and their sacrifices, and of the lands given them by the great spirit, for paltry considerations. as for the _black coats_, mr. calhoun had told him at washington four years before, that the indians must treat with them as they thought proper; the government would not interfere. "i will not consent," said he, sagaciously identifying his disgrace with his opposition to the christians, "i will not consent silently to be trampled under foot. as long as i can raise my voice, i will oppose such measures. as long as i can stand in my moccasins, i will do all i can for my nation. ah! it grieves my heart, when i look around me and see the situation of my people, in old times united and powerful, now divided and feeble. i feel sorry for my nation. many years have i guided my people. when i am gone to the other world, when the great spirit calls me away, who among them can take my place?" [footnote: thatcher's indian biography.] no adequate account of this speech has been preserved. it is said he spoke three hours in his own defense; that it was a masterly effort, and equal to the speeches he used to make in his palmiest days. [footnote: conversation of the author with wm. jones, seneca chief.] though greatly dilapidated in his powers by intemperance, he was thoroughly aroused on this occasion, and the eloquence, pathos, and fire of a former day, shed around him the luster of a superior mind, and his people for the time, forgot and forgave his delinquencies, and by unanimous consent, reinstated him in office and power. thus by means of one more great exertion of this wonderful faculty, by which he controlled the minds of his people, they were led to reverse the decision that had been made against him, and though he stood among them but the blasted trunk of that tree, which, in its full and luxuriant prime, cast a deep and mellowing shade over their closing history, and invested it still with the appearance of strength; they resolved he should yet wear the title, that better befitted him in other days, though it served but slightly to hide the deformity, wrought in his noble nature, by the demon of intemperance. with this speech the public career of red jacket is closed. the effort he made on this occasion, added to his exertions previous to the gathering of the council, was too great for his aged and enfeebled condition. after this he declined very rapidly, and seemed to realize that his end was drawing near. he often adverted to this event, but always in language of philosophic calmness. in view of it he visited successively all of his most intimate friends, at their cabins, and talked with them in the most impressive and affecting manner. he told them that he was passing away, and his counsels would soon be heard no more. he ran over the history of his people, from the most remote period to which his knowledge extended, and pointed out as few could, the wrongs, the privations, and the loss of character, which almost of themselves constituted that history. "i am about to leave you," said he, "and when i am gone, and my warnings shall be no longer heard, or regarded, the craft and avarice of the white man will prevail. many winters have i breasted the storm, but i am an aged tree, i can stand no longer. my leaves are fallen, my branches are withered, and i am shaken by every breeze. soon my aged trunk will be prostrate, and the foot of the exulting foe of the indian, may be placed upon it in safety; for i leave none who will be able to avenge such an indignity. think not i mourn for myself. i go to join the spirits of my fathers, where age cannot come; but my heart fails, when i think of my people, who are soon to be scattered and forgotten." many noticed that his feelings at this time were greatly modified and mellowed, with respect to the stand he had taken against christianity. his wife's example, who was a woman of humble, consistent piety, exerted a salutary, and happy influence upon him. it led him to regard christianity more favorably, and to recede very much from the hostile position he had previously maintained. he talked of peace, and sought to bring about a reconciliation between the two parties. he convened a council with this in view. he made special preparations to attend it, dressing himself with more than ordinary care, with all his gay apparel and ornaments. he went with the intention of making what would have been his farewell speech, and giving them his last counsel. he was taken suddenly ill at the council-house, of cholera morbus and returned home, saying to his wife, "i am sick; i could not stay at the council, i shall never recover." he then took off his rich costume, and laid it carefully away, reclined upon his couch, and did not rise again till morning. his wife prepared him medicine, which he took, but said, "it will do no good. i shall die." the next day he called his wife and the little girl he loved so much, requested them to sit beside him and listen to his parting words. addressing his wife, he said: "i am going to die, i shall never again leave this house alive. i wish to thank you for your kindness to me. you have loved me. you have always prepared my food, and taken care of my clothes, and been patient with me. i am sorry i ever treated you unkindly. i am sorry i left you, because of your new religion. i am convinced it is a good religion, and has made you a better woman, and wish you to persevere in it. i should like to live longer for your sake. i meant to build you a new house, and make you more comfortable, but it is now too late." addressing his daughter, he said; "i hope my daughter will remember what i have so often told her, not to go in the streets with strangers, or associate with improper persons. she must stay with her mother, and grow up a respectable woman." he said again: "when i am dead, it will be noised abroad through all the world, they will hear of it across the great waters, and say, red jacket the great orator is dead. and white men will come and ask you for my body. they will wish to bury me. but do not let them take me. clothe me in my simplest dress, put on my leggins and my moccasins, and hang the cross i have worn so long, around my neck, and let it lie upon my bosom. then bury me among my people. neither do i wish to be buried with pagan rites. i wish the ceremonies to be as you like, according to the customs of your new religion, if you choose. your minister says the dead will rise. perhaps they will. if they do, i wish to rise with my old comrades. i do not wish to rise among pale faces. i wish to be surrounded by red men. do not make a feast according to the customs of the indians. whenever my friends chose, they could come and feast with me, when i was well, and i do not wish those who have never eaten with me in my cabin, to surfeit at my funeral feast." when he had finished he laid down on his couch and did not rise again. he lived several days but was most of the time in a stupor, or else delirious. he often asked for mr. harris, the missionary, and would afterward unconsciously mutter: "i do not hate him. he thinks i hate him, but i do not, i would not hurt him." the missionary was sent for repeatedly, but was from home at the time, and did not return till after the chief's death. when the messenger told him mr. harris had not come, he replied: "very well, the great spirit will order it as he sees best, whether i shall speak with him or not." [footnote: conversation of the author with wm. jones, seneca chief, and sketch of red jacket in "the iroquois." the account of the orator's closing hours given in this work, is more full, but in perfect accord with the statements made to the author by mr. jones.] again he would murmur: "he accused me of being a snake, and trying to bite somebody. this was true, and i wish to make satisfaction." the cross he wore was a very rich one of stones set in gold, and large; by whom it was given, his friends never knew. this is all the ornament he requested to have buried with him. it was customary among the indians to make funeral feasts. no family was so poor as not thus to honor the dead. if all they possessed was a cow, it was slaughtered for the occasion. red jacket desired nothing of this kind. a pagan funeral for a distinguished person is a pompous affair, and lasts for ten days. every night a fire is kindled at the grave, and around it the mourners gather, and utter piteous wails. the wife and daughter were the only ones to whom he spoke parting words, or gave a parting blessing. as his last hour drew nigh, his family all gathered around him, but the children were not his own, they were step- children, his own were all sleeping in the churchyard, where he was soon to be laid. his step-children he always loved and cherished, their mother had taught them to love and honor him. the wife sat by his pillow and rested her hand on his head. at his feet stood the two sons, now aged and christian men, and by his side the little girl, whose hand rested on his withered and trembling palm. his last words were still, "where is the missionary?" he then clasped the child to his bosom, while she was sobbing in anguish, her ears caught his hurried breathing, his arms relaxed their hold, she looked up, he was gone. there was mourning in the household, there was great mourning among the people. the orator, the man of matchless gifts, of surpassing eloquence was no more; and there were none to fill his place. red jacket desired after his death, a vial of cold water might be placed in his hand. his reason for this his friends did not understand. red jacket felt that intemperance had been the bane of his life. possibly from this conviction he may have desired to be accompanied in his journey to the spirit-land, by the beverage of which his better judgment most approved. the arrangements of his funeral red jacket committed to his wife's son-in- law wm. jones. his friends, who belonged mostly to the christian party, chose to have at his funeral the simple and appropriate services of that religion. it was largely attended by his own race, and by the whites living in that vicinity. he was buried in the mission burying ground, where were reposing many of his race, the aged and young, warrior, sachem, child. his death was at his residence near the church and mission-house at seneca village on the th of january, . index. adano albany alden, pres. alien's hist. angelica, n. y. atotarho au glaize avon springs bayard, wm. beaver creek beekman, john j. berry, major big tree bloomfield boyd, capt. john braddock, gen. brant breckenridge, rev. john bryant, w. c. buffalo buffalo creek burbeck, maj. butler, col. calhoun, m. cameron, charles canandaigua canandaigua lake canaseraga canawangus caneadea canoga carlton, sir benj. catlin, mr. cayugas chapin, maj. chapman, mrs. charlevoix chemung cherokees chippewas cincinnati clark, major claus, col. clinton, gov. codding, mr. colquhoun con-neh-sauty cornplanter crane, mr. cummings, maj. cunadesaga cusick, david cuyler, abraham cuylerville dansville darke, col. dearborn, gen. delafield, maj. joseph dionderoga delaware detroit detroit river dorchester, lord drake drummond, gen. durham conn. dwight, dr. elk hunter ellicott, mr. farmer's brother ferguson, major fish carrier fleming, col. fort du quesne fort hamilton fort harmar fort hunter fort jefferson fort niagara fort put fort plain fort recovery fort schlosser fort stanwix fort washington francis, john w. franklin, doctor franklin, w. t. fraser, donald ga-kwa-dia gansevoort, gen. garangula gardeau genesee county genesee falls genesee geneva german flats gibson, h. b. glen, henry gorham, nath. granger, erastus greenville greig, john grey, john half town harding, col. harmar, gen. harris, rev. m. harrison, gov. hartford, conn. hendrick, king herkimer, gen. hickox, j. h. hill, capt. david honandaganius hornby, john hosmer, geo. hosmer, w. h. c. howell, t. m. hubbard, nehemiah hudson, john hull, gen. hurons iroquois ivison, j. c. jackson, gen. jennison, mary jessup, major johnson, henry johnson, sir wm. johnson, sir john johnson, col. guy johnstone, john jones, capt. horatio, ii jones, j. h. jones, col. w. ken de-wah kickapoos knox, gen. lafayette, gen. lake erie lake ontario lavasseur, m. lee, arthur legionville lewis, gen. lincoln, gen. benj. little billy logan mackinaw matthews, col. mckee, col. mckenney miamis miami rapids middletown, conn. miller, m. s. mills, samuel morris, robert morris, thomas moultan, j. w. mount morris muskingum nellis new connecticut new york genesee land co. nevada, iowa newtown, n. y. niagara niagara genesee co. nunda o'bail, henry ogden, col. aaron oldham, col. oneidas onondagas oriskany oswegatchie oswego oswego falls otitiana ottawas painted post parker, jim parks, mrs. parrish, joseph parrish, john parrish, o. penn perry, com. phelps, o. pickering, col. pittsburg pollard, gen. porter, augustus porter, gen. porter, peter b. potawatamies presque isle proctor, col. pultney, sir wm. pyrlaus quebec randolph, beverly ripley, gen. rochester sacs sanborne, mrs. savary, william schoolcraft, ii scott, gen. schuyler, peter schuyler, gen. senecas seneca castle seneca lake shawanese shepard, wm. shikellemus simcoe, gov. skenandoah smith, joseph sperry, mr. sprague, ashhael squaky hill st. clair, gen. st. joseph's river st. leger, col. st. mary's river stone, col. street, a. b. sullivan, gen. ten broeck, abraham tioga point tompkins, gov. towson, major tracy, albert turner van buren, mr. vischer, matthew wabash wadsworth, james wadsworth, jeremiah wadsworth, wm. walden, judge warren, sir peter washington, gen. wayne, gen. anthony weir, robert w. west, avon western reserve wilkinson, jemima williamson wolcott, oliver wood, major worth, col. wyandots yates, a. yates, p. w. yates, robert young king birch bark legends of niagara founded on traditions among the iroquois, or six nations a story of the lunar-bow; (which brilliantly adorns niagara falls by moonlight), or, origin of the totem of the wolf dedicated to the memory of joinstaga, from whom many legends of the almost forgotten past were obtained by the author owahyah preface my preface will be a few citations from reliable authorities to introduce to my readers the people of whom i write: gov. clinton, in a discourse delivered before the new york historical society, says: "previous to the occupation of this country by the progenitors of the present race of indians, it was inhabited by a race of men much more populous and much farther advanced in civilization; that the confederacy of the iroquois is a remarkable and peculiar piece of legislation; that the more we study the indian history the more we will be impressed with the injustice done them. while writers have truthfully described their deeds of cruelties, why not also quote their deeds of kindness, their integrity, hospitality, love of truth, and, above all, unbroken fidelity?" washington irving says: "the current opinion of indian character is too apt to be formed from the degenerate beings, corrupted and enfeebled by the vice of society, without being benefitted by its civilization. that there are those, and a large class of them that have with moral firmness resisted the temptations, with which they have been surrounded, and command our highest esteem." volney, the french historian, pronounces the iroquois "the romans of the west." w. h. c. hosmer, "the warriors of genesee." orsemus turner, in his history of the holland purchase, says. "the existence of the iroquois upon the soil now constituting western and middle new york, is distinctly traced back to the period of the discovery of america. "their traditions go beyond that period. they fix upon no definite period in reference to the origin of their confederacy. their councils were held along the southern shores of lake ontario, and upon the niagara river, before the first adventurers, the dutch, and french jesuits appeared in the valley of the mohawk; and there are evidences of a long precedent existence that corresponds with their traditions." and their council fires are still kindled though they burn not as brightly as of yore. nor do the young braves listen to the wisdom, or ever now in their councils witness the allegorical or figurative language so beautifully illustrating the discourses of red jacket, corn planter, farmers brother and other chiefs, thus eulogized by pres. dwight: "in strength and sublimity of their eloquence they may be fairly compared with the greeks." the indians say: "we listen to your stories, why do you not listen to ours? although civilized, you use not the rules of common civility." owahyah birch bark legends of niagara founded on traditions among the iroquois or six nations within sound of the thundering cataract's roar once worshipped the roaming sons of the forest in all their primitive freedom. they recognized in its thunder the voice, in its mad waves the wrath, and in its crashing whirlpool the omnipotence of the great spirit--the manitou of their simple creed. also in the rising mist, the flight of the soul, and in the beautiful bow--the brilliant path followed by the spirits of good indians to their happy hunting ground. with this belief came the custom of yearly offering a sacrifice to the great spirit, or whenever any particular blessing was to be acknowledged, or for some wrong perpetrated, to propitiate the righteous anger of their deity of the roaring waters. the sacrifice, or offering, consisted of a boat filled with fruit, flowers and any precious gift, which was to be paddled over the foaming cataract by one either drawn by lot or selected by the chiefs; or, as often happened, a voluntary offering of life, as it manifested heroism beyond their usual test of torture. martyrs thus sacrificed had this consolation: that their spirits were sure to rise in the mist and follow the bright path above, while bad indians' spirits passed down in the boiling, crashing current, to be torn and tossed in the whirlpool, there to linger in misery forever. with all thy present loveliness--smooth paths cut round thy rocky banks, covered with trailing vines and bright, soft mosses, nature's beautiful tapestry; flights of steps, half hidden with gay foliage, displaying at almost every turn majestic scenery; bridges thrown over the bounding, foaming rapids, from island to island, opening bower after bower with surprises of beauty at every step. scattered here and there the nut-brown indian maids and mothers; among the last of the race--still lingering around their fathers' places and working at the gay embroidery--soon to pass away forever. yes, with all thy loveliness, the circle of mirth and gaiety, reflecting happy faces of thy present worshippers, tame is the scene compared with the traditions of a by-gone race, which, notwithstanding the simplicity in forms of customs that governed them, were among the brightest pictures of american life--always associated with the beautiful forest, which together are passing away, and oblivion's veil fast gathering around them. thy rocks, now echoing the gay laugh of idlers, first rang with the wild war-whoop, or sent back the indian's low, mellow songs of peace, or mingled with the heavy roar of thy failing waters the mournful dirge of the doomed one, to the great manitou. story of the lunar bow, (_which brilliantly adorns niagara falls by moonlight_), or origin of the totem [footnote: the coat of arms of a clan.] of the wolf. first legend. the tradition of the lunar bow, the manitou's bright path, or the origin of the totem of the wolf, was traced with a scene long remembered at their councils, passing from generation to generation, and still sung by the indian mothers in their far-off home towards the setting sun--the last foot-hold of the dark sons of the forest on this their native land. on the east side of the falls of niagara, before the hallowed waters of the mist fell, on the pale-faced warrior or the sound of the axe had even broken the great stillness of their undisputed soil, the dark shadows of the primeval forest fell only on rock and wigwam. the red-topped sumach and sweet sassafras grew thick on either side, while ledges of rocks here and there pierced the foliage of the cedar-crowned banks 'round which tumbled and roared the mad waves, leaping like frightened does in wild confusion to their final plunge. the narrow indian trails, winding around swamps, over hills, and through ravines, were the only paths that led to this their great manitou. the drowsy sultriness of an american summer pervaded this secluded spot, harmonizing with the unceasing roar of the great falls. ever and anon, tall, dark forms might be seen suddenly appearing from the thick foliage of the underbrush, through which their paths with difficulty wound, and silently their painted faces and gayly plumed heads dropped round the big wigwam. important questions waited the decision of their wisest sachems, and runners had been sent with wampum to call together distant chiefs, who, with braves and warriors, as became the dignity of the wampum, answered by their presence quickly and in silence. near the brink of the falls, beneath an aged pine, reclined a well-guarded, sorrowful, but haughty band. their fine symmetry, noble height, and free carriage, were especially attractive. they were all young warriors, whose white paint presented emblems of peace: their plumes were from the beautiful white crane of the sunny forest, which designated the southern land from whence they came. a gleam of pride flashed across their dark faces, while their attitudes bespoke both defiance and despair. a tall, stately looking youth appeared to command from these few the deference due a chief. he was leaning against the old tree, looking for the first time on the great sheet of falling waters, where soon himself and followers would probably end their tortures by a welcome leap. their noble bearing had attracted the eye of the sachem's daughter, the gentle fawn; she, with a few young indian girls, half hid among the whortleberry bushes growing luxuriantly around the smaller wigwams of the camp, were dividing their attention between the stately captives and weaving the gaudy wampums to be bestowed, with the shy little weavers themselves, upon such young braves as should be deemed worthy by the great council. their stolen glances of admiration and pity, however, were intercepted by the young brave who brought home and so suspiciously guarded the prisoners. he was a fierce, wicked savage, with repulsive, glistening eyes, evincing a cunning, revengeful disposition. [illustration: great oak] at the side of this savage hung a string of fresh scalps, and a gleam of exultation shot across his swarthy visage as he pointed to the gory trophies at his belt, saying: "the black snakes scalps are fresh from his enemies; the fingers of the gentle fawn cannot number them." "the fawn does not like the smell of blood," quickly answered the sensitive maid. "the black snake is a boy, and does not know his friends from his enemies." "the fawn has been taking lessons from the mocking-birds," replied black snake, "and has learned many tunes; she sings now for the ears of the sunny eagle, whose wings are too feeble to fly. his last flight will be short (pointing to the cataract); he will not need his wings, and the gentle fawn will soon learn to sing to black snake. the fawn is an infant, and black snake will feed her on birds' eggs." approaching with a noiseless step, he continued, in a lower tone: "the black snake will be a great warrior; he must build a lodge of his own whereon to hang his enemies' scalps (shaking them in her face), and the gentle fawn will light his pipe." with a suppressed cry the fawn sprung to her feet. in an instant from the long wild grass, at her side appeared a huge wolf, of unusual size and strength, which the powerful creature owed in a measure to the affectionate care of its mistress. she had found it when young, reared and fed it with her own hands, and they had become inseparable friends and protectors to each other. with an angry growl and flashing eyes the wolf warned the indian back. black snake pointed his flint-headed spear with a look of disdain at the heart of the watchful beast. his arm was suddenly arrested by the hand of the sachem, great oak. "does the black snake make war with the women? wouldst kill my daughter's four-footed friend? has the young brave only arrow-heads for his friends? he must go back to his mother's wigwam: let her teach him how to use them." the dark frown passed from the great oak's face as he addressed his daughter. with a watchful tenderness seldom found in the breast of a warrior, the stern old sagamore's voice grew soft as a woman's. "my daughter will follow her father; he knows not his wigwam when the fawn and her four-footed friend are not there." thus saying they immediately left the discomfited brave. in passing by the stranger captives, a sigh escaped the old indian as he saw the sympathetic looks that passed between them and his daughter, and compared that noble young chief, so soon to pass away, with the treacherous warrior who aspired to fill the war chief's place, and receive his daughter with the title. the war chief was slain on that same expedition that conquered and brought home the prisoners. another was to be chosen and the captives disposed of, which was the business that had called together chiefs from distant places. occupied with sad thoughts, that brought him no comfort, he was attracted by the low whine of the wolf, and upon turning discovered him fondling around the captive chief, who seemed equally pleased with him; at the same time he caught the ill-omened look of black snake, distorting his face with rage, jealousy and revenge, as it glowed from beneath his tawdry plume of many colors. hastening his daughter along, who was quickly followed by the wolf as she gave a peculiar call, they passed silently out of sight. as the dark shadows of night; gathered closely around, made brilliant by innumerable fire-flies, sportively decking all nature in spangles, women and children disappeared to their wigwams, while their dusky protectors seated themselves 'round the great fire, the red flashes of which fell brightly on the strongly bound prisoners, proud and defiant, awaiting their doom. only one more night and the mild rays of the moon would fall on good and bad alike--would gaze on the beautiful, bright colored path over the dark and fearful abyss they were so soon to follow to the happy hunting ground. the breaking of the waves against the rocks on the shore, the melancholy cry of the night bird, like soft music, partially subdued their tortured spirits, and each recalled with fond longing the memory of a distant home now lying in ashes, and the sound of some voice now silent, whose tones would go with them to the manitou's home. calm night, our soothing mother, bringing rest to all, freed them at last from the insulting taunts of their savage guards as their swarthy forms were swallowed up in the surrounding darkness. oh! how many heartfelt and anxious prayers have been sent, niagara, to rise on thy light mist to realms above. the indian's simple supplication, so full of hope and faith, needed not the assistance of other creeds to be heard by _his_ great manitou. and if thou dost pray sincerely for strength, grey eagle, unflinchingly to stand thy torture and joyfully to take thy final leap, it will be given thee. as the dampness of night fled from before the rays of the morning sun it revealed a cooler, calmer crowd around the big wigwam. in sight of the great waters, and almost deafened by its thundering, warning voice, sachems, chiefs and warriors were quietly and orderly assembled. directly in front were placed the securely bound prisoners, surrounded by aspiring young braves, too willing to show their skill in throwing arrows and tomahawks as near as possible to the captives' heads, delighting the dusky children, who with the women formed the outside circle. for several minutes the pipe, with the sweet-scented kinny-kinick, was passed from one to another in silence. not a word escaped them, the chiefs viewing with each other in betraying no symptom of idle curiosity or impatience. at length a chief turned his eyes slowly towards the old sachem, and in a low voice, with great delicacy in excluding all inquisitiveness, addressed him: "our father sent us the wampum; we are here, when our father speaks his childrens' ears are open,"--again resuming the pipe with due and becoming solemnity. after a moment's silence, during which the children even became mute, the sachem arose with dignity and commenced his brief story in a solemn, serious manner, becoming himself and the occasion. "'tis well; my childrens' ears shall drink no lies. their brothers have been on the war-path. the great manitou smiled on the young brave; sent him back with fresh trophies and prisoners; not one escaped. the great manitou has also frowned on his people, hushed their song of triumph, sent them back to their tribe crying, 'where is the great war chief, the nation's pride?' do my sons see or hear the war eagle in the wigwam of his people? no; he came not back; the manitou needed him; he has gone to the happy hunting ground; our eyes are dim; we shall see him no more. who will lead the young braves on the war-path? who will protect the wigwams, the women, children, and old men? let my children speak, their father will listen." with the last words all excitement seemed to pass from him, and the face of great oak assumed that immovable expression which rendered it so impossible to surmise what really were his thoughts or wishes. the murmuring wails of the women in remembrance of war-eagle and the threatening tomahawks that were shaken at the prisoners, all ceased as slowly the first chief again rose to speak. "let our brother, the young brave who followed where war eagle led, and returned with prisoners and trophies to appease his mourning people--let the black snake speak, that we may know how to counsel our father." [illustration: black snake.] the eyes of the young warrior thus alluded to flashed with fierce delight--his nostrils dilated with strong emotion. passing with a haughty stride in front of the chiefs, displaying to all the bloody trophies at his side, without dignity or feeling, but in an excited, vindictive manner, he gave an exaggerated account of the foe and the battle; spoke of the loss of the war eagle; called on the young braves to help revenge his death, swinging his tomahawk around the heads of the prisoners, counting the scalps he had torn from the heads of their people, forcing them in their faces with malignant pleasure, and calling them women, who would cry when their tortures commenced. he said he only waited to attend the joyful dance before going on the war-path to avenge more fully the death of their chief and earn the right to have a wigwam. he howled his fierce demands for an opportunity to show his willingness to execute the sentence the chiefs should pass upon the prisoners. then, adroitly pleading his youth, he said he would not ask to lead the braves on the war-path--he would follow where some braver one would lead. throwing the string of scalps among the crowd, he said the women might have them to hang on their lodges--he was too young to carry them. feeling he had made sufficient impression of his bravery to leave the decision in the hands of the chiefs, without noticing his triumph in the applauding multitude, his fiery eyes rolled proudly from chief to chief. he passed with a haughty step before the sachem, who had several times rather depreciated his bravery, rejoicing in this public opportunity of boasting a little before the chiefs, evidently thinking it would greatly contribute to his ambitious purposes and make a good impression on the sachem's dark-eyed daughter. as he finished his speech the crowd commenced reciting the virtues of their deceased chief, calling for revenge, and insulting the prisoners with every epithet their wild imagination could suggest. a dissatisfied "hugh" from the old sachem caused the first chief again to rise, when in an instant all again became quiet, such were the peculiar customs of these people and the great influence of their chiefs and rulers. in a calm voice he addressed again the old sachem: "thy son has spoken with a brave and cunning tongue; yet he speaks not to the heart of his chief. he is ready to strike the enemy. who carries more arrows or sharper ones than black snake? whose stone-headed war club is deadlier? whose tomahawk is freer on the battle-field? the black snake coils himself under the bushes and springs upon his sleeping enemy. when they would strike him he is gone, and their club falls where he once stood. he will be a great warrior when he gathers a few more years. he needs experience to lead the young braves. let our father speak from his heart, that he may hide nothing from his children, then will they know how to counsel." thus called upon, the old chief rose with a calm brow, and advancing with great dignity, slowly scanned the faces of his dusky audience. his eyes beamed with respectful, hopeful submission on his circle of chiefs, also upon the women judges, who make the final decision in choosing a new chief after hearing the arguments in favor of each candidate. glancing towards black snake with a stern, unwavering countenance, regarding the prisoners with unaffected sympathy, and finally resting with a fond look of painful solicitude upon his daughter, who was seated on a mossy carpet beneath a large tree, within hearing distance of all that was said--the wolf, the fawn's devoted friend, coiled at her feet, and her neglected wampum carelessly thrown over his glossy neck--in a clear, low voice, as one who having once determined upon the necessity no hesitating fears should prevent, great oak addressed the now watchful and silent multitude. "it is true the feet of the young brave have been far away on the war-path; his tomahawk and arrows have not been idle; he crept like a serpent upon his victims; his war club was stained with their blood; their scalps were many by his side; he came not back empty-handed; he brought prisoners to his people and gifts to his manitou." the low murmur of applause now increased to a shrill howl, which the echoing rocks sent flying on, mingling with the roar of the falling waters. this approval being taken for their approbation, which promised support to his opinion, great oak, thus confirmed in his remarks, continued: "war eagle came not back to his people; his wigwam is lonely; did he fly away like a frightened bird at the sight of his enemy?" an angry "hugh" was uttered sympathetically. "did he die with his body filled with the arrows of his enemy?" after a short pause he answered himself: "no, my children, the tomahawk was buried in the back of his head. was his foe behind him? yes, my children, but not grey eagle and his brave little band now standing in front of you. they were also in front of war eagle, but he saw in them no enemies; grey eagle saw no enemies then. look at the paint, of grey eagle and his braves; do you see the red and black worn by a chief on the war-path? has the manitou thrown a cloud over the eyes of your sachem? i see only the white paint of peace and friendship. when were our fathers ever known to bind a friend? "your sachem has lived too long; he has lived to see the ceremonies of his people laughed at by boys--the sons of his friends with friendly colors bound at his feet by his own children, and the tomahawks of his people ready to bury themselves in their flesh." the deep silence which succeeded these words sufficiently showed the great veneration with which his people received their ideas from their oldest chief. all listened with breathless expectation for what was to come. black snake and his few followers scowled revengefully, though not daring to reply. the sachem continued: "the great oak can no longer overshadow and protect his people--can no longer preserve the ceremonies of his fathers. his strength has gone, and his counsels fall to the ground like the branches of the dying tree; he is needed here no more. when my children next fill a canoe for the manitou, place the old tree and all belonging to him in it. the tired birds that have flown to him for rest he can no longer protect, and it is time his people burned him down out of the way, that the saplings may find more room to grow. let the arrows and tomahawk of great oak be prepared for the manitou--he would pass from his people forever." with the last words he moved slowly from the circle, and, placing himself by the side of his daughter, closed his eyes, manifesting his resignation of all interest in their present or future state. an appealing wail from the multitude brought several chiefs to their feet. "our father must not leave us; his voice is the voice of wisdom; when his childrens' ears drink lies and their counsels are foolish the wind brings truth to the ears of great oak; they will fade away when great oak's shadows are withdrawn. can his children feast and dance when their father hides his face with shame? the manitou has counseled the great oak in his sleep; the women are in tears, and the young men are silent. we have spoken, and we wait for the voice of our sachem." "why do my children wait for the voice of a chief, whose words fall like leaves in the cold blast to be trod on by boys?" "the words of the great oak, like the leaves, can bury the people. let our father speak to the hearts of his children that they may know what to do. has the wind whispered in the ear of our father and he tells not his children their story? we listen for the voice of our chief." the old sachem slowly opened his eyes and once more rose to his feet, standing erect in front of the tree whose name he bore, where still, with the wolf stretched at her feet, the gentle fawn remained seated. without deigning a glance upon the multitude, but looking in the distance, as if invoking unseen aid from the air or sky, dropping their figurative language, he spoke in a low, prophetic tone. "yes, there has been whispering in the ears of your chief. he shut his eyes on all around him, and opened them on a sunny spot, far off, where the rivers know no ice and the moccasin never tracks in the snow. there were more wigwams than he could count, filled with happy people. he saw a band of braves as straight as the pines of their forest go on a long path to get furs and meat for their people. after moons of success they joyfully returned; but not to hear the voice of their fathers or ever to see their faces again. the hand of the foe had spared none; their homes were in ashes; their friends sent without food or presents on their long journey to the manitou's hunting-ground. i saw these tired, sad hunters gather the scattered bones and relics of their tribe in a large circle, placing plenty of furs and food, with pipes, beads and arrows in the center, and cover them high with stones and earth that wild beasts could not move. and they placed the manitou's mark on this mound that no foe would dare to desecrate. then turning their faces from their once happy home they sought a new one, and people to help them revenge this deed and recover their land. winding their way to the land of snow and ice they saw approaching a band of warriors covered with emblems of peace, and, leaving their stony weapons in care of the younger braves, they walked open-handed to meet the strangers. war eagle stood foremost among them. while passing the calumet [footnote: pipe of peace.] of friendship their ears were deafened with the war-whoop from many mouths. a tomahawk flew swiftlier and deadlier than an arrow and hid itself in the head of war eagle." then, turning his eyes upon the multitude, he would question, and, looking off in the distance, in the same prophetic voice answer: "did the tomahawk fly with the stranger's hand? they came open-handed--left their weapons behind them. did any of war eagle's braves protect him while his spirit was passing on its long journey? no; the arms of yonder brave protected him until they were bound, to his side. can war eagle's spirit leave his friend to receive the torture of the condemned and be tossed in those dark whirling waters forever? no; i hear his moans mingle threateningly with the roar of the manitou's voice. his spirit cannot rise to the beautiful path while his friends are prisoners to his people. would you leave war eagle forever hovering over the turbulent waters? who will cut the thongs and set the spirit of war eagle free by freeing his friends?" the wild cries of the multitude were stilled by the long protracted howl of black snake as he sprung in front of the chiefs. with a dexterous flourish of his tomahawk he separated the thongs, liberated the prisoners, and with a wave of his hand commanded silence, while, shouting in a loud voice, he replied to the old sachem: "our father asks who bound war eagle's friends! it was the spirits of darkness that blinded his childrens' eyes to the color of grey eagle, and whispered in their ears, 'they are enemies.' it was the spirit of darkness that killed war eagle and whispered in the ears of his braves, 'revenge his death.' it is the voice of the good manitou that whispered to the great oak, and he has saved his children from the manitou's wrath and freed the spirit of war eagle." this ingenious speech showed the cunning of some candidates for office even in those early times, and had the desired effect of winning the confidence of many of his dusky auditors. long talks followed within the circle by the chiefs, while preparations were being made for feast and dance around the council fire that night. aye, niagara! thou didst lull with thy awful and solemn voice as anxious and also as happy hearts beneath the soft furs that wrapped those dusky maidens--mingling their sweet voices with thy deep bass, dancing beneath the old trees on thy wild banks--as any there have been since in the princely halls where the old trees once stood, beneath silks and diamonds, that rival thy beautiful drops, to music that drowns for a time thine own tremendous voice. the attention of the chiefs being directed to grey eagle, the youthful chief stepped lightly but proudly in front of them. his manner plainly indicated him a brave warrior and hunter. as he spoke of his people, now nearly exterminated, he pointed out to the council the necessity, and expressed his willingness, of merging their existence in that of another tribe. many looked upon him with sympathy and regard. speaking of the foes of his people, his dark eyes lighted up with contemplated revenge--his mouth curled with contempt. he called them snakes with forked tongues; he wished to drive them from the ever green and pleasant valley of his fathers; he wished to share the land with his brothers of the snowy hills. he proved his skill as an orator by swaying the minds of his hearers, and amidst great rejoicing stepped back to the side of his own braves. the old sachem looked at him encouragingly, while the shy fawn, gathering up her no longer neglected wampum, bounded away to mingle with the indian maidens, followed by the devoted wolf, and the affectionate eyes of her father and of many admiring braves. the feast and dance continued long into the night; but sunrise found the warriors and braves straightening their arrows and sharpening their stony points and newly cording with sinews their idle bows, withing the heads of their tomahawks, war-clubs and spears. great and earnest preparations were made to follow the river in its noisy course past its dark whirling basin, down the stony mountain to where it mingles its wild dancing waves with the calm and beautiful lake, bringing only the faintest murmurs of the great falling waters to their favorite hunting grounds. within that valley, before the sun drops beneath the bright waves of ontario, will be decided by individual skill, unassisted by friendly influence, the right between black snake and his adopted brother, grey eagle, to fill the place made vacant by the death of war eagle. this was the decision of the women. among the indians genealogy is reckoned on the mother's side alone; and, therefore, the important business of selecting a candidate to fill the place of war eagle, who left no near relative, devolved upon the women, who decided the successful combatant was to be the future war chief of the tribe and claim the wampum with the old sachem's dark-eyed daughter. sympathy was pictured in most of the faces of those dark warriors, when passing the great oak's wigwam they beheld the moist eyes and tender leave-taking of that heroic old chief and his motherless child, whose future depended so much on the coming contest, as following one after another they disappeared in the forest. "the gentle fawn will stay in the shadow of her wigwam and work on her wampum." and the old chief, whose words were law, also disappeared, following the narrow winding path, watched by the fawn till the dense foliage hid him from her view. without hearing the slightest noise the fawn felt a hand upon her shoulder. turning quickly, she beheld the pleasant face of grey eagle. turning his hand in formal recognition, he addressed her: "the grey eagle's eyes are very true, and his arms are very strong; shall he shut his eyes when he draws his bow?" "may grey eagle's aim never be truer or his arm stronger than to-day." and love-light flashed from the soft eyes of the pretty seneca maid. "the fawn has spoken well; grey eagle hears. when the wish-ton-wish sings his evening song grey eagle will be here again. the fawn will welcome him." the last of the warriors disappeared, followed by the old women and children, the latter with shouts and songs, going far towards the brow of the mountain, where evening would still find most of them gathering sticks and pine cones to light the evening fires. about seven miles from the great cataract, towards the north, when following the river, is seen the famous queenston heights, where the force of waters has cut through solid rocks to a depth of about three hundred feet, and it is equaled in grandeur only by the cataract itself. this deep chasm in winding from the falls forms the great whirlpool--the terror of the poor aboriginals. from the brow of the mountain the most gorgeous landscape bursts upon the view. a splendid picture, with the broad waters of lake ontario, forms a magnificent background. the mountain sides are broken by deep ravines and huge precipices rising to a great height. the scenery is wild beyond description. on the highest elevation of this rocky cliff, on the western shore, stands the pillar of brock, like a giant, guarding the borders of the queen's dominion. under the eye, at the foot of the mountain, nestles the pretty village of lewiston. the banks of the river are lower and less rugged, and here commence the beautiful flats that reach to the shore of ontario. the lake from this elevation is seen like a miniature ocean, spreading far and wide until clouds and water blend. on the left, the foaming, dashing river, passing furiously through the rocky gorge, here becomes quiet, winding its peaceful way through woods and meadows, its soft liquid blue dividing the dominion from the united states, and gradually widening until its waters mingle with ontario. there, standing opposite, and frowning upon each other, are the forts niagara and massussauga, where successively have contended french, english and americans. four villages appear within this view, on either side of the river, with their tall church spires, from which sweet, melancholy notes come floating on the air, tranquilizing the senses with the beautiful scene, interspersed by meadows and grain fields, thickly dotted with cottages, surrounded and half hidden among orchards and lovely gardens, disclosing hundreds of happy homes; while from this elevation deep repose gives softness to the whole picture. the same beautiful river and lake and rock-bound mountain surrounded the indian's favorite hunting-ground; but a dense forest, divided by marshy creeks, protected their game and sheltered themselves. thus secluded, hundreds of wild songsters filled the air with music, while the melancholy notes of the wish-ton-wish's evening song traditionally had power to sooth their savage natures. this sweet, pensive scenery, decked with summer's lovely green or autumn's wampum dyes, with morning's glittering dews or evening's fire-flies' transient gleams, illuminating the darkest places; the distant murmur of the waterfall, the sympathetic cooing of the wild ducks, the cedar-scented air, all tended to thrill the indian bosom with sensations not less melancholy, not less pleasing, than the present unsurpassed and magnificent view charms all beholders. seldom so many warriors met at one time on these quiet flats, and never contested champions more earnestly than did black snake and grey eagle on that day for the two prizes in one; never were spectators more enthusiastic. their triumphant whoops echoed along the river banks and their joyous applause animated the fatigued warriors, while side combatants of various ages fought their mimic battles, blending the whole in a scene of wild excitement and confusion. grey eagle was an expert archer, but he had found his equal; hence the conflict was so long, and had, from its even tenor, become so engrossing. one instant's hesitation would probably decide the contest with critics so quick to perceive with both eye and ear the least deviation from their standard customs. after passing successively through the exercise of war-clubs, spears and tomahawks, to the bow and arrow was left the decision. again preparing for the contest after their own fashion, omitting no caution or form, the combatants brought all their warrior skill into requisition. challenge after challenge was given and taken with equal confidence. the impression on the warrior spectators was exciting; admiration of such unexampled dexterity gradually increased, finally swelling into sounds that denoted lively opposition in sentiment, when suddenly, with an ominous flourish of his bow, as it fell at the feet of great oak, black snake with a single bound stood in front of the chiefs. this unexpected movement produced attention and silence while he spoke: "black snake sends a true arrow, but the manitou guided grey eagle's. the manitou whispered truths in the ear of great oak and defeated the evil spirit. the manitou says to war eagle: 'i send a warrior to your people to fill your place, and grey eagle, the chosen of the manitou, will be a great warrior.'" [illustration: grey eagle.] all of black snake's former pride and exultation seemed supplanted by humility. not the least demonstration of jealousy or revenge, was to be traced in his artful face, while he continued: "grey eagle will lead the young braves on the warpath. let our father send an offering to the manitou, that he may drive the evil spirit away from black snake, and he will be grey eagle's brother and fight by his side. black snake's arrows are true, and the cries of our enemies will fill the forest, while every squaw can deck her lodge with scalps." with an appealing glance at the circle of chiefs, black snake modestly retired and they held their talk. according to their customs, captives were either adopted by the captors and enjoyed all of the rights and privileges of the tribe and confederacy, or sentenced to death, attended by all of the horrors of savage torture. if adopted, the nation knew no difference between her own or adopted children. in the former council by the falling waters the chiefs had concluded to adopt grey eagle and his braves; therefore the women had an undisputed right to select him as one of the candidates for war eagle's successor, which nomination was ratified by the chiefs. the women being undecided between the rival candidates, left the final decision as before mentioned, to skill or chance. it was more through chance than skill that grey eagle won, for both were well-drilled, powerful warriors. but he had fairly won the two prizes, and the conclusion the chiefs came to was this: their great manitou had evidently sent him to them for some wise purpose. a human sacrifice must be made, as had long been their custom, for the manitou's good gifts and to redeem black snake from the power of the evil one, this sacrifice must be made while the moon was the brightest, which was the present time. it was that the bright light might more fully reveal the brilliant path of the just. as those sent as an offering to the manitou would go direct to the happy home above, freed from all trouble forever, when the selection was once made they would become reconciled, and make themselves believe it a great favor bestowed and cause of rejoicing. the subject for the sacrifice was most frequently selected by lot from a few the chiefs would name; but this time it was black snake's privilege to make the selection and arrangements, as he was next to grey eagle as a warrior, and then the sacrificed spirit was especially to atone to the offended manitott for black snake's rashness while under the influence of the evil spirit. at a signal for silence from great oak he made known these conclusions, and black snake again came forward, and, with a great deal of self-depreciation, expressed his wishes as follows: "after the calumet with the soothing kinny-kinnick shall refresh each chief, while its light curling clouds bear their good resolutions on high, let great oak and grey eagle be first on the backward trail; rising the big stony hill, still keeping the trail, without entering any lodge, the first one their eyes rest upon--be it one of the men, one of the women, or one of the children--will be the one the manitou wants. let the manitou make his own selection: black snake is not worthy." during the delivery of this speech; his swarthy countenance kindled with a satisfied expression well calculated to conceal the dark malicious plans that struggled in his breast. his very nostrils appeared to dilate with hidden exultation. hurriedly passing the calumet, soon a light, fragrant cloud from the sweet-scented kinny-kinnick rose on the air like evening incense, making valid and unchangeable each resolve that tribunal of chiefs had passed. while they were yet smoking, black snake, recovering his bow and arrow, called for some young braves who could track the deer and help carry the venison back to their lodges, as a feast and dance accompanied each council. the chiefs would smoke in the shade until the fiery eye of the manitou, satisfied with the purposes and promises of his simple-hearted children, would fall asleep beyond the waters of ontario, where already the last rays were beginning to color clouds and waves, till lake and sky seemed a bright vision of the promised land the doomed one must soon enter. "the hunters will be back here before the wish-ton-wish sings, if the chiefs are gone the hunters will follow," said black snake, as himself and about twenty dusky boys, flourishing their bows and arrows, leaped along the skirt of the forest and soon disappeared. they wound their way towards the east, where the deer frequented a marshy tract of land, black snake now assuming all the superiority of a chief and leader, his boasting, haughty manner returning, as he related what great deeds he could do, and his name would make his enemies tremble. having excited sufficient awe and veneration among those artless indian boys, he pointed to fresh tracks, and waving his hand to the north, said: "the deer have gone to the clear water to drink; the young-brave who kills the first deer shall follow in the steps of black snake on the war-path. black snake will go prepare for the feast and dance, and the evening fire for the great chiefs; the young braves follow with their venison the back trail; they will not go before the old chiefs." this sudden and unexpected announcement was received with a joyous shout by the aspiring young braves, who, thus stimulated, quickly disappeared, leaving black snake alone. a hasty glance at the sky showed him the manitou's eye had moved but little since he left the chiefs, and had some ways yet to travel before disappearing for the night, and his satisfied look said, "'tis well," for black snake had much to do and much to bring about before the fiery eye would again throw his searching rays upon this wild and wayward child of the forest. a fierce and fixed expression settled on his swarthy features, contradicting all that assumed humility while in the presence of the chiefs. following a direct path to the south-west, with his fast indian lope, crossing the creeks on the well-known beaver bridges, nothing impeded his speed, and in an incredibly short time he found himself on the brow of the great stony hill, where his path soon struck the river trail, leaving the council of chiefs many miles behind him to the north. he gave a peculiar whoop, composed, of a quick succession of notes terminating in a prolonged sound, which made the forest ring till it died away in the distance, silencing terrified bird and squirrel and making the stillness that followed doubly still. speeding on toward the lodge, as he neared the great water-fall, he again repeated the shrill call; this time faint answers reached him from different directions. then a sharp, solitary note, repeated at short intervals, and answered, in the same, manner, and with the exclamation "hugh!" in a satisfied tone, the tired warrior seated himself for the first time since morning at the root of a large tree, holding his head in his dark sinewy hands, as if that was more weary even than his' over-exercised limbs. soon there appeared several indian boys and old women from different sides of the trail. he held a hasty confidential talk with them. that he did not truthfully explain anything, in fact, misrepresented the whole, was only too natural for black snake. but in his own way he revealed the final decision, making a double sacrifice of the human offering--both body and soul; he told them their spirits would be given to the evil one and sent to the turbulent waters, there to be whirled forever in sight of the bright path they never could follow. this story, as calculated, struck terror to the hearts of his awe-stricken hearers, and had the desired effect. instantly the dense foliage hid their frightened faces as they fled from the river trail, and only the mimic cry of bird or animal known as a warning of danger to all within hearing, the leaping or plunging through the underbrush was all the eye or ear could detect after black snake's communication, which sent the berry pickers and cone gatherers back with the fleetness of the deer to hide themselves in their lodges. black snake was again following with his greatest speed the river trail, not pausing till near the great oak's lodge, where, assuming the position and actions of the reptile whose name he bore, he crawled to the side of the wigwam, where, unobserved, he watched for a few moments its solitary occupant. seated on a robe of the soft furs of the beaver, weaving the plaits on her how highly prized wampum, while the prolonged gaze, interrupted with restless flashing from the dark eyes of the fawn, bespoke the anxiety, with which she had waited the result of that long, long day, which would also decide her fate. wearied with picturing the future in its brilliant lights and dark shades, as grey eagle and black snake alternately figured in her thoughts, and wearied with waiting for the song of the evening birds, she is suddenly startled from her meditation as a shadow falls across the lodge, and black snake stands before her. springing to her feet and spasmodically grasping the wampum, fearing black snake had been victorious and had come for his reward, was the impulse of the moment; but the subdued and brotherly manner assumed by black snake reassured as he gently addressed her. "the grey eagle is a great chief, and black snake is his brother. grey eagle looks as he rises on the stony-hill for his wampum, that he may sit in the circle, of chiefs. shall the swaying reed meet grey eagle with her wampum? is the fawn too timid to go? black snake will stay with the fawn and let swaying reed fly on the trail towards the stony hill." "no! no!" exclaimed the fawn. "the swaying reed loves black snake; her feet would be slow on the trail to carry the wampum to grey eagle. the fawn will go to meet her father and the tall chief, while black snake sings in the ear of swaying reed, who is never tired of the voice she loves so much." "the fawn has spoken well; but grey eagle must take the wampum from the one his eyes rest first upon as he rises on the stony hill. the fawn saw the indian women follow the trail towards the great flats to gather berries and pine cones; she must shame the moose in her flight, and hide under the bushes, if she would see great oak, and grey eagle first as they mount the hill. if the fawn would fill the pipe and kindle the fire for grey eagle in his own wigwam, let him not know she is near until she stands before him. i have said." "the fawn's ears have been open; her feet will not be slow; she will follow the hidden path, until she reaches the great rocks of the hill. the fawn will do as her brother tells her. the swaying reed is waiting for black snake." and ere the day songsters had finished their sweet melody, or the wish-ton-wish [footnote: whippoorwill.] had yet commenced its evening song, the half frightened indian maid had hid herself near the summit of the hill, under foliage so dense, she felt not the fast falling dew, as breathless she waited the coming steps. from her safe hiding place she saw the white plume of grey eagle waving over his happy, excited face, as with his light elastic step he appeared first; erect and tall like the cedars around him. next came her father whose wrinkled countenance, softened with paternal care and watchfulness, had long lost the fierceness and native fire of his youth, followed closely by his chiefs. he passed slowly along the trail, hardly daring to raise his eyes, it being the death warrant to whomsoever they should fall upon. suddenly the bushes parted and the fawn bounded into her father's arms. to accurately describe the agony of this scene would be impossible; consternation for a moment held them spell-bound; horror was pictured in faces so long trained to conceal the workings of the mind, and for the first time the fawn remained uncaressed in her father's arms. astonished and grieved she turned to grey eagle; the light had fled from his face, and his soul apparently; he seemed petrified and lifeless as the rock he stood upon. even the poor wolf, missing his usual attention, or from some inexplicable cause, commenced to howl pitifully as he leaped from one to another. the spell was broken by a young chief not old enough yet to feel the responsibility of the customs of his fathers, from which life nor death would tempt older chief to deviate, hopefully exclaiming: "it was the wolf the sagamore's eyes fell upon first; it was the wolf the manitou sent. he wants him to put into the far off hunting ground." for an instant, only an instant, hope flitted across the face of the doting, and heart broken lover. with the stoicism so natural to these people, they attempted to hide their grief, but too plainly their ill concealed tears betrayed, while they unlocked the almost paralyzed tongue. "did my daughter find her lodge too warm, that she ventured so far away in the dew? were her ears closed when her father bid her stay in the shadow of her lodge?" "the fawn was sent by black snake to meet her father," she replied. "would grey eagle have the fawn wait for the song of the wish-ton-wish, while the black snake sung in her ears; and the swaying reed carried her wampum to the chief with the white plume? the swaying reed loves black snake; and black snake sent the fawn with her wampum, that the eyes of her father and the young chief might fall on her first as they rose the great hill." amazement and stupefaction sat for a moment on the features of the indians during the delivery of this speech. their swarthy countenances kindled with a fierce expression that told so well the dark thoughts that struggled in their hearts at the perfidy of black snake who had exercised his vengeance in so unmerciful a manner. the threatening tomahawks that filled the air at this convincing proof of his malicious designs, would have terrified any other than that sly, cunning chief. as villains of the present day so often protect themselves with the strong arm of the law intended for their suppression, so black snake knowing so well the customs of his people, used their own well meant laws to carry out his sinister plans, and protect himself in so doing. again amidst the tumult the young chief insisted: "it was the wolf the chief saw first; 'twas the wolf the manitou wanted." so many endorsed the young chief that confusion for the time prevented great oak from speaking, which might have been mistaken for yielding; when that crafty chief springing from among the ever-green bushes, confronted the chiefs, and in a loud voice of ferocious exultation and of triumph, tauntingly demanded: "what says the sagamore? does he tell the young warriors a lie? the wolf was in the arms of black snake when the fawn was in the arms of her father." turning with an annihilating look upon the base indian, whose last sentence conveyed an unpardonable taunt to any indian chief, the sagamore, with the firmness of the rocks around him and in clear distinct words replied: "dare pass judgement upon the deeds of a sachem who hath sat in council with thy father's father? look to thyself black snake, the hissing spirits in the boiling waters below are calling for thee. i have said." bestowing upon his daughter a long look of thwarted love and final resignation, in words at once unyieldingly firm, but full of, the indians' bright hopes and promises for the future, he pronounced her doom, which none dared question. "my child, the manitou hath need of thee; thou must soon travel the bright path and join thy mother beyond the clouds. the big moon shows the path brightest now; and that thou mayst not stumble or lose thy way, go prepare thyself at once as the child of thy father should, to joyfully carry the gifts most precious to the great manitou for the welfare of thy people. i have said." the real or pretended indifference to pleasure or pain, one of the great characteristics of the american indian, even to the joyful manner they would yield, without resistance and evidently without sufficient cause, to torture and death, was owing greatly to the sudden and unalterable decisions of their chiefs, governed by customs formed from their views of a future state, over-ruling all earthly ambitions of these untutored people. such terrible dooms! the sentence and execution so quickly following each other, and apparently falling upon the poor victim at once, the shock paralyzing their faculties, while pride concealing their softer feelings, transforms them so suddenly into what appears beings indifferent and insensible to the suffering and distress of death and separation or to the expectation of enjoyment and happiness here on earth to themselves or others. thus comprehending her inevitable situation and feeling it an honor to be the selected of the manitou to guide the birchen-bark with precious gifts over the precipice to the happy forest in eternity, where she would meet her long remembered mother, the doomed maiden replied, with tearful smile and subdued voice, "i go my father," and immediately disappeared among the wild vines and bushes that border the banks of niagara, followed closely by her faithful wolf. the setting sun that day shed its last rays and warmth upon a busy and sorrowful scene, around thy roaring cataract, oh, cruel unrelenting fall of waters softly painting with mellow light the trees, rocks and thy wild children, unmindful alike, of the sad though customary, preparations for the sacrifice hurriedly proceeding: the women decking with shells and flowers the fairest maiden in their tribe, so soon to pass from them forever; the chiefs wrapped in the pride of indian endurance hide from each other their feelings no tear betrays, or thoughts even mar the serenity of their countenances, which indicated only submission to fate while the necessary ceremonies were being provided for; and they filled the flower decked bark, moored in the little eddy above the rapids, with highly valuable contributions; and lighted the great pine-fires for the feast and dance, so well furnished and prepared by black snake, while daylight faded into night, heralded by invisible singers from the surrounding trees, pouring forth their sleepy monotonous songs, varying only at times in a higher and wilder key, then dying away in the endless roar of the turbulent waters around them. the full moon ascending majestically above the horizon, with its pale, wavering light softened into beauty the rough rocks and banks, revealing the brilliant and beautiful path that one by one, the wisest and best of their tribe, had followed. showering its light upon the narrow river path, already filled with the sad hearted maidens leading the submissive fawn to the waiting boat in the quiet little bay; they hushed the noisy feast with their low sweet voices as they sung her virtues, followed by a subdued and curious crowd of every age and sex. about stepping from the rock to her boat, the fawn turned to her sire, but e'er she spoke the sachem answered her appealing look. "i have no word or gift to send by thee my child. thou art my all. the great oak will soon fall, but in falling must crush his enemies. thy father will follow thee on the beautiful trail when the manitou next lights the way," turning, as he finished, his back towards the river, while the fawn placed herself with mechanical helplessness in the boat. instantly the unnoticed, but faithful wolf, sprung after her. arms were stretched to pull him out, but the sachem's voice caused them to fall by the sides of the officious forms to which they belonged. "the manitou calls whom he hath use for. if he sent my child through the artfulness of that young chief to the brow of the big hill, he hath also called the wolf, because he hath need of him; let him go. i have said." the little bark, held firmly by strong ropes twisted from the inside bark of the elm, and fastened to both ends of the boat and to the side next to the shore, the other ends of the rope held by the weeping maidens who followed the river path, slowly towing the little bark to a point near the brink of the cataract, on the east border of the river, where a platform of flat rocks whose uneven portions appear here and there above the surface of the water, form a solid foundation to its unsandy shore. there tossing the ropes from them, the light canoe drawn by the powerful current would dance only a moment on the bounding waves, ere it launched into the misty region surrounding the mystical path, where transition is hid from mortal eye. slowly drawn by the reluctant girls, the fawn commenced her death song, a simple address to the manitou, while her thoughts evidently clung to her earthly friends. "thou hath called. great manitou, from thy forest on high, i come, i'll follow thy wampum-dyed path through the sky; thy gifts hath been poured on the chieftains and braves, they send thee their child on the dark boiling waves; soon in the beautiful path she will be, loaded with tears so precious for thee; the grief of my sire, the grief of my brave, oh! precious the load on this terrible wave; but cheered by my chief, as the last leap draws nigh, can i look back and see him from thy path in the sky? one look, o manitou! 'ere my face rams from my father and brave, where my heart still yearns; that look; and their tears my offering shall be, oh precious the load i'll carry to thee, as my spirit will rise in the mist o'er the wave, while my body floats down to its watery grave." suddenly her song was interrupted by another wail, commencing low and gradually rising, till its clear notes seemed to fill the surrounding woods, mingling with the shrieks of the wind as it wound round the prominent rocks they were slowly approaching. there on the very rock where the fawn's little bark would dart away from the open hands of the sad lamenting maidens, stood unobserved by all but his own braves, the tall figure of grey eagle, dimly seen through the suddenly cloudy moonlight, erect against the dark back ground of the forest, singing in an exulting voice and manner, words that betrayed his intentions, which none would dare prevent, or set at naught if accepted by the manitou,--a free spontaneous gift of life on his part, as shown in the words that floated on the night air to the ears of his hearers. "thou lift'st not thy hand, which only can save the dark-eyed maid from thy terrible wave; she is tender and timid, oh! great manitou! in the arms of her brave to thee she must go, in the arms of her brave take the terrible flight, together their spirits shall, rise into light." as the ropes fell, from the trembling hands of the towing maidens, the moon in mercy seemed to hide her face beneath a cloud, veiling in darkness the fearful tragedy, as the fawn floated off on the pitiless wave. a splash; a struggle; a wild howl, filled the air, echoing from rock to rock and from shore to shore. one ray of light from between the clouds revealed the little boat, as poised an instant in the misty vapor over the boiling surge, and dark forms gathered on the rocks from whence the bark had just departed; while shout and strife and angry threats grew loud among the warlike group madly struggling on that brink of eternity. great oak alone could quell the tumult. followed by some sympathizing chiefs he wound his way among the promiscuous crowd already gathered. on the shore near the brink of the falling waters, on the stony tables extending far out into the water, stood grey eagle's warriors, firm as the rocks beneath them. in the center of this group, almost a prisoner of his own braves, was the speechless grey eagle; at his feet crouched the powerful wolf over the prostrate form of the insensible fawn, alternately howling and licking her face. at the appearance of the old chief clamor ceased, and with difficulty the astonished father was made to understand the cause of the excitement. at the moment of the indian girls freeing the boat, the natural instinct of the wolf apprised him of her danger; instantly springing to his loved mistress, fastening his powerful jaws in her deer skin dress, the faithful beast tumbled into the water, struggling with fear and more than common strength to the rock where stood the almost petrified grey eagle, who then recognized the omnipotent power that moved to save. being surrounded by his own braves who quickly and thoughtfully passed them to the shore, re-commenced the pow-wow in which black snake's voice was heard above all the others, calling on the manitou to let his wrath fall on the strangers for robbing him of his gifts, and not on the open hands of his own people, and calling for help to toss them all into the boiling waters, to avert the wrath of the manitou from themselves, he tried to suit his actions to his words. his voice was last heard on the brink of the precipice, as if in a deadly contest. when the sachem and the other chiefs agreed the manitou had taken what he wanted, and given the rest back to his sorrowful children, black snake was not there. when the pine cones were piled high on the big fire, and grey eagle was proclaimed war-chief, and the wolf as a totem thereafter to the mingle tribes of great oak's and grey eagle's people, and was marked indelibly on each warrior, black snake was not there. when the feast and dance commenced and the now animated fawn, in the presence of all the chiefs, gave her wampum to grey eagle, and the night wore away with wild festivities, as chief after chief silently disappeared, as they had appeared, in the dark winding paths over the hills and around marshes to their distant homes; and peace and happiness again spread around old niagara, while the sassafras' fragrant smoke from their cheerful wigwams mingling with the cataract's cloudy mist, rose like incense to their manitou, black snake still was not there; and only for the swaying reed wandering up and down the vine tangled banks, ever looking among the rocks, and listening for a well remembered step, or some mimic note of the departed brave, he would have passed from their memories as he had from the sight of the noble and generous wolf tribe created and loved of the great manitou of niagara. this file was produced from images generously made available by the canadian institute for historical microreproductions. a treatise on the six-nation indians by j. b. mackenzie --------------------- (_page --lines - _.) it has seemed to me that it was not quite ingenuous in myself to attribute to the indian writer in question (rev. peter jones), the reflection on his countrymen, obviously conveyed in my expression, "discovering in him such in-dwelling monsters as revenge, mercilessness, implacability." that writer's position, more fairly apprehended, is this: that, while confessing these to be blots on the indian nature, in the abstract, he yet seeks to fasten them on _many_ whites as well. --------------------- a treatise on the six-nation indians by j. b. mackenzie preface. the little production presented in these pages was designed for, and has been used as, a lecture; and i have wished to preserve, without emendation, the form and character of the lecture, as it was delivered. j. b. m. a treatise on the six nation indians introductory as knowledge of the traditions, manners, and national traits of the indians, composing, originally, the six distinct and independent tribes of the mohawks, tuscaroras, onondagas, senecas, oneidas, and cayugas; tribes now merged in, and known as, the six nations, possibly, does not extend beyond the immediate district in which they have effected a lodgment, i have laid upon myself the task of tracing their history from the date of their settlement in the county of brant, entering, at the same time, upon such accessory treatment as would seem to be naturally suggested or embraced by the plan i have set before me. as the essay, therefore, proposes to deal, mainly, with the contemporary history of the indian, little will be said of his accepted beliefs, at an earlier epoch, or of the then current practices built upon, and enjoined by, his traditionary faith. frequent visits to the indian's reservation, on the south bank of the grand river, have put me in the way of acquiring oral data, which shall subserve my intention; and i shall prosecute my attempt with the greater hope of reaping a fair measure of success, since i have fortified my position with gleanings (bearing, however, solely on minor matters of fact) from some few published records, which have to do with the history of the indian, generally, and have been the fruitful labour of authors of repute and standing, native as well as white. should the issue of failure attend upon my effort, i shall be disposed to ascribe it to some not obscure reason connected with literary style and execution, rather than to the fact of there not having been adequate material at hand for the purpose. the indian's conditions of settlement. the conditions which govern the indian's occupation of his reserve are, probably, so well known, that any extended reference under this head will be needless. he ceded the whole of his land to the government, this comprising, originally, a tract which pursued the entire length of the grand river, and, accepting it as the radiating point, extended up from either side of the river for a distance of six miles, to embrace an area of that extent. the government required the proprietary right to the land, in the event of their either desiring to maintain public highways through it themselves, or that they might be in a position to sanction, or acquiesce in, its use or expropriation by railway corporations, for the running of their roads; or for other national or general purposes. the surrender on the part of the indian was not, however, an absolute one, there having been a reservation that he should have a reservation, of adequate extent, and the fruit of the tilling of which he should enjoy as an inviolable privilege. as regards the money-consideration for this land, the government stand to the indian in the relation of trustees, accounting for, and apportioning to, him, through the agency of their officer and appointee, the indian superintendent, at so much _per capita_ of the population, the interest arising out of the investment of such money. _sales_ of lands among themselves are permissible; but these, for the most part, narrow themselves down to cases where an indian, with the possession of a good lot, of fair extent, and with a reasonable clearing, vested in him, leaves it, to pursue some calling, or follow some trade, amongst the whites; and treats, perhaps, with some younger indian, who, disliking the pioneer work involved in taking up some uncultured place for himself, and preferring to make settlement on the comparatively well cultivated lot, buys it. the government, also, allow the indian, though as a matter of sufferance, or, in other words, without bringing the law to bear upon him for putting in practice what is, strictly speaking, illegal, to _rent_ to a white the lot or lots on which he may be located, and to receive the rent, without sacrifice or alienation of his interest-money. continued non-residence entails upon the non-resident the forfeiture of his interest. the indian is, of course, a minor in the eye of the law, a feature of his estate, with the disabilities it involves, i shall dwell upon more fully at a later stage. should the indian intermarry with a white woman, the receipt of his interest-allowance is not affected or disturbed thereby, the wife coming in, as well, for the benefits of its bestowal; but should, on the other hand, an indian woman intermarry with a white man, such act compels, as to herself, acceptance, in a capitalized sum, of her annuities for a term of ten years, with their cessation thereafter; and entails upon the possible issue of the union _absolute_ forfeiture of interest-money. in any connection of the kind, however, that may be entered into, the indian woman is usually sage and provident enough to marry one, whose hold upon worldly substance will secure her the domestic ease and comforts, of which the non-receipt of her interest would tend to deprive her. should the eventuality arise of the indian woman dying before her husband, the latter must quit the place, which was hers only conditionally, though the indian council will entertain a reasonable claim from him, to be recouped for any possible outlay he may have made for improvements. the government confer upon the indian the privilege of a resident medical officer, who is paid by them, and whose duty it is to attend, without expectation of fee or compensation of any kind, upon the sick. his relation, however, to the government is not so defined as to preclude his acceptance of fees from whites resident on the reserve, provided the advice be sought at his office. the government, probably, being well aware of the stress of work under which their medical appointee chronically labours, and appreciating the consequent unlikelihood of this privilege being exercised to the prejudice of the indian, have not, as yet, shorn him of it. another privilege that the indian enjoys, and which was granted to him by enactment subsequent to that which assured to him his reserve, is that of transit at half-fare grates on the different railroads. this is a right which he neither despises, nor, in any way, affects to despise, since it meets, and is suited to, his common condition of slender and straitened means. the moderate charge permits him to avail frequently of the privilege at seasons (which comprehend, in truth, the greater portion of the year) when the roads are almost unfit for travel, the indian, as a rule, going in for economy in locomotive exercise (so my judgment decrees, though it has been claimed for him that, at an earlier period of his history, walking was congenial to him) hailing and adopting gladly the medium which obviates recourse to it. his meetings of council. the indian council has a province more important than that which our municipal councils exercise. its decisions as to disputes growing out of real estate transactions, unless clearly wrong, have in them the force of law. the ordinary council is a somewhat informal gathering as regards a presiding officer or officers, and, also, in respect of that essential feature of a quorum, for which similar bodies among ourselves hold out so exactingly. the chiefs of the tribes, who, alone, are privileged to participate in discussions, can scarcely be looked upon in the light of presidents of the meeting; nor can there be discovered in the privileges or duties of any one of them the functions of a presiding officer. the chiefs of the mohawks and senecas, who sit on the left of the house, initiate discussion on all questions. the debating is then transferred to the opposite side of the house, where are seated the chiefs of the tuscaroras, oneidas, and cayugas, and is carried on by these chiefs. the chiefs of the onondagas, who are called "fire-keepers" (of the origin of the name "fire-keeper," i will treat further, anon) then speak to the motion, or upon the measure, and, finally, decide everything; and they are, in view of this power of finality of decision with all questions, regarded as the most important chiefs among the confederated tribes. the decision of the "fire-keepers" does not, by any means, always show concurrence in what may have been the _consensus_ of opinion expressed by previous speakers, very frequently, indeed, embodying sentiments directly opposite to the weight of the judgment with those speakers. as illustrating, more pointedly, the arbitrary powers committed to these chiefs, they may import into the debate a fresh and hitherto unbroached line of discussion, and, following it, may argue from a quite novel standpoint, and formulate a decision based upon some utterly capricious leaning of their own. i have not been able to learn whether the decision of these chiefs, to be valid, requires to be established by their unanimous voice, or simply by a majority of the body. the reason or cogency of the system of debate followed in the indian council has not seemed to me clearly demonstrable; nor is the cause for the honour attaching to the chiefs of the mohawks and senecas, and of the onondagas, respectively, of commencing and closing discussion, very explicable. i believe, however, that the principle of kinship subsisting between the tribes, the chiefs of which are thus singled out for these duties, governs, in some way, the practice adopted; and am led, also, to imagine that exceptional functions, in other matters as well, vest in these chiefs; and that they enjoy, in general, precedence over the chiefs of the other tribes. the chiefs in council take cognizance of the internal concerns, and control and administer, generally, the internal affairs, of the community. there are often special and extraordinary deliberations of the body, which involve discussion upon points that transcend the operation of the indian acts, and require the government to be represented; and, in these cases, the indian superintendent, whose presence is necessary to confer validity on any measure passed, is the presiding officer. as mention is made here of the superintendent, or, as his title runs in full, the visiting superintendent and commissioner, it will be opportune now to define his powers, so far as i understand them. it may be said, in general, that he exercises supervisory power over everything that concerns the well-being and interests of the indian. by the representations made by him to the government in his reports (and by those, of course, who hold the like office in other indian districts) has been initiated nearly every law, or amendment to a law, which the pages of the indian acts disclose. he will often watch (though in his commission no obligation, i believe, rests upon him to do this) the trial of an indian, where some one of the graver crimes is involved, that he may, perchance, arrive at the impelling cause for its perpetration. this may have had its origin, perhaps, in the criminal's having over-indulged in drink, or in his having resigned himself to some immoral bent; or it may have been connected, generally, with some deluging of the community with immorality. if, haply, the origin of the crime be traced, the superintendent embodies in his report a reccommendation looking to a change in the law, which shall tend to suppress and control the evil. if there be indication that a particular order of crime prevails, or that, unhappily, some new departure in its melancholy category is being practised, it will, again, be his place to represent the situation to the government, to the end that a healthier state of things may be brought about. he is authorized, in certain cases, to make advances on an individual indian's account, and, also, on the general account, where some emergency affecting the entire tribe arises, such as a failure of the crops, confronting the indian with the serious, and, but for this governmental provision, insuperable, difficulty of finding the outlay for seeding for the next season's operations. it is customary for the superintendent to attend important examinations of the indian schools, that he may have light upon the pupils' progress, and may report accordingly. where an occurrence of unusual moment in the history of any of the churches takes place; the projecting, perhaps, of some fresh spiritual campaign amongst the indians; or one, marking some specially auspicious event, he will often lend his presence, with the view to enlightenment as to the spiritual state of his charges. i have already said, that through the agency of the superintendent, the indian receives his interest-money, and it may, perhaps, be interesting to detail the manner in which this is usually drawn. the tribes are told off for this purpose, and, i believe, certain other purposes, into a number of bands; and a given day is set (or, perhaps, three or four days are assigned) whereon the members of a particular band shall be privileged to draw. if the drawing of the money be not marked by that expedition which the plan is designed to secure, but rather suggests that there are a number of stragglers yet to come forward to exercise their right, the turn of another band comes, and so on, the straggling ones of each band being treated with last. it is usual for the head of each family to draw for himself and his domestic circle. the present incumbent of the superintendent's office is a gentleman of fine parts, and one who has striven, during a term of nearly twenty years, with tact and ability, to conserve the interests of the indian. speaking of tact, the indian character exacts a large display of it from one whose relation to him is such as that which the superintendent occupies, his overseer and, to a large extent, his mentor. there have been outcries against his course in some matters, though these have been indulged in only a small section; but the indian chafes under direction, and is, for the most part, a chronic grumbler; and his discontent frequently finds expression in delegations to the government, which, though they _may_ be planned with the view of ventilating some grievance, are more generally conceived of by him in the light of happy expedients for giving play to his oratory, or for setting about to establish his pretensions to eminence in that regard, in a somewhat exacting quarter; or, mayhap, for conveying to the powers that be, by palpable demonstration, the fact of his continued existence, and more, of his continued _dissatisfied_ existence. but to return to the council. where complaint of irregular dealing is preferred by either party to a transfer or sale of real estate, it comes within the scope of the chief's powers to decree an equitable basis upon which such transfer or sale shall henceforward be viewed, and carried out. the jurisdiction of the chiefs also ranges over such matters as the considering of applications from members of the various tribes for licensing the sale to whites of timber, stone, or other valuable deposit, with which the property of such applicants may be enriched; and they likewise treat with applications for relief from members of the tribes, whom physical incapacity debars from earning living, or who have been reduced to an abject state of poverty and indigence; and have authority to supplement the interest-annuities of such, should they see fit, with suitable amounts. the silent adjudging of a question is something abhorrent to the genius of the indian, and is in reality unknown. dishonouring thus the custom, he can grandly repudiate the contemptuous epithet of "voting machine;" so unsparingly directed against, and pitilessly fastening upon, certain ignoble legislators among ourselves. the manner of proceeding that obtained with the ojibways was somewhat different from the practice i have detailed, and i allude to it now, because the tribe of the delawares, who are now treated as an off-shoot of the oneidas, and are merged with their kin in the six nations, belonged originally to the ojibways. with them the decision was come to according to the opinions expressed by the majority of the speakers--a plan resolving itself into the system of a show of hands (or a show of _tongues_, which shall it be?) it having been customary for all who proposed to pass upon a measure to speak as well. the issue upheld by the greater number of hands shown, naturally, as with us, succeeded. where a measure, in the progress of discussion, proved unpopular, it was dropped, an arrangment which should convey a wise hint to certain bodies i wot of. it will be readily gathered from what has been said, that the method of voting, in order to establish what is the judgment of the greater number, does not prevail with the indian councils. his oratory. as it is at his meetings of council, and during the discussions that are there provoked, that the indian's powers of oratory come, for the most part, into play, and secure their freest indulgence, that will appropriately constitute my next head. we are permitted to adjudge the manner and style of the indian's oratory, whether they be easy or strained; graceful or stiff; natural or affected; and we may, likewise, discover, if his speech be flowing or hesitating; but it is denied to us, of course, to appreciate in any degree, or to appraise his utterances. i should say the indian fulfils the largest expectations of the most exacting critic, and the highest standard of excellence the critic may prescribe, in all the branches of oratory that may (with his province necessarily fettered) fitly engage his attention, or be exposed to his hostile shafts. the indian has a marvellous control over facial expression, and this, undeniably, has a powerful bearing upon true, effective, heart-moving oratory. though his _spoken_ language is to us as a sealed book, his is a mobility of countenance that will translate into, and expound by, a language shared by universal humanity, diverse mental emotions; and assure, to the grasp of universal human ken, the import of those emotions; that will express, in turn, fervor, pathos, humor; that, to find its completest purpose of unerringly revealing each passion, alternately, and for the nonce, swaying the human breast, will traverse, as it were, and compass, and range over the entire gamut of human emotion. the indian's grace and aptness of gesture, also, in a measure, bespeak and proclaim commanding oratory. the power, moreover, which with the indian resides in mere gesture, as a medium for disclosing and laying bare the thoughts of his mind, is truly remarkable. observe the indian interpreter in court, while in the exercise of that branch of his duty which requires that the evidence of an english-speaking witness or, at all events, that portion of it which would seem to inculpate the prisoner at the bar, or bear upon his crime, shall be given to him in his own tongue; and, having been intent upon getting at the drift of the testimony, mark how dexterously the interpreter brings gesture and action into play, wherever the narration involves unusual incident or startling episode, provoking their use! what a reality and vividness does he not throw, in this way, into the whole thing! it records, truly, a triumph of mimetic skill. again, the opportune gesture used by the indian in enforcing his speaking must seem so patent, in the light of the after-revelation by the interpreter, that we can scarcely err in confiding in it as a valuable aid in adjudging his qualities of oratory. we are, often, indeed, put in possession of the facts, in anticipation of the province of the interpreter, who merely steps in, with his more perfect key, to confirm our preconceived interpretation. it may be contended by some gainsayer, that the indian vocabulary, being so much less full and rich than our own, gesture and action serve but to cover up dearth of words, and are, in truth, well-nigh the sum of the indian's oratory; a judgment which, while, perhaps, conceding to the indian honour as a pantomimist, denies him eminence as a true orator. this may or may not be an aptly taken objection, yet i have no hesitation in assigning the indian high artistic rank in these regards, and would fain, indeed, accept him as a prime educator in this important branch of oratory. the attention of his hearers, which an indian speaker of recognized merit arrests and sustains, also lends its weight to substantiate his claim, to good oratory; unless, indeed, the discriminating faculties of the hearers be greatly at fault, which would caution us not to esteem this the guide to correct judgment in the matter that it usually forms. the indian enlivens his speaking with frequent humorisms, and has, i should say, a finely-developed humorous side to his character; and, if the zest his hearers extract from allusions of this nature be not inordinate or extravagant, or do not favor a false or too indulgent estimate, i would pronounce him an excessively entertaining, as well as a vigorous, speaker. there are in the indian tongue no very complex, rules of grammar. this being so, the indian, pursuing the study of oratory, needs not to undertake the mastery of unelastic and difficult rules, like those which our own language comprehends; or to acquire correct models of grammatical construction for his guidance; and, being fairly secure against his accuracy in these regards being impeached by carping critics, even among his own brethren, can better and more readily uphold a claim to good oratory than one of ourselves, whose government in speaking, by strict rules of grammar is essential, and whom ignorance or contempt of those rules would betray into solecisms in its use, which would attract unsparing criticism, and, indeed, be fatal to his pretensions in this direction. his physical mien and characteristics. it will be interesting, perhaps, to notice the particulars, as to physical conformation, in which the indian differs from his white brother. he maintains a higher average as to height, to fix which at five feet ten would, i think, be a just estimate. it is rare, however, to find him attain the exceptional stature, quite commonly observed with the white, though, where he yields to the latter in this respect, there is compensation for it in the way of greater breadth and compactness. there are, of course, isolated cases, in which he is distinguished by as great height as has ever been reached by ordinary man, and, in these instances, i have never failed to notice that his form discloses almost faultless proportions, the indian being never ungainly or gaunt. i think, on the whole, that i do no injustice to the white man, when i credit the indian with a better-knit frame than himself. i am disposed to ascribe, in great measure, the evolving of the erect form that the indian, as a rule, possesses, to the custom in vogue of the mother carrying her child strapped across the back, as well as to the fact of her discouraging and interdicting any attempts at walking on the part of the child, until the muscles shall have been so developed as to justify such being made. to this practice, at least, i am safe in attributing the rarity, if not the positive absence, with the indian, of that unhappy condition of bow-leggedness, of not too slight prevalence with us, and which renders its victim often a butt for not very charitable or approving comment. the indian is built more, perhaps, for fleetness than strength; and his litheness and agility will come in, at another place, for their due illustration, when treating of certain of his pastimes. the indian has a large head, high cheek bones, in general, large lips and mouth; a contour of face inclining, on the whole, to undue breadth, and lacking that pleasantly-rounded appearance so characteristic of the white. he has usually a scant beard, his chin and cheeks seldom, if ever, asserting that sturdy and bountiful growth of whisker and moustache, in such esteem with adults among ourselves, and which they are so careful to stimulate and insure. indeed, it is said that the indian holds rather in contempt what we so complacently regard, and will often testify to his scorn by plucking out the hairs which protrude, and would fain lend themselves to his adornment. the indian, normally, has a stolid expression, redeemed slightly, perhaps, by its exchange often for a lugubrious one. i should feel disposed to predict for him the scoring of an immense success in the personation of such characters as those of the melancholy dane; or of antonio, in the merchant of venice, after the turn of the tide in his fortunes, when the vengeful figure of the remorseless shylock rests upon his life to blight and to afflict it. he is easily-moved to tears, though, perhaps, his facile transition from the condition presented in the foregoing allusion, into a positively lachrymose state, will be readily conceived of, without proclaiming specially, the fact. he will maintain a mien, which shall consist eminently with the atmosphere of the house of mourning; in truth, as an efficient mourner, the indian may be freely depended upon. it is contended that the complexion of the indian has had the tendency to grow darker and darker, from his having inhabited smoky, bark wigwams, and having held cleanliness in no very exceptional honor; and the contention is sought to be made good by the citing of a case of a young, fair-skinned boy, who, taking up with an indian tribe, and adopting in every particular their mode of life, developed by his seventieth year a complexion as swarthy, and of as distinctively indian a hue, as that of any pure specimen of the race. if we accept this as a sound view, which, however, carried to its logical sequence, should have evolved, one would imagine, the negro out of the indian long are this, why may we not, in the way of argument, fairly and legitimately provoked by the theory, look for and consider the converse picture (now that the indian lives in much the same manner as the ordinary poor husbandman, and now that we have certainly no warrant for imputing to him uncleanly habits) the gradual approach in his complexion to the anglo-saxon type? if we entertain this counter-proposition, it will then be a question between its operation, and his marriage with the white, as to which explains the fact of the decline now of the dark complexion with the indian. the custom of piercing the nose, and suspending nose-jewels therefrom, has fallen into disrepute, the indian, perhaps, having been brought to view these as contributing, in a questionable way, to his adornment. the indian woman has a finer development, as a rule, than the white woman. we may, in part, discover the cause for this in the prevalence of the custom, already alluded to, of the mother carrying her offspring on her back, which, with its not undue strain on the dorsal muscles, no doubt, promotes and conserves muscular strength. the indian woman being commonly a wife and mother before a really full maturity has been reached, or any absolute unyieldingness of form been contracted, the figure yet admits of such-like beneficent processes being exerted upon it. in making mention of this custom, and, in a certain way, paying it honor, let me not be taken as wishing to precipitate a revolution in the accepted modes, with refined-communities, of bringing up children. to a community, however, like that of which we are treating, such plan is not ill-suited, the indian mother being secure against any very critical observation of her acts, or of the fashion she adopts. let the custom, then, continue, as it can be shown, i think, to favour the production of a healthier and stronger frame both in the mother and in the child. a good figure is also insured to the indian woman, from her contemning, perhaps at the bid of necessity, arising from her poverty, though, i verily believe, from a well-grounded conception of their deforming tendencies, the absurdly irrational measures, which, adopted by many among ourselves to promote symmetry, only bring about distortion. the indian has very symmetrical hands, and the variation in size, in this respect, in the case of the two sexes, is often very slight, and, sometimes, scarce to be traced. the compliment, in the case of the man, has, and is meant to have, about it a quite appreciable tinge of condemnation, as suggesting his self-compassionate recoiling from manual exertion; and the explanation of the near approach in the formation of the hand of the woman to that of the man, may be found in the delegating to her, by the latter, in unstinted measure, and in merciless fashion, work that should be his. it is rare, also, to find a really awkwardly shaped foot in an indian. the near conformity to a uniform size in the case of the two sexes, which i have noticed as being peculiar with the hand, may also be observed with the foot. i would sum up my considerations here with the confident assertion that the examination of a number of specimens of the hand or foot in an indian, would demonstrate a range in size positively immaterial. the indian woman keeps up, to a large extent, the practice of wearing leggings and moccasins. i should be disposed to think that the blood coursing through the indian's frame is of a richer consistency, and has, altogether, greater vitalizing properties than that in ourselves, since on the severest day in winter he will frequently scorn any covering beyond his shirt, and the nether garments usually suggested by its mention, and, so apparelled, will not recoil from the keenest blast. his chiefs and their functions. the dignity of a chief comes to the holder through the principle of hereditary succession, confined to, and operating only with, certain families. in the cage of the death of one of these chiefs, the distinction and powers he enjoyed devolve upon his kinsman, though not necessarily upon the next of kin. the naming and appointing of a successor, and the adjudicating upon the point as to whether he fulfils the qualifications esteemed necessary to maintain the dignity of the chiefship, are confided to the oldest woman of the tribe, thus deprived by death of one of its heads. she has a certain latitude in choosing, and, so long as she respects in the selection of her appointee, the principle of kinship to the dead chief (whether this be proximate or remote is immaterial) her appointment is approved and confirmed. the chiefs are looked upon as the heads or fathers of the tribe, and they rely, to a large extent, for their influence over the tribe, upon their wisdom, and eminence generally in qualities that excite or compel admiration or regard. in an earlier period of the history of the indian communities, when their forests were astir with the demon of war, eligibility for the chiefship contemplated in the chief the conjoining of bravery with wisdom, and these were the keynote to his power over his people. he, by manifesting on occasion, these, desirable traits, had his followers' confidence confirmed in his selection; upheld those followers' and his own traditions; and often assured his tribe's pre-eminence. the chief, in addition, by bringing these qualities to bear in any contact or treaty with a hostile tribe, compelled in a sense the recognition by his enemies of the prestige and power of his entire following. hospitality was also considered a desirable trait in the chief, who, while habitually dispensing it himself, strove (having his endeavors distinctly seconded by the advocacy of the duty enforced in the kindly precepts of the old sages of the tribe) to dispose the minds of his followers to entertain a perception of the happy results which would flow to themselves by their being inured to its practice, the expanding of the heart, and the offering of a vent to the unselfish side of their nature. if the chief do not, in the main, conserve the qualities that are deemed befitting in the holder of the chiefship; or if he originate any measure which finds popular disfavour, his power with the people declines. a number of the chiefs have supplementary functions, conferred upon them by their brother dignitaries. there is, for example, one called the forest-ranger, whose place it is to interpose for the effectual prevention and checking of sales of timber to whites, by members of the different tribes; or removal by whites of timber from the reserve, where a license, which suffers either to be done, has not been granted. in cases where an indian meditates, in a spirit of lofty contempt for the license, any such illicit sale; or attempts to abet any such unlawful removal, this functionary has authority to frustrate both objects. the chief who, at present, fulfils these duties has not been permitted to hold barren or dormant powers. in putting into effect that interference which his office exacts of him, he has been more than once terribly assaulted by whites, foiled in their plans, and exasperated by the agency that had stepped in for the baffling of their ill-formed designs. on one occasion, his death was all but brought about by a cruelly concerted attack upon him. certain other chiefs are called fire-keepers, though their functions are not in any way suggested by their rather remarkable title. they are, however, very important persons, and i have already, in treating of the indian's meetings of council, touched upon their duty. i believe the name fire-keeper is retained from the circumstance that, in by-gone days, when the council was an open-air affair, the lighting of the fire was the initiatory step, and, taken in this way, therefore, the most important step, in the proceedings. another chief is called marshal, and it is incumbent upon him to co-operate with the officers of the law in effecting the capture of any suspected criminal or criminals, who may lie concealed, or be harbored, on the reserve. he is a duly qualified county constable, though his services are not often in request, as the chief of police in brantford, whose place it is to direct the way in which crimes (committed, of course, in the city) shall be ferreted out, or their authors tracked, usually confides in his own staff to promote these desirable purposes, from the fact of their accountability to him being well defined, whereas the county constable yields no obedience to him. his character, moral and general. it is often claimed for the indian that, before the white man put him in the way of a freer indulgence of his unhappy craving for drink, he was as moral a being as one unrenewed by divine grace could be expected to be. unfortunately, this statement involves no definition of what might be considered moral, under the circumstances. now, there will be disagreeing estimates of what a moral character, upon which there has been no descent of heavenly grace, or where grace has not supervened to essay its recreation, or its moulding anew, should be; and there will also, i think, be divergent views as to a code of morals to be practised which shall comport with the exhibition of a _reasonably_ seemly morality. i cannot, at least, concur in that definition of a moral character, upon which no operation of divine grace has been expended, for its raising or its beautifying, which accepts that of the pagan indian as its highest expression; and, distinctly, hesitate to affirm that a high moral instinct inheres in the indian, or that such is permitted to dominate his mind; and, when i find one of these very writers who claim for him a high inborn morality, discovering in him such indwelling monsters as revenge, mercilessness, implacability, the affirmation falters not the less upon my tongue. that very many of the graver crimes laid at the indian's door, and the revolting heinousness of which the records of our courts reveal; may be traced to his prescribing for himself, and practising, a lax standard of morals, is a statement which it would be idle to dispute. that the marriage tie exacts from him not the most onerous of interpretations, and that the scriptural basis for a sound morality, involved in the declaration, "and they twain shall be one flesh," not seldom escapes, in his case, its full and due honoring, are, likewise, affirmations not susceptible of being refuted. that, for instance, is not a high notion of marital constancy (marital is scarcely the term, for i am speaking now of the pagan, who rejects the idea of marriage, though often, i confess, living happily and uninterruptedly with the woman of his choice) which permits the summary disruption of the bond between man and woman; nor is paternal responsibility rigorously defined by one, who causes to cease, at will, his labor and care for, and support of, his children, leaving the reassuring of these to those children contingent upon the mother finding some one else to give them and herself a home. to follow a lighter vein for a moment. the police magistrate at brantford, before whom many of these little domesticities come for their due appreciation (for they disclose, often, elements of really baffling complexity) not less than their ventilation and unravelling, is an eminently peace-loving man, and quite an adept at patching up such-like conjugal trifles. he will dispense from his tribunal sage advice, and prescribe remedial measures, which shall have untold efficacy, in dispelling mutual mistrust, restoring mutual confidence, and bringing about a lasting re-union. he will interpose, like some potent magician, to transform a discordant, recriminating, utterly unlovely couple, into a pair of harmless, peaceable, love-consumed doves. there rises before my mind a case for illustration. a couple lived on the reserve, whose domestic life had become so completely embittered that every vestige of old-time happiness had fled. the agency of the police magistrate was sought to decree terms of separation, as there was an adamantine resolve on the part of each to no longer live with the other. thus, in a frame of mind altogether repelling the notion of conversion to gentler views, or the idea of laudable endeavor, on the part of another, to instil milder counsels, being availingly expended, they repaired to the police magistrate's office. he, by invoking old recollections on either side, and judiciously inviting them to a retrospection of their former mutual courtesies, and early undimmed pleasures, gradually brought the would-be sundered people to a wiser mind. i believe there have only been two or three outbursts of domestic infelicity since. certain notions, bound up with the indian's practice, in times now happily passed away, of polygamy, may be construed into an advocacy of the deceased wife's sister's bill, which engaged the attention of parliament last session, and bids fair to take up the time and thought of our legislators, in sessions yet to come. the indian usually sought to marry two sisters, holding that the children of the one would be loved and cared for more by the other than if the wives were not related. the concurrent existence of both mothers is, of course, presumed here. the question remains to be asked, would the children of the one sister, were their mother dead, be as well loved and cared for by the surviving sister, were she called upon to exercise the functions of a step-mother; and would the children of the dead sister love the children of the living sister, were they not viewed upon the same footing as those children? that the indian--the _christian_ indian--frequently contemns the means unsparingly used, and the attempts and arguments put forth, by his spiritual overseers, to restrain his immoral propensities, to bridle his immoral instinct, and to ameliorate and elevate, generally, his moral tone, i fear, will not be gainsaid. that very many, on the other hand, practice a high morality, and set before themselves an exalted conception of conjugal duty, and strive, with a full-hearted earnestness, to fulfil that conception, none would-be so blind or so unjust as to deny. there are some features in the indian character to which unstinted praise is due, and shall be rendered. he is very hospitable; and (herein nobly conserving his traditions) it is in no wise uncommon for him to resign the best of the rude comforts he has, in the way of accommodation, to some belated one, and content himself with the scantest of those scant comforts, impressing, at the same time, with his native delicacy, the notion, that he courts, rather than shrinks from, the almost penitential regime. though one would naturally think, that the scorn of material comforts, suggested here, and which many others of his acts evince, would scarcely breed indolence in the indian, yet this is with him an almost unconquerable weakness. it is, indeed, so ingrained within him, as to resist any attempt, on his own part, to excise it from his economy; and as to defy extirpating or uprooting process sought to be enforced by another. the indian is, in truth, a supremely indolent being, and testifying to an utter abandonment of himself to the power of indolence over him, has often been known, when recourse solely to the chase was permitted him for the filling of his larder, to delay his steps to the forest, until the gnawing pangs of hunger should drive him there, as offering him the only plan for their appeasing. when i have said that the indian is hospitable, i have said that he is kind and considerate, for these are involved with the other. he has much of native delicacy and politeness; and though, from deep-seated prepossession, he denies the woman equal footing with himself; and, though through misconception of woman's true purpose and mission in the world, or through failing to apprehend that higher, greater, more palpable helpfulness she brings to man (all these, because self-dictated, self-enforced) he commits to her much of the drudgery, and imposes upon her many of the heavy burdens, of life, the indian is not wholly devoid of chivalric instinct. he is usually reticent in his manner with strangers, (but this is readily explained by his imperfect command of english, and his reluctance to expose his deficiency) though voluble to the last degree when he falls in with his own people. the indian has been lauded and hymned by longfellow and others as the hunter _par excellence;_ but, to apply this to his present condition, and look there for its truth, would be idle. the incitements to indulge his taste for hunting are now so few, and of such slight potency, and the opportunities for giving it play so narrowed down, and so rare, that the pursuit of the chase has become well-nigh obsolete, and something to him redolent only, as it were, with the breath of the past. as the indian is at present circumstanced and environed, he can beat up little or no game, and his poverty frequently putting out of his reach the procuring of the needful sporting gear, where he _does_ follow hunting, it is pursued with much-weakened ardor, and often bootless issue. he is moved now to its pursuit, solely with the hope of realizing a paltry gain from the sale of the few prizes he may secure. though his reputation as a hunter has so mournfully declined, the indian is yet skilled in tracking rabbits, in the winter season, the youth, particularly, finding this a pleasant diversion. i trust i do not invoke the hasty ire of the sportsman if, in guilelessness of soul, i call this hunting. this very circumscribing of the occasions, and inefficacy of the motive powers, for engaging in hunting, will tend, it is hoped, to correct the indolent habits that the indian nurses, and the inveteracy of which i have just dwelt upon, and emphasized; for it will not, i think, be denied that his former full-hearted pursuit of the chase (in submission, largely though it was, to imperious calls of nature), is responsible, mainly, for the inherence of this unpleasing trait. though, of course, hunting in its very nature, enforces a certain activity, it is an activity, so far as any beneficent impressing of the character is concerned, void of wholesomeness, and barren of solid, lasting results; and, viewed in this way, an activity really akin to indolence. with the craving for hunting subdued, the indian may take up, with less distraction, and devote himself, to good advantage, to his farming, and to industrial callings. want of energy and of steadiness of purpose are with the indian conspicuous weaknesses, and their bearing upon his farming operations may be briefly noticed. he will not devote himself to his work in the fields with that full-intentioned mind to put in an honest day's toil, that the white man brings to his work, often being beguiled, by some outside pleasure or amusement, into permitting his day's work to sustain a break, which he laments afterwards in a melancholy refrain, of farming operations behind, and domestic matters unhinged, generally. though the white has endeavored (and i the more gladly bear my witness to these attempts at the redemption of the indian from some of his weaknesses, since the white has been so freely charged with ministering to his appetite for drink, and to the evil side of his nature generally) to infuse these qualities of energy and resolution into the indian, my observation has not yet discerned them in him. though irresolute himself, the indian will not tolerate, but is sufficiently warm in his disapprobation, of any unmanly surrender to weakness or vacillation on the part of whites set in authority over him. he imbibes freely (i fear the notion of a certain physiological process is embraced by some minds, and that these words will be taken as curtly enunciating the indian's besetting weakness; but pray be not too eager to dissever them from what is yet to come, as i protest that i am not now wishing to revert to this sad failing). he imbibes freely--the current fashions of the hour amongst whites. if raffling, for instance, be held in honour as a method for expediting the sale of personal effects, the indian will adapt the practice to the disposal of every conceivable chattel that he desires to get off his hands. his proneness to drink. the indian law, it is well known, puts a restraint, not only upon the purchase of liquor by the indian, but upon its sale to him by the liquor-seller, or its supply, indeed, in any way, by any one. it forbids, as well, the introducing or harboring of it, in any shape, under any plea, on the reserve. the law, in this respect, frequently proves a dead letter, since, where the indian has not the assurance and hardihood to boldly demand the liquor from the hotel-keeper, or where the latter, imbued with a wholesome fear of the penalty for contravening the law, refrains from giving it, the agency of degraded whites is readily secured by the indian, and, with their connivance, the unlawful object compassed. of course the white abettor in these cases risks trifling, if any, publicity in the matter, and is inspired with the less fear of detection. there are some few hotel-keepers who, though they more than suspect the purpose to which the liquor these whites are demanding is to be applied, permit rapacity to overpower righteous compunction or scruple, and lend themselves, likewise, though indirectly, to the law's infraction. happily, the penalty is now so heavy ($ ) that the evil is, i think, being got under control. the effect of drink on the indian is: to dethrone his; reason; cloud, even narcotize, his reasoning faculties; annul his self-control; confine and fetter all the gentler, enkindle and set ablaze, all the baser, emotions; of his nature, inciting him to acts lustful and bestial; and, with direful transforming power, to make the man the fiend, to leave him, in short, the mere sport of demoniac passion. it may be thought that this is an overdrawn picture, and that, even if it were true, which i aver that it is, to have withheld a part of its terribleness would be the wiser course. i wish, however, in exposing all its frightful features, to secure the pointing of a moral to all who lend themselves to the draughting of such a picture, or, in any way, hold in favor the draughts which lead to its draughting. let not the indian, then, resent this picturing of him in such unpleasing and repugnant light, but let him rather apply and use the lesson it is sought to teach, that it may turn to his enduring advantage. let him overmaster the enslaving passion; let him foreswear the tempting indulgence; let him recoil from the envenomed cup, which savors of the hellish breath and the ensnaring craft of the evil one, ever seeking to draw chains of satanic forging about him. the indian will plead utter obliviousness of the _fracas_, following some drunken bout, and during the progress of which the death-stroke has been dealt to some unhappy brother. he will disavow all recollection of the apparently systematic doing to death, when drunk, under circumstances of the most revolting atrocity, of an unfortunate wife. though the proximate result of drink is with the indian more alarming than with the white, the ultimate evils and sorrows wrought by continued excess in drink are, of course, identical in both cases: moral sensibilities blunted; manhood degraded; mind wrecked; worldly substance dissipated; health shattered; strength sapped; every mendacious and tortuous bent of one's nature stimulated, and given free scope. his humor. in its very nature this essay will partake largely of the element of historical preciseness, and if it do not, i have so far failed to gain my end. i have wished to introduce matter of a kind calculated to relieve this, and to insure the escape of the essay from the charge of a well-sustained dryness. of the humorous instinct of the indian, as indulged toward his fellow-indian, i cannot speak with confidence; of the malign operation upon myself of the same instinct, i can speak with somewhat more exactness, and with somewhat saddening recollections. the cases, indeed, where i have been exposed to the play of his humor exhibit him in so superlatively complacent an aspect, and myself in so painfully inglorious a one, that i refrain, nay shrink, from rehearsing the discomposing circumstances. i should be pleased if i could call to mind any instance which would convey some notion of the indian's aptness in this line, and yet not involve myself, but i cannot. i would say, in a general way, that the indian is a plausible being, and one needs to be wary with him, and not too loth to suspect him of meditating some dire practical joke, which shall issue in the utter confusion and discomfiture of its victim, whilst its author shall appropriate the main comfort and jubilation. though the indian, perhaps, does not conceive these in the determinedly hostile spirit with which the mohometan who seeks to compass the christian's undoing is credited, there is yet such striking accord in the two cases, so far as exultant approval of the issue is concerned, that i am disposed to look upon his creed in this respect as a modified mahometanism. i could relate many instances, affecting myself, where trustfulness has incurred payment in this coin, but, having no desire to stimulate the indian's existing proneness to practical joking, i stay my hand at further mention of the peculiarity. his intellectual gifts. the indian has little hope of occupying a sphere, where the discipline and cultivation of the mind shall be essential to the proper balancing and developing of its powers, and shall render it equal to the collision with other keen intellects. it would, therefore, be equally idle and unprofitable to attempt to measure his mental capabilities, until we shall have experience of his intellectuality, with proper stimulating and inciting influences in play, or under circumstances, conducing, generally, to mental strength and vigor, to note; and which we may employ as a reliable basis for judgment; and it would be manifestly unfair to argue weak mental calibre, or to presage small mental capacity in the indian, from his present deplorable state of inertness, a condition which has been sadly impressed and confirmed by repressive legislation, and of which that legislation, by practically denying him occupation of improving fields of thought, and, indeed, scope for any enlarged mental activity, seeks to decree the melancholy perpetuity. in some of the few cases where supervenient aid has enabled him to qualify for, and embrace, a profession, i have perceived a tendency to subordinate its practice to the demands of some less exacting calling, which has rendered nugatory any efficient mastery of the profession. memory is, undoubtedly, the indian's strong point, and i can myself testify to exhibitions of it, truly phenomenal. the interpreter will placidly proceed to translate a long string of sentences, just fallen from a speaker's lips, to engraft which upon our memory would be a performance most trying and difficult; and to have their repetition. even with a proximate adherence to the sense and the expressions used, imposed upon us, in the peremptory fashion in which it is sprung upon the interpreter, would carry the wildest dismay to our mind. those understanding the indian tongue have frequently assured me that the indian, when interpreting, reproduces with minuteness, if he be granted, of course, a certain latitude for differences of idiom, the speaker's thought and expressions. it is said by one of his own writers that the indian is much more prone to follow the evil than the moral practices of the white; and there can be no doubt, i think, that, if habitually thrown with a corrupt community, or one where a low order of morality should obtain, the acquisition of higher knowledge would tend to make him better skilled in planning works of iniquity, than to give him higher and purer tastes. actual experience of the indian, in one or two cases, where there has been a more than common accession to his mental accomplishments, rather gives color to the notion of the misdirection of those accomplishments (even without the baneful white influence) that has been hinted at. i should think the indian would, probably, even with proper discipline to bear, lack powers of concentration, with the kindred faculty of being able to direct the mind to the achieving or subserving of some one grand purpose or aim, and would, likely, be deficient in other allied ways, by which a gifted and powerful mind will be asserted; and would imagine, on the whole, that there is slight ground for thinking him capable, under the most favourable circumstances, of imperilling the eminence of the white in respect of intellectual power and attainments. his pastimes. lacrosse, it is well-known, is the indian's national game. the agile form with which nature has gifted him, and which i have mentioned already as one of his physical characteristics, brings an essential pre-requisite for success or eminence to a game, where the laggard is at heavy discount. though a white team can often boast of two or three individual runners, whose fleetness will outstrip the capacity of an equal number on the side of the indians, i think, perhaps, that it will be allowed that the indian team, as a rule, will comprehend the greater number of fleet members. while the indian, then, can scarcely be said to yield to the white in this respect, he lacks obviously that mental quick-sightedness which, with the latter, defines, as it were, intuitively, the exact location on the field, of a friend, and, with unerring certitude, calculates the degree of force that shall be needed to propel the ball, and the precise direction its flight shall take, in order to insure its reposing on the net of that friend. in the frequently recurring _mêlees_, begotten of the struggle amongst a number of contestants for the possession of the ball, the indian exhibits, perhaps, in more marked degree than the white, the qualities of stubborn doggedness, and utter disregard of personal injury. the worsting of the indian by the white in the majority of competitions of this kind is due to the latter submitting to be governed by system, and to his recognizing a directing power in the captain. the indian, on the other hand, will not bend to such controlling influence, but chafes under direction of any kind. he has good facilities for practice at this game, and, i believe, really tries to excel in it, often, indeed, the expense of duties, which imperatively call him elsewhere than to the lacrosse-field. the indian is a proficient canoeist, and will adventure himself with confidence in a canoe of the frailest construction, which he will guide in safety, and with surpassing skill. he will dispel the fears of his disquieted and faithless fellow-voyager (for the motion at times in canoeing is, unmistakably, perturbing and discomposing; indeed, in this unsettling experience, the body is a frequent, if not an inevitable, sharer) who, in view of his sublime disregard of danger, will quickly re-assert the courage that had waned. if, however, there be a second indian in the canoe, he usually strives to counteract the reassuring effect that the pilot's bearing has upon you. he stands up in the bottom, and sways, to and fro, and, with fell and malignant intent proceeds to evolve out of the canoe a more approved see-saw action than _a priori_ and inherently attaches to that order of craft. on that really "grand" river, which was his sometime heritage, the indian can well improve his skill in this modest branch of nautical science. his trading relations with whites. the consciousness of unsatisfied pecuniary obligation does not, as a rule, weigh heavily on the indian mind, nor does it usually awaken, or offer food for, burdensome reflection. the indian act, which decrees his minority, disables him from entering into a contract of any kind, though it scarcely needs any statement from me to assure my hearers that the law does not secure, nor does the majestic arm of that law exact, from him, the most rigid compliance. the indian will make and tender to a white creditor his promissory note with a gleeful complacency. there are usually two elements contributing, in perhaps equal degree, to produce in him this complacent frame of mind: the first, that, for removing from his immediate consideration a debt, he is adopting a temporizing expedient, which in no way vouches for, and in no sense bespeaks, the ultimate payment of the debt; the other, that his act records his sense of rebellion against a restrictive law, ever welling up in his breast, and seeking such-like opportune vent for its relief. in trading with a merchant, who, appreciating the wiliness of his customer, felt a natural concern about trading upon as safe a basis as might be secured, it was, until quite recently, customary with the indian to anticipate his interest-money, in paying for his goods. that the merchant might have a guarantee that previous instances of the setting on foot of this plan in the individual indian's case, had not effected the entire appropriation or exhaustion of his allowance, or that in the immediate transaction with him, the indian's allowance would not be exceeded, a chief of the particular tribe to which the indian belonged, who was assumed to keep track of the various amounts that at different times impaired the interest-fund, signed an order for him to tender to the merchant; and in order that the superintendent might properly award and pay the balance coming, these orders would go into his possession, before he should proceed with the season's payments. now, however, the place and times at which interest payments are made, are not allowed to be viewed by merchants and others as a collection depôt, or as occasions on which their orders from indians may be confirmed, or debts from those indians made good. the merchant, foreseeing that a large proportion of the debts from indians that he books are not recoverable, will frequently--and i presume there is nothing savoring of dubious dealing in the matter--add, perhaps, thirty or forty per cent. to the usual retail price of the goods sold to them, that the collection of some of the debts may, as it were, offset the loss from those that are irrecoverable. it is not pleasant to impugn the character of the indian for uprightness and probity, but that there is no conspicuous prevalence of these qualities with him, i fear, can be sufficiently demonstrated. i am disposed to ascribe this state of things, to a large extent, to the operation of the indian law. if the indian who buys, and does not pay, and who never intends to pay, were not exempted from the salutary lesson which the distraint, at suit of a creditor, upon his goods, teaches, he would not seek to evade payment of his debts. if, again, the indian were not regarded as one "childlike," shall i say, "and bland" (no! i must dissever these words from the otherwise apt quotation, as, though this be to proclaim how immeasurably he has fallen, and to dissipate cherished popular beliefs about him, i conceive him to be bland, without being so decreed by the law) there would be a manifest accession to his fund of self-respect. the idea of holding him a minor, and as one who cannot be kept to his engagements is a mistake, and its effect is only to stimulate the dishonest bent of his nature, prompting him to take advantage of his white brother in every conceivable way, where the latter's business relations with him are concerned. his religion. the pagan, though not so alive to the serene beauties of the christian life, and not so attracted by the power, the promises, and the assurances of the christian religion, as to evince the one, and embrace the other, or to make trial of the moral safeguards that its armoury supplies, would yet so honour, one would think, the persuasive christian influences, operating around him and about him in so many benign and kindly ways, as to abandon many of the practices that savour of the superstition of a by-gone age. though there has been a decline, if not a positive discontinuance, of his traditionary worship of idols; though his adoration of the sun, of certain of the birds of the air, and of the animal creation, is not now blindly followed, and the invocation of these, for the supposed assuring of success to various enterprises, is rarely put in effect, there is yet preserved a relic of his old traditions, in the designs with which he embellishes certain specimens of the handiwork, with which he oft vexes the public eye. (i must really, though, pay my tribute of admiration for the skilled workmanship many of these specimens disclose.) it is common for him, when at work upon the elaborate carving in wood that he practises, to engrave some hideous human figure, intended, obviously, to represent an idol. does it not excite wonder with us that such refinements upon hideousness and repulsiveness could ever have provoked the worship or adoration of any one? one almost insuperable difficulty that the missionary experiences in his attempts to instil religious principles into the indian mind, is to get him to entertain the theory that the human race sprang originally from one pair. the pagan believes in the existence of a supreme being, though, his idea of that being's benignity and consideration relates solely to an earthly oversight of him, and a concern for his daily wants. his conception of future bliss is almost wholly sensual, and wrapped up with the notion of an unrestrained indulgence of animal appetite, and a whole-souled abandonment to feasting and dancing. his supreme view of happiness is that he shall be, assigned happy hunting-grounds, which shall be stocked with innumerable game, and where, equipped in perfection for the chase, he shall ever be incited to its ceaseless pursuit. of course, such impressions, clogged and clouded as they are with earthliness, have been dispelled in the cases of those, who have opened their minds to the more desirable promises of the gospel. the indian's expectation of attaining and enjoying a future state of bliss, which shall transcend his mundane experience, is often present to his mind. i remember once walking with rather measured gait along one of the roads of the reserve, bearing about me, it _may_ be, the idea of supreme reflection, when an indian stopped me, and asked (though, as my eyes sought the ground at the time, i cannot conceive how his attributing to me thoughts of celestial concernment could have been suggested) if i were thinking of heaven. i should have been pleased to own to my mind's being occupied at the time with heavenly meditations, a confession not only worthy, if true, to have been indulged in, but one having in it possibly force for him, as helping, perhaps, to confirm the course of his thoughts in the only true and high and ennobling channel, which his question would suggest as being their frequent, if not their habitual, direction. truth, however, compelled me to admit the subserviency of my mind, at the moment, to earthly thought. the pagan indian celebrates what he calls dances, which frequently, if liquor can only be had, degenerate into mere drunken orgies. here the war-whoop, with its direful music, greets the ear, carrying terror and dismay to the breasts of the uninitiated; and here the war-dance, with all the accessories of paint and feathers, gets free indulgence. his mode of life. a mode of life will be suggested by the individual's estate and surroundings, and will, naturally, be accommodated to the exactions merely of the society in which he moves. with the indian, poverty shapes his habits of life, and he bends to compulsion's decree in the matter. if we consider his hypothetical translation to a higher sphere, the indian might develop and maintain a course of living which should not, in those altered circumstances, discredit him. as our notions of early indian life are so associated with the wigwam, a description of the manner and stages of its construction may be interesting. poles, twelve or fourteen feet long, are placed in the ground, these meeting at the top, and leaving an opening through which the smoke may escape. over the poles are placed nets, made of flags, or birch bark, and, sometimes, the skins of animals. the indian, in defining comfort, evidently does not mean soft beds and generous covering. his couch, as often as not, is the bare floor, without mattrass, or, indeed, aught that might be conceded to a weak impulse; and his covering _nil_, as a rule, in summer, and a buffalo robe, or some kindred substitute, in winter. he adopts very frugal fare, doing high honour to maize, or indian corn. indeed, to the growth and cultivation of this order of grain he appropriates the greater part of his land. in walking, the man usually goes before the woman, as he thinks it undignified to walk alongside. nothing like social intercourse ever goes on between man and wife; and in their domestic experience they have no little pursuits in common, such as cheer and brighten life with us. the hut (for, in the majority of cases, it is really little better) that, with excess of boldness, commingles its cramped, unpleasing outlines with the forest's wealth of foliage; and has reared its unshapely structure on the site of the historic wigwam, obliterating, in its ruthless, intrusive, advent, that lingering relic of the picturesque aspect of indian life--a relic that, with its emblems and inner garniture of war, bids a scion of the race indulge a prideful retrospect of his sometime grandeur, and pristine might; that has power to invoke stirring recollections of a momentous and a thrilling past; to re-animate and summon before him the shadowy figures of his redoubtable sires, and re-enact their lofty deeds: in view of which, there is wafted to him a breath, laden with moving memories of that glorious age, when aught but pre-eminence was foreign to his soul; when, though a rude and savage, he was yet a lordly, being; when he owned the supremacy, brooked the dictation, of none; when his existence was a round of joysome light-heartedness, and he, a stranger to constraint--this habitation of the indian, to my mind, emphasizes his melancholy, and, perhaps, inevitable decadence, rather than symbolizes his partnership with the white in the more palpable pursuits of a practical, enlightened, and energetic age, or co-activity with him on a theatre of enlarged and more vigorous action. it is in some respects more comfortless than even was his experience under his primitive style of living, and is usually composed of one room, answering all the purposes of life--eating-room, bed-room, reception-room, principally, however, for the snow and mud, which have been persuaded here to relax their hold, after antecedent demonstration of their adhering qualities. his alleged commission of perjury. the indian very frequently has the crime of perjury alleged against him, though what is assumed to be perjury is usually demonstrated to have nothing whatever of that element in it. these imputations come about in this way: if the indian, about to give evidence, be declared to have a reasonable mastery of english, the court, sometimes rather hastily, i think, dispenses with the interpreter, in order to save time. a question is put to a witness, who, though not understanding it sufficiently to appreciate its full import and bearing, yet protesting, in a self-sufficient spirit, that he does (for the indian likes to have imputed to him extensive knowledge of english) returns an answer apart from the truth, and one which he really never intended to give, and becomes, through the interpreter, committed to it on the records. or, the allegation may arise after this fashion:--the interpreter, having to master several different languages, will almost insensibly, in the confusion of idioms, misinterpret what has been said. the outrageous prevalence of this supposed perjury would of itself point to an explanation of this kind, since, we cannot believe that the indian wishes to canonize untruthfulness. the indian as a musician. the indian's musical taste is conceded on all hands. he is a proficient in the use of brass instruments, the mohawk brass band always taking high rank at band competitions. he has usually fine vocal power, and is in great request as a chorister. he has a full repertory of plaintive airs, the singing of which he generally reserves for occasions, resembling much the "wakes" that obtain with roman catholics, where he watches over night the body of some departed member of the tribe. the indian as an artist. as an artist in wood-carving, the indian, i should say, stands almost without a rival. he will elaborate the most beautiful specimens in this kind of work; though he generally directs his skill to the embellishing of walking sticks and the like articles, which (their ornate appearance alone precluding their practical use) the white only buys with the view of preserving as ornaments. the indian, therefore, would do well to allow his skill in this line to take a wider range, since, by so doing, he would not only bring about larger sales to enrich his not over-filled money-chest, but he would also extend his fame as an artist. the pencil, in the hand of the indian, is often made to limn exquisite figures, and to trace delightful landscape-work. i am confident that he would, with appropriate training, cause his fame to be known in this line also. the indian woman is a marvellous adept at bead-work, though her specimens disclose, usually, finer execution, than they do a tasteful or faultless associating of colours. his schools. the new england company, an english corporation have established, and maintain, in addition to the mohawk institute, which is on unreserved lands, a large number of schools for the education of the indian youth. it is a question whether these schools really secure the patronage that the philanthropic spirit of their founders hoped for. the shyness of the girls is so marked (a trait i have observed even among the adult women) as to lead to a small attendance, of this element, at least, where the teacher is a white young man--in truth, a very ultra-manifestation of the peculiarity. the mohawk institute contemplates the receiving of pupils who have reached a certain standard of proficiency, their boarding, and their education. it is an institution the aim of which is truly a noble one, the throwing back upon the reserve of educated young men and women, who shall be qualified to go about life's work, fortified with knowledge, to pave the way to success in any walk of life that may be chosen. the mohawk institute has secured, in the person of its principal and directing power, one who is imbued with the desire so to use its powerful agency as to compass the maximum of good among the indians. his missionaries. the missionary demands notice as he, above all others, has left his impress on the life and character of the indian. the ven. archdeacon nelles may be regarded as the pioneer missionary to the indian. his work covers half a century, and, though, for some years, he has not been an active worker amongst the indians, a solicitude for their welfare still actuates him. his province has been rather that of general superintendence of the new england company's servants, than one involving much active mingling with the indians. the association of his name with that time-honoured and revered structure, the old mohawk church, is his, grandest testimonial to his fruitful labour on the reserve. the rev. adam eliot, whose widow still lives in the old missionary home, was a man of a singularly gentle and lovable disposition. in his contact with the indian, the influence, if haply any could be exerted, was certain to be on the side of the good. he was one who moved about the reserve with the savor of a quiet and godly life ever cleaving to him, a life, radiating forth, as it were, to circle and embrace others in the folds of its benign influence. he was tender, and unaffected in his piety. his life and work have left their abiding mark on the indian character. the rev. r. j. roberts was the first missionary who was really a constant resident on the reserve, and this circumstance, no doubt, assured in larger measure his usefulness. i believe him to have been filled strongly with the missionary spirit, and with ardent zeal for the furthering of his master's cause. his poor health always handicapped him, but i feel confident he leaves behind him, in the kind memories of many of his charges, a monument of his work not to be despised. the rev. james chance was one of the old english type of clergyman, cheery, genial, and whole-souled. had he planned nothing higher than the infusing of some of his own geniality into the indian nature; and, had his missionary work effected nothing greater than this, his would have been no unworthy part. as the spiritual husbandman, he strove so to break up the fallow ground, that the harvest of souls might be the more bountiful. i have not referred to the later or present occupants of the mission-field amongst the indians, as they were, or have been identified for so short a time with them. i would also say, that it is from no denial to them of the achieving of solid, lasting work, that i have not alluded to missionaries outside of the episcopal body. i have merely made such allusions here as personal contact with the missionaries has enabled me to record. it may be thought that any work which contemplates the chronicling of the indian's history, will be incomplete, which should fail to trace the career of thayandanagea, or chief joseph brant; or which should, at least, withhold reference to that mighty chieftain. lest my making no mention of brant here might be taken as denying to him the possession of those sublime qualities, which have formed the theme for so much of laudatory writing, i make a passing allusion to his life, passing, because his acts and career have engaged the ability and eloquence of so many writers of repute for their due commemoration, that i cannot hope to say anything that should cause further honour or glory to attach to his name. brant, above all others of his race, deserves an abiding place in the memories of his countrymen, and he is entitled to be held in enduring remembrance by us also. in the war waged by britain against the united states in - , he allied himself, it is well known, with the british. he bridled license and excess among his people, and strove to add lustre to the british arms, by dissuading them from giving rein to any of those practices, nay, by putting his stern interdict on all those practices, into which indian tribes are so prone to be betrayed, and to which they are frequently incited by merciless chiefs. he posed, indeed, during the war as the apostle of clemency, not as the upholder of the traditional cruelty of the indian. he always displayed conspicuous bravery, and was the exponent, in his own person, of that intense and unflinching loyalty, which i verily believe to be bound up with the life of every indian. his loyalty was untainted with the slightest suspicion of treachery, another vile characteristic from which he redeemed the indian nature. the position of brant and of sir walter scott, so far as each has left living descendant to uphold his name, is almost analogous, and marks a rather interesting coincidence. the male line in both families is extinct. sir walter's blood runs now only in the daughter of his grand-daughter: two daughters alone of a grand-daughter are living, who own the blood of brant. brant is buried in the graveyard of the old mohawk church, a building instinct with memories of the departed might and prowess of the indian. considerations upon his standing as a minor. is it a wise or a politic thing in the government to seek to brand the indian, in perpetuity, as a minor in the eye of the law? repressing in him anything like self-assertion, is not, to hold him such, fatal to his self-respect? does it not make him doubt his manhood entirely? does it really, save in the single respect of the restraining of his drinking, conserve his true interests? is that a judicious law, which, while decreeing the indian's disability for making a contract with a white man, yet visits upon him no penalty when he evades and contemns such law; which, guaranteeing to him immunity for violating or dishonouring his engagement, prompts him to cast about for some new and, haply, more admired expedient, whereby he may circumvent and defraud his creditor? is that an enviable position for one to be placed in, who, ignorant of the disability i have mentioned, and guileless enough to suppose, that an indian, who has fair worldly substance, when he gives a promissory note, means to pay it, and who, in that belief, surrenders to him valuable property, only to find afterwards that the debt is irrecoverable by legal process, and the chattels are likewise, by moral, or any other effectual, process? it will be said that the white should not be a party to a contract with an indian. well, man is often trustful, and he does not always foresee the disaster that his trustfulness shall incur. he frequently credits his white fellow with an honourable instinct: why may he not, sometimes, impute it to the indian? the law, so far as it involves the restraining of the indian's drinking, cannot be impeached: and in the application to the white of a similar law lies the only solution of the temperance problem. reflections as to the possible effect upon him of enfranchisement. we cannot estimate the transforming power that his enfranchisement might exert over the indian character. the indian youth, who is now either a listless wanderer over the confines of his reserve; or who finds his highest occupation in putting in, now and then, desultory work for some neighbouring farmer at harvest-time; who looks even upon elementary education as useless, and as something to be gone through, perforce, as a concession to his parents' wish, or at those parents' bid, would, if enfranchisement were assured to him, esteem it in its true light, as the first step to a higher training, which should qualify him for enjoying offices or taking up callings, from which he is now debarred, and in which, mayhap, he might achieve a degree of honour and success which should operate, in an incalculable way, as a stimulus to others of his race, to strive after and attain the like station and dignity. there can, i think, be no gainsaying of the view that the indian, if he were enfranchised, would avail much more generally than he does now, of the excellent educational facilities which surround him. the very consciousness, which would then be at work within him, of his eligibility for filling any office of honour in the country, which enfranchisement would confer, would minister to a worthy ambition, and would spur him on to develop his powers of mind, and, viewing education as the one grand mean for subserving this end, he would so use it and honour it, as that he should not discredit his office, if, haply, he should be chosen to fill one. concluding remarks. the present indian legislation, in my judgment, operates in every way to blight, to grind, and to oppress; blasts each roseate hope of an ameliorated, a less abject, estate: quenches each swelling aspiration after a higher and more tolerable destiny; withers each ennobling aim, cancels each creditable effort that would assure its eventuation; opposes each soul-stirring resolve to no longer rest under the galling, gangrenous imputation of a partial manhood. though not authorised to speak for the indian, i believe i express his views, when i say that he cherishes an ardent wish for enfranchisement, a right which should be conceded to him by the legislature, though it should be urged only by the silent, though not, therefore, the less weighty and potent, appeal, of the unswerving devotion of his forefathers to england's crown. he desires, nay, fervently longs, to break free from his condition of tutelage; to bring to the general government the aid of his counsels, feeble though such may seem, if we measure him by his present status; aid, which, erstwhile, was not despised, but was, rather, a mighty bulwark of the british crown; and pants for the occasion to assert, it may be on the honour-scroll of the nation's fame, his descent from a vaunted ancestry. addenda to section on enfranchisement. it will be said, perhaps, that to harbor the idea of the indian's elevation, following, in any way, upon his closer assimilation with the white; his divestiture of the badge of political serfdom, and deliverance from even the suggestion of thraldom--all of which his enfranchisement contemplates; or that these would assure, in greater degree, his national weal, would be to indulge a wild chimera, which could but superinduce the purest visionary picture of his condition under the operation of the gift. some might be found, as well, to discredit the notion that there would supervene, on the consigning to the limbo of inutile political systems of the disabling regime that now governs, an epoch, which would witness the shaking off, by the heavy, phlegmatic red man of the present, of his dull lethargy, with the casting behind him of former inaction and unproductiveness; and his being moved to assert a healthy, genuine, wholesome activity, to be directed to lofty or soulful purpose, or expressed in high and honourable endeavour. and it might be set down as a reasoning from the standpoint of an illusory optimism, to look for, through any change in the indian's political condition, the incoming of an age, which should be distinguished by a hopeful and helpful accession to his character of honesty, uprightness, and self-respect, or by their conservation; or which should be the natal time for the benign rule over him of contentment, charity, and sobriety, or for the dominance of a seemly morality. that, likewise, might be deemed idle expectancy, which would foresee, as a result of the changed order of things, now being prospectively considered, a season in the indian's experience, when should be illustrated the greater sacredness of the marriage relation, and the happy prevalence of full domestic inter-communion, harmony, and order; or should be honored a more gracious definition of the woman's province, with the license to her to embrace a kindlier lot than one decreeing for her mere slavish labour; or project a mission, to see its fruit in the softening and refining, and in the reviving of the slumbrous chivalry, of the man, or to leave, mayhap, some beauteous impress on the race. it may be maintained, indeed, that the withdrawal from the indian of the government's protecting arm, and the recognition of his position, as no longer that of a needy, grovelling annuitant, but as one of equal footing with the white before the law, would--far from bringing blessings in their train--promote, with other evils, a pernicious development, with calamitous reaction upon him, of the aggrandizing instinct of the white, who would lure and entrap him into every kind of disastrous negotiation--its outcome, in truth, a very maelstrom of artful intrigue and shameless rapacity, looking to the absorption of the indian's land, and of the few worldly possessions he now has. nay, many would foresee for the indian, through the consummation of his enfranchisement, naught but gloom and sorest plight. these would invest their picture with the sombrest hues; and, making this assume, under their pessimist delineation, blackest tartarean aspect, would crown it with the exhibition of the indian, as one sunken, at the instance of the white, in extremest depths of human sorrow; as plunged, engulphed, and detained in a horrible slough of degradation and misery. such would, in short, have an era opened up, which should mark, at once, the exaltation of the white to a revolting height of infamy, proclaiming the high carnival of unblushing trickery and chicane; and should signalize the whelming of the indian in the noxious flood of the high-handed, unrighteous, and unprincipled practice of the white, who would project for him, and through whose unholy machinations he would be consigned to, a state of existence which should be the hideous climax of physical and moral debasement. now i contend that the claim to ascendancy of the indian over the white, in respect of sagacity and cunning and craft, which this condition of things presupposes, is not satisfactorily made out. and i can readily conceive of the application of that astuteness, that distinguishes the indian in his present trading relations with the white, to the wider field for its display, which would arise from the extended intercourse and more frequent contact with the white, that would ensue upon the indian's enfranchisement; and of this astuteness operating as his efficient shield against evil hap or worsting by the white in any coping of the kind with him. i do not deny, however, that there might be realization, in part, of such painful spectacle, as has just been imagined, were enfranchisement, _pure and simple,_ conferred upon the indian; and i would distinctly demur to being taken as an advocate of enfranchisement for him without certain safeguards. yet i honor a somewhat wide use of the term, and discredit the system of individual election for the right (if i may so call it)--which, i believe, obtains--with its vexatious exactions as to mental and moral fitness, and the very objectionable feature, to my mind, of laying upon the band, as a collective organization, the obligation of assigning to the individual member seeking enfranchisement so much land, thus imposing upon it, in effect, the onus of conferring the land qualification. let its consummation be approached gradually, and with caution; and let a modified form of it, designed to meet the indian's peculiar situation, be recognized and enforced. let the enfranchisement be made a tentative thing; and let there be a provision for the divestiture of the indian of the right, in case disaster to him should supervene upon its application. i have spoken elsewhere of the _fact_ of the indian's enfranchisement prompting him, in view of the prospect of occupying various stations of dignity in the country, which, through the extension to him of the franchise, would be thrown open to him, to set a greater value upon education, as qualifying him for enjoying and filling with credit these stations. perhaps, it would be the stricter view, and more apropos, to regard the indian's more thorough education as that which would lead him to more readily perceive and better appreciate the full import and. significance of enfranchisement; which would bring home to his mind a clear apprehension of the duties and obligations it exacts, and enable him, as well, to exercise the rights thereto pertaining with a wiser foresight and greater intelligence. let a higher order of mental attainment than he now displays be insured, by all means, and if possible, to the indian; and, to this end, let the authorities concerned invite, through the inducement of something better than a mere bread-and-butter salary, the accession to the reserve of teachers, no one of whom it shall be possible for an indian youth of tender years to outstrip in knowledge; or shall be reduced to parrying, as best as he can, the questionings of a pupil on points bearing upon merely elementary education. i would mention a prospective result of the indian's enfranchisement, which would suggest, forcibly, the desirability of, and the need for his anticipatory instruction in the english language. he, unlike the german or frenchman, has never been able to maintain, indeed, has never had, a literature; and i can scarcely conceive of his _tongue_ even surviving the more general mingling with the white, which would be the certain concomitant of enfranchisement, which, indeed, with its other subverting tendencies, would seem to me to ordain its utter effacement. online distributed proofreading canada team at http://www.pgdpcanada.net p a p e r s r e l a t i n g t o an a c t of the assembly o f t h e province of _n e w-y o r k_, f o r encouragement of the _indian trade_, &c. and for prohibiting the selling of _indian goods_ to the _french, viz_. of _canada_. i. a petition of the merchants of _london_ to his majesty against the said act. ii. his majesty's order in council, referring the petition to the lords commissioners of _trade_ and _plantation_. iii. extract of the minutes of the said lords, concerning some allegations of the merchants before them. iv. the report of the said lords to his majesty on the merchants petition, and other allegations. v. the report of the committee of council of the province of _new-york_, in answer to the said petition. vi. a memorial concerning the furr-trade of _new-york_, by _c. colden_, esq; t o t h e k i n g's most excellent majesty in council, the humble petition and representation of _samuel baker, samuel storke, john bayeux, richard jeneway, robert hackshaw, joseph low, joseph paice, george streatfield, william parkin_, and _john evered_, merchants of _london_, trading to _new-york_, in behalf of themselves, and the rest of the persons concern'd in the _new-york_ trade. _s h e w e t h_, that by an act passed in _new-york_ the th of _november_, , entitled, _an act for encouragement of the_ indian _trade, and rendering it more beneficial to the inhabitants of this province, and for prohibiting the selling of_ indian goods _to the_ french, all trade whatsoever is prohibited in the strictest manner, and under the severest penalties, between the inhabitants of _new-york_ government, and the _french_ of _canada_, or any subjects of the _french king_, or any person whatsoever, for or on the behalf of any such subjects; and which act was to continue in force for three years. that the reasons assigned in the preamble of this act, for the passing thereof, are, for that the _french_ at _canada_, by means of _indian_ goods purchased from the inhabitants of _new-york_, had not only almost wholly engrossed the _indian trade_ to themselves, but had, in great measure, withdrawn the affections of the _five nations_ of _indians_ from the inhabitants of _new-york_, and render'd them wavering in their faith and allegiance to your majesty; and would, if such trade was not prevented, wholly alienate the minds of the said _indians_, which might prove of dangerous consequence to the _english interest_ in _america_. that this act was sent home for your majesty's royal consideration, but your petitioners do not find that your majesty ever signified your allowance or disallowance thereof; from whence, and from the act's being to continue but three years, your petitioners humbly conceive the same was suffered to lie by probationary, to see whether the said act, in its effects, was really advantageous or prejudicial to the _british trade_ and _interest_ in _america_. that your petitioners have received advice, that the government of _new-york_ either have, or are about passing an act, to revive and continue the said act for prohibiting all trade between _new-york_ and _canada_. upon which occasion, your petitioners humbly beg leave to represent to your majesty, that the said act, tho' in the first intention of it, it might be well designed, yet, in its effects, it has proved very pernicious to the _british trade_ in general, and to the interest of _new-york_ in particular: for, besides the nations of _indians_ that are in the _english_ interest, there are very many nations of _indians_, who are, at present, in the interest of the _french_, and who lie between _new-york_, and the nations of _indians_ in the _english interest_; and this act prohibiting all trade between _new-york_ and the _french_ of _canada_, or any of the subjects of _france_, the _french_, and their _indians_, would not permit the _english indians_ to pass over by their forts, so as to carry on a free trade with _new-york_, but prevented their passages, as much as possible, whereby that most considerable and only valuable branch of trade from _new-york_, hath, ever since the passing the said act, very much lessened, from the great difficulties of carrying on any trade with the _english indians_, and the prohibition of all trade with the _french_; and all the _indian goods_ have, by this act, been raised in their price _l._ to _l._ _per cent_. whereas, on the other hand, this branch of the _new-york_ trade, by the discouragements brought upon it by this act, is almost wholly engrossed by the _french_, who have already, by this act, been encouraged to send proper _european goods_ to _canada_, to carry on this trade; so that should this act be continued, the _new-york_ trade, which is very considerable, must be wholly lost to us, and center in the _french_. and your petitioners further beg leave humbly to represent, that as they conceive nothing can tend more to the with-drawing the affections of the _five nations_ of _indians_ from the _english interest_, than the continuance of the said act, which, in its effects, restrains them from a free commerce with the inhabitants of _new-york_, and may, too probably, estrange them from the _english interest:_ whereas by a freedom of commerce, and an encourag'd intercourse of trade with the _french_, and their _indians_, the _english interest_ might, in time, be greatly improved and strengthened among the _indians_ in general, who, by such latitude of trade, might be link'd to our friendship in the strongest ties of their own interest, as well as inclinations. that therefore, and as the said act was, in its effects, so plainly destructive and prejudicial to the trade and interest of these kingdoms, and so much for the interest of the _french_, and greatly promoted that mischief which it was intended to prevent, your petitioners most humbly pray your majesty, that you would be graciously pleased to give the necessary directions to your governor of _new-york_, not to pass any new act for the reviving or continuing the said act prohibiting trade with the _french_ of _canada_; and that if any such act, or any act of the like tendency, be already passed, that the same may be repealed. _and your petitioners shall ever pray_, &c. _samuel baker_, _rob. hackshaw_, _jo. lloyd_, _sam. storke_, _j. bayeux_, _sam. fitch_, _rich. jeneway_, _jos. lowe_, _asher levy_, _john paine_, _j. bull_, _fra. wilks_, _wm. parkin_, _john gilbert_, _jos. paice_, jun. _rich. mico_, _jo. miranda_, _geo. streatfield_, _john everet_, _thompson hayne_. * * * * * _at the court at_ st. james'_s the th day of_ april, . p r e s e n t the k i n g's most excellent majesty in council. upon reading this day at the board the humble petition and representation of _samuel baker, samuel storke_, and several others, merchants of _london_, trading to _new-york_, in behalf of themselves, and the rest of the persons concern'd in the _new-york_ trade, which _petition_ sets forth, that great discouragements have been brought upon the _british trade_, by an act passed in the said colony of _new york_, the th of _november_, , entitled, _an act for the encouragement of the_ indian trade, _and rendering of it more beneficial to the inhabitants of this province, and for prohibiting the selling of_ indian goods _to the_ french. and that as the said act was to continue in force only for three years, they are informed the government of _new-york_ either have, or are about passing an act to revive and continue the same: wherefore they humbly pray, that the governor of that colony may be ordered, not to pass any new act for that purpose; and if any such act be already pass'd, that it may be repealed. it is ordered by his majesty in council, that the said petition (a copy whereof is hereunto annexed) be, and it is hereby referred to the lords commissioners for trade and plantations, to examine into the same, and report to his majesty, at this board, what they conceive fit to be done therein. signed, _james vernon_. * * * * * _extract of the minutes of the right honourable the lords commissioners for trade and plantations, the_ _th of_ july, . mr. _sharp_ attending, as he had been desired, with several _new-york_ merchants, their lordships took again into consideration the order of council of the th of _april_, mentioned in the minutes of the first of _may_ last, referring to the board their petition against the renewing an act passed in _new-york_, in _november_, , entitled, _an act for the encouragement of the_ indian _trade_, _and rendering of it more effectual to the inhabitants of this province, and for prohibiting the selling of_ indian _goods to the_ french. and mr. _sharp_, in behalf of the several merchants, acquainted their lordships, that he conceived this act, tho' its intention of gaining the _indians_ to the _english_ interest might be good, would have quite a contrary effect, because, if the trade with the _french_ was prevented, and the merchants should discontinue that with the _indians_, (as he was informed they would) the _french_ might lay hold of this opportunity to furnish themselves with goods from _europe_, and supply the five nations of _indians_, and thereby gain them to their interest: and this, by reason of their situation, would not be in the power of the _english_ to prevent: that they were two or three hundred leagues distant from _albany_, and that they could not come to trade with the _english_ but by going down the river _st. laurence_, and from thence through a lake, which brought them within eighteen leagues of _albany_. and that the _french_ having made settlements along the said river, it would be in their power, whenever they pleased, to cut off that communication. that this act had been so great a discouragement to the _british trade_, in general, that there had not been, by far, so great a quantity of beaver, and other furs, imported into _great-britain_ since the passing the said act, as there was before; nor half the quantity of _european goods_ exported. that several merchants who had sent over to _new-york_ considerable quantities of _european goods_, had received advice from their correspondents, that should another act of the like nature be passed, they could not find a vent for them, and desired they would send no more. upon the whole, mr. _sharp_ desired, in behalf of the merchants, that mr. _burnet_ might be directed not to pass any act of the like nature for the future. to the k i n g's most excellent majesty. _may it please your majesty_; in obedience to your majesty's commands, signified to us by your order in council of the th of _april_ last, referring to us the petition of several merchants of _london_ trading to _new-york_, setting forth "the great discouragements that have been brought upon the _british trade_ by an act passed in _new-york_ the th of _november_, , entitled, _an act for the encouragement of the_ indian trade, _and rendering of it more beneficial to the inhabitants of this province, and for prohibiting the selling of_ indian goods _to the_ french. and that as the said act is now expir'd, the said merchants are informed the government of _new-york_ either have, or are about passing an act to revive and continue the same; and therefore pray, that a stop may be put thereto." we humbly take leave to represent to your majesty, that we have been attended by the petitioners, who informed us, that they have found this act, by experience, to be so great a discouragement to the _british trade_, that there has not been, by far, so considerable a quantity of beaver, and other furs, imported into _great-britain_, from _new-york_, since the passing the said act, as heretofore, nor half the quantity of _european goods_ exported thither; in consequence whereof the price of furs is raised _five and twenty_ and _thirty per cent._ to the great prejudice of several _british_ manufactures. they likewise affirmed, that it was impracticable to hinder the _french_ from supplying the _indians_ with _european_ goods: for tho' _new-york_ should not furnish them, the _french_ would find another way to be supplied therewith, either from some other of his majesty's plantations, or, it might be, directly from _europe_. that it was of dangerous consequence to force this trade into a new channel, many of the goods which the _indians_ want being as easy to be had directly from _france_ or _holland_, as from _great-britain_. they further added, that it was not likely the act, in question, should produce the effects expected from it, more particularly that of securing the five _indian_ nations firmly to the _british_ interest; because, if the _french_ should once get a supply of the goods necessary for the _indian_ trade, from any other place, as the five _indian_ nations are settled upon the banks of the river of _st. lawrence_, directly opposite to _quebeck_, two or three hundred leagues distant from the nearest _british_ settlement in _new-york_, the vicinity of the _french_ would furnish them with the means of supplying even the _five nations_ with these goods, and consequently of alienating their affections from the _british_ interest. and that there was no prospect of obtaining a trade with the _french indians_ by this means, because the french would always be able to prevent their passage cross the lakes and river of _st. lawrence_ to our settlements. these were the most material objections made by the merchants against the bill. * * * * * on the other hand, the preamble of the act sets forth, that it was found by experience, that the _french_ of _canada_, by means of _indian_ goods brought from that province, had not only almost wholly engrossed the _indian_ trade, but had in great measure, withdrawn the affections of the _five nations_ of _indians_ from the inhabitants of that province, and rendered them wavering in their allegiance to your majesty; and would, if such trade were not prevented, altogether alienate the minds of the said _indians_, which would prove of dangerous consequence to the _english_ interest in _america_. and mr. _burnet_, your majesty's governor of _new-york_, informs us, that, since the passing of this act, several of the far _indians_ had come to _albany_ to trade; that some of them came above one thousand miles, and are now incorporated with the _five nations_: that he had likewise intelligence of more far _indians_ that design'd to come to _albany_, which he conceives to have been a good effect proceeding from this act: and likewise adds, that he did not doubt but the cheapness of goods in _albany_ would induce the _indians_ to trade there, rather than with the _french_ at _montreal_; and that the traders of _albany_ began to be sensible of their error in sharing a trade with the _french_, which they now perceive they can keep wholly to themselves. * * * * * _upon the whole_, being doubtful of some of the facts alledged by the merchants, and considering how far the _british trade_ may be affected by this act, on the one hand; and how much the security and interest of your majesty's colonies in _america_ may be concerned, on the other, we are humbly of opinion, that no directions should be sent to _new-york_, upon the subject-matter of this act, till mr. _burnet_ shall have been acquainted with the objections of the merchants thereto, and his answers and observations received thereupon. for which end, if your majesty shall be graciously pleased to approve of this our proposal, we shall forthwith send him copies both of the merchants memorial, and of what objections they have made before us to the subject-matter of this bill. which is most humbly submitted. signed, _j. chetwind_, _t. pelham_, _m. bladen_, _r. plummer_, _ed. ashe_. _whitehall_, _july_ , . * * * * * _the report of a committee of the council held at_ new-york, november , . _may it please your excellency_, in obedience to your excellency's commands in council, the th of _october_, referring to us a petition of several merchants in _london_, presented to the king's most excellent majesty, against renewing an act passed in this province, entitled, _an act for encouragement of the_ indian _trade, and rendering it more effectual to the inhabitants of this province, and for prohibiting the selling of_ indian _goods to the_ french; as likewise the several allegations of the said merchants before the right hon. the lords of trade and plantations, we beg leave to make the following remarks. in order to make our observations the more distinct and clear, we shall gather together the several assertions of the said merchants, both in their petition, and delivered verbally before the lords of trade, as to the situation of this province, with respect to the _french_ and _indian nations_, and observe on them, in the first place, they being the foundation on which all their other allegations are grounded. afterwards we shall lay before your excellency, what we think necessary to observe on the other parts of the said petition, in the order they are in the petition, or in the report of the lords of trade. in their geographical accounts they say, "besides the nations of _indians_ that are in the _english_ interest, there are very many nations of _indians_, who are at present in the interest of the _french_, and who lie between _new-york_ and the nations of _indians_ in the _english_ interest.----the _french_ and their _indians_ would not permit the _english indians_ to pass over by their forts." the said act "restrains them (_the five nations_) from a free commerce with the inhabitants of _new-york_. "the _five indian nations_ are settled upon the banks of the river _st. lawrence_, directly opposite to _quebeck_, two or three hundred leagues distant from the nearest _british_ settlements in _new-york_. "they (_the five nations of indians_) were two or three hundred leagues distant from _albany_; and that they could not come to trade with the _english_ but by going down the river _st. lawrence_, and from thence through a lake, which brought them within eighteen leagues of _albany_." these things the merchants have thought it safe for them, and consistent with their duty to his sacred majesty, to say in his majesty's presence, and to repeat them afterwards before the right hon. the lords of trade, though nothing can be more directly contrary to the truth. for there are no nations of _indians_ between _new-york_ and the nations of _indians_ in the _english interest_, who are now six in number, by the addition of the _tuscaroras_. the _mohawks_ (called _annies_ by the _french_) one of the five nations, live on the south-side of a branch of _hudson's-river_, (not on the north-side, as they are placed in the _french_ maps) and but forty miles directly west from _albany_, and within the _english_ settlements, some of the _english_ farms upon the same river being thirty miles further west. the _oneidas_ (the next of the five nations) lie likewise west from _albany_, near the head of the _mohawks-river_, about one hundred miles from _albany_. the _onondagas_ lie about one hundred and thirty miles west from _albany_. and the _tuscaroras_ live partly with the _oneidas_, and partly with the _onondagas_. the _cayugas_ are about one hundred and sixty miles from _albany_. and the _sennekas_ (the furthest of all these nations) are not above two hundred and forty miles from _albany_, as may appear by mr. _de l'isle_'s map of _louisiane_, who lays down the five nations under the name of _iroquois_. and goods are daily carried from this province to the _sennekas_, as well as to those nations that lie nearer, by water all the way, except three miles, (or in the dry seasons, five miles) where the traders carry over land between the _mohawks-river_ and the _wood creek_, which runs into the _oneida-lake_, without going near either _st. lawrence-river_, or any of the _lakes_ upon which the _french_ pass, which are entirely out of their way. the nearest _french_ forts or settlements to _albany_, are _chambly_ and _monreal_, both of them lying about north and by east from _albany_, and are near two hundred miles distant from it. _quebeck_ lies about three hundred and eighty miles north-east from _albany_. so far is it from being true, that the five nations are situated upon the banks of the _river st. lawrence_, opposite to _quebeck_, that _albany_ lies almost directly between _quebeck_ and the _five nations_. and to say that these _indians_ cannot come to trade at _albany_, but by going down the _river st. lawrence_, and then into a _lake_ eighteen leagues from _albany_ (we suppose they mean _lake champlain_) passing by the _french_ forts, is to the same purpose as if they should say, that one cannot go from _london_ to _bristol_, but by way of _edinburgh_. before we go on to observe other particulars, we beg leave further to remark, that it is so far from being true, that the _indians_ in the _french_ interest, lie between _new-york_ and our _five nations of indians_, that some of our nations of _indians_ lie between the _french_ and the _indians_, from whence the _french_ bring the far greatest quantity of their furs: for the _sennekas_ (whom the _french_ call _sonontouons_) are situated between _lake erie_ and _cataraqui lake_, (called by the _french ontario_) near the great fall of _jagara_, by which all the _indians_ that live round _lake erie_, round the lake of the _hurons_, round the lake of the _illenois_, or _michegan_, and round the great _upper lake_, generally pass in their way to _canada_. all the _indians_ situated upon the branches of the _misissippi_, must likewise pass by the same place, if they go to _canada_. and all of them likewise in their way to _canada_, pass by our trading-place upon the _cataraqui lake_, at the mouth of the _onondaga river_. the nearest and safest way of carrying goods upon the _cataraqui lake_ towards _canada_, being along the south-side of that lake, (near where our _indians_ are settled, and our trade of late is fixed) and not by the north-side and _cataraqui_, or _frontinac fort_, where the _french_ are settled. now that we have represented to your excellency, that not one word of the geography of these merchants is true, upon which all their reasoning is founded, it might seem needless to trouble your excellency with any further remarks, were it not to show with what earnestness they are promoting the _french interest_, to the prejudice of all his majesty's colonies in _north america_, and that they are not ashamed of asserting any thing for that end, even in the royal presence. _first_, they say, "that by the act passed in this province, entitled, _an act for encouragement of the_ indian _trade, &c_. all trade whatsoever is prohibited in the strictest manner, and under the severest penalties, between the inhabitants of _new-york_ government, and the _french_ of _canada_." this is not true, for only carrying goods to the _french_, which are proper for the _indian trade_, is prohibited. the trade as to other things, is left in the same state it was before that act was made, as it will appear to any person that shall read it: and there are yearly large quantities of other goods openly carried to _canada_, without any hindrance from the government of _new-york_. whatever may be said of the severity and penalties in that act, they are found insufficient to deter some from carrying goods clandestinely to the _french_; and the legislature of this province are convinced that no penalties can be too severe, to prevent a trade which puts the safety of all his majesty's subjects of _north america_ in the greatest danger. their next assertion is, _all the_ indian _goods have by this act, been raised_ l. _to_ l. _per cent_. this is the only allegation in the whole petition, that there is any ground for. nevertheless, though the common channel of trade cannot be altered without some detriment to it in the beginning, we are assured from the custom-house books, that there has been every year, since the passing of this act, more furs exported from _new-york_, than in the year immediately before the passing of this act. it is not probable, that the greatest difference between the exportation any year before this act, and any year since, could so much alter the price of beaver, as it is found to be this last year. beaver is carried to _britain_ from other parts besides _new-york_, and it is certain that the price of beaver is not so much altered here by the quantity in our market, as by the demand for it in _britain_. but as we cannot be so well informed here, what occasions beaver to be in greater demand in _britain_, we must leave that to be enquired after in _england_. however, we are fully satisfied that it will be found to be for very different reasons from what the merchants alledge. the merchants go on and say, _whereas on the other hand, this branch of the_ new-york _trade, by the discouragements brought upon it by this act, is almost wholly engrossed by the_ french, _who have already by this act, been encouraged to send proper_ european goods _to_ canada, _to carry on this trade, so that should this act be continued, the_ new-york _trade which is very considerable, must be wholly lost to us, and center in the_ french.----_though_ new-york _should not furnish them, the_ french _would find another_ way _to be supplied therewith, either from some other of his majesty's plantations, or it might be directly from europe_.----_many of the goods which the_ indians _want being as easy to be had directly from_ france _or_ holland, _as from_ great-britain. this is easily answered, by informing your excellency, that the principal of the goods proper for the _indian market_ are only of the manufactures of _great-britain_, or of the _british plantations, viz_. strouds, or stroud-waters, and other woollens, and rum. the _french_ must be obliged to buy all their woollens (the strouds especially) in _england_, and thence carry them to _france_, in order to their transportation to _canada_. the voyage to _quebeck_ through the bay of _st. lawrence_, is well known to be the most dangerous of any in the world, and only practicable in the summer months. the _french_ have no commodities in _canada_, by reason of the cold and barrenness of the soil, proper for the _west-india_ markets, and therefore have no rum but by vessels from _france_, that touch at their islands in the _west-indies_. _new-york_ has, by reason of its situation, both as to the sea and the _indians_, every way the advantage of _canada_. the _new-york_ vessels make always two voyages in the year from _england_, one in summer and another in winter, and several voyages in a year to the _west-indies_. it is manifest therefore, that it is not in the power of the _french_ to import any goods near so cheap to _canada_, as they are imported to _new-york_. but to put this out of all controversy, we need only observe to your excellency, that strouds (without which no considerable trade can be carried on with the _indians_) are sold at _albany_ for _l._ a piece: they were sold at _monreal_ before this act took place, at _l._ _s._ _d._ and now they are sold there for _l._ and upwards: which is an evident proof, that the _french_ have not, in these four years time (during the continuance of this act) found out any other way to supply themselves with strouds, and likewise that they cannot trade without them, seeing they buy them at so extravagant a price. it likewise appears, that none of the neighbouring colonies have been able to supply the _french_ with these goods; and those that know the geography of the country, know it is impracticable to do it at any tolerable rate, because they must carry their goods ten times further by land than we need to do. we are likewise assured, that the merchants of _monreal_ lately told mr. _vaudreuil_ their governor, that if the trade from _albany_ be not by some means or other encouraged, they must abandon that settlement. we have reason therefore to suspect, that these merchants (at least some of them) have been practised upon by the _french_ agents in _london_; for no doubt, the _french_ will leave no method untried to defeat the present designs of this government, seeing they are more afraid of the consequences of this trade between _new-york_ and the _indians_, than of all the warlike expeditions that ever were attempted against _canada_. but to return to the petitioners, _they conceive nothing can tend more to the withdrawing the affections of the_ five nations of indians _from the_ english interest, _than the continuance of the said act, which in its effects restrains them from a free commerce with the inhabitants of_ new-york, _and may too probably, estrange them from the_ english interest, _whereas by a freedom of commerce, and an encouraged intercourse of trade with the_ french _and their_ indians, _the_ english _interest might in time, be greatly improved and strengthened_. it seems to us a strange argument to say, that an act, the whole purport of which is to encourage our own people to go among the _indians_, and to draw the far _indians_ through our _indian country_ to _albany_ (and which has truly produced these effects) would on the contrary, restrain them from a free commerce with the inhabitants of _new-york_, and may too probably estrange them from the _english interest_, and therefore that it would be much wiser in us to make use of the _french_, to promote the _english interest_; and for which end, we ought to encourage a free intercourse between them and our _indians_. the reverse of this is exactly true, in the opinion of our _five nations_; who in all their publick treaties with this government, have represented against this trade, as _the building the_ french _forts with_ english _strouds_: that the encouraging a freedom of commerce with our _indians_, and the _indians_ round them, who must pass through their country to _albany_, would certainly increase both the _english interest_ and theirs, among all the nations to the westward of them; and that the carrying the _indian market_ to _monreal_ in _canada_, draws all the far _indians_ thither. the last thing we have to take notice, is what the merchants asserted before the lords of trade, _viz. that there has not been half the quantity of_ european _goods exported since the passing of this act, that used to be_. we are well assured, that this is no better grounded than the other facts they assert with the same positiveness. for it is well known almost to every person in _new-york_, that there has not been a less, but rather a greater quantity of _european goods_ imported into this place, since the passing of this act, than was at any time before it, in the same space of time. as this appears by the manifests in the custom-house here, the same may likewise be easily proved by the custom-house books in _london_. as all the arguments of the merchants run upon the ill effects this act has had upon the trade and the minds of the _indians_, every one of which we have shown to be asserted without the least foundation to support them, there nothing now remains, but to show the good effects this act has produced, which are so notorious in this province, that we know not one person that now opens his mouth against the act. before this act passed, none of the people of this province travelled into the _indian countries_ to trade: we have now above forty young men, who have been several times as far as the lakes a trading, and thereby become well acquainted, not only with the trade of the _indians_, but likewise with their manners and languages; and these have returned with such large quantities of furs, that greater numbers are resolved to follow their example. so that we have good reason to hope, that in a little time the _english_ will draw the whole _indian_ trade of the inland countries to _albany_, and into the country of the _five nations_. this government has built a publick trading-house upon _cataraqui lake_, at _irondequat_ in the _sennekas_ land, and another is to be built next spring, at the mouth or the _onondagas river_. all the far _indians_ pass by these places, in their way to _canada_; and they are not above half so far from the _english_ settlements, as they are from the _french_. so far is it from being true what the merchants say, _that the_ french _forts interrupt all communication between the_ indians _and the_ english, that if these places be well supported, as they easily can be from our settlements, in case of a rupture with the _french_, it will be in the power of this province, to intercept the greatest part of the trade between _canada_ and the _indians_, round the lakes and the branches of the _misissippi_. since this act passed, many nations have come to _albany_ to trade, and settle peace and friendship, whose names had not so much as been heard of among us. in the beginning of _may_ , a nation of _indians_ came to _albany_ singing and dancing, with their calumets before them, as they always do when they come to any place where they have not been before. we do not find that the commissioners of _indian_ affairs, were able to inform themselves what nation this was. towards the end of the same month, eighty men, besides women and children, came to _albany_ in the same manner. these had one of our five nations with them for an interpreter, by whom they informed the commissioners, that they were of a great nation, called _nehkereages_, consisting of six castles and tribes; and that they lived near a place called by the _french missilimakinak_, between the upper lake and the lake of the _hurons_. these _indians_ not only desired a free commerce, but likewise to enter into a strict league of friendship with us and our _six nations_, that they might be accounted the _seventh nation_ in the league; and being received accordingly, they left their calumet as a pledge of their fidelity. in _june_ another nation arrived, but from what part of the continent we have not learned. in _july_ the _twightwies_ arrived, and brought an _indian_ interpreter of our nations with them, who told, that they were called by the _french miamies_, and that they live upon one of the branches of the river _misissippi_. at the same time some of the _tahsagrondie indians_, who live between _lake erie_ and the lake of the _hurons_, near a _french_ settlement, did come and renew their league with the _english_, nor durst the _french_ hinder them. in _july_ this year, another nation came, whose situation and name we know not. and in _august_ and _september_, several parties of the same _indians_ that had been here last year. but the greatest numbers of these far _indians_ have been met this year, in the _indian_ country by our traders, every one of them endeavouring to get before another, in order to reap the profits of so advantageous a trade, which has all this summer long, kept about forty traders constantly employed, in going between our trading-places in our _indian_ country, and _albany_. all these nations of _indians_ who came to _albany_ said, that the _french_ had told them many strange stories of the _english_, and did what they could to hinder their coming to _albany_, but that they had resolved to break through by force. the difference on this score between the _tahsagrondie indians_ and the _french_ (who have a fort and settlement there, called by them _le detroit_) rose to that height this summer, that mr. _tonti_ who commanded there, thought it proper to retire, and return to _canada_ with many of his men. we are for these reasons well assured, that this year there will be more beaver exported for _great-britain_, than ever was from this province in one year; and that if the custom-house books at _london_ be looked into, it will be found, that there will be a far greater quantity of goods for the _indians_, (strouds especially) sent over next spring, than ever was at any one time to this province; for the merchants here tell us, that they have at this time, ordered more of these goods, than ever was done at any one time before. these matters of fact prove beyond contradiction, that this act has been of the greatest service to _new-york_, in making us acquainted with many nations of _indians_, formerly entirely unknown and strangers to us; in withdrawing them from their dependance upon the _french_, and in uniting them to _us_ and _our indians_, by means of trade and mutual offices of friendship. of what great consequence this may be to the _british interest_ in general, as to trade, is apparent to any body. it is no less apparent likewise, that it is of the greatest consequence to the safety of all the _british colonies_ in _north-america_. we feel too sensibly, the ill effects of the _french interest_ in the present war betwixt _new-england_, and only one nation of _indians_ supported by the _french_. of what dismal consequences then might it be, if the _french_ should be able to influence in the same manner, so many and such numerous _nations_, as lie to the westward of _this province, pensylvania_ and _maryland_? on the other hand, if all these _nations_ (who assert their own freedom, and declare themselves friends to those that supply them best with what they want) be brought to have a dependance upon the _english_ (as we have good reason to hope, in a short time they will) the _french_ of _canada_, in case of a war, must be at the mercy of the _english_. to these advantages must be added, that many of our young men having been induced by this act to travel among the _indians_, they learn their manners, their languages, and the situation of all their countries, and become inured to all manner of fatigues and hardships, and a great many more being resolved to follow their example; these young men, in case of a war with the _indians_, will be of ten times the service, that the same number of the common militia can be of. the effects of this act have likewise so much quieted the minds of the people, with respect to the security of the frontiers, that our settlements are now extended above thirty miles further west towards the _indian_ countries, than they were before it passed. the only thing that now remains to answer, is an objection which we suppose may be made, _what can induce the merchants of_ london _to petition against an act, which will be really so much for their interest in the end_? the reason is in all probability, because they only consider their present gain; and that they are not at all concerned for the safety of this country, in encouraging the most necessary undertaking, if they apprehend their profit for two or three years may be lessened by it. this inclination of the merchants has been so notorious, that few nations at war with their neighbours, have been able to restrain them from supplying their enemies with ammunition and arms. the count _d'estrade_, in his letters in says, that when the _dutch_ were besieging _antwerp_, one _beiland_, who had loaded four fly-boats with arms and powder for _antwerp_, being taken up by the prince of _orange_'s order, and examined at _amsterdam_, said boldly, _that the burghers of_ amsterdam _had a right to trade every where: that he could name a hundred that were factors for the merchants at_ antwerp, _and that he was one. that trade cannot be interrupted, and that for his part he was very free to own, that if to get any thing by trade it were necessary to pass through hell, he would venture to burn his sails_. when this principle so common to merchants, is considered, and that some in this place have got estates by trading many years to _canada_, it is not to be wondered that they have acted as factors for _canada_ in this affair, and that they have transmitted such accounts to their correspondents in _london_, as are consistent with the trust reposed in them by the merchants of _canada_. in the last place, we are humbly of opinion, that it may be proper to print the petition of the merchants of _london_, and their allegations before the lords of trade, together with the answers your committee has made thereto, in vindication of the legislature of this province, of which we have the honour to be a part, if your excellency shall approve of our answers: that what we have said may be exposed to the examination of every one in this place, where the truth of the matters of fact is best known; and that the correspondents of these merchants may have the most publick notice to reply, if they shall think it proper, or to disown in a publick manner, that they are the authors of such groundless informations. all which is unanimously and humbly submitted by _your excellency's_ _most obedient humble servants_, _r. walter_, _rip van dam_, _john barberie_, _fr. harrison_, _cadwallader colden_, _ja. alexander_, _abraham van horn_. * * * * * _a memorial concerning the furr-trade of the province of_ new-york. _presented to his excellency_ william burnet, _esq_; _captain general and governor_, &c. _by_ cadwallader colden, _surveyor general of the said province_, the _th of_ november . it has of late been generally believed, that the inhabitants of the province of _new-york_ are so advantageously situated, with respect to the _indian trade_, and enjoy so many advantages as to trade in general, that it is in their power not only to rival the _french_ of _canada_, who have almost entirely engrossed the furr-trade of _america_, but that it is impossible for the _french_ to carry on that trade in competition with the people of this province. the enquiring into the truth of this proposition, may not only be of some consequence, as to the riches and honour of the _british nation_, (for it is well known how valuable the furr-trade of _america_ is) but likewise as to the safety of all the _british colonies_ in _north-america_. _new-france_ (as the _french_ now claim) extends from the mouth of the river _misissippi_, to the mouth of the river _st. lawrence_, by which the _french_ plainly show their intention of enclosing the _british settlements_, and cutting us off from all commerce with the numerous nations of _indians_, that are every where settled over the vast continent of _north-america_. the _english_ in _america_ have too good reason to apprehend such a design, when they see the _french_ king's geographer publish a map, by which he has set bounds to the _british empire_ in _america_, and has taken in many of the _english settlements_ both in _south-carolina_ and _new york_, within these boundaries of _new-france_. and the good services they intend us, with the _indians_, but too plainly appears at this day, by the _indian war_ now carried on against _new-england_. i have therefore for some time past, endeavoured to inform myself, from the writings of the _french_, and from others who have travelled in _canada_, or among the _indians_, how far the people of this province may carry on the _indian trade_, with more advantage than the _french_ can; or what disadvantages they labour under, more than the _french_ do. as all endeavours for the good of ones country are excusable, i do not doubt but my intention in this will be acceptable to your excellency, though i be not capable of treating the subject as it deserves. i shall begin with _canada_, and consider what advantages they have either by their situation, or otherwise. _canada_ is situated upon the river of _st. lawrence_, by which the five great lakes (which may properly be called, _the five inland seas of north-america_) empty themselves into the ocean. the mouth of this great river is in the lat. of degrees, overagainst the body of _newfoundland_. it rises from the _cataracui lake_, (the eastermost of the five great lakes) about the lat. of degrees, and runs from thence about north-east to the ocean, and is about nine hundred miles in length, from that lake to the ocean. the five great lakes which communicate with each other, and with this river, extend about one thousand miles westward, further into the continent. so far the _french_ have already discovered, and their discoveries make it probable, that an inland passage may be found to the _south-sea_, by the rivers which run into these lakes, and rivers which run into the _south-sea_. the method of carrying goods upon the rivers of _north-america_, into all the small branches, and over land, from the branches of one river to the branches of another, was learned from the _indians_, and is the only method practicable through such large forests and deserts as the traders pass thro', in carrying from one nation to another, it is this; the _indians_ make a long narrow boat, made of the bark of the birch-tree, the parts of which they join very neatly. one of these canoes that can carry a dozen men, can itself be easily carried upon two men's shoulders; so that when they have gone as far by water as they can (which is further than is easily to be imagined, because their loaded canoes don't sink six inches into the water) they unload their canoes, and carry both goods and canoes upon their shoulders over land, into the nearest branch of the river they intend to follow. thus, the _french_ have an easy communication with all the countries bordering upon the river of _st. lawrence_, and its branches, with all the countries bordering upon these in-land seas, and the rivers which empty themselves into these seas, and can thereby carry their burdens of merchandize thro' all these large countries, which could not by any other means than water-carriage be carried thro' so vast a tract of land. this, however, but half finishes the view the _french_ have, as to their commerce in _north-america_. many of the branches of the river _misissippi_ come so near to the branches of several of the rivers which empty themselves into the great lakes, that in several places there is but a short land-carriage from the one to the other. as soon as they have got into the river _misissippi_, they open to themselves as large a field for traffick in the southern parts of _north-america_, as was before mentioned with respect to the northern parts. if one considers the length of this river, and its numerous branches, he must say, _that by means of this river, and the lakes, there is opened to his view such a scene of inland navigation as cannot be parallel'd in any other part of the world_. the _french_ have, with much industry, settled small colonies, and built stockaded forts at all the considerable passes between the lakes, except between _cataracui lake_ (called by the _french ontario_) and _lake erie_, one of our five nations of _indians_, whom we call _sennekas_, (and the _french sonontouans_) having hitherto refused them leave to erect any buildings there. the _french_ have been indefatigable in making discoveries, and carrying on their commerce with nations, of whom the _english_ know nothing but what they see in the _french_ maps and books. the barrenness of the soil, and the coldness of the climate of _canada_, obliges the greatest number of the inhabitants to seek their living by travelling among the _indians_, or by trading with those that do travel. the governor, and other officers, have but a scanty allowance from the king, and could not subsist were it not by the perquisites they have from this trade; neither could their priests find any means to satisfy their ambition and luxury without it: so that all heads and hands are employ'd to advance it, and the men of best parts think it the surest way to advance themselves by travelling among the _indians_, and learning their languages; even the bigotry and enthusiasm of some hot heads has not been a little useful in advancing this commerce; for that government having prudently turn'd the edge of the zeal of such hot spirits upon converting the _indians_, many of them have spent their lives under the greatest hardships, in endeavouring to gain the _indians_ to their religion, and to love the _french nation_, while, at the same time, they are no less industrious to represent the _english_ as the _enemies of mankind_. so that the whole policy of that government, both civil and religious, is admirably turn'd to the general advancement of this trade. indeed the art and industry of the _french_, especially that of their religious missions, has so far prevail'd upon all the _indians_ in _north-america_, that they are every where directed by _french councils_. even our own _five nations_, (the _iroquois_) who formerly were mortal enemies of the _french_, and have always liv'd in the strictest amity with the _english_, have, of late, (by the practices of the _french priests_) been so far gain'd, that several of the _mohawks_, who live nearest the _english_, have left their habitations, and are gone to settle near _monreal_ in _canada_; and all the rest discover a dread of the _french power_. that much of this is truly owing to the _priests_, appears from many of the sachems of the _iroquois_ wearing crucifixes when they come to _albany_: and those _mohawk indians_ that are gone to _canada_, are now commonly known, both to the _french_ and _english_, by the name of _the praying indians_, it being customary for them to go through the streets of _monreal_ with their beads, praying and begging alms. but notwithstanding all these advantages, the _french_ labour under difficulties that no art or industry can remove. the mouth of the river of _st. lawrence_, and more especially the bay of _st. lawrence_, lies so far north, and is thereby so often subject to tempestuous weather and thick fogs, that the navigation there is very dangerous, and never attempted but during the summer months. the wideness of this bay, together with the many strong currents that run in it, the many shelves, and sunken rocks that are every where spread over both the bay and river, and the want of places for anchoring in the bay, all increase the danger of this navigation; so that a voyage to _canada_ is justly esteem'd much more dangerous than to any other part of _america_. the many shipwrecks that happen in this navigation, are but too evident proofs of the truth of this, particularly the miscarriage of the last expedition against _canada_. the channel is so difficult, and the tides so strong, that after their shipping get into the river, they never attempt to sail in the night, tho' the wind be fair, and the weather good. these difficulties are so considerable, that the _french_ never attempt above one voyage in a year to _europe_, or the _west-indies_, tho' it be really nearer _europe_ than any of the _english colonies_, where the shipping that constantly use the trade, always make two voyages in the year. the navigation between _quebeck_ and _monreal_ is likewise very dangerous and difficult: the tide rises about or feet at _quebeck_, which occasions so strong a stream, that a boat of six oars cannot make way against it: the river in many places very wide, and the channel at the same time narrow and crooked; there are many shelves and sunken rocks, so that the best pilots have been deceived; for which reason the vessels that carry goods to _monreal_ are always obliged to anchor before night, tho' both wind and tide be fair. the flood goes no further than _trois rivieres_, half way to _monreal_, and about ninety miles from _quebeck_: after they pass this place they have a strong stream always against them, which requires a fair wind and a strong gale to carry the vessels against the stream. and they are obliged in this part of the river, as well as under the _trois rivieres_, to come to an anchor at night, though the wind be good. these difficulties make the common passages take up three or four weeks, and sometimes six weeks; tho' if they have the chance of a wind to continue so long, they may run it in five or six days. after they pass _monreal_ they have a strong stream against them till they come near the lakes; so that in all that, which is about one hundred and fifty miles in length, they force their canoes forward with setting poles, or drag them with ropes along shoar; and at five or six different places in that way the river falls over rocks with such force, that they are obliged to unload their canoes, and carry them upon their shoulders. they never make this voyage from _monreal_ to _cataracui_ in less than twenty days, and frequently, twice that time is necessary. now we are come so far as the lake, my design leads me no further, for at this lake all the far _indians_, that go to _canada_, must pass by our traders. and from thence the road to the _indian countries_ is the same from _albany_ that it is from _monreal_. besides these difficulties in the transportation, the _french_ labour under greater in the purchasing of the principal goods proper for the _indian market_; for the most considerable and most valuable part of their cargo consists in _strouds, duffils, blankets_, and other _woollens_, which are bought at a much cheaper rate in _england_ than in _france_. the _strouds_ (which the _indians_ value more than any other cloathing) are only made in _england_, and must be transported into _france_ before they can be carried to _canada_. _rum_ is another considerable branch of the _indian trade_, which the _french_ have not, by reason they have no commodities in _canada_ fit for the _west india_ market. this they supply with _brandy_, at a much dearer rate than rum can be purchased at _new-york_, tho' of no more value with the _indians_. generally, all the goods used in the _indian trade_, except _gun-powder_, and a few trinkets, are sold at _monreal_ for twice their value at _albany_. to this likewise must be added, the necessity they are under of laying the whole charge of supporting their government on the _indian trade_. i am not particularly informed of their duties or imposts, but i am well assured, that they commonly give six or seven hundred livres for a licence for one canoe, in proportion to her largeness, to go with her loading into the _indian country_ to trade. i shall next consider the advantages the inhabitants of _new-york_ have in carrying on this trade. in the _first_ place, the ships that constantly use the trade to _england_, perform their voyage to and from _london_ twice every year; and those that go to _bristol_ (the port from whence the greatest part of the goods for the _indian trade_ are exported) frequently return in four months. these goods are bought much cheaper in _england_ than in _france_: they are transported in less time, with less charge, and much less risque, as appears by the _premio_ for insurance between _london_ and _new-york_, being only _two per cent_. goods are easily carried from _new-york_ to _albany_, up _hudson's river_, the distance being only miles, the river very strait all the way, and bold, and very free from sandbanks, as well as rocks; so that the vessels always sail as well by night as by day, and have the advantage of the tide upwards as well as downwards, the flood flowing above _albany_. it may therefore be safely concluded, that all sorts of goods can be carried to _albany_ at a cheaper rate than they can be to _quebeck_, which is also three times further from the _indian country_ than _albany_ is. to put the truth of this out of all dispute, i need only observe what is well known both at _new-york_ and _albany, viz_. that almost all the strouds carried by the _french_ into the _indian countries_, as well as large quantities of other goods, for the use of the _french_ themselves, are carried from _albany_ to _monreal_. there has been an account kept of nine hundred pieces of strouds transported thither in one year, besides other commodities of very considerable value. the distance between _albany_ and _monreal_ is about two hundred miles, all by water, except twelve miles between _hudson's river_ and the _wood-creek_, where they carry their bark canoes over land, and about sixteen miles between _chambly_ and _la prairie_, overagainst _monreal_. and tho' the passage be so short and easy, these goods are generally sold at double their value in _albany_. but as this path has been thought extremely prejudicial to the interest of this colony, i shall leave it, and go on to another, that leads directly from _albany_ into the _cataracui_ or _ontario lake_, without going near any of the _french_ settlements. from _albany_ the _indian traders_ commonly carry their goods sixteen miles over land, to the _mohawks river_ at _schenechtady_, the charge of which carriage is _nine shillings new-york_ money, or _five shillings sterling_ each waggon-load. from _schenechtady_ they carry them in canoes up the _mohawks river_, to the carrying-place between the _mohawks river_, and the river which runs into the _oneida lake_; which carrying-place between is only three miles long, except in very dry weather, when they are obliged to carry them two miles further. from thence they go with the current down the _onondaga river_ to the _cataracui lake_. the distance between _albany_ and the _cataracui lake_ (this way) is nearly the same with that between _albany_ and _monreal_; and likewise with that between _monreal_ and the _cataracui lake_, and the passage much easier than the last, because the stream of the _mohawks river_ is not near so strong as the _cataracui river_ between the _lake_ and _monreal_, and there is no fall in the river, save one short one; whereas there are (as i have said) at least five in the _cataracui river_, where the canoes must be unloaded. therefore it plainly follows, that the _indian goods_ may be carried at as cheap a rate from _albany_ to the _cataracui lake_, as from _albany_ to _monreal_. so that the people of _albany_ plainly save all the charge of carrying goods two hundred miles from _monreal_ to that part of the _cataracui lake_, which the _french_ have to carry before they bring them to the same place from _monreal_, besides the advantage which the _english_ have in the price of their goods. i have said, that when we are in the _cataracui lake_, we are upon the level with the _french_, because here we can meet with all the _indians_ that design to go to _monreal_. but besides this passage by the _lakes_, there is a river which comes from the country of the _sennekas_, and falls into the _onondaga river_, by which we have an easy carriage into that country, without going near the _cataracui lake_. the head of this river goes near to _lake erie_, and probably may give a very near passage into that lake, much more advantageous than the way the _french_ are obliged to take by the great fall of _jagara_, because narrow rivers are much safer for canoes than the lakes, where they are obliged to go ashore if there be any wind upon the water. but as this passage depends upon a further discovery, i shall say nothing more of it at this time. whoever then considers these advantages _new-york_ has of _canada_, in the first buying of their goods, and in the safe, speedy, and cheap transportation of them from _britain_ to the _lakes_, free of all manner of duty or imposts, will readily agree with me, that the traders of _new-york_ may sell their goods in the _indian countries_ at half the price the people of _canada_ can, and reap twice the profit they do. this will admit of no dispute with those that know that strouds (the staple _indian commodity_) this year are sold for _ten pounds_ apiece at _albany_, and at _monreal_ for _twenty-five pounds_, notwithstanding the great quantity of strouds said to be brought directly into _quebeck_ from _france_, and the great quantities that have been clandestinely carried from _albany_. it cannot therefore be denied that it is only necessary for the traders of _new-york_ to apply themselves heartily to this trade, in order to bring it wholly into their own hands; for in every thing besides diligence, industry, and enduring fatigues, the _english_ have much the advantage of the _french_. and all the _indians_ will certainly buy, where they can, at the cheapest rate. it must naturally be objected, _that if those things are true, how is it possible that the traders of_ new-york _should neglect so considerable and beneficial trade for so long time?_ in answering this objection, i shall show the difficulties _new-york_ has labour'd under, by giving a short history of the country, so far as it relates to this trade. which method, i think, can be liable to the least objection, and put the whole in the truest light. when this country (the province of _new-york_) came first under the crown of _great-britain_, our _five nations_ of _indians_ were mortal enemies of the _french_ at _canada_, and were in a continual war with them, and all the _nations_ of _indians_ round the lakes; so that then it was not safe for the _english_ to travel further than the countries of the _five nations_; nor would our _indians_ permit the far _indians_ (with whom they had constant war) to pass thro' their countries to _albany_. besides, the _five nations_ of _indians_ were at that time so numerous, (consisting of ten times the number of fighting men they now do) that the trade with them alone was very considerable for so young and small a colony. in the latter end of king _charles_'s reign, when the _duke of york_, and _popish councils_ prevail'd, the governor of _new-york_ (who was likewise a _papist_) had orders to use all his endeavours to make up a peace between our nations (the _iroquois_) and the _french_; and that he should persuade the _five nations_ to admit _french priests_ among them, in order to civilize them. the consequence of which was, that the _french_ thereby obtained a free commerce upon the _lakes_, and obtain'd leave to build _cataraqui fort_ upon the north-side of _cataracui lake_, and have two vessels of force upon the same lake. from this time, during all king _james_'s reign, the _french_, whenever they had any differences with our _five nations_, threaten'd, that the _english_ of _new-york_ would join with them, and destroy the _five nations_; by which, and the practices of the _french priests_, our _five nations_ became very much alienated in their affections from the _english_, and look'd upon them as a people depending upon the _french_. the consequences of this appeared so dangerous to colonel _dungan_, the governor of _new-york_, (though, as i have said, a _papist_) that he again and again complain'd to his master of the ill offices the _french priests_ did the _english_ among _our nations_. when the _english_ had thus procur'd a peace for the _french_, they thought they might justly reap some advantage from it; and it's hardly to be doubted but that they had promises of that kind. they were therefore encouraged to send forty men, with great quantities of goods, into the _lakes_, under the command of major _mcgregory_, to trade with the far _nations_. at this time mr. _denonville_, governor of _canada_, was gathering together all the force of _canada_, and of the _indians_, (enemies of the _five nations_) in order to surprize the _five nations_, and destroy them, at the time they thought themselves secure by the peace so lately made. major _mcgregory_, and his company, were met by a _french_ officer on _lake erie_, coming with a great number of men to the general rendezvous of the _french_, and he, with all the _english_, were made prisoners. they were used with such severity as has never been practis'd between _christian nations_ in open war, tho' the two crowns, at that time, were not only at peace, but under the strictest ties of mutual friendship; for the _french_ used these people as slaves in building _cataraqui fort_, and a poor _frenchman_ that had conducted them, was publickly shot to death, as if he had brought an enemy into their country. such was their apprehensions then of the _english_ getting any footing among the _indians_. the _french_ governor surprized a village of the _five nations_, who, on the _french_ faith, liv'd in great security, but seven or eight leagues from the _french_ fort, and sent these miserable people to the galleys in _france_. he afterwards fell upon the _sennekas_, and burnt their villages, but without any advantage to the _french_, they having lost more men than the _indians_ did. this renew'd the war with greater fury than ever, between the _french_ and _our indians_. for some time afterwards, _our indians_, in a great body, fell upon the island of _monreal_, while mr. _denonville_ was in the town: they burnt and destroy'd all the villages and houses round _monreal_, and kill'd some hundreds of men, women, and children. afterwards they came into the open fields before _monreal_, and there defy'd the _french_ governor, who did not think it proper to fight them. and when they had done all the mischief they could, they retir'd without any loss. about this time the revolution happen'd in _great-britain_, which was succeeded by a war between _great-britain_ and _france_. in _february_, / , a party of three hundred men, consisting of equal numbers of _french_ and _indians_, surprized _schenechtady_ in the night-time, when the poor people were in their beds, in the greatest security, where they barbarously murdered sixty-three men, women, and children, in cold blood, laid the village in ashes, and then retir'd, without reaping any other advantage besides this cruel revenge on innocent people, for the mischief _our indians_ had done them. this rais'd a cruel war between the two colonies, in which there was much mischief done, and blood shed, without any advantage to either side. in time of this war, the _most christian king's_ governor of _canada_ was so much provoked, that he thought fit to follow the example of our barbarous _indians_, and burn his _indian prisoners_ alive, in the most cruel manner, in sight of all the inhabitants of _quebeck_, and to deliver up the _english prisoners_ to the _french indians_, who indeed had more mercy, for they kill'd none of them. king _william_'s peace put an end to this war; but the peace lasted so short a while, that the people of this province hardly had time to re-settle their farms on the frontiers, which they had deserted in the time of the war, much less to adventure trading in the _indian countries_, so lately the scene of so much cruelty. but both colonies having now an abhorrence of the cruelties of the last war, agreed on a kind of neutrality for the _indians_, during queen _anne_'s war, in which time we lost much ground with our own _indians_: for the _french_ having learn'd, by dear experience, that it was not possible for them to conquer _our five indian nations_, resolv'd to try all means to gain their affections, and in this art the _french_ are always more successful than in that of war; and the _english_ failing in two ill-concerted expeditions against _canada_, the _indians_ lost much of the opinion they had of the _english_ power and valour. in time of this last war, the clandestine trade to _monreal_ began to be carried on by _indians_, from _albany_ to _monreal_. this gave rise to the _kahnuaga_, or _praying indians_, who are entirely made up of deserters from the _mohawks_ and _river indians_, and were either enticed thither by the _french priests_, or by our merchants, in order to carry goods from _albany_ to _monreal_, or run away for some mischief done here. these _indians_ now consist of about eighty fighting men, and live about four leagues above _monreal_: they neither plant nor hunt, but depend chiefly upon this private trade for their subsistence. these _indians_, in time of war, gave the _french_ intelligence of all designs here against them: by them likewise the _french_ engaged our _five nations_ in a war with the _indians_ friends of _virginia_, and from them we might expect the greatest mischief in time of war, seeing every part of the province is as well known to them as to any of the inhabitants. but if this trade was entirely at an end, we have reason to believe, that these _indians_ would return to their own tribes, for they then could not long subsist where they now are. as soon as the peace was proclaim'd, an open trade with _monreal_ was carried on with such earnestness, that _monreal_ was fill'd with _indian goods_, and _albany_ exhausted; by which means _monreal_ became the principal, if not the only _indian market_, and the _indians_ depended entirely on the _french_ for what they wanted. our merchants were fond of the _canada_ trade, because they sold large quantities of goods without any trouble, the _french_ taking them from their doors; whereas the trade with the _indians_ is carried on with a great deal of toil and fatigue; and as to the interest of the country, they either never thought any thing about it, or if they did, had no regard to it. * * * * * now i have brought this account to the time your excellency arriv'd; what has happen'd since, your excellency knows better than i can by any means inform you. from the whole, it seems plain, that any difficulties and disadvantages this province has been under, have only proceeded from the wars, which have continued since the first settling of the province, to the beginning of the last general peace. but now, that not only _this province_, but likewise our _six nations_ of _indians_ are at peace, and in amity, both with the _french_, and all the _indian nations_ with whom we can have any commerce, these difficulties are all remov'd, and we now enjoy the most favourable time, that at any time can be hoped for, in order to extend the _british commerce_ in _north-america_, while the _french_ not only labour under the difficulties which i have shown to be inseparable from the situation of their colony, but likewise under another disadvantage, (not before taken notice of) by the furr-trade of _canada_ being restrain'd to one company. this company is obliged to pay heavy duties in _france_ upon the importation of beaver, or any other furr; for which reason they always fix a price upon beaver, and their other furrs, in _canada_; and the _indian traders_ of _canada_ being restrain'd from selling to any but the company's agents there, they cannot raise the price of _indian goods_ as the price of _european_ rise, or as their profit on the goods they sell to the _indians_ is lessen'd. the merchants of _new-york_ allow our _indian_ traders double the price for beaver, that the _french_ company allow their _indian_ traders, the price established by the company for beaver, in _canada_, being two livres, or _eighteen pence sterling_, the pound-weight; and the current price of beaver in _new-york_ being _five shillings new-york_ money, or _three shillings sterling_ the pound-weight. therefore it plainly follows, that our _indian traders_ could under-sell the _french traders_, tho' they were to give as great a price for _european goods_ as the _french_ do, and did transport them at as great charge, because of the double price they have for their furrs in _new-york_. but as our _indian traders_ not only have a double price for their _indian goods_, but likewise buy the goods they sell to the _indians_, at half the price the _french indian traders_ do, the _french traders_ must be ruin'd by carrying on this trade, in competition with the _english_ of _new-york_. and the _french indian traders_ had been ruin'd before now, if they had not found means to carry their beaver to _albany_, where they got double the price they must have sold for in _canada_. it may be objected, against this argument, _that the_ canada _company as soon as they find that the traders cannot sell at their established price, will allow a greater price_. but if we consider the duties the _french company_ is obliged to pay to the king, they cannot allow so great a price as the _english_ can at _new-york_. and if it should be insisted, _that the_ french company _may obtain a remission of those_, yet if the clandestine trade with _albany_ be entirely stopt, the _french traders_ will be ruin'd before such remission can be obtain'd, and their trade will be at an end. * * * * * my inclination led me to show what advantages not only the _indian trade_ would reap by extending our frontiers as far as the lakes, but likewise the _british trade_ in some other branches, which the parliament of _great britain_ seem to have much at heart, _viz. naval stores_; for the soil on both sides of the _mohawks river_ being as rich as it is possible (i believe) for any land to be, will be found the most proper for raising of hemp, of any part of _america_, and the whole country round it being full of the largest pines, the royal navy is as likely to be well provided with masts there, and at as cheap a rate as any where else. but i have already too far presum'd on your excellency's patience. _cadwallader colden_. * * * * * to this it may not be improper to add the following original letter. _from_ j. a. _esq; to mr_. p. c. _of_ london, _shewing the success of the measures taken at that time_. _new-york_, . _s i r_, if you should be at the pains to read these printed papers, it will be a pleasure to you to hear of the success of the measures taken by governor _burnet_ for redeeming the _indian_ trade out of the hands of the _french_. he has succeeded far above our expectations. governor _burnet_, through his earnest application, and at first chiefly with his money, credit, and risque, erected a trading-house and fortification at the mouth of the _onondagues_ river, called _osneigo_, where the province of _new-york_ supports a garrison of soldiers, consisting of a lieutenant and twenty men, which are yearly relieved. at this place a very great trade is carried on with the remote _indians_, who formerly used to go down to the _french_ at _monreal_, and there buy our _english_ goods, at second hand, at above twice the price they now pay for them at _osneigo_; whilst, at the same time, the _french_ were chiefly supplied by one gentleman at _new-york_, who almost entirely engrossed the _indian_ trade of this province, and thereby acquired a very great estate and influence. but the prudent steps taken by our late worthy governor, to open a free trade, was the cause of the engrosser's losing his.--the probability of doing this, was the principal motive of our applying to the king, which is shown by these printed papers. the _indian_ trade, to the great advantage of this province, is now divided into several hundred hands, and there have been for many years past upwards of one hundred young men of this province, who have gone yearly among the _indians_, to supply them with our goods. by this means, at a modest estimate, i am assured, that the _indian_ trade of this province is now far above five times as much as when governor _burnet_ began to put his scheme in execution. and this is not all the advantages reaped thereby, but a much more considerable one to this, and all the other _english_ colonies is, that not only our own six nations, but also many far and remote _indian_ nations are drawn off from their dependance on the _french_, and made, by trade and intercourse, dependant on the _english_; by this means a great security and protection is acquired by the _english_, in case of a war with _france_; and by this trade our settlements in this province are extended up to the _onondagues_ carrying-place, which is now well attended with waggons, for the more commodious transporting of goods to trade in the lakes. and they are now settling on the branches of _sasquehanah_ river; and from the western branches of this river, there is but a small land-carriage to _allegheny_, a branch of that great river _misissippi_; which branch extending a thousand miles from its mouth, where it enters the said river; and which joins so near to our settlements, as is above taken notice of, opens us a trade to that vast country, called by the _french louisiana_, which they possess on the _misissippi_. i am, s i r, _your humble servant_, j. a. [illustration] t h e =t r e a t y= h e l d w i t h t h e _i n d i a n s_ o f t h e s i x n a t i o n s, a t _p h i l a d e l p h i a_, in _j u l y_, . t h e t r e a t y, &c. the deputies of the six nations having, at their last visit, agreed to release their claim to all the land on both sides of the river _sasquehanah_, as far south as this province extends, and to the northward to those called the _endless mountains_, or _kittochtinny hills_; in consideration whereof, they then received a large quantity of valuable _indian_ goods for the lands situate on the eastern side of the said river, but declined at that time to receive any for those on the western side of the said river, chusing to defer the same till another visit; a large number arrived from these nations at _philadelphia_, on _wednesday_ the th of _june_, with deputies duly impowered to receive the said goods; and acquainted the governor, that being weary from the fatigue of their long journey, they should crave three or four days to rest themselves before they proceeded to their business: in the mean time they would wait on the governor to discourse, according to their usual method, about news and other occurrences; which the governor readily agreed to, and ask'd them when they would chuse to pay their first visit; which they desiring might be on _friday_ the d of _july_, in the afternoon, the council was accordingly summon'd, and met at mr. _logan_'s house, where were p r e s e n t, the honourable _g e o r g e t h o m a s_, esq; lieutenant-governor. _james logan_, } _clement plumsted_, } _samuel hasell_, } _abraham taylor_, } esqrs; _samuel preston_, } _thomas lawrence_, } _ralph asheton_, } _robert strettell_, } the chiefs of the _six nations_, with the chiefs of the _shawanese_. _c a n a s s a t e e g o_, the _onondago_ chief, speaker. _c o n r a d w e i s e r_, interpreter. the governor opened the conference as follows. '_b r e t h r e n_, 'the proprietor having purchased certain lands from your nations about six years ago, a moiety of what was agreed to be given in consideration of that purchase was at that time delivered to them, and the other being at their desire left in the proprietor's hands, he pressed you by _shikalamy_ to send last year for it, and would have been glad to have seen you, and taken you by the hand before his departure. but as the design of this meeting is to hear your news, and converse together in a free and friendly manner, i shall say no more about the goods than that they lie ready at the proprietor's house, and will be delivered when you shall have sufficiently rested from the fatigue of your journey.' the chief of the _onondagoes_ spoke. '_b r e t h r e n_, 'we propose to rest four days, and then come to the main business. at present we are at a private conference about news, and have something of this sort to mention to our brother _onas_.' and on the governor's signifying they would be glad to know what it was, the chief proceeded. '_b r e t h r e n_, 'it is our way when we come to our brethren, or any other persons, whom we live in strict friendship with, to remove all obstructions to a good understanding; with this view we are to inform you of a piece of disagreeable news that happen'd in our journey.----some white people living at a place called _conegocheegoe_, whose names we cannot tell, nor whether they belong to this or the neighbouring government, but one of them, as we heard, had his house burnt over his head some years ago, and he was brought down a prisoner and committed to the goal of this city: these people lighting of our young warriors, as they were hunting, made some proposals about the purchasing of land from them, and our young men being indiscreet, and unacquainted with publick business, were foolish enough to hearken to them, and to receive five duffil strowds for two plantations on the river _cohongoronto_. a _conestogoe indian_, and a _french indian_, and some others that were in company, had three duffil strowds, and went away with them; and our young men carried off the other two. as soon as this came to our knowledge, we sent for our warriors, and after examining and rebuking them severely, we took away their two strowds, and publickly censured them for exposing us to our brethren of _pensylvania_, in doing a thing so inconsistent with our engagements to them; "you are, said we aloud, that all our people might hear and take notice, to know and remember, that the six nations have obliged themselves to sell none of the land that falls within the province of _pensylvania_, to any other but out brother _onas_, and that to sell lands to any other is an high breach of the league of friendship." brethren, this rash proceeding of our young men makes us ashamed. we always mean well, and shall perform faithfully what we have promised: and we assure you, this affair was transacted in the manner we have related, without our privity or consent. and that you may be fully convinced of this, and of the sincerity of our intentions, we have brought you these two strowds [_here he presented two red strowds to the governor_] they are the very strowds our foolish young men received; we took them from them, and we give them to you to return to those white people who made the bargain, and desire when the strowds are returned to them, they may be told what we now say, and that we shall not confirm such bargains, nor any other that may interfere with our engagements to our brother _onas_.' the governor then spoke: '_b r e t h r e n_, 'i thank you for this piece of news; you have taken this matter perfectly right. all bargaining for land within this province, is, to be sure, a manifest breach of your contract with the proprietors, and what we know you will not countenance. we have hitherto found the _six nations_ faithful to their engagements, and this is a fresh instance of their punctuality. you could not help these mistakes of your young men; they were not done in your presence: but as several inconveniencies may arise from these kind of clandestine sales, or from any such loose sales of land by your people, we desire you will, on your return home, give publick notice to all your warriors not to bargain for any land; or if they do, that you will not confirm such bargains; and that this very affair, together with what you have done therein, may be particularly reported to all your nation assembled in council.' the _onondago_ chief promised to give such publick notice; and desiring liberty to mend his former speech, he proceeded: '_b r e t h r e n_, 'i forgot one circumstance: our people, who pretended to sell the land, demanded a belt of wampum of the buyers to carry to their chiefs; and on their declaring they had no wampum, our warriors said, they would not answer that their chiefs would confirm this bargain, since they never did any thing of this nature without wampum.' the governor, after a short pause, spoke: '_b r e t h r e n of the six nations_, 'i take this opportunity to relate to you a piece of disagreeable news i received some days ago in a letter from _le tort_, the _indian_ trader, at _allegheny_, who says, "that in _may_ last some _indians_ of the _taway_ nation, supposed by us to be the _twightwees_, in their return from war, called and staid some time with the _shawanese_; who being asked, and denying they had brought either scalps or prisoners, the _shawanese_ suspecting them, had the curiosity to search their bags, and finding two scalps in them, that by the softness of the hair did not feel like _indian_ scalps, they wash'd them clean, and found them to be the scalps of some christians. on this discovery, the _twightwees_ were so much ashamed, that they stole away from their town in the night-time; and coming, as they afterwards understood, to a little village belonging to the _shawanese_, they told our people that their hearts were full of grief; for, as they came along the road, they found it all bloody; and having good cause to believe it was made bloody with the blood of some of the white brethren, they had very sorrowfully swept the road; and desired them to inform the governor of _pensilvania_ of their (the _twightwees_) grief; and how they had swept the road clean." '_le tort_ adds, on behalf of the _shawanese_,' "that they were much grieved at this unfortunate accident; and prayed, as they had no concern in it, more than by being instruments to discover it, their brethren would not blame them, nor suffer a misunderstanding to arise between them on this account: they would sweep the road clean, and wipe all the blood away; and desired their brethren would be satisfied with this, and not weep too much for a misfortune that might not happen again as long as the sun and moon shone." 'the person who delivered me _le tort_'s letter, brought this bundle of skins as a present to me; but i told the messenger, i would not meddle with it; he might leave it if he pleased: the affair appear'd to me in a bad light, and i would represent it to the _six nations_, who were expected in town every day. this is the fact, as i have it from _le tort_: i desire to be inform'd if you know any thing of this matter; and if you do not, that you will make diligent enquiry who committed the murder, and who are the unhappy sufferers, and assist us to obtain satisfaction, if it shall appear to be any, of our fellow-subjects that have been treated in this manner.' _to inforce this request, i present you with this string of wampum_. the _onondago_ chief, in reply, said: '_b r e t h r e n_, 'we take this information kindly at your hands; we will take this string of wampum home with us to our lodgings, and there consult about the most regular and proper steps to be taken by us to answer your expectations, and when we have duly considered the matter, we will return you an answer.' upon this the governor put an end to the conference; and calling for wine, and other liquors, according to the _indian_ custom, after a decent and chearful entertainment, the _indians_ withdrew. * * * * * at a c o u n c i l held at the proprietor's house, _july_ , . p r e s e n t the honourable _g e o r g e t h o m a s_, esq; lieutenant-governor. _james logan_, } _clement plumsted_, } esqrs; with several gentlemen of the town. _the chiefs of the six nations_. it being judg'd proper, at this critical time, when we are in daily expectation of a _french_ war, to sound the _indians_, and discover what dependance we might have on them, in case their aid should be wanted, an handsome dinner was provided for their chiefs; and after they had made an hearty meal, and drank his majesty's health, the proprietors, and the health of the _six nations_, the chiefs gave the solemn cry, in testimony of their thanks for the honour done them. and soon after the governor began, in a free way, to enquire for what reason the _senecas_ were not come down, since they had an equal share of the goods with the other nations.----_canassateego_, their speaker, said, 'the _senecas_ were in great distress, on account of a famine that raged in their country, which had reduced them to such want, that a father had been obliged to kill two of his children to preserve his own, and the rest of his family's lives; and they could not now come down, but had given directions about their share of the goods.'----the governor express'd his concern for the unhappy circumstances of their brethren of the _seneca_ nation; and, after a short respite, enquired if any of their deputies were then at _canada_, and whether the _french_ governor was making any warlike preparations. and on their answering _yes_, the governor said, with a smiling, pleasant countenance, 'i suppose, if the _french_ should go to war with us, you will join them.' the _indians_ conferr'd together for some time, and then _canassateego_, in a chearful lively manner, made answer.----'we assure you, the governor of _canada_ pays our nations great court at this time, well knowing of what consequence we are to the _french_ interest: he has already told us, he was uncovering the hatchet, and sharpening it, and hoped, if he should be obliged to lift it up against the _english_, our nations would remain neuter, and assist neither side.----but we will now speak plainly to our brethren: why should we, who are one flesh with you, refuse to help you, whenever you want our assistance?----we have continued a long time in the strictest league of amity and friendship with you, and we shall always be faithful and true to you our old and good allies.----the governor of _canada_ talks a great deal, but ten of his words do not go so far as one of yours.----we do not look towards them; we look towards you; and you may depend on our assistance.' whilst the _onondago_ chief made this open and hearty declaration, all the other _indians_ made frequently that particular kind of noise which is known to be a mark of approbation.----the governor bid the interpreter tell _canassateego_, 'he did not set on foot this enquiry from any suspicion he had of the _six nations_ wanting a due regard for the _english_.--our experience of their honour and faith, said he, would not permit us to think any other of them, than that they would esteem our friends their friends, and our enemies their enemies, agreeable to the strict union which had ever subsisted between us.--as to the governor of _canada_, he told them they need not mind what he said.--the _english_, on equal terms, had beat the _french_, and could beat them again: and were they but to consider the advantages which the _english_ have, by possessing so many large and populous countries, and so many good ports on the continent of _america_, they would soon see who had most reason to fear a war, the _french_ or the _english_.' * * * * * here the conversation dropped; and after another glass of wine, the _indians_ resumed the discourse, by asking whether their brethren had not been for some time engaged in a war with the king of _spain_, and what successes they had met with. the governor told them, the king of _great-britain_ lived in an island, and being surrounded with the sea, his chief strength lay in his ships; in which he was so much superior to his enemies, that they were seldom to be met with on the broad ocean, but sculk'd and hid themselves, only venturing out now and then; and whenever they did, they were almost sure to be taken; and that the king of _great-britain_ had with his ships, beat down, or taken several of the _spaniards_ great forts in _america_.--the _indians_ said, they were pleased to hear their brethren were an over-match for their enemies, and wish'd them good success. the governor then enquired into the state and condition of the nations to the westward of the great lakes, and whether they had any warriors then in those countries? whether they had concluded peace with the southern _indians_? and whether they had heard what their deputies had done at _albany_? they made answer: that they had always abundance of their men out amongst the nations situate to the west of their lakes.--that they had kindled a fire with a vast many nations, some whereof were tributaries, and they had a good understanding with all.--they set out from their own country in company with two sets of deputies, one going to hold a treaty with the southern _indians_, and they believed a peace would be concluded: the other going to meet the governor of _new-york_, at _albany_; but they could not tell what had been done at either place.--on their return, they were to hold a general council, and would inform their brethren of these particulars. then the governor put an end to the conference, by telling the _indians_ the goods would be delivered to them at a council to be held to-morrow afternoon at the meeting-house. * * * * * at a council held in the meeting house, _philadelphia, july_ , . p r e s e n t, the honourable _g e o r g e t h o m a s_, esq; lieutenant-governor. _james logan_, } _clement plumsted_, } _abraham taylor_, } esqrs; _samuel preston_, } _ralph asheton_, } _robert strettell_, } _c a n a s s a t e e g o_, chief of the _onondagoes_, speaker. s h i c a l a m y, and a great number of _indians_, whose names are as follows, _viz_. o n o n t o g o e s. _sawegaty_, } _caxhayion_, } counsellors. _saguyassatha_, _kayadoghratie_, alias _slanaghquasy_, _rotier-uwughton_, _tokaughaah_, _tiorughwaghthe_, _tokano-ungoh_, _aronty-oony_, _tohanohawighton_, _tioghwatoony_, _auughrahysey_. c a i y o q u o s. _sahugh-sowa_, } _tohatgaghthus_, } chiefs. _tokany-esus_, _runho-hihio_, _kanadoghary_, _zior-aghquaty_, _sagu-iughwatha_, alias _cadcaradasey_, _sca-yenties_, _tats-heghteh_, _alligh-waheis_, _tayo-quario_, _hogh degh runtu_, _rotehn haghtyackon_, captain. _sawoalieselhohaa_, _sagughsa-eck_, _uwantakeraa_, _horuhot_, _osoghquaa_, _tuyanoegon_. a n o y i u t s, _or_ o n e i d a s. _saristaquoh_, } ungquaterughiathe, alias _shikelimo_, } chiefs. _tottowakerha_, _taraghkoerus_, _onughkallydawwy_, a noted young chief. _onughnaxqua_, chief. _tawyiakaarat_, _tohathuyongochtha_, _sughnakaarat_, _taghneghdoerus_, _tokanyiadaroeyon_, _sagogughyatha_, _rahehius_, _tokanusoegon_. j e n o n t o w a n o s, _or_ s e n e c a s. _karugh iagh raghquy_, captain. _tahn heentus_, _onontyiack_. t u s c a r r o r o s. _sawontka_, } _ti-ieroes_, } chiefs. _cloghsytowax_, } _tokaryhoegon_, captain. _oghioghseh_, _tieleghweghson_, _tougrotha_, _yorughianego_, _ot-quehig_, _squaghky_, _sayadyio_, _onughsowûghton_, _cherigh wâstho_, _aghsûnteries_, _tion ogh scôghtha_, _saligh wanaghson_, _ohn-wâasey_, _tocar-eher_ [died since at _tulpehokin_.] _tohanatâkqua_, _kanyhâag_. s h a w a n o e s. _wehwehlaky_, chief. _aset teywa_, _asoghqua_, _maya minickysy_, _wawyia beeseny_. canestogo _indians that speak the_ onayiut's _language_. _tior haasery_, chief. _tanigh wackerau_, _karha cawyiat_, _kayen quily quo_. c a n o y i a s, _or_ n a n t i k o k e s, _of_ canestogo. _des-seheg_, _ichqua que heck_, _quesamaag_, _ayiok-ius_. d e l a w a r e s _of_ shamokin. _olumapies_, } _lingehanoah_, } chiefs. _kelly macquan_, _quitie-yquont_, _pishquiton_, _nena chy haut_. d e l a w a r e s _from the_ forks. _onutpe_, } _lawye quohwon_, alias _nutimus_, } chiefs. _toweghkappy_. _cornel. spring_, and others. c o n r a d w e i s e r, c o r n e l i u s s p r i n g, _interpreters_. and a great number of the inhabitants of _philadelphia_. the governor having commanded silence, spoke as follows: '_friends and brethren of the six nations_, 'six years ago a number of your chiefs obliged us with a visit, when they agreed on behalf of your nations, to the release of certain lands on both sides the river _sasquehannah_, to the southward of the _endless-mountains_, and within the limits and bounds of the king's grant of this province. in consideration of which, a certain quantity of goods was agreed on, and delivered as a full satisfaction for the said lands, lying on the eastern side of the said river: and for the lands on the western side of the said river, you desired the payment should be deferr'd till another opportunity. these goods, which are exactly the same in quantity, as those you received the last time the chiefs of your nations were here, have been ready a considerable time, and kept in expectation of your coming for them: and now you are come down, fully impowered by your respective councils to receive them, we are well pleased to deliver them; leaving it to you to make a fair and equal division of them amongst yourselves. we are sorry for the absence of our brethren the _senecas_, and much more so, that it should be owing to their distress at home by a famine that rages in their country:--a famine so great, that you tell us a father has been obliged to sacrifice one part of his family, even his own children, for the support and preservation of himself, and the other part.--we heartily commiserate their condition, and do not doubt but you will do them fair and ample justice in the disposal of their part of the goods, in such manner as they have instructed you. you shall now hear the list of the goods read to you.' here, by the governor's order, the list of the goods was read over, _viz_. _pounds of powder_. _pounds of lead_. _guns_. _strowd-matchcoats_. _blankets_. _duffil matchcoats_. _yards half-thick_. _shirts_. _hats_. _pair shoes & buckles_. _pair stockings_. _hatchets_. _knives_. _hoes_. _kettles_. _tobacco-tongs_. _scissars_. _awl-blades_. _combs_. _needles_. _flints_. _looking-glasses_. _pounds of vermilion_. _tin-pots_. _tobacco-pipes_. _pounds of tobacco_. _dozen of gartering_, and _gallons of rum_. then the governor told them that the goods, of which the particulars had been just read to them, were in the meeting-house, and would be sent to whatever place they would direct. the governor then proceeded: '_b r e t h r e n_, 'you have often heard of the care that your great and good friend and brother _william penn_, took at all times to cultivate a perfect good harmony with all the _indians_: of these your nations have ever been fully sensible; but more especially a number of your chiefs, about ten years ago, when on the arrival of a son of your said great friend _william penn_, large and valuable presents were exchanged by us with you; a new road was made and clear'd; a new fire kindled; and the chain of friendship made stronger, so as to last while the sun and moon endure. 'and now we cannot but congratulate ourselves, that your coming should happen at a time, when we are in daily expectation of a war being declared between the king of _england_, and the _french_ king, well knowing that should such a war happen, it must very sensibly affect you, considering your situation in the neighbourhood of _canada_. your coming at this juncture is particularly fortunate, since it gives us an opportunity of mentioning several things that may be necessary to be settled, between people so strictly and closely united as we are.--an union not to be expressed by any thing less, than the affectionate regards which children of the same parents bear for each other, as conceiving ourselves to be one flesh and one people. 'the utmost care therefore ought mutually to be taken by us on both sides, that the road between us be kept perfectly clear and open, and no lets nor the least obstruction be suffered to lie in the way; or if any should by accident be found, that may hinder our free intercourse and correspondence, it must forthwith be removed. _to inforce this, we lay down a string of wampum._ 'in the next place, we, on our part, shall inlarge our fire that burns between us. we shall provide more fewel to increase it, and make it burn brighter and clearer, and give a stronger and more lasting light and warmth. _in evidence of our sincere intentions, we lay down this belt of wampum_. 'in the last place, considering the obligations we are mutually under by our several treaties, "that we should hear with our ears for you, and you hear with your ears for us." we shall at times very willingly give you the earliest and best intelligence, of any designs that may be form'd to your disadvantage.--and if you discover any preparations that can hurt us, we desire you will immediately dispatch some suitable person in whom we can place a confidence, to give us a proper information.' _to inforce this request, as well as to brighten the chain, we lay down this other belt of wampum._ on the governor's concluding the speech, the solemn cry by way of approbation was repeated by the _indians_, as many times as there were nations present; and then _canassateego_ rose up and spoke. '_b r e t h r e n_, 'we thank you for your kind speech: what you have said is very agreeable to us; and to-morrow when we have deliberated on the several matters recommended to us, we will give you our answer. we desire, as our time will be wholly taken up in council, you will order the goods to be carried back to the proprietaries to prevent their being lost, and that they may continue there till we call for them.' * * * * * at a c o u n c i l held in the meeting-house, _july_ , . p r e s e n t, the honourable _g e o r g e t h o m a s_, esq; lieutenant-governor. _james logan_, } _thomas lawrence_, } _abraham taylor_, } esqrs; _samuel preston_, } _samuel hasell_, } _robert strettell_, } _c a n a s s a t e e g o_'s speech on behalf of the _six nations_. '_b r e t h r e n, the governor and council, and all present_, 'according to our promise we now propose to return you an answer to the several things mentioned to us yesterday, and shall beg leave to speak to publick affairs first, tho' they were what you spoke to last. on this head you yesterday put us in mind, first, "of _william penn_'s early and constant care to cultivate friendship with all the _indians_; of the treaty we held with one of his sons, about ten years ago; and of the necessity there is at this time of keeping the roads between us clear and free from all obstructions." we are all very sensible of the kind regard that good man _william penn_ had for all the _indians_, and cannot but be pleased to find that his children have the same. we well remember the treaty you mention held with his son on his arrival here, by which we confirmed our league of friendship, that is to last as long as the sun and moon endure: in consequence of this, we, on our part, shall preserve the road free from all incumbrances; in confirmation whereof we lay down this string of wampum. 'you in the next place said you would enlarge the fire and make it burn brighter, which we are pleased to hear you mention; and assure you, we shall do the same, by adding to it more fewel, that it may still flame out more strongly than ever: in the last place, you were pleased to say that we are bound by the strictest leagues, to watch for each others preservation; that we should hear with our ears for you, and you hear with your ears for us: this is equally agreeable to us; and we shall not fail to give you early intelligence, whenever any thing of consequence comes to our knowledge: and to encourage you to do the same, and to nourish in your hearts what you have spoke to us with your tongues, about the renewal of our amity and the brightening of the chain of friendship; we confirm what we have said with another belt of wampum.' '_b r e t h r e n_, 'we received from the proprietors yesterday, some goods in consideration of our release of the lands on the west-side of _sasquehannah_. it is true, we have the full quantity according to agreement; but if the proprietor had been here himself, we think, in regard of our numbers and poverty, he would have made an addition to them.--if the goods were only to be divided amongst the _indians_ present, a single person would have but a small portion; but if you consider what numbers are left behind, equally entitled with us to a share, there will be extremely little. we therefore desire, if you have the keys of the proprietor's chest, you will open it, and take out a little more for us. 'we know our lands are now become more valuable: the white people think we do not know their value; but we are sensible that the land is everlasting, and the few goods we receive for it are soon worn out and gone. for the future, we will sell no lands but when brother _onas_ is in the country; and we will know beforehand, the quantity of the goods we are to receive. besides, we are not well used with respect to the lands still unsold by us. your people daily settle on these lands, and spoil our hunting.--we must insist on your removing them, as you know they have no right to settle to the northward of _kittochtinny-hills_.--in particular, we renew our complaints against some people who are settled at _juniata_, a branch of _sasquahannah_, and all along the banks of that river, as far as _mahaniay_; and desire they may be forthwith made to go off the land, for they do great damage to our cousins the _delawares_. 'we have further to observe, with respect to the lands lying on the west-side of _sasquahannah_, that though brother _onas_ (meaning the proprietor) has paid us for what his people possess, yet some parts of that country have been taken up by persons, whose place of residence is to the south of this province, from whom we have never received any consideration. this affair was recommended to you by our chiefs at our last treaty; and you then, at our earnest desire, promised to write a letter to that person who has the authority over those people, and to procure us his answer: as we have never heard from you on this head, we want to know what you have done in it. if you have not done any thing, we now renew our request, and desire you will inform the person whose people are seated on our lands, that that country belongs to us, in right of conquest; we having bought it with our blood, and taken it from our enemies in fair war; and we expect, as owners of that land, to receive such a consideration for it as the land is worth. we desire you will press him to send a positive answer: let him say _yes_ or _no_: if he says yes, we will treat with him; if no, we are able to do ourselves justice; and we will do it, by going to take payment ourselves. 'it is customary with us to make a present of skins, whenever we renew our treaties. we are ashamed to offer our brethren so few, but your horses and cows have eat the grass our deer used to feed on. this has made them scarce, and will, we hope, plead in excuse for our not bringing a larger quantity. if we could have spared more, we would have given more; but we are really poor; and desire you'll not consider the quantity, but few as they are, accept them in testimony of our regard.' _here they gave the governor a bundle of skins_. the governor immediately replied. '_b r e t h r e n_, 'we thank you for the many declarations of respect you have given us, in this solemn renewal of our treaties: we receive, and shall keep your string and belts of wampum, as pledges of your sincerity, and desire those we gave you may be carefully preserved, as testimonies of ours. 'in answer to what you say about the proprietaries.--they are all absent, and have taken the keys of their chest with them; so that we cannot, on their behalf, enlarge the quantity of goods: were they here, they might perhaps, be more generous; but we cannot be liberal for them.--the government will, however, take your request into consideration; and in regard to your poverty, may perhaps make you a present. i but just mention this now, intending to refer this part of your speech to be answered at our next meeting. 'the number of guns, as well as every thing else, answers exactly with the particulars specified in your deed of conveyance, which is more than was agreed to be given you. it was your own sentiments, that the lands on the west-side of _sasquahannah_, were not so valuable as those on the east; and an abatement was to be made, proportionable to the difference in value: but the proprietor overlooked this, and ordered the full quantity to be delivered, which you will look on as a favour. 'it is very true, that lands are of late become more valuable; but what raises their value? is it not entirely owing to the industry and labour used by the white people, in their cultivation and improvement? had not they come amongst you, these lands would have been of no use to you, any further than to maintain you. and is there not, now you have sold so much, enough left for all the purposes of living?--what you say of the goods, that they are soon worn out, is applicable to every thing; but you know very well, that they cost a great deal of money; and the value of land is no more, than it is worth in money. 'on your former complaints against people's settling the lands on _juniata_, and from thence all along on the river _sasquahannah_ as far as _mahaniahy_, some magistrates were sent expresly to remove them, and we thought no persons would presume to stay after that.' here they interrupted the governor, and said:-- "these persons who were sent did not do their duty: so far from removing the people, they made surveys for themselves, and they are in league with the trespassers. we desire more effectual methods may be used, and honester persons employed." which the governor promised, and then proceeded: '_b r e t h r e n_, 'according to the promise made at our last treaty with you, mr. _logan_, who was at that time president, did write to the governor of _maryland_, that he might make you satisfaction for such of your lands as his people had taken up, but did not receive one word from him upon that head. i will write to him again, and endeavour to procure you a satisfactory answer. we do not doubt but he will do you justice: but we exhort you to be careful not to exercise any acts of violence towards his people, as they likewise are our brethren, and subjects of the same great king; and therefore violence towards them, must be productive of very evil consequences. 'i shall conclude what i have to say at this time, with acknowledgments for your present; which is very agreeable to us, from the expressions of regard used by you in presenting it: gifts of this nature receiving their value from the affection of the giver, and not from the quantity or price of the thing given.' * * * * * at a c o u n c i l held at _philadelphia, july_ , . p r e s e n t, the honourable _g e o r g e t h o m a s_, esq; lieutenant-governor. _james logan_, } _clement plumsted_, } _samuel hasell_, } _abraham taylor_, } _samuel preston_, } esqrs; _thomas lawrence_, } _ralph asheton_, } _robert strettell_, } the board taking into consideration, whether it be proper or not at this time, to make a present to the _indians_ of the six nations now in town, in return for their present to this government at yesterday's treaty; _resolved_, that it is highly fit and proper that a present be made to the said _indians_ at this time. and it is the opinion of this board, that the said present should be of the value of _l._ or at least _l._ and it is recommended to mr. _logan_, mr. _preston_, and mr. _lawrence_, to acquaint mr. _kinsey_, the speaker of the assembly, with the opinion of this board; and that they request him to confer with such other members of assembly as are in town, and report their sentiments thereupon. the board taking into consideration the threats expressed by the _indians_, at the treaty yesterday, against the inhabitants of _maryland_, settled on certain lands on the west-side of _sasquahannah_, which the _indians_ claim, and for which they require satisfaction; and considering, that should those threats, in any sort be put in execution, not only the inhabitants of _maryland_, but of this government, and all his majesty's subjects on the northern continent of _america_, may thereby be involved in much trouble: it is the opinion of this board, that the governor write to the governor of _maryland_ without delay, to inform him of the _indians_ complaints and threats, and to request a satisfactory answer; and that his letter be sent by a special messenger, at the publick expence. * * * * * at a c o u n c i l held _july_ , . p r e s e n t, the honourable _g e o r g e t h o m a s_, esq; lieutenant-governor. _james logan_, esq; _clement plumsted_, esq; _samuel hasell_, esq; _robert strettell_, esq; _samuel preston_, esq; _ralph asheton_, esq; _thomas lawrence_, esq; mr. _peters_. the governor informed the board, that the _indian_ chiefs dining with him yesterday, after dinner delivered their answer to two affairs of consequence: the first related to the violent battery committed on _william webb_, in the forks of _delaware_, whereby his jaw-bone was broke, and his life greatly endangered, by an unknown _indian_. _canassatego_ repeating the message delivered to the _six nations_ by _shickcalamy_, in the year , with a string of wampum, said in answer: 'the _six nations_ had made diligent enquiry into the affair, and had found out the _indian_ who had committed the fact; he lived near _asopus_, and had been examined and severely reprov'd: and they hoped, as _william webb_ was recovered, the governor would not expect any further punishment; and therefore they returned the string of wampum received from their brethren, by the hand of _shickcalamy_, in token that they had fully complied with their request.' i thank'd them, said he, for their care; but reminded them, that though the man did not die, yet he lay a long time in extreme misery, and would never recover the free use of his speech, and was rendered less able to get his livelihood; and in such cases the _english_ laws obliged the assailant to make good all damages, besides paying for the pain endured.--but as the _indian_ was, in all probability, poor and unable to make satisfaction, i told them, that for their sake i would forgive him; adding, had _webb_ died, i make no doubt but you would have put the _indian_ to death, just as we did two of our people who had killed an _indian_; we caused them to be hung on a gallows, in the presence of many hundreds of our people, to deter all others from doing the like. _canassatego_ made me this reply: 'the _indians_ know no punishment but death; they have no such thing as pecuniary mulcts; if a man be guilty of a crime, he is either put to death, or the fault is overlook'd. we have often heard of your hanging-up those two persons; but as none of our _indians_ saw the men die, many believe they were not hanged, but transported to some other colony: and it would be satisfactory to the _indians_, if, for the future, some of them be sent for, to be witnesses of such executions.' i assured them, that whoever gave them that information, abused them; for the persons certainly suffered death, and in the presence of all the people. _canassatego_ then proceeded to give an answer to what was said to them the d instant, relating to _le tort_'s letter: 'that they had, in council, considered in what manner the matter recommended to them ought to be conducted; and they were of opinion, that as the _shawanese_, not the _twightwys_ (for they knew so much of it, that the people were of the _twightwy_ nation in whose bags the scalps were found) had sent me a present of skins, i should in return, send them a blanket or a kettle, and with it a very sharp message, that tho' they had done well in sweeping the road from blood, yet that was but a small part of their duty; they ought not to have suffered the _twightwys_, after their lye and the discovery of the scalps, to have left them, 'till they had given a full and true account how they came by them, whose scalps they were, and in what place, and for what reason the men were kill'd; and when they had been fully satisfied of all these particulars, then it was their duty to have given information to the government where the white people lived, that the murderers might be complained against, and punished by the nation they belonged to: and as the _shawanese_ had omitted to perform the part of brethren, that i should reprove them for it, and charge them to make amends for their neglect, by using all possible expedition to come at the knowledge of these things, and to aid their brethren the white people in obtaining justice.' the minutes of the preceding council being read, mr. _logan_, in pursuance of the board's direction of yesterday, reported, on behalf of himself, and the other gentlemen to whom it was recommended, that they had confer'd with mr. _kinsey_, and requested him to consult the other members of the assembly concerning the making a present to the _indians_; and that mr. _kinsey_ having collected the sentiments of several members of the assembly in town, whom he had confer'd with on that subject, found them generally of opinion, that a present should at this time be made; but that they had declined nominating any sum: however, that mr. _kinsey_ had given it as his own opinion, that the governor and council might go as far as _three hundred pounds_. and accordingly it is refer'd to mr. _logan_, mr. _preston_, and mr. _lawrence_, to consider of, and prepare a proper list of the goods whereof the present should be composed, to the value of _three hundred pounds_, as aforesaid; advising with the interpreter as to the quantity and quality. * * * * * at a c o u n c i l held at the proprietor's, the th of _july_, p. m. . p r e s e n t the honourable _g e o r g e t h o m a s_, esq; lieutenant-governor. _james logan_, } _samuel preston_, } esqrs; _robert strettell_, } _abraham taylor_, } the c h i e f s of the _six nations_. _s a s s o o n a n_, and the _delawares_. _n u t i m u s_, and the _fork-indians_. _c o n r a d w e i s e r_, interpreter. the governor spoke to the chiefs of the _six nations_, as follows: '_b r e t h r e n_, 'the last time the chiefs of the _six nations_ were here, they were informed, that your cousins, a branch of the _delawares_, gave this province some disturbance about the lands the proprietor purchased from them, and for which their ancestors had received a valuable consideration above _fifty-five_ years ago, as appears by a deed now lying on the table.--sometime after this, _conrad weiser_ delivered to your brother _thomas penn_ your letter, wherein you request of him, and _james logan_, that they would not buy land, &c.--this has been shewn to them and interpreted; notwithstanding which they have continued their former disturbances, and have had the insolence to write letters to some of the magistrates of this government, wherein they have abused your good brethren, our worthy proprietaries, and treated them with the utmost rudeness and ill-manners. being loth, from our regard to you, to punish them as they deserve, i sent two messengers to inform them that you were expected here, and should be acquainted with their behaviour.--as you, on all occasions, apply to us to remove all white people that are settled on lands before they are purchased from you, and we do our endeavours to turn such people off; we now expect from you, that you will cause these _indians_ to remove from the lands in the forks of delaware, and not give any further disturbance to the persons who are now in possession.' _to inforce this we lay down a string of wampum_. then were read the several conveyances, the paragraph of the letter wrote by the chiefs of the _six nations_ relating to the _delawares_; the letters of the _fork-indians_ to the governor and mr. _langhorne_, and a draught of the land; these were then delivered to _conrad weiser_, who was desired to interpret them to the chiefs, when they should take this affair into their consideration. * * * * * at a c o u n c i l held _july_ , . p r e s e n t the honourable _g e o r g e t h o m a s_, esq; lieutenant-governor. _james logan_, } _clement plumsted_, } _thomas lawrence_, } _abraham taylor_, } esqrs; _samuel preston_, } _samuel hasell_, } _robert strettell_, } the governor laid before the board an extract from the treaty held here the th instant with the _indians_ of the _six nations_, so far as it related to the inhabitants of _maryland_; as also a letter he had prepared for the governor of _maryland_ upon that subject; both of which being approved, were ordered to be transcribed fair, in order to be dispatch'd the following morning. the letter was as follows: philadelphia, july , . s i r, _the inclosed extract of the speech made by the chiefs of the_ six nations, _before a very numerous audience, in this place, with my answer to it, is of so great importance to all his majesty's colonies in this part of his dominions, and to your government in particular, that i have employ'd a special messenger to deliver it you. i hope you will enable me to send them a satisfactory answer. it would be impertinent in me to say more to one so well informed as you are of those nations, and of their absolute authority over all the_ indians _bordering upon us, or of the advantages of maintaining a strict friendship with them at all times, but more especially at this critical juncture._ i am, yours, &c. an account exhibited by _conrad weiser_ of his expences upon the _indians_, and _indian_ affairs, from _february_ last to _july_ , , amounting to _l._ _s._ _d._ was laid before the board, and examin'd, and allow'd to be a just and very moderate account. and the board taking into consideration the many signal services performed by the said _conrad weiser_ to this government, his diligence and labour in the service thereof, and his skill in the _indian_ languages and methods of business, are of opinion, that the said _conrad_ should be allowed, as a reward from the province at this time, the sum of _thirty pounds_, at least, besides payment of his said account. * * * * * at a c o u n c i l held at the great meeting-house, _july_ . _p. m._ . p r e s e n t the honourable _g e o r g e t h o m a s_, esq; lieutenant-governor. _james logan_, } _thomas lawrence_, } _abraham taylor_, } esqrs; _samuel preston_, } _samuel hasell_, } _robert strettell_, } _c a n a s s a t e g o_, } _s h i c k c a l a m y_, } and other _indian_ chiefs. _c o n r a d w e i s e r_, interpreter. and a great number of the inhabitants of _philadelphia_. the governor spoke to the _indians_ as follows: '_b r e t h r e n_, 'this meeting will be short: it is in order to make you a present from the governor, the council, the assembly, and all our people. _william penn_ was known to you to be a good and faithful friend to all the _indians_: he made a league of friendship with you, by which we became one people. this league has often since been renew'd by friendly treaties; and as you have declared that the friendship shall always last on your parts, so we would have you believe that it shall remain inviolable on ours while the sun and moon endure. 'i gave you some expectation of a present, and we have it now ready to deliver to you. this present is made you by the governor, council, assembly, and all our people, in consideration of the great miseries and distresses which you our good friends have lately suffered. this will be some relief to you for the present, and it's to be hoped your own industry will soon retrieve your circumstances. 'it has sometimes happened, and may happen again, that idle and untrue stories are carried to you concerning us your brethren; but our desire is, and we expect it from you, that you will give no credit to them; for we are, and always will be, your steady and sincere friends. 'it is a custom when we renew our treaties with our good friends the _indians_, to clear the road, and make our fire burn bright: we have done so upon this occasion; and, in token of our sincerity, we deliver you, as a present from the governor, the council, the assembly, and all the people of _pensylvania_, the following goods, _viz_. _guns_. _pounds of lead_. _pounds of powder_. _strowdes_ } _duffil_ } _match-coats_. _blankets_. _yards of half-thicks_. _ruffled shirts_. _hats_. _flints_. _hoes_. _hatchets_. _pounds of vermilion_. _dozen of knives_. _dozen of gimblets_. _dozen of tobacco-tongs_. _pair of shoes_. _pair of stockings_. _pair of buckles_. whereupon the chiefs, and all the _indians_, returned their solemn thanks; and _canassatego_ said, 'they had no more to say as to publick business at present; but they had somewhat under deliberation, which, when they had duly considered, they would communicate.' * * * * * at a c o u n c i l held at the proprietor's, _july_ , . p r e s e n t the honourable _g e o r g e t h o m a s_, esq; lieutenant-governor. _james logan_, } _thomas lawrence_, } _robert strettell_, } esqrs; _clement plumsted_, } _abraham taylor_, } mr. _richard peters_. _c a n a s s a t e g o_, } and sundry chiefs of the _six nations_. _s h i c k c a l a m y_, } _s a s s o o n a n_, and the _delawares_. _n u t t i m u s_, and the _fork-indians_. _c o n r a d w e i s e r_, interpreter. _pisquetoman_, } _cornelius spring_, } interpreters to the _fork-indians_. _nicholas scull_, } _c a n a s s a t e g o_ said: '_b r e t h r e n, the governor and council_, 'the other day you informed us of the misbehaviour of our cousins the _delawares_, with respect to their continuing to claim, and refusing to remove from some land on the river _delaware_, notwithstanding their ancestors had sold it by a deed under their hands and seals to the proprietaries, for a valuable consideration, upwards of _fifty_ years ago; and notwithstanding that, they themselves had also not many years ago, after a long and full examination, ratified that deed of their ancestors, and given a fresh one under their hands and seals; and then you requested us to remove them, inforcing your request with a string of wampum.--afterwards we laid on the table our own letters by _conrad weiser_; some of our cousins letters, and the several writings to prove the charge against our cousins, with a draught of the land in dispute.--we now tell you, we have perused all these several papers: we see with our own eyes, that they have been a very unruly people, and are altogether in the wrong in their dealings with you.--we have concluded to remove them, and oblige them to go over the river _delaware_, and quit all claim to any lands on this side for the future, since they have received pay for them, and it is gone thro' their guts long ago.--to confirm to you that we will see your request executed, we lay down this string of wampum in return for yours.' then turning to the _delawares_, holding a belt of wampum in his hand, he spoke to them as follows: '_c o u s i n s_, 'let this belt of wampum serve to chastise you. you ought to be taken by the hair of the head and shaked severely, till you recover your senses and become sober. you don't know what ground you stand on, nor what you are doing. our brother _onas_'s cause is very just and plain, and his intentions are to preserve friendship. on the other hand, your cause is bad; your heart far from being upright; and you are maliciously bent to break the chain of friendship with our brother _onas_, and his people. we have seen with our eyes a deed sign'd by nine of your ancestors above _fifty_ years ago for this very land, and a release sign'd, not many years since, by some of yourselves and chiefs now living, to the number of fifteen or upwards.--but how came you to take upon you to sell land at all? we conquered you; we made women of you; you know you are women, and can no more sell land than women; nor is it fit you should have the power of selling lands, since you would abuse it. this land that you claim is gone thro' your guts; you have been furnished with cloaths, meat, and drink, by the goods paid you for it, and now you want it again, like children as you are.--but what makes you sell land in the dark? did you ever tell us that you had sold this land? did we ever receive any part, even the value of a pipe-shank, from you for it? you have told us a blind story, that you sent a messenger to us to inform us of the sale, but he never came amongst us, nor we never heard any thing about it.--this is acting in the dark, and very different from the conduct our _six_ nations observe in the sales of land; on such occasions they give publick notice, and invite all the _indians_ of their united nations, and give them all a share of the present they receive for their lands.--this is the behaviour of the wise united nations.--but we find you are none of our blood: you act a dishonest part, not only in this, but in other matters: your ears are ever open to slanderous reports about our brethren; you receive them with as much greediness as lewd women receive the embraces of bad men. and for all these reasons we charge you to remove instantly; we don't give you the liberty to think about it. you are women. take the advice of a wise man, and remove immediately. you may return to the other side of _delaware_ where you came from: but we do not know whether, considering how you have demean'd yourselves, you will be permitted to live there; or whether you have not swallowed that land down your throats as well as the land on this side. we therefore assign you two places to go, either to _wyomen_ or _shamokin_. you may go to either of these places, and then we shall have you more under our eye, and shall see how you behave. don't deliberate; but remove away, and take this belt of wampum.' this being interpreted by _conrad weiser_ into _english_, and by _cornelius spring_ into the _delaware_ language, _canassatego_ taking a string of wampum, added further. 'after our just reproof, and absolute order to depart from the land, you are now to take notice of what we have further to say to you. this string of wampum serves to forbid you, your children and grand-children, to the latest posterity for ever, meddling in land-affairs; neither you, nor any who shall descend from you, are ever hereafter to presume to sell any land: for which purpose, you are to preserve this string, in memory of what your uncles have this day given you in charge.--we have some other business to transact with our brethren, and therefore depart the council, and consider what has been said to you.' _canassatego_ then spoke to the governor and council: '_b r e t h r e n_, 'we called at our old friend _james logan_'s, in our way to this city, and to our grief we found him hid in the bushes, and retired, thro' infirmities, from publick business. we press'd him to leave his retirement, and prevailed with him to assist once more on our account at your councils. we hope, notwithstanding his age, and the effects of a fit of sickness, which we understand has hurt his constitution, that he may yet continue a long time to assist this province with his counsels. he is a wise man, and a fast friend to the _indians_. and we desire, when his soul goes to g o d, you may chuse in his room just such another person, of the same prudence and ability in counselling, and of the same tender disposition and affection for the _indians_. in testimony of our gratitude for all his services, and because he was so good as to leave his country-house, and follow us to town, and be at the trouble, in this his advanced age, to attend the council, we present him with this bundle of skins.' '_b r e t h r e n_, 'it is always our way, at the conclusion of a treaty, to desire you will use your endeavours with the traders, that they may sell their goods cheaper, and give us a better price for our deer-skins. whenever any particular sort of _indian_ goods is scarce, they constantly make us pay the dearer on that account. we must now use the same argument with them: our deer are killed in such quantities, and our hunting-countries grown less every day by the settlement of white people, that game is now difficult to find, and we must go a great way in quest of it; they therefore ought to give us a better price for our skins; and we desire you would speak to them to do so. we have been stinted in the article of rum in town. we desire you will open the rum-bottle, and give it to us in greater abundance on the road.' _to inforce our request, about the_ indian _traders_, _we present you with this bundle of skins_. '_b r e t h r e n_, 'when we first came to your houses, we found them clean and in order; but we have staid so long as to dirty them; which is to be imputed to our different way of living from the white people: and therefore, as we cannot but have been disagreeable to you on this account, we present you with some skins to make your houses clean, and put them into the same condition they were in when we came amongst you.' '_b r e t h r e n_, 'the business the _five_ nations transact with you is of great consequence, and requires a skilful and honest person to go between us; one in whom both you and we can place a confidence.--we esteem our present interpreter to be such a person, equally faithful in the interpretation of whatever is said to him by either of us, equally allied to both; he is of our nation, and a member of our council, as well as of yours. when we adopted him, we divided him into two equal parts: one we kept for ourselves, and one we left for you. he has had a great deal of trouble with us, wore out his shoes in our messages, and dirty'd his clothes by being amongst us, so that he is become as nasty as an _indian_. 'in return for these services, we recommend him to your generosity; and on our own behalf, we give him _five skins_ to buy him clothes and shoes with.' '_b r e t h r e n_, 'we have still one more favour to ask. our treaty, and all we have to say about publick business, is now over, and to-morrow we design to leave you. we hope, as you have given us plenty of good provision whilst in town, that you will continue your goodness so far as to supply us with a little more to serve us on the road. and we likewise desire you will provide us with waggons, to carry our goods to the place where they are to be conveyed by water.' to these several points the governor made the following reply. '_b r e t h r e n of the six nations_, 'the judgment you have just now pass'd on your cousins the _delawares_, confirms the high opinion we have ever entertained of the justice of the _six nations_. this part of your character, for which you are deservedly famed, made us wave doing ourselves justice, in order to give you another opportunity of convincing the world of your inviolable attachment to your engagements. these unhappy people might have always liv'd easy, having never receiv'd the least injury from us; but we believe some of our own people were bad enough to impose on their credulity, and engage them in these wrong measures, which we wish, for their sakes, they had avoided. 'we hoped, from what we have constantly given in charge to the _indian_ traders, that they would have administred no just cause of complaint: if they do you wrong, it is against our inclinations, and contrary to our express directions. as you have exhibited no particular charge against them, we shall use our best endeavours to persuade them to give you as much for your skins as they can possibly afford; and to take care that their goods which they give in exchange for skins, be of the best sort. we will likewise order you some rum to serve you on your journey home, since you desire it. 'we wish there had been more room and better houses provided for your entertainment; but not expecting so many of you, we did the best we could. 'tis true, there are a great many houses in town, but as they are the property of other people, who have their own families to take care of, it is difficult to procure lodgings for a large number of people, especially if they come unexpectedly. 'we entertain the same sentiments of the abilities and probity of the interpreter as you have express'd. we were induc'd at first to make use of him in this important trust, from his being known to be agreeable to you, and one who had lived amongst you for some years, in good credit and esteem with all your nations; and have ever found him equally faithful to both. we are pleas'd with the notice you have taken of him, and think he richly deserves it at your hands. we shall not be wanting to make him a suitable gratification, for the many good and faithful services he hath done this government. 'we have already given orders for waggons to carry your goods, and for a supply of provisions to serve you on the road in your return home, where we heartily wish you may arrive in good health.' after the governor had concluded, mr. _logan_ return'd an answer to that part of _canassatego_'s speech which related to him, and said, 'that not only upon the account of his lameness, of which the _indians_ themselves were witnesses; but on account of another indisposition, which about three years since had laid him under an incapacity of expressing himself with his former usual freedom, he had been obliged to live retired in the country. but that our first proprietor, the honourable _william penn_, who had ever been a father and true friend to all the _indians_, having above forty years since recommended them to his particular care, he had always, from his own inclination, as well as from that strict charge, endeavoured to convince all the _indians_, that he was their true friend; and was now well pleased, that after a tract of so many years, they were not insensible of it. he thanked them kindly for their present, and heartily joined with them in their desires, that this government may always be furnished with persons of equally good inclinations, and not only with such, but also with better abilities to serve them.' and then _canassatego_ said, he had forgot to mention, that _shickcalamy_ and _caxhayn_ had been employ'd on several messages to this government, and desir'd they might be consider'd on that account. * * * * * at a c o u n c i l held the th of _july_, p. m. . p r e s e n t, the honourable _g e o r g e t h o m a s_, esq; lieutenant-governor. _james logan_, } _clement plumsted_, } _samuel hasell_, } _robert strettell_, } esqrs; _samuel preston_, } _thomas lawrence_, } _abraham taylor_, } mr. _richard peters_. the board taking into consideration the regulation of the necessary expences of the _indians_ travelling down hither, and returning; and upon an estimate made by _conrad weiser_, amounting to about _one hundred pounds_, it appearing that the said sum of _l._ will be necessary to be advanced to _conrad weiser_ to defray those expences, mr. _logan_, on the proprietaries behalf, proposes to advance _l._ and the treasurer declaring he had no publick money in his hands, and that if he had, he would not advance money without the assembly's order; it is recommended to mr. _preston_ and mr. _lawrence_, to confer with mr. _kinsey_, and know whether he, as speaker of the assembly, and trustee of the loan-office, will advance the other _l._ and the _indians_ having requested that they might have a small quantity of rum, to be added to their provisions, to comfort them on the road: the board is of opinion, that there be added to the said estimate for twenty gallons of rum for the aforesaid use. and in return for their present of skins, at requesting that the _indian_ traders be enjoin'd to sell their goods cheaper, the board directs that two strouds be presented. and that _five pounds_ be given to _caxhayn_ on the account of the province, for his services; and to _shickcalamy_ the like sum. _a just copy, compared by_ _p a t r i c k b a i r d_, secr. [illustration] a =t r e a t y= held at the town of _lancaster_, in pensylvania, by the honourable the lieutenant-governor of the province, and the honourable the commissioners for the provinces of virginia _and_ maryland, with the _i n d i a n s_ o f t h e s i x n a t i o n s, in _j u n e_, . a treaty with the _i n d i a n s_ of the six nations. * * * * * in the c o u r t-h o u s e in the town of _lancaster_, on _friday_ the twenty-second of _june_, , p r e s e n t, the honourable _g e o r g e t h o m a s_, esq; lieut. governor of the province of _pensylvania_, and counties of _newcastle, kent_ and _sussex_, on _delaware_. the honourable _thomas lee_, esq; } commissioners colonel _william beverly_, } of _virginia_. the honourable _edm. jennings_, esq; } _philip thomas_, esq; } commissioners colonel _robert king_, } of _maryland_. colonel _thomas colville_, } the deputies of the _onandagoes, senecas, cayogoes, oneidas_ and _tuscaroraes_. _conrad weiser_, interpreter. the governor and the commissioners took some of the _indian_ chiefs by the hand, and, after they had seated themselves, the governor bid them welcome into the government; and there being wine and punch prepared for them, the governor and the several commissioners drank health to the _six nations_; and _canassatego, tachanoontia_, and some other chiefs, returned the compliments, drinking the healths of _onas_[ ], _assaragoa_[ ], and the governor of _maryland_. after they were all served with wine, punch, pipes and tobacco, the governor told the _indians_, that as it was customary, and indeed necessary, they should have some time to rest after so long a journey, and as he thought three days would be no more than sufficient for that purpose, he proposed to speak to them on _monday_ next; after which, the honourable commissioners would take their own time to deliver what they had to say. _c a n a s s a t e g o_ answered the governor: we thank you for giving us time to rest; we are come to you, and shall leave it intirely to you to appoint the time when we shall meet you again. we likewise leave it to the governor of _maryland_, by whose invitation we came here, to appoint a time when he will please to mention the reason of his inviting us. as to our brother _assaragoa_, we have at this present time nothing to say to him; not but we have a great deal to say to _assaragoa_, which must be said at one time or another; but not being satisfied whether he or we should begin first, we shall leave it wholly to our brother _onas_ to adjust this between us, and to say which shall begin first. [footnote : _onas_, the governor of _pensylvania_.] [footnote : _assaragoa_, the governor of _virginia_.] * * * * * in the c o u r t-h o u s e at _lancaster, june_ , . _a. m._ p r e s e n t, the honourable _g e o r g e t h o m a s_, esq; governor, &c. the honourable the commissioners of _virginia_. the honourable the commissioners of _maryland_. the deputies of the _six nations_. _conrad weiser_, interpreter. the governor spoke as follows. _honourable gentlemen, commissioners for the governments of_ virginia _and_ maryland, _and brethren, sachims, or chiefs of the_ indians _of the_ six nations. at a treaty, held by me two years ago, in behalf of the government of _pensylvania_, with a number of the chiefs of the _indians_ of the _six nations_, i was desired by them to write to the governor of _maryland_ concerning some lands in the back parts of that province, which they claim a right to from their conquests over the ancient possessors, and which have been settled by some of the inhabitants of that government, without their consent, or any purchase made from them. it was at that time understood that the claim was upon _maryland_ only; but it has since appeared, by some letters formerly wrote by mr. president _logan_ to the late governor of _maryland_, that it related likewise to some lands in the back parts of _virginia_. the governors of those colonies soon manifested a truly equitable disposition to come to any reasonable terms with the _six nations_ on account of those lands, and desired, that for that end a time and place might be fixed for a treaty with them; but before this could be effected, an unfortunate skirmish happened in the back parts of _virginia_, between some of the militia there, and a party of the _indian_ warriors of the _six nations_, with some loss on both sides. who were the aggressors is not at this time to be discussed, both parties having agreed to bury that affair in oblivion, and the government of _virginia_ having, in token of the continuance of their friendship, presented the _six nations_, through my hands, with goods to the value of one hundred pounds sterling. to prevent further hostilities, and to heal this breach, i had, before the present was given, made a tender of my good office; which both parties accepted, and consented, on my instances, to lay down their arms: since which the faith pledged to me has been mutually preserved, and a time and place has been agreed upon, through my intervention, for accommodating all differences, and for settling a firm peace, union and friendship, as well between the government of _virginia_ as that of _maryland_, and the _indians_ of the _six nations_[ ]. the honourable the commissioners for these two governments, and the deputies of the _six nations_, are now met at the place appointed for the treaty. it only remains therefore for me to say, that if my further good offices shall be thought useful for the accomplishment of this work, you may rely most assuredly upon them. but i hope, honourable gentlemen commissioners, it will not be taken amiss if i go a little further, and briefly represent to you, how especially necessary it is at this juncture, for his majesty's service, and the good of all his colonies in this part of his dominions, that peace and friendship be established between your governments and the _indians_ of the _six nations_. these _indians_, by their situation, are a frontier to some of them; and, from thence, if friends, are capable of defending their settlements; if enemies, of making cruel ravages upon them; if neuters, they may deny the _french_ a passage through their country, and give us timely notice of their designs. these are but some of the motives for cultivating a good understanding with them; but from hence the disadvantages of a rupture are abundantly evident. every advantage you gain over them in war will be a weakening of the barrier of those colonies, and consequently be, in effect, victories over yourselves and your fellow subjects. some allowances for their prejudices and passions, and a present now and then for the relief of their necessities, which have, in some measure, been brought upon them by their intercourse with us, and by our yearly extending our settlements, will probably tie them more closely to the _british_ interest. this has been the method of _new-york_ and _pensylvania_, and will not put you to so much expence in twenty years, as the carrying on a war against them will do in one. the _french_ very well know the importance of these nations to us, and will not fail by presents, and their other usual arts, to take advantage of any misunderstanding we may have with them[ ]. but i will detain you, gentlemen, no longer. your own superior knowledge will suggest to you more than i can say on this subject. _friends and brethren, sachems, or chiefs of the_ indians _of the_ six nations: these, your brethren of _virginia_ and _maryland_, are come to enlarge the fire, which was almost gone out, and to make it burn clearer; to brighten the chain which had contracted some rust, and to renew their friendship with you; which it is their desire may last so long as the sun, the moon and the stars, shall give light. their powers are derived from the _great king_ of england, your father; and whatever conclusions they shall come to with you, will be as firm and binding as if the governors of these provinces were themselves here. i am your brother, and, which is more, i am your true friend. as you know, from experience, that i am so, i will now give you a few words of advice. receive these your brethren with open arms; unite yourselves to them in the covenant chain, and be you with them as one body, and one soul. i make no doubt but the governor of _canada_ has been taking pains to widen the breach between these your brethren of _virginia_ and you; but as you cannot have forgot the hatred the _french_ have always borne to your nations, and how kindly, on the contrary, you have been treated, how faithfully you have been protected by the _great king_ of england and his subjects, you will not be at a loss to see into the designs of that governor. he wants to divide you from us, in order the more easily to destroy you, which he will most certainly do, if you suffer yourselves to be deluded by him. as to what relates to the friendship established between the government of _pensylvania_ and your nations, i will take another day to speak to you upon it. _to enforce what had been said, the_ governor _laid down a belt of wampum_; _upon which the_ indians _gave the_ yo-hah[ ]. after a short pause, the governor ordered the interpreter to tell the _indians_, that as they had greatly exceeded their appointed time for meeting the commissioners, he recommended to them to use all the expedition possible in giving their answer to what had been said, that they might forthwith proceed to treat with the respective commissioners on the business they came about. then _canassatego_ repeated to the interpreter the substance of what the governor had spoke, in order to know if he had understood him right (a method generally made use of by the _indians_) and when the interpreter told him he had taken the true sense, _canassatego_ proceeded to return the thanks of the _six nations_ for the governor's kind advice, promising to follow it as far as lay in their power; but as it was their custom when a belt was given to return another, they would take time till the afternoon to provide one, and would then give their answer. [footnote : this was allowed, at a conference had by the governor with the commissioners, to be a just state of the transactions preceding the treaty.] [footnote : the two preceding paragraphs were allowed by the commissioners of _virginia_, whilst they were at _philadelphia_, to be very proper to be spoken by the governor of _pensylvania_ at the opening of the treaty; but taking up an opinion, from what passed at the first friendly interview with the _indians_, that they would not make any claim upon lands within the government of _virginia_, the governor consented to decline speaking them in the presence of the _indians_.] [footnote : the _yo-hah_ denotes approbation, being a loud shout or cry, consisting of a few notes pronounced by all the _indians_ in a very musical manner, in the nature of our huzza's.] * * * * * in the c o u r t-h o u s e at _lancaster, june_ , . _p. m._ p r e s e n t, the honourable _g e o r g e t h o m a s_, esq; governor, &c. the honourable the commissioners of _virginia_. the honourable the commissioners of _maryland_. the deputies of the _six nations_. _conrad weiser_, interpreter. canassatego's _answer to the governor's speech delivered in the morning_. _brother_ onas, you spoke in the presence of _assaragoa_ and the governor of _maryland_ to us, advising us to receive them as our brethren, and to unite with them in the covenant chain as one body, and one soul. we have always considered them as our brethren, and, as such, shall be willing to brighten the chain of friendship with them; but since there are some disputes between us respecting the lands possessed by them, which formerly belonged to us, we, according to our custom, propose to have those differences first adjusted, and then we shall proceed to confirm the friendship subsisting between us, which will meet with no obstruction after these matters are settled. _here they presented the_ governor _with a belt of wampum, in return for the belt given them in the morning by the_ governor; _and the interpreter was ordered to return the_ yo-hah. _then the_ governor, _in reply, spoke as follows_: i receive your belt with great kindness and affection; and as to what relates to the governments of _virginia_ and _maryland_, the honourable commissioners, now present, are ready to treat with you. i shall only add, that the goods for the hundred pounds sterling, put into my hands by the governor of _virginia_, as a token of his good dispositions to preserve friendship with you, are now in town, and ready to be delivered, in consequence of what was told you by _conrad weiser_ when he was last at onandago. then the governor, turning to the commissioners of _virginia_ and _maryland_, said, gentlemen, i have now finished what was incumbent upon me to say by way of introduction to the _indians_; and as you have a full authority from your respective governments to treat with them, i shall leave the rest intirely to you, and either stay or withdraw, as you shall think most for your service. the commissioners said, they were all of opinion, it would be for their advantage that the governor should stay with them; and therefore they unanimously desired he would favour them with the continuance of his presence whilst they should be in treaty with the _indians_: which his honour said he would at their instance very readily do, believing it might expedite their business, and prevent any jealousy the _indians_ might conceive at his withdrawing. _the commissioners of_ maryland _ordered the interpreter to acquaint the_ indians _that the government of_ maryland _was going to speak to them, and then spoke as follows_: _friends and brethren of the united_ six nations, we, who are deputed from the government of _maryland_ by a commission under the great seal of that province, now in our hands (and which will be interpreted to you) bid you welcome; and in token that we are very glad to see you here as brethren, we give you this string of wampum. _upon which the_ indians _gave the_ yo-hah. when the governor of _maryland_ received the first notice, about seven years ago, of your claim to some lands in that province, he thought our good friends and brethren of the _six nations_ had little reason to complain of any injury from _maryland_, and that they would be so well convinced thereof, on farther deliberation, as he should hear no more of it; but you spoke of that matter again to the governor of _pensylvania_, about two years since, as if you designed to terrify us. it was very inconsiderately said by you, that you would do yourselves justice, by going to take payment yourselves: such an attempt would have intirely dissolved the chain of friendship subsisting, not only between us, but perhaps the other _english_ and you. we assure you, our people, who are numerous, courageous, and have arms ready in their hands, will not suffer themselves to be hurt in their lives and estates. but, however, the old and wise people of _maryland_ immediately met in council, and upon considering very cooly your rash expressions, agreed to invite their brethren, the _six nations_, to this place, that they might learn of them what right they have to the land in _maryland_, and, if they had any, to make them some reasonable compensation for it; therefore the governor of _maryland_ has sent us to meet and treat with you about this affair, and the brightening and strengthening the chain which hath long subsisted between us. and as an earnest of our sincerity and good-will towards you, we present you with this belt of wampum. _on which the_ indians _gave the_ yo-hah. our _great king of_ england, and his subjects, have always possessed the province of _maryland_ free and undisturbed from any claim of the _six nations_ for above one hundred years past, and your not saying any thing to us before, convinces us you thought you had no pretence to any lands in _maryland_; nor can we yet find out to what lands, or under what title you make your claim: for the _sasquahannah indians_, by a treaty above ninety years since (which is on the table, and will be interpreted to you) give, and yield to the _english_ nation, their heirs and assigns for ever, the greatest part (if not all) of the lands we possess, from _patuxent_ river, on the western, as well as from _choptank_ river, on the eastern side of the great bay of _chessapeak_. and, near sixty years ago, you acknowledged to the governor of _new-york_ at _albany_, "that you had given your lands, and submitted yourselves to the king of _england_." we are that great king's subjects, and we possess and enjoy the province of _maryland_ by virtue of his right and sovereignty thereto; why, then, will you stir up any quarrel between you and ourselves, who are as one man, under the protection of that great king? we need not put you in mind of the treaty (which we suppose you have had from your fathers) made with the province of _maryland_ near seventy years ago, and renewed and confirmed twice since that time. by these treaties we became brethren; we have always lived as such, and hope always to continue so. we have this further to say, that altho' we are not satisfied of the justice of your claim to any lands in _maryland_, yet we are desirous of shewing our brotherly kindness and affection, and to prevent (by any reasonable way) every misunderstanding between the province of _maryland_ and you our brethren of the _six nations_. for this purpose we have brought hither a quantity of goods for our brethren the _six nations_, and which will be delivered you as soon as we shall have received your answer, and made so bright and large a fire as may burn pure and clear whilst the sun and moon shall shine. we have now freely and openly laid our bosoms bare to you; and that you may be the better confirmed of the truth of our hearts, we give you this belt of wampum. _which was received with the_ yo-hah. _after a little time_ canassatego _spoke as follows:_ _brother, the governor_ of maryland, we have heard what you have said to us; and, as you have gone back to old times, we cannot give you an answer now, but shall take what you have said into consideration, and, return you our answer some time to morrow. he then sat down, and after some time he spoke again. _brother, the governor of_ maryland, if you have made any enquiry into _indian_ affairs, you will know, that we have always had our guns, hatchets and kettles mended when we came to see our brethren. brother _onas_, and the governor of _york_ always do this for us; and we give you this early notice, that we may not thereby be delayed, being desirous, as well as you, to give all possible dispatch to the business to be transacted between us. the commissioners of _virginia_ and _maryland_ said, since it was customary, they would give orders to have every thing belonging to them mended that should want it. * * * * * in the c o u r t-h o u s e at _lancaster, june_ , , _p. m._ p r e s e n t, the honourable _g e o r g e t h o m a s_, esq; governor, _&c._ the honourable the commissioners of _virginia_. the honourable the commissioners of _maryland_. the deputies of the _six nations._ _conrad weiser_, interpreter. _c a n a s s a t e g o spoke as follows:_ _brother, the governor of_ maryland, when you invited us to kindle a council fire with you, _conedogwainet_ was the place agreed upon; but afterwards you, by brother _onas_, upon second thoughts, considering that it would be difficult to get provisions and other accommodations where there were but few houses or inhabitants, desired we would meet our brethren at _lancaster_, and at his instances we very readily agreed to meet you here, and are glad of the change; for we have found plenty of every thing; and as yesterday you bid us welcome, and told us you were glad to see us, we likewise assure you we are as glad to see you; and, in token of our satisfaction, we present you with this string of wampum. _which was received with the usual ceremony._ _brother, the governor of_ maryland, you tell us, that when about seven years ago you heard, by our brother _onas_, of our claim to some lands in your province, you took no notice of it, believing, as you say, that when we should come to reconsider that matter, we should find that we had no right to make any complaint of the governor of _maryland_, and would drop our demand. and that when about two years ago we mentioned it again to our brother _onas_, you say we did it in such terms as looked like a design to terrify you; and you tell us further, that we must be beside ourselves, in using such a rash expression as to tell you, we know how to do ourselves justice if you still refuse. it is true we did say so, but without any ill design; for we must inform you, that when we first desired our brother _onas_ to use his influence with you to procure us satisfaction for our lands, we, at the same time, desired him, in case you should disregard our demand, to write to the great king beyond the seas, who would own us for his children as well as you, to compel you to do us justice: and, two years ago, when we found that you had paid no regard to our just demand, nor that brother _onas_ had convey'd our complaint to the great king over the seas, we were resolved to use such expressions as would make the greatest impressions on your minds, and we find it had its effect; for you tell us, "that your wise men held a council together, and agreed to invite us, and to enquire of our right to any of your lands, and if it should be found that we had a right, we were to have a compensation made for them: and likewise you tell us, that our brother, the governor of _maryland_, by the advice of these wise men, has sent you to brighten the chain, and to assure us of his willingness to remove whatever impedes a good understanding between us." this shews that your wise men understood our expressions in their true sense. we had no design to terrify you, but to put you on doing us the justice you had so long delayed. your wise men have done well; and as there is no obstacle to a good understanding between us, except this affair of our land, we, on our parts, do give you the strongest assurances of our good disposition towards you, and that we are as desirous as you to brighten the chain, and to put away all hindrances to a perfect good understanding; and, in token of our sincerity, we give you this belt of wampum. _which was received, and the interpreter ordered to give the_ yo-hah. _brother, the governor of_ maryland, when you mentioned the affair of the land yesterday, you went back to old times, and told us, you had been in possession of the province of _maryland_ above one hundred years; but what is one hundred years in comparison of the length of time since our claim began? since we came out of this ground? for we must tell you, that long before one hundred years our ancestors came out of this very ground, and their children have remained here ever since. you came out of the ground in a country that lies beyond the seas, there you may have a just claim, but here you must allow us to be your elder brethren, and the lands to belong to us long before you knew any thing of them. it is true, that above one hundred years ago the _dutch_ came here in a ship, and brought with them several goods; such as awls, knives, hatchets, guns, and many other particulars, which they gave us; and when they had taught us how to use their things, and we saw what sort of people they were, we were so well pleased with them, that we tied their ship to the bushes on the shore; and afterwards, liking them still better the longer they staid with us, and thinking the bushes too slender, we removed the rope, and tied it to the trees; and as the trees were liable to be blown down by high winds, or to decay of themselves, we, from the affection we bore them, again removed the rope, and tied it to a strong and big rock [_here the interpreter said, they mean the_ oneido _country_] and not content with this, for its further security we removed the rope to the big mountain [_here the interpreter says they mean the_ onandago _country_] and there we tied it very fast, and roll'd wampum about it; and, to make it still more secure, we stood upon the wampum, and sat down upon it, to defend it, and to prevent any hurt coming to it, and did our best endeavours that it might remain uninjured for ever. during all this time the new-comers, the _dutch_, acknowledged our right to the lands, and sollicited us, from time to time, to grant them parts of our country, and to enter into league and covenant with us, and to become one people with us. after this the _english_ came into the country, and, as we were told, became one people with the _dutch_. about two years after the arrival of the _english_, an _english_ governor came to _albany_, and finding what great friendship subsisted between us and the _dutch_, he approved it mightily, and desired to make as strong a league, and to be upon as good terms with us as the _dutch_ were, with whom he was united, and to become one people with us: and by his further care in looking into what had passed between us, he found that the rope which tied the ship to the great mountain was only fastened with wampum, which was liable to break and rot, and to perish in a course of years; he therefore told us, he would give us a silver chain, which would be much stronger, and would last for ever. this we accepted, and fastened the ship with it, and it has lasted ever since. indeed we have had some small differences with the _english_, and, during these misunderstandings, some of their young men would, by way of reproach, be every now and then telling us, that we should have perished if they had not come into the country and furnished us with strowds and hatchets, and guns, and other things necessary for the support of life; but we always gave them to understand that they were mistaken, that we lived before they came amongst us, and as well, or better, if we may believe what our forefathers have told us. we had then room enough, and plenty of deer, which was easily caught; and tho' we had not knives, hatchets, or guns, such as we have now, yet we had knives of stone, and hatchets of stone, and bows and arrows, and those served our uses as well then as the _english_ ones do now. we are now straitened, and sometimes in want of deer, and liable to many other inconveniencies since the _english_ came among us, and particularly from that pen-and-ink work that is going on at the table (_pointing to the secretary_) and we will give you an instance of this. our brother _onas_, a great while ago, came to _albany_ to buy the _sasquahannah_ lands of us, but our brother the governor of _new-york_, who, as we suppose, had not a good understanding with our brother _onas_, advised us not to sell him any land, for he would make an ill use of it; and, pretending to be our good friend, he advised us, in order to prevent _onas_'s, or any other person's imposing upon us, and that we might always have our land when we should want it, to put it into his hands; and told us, he would keep it for our use, and never open his hands, but keep them close shut, and not part with any of it, but at our request. accordingly we trusted him, and put our land into his hands, and charged him to keep it safe for our use; but, some time after, he went to _england_, and carried our land with him, and there sold it to our brother _onas_ for a large sum of money; and when, at the instance of our brother _onas_, we were minded to sell him some lands, he told us we had sold the _sasquahannah_ lands already to the governor of _new-york_, and that he had bought them from him in _england_; tho', when he came to understand how the governor of _new-york_ had deceived us, he very generously paid us for our lands over again. tho' we mention this instance of an imposition put upon us by the governor of _new-york_, yet we must do the _english_ the justice to say, we have had their hearty assistances in our wars with the _french_, who were no sooner arrived amongst us than they began to render us uneasy, and to provoke us to war, and we had several wars with them; during all which we constantly received assistance from the _english_, and, by their means, we have always been able to keep up our heads against their attacks. we now come nearer home. we have had your deeds interpreted to us, and we acknowledge them to be good and valid, and that the _conestogoe_ or _sasquahannah indians_ had a right to sell those lands to you, for they were then theirs; but since that time we have conquered them, and their country now belongs to us, and the lands we demanded satisfaction for are no part of the lands comprized in those deeds; they are the _cohongorontas_[ ] lands; those, we are sure, you have not possessed one hundred years, no, nor above ten years, and we made our demands so soon as we knew your people were settled in those parts. these have never been sold, but remain still to be disposed of; and we are well pleased to hear you are provided with goods, and do assure you of our willingness to treat with you for those unpurchased lands; in confirmation whereof, we present you with this belt of wampum. _which was received with the usual ceremonies._ _c a n a s s a t e g o_ added, that as the three governors of _virginia, maryland_, and _pensylvania_, had divided the lands among them, they could not, for this reason, tell how much each had got, nor were they concerned about it, so that they were paid by all the governors for the several parts each possessed, and this they left to their honour and justice. [footnote : _cohongorontas_, i. e. _potomack_.] * * * * * in the c o u r t-h o u s e at _lancaster, june_ , , _a. m._ p r e s e n t, the honourable _g e o r g e t h o m a s_, esq; governor, &c. the honourable the commissioners of _virginia_. the honourable the commissioners of _maryland._ the deputies of the _six nations._ _conrad weiser_, interpreter. _the commissioners of_ virginia _ordered the interpreter to let the_ indians _know the government of_ virginia _was going to speak to them, and then they spoke as follows:_ _sachems and warriors of the_ six united nations, _our friends and brethren,_ at our desire the governor of _pensylvania_ invited you to this council fire; we have waited a long time for you, but now you are come, you are heartily welcome; we are very glad to see you; we give you this string of wampum. _which was received with their usual approbation._ _brethren,_ in the year , four of your sachems wrote a letter to _james logan_, esq; then president of _pensylvania_, to let the governor of _virginia_ know that you expected some consideration for lands in the occupation of some of the people of _virginia_. upon seeing a copy of this letter, the governor, with the council of _virginia_, took some time to consider of it. they found, on looking into the old treaties, that you had given up your lands to the great king, who has had possession of _virginia_ above one hundred and sixty years, and under that great king the inhabitants of _virginia_ hold their land, so they thought there might be some mistake. wherefore they desired the governor of _new-york_ to enquire of you about it. he sent his interpreter to you in _may,_ , who laid this before you at a council held at _onandago_, to which you answer, "that if you had any demand or pretensions on the governor of _virginia_ any way, you would have made it known to the governor of _new-york_." this corresponds with what you have said to governor _thomas,_ in the treaty made with him at _philadelphia_ in _july_, ; for then you only make your claim to lands in the government of _maryland_. we are so well pleased with this good faith of you our brethren of the _six nations_, and your regard to the treaties made with _virginia_, that we are ready to hear you on the subject of your message eight years since. tell us what nations of _indians_ you conquered any lands from in _virginia_, how long it is since, and what possession you have had; and if it does appear, that there is any land on the borders of _virginia_ that the _six nations_ have a right to, we are willing to make you satisfaction. _then laid down a string of wampum, which was accepted with the usual ceremony, and then added,_ we have a chest of new goods, and the key is in our pockets. you are our brethren; the great king is our common father, and we will live with you, as children ought to do, in peace and love. we will brighten the chain, and strengthen the union between us; so that we shall never be divided, but remain friends and brethren as long as the sun gives light; in confirmation whereof, we give you this belt of wampum. _which was received with the usual ceremony_. _t a c h a n o o n t i a_ replied: _brother_ assaragoa, you have made a good speech to us, which is very agreeable, and for which we return you our thanks. we shall be able to give you an answer to every part of it some time this afternoon, and we will let you know when we are ready. * * * * * in the c o u r t-h o u s e at _lancaster, june_ , , _p. m._ p r e s e n t, the honourable _g e o r g e t h o m a s_, esq; governor, &c. the honourable the commissioners of _virginia_. the honourable the commissioners of _maryland_. the deputies of the _six nations_. _conrad weiser_, interpreter. _t a c h a n o o n t i a spoke as follows_: _brother_ assaragoa, since you have joined with the governor of _maryland_ and brother _onas_ in kindling this fire, we gladly acknowledge the pleasure we have in seeing you here, and observing your good dispositions as well to confirm the treaties of friendship, as to enter into further contracts about land with us; and, in token of our satisfaction, we present you with this string of wampum. _which was received with the usual ceremonies_. _brother_ assaragoa, in your speech this morning you were pleased to say we had wrote a letter to _james logan_, about seven years ago, to demand a consideration for our lands in the possession of some of the _virginians_; that you held them under the great king for upwards of one hundred and sixty years, and that we had already given up our right; and that therefore you had desired the governor of _new-york_ to send his interpreter to us last year to _onandago_, which he did; and, as you say, we in council at _onandago_ did declare, that we had no demand upon you for lands, and that if we had any pretensions, we should have made them known to the governor of _new-york_; and likewise you desire to know if we have any right to the _virginia_ lands, and that we will make such right appear, and tell you what nations of _indians_ we conquered those lands from. now we answer, we have the right of conquest, a right too dearly purchased, and which cost us too much blood, to give up without any reason at all, as you say we have done at _albany_; but we should be obliged to you, if you would let us see the letter, and inform us who was the interpreter, and whose names are put to that letter; for as the whole transaction cannot be above a year's standing, it must be fresh in every body's memory, and some of our council would easily remember it; but we assure you, and are well able to prove, that neither we, nor any part of us, have ever relinquished our right, or ever gave such an answer as you say is mentioned in your letter. could we, so few years ago, make a formal demand, by _james logan_, and not be sensible of our right? and hath any thing happened since that time to make us less sensible? no; and as this matter can be easily cleared up, we are anxious it should be done; for we are positive no such thing was ever mentioned to us at _onandago_, nor any where else. all the world knows we conquered the several nations living on _sasquahannah_, _cohongoronta_, and on the back of the great mountains in _virginia_; the _conoy-uch-such-roona_, _coch-now-was-roonan, tohoa-irough-roonan_, and _connutskin-ough-roonaw_, feel the effects of our conquests, being now a part of our nations, and their lands at our disposal. we know very well, it hath often been said by the _virginians_, that the _great king_ of england, and the people of that colony, conquered the _indians_ who lived there, but it is not true. we will allow they have conquered the _sachdagughroonaw_, and drove back the _tuscarroraws_, and that they have, on that account, a right to some part of _virginia_; but as to what lies beyond the mountains, we conquered the nations residing there, and that land, if the _virginians_ ever get a good right to it, it must be by us; and in testimony of the truth of our answer to this part of your speech, we give you this string of wampum _which was received with the usual ceremony_. _brother_ assaragoa, we have given you a full answer to the first part of your speech, which we hope will be satisfactory. we are glad to hear you have brought with you a big chest of new goods, and that you have the key in your pockets. we do not doubt but we shall have a good understanding in all points, and come to an agreement with you. we shall open all our hearts to you, that you may know every thing in them; we will hide nothing from you; and we hope, if there be any thing still remaining in your breast that may occasion any dispute between us, you will take the opportunity to unbosom your hearts, and lay them open to us, that henceforth there may be no dirt, nor any other obstacle in the road between us; and in token of our hearty wishes to bring about so good an harmony, we present you with this belt of wampum. _which was received with the usual ceremony_. _brother_ assaragoa, we must now tell you what mountains we mean that we say are the boundaries between you and us. you may remember, that about twenty years ago you had a treaty with us at _albany_, when you took a belt of wampum, and made a fence with it on the middle of the hill, and told us, that if any of the warriors of the _six nations_ came on your side of the middle of the hill, you would hang them; and you gave us liberty to do the same with any of your people who should be found on our side of the middle of the hill. this is the hill we mean; and we desire that treaty may be now confirmed. after we left _albany_, we brought our road a great deal more to the west, that we might comply with your proposal; but, tho' it was of your own making, your people never observed it, but came and lived on our side of the hill, which we don't blame you for, as you live at a great distance, near the seas, and cannot be thought to know what your people do in the back-parts: and on their settling, contrary to your own proposal, on our new road, it fell out that our warriors did some hurt to your people's cattle, of which a complaint was made, and transmitted to us by our brother _onas_; and we, at his request, altered the road again, and brought it to the foot of the great mountain, where it now is; and it is impossible for us to remove it any further to the west, those parts of the country being absolutely impassable by either man or beast. we had not been long in the use of this new road before your people came, like flocks of birds, and sat down on both sides of it, and yet we never made a complaint to you, tho' you must be sensible those things must have been done by your people in manifest breach of your own proposal made at _albany_; and therefore, as we are now opening our hearts to you, we cannot avoid complaining, and desire all these affairs may be settled, and that you may be stronger induced to do us justice for what is past, and to come to a thorough settlement for the future, we, in the presence of the governor of _maryland_, and brother onas, present you with this belt of wampum. _which was received with the usual ceremony_. _then_ tachanoontia _added_: that he forgot to say, that the affair of the road must be looked upon as a preliminary to be settled before the grant of lands; and, said he, either the _virginia_ people must be obliged to remove more easterly, or, if they are permitted to stay, our warriors, marching that way to the southward, shall go sharers with them in what they plant. * * * * * in the c o u r t-h o u s e at _lancaster, june_ , . _a. m._ p r e s e n t, the honourable _g e o r g e t h o m a s_, esq; governor, &c. the honourable the commissioners of _virginia_. the honourable the commissioners of _maryland_. the deputies of the _six nations_. _conrad weiser_, interpreter. the governor spoke as follows. _friends and brethren of the_ six nations, i am always sorry when any thing happens that may create the least uneasiness between us; but as we are mutually engaged to keep the road between us clear and open, and to remove every obstruction that may lie in the way, i must inform you, that three of the _delaware indians_ lately murdered _john armstrong_, an _indian_ trader, and his two men, in a most barbarous manner, as he was travelling to _allegheny_, and stole his goods of a considerable value. _shickcalamy_, and the _indians_ settled at _shamokin_, did well; they seized two of the murderers, and sent them down to our settlements; but the _indians_, who had the charge of them, afterwards suffered one of them to escape, on a pretence that he was not concerned in the bloody deed; the other is now in _philadelphia_ goal. by our law all the accessaries to a murder are to be tried, and put to death, as well as the person who gave the deadly wound. if they consented to it, encouraged it, or any ways assisted in it, they are to be put to death, and it is just it should be so. if, upon trial, the persons present at the murder are found not to have done any of these things, they are set at liberty. two of our people were, not many years ago, publickly put to death for killing two _indians_; we therefore expect you will take the most effectual measures to seize and deliver up to us the other two _indians_ present at these murders, to be tried with the principal now in custody. if it shall appear, upon their trial, that they were not advising, or any way assisting in this horrid fact, they will be acquitted, and sent home to their towns. and that you may be satisfied no injustice will be done to them, i do now invite you to depute three or four _indians_ to be present at their trials. i do likewise expect that you will order strict search to be made for the remainder of the stolen goods, that they may be restored to the wife and children of the deceased. that what i have said may have its due weight with you, i give you this string of wampum. _which was accepted with the_ yo-hah. the governor afterwards ordered the interpreter to tell them, he expected a very full answer from them, and that they might take their own time to give it; for he did not desire to interfere with the business of _virginia_ and _maryland_. they said they would take it into consideration, and give a full answer. then the commissioners of _virginia_ let them know, by the interpreter, that they would speak to them in the afternoon. * * * * * in the c o u r t-h o u s e chamber at _lancaster_, _june_ , , _p. m._ p r e s e n t, the honourable the commissioners of _maryland_. the deputies of the _six nations_. _conrad weiser_, interpreter. _the commissioners desired the interpreter to tell the_ indians _they were going to speak to them_. _mr._ weiser _acquainted them herewith_. _after which the said commissioners spoke as follows_: _our good friends and brethren, the_ six _united_ nations, we have considered what you said concerning your title to some lands now in our province, and also of the place where they lie. altho' we cannot admit your right, yet we are so resolved to live in brotherly love and affection with the _six nations_, that upon your giving us a release in writing of all your claim to any lands in _maryland_, we shall make you a compensation to the value of three hundred pounds currency, for the payment of part whereof we have brought some goods, and shall make up the rest in what manner you think fit. as we intend to say something to you about our chain of friendship after this affair of the land is settled, we desire you will now examine the goods, and make an end of this matter. we will not omit acquainting our good friends the _six nations_, that notwithstanding we are likely to come to an agreement about your claim of lands, yet your brethren of _maryland_ look on you to be as one soul and one body with themselves; and as a broad road will be made between us, we shall always be desirous of keeping it clear, that we may, from time to time, take care that the links of our friendship be not rusted. in testimony that our words and our hearts agree, we give you this belt of wampum. _on presenting of which the_ indians _gave the usual cry of approbation_. mr. _weiser_ acquainted the _indians_, they might now look over the several goods placed on a table in the chamber for that purpose; and the honourable commissioners bid him tell them, if they disliked any of the goods, or, if they were damaged, the commissioners would put a less price on such as were either disliked or damnified. the _indians_ having viewed and examined the goods, and seeming dissatisfied at the price and worth of them, required time to go down into the court-house, in order for a consultation to be had by the chiefs of them concerning the said goods, and likewise that the interpreter might retire with them, which he did. accordingly they went down into the court-house, and soon after returned again into the chamber. mr. _weiser_ sat down among the _indians_, and discoursed them about the goods, and in some short time after they chose the following from among the others, and the price agreed to be given for them by the _six nations_ was, _viz_. _l. s. d._ four pieces of strowds, at _l._ two pieces ditto, _l._ two hundred shirts, three pieces half-thicks, three pieces duffle blankets, at _l._ one piece ditto, forty seven guns, at _l._ _s._ one pound of vermillion, one thousand flints, four dozen jews harps, one dozen boxes, one hundred two quarters bar-lead, two quarters shot, two half-barrels of gun-powder, _________ _pensylvannia currency_. when the _indians_ had agreed to take these goods at the rates above specified, they informed the interpreter, that they would give an answer to the speech made to them this morning by the honourable the commissioners of _maryland_, but did not express the time when such answer should be made. at o'clock the commissioners departed the chamber. * * * * * in the c o u r t-h o u s e at _lancaster, june_ , . _p. m._ p r e s e n t, the honourable _g e o r g e t h o m a s_, esq; governor, &c. the honourable the commissioners of _virginia_. the honourable the commissioners of _maryland_. the deputies of the _six nations_. _conrad weiser_, interpreter. _the commissioners of_ virginia _desired the interpreter to let the_ indians _know, that their brother_ assaragoa _was now going to give his reply to their answer to his first speech, delivered them the day before in the forenoon_. _sachems and warriors of the united_ six nations, we are now come to answer what you said to us yesterday, since what we said to you before on the part of the great king, our father, has not been satisfactory. you have gone into old times, and so must we. it is true that the great king holds _virginia_ by right of conquest, and the bounds of that conquest to the westward is the great sea. if the _six nations_ have made any conquest over _indians_ that may at any time have lived on the west-side of the great mountains of _virginia_, yet they never possessed any lands there that we have ever heard of. that part was altogether deserted, and free for any people to enter upon, as the people of _virginia_ have done, by order of the great king, very justly, as well by ancient right, as by its being freed from the possession of any other, and from any claim even of you the _six nations_, our brethren, until within these eight years. the first treaty between the great king, in behalf of his subjects of _virginia_, and you, that we can find, was made at _albany_, by colonel _henry coursey_, seventy years since; this was a treaty of friendship, when the first covenant chain was made, when we and you became brethren. the next treaty was also at _albany_, above fifty-eight years ago, by the lord _howard_, governor of _virginia_; then you declared yourselves subjects to the great king, our father, and gave up to him all your lands for his protection. this you own in a treaty made by the governor of _new-york_ with you at the same place in the year , and you express yourself in these words, "brethren, you tell us the king of _england_ is a very great king, and why should not you join with us in a very just cause, when the _french_ join with our enemies in an unjust cause? o brethren, we see the reason of this; for the _french_ would fain kill us all, and when that is done, they would carry all the beaver trade to _canada_, and the _great king of_ england would lose the land likewise; and therefore, o great sachem, beyond the great lakes, awake, and suffer not those poor _indians_, that have given themselves and their lands under your protection, to be destroyed by the _french_ without a cause." the last treaty we shall speak to you about is that made at _albany_ by governor _spotswood_, which you have not recited as it is: for the white people, your brethren of _virginia_, are, in no article of that treaty, prohibited to pass, and settle to the westward of the great mountains. it is the _indians_, tributary to _virginia_, that are restrained, as you and your tributary _indians_ are from passing to the eastward of the same mountains, or to the southward of _cohongorooton_, and you agree to this article in these words; "that the great river of _potowmack_, and the high ridge of mountains, which extend all along the frontiers of _virginia_ to the westward of the present settlements of that colony, shall be for ever the established boundaries between the _indians_ subject to the dominions of _virginia_, and the _indians_ belonging to and depending on the _five nations_; so that neither our _indians_ shall on any pretence whatsoever, pass to northward or westward of the said boundaries, without having to produce a passport under the hand and seal of the governor or commander in chief of _virginia_; nor your _indians_ to pass to the southward or eastward of the said boundaries, without a passport in like manner from the governor or commander in chief of _new-york_." and what right can you have to lands that you have no right to walk upon, but upon certain conditions? it is true, you have not observed this part of the treaty, and your brethren of _virginia_ have not insisted upon it with a due strictness, which has occasioned some mischief. this treaty has been sent to the governor of _virginia_ by order of the great king, and is what we must rely on, and, being in writing, is more certain than your memory. that is the way the white people have of preserving transactions of every kind, and transmitting them down to their childrens children for ever, and all disputes among them are settled by this faithful kind of evidence, and must be the rule between the great king and you. this treaty your sachems and warriors signed some years after the same governor _spotswood_, in the right of the great king, had been, with some people of _virginia_, in possession of these very lands, which you have set up your late claim to. the commissioners for _indian_ affairs at _albany_ gave the account we mentioned to you yesterday to the governor of _new-york_, and he sent it to the governor of _virginia_; their names will be given you by the interpreter. _brethren_, this dispute is not between _virginia_ and you; it is setting up your right against the great king, under whose grants the people you complain of are settled. nothing but a command from the great king can remove them; they are too powerful to be removed by any force of you, our brethren; and the great king, as our common father, will do equal justice to all his children; wherefore we do believe they will be confirmed in their possessions. as to the road you mention, we intended to prevent any occasion for it, by making a peace between you and the southern _indians_, a few years since, at a considerable expence to our great king, which you confirmed at _albany_. it seems, by your being at war with the _catawbas_, that it has not been long kept between you. however, if you desire a road, we will agree to one on the terms of the treaty you made with colonel _spotswood_, and your people, behaving themselves orderly like friends and brethren, shall be used in their passage through _virginia_ with the same kindness as they are when they pass through the lands of your brother _onas_. this we hope, will be agreed to by you our brethren, and we will abide by the promise made to you yesterday. we may proceed to settle what we are to give you for any right you may have, or have had to all the lands to the southward and westward of the lands of your brother the governor of _maryland_, and of your brother onas; tho' we are informed that the southern _indians_ claim these very lands that you do. we are desirous to live with you, our brethren, according to the old chain of friendship, to settle all these matters fairly and honestly; and, as a pledge of our sincerity, we give you this belt of wampum. _which was received with the usual ceremony_. * * * * * in the c o u r t-h o u s e chamber at _lancaster_, _june_ , , _a. m._ p r e s e n t, the honourable the commissioners of _maryland_. the deputies of the _six nations_. _conrad weiser_, interpreter. _mr._ weiser _informed the honourable commissioners_, _that the_ indians _were ready to give their answer to the speech made to them here yesterday morning by the commissioners_; _whereupon_ canassatego _spoke as follows, looking on a deal-board, where were some black lines, describing the courses of_ potowmack _and_ sasquahanna: _brethren_, yesterday you spoke to us concerning the lands on this side _potowmack_ river, and as we have deliberately considered what you said to us on that matter, we are now very ready to settle the bounds of such lands, and release our right and claim thereto. we are willing to renounce all right to lord _baltimore_ of all those lands lying two miles above the uppermost fork of _potowmack_ or _cohongoruton_ river, near which _thomas cressap_ has a hunting or trading cabin, by a north-line, to the bounds of _pensylvania_. but in case such limits shall not include every settlement or inhabitant of _maryland_, then such other lines and courses, from the said two miles above the forks, to the outermost inhabitants or settlements, as shall include every settlement and inhabitant in _maryland_, and from thence, by a north-line, to the bounds of _pensylvannia_, shall be the limits. and further, if any people already have, or shall settle beyond the lands now described and bounded, they shall enjoy the same free from any disturbance whatever, and we do, and shall accept these people for our brethren, and as such always treat them. we earnestly desire to live with you as brethren, and hope you will shew us all brotherly kindness; in token whereof, we present you with a belt of wampum. _which was received with the usual ceremony_. soon after the commissioners and _indians_ departed from the court-house chamber. * * * * * in the c o u r t-h o u s e chamber at _lancaster_, _june_ , , _a. m._ p r e s e n t, the honourable the commissioners of _virginia_. the deputies of the _six nations_. _conrad weiser_, interpreter. gachradodow, _speaker for the_ indians, _in answer to the commissioners speech at the last meeting_, _with a strong voice, and proper action, spoke as follows_: _brother_ assaragoa, the world at the first was made on the other side of the great water different from what it is on this side, as may be known from the different colours of our skin, and of our flesh, and that which you call justice may not be so amongst us; you have your laws and customs, and so have we. the great king might send you over to conquer the _indians_, but it looks to us that god did not approve of it; if he had, he would not have placed the sea where it is, as the limits between us and you. _brother_ assaragoa, tho' great things are well remembered among us, yet we don't remember that we were ever conquered by the great king, or that we have been employed by that great king to conquer others; if it was so, it is beyond our memory. we do remember we were employed by _maryland_ to conquer the _conestogoes_, and that the second time we were at war with them, we carried them all off. _brother_ assaragoa, you charge us with not acting agreeable to our peace with the _catawbas_, we will repeat to you truly what was done. the governor of _new-york_, at _albany_, in behalf of _assaragoa_, gave us several belts of wampum from the _cherikees_ and _catawbas_, and we agreed to a peace, if those nations would send some of their great men to us to confirm it face to face, and that they would trade with us; and desired that they would appoint a time to meet at _albany_ for that purpose, but they never came. _brother_ assaragoa, we then desired a letter might be sent to the _catawbas_ and _cherikees_, to desire them to come and confirm the peace. it was long before an answer came; but we met the _cherikees_, and confirmed the peace, and sent some of our people to take care of them, until they returned to their own country. the _catawbas_ refused to come, and sent us word, that we were but women, that they were men, and double men, that they could make women of us, and would be always at war with us. they are a deceitful people. our brother _assaragoa_ is deceived by them; we don't blame him for it, but are sorry he is so deceived. _brother_ assaragoa, we have confirmed the peace with the _cherikees_, but not with the _catawbas_. they have been treacherous, and know it; so that the war must continue till one of us is destroyed. this we think proper to tell you, that you may not be troubled at what we do to the _catawbas_. _brother_ assaragoa, we will now speak to the point between us. you say you will agree with us as to the road; we desire that may be the road which was last made (the waggon-road.) it is always, a custom among brethren or strangers to use each other kindly; you have some very ill-natured people living up there; so that we desire the persons in power may know that we are to have reasonable victuals when we are in want. you know very well, when the white people came first here they were poor; but now they have got our lands, and are by them become rich, and we are now poor; what little we have had for the land goes soon away, but the land lasts for ever. you told us you had brought with you a chest of goods, and that you have the key in your pockets; but we have never seen the chest, nor the goods that are said to be in it; it may be small, and the goods few; we want to see them, and are desirous to come to some conclusion. we have been sleeping here these ten days past, and have not done any thing to the purpose. the commissioners told them they should see the goods on _monday_. * * * * * in the c o u r t-h o u s e at _lancaster, june_ , , _p. m._ p r e s e n t, the honourable _g e o r g e t h o m a s_, esq; governor, &c. the honourable commissioner of _virginia_. the honourable the commissioners of _maryland_. the deputies of the _six nations_. _conrad weiser_, interpreter. the three governments entertained the _indians_, and all the gentlemen in town, with a handsome dinner. the _six nations_, in their order, having returned thanks with the usual solemnity of _yo-ha-han_, the interpreter informed the governor and the commissioners, that as the lord proprietor and governor of _maryland_ was not known to the _indians_ by any particular name, they had agreed, in council, to take the first opportunity of a large company to present him with one; and as this with them is deemed a matter of great consequence, and attended with abundance of form, the several nations had drawn lots for the performance of the ceremony, and the lot falling on the _cayogo_ nation, they had chosen _gachradodow_, one of their chiefs, to be their speaker, and he desired leave to begin; which being given, he, on an elevated part of the court-house, with all the dignity of a warrior, the gesture of an orator, and in a very graceful posture, said that: "as the governor of _maryland_ had invited them here to treat about their lands, and brighten the chain of friendship, the united nations thought themselves so much obliged to them, that they had come to a resolution in council to give to the great man, who is proprietor of _maryland_, a particular name, by which they might hereafter correspond with him; and as it had fallen to the _cayogoes_ lot in council to consider of a proper name for that chief man, they had agreed to give him the name of _tocarry-hogan_, denoting precedency, excellency, or living in the middle or honourable place betwixt _assaragoa_ and their brother _onas_, by whom their treaties might be better carried on." and then, addressing himself to his honour the governor of _pensylvania_, the honourable the commissioners of _virginia_ and _maryland_, and to the gentlemen then present, he proceeded: "as there is a company of great men now assembled, we take this time and opportunity to publish this matter, that it may be known _tocarry-hogan_ is our friend, and that we are ready to honour him, and that by such name he may be always called and known among us. and we hope he will ever act towards us according to the excellency of the name we have now given him, and enjoy a long and happy life." the honourable the governor and commissioners, and all the company present, returned the compliment with three huzza's, and, after drinking healths to our gracious king and the _six nations_, the commissioners of _maryland_ proceeded to business in the court-house chamber with the _indians_, where _conrad weiser_, the interpreter, was present. the honourable the commissioners ordered mr. _weiser_ to tell the _indians_, that a deed, releasing all their claim and title to certain lands lying in the province of _maryland_, which by them was agreed to be given and executed for the use of the lord baron of _baltimore_, lord proprietary of that province, was now on the table, and seals ready fixed thereto. the interpreter acquainted them therewith as desired, and then gave the deed to _canassatego_, the speaker, who made his mark, and put his seal, and delivered it; after which, thirteen other chiefs or sachems of the _six nations_ executed it in the same manner, in the presence of the honourable the commissioners of _virginia_, and divers other gentlemen of that colony, and of the provinces of _pensylvania_ and _maryland_. * * * * * at the house of mr. _george sanderson_ in _lancaster_, _july_ , , _a. m._ p r e s e n t, the honourable the commissioners of _maryland_. the deputies of the _six nations_. _conrad weiser_, interpreter. the several chiefs of the _indians_ of the _six nations_, who had not signed the deed of release of their claim to some lands in _maryland_, tendered to them on _saturday_ last, in the chamber of the court-house in this town, did now readily execute the same, and caused mr. _weiser_ likewise to sign it, as well with his _indian_, as with his own proper name of _weiser_, as a witness and interpreter. * * * * * in the c o u r t-h o u s e at _lancaster, july_ , , _a. m._ p r e s e n t, the honourable _g e o r g e t h o m a s_ esq; governor, &c. the honourable the commissioners of _virginia_. the honourable the commissioners of _maryland_. the deputies of the _six nations_. _conrad weiser_, interpreter. _c a n a s s a t e g o spoke as follows_: _brother_ onas, the other day you was pleased to tell us, you were always concerned whenever any thing happened that might give you or us uneasiness, and that we were mutually engaged to preserve the road open and clear between us; and you informed us of the murder of _john armstrong_, and his two men, by some of the _delaware indians_, and of their stealing his goods to a considerable value. the _delaware indians_, as you suppose, are under our power. we join with you in your concern for such a vile proceeding; and, to testify that we have the same inclinations with you to keep the road clear, free and open, we give you this string of wampum. _which was received with the usual ceremony_. _brother_ onas, these things happen frequently, and we desire you will consider them well, and not be too much concerned. three _indians_ have been killed at different times at _ohio_, and we never mentioned any of them to you, imagining it might have been occasioned by some unfortunate quarrels, and being unwilling to create a disturbance. we therefore desire you will consider these things well, and, to take the grief from your heart, we give you this string of wampum. _which was received with the usual ceremonies_. _brother_ onas, we have heard of the murder of _john armstrong_, and, in our journey here, we had conference with our cousins the _delawares_ about it, and reproved them severely for it, and charged them to go down to our brother _onas_, and make him satisfaction, both for the men that were killed, and for the goods. we understood, by them, that the principal actor in these murders is in your prison, and that he had done all the mischief himself; but that besides him, you had required and demanded two others who were in his company when the murders were committed. we promise faithfully, in our return, to renew our reproofs, and to charge the _delawares_ to send down some of their chiefs with these two young men (but not as prisoners) to be examined by you; and as we think, upon examination, you will not find them guilty, we rely on your justice not to do them any harm, but to permit them to return home in safety. we likewise understand, that search has been made for the goods belonging to the deceased, and that some have been already returned to your people, but that some are still missing. you may depend upon our giving the strictest charge to the _delawares_ to search again with more diligence for the goods, and to return them, or the value of them, in skins. and, to confirm what we have said, we give you this string of wampum. _which was received with the usual ceremonies_. _brother_ onas, the _conoy indians_ have informed us, that they sent you a message, some time ago, to advise you, that they were ill used by the white people in the place where they had lived, and that they had come to a resolution of removing to _shamokin_, and requested some small satisfaction for their land; and as they never have received any answer from you, they have desired us to speak for them; we heartily recommend their case to your generosity. and, to give weight to our recommendation, we present you with this string of wampum. _which was received with the usual ceremony_. _the governor having conferred a little time with the honourable commissioners of_ virginia _and_ maryland, _made the following reply_: _brethren_, i am glad to find that you agree with me in the necessity of keeping the road between us clear and open, and the concern you have expressed on account of the barbarous murders mentioned to you, is a proof of your brotherly affection for us. if crimes of this nature be not strictly enquired into, and the criminals severely punished, there will be an end of all commerce between us and the _indians_, and then you will be altogether in the power of the _french_. they will set what price they please on their own goods, and give you what they think fit for your skins; so it is for your own interest that our traders should be safe in their persons and goods when they travel to your towns. _brethren_, i considered this matter well before i came from _philadelphia_, and i advised with the council there upon it, as i have done here with the honourable the commissioners of _virginia_ and _maryland_. i never heard before of the murder of the three _indians_ at _ohio_; had complaint been made to me of it, and it had appeared to have been committed by any of the people under my government, they should have been put to death, as two of them were, some years ago, for killing two _indians_. you are not to take your own satisfaction, but to apply to me, and i will see that justice be done you; and should any of the _indians_ rob or murder any of our people, i do expect that you will deliver them up to be tried and punished in the same manner as white people are. this is the way to preserve friendship between us, and will be for your benefit as well as ours. i am well pleased with the steps you have already taken, and the reproofs you have given to your cousins the _delawares_, and do expect you will lay your commands upon some of their chiefs to bring down the two young men that were present at the murders; if they are not brought down, i shall look upon it as a proof of their guilt. if, upon examination, they shall be found not to have been concerned in the bloody action, they shall be well used, and sent home in safety: i will take it upon myself to see that they have no injustice done them. an inventory is taken of the goods already restored, and i expect satisfaction will be made for such as cannot be found, in skins, according to promise. i well remember the coming down of one of the _conoy indians_ with a paper, setting forth, that the _conoys_ had come to a resolution to leave the land reserved for them by the proprietors, but he made no complaint to me of ill usage from the white people. the reason he gave for their removal was, that the settling of the white people all round them had made deer scarce, and that therefore they chose to remove to _juniata_ for the benefit of hunting. i ordered what they said to be entered in the council-book. the old man's expences were born, and a blanket given him at his return home. i have not yet heard from the proprietors on this head; but you may be assured, from the favour and justice they have always shewn to the _indians_, that they will do every thing that may be reasonably expected of them in this case. * * * * * in the c o u r t-h o u s e chamber at _lancaster_, _july_ , , _p. m._ p r e s e n t, the honourable the commissioners of _virginia_. the deputies of the _six nations_. _conrad weiser_, interpreter. _the_ indians _being told, by the interpreter, that their brother_ assaragoa _was going to speak to them, the commissioners spoke as follows_: _sachems and warriors, our friends and brethren_, as we have already said enough to you on the subject of the title to the lands you claim from _virginia_, we have no occasion to say any thing more to you on that head, but come directly to the point. we have opened the chest, and the goods are now here before you; they cost two hundred pounds _pensylvania_ money, and were bought by a person recommended to us by the governor of _pensylvania_ with ready cash. we ordered them to be good in their kinds, and we believe they are so. these goods, and two hundred pounds in gold, which lie on the table, we will give you, our brethren of the _six nations_, upon condition that you immediately make a deed recognizing the king's right to all the lands that are, or shall be, by his majesty's appointment in the colony of _virginia_. as to the road, we agree you shall have one, and the regulation is in paper, which the interpreter now has in his custody to shew you. the people of _virginia_ shall perform their part, if you and your _indians_ perform theirs; we are your brethren, and will do no hardships to you, but, on the contrary, all the kindness we can. the _indians_ agreed to what was said, and _canassatego_ desired they would represent their case to the king, in order to have a further consideration when the settlement increased much further back. to which the commissioners agreed, and promised they would make such a representation faithfully and honestly; and, for their further security that they would do so, they would give them a writing, under their hands and seals, to that purpose. they desired that some rum might be given them to drink on their way home, which the commissioners agreed to, and paid them in gold for that purpose, and the carriage of their goods from _philadelphia_, nine pounds thirteen shillings, and three-pence, _pensylvania_ money. _canassatego_ further said, that as their brother _tocarry-hogan_ sent them provision on the road here, which kept them from starving, he hoped their brother _assaragoa_ would do the same for them back, and have the goods he gave them carried to the usual place; which the commissioners agreed to, and ordered provisions and carriages to be provided accordingly. after this conference the deed was produced, and the interpreter explained it to them; and they, according to their rank and quality, put their marks and seals to it in the presence of several gentlemen of _maryland, pensylvania_ and _virginia_; and when they delivered the deed, _canassatego_ delivered it for the use of their father, the great king, and hoped he would consider them; on which the gentlemen and _indians_ then present gave three shouts. * * * * * in the c o u r t-h o u s e at _lancaster, tuesday_, _july_ , , _a. m._ p r e s e n t, the honourable _g e o r g e t h o m a s_, esq; governor, &c. the honourable the commissioners of _virginia_. the honourable the commissioners of _maryland_. the deputies of the _six nations_. _conrad weiser_, interpreter. _the_ governor _spoke as follows_: _friends and brethren of the_ six nations, at a treaty held with many of the chiefs of your nations two years ago, the road between us was made clearer and wider; our fire was enlarged, and our friendship confirmed by an exchange of presents, and many other mutual good offices. we think ourselves happy in having been instrumental to your meeting with our brethren of _virginia_ and _maryland_; and we persuade ourselves, that you, on your parts, will always remember it as an instance of our good-will and affection for you. this has given us an opportunity of seeing you sooner than perhaps we should otherwise have done; and, as we are under mutual obligations by treaties, we to hear with our ears for you, and you to hear with your ears for us, we take this opportunity to inform you of what very nearly concerns us both. the _great king of_ england and the _french_ king have declared war against each other. two battles have been fought, one by land, and the other by sea. the _great king of_ england commanded the land-army in person, and gained a compleat victory. numbers of the _french_ were killed and taken prisoners, and the rest were forced to pass a river with precipitation to save their lives. the great god covered the king's head in that battle, so that he did not receive the least hurt; for which you, as well as we, have reason to be very thankful. the engagement at sea was likewise to the advantage of the _english_. the _french_ and _spaniards_ joined their ships together, and came out to fight us. the brave _english_ admiral burnt one of their largest ships, and many others were so shattered, that they were glad to take the opportunity of a very high wind, and a dark night, to run away, and to hide themselves again in their own harbours. had the weather proved fair, he would, in all probability, have taken or destroyed them all. i need not put you in mind how much _william penn_ and his sons have been your friends, and the friends of all the _indians_. you have long and often experienced their friendship for you; nor need i repeat to you how kindly you were treated, and what valuable presents were made to you two years ago by the governor, the council, and the assembly of _pensylvania_. the sons of _william penn_ are all now in _england_, and have left me in their place, well knowing how much i regard you and all the _indians_. as a fresh proof of this, i have left my house, and am come thus far to see you, to renew our treaties, to brighten the covenant-chain, and to confirm our friendship with you. in testimony whereof, i present you with this belt of wampum. _which was received with the_ yo-hah. as your nations have engaged themselves by treaty to assist us, your brethren of _pensylvania_, in case of a war with the _french_, we do not doubt but you will punctually perform an engagement so solemnly entered into. a war is now declared, and we expect that you will not suffer the _french_, or any of the _indians_ in alliance with them, to march through your country to disturb any of our settlements; and that you will give us the earliest and best intelligence of any designs that may be formed by them to our disadvantage, as we promise to do of any that may be to yours. to enforce what i have now said to you in the strongest manner, i present you with this belt of wampum. _which was received with the_ yo-hah. _after a little pause his honour, the_ governor, _spoke again_: _friends and brethren of the_ six nations, what i have now said to you is in conformity to treaties subsisting between the province of which i am governor and your nations. i now proceed, with the consent of the honourable commissioners for _virginia_ and _maryland_, to tell you, that all differences having been adjusted, and the roads between us and you made quite clear and open, we are ready to confirm our treaties with your nations, and establish a friendship that is not to end, but with the world itself. and, in behalf of the province of _pensylvania_, i do, by this fine belt of wampum, and a present of goods, to the value of three hundred pounds, confirm and establish the said treaties of peace, union and friendship, you on your parts doing the same. _which was received with a loud_ yo-hah. the governor further added, the goods bought with the one hundred pounds sterling, put into my hands by the governor of _virginia_, are ready to be delivered when you please. the goods bought and sent up by the people of the province of _pensylvania_, according to the list which the interpreter will explain, are laid by themselves, and are likewise ready to be delivered to you at your own time. _after a little pause the commissioners of_ virginia _spoke as follows_: _sachems and warriors of the_ six nations, the way between us being made smooth by what passed yesterday, we desire now to confirm all former treaties made between _virginia_ and you, our brethren of the _six nations_, and to make our chain of union and friendship as bright as the sun, that it may not contract any more rust for ever; that our childrens children may rejoice at, and confirm what we have done; and that you and your children may not forget it, we give you one hundred pounds in gold, and this belt of wampum. _which was received with the usual ceremony_. _friends and brethren_, altho' we have been disappointed in our endeavours to bring about a peace between you and the _catawbas_, yet we desire to speak to you something more about them. we believe they have been unfaithful to you, and spoke of you with a foolish contempt; but this may be only the rashness of some of their young men. in this time of war with our common enemies the _french_ and _spaniards_, it will be the wisest way to be at peace among ourselves. they, the _catawbas_, are also children of the great king, and therefore we desire you will agree, that we may endeavour to make a peace between you and them, that we may be all united by one common chain of friendship. we give you this string of wampum. _which was received with the usual ceremony_. _brethren_, our friend, _conrad weiser_, when he is old, will go into the other world, as our fathers have done, our children will then want such a friend to go between them and your children, to reconcile any differences that may happen to arise between them, that, like him, may have the ears and tongues of our children and yours. the way to have such a friend, is for you to send three or four of your boys to _virginia_, where we have a fine house for them to live in, and a man on purpose to teach the children of you, our friends, the religion, language and customs of the white people. to this place we kindly invite you to send some of your children; and we promise you they shall have the same care taken of them, and be instructed in the same manner as our own children, and be returned to you again when you please; and, to confirm this, we give you this string of wampum. _which was received with the usual ceremony_. _then the commissioners of_ maryland _spoke as follows_: _friends and brethren, the chiefs or sachems of the_ six _united_ nations, the governor of _maryland_ invited you hither, we have treated you as friends, and agreed with you as brethren. as the treaty now made concerning the lands in _maryland_ will, we hope, prevent effectually every future misunderstanding between us on that account, we will now bind faster the links of our chain of friendship, by a renewal of all our former treaties; and that they may still be the better secured, we shall present you with one hundred pounds in gold. what we have further to say to you is, let not our chain contract any rust; whenever you perceive the least speck, tell us of it, and we will make it clean. this we also expect of you, that it may always continue so bright as our generations may see their faces in it; and, in pledge of the truth of what we have now spoken, and our affection to you, we give you this belt of wampum. _which was received with the usual ceremony._ _c a n a s s a t e g o, in return, spoke as follows_: _brother_ onas, assaragoa, _and_ tocarry-hogan, we return you thanks for your several speeches, which are very agreeable to us. they contain matters of such great moment, that we propose to give them a very serious consideration, and to answer them suitably to their worth and excellence; and this will take till to-morrow morning, and when we are ready we will give you due notice. you tell us you beat the _french_; if so, you must have taken a great deal of rum from them, and can the better spare us some of that liquor to make us rejoice with you in the victory. the governor and commissioners ordered a dram of rum to be given to each in a small glass, calling it, _a french glass_. * * * * * in the c o u r t-h o u s e at _lancaster, july , , a. m._ p r e s e n t, the honourable _g e o r g e t h o m a s_ esq; governor, &c. the honourable the commissioners of _virginia_. the honourable the commissioners of _maryland_. the deputies of the _six nations_. _conrad weiser_, interpreter. _c a n a s s a t e g o speaker._ _brother_ onas, yesterday you expressed your satisfaction in having been instrumental to our meeting with our brethren of _virginia_ and _maryland_, we, in return, assure you, that we have great pleasure in this meeting, and thank you for the part you have had in bringing us together, in order to create a good understanding, and to clear the road; and, in token of our gratitude, we present you with this string of wampum. _which was received with the usual ceremony._ _brother_ onas, you was pleased yesterday to inform us, "that war had been declared between _the great king of_ england and the _french_ king; that two great battles had been fought, one by land, and the other at sea; with many other particulars." we are glad to hear the arms of the king of _england_ were successful, and take part with you in your joy on this occasion. you then came nearer home, and told us, "you had left your house, and were come thus far on behalf of the whole people of _pensylvania_ to see us; to renew your treaties, to brighten the covenant-chain, and to confirm your friendship with us." we approve this proposition, we thank you for it. we own, with pleasure, that the covenant-chain between us and _pensylvania_ is of old standing, and has never contracted any rust; we wish it may always continue as bright as it has done hitherto; and, in token of the sincerity of our wishes, we present you with this belt of wampum. _which was received with the_ yo-hah. _brother onas_, you was pleased yesterday to remind us of our mutual obligation to assist each other in case of a war with the _french_, and to repeat the substance of what we ought to do by our treaties with you; and that as a war had been already entered into with the _french_, you called upon us to assist you, and not to suffer the _french_ to march through our country to disturb any of your settlements. in answer, we assure you we have all these particulars in our hearts, they are fresh in our memory. we shall never forget that you and we have but one heart, one head, one eye, one ear, and one hand. we shall have all your country under our eye, and take all the care we can to prevent any enemy from coming into it; and, in proof of our care, we must inform you, that before we came here, we told _onandio_[ ], our father, as he is called, that neither he, nor any of his people, should come through our country, to hurt our brethren the _english_, or any of the settlements belonging to them; there was room enough at sea to fight, there he might do what he pleased, but he should not come upon our land to do any damage to our brethren. and you may depend upon our using our utmost care to see this effectually done; and, in token of our sincerity, we present you with this belt of wampum. _which was received with the usual ceremony._ _after some little time the interpreter said_, canassatego _had forgot something material, and desired to mend his speech, and to do so as often as he should omit any thing of moment, and thereupon he added:_ the _six nations_ have a great authority and influence over sundry tribes of _indians_ in alliance with the _french_, and particularly over the _praying indians_, formerly a part with ourselves, who stand in the very gates of the _french_; and, to shew our further care, we have engaged these very _indians_, and other _indian_ allies of the _french_ for you. they will not join the _french_ against you. they have agreed with us before we set out. we have put the spirit of antipathy against the _french_ in those people. our interest is very considerable with them, and many other nations, and as far as ever it extends, we shall use it for your service. the governor said, _canassatego_ did well to mend his speech; he might always do it whenever his memory should fail him in any point of consequence, and he thanked him for the very agreeable addition. _brother_ assaragoa, you told us yesterday, that all disputes with you being now at an end, you desired to confirm all former treaties between _virginia_ and us, and to make our chain of union as bright as the sun. we agree very heartily with you in these propositions; we thank you for your good inclinations; we desire you will pay no regard to any idle stories that may be told to our prejudice. and, as the dispute about the land is now intirely over, and we perfectly reconciled, we hope, for the future, we shall not act towards each other but as becomes brethren and hearty friends. we are very willing to renew the friendship with you, and to make it as firm as possible, for us and our children with you and your children to the latest generation, and we desire you will imprint these engagements on your hearts in the strongest manner; and, in confirmation that we shall do the same, we give you this belt of wampum. _which was received with_ yo-hah _from the interpreter, and all the nations_. _brother_ assaragoa, you did let us know yesterday, that tho' you had been disappointed in your endeavours to bring about a peace between us and the _catawbas_, yet you would still do the best to bring such a thing about. we are well pleased with your design, and the more so, as we hear you know what sort of people the _catawbas_ are, that they are spiteful and offensive, and have treated us contemptuously. we are glad you know these things of the _catawbas_; we believe what you say to be true, that there are, notwithstanding, some amongst them who are wiser and better; and, as you say, they are your brethren, and belong to the great king over the water, we shall not be against a peace on reasonable terms, provided they will come to the northward to treat about it. in confirmation of what we say, and to encourage you in your undertaking, we give you this string of wampum. _which was received with the usual ceremonies_. _brother_ assaragoa, you told us likewise, you had a great house provided for the education of youth, and that there were several white people and _indians_ children there to learn languages, and to write and read, and invited us to send some of our children amongst you, &c. we must let you know we love our children too well to send them so great a way, and the _indians_ are not inclined to give their children learning. we allow it to be good, and we thank you for your invitation; but our customs differing from yours, you will be so good as to excuse us. we hope _tarachawagon_[ ] will be preserved by the good spirit to a good old age; when he is gone under ground, it will be then time enough to look out for another; and no doubt but amongst so many thousands as there are in the world, one such man may be found, who will serve both parties with the same fidelity as _tarachawagon_ does; while he lives there is no room to complain. in token of our thankfulness for your invitation, we give you this string of wampum. _which was received with the usual ceremony_. _brother_ tocarry-hogan, you told us yesterday, that since there was now nothing in controversy between us, and the affair of the land was settled to your satisfaction, you would now brighten the chain of friendship which hath subsisted between you and us ever since we became brethren; we are well pleased with the proposition, and we thank you for it; we also are inclined to renew all treaties, and keep a good correspondence with you. you told us further, if ever we should perceive the chain had contracted any rust, to let you know, and you would take care to take the rust out, and preserve it bright. we agree with you in this, and shall, on our parts, do every thing to preserve a good understanding, and to live in the same friendship with you as with our brother _onas_ and _assaragoa_; in confirmation whereof we give you this belt of wampum. _on which the usual cry of_ yo-hah _was given_. _brethren_, we have now finished our answer to what you said to us yesterday, and shall now proceed to _indian_ affairs, that are not of so general a concern. _brother_ assaragoa, there lives a nation of _indians_ on the other side of your country, the _tuscaroraes_, who are our friends, and with whom we hold correspondence; but the road between us and them has been stopped for some time, on account of the misbehaviour of some of our warriors. we have opened a new road for our warriors, and they shall keep to that; but as that would be inconvenient for messengers going to the _tuscaroraes_, we desire they may go the old road. we frequently send messengers to one another, and shall have more occasion to do so now that we have concluded a peace with the _cherikees_. to enforce our request, we give you this string of wampum. _which was received with the usual cry of approbation_. _brother_ assaragoa, among these _tuscaroraes_ there live a few families of the _conoy indians_, who are desirous to leave them, and to remove to the rest of their nation among us, and the strait road from them to us lies through the middle of your country. we desire you will give them free passage through _virginia_, and furnish them with passes; and, to enforce our request, we give you this string of wampum. _which was received with the usual cry of approbation_. _brother_ onas, assaragoa, _and_ tocarry-hogan, at the close of your respective speeches yesterday, you made us very handsome presents, and we should return you something suitable to your generosity; but, alas! we are poor, and shall ever remain so, as long as there are so many _indian_ traders among us. theirs and the white peoples cattle have eat up all the grass, and make deer scarce. however, we have provided a small present for you, and though some of you gave us more than others, yet, as you are all equally our brethren, we shall leave it to you to divide it as you please.--and then presented three bundles of skins, which were received with the usual ceremony from the three governments. we have one thing further to say; and that is, we heartily recommend union and a good agreement between you our brethren. never disagree, but preserve a strict friendship for one another, and thereby you, as well as we, will become the stronger. our wise forefathers established union and amity between the _five nations_; this has made us formidable; this has given us great weight and authority with our neighbouring nations. we are a powerful confederacy; and, by your observing the same methods our wise forefathers have taken, you will acquire fresh strength and power; therefore whatever befals you, never fall out one with another. the governor replied: the honourable commissioners of _virginia_ and _maryland_ have desired me to speak for them; therefore i, in behalf of those governments, as well as of the province of _pensylvania_, return you thanks for the many proofs you have given in your speeches of your zeal for the service of your brethren the _english_, and in particular for your having so early engaged in a neutrality the several tribes of _indians_ in the _french_ alliance. we do not doubt but you will faithfully discharge your promises. as to your presents, we never estimate these things by their real worth, but by the disposition of the giver. in this light we accept them with great pleasure, and put a high value upon them. we are obliged to you for recommending peace and good agreement amongst ourselves. we are all subjects, as well as you, of the great king beyond the water; and, in duty to his majesty, and from the good affection we bear to each other, as well as from a regard to our own interest, we shall always be inclined to live in friendship. then the commissioners of _virginia_ presented the hundred pounds in gold, together with a paper, containing a promise to recommend the _six nations_ for further favour to the king; which they received with _yo-hah_, and the paper was given by them to _conrad weiser_ to keep for them. the commissioners likewise promised that their publick messengers should not be molested in their passage through _virginia_, and that they would prepare passes for such of the _conoy indians_ as were willing to remove to the northward. then the commissioners of _maryland_ presented their hundred pounds in gold, which was likewise received with the _yo-hah_. _canassatego_ said, we mentioned to you yesterday the booty you had taken from the _french_, and asked you for some of the rum which we supposed to be part of it, and you gave us some; but it turned out unfortunately that you gave it in _french_ glasses, we now desire you will give us some in _english_ glasses. the governor made answer, we are glad to hear you have such a dislike for what is _french_. they cheat you in your glasses, as well as in every thing else. you must consider we are at a distance from _williamsburg, annapolis_, and _philadelphia_, where our rum stores are, and that although we brought up a good quantity with us, you have almost drunk it out; but, notwithstanding this, we have enough left to fill our _english_ glasses, and will shew the difference between the narrowness of the _french_, and the generosity of your brethren the _english_ towards you. the _indians_ gave, in their order, five _yo-hahs_; and the honourable governor and commissioners calling for some rum, and some middle-sized wine-glasses, drank health to the _great king of_ england, and the _six nations_, and put an end to the treaty by three loud huzza's, in which all the company joined. in the evening the governor went to take his leave of the _indians_, and, presenting them with a string of wampum, he told them, that was in return for one he had received of them, with a message to desire the governor of _virginia_ to suffer their warriors to go through _virginia_ unmolested, which was rendered unnecessary by the present treaty. then, presenting them with another string of wampum, he told them, that was in return for theirs, praying him, that as they had taken away one part of _conrad weiser_'s beard, which frightened their children, he would please to take away the other, which he had ordered to be done. _the_ indians _received these two strings of wampum with the usual yo-hah_. the governor then asked them, what was the reason that more of the _shawanaes_, from their town on _hohio_, were not at the treaty? but seeing that it would require a council in form, and perhaps another day to give an answer, he desired they would give an answer to _conrad weiser_ upon the road on their return home, for he was to set out for _philadelphia_ the next morning. _c a n a s s a t e g o in conclusion spoke at follows:_ we have been hindered, by a great deal of business, from waiting on you, to have some private conversation with you, chiefly to enquire after the healths of _onas_ beyond the water; we desire you will tell them, we have a grateful sense of all their kindnesses for the _indians_. brother _onas_ told us, when he went away, he would not stay long from us; we think it is a great while, and want to know when we may expect him, and desire, when you write, you will recommend us heartily to him; which the governor promised to do, and then took his leave of them. the commissioners of _virginia_ gave _canassatego_ a scarlet camblet coat, and took their leave of them in form, and at the same time delivered the passes to them, according to their request. the commissioners of _maryland_ presented _gachradodow_ with a broad gold-laced hat, and took their leave of them in the same manner. _a true copy, compared by_ richard peters, secr. [illustration] [footnote : onandio, the governor of _canada_.] [footnote : _tarachawagon, conrad weiser_.] a =t r e a t y= between h i s e x c e l l e n c y the honourable george clinton, captain-general and governor in chief of the province of _new-york_, and the territories thereon depending in america, vice-admiral of the same, and vice-admiral of the red squadron of his majesty's fleet. a n d the six united _indian_ nations, and other _indian_ nations, depending on the province of _n e w-y o r k_. held at _a l b a n y_ in the months of _august_ and _september_, . _a_ t r e a t y _between his excellency the governor of the province of_ new-york, _and the_ six nations, _and other_ indian _nations, depending on said province._ it is well known in the province of _new-york_, that the _six nations_ of _indians_ depending on this province, (called _iroquois_ by the _french_) had lately on several occasions, appear'd dissatisfied and wavering in their fidelity to the _british_ crown. no doubt, this was principally occasion'd by the artifices of the _french_ of _canada_, who had constantly emissaries among them: but at the same time there is reason to think, the suspicious behaviour of these nations, in favour of their once inveterate enemy the _french_, could not have arriv'd to the pitch it did, otherwise than by some neglects or misconduct of those who were entrusted by the government of _new-york_ with the management of the _indian_ affairs. his excellency the governor of _new-york_, having received his majesty's commands, to engage the _indian_ nations depending on his government, to join in the expedition then intended against _canada_, and to make them the usual presents on that occasion; and being sensible of the great use these _nations_ might be to the success of this enterprize, and likewise of the difficulties that probably might attend his endeavours at this time, was desirous to have had the assistance of as many of the members of his majesty's council as the circumstances of affairs would permit; but they all declined to give their attendance, except mr. _colden_ and mr. _livingston_. his excellency was therefore obliged to act with the smallest number of members, which by his majesty's commission can form a council, _viz_. three; the above two gentlemen and capt. _rutherford_, who was then at his post in _albany_. as soon as his excellency received his majesty's commands, he dispatched from _albany_ such persons as, by the best information he could receive, had influence among the _six nations_, to invite them severally to meet him at _albany_, on the th of _july_. his excellency arriv'd at _albany_ the st of _july_, where having heard, that, besides the small-pox, (which his excellency never had) many were sick of a contagious malignant fever, he continued on board the sloop which carried him up, to consider where to lodge with the least danger to his person from the infection of these distempers; and the next morning resolved to go into the fort. he was received at his landing with the usual marks of respect from the corporation, the independent companies of regular troops then in the place, and the militia, under a discharge of the cannon of the fort and town. in the afternoon of the same day on which his excellency came on shore, three _indians, viz_. two _onandagos_ and an _oneydo_, brought two _french_ scalps and presented to his excellency: at which time the leader of the party made a formal speech to the following purpose: 'that having had repeated accounts of the mischiefs done by the _french_, and of the frequent murders committed by them, and that the _mohawks_, notwithstanding their professions of friendship, suffered this bloodshed to remain unrevenged, his heart could bear it no longer; he thereupon resolved to open for his brethren the path to revenge: that these two scalps which he now presented were taken at noonday in sight of the _french_ fort at _crown point_.' his excellency told him how well he took this special mark of his fidelity, and assured him, that he would not only now reward him and his companions, by particular presents, but would always remember this act of friendship. they had already received the reward given by the act of assembly. his excellency gave each of them four _spanish_ dollars; to the leader a fine laced coat and hat, and a silver breast-plate; and to each of the others a stroud blanket and lac'd hat. these _indians_ told us, that they lay several days among the bushes, from whence they could see every man that came out of the fort-gate. they endeavoured for some time to take a prisoner, but observing that none went to such a distance from the fort that they could hope to carry him off, they resolved to take the first opportunity for a scalp: two soldiers coming out of the fort, after the chapel bell had rung about noon, one of the _indians_, by their leader's order, fired with swan shot upon them while they were near to each other. it is a constant rule among these sculking parties, never to fire without orders from their leader. one of the _french_ men was killed upon the spot, the other wounded, and fled immediately towards the fort gate, the _indian_ who had fired, pursu'd, and with his hatchet brought him down within a hundred steps of the fort gate; and, though the _french_ in the fort rushed out at the gate, he took his scalp off; the others had scalped the man that was first killed, and then they all fled. the _french_ in their hurry had run out without their arms, and upon recollecting themselves return'd to arm, which facilitated the escape of the _indians_. his excellency being informed, that the leader of this party was desirous to be distinguished by his excellency's giving him a new name, and that a name, which in the language of the _six nations_ signified the _path-opener_, would be most acceptable to him; his excellency honour'd him with that title; which he accepted very thankfully, and seem'd exceedingly pleased with it: whereupon he said, that the other two _indians_ having associated with a _mehikander_, or _river indian_, were resolved to go out against the enemy: but as he thought he might be more useful by staying, to assist at the ensuing treaty, he was resolved to remain here. he added, that in case the interpreter, and others sent to invite the _six nations_ to meet here, fail'd in any part, he would go among the _six nations_, and doubted not to bring many by his influence, who otherwise might stay. in a day or two after, six of seven _indians_, who had been sent out by the commissioners for _indian_ affairs to _crown-point_, to take prisoners, and gain intelligence, returned and said, that they had gone to that place, and that in sight of it they had separated, with, design thereby to surprize any stragler that might have come out of the fort: that while they were thus separated, two of their number were suddenly surrounded and taken by the enemy: one of these two, after having been detained three or four days, join'd the others at _saraghtoga_. he said, that he had been threatened with death by the _adirondacks_[ ]; but that the _cahnuagas_[ ] interpos'd, and by their intercession he was set at liberty; and some of the _cahnuagas_ conducted him through _lac sacrement_. he reported, that there was a great number of men, _french_ and _indians_, at _crown-point._ the other prisoner, an _onondaga_, consented to remain with the _french_, and was sent to _canada_. soon after this, sixteen _mohawk indians_ came to the town, who had been sent out from the lower _mohawk_ castle by mr. _johnson_, to gain intelligence near _crown-point_, and to take prisoners. they reported that they had discovered so great a number of _french_ and _indians_ at _crown-point_, that they had no hopes of being able to bring off any prisoners, and thought it adviseable to return speedily and inform of the great danger they thought this place was in. his excellency invited them to go thither again, in order to descry the motions of the enemy: and as a farther encouragement to them, to either scalp or take prisoners, he offered every person of said party that should take a scalp or prisoner, a piece of stroud, and a suit of laced clothes, besides the bounty; but they, being frightened with the apprehensions of danger, declined going back, and said, they must return home and acquaint their friends and relations with what they had heard and seen. several other _indians_ likewise alarmed the _mohawks_, by telling them that the _french_ had a great force at _crown-point_, and that they would certainly attack either _albany_ or _schenectade_, or the settlements on the _mohawks_ river, or perhaps several places at the same time. mr. _johnson_, and the commanding officer of the garrison of regular troops in the _mohawks_ country, by their letters to his excellency, confirm'd these reports; and added, the _mohawks_ had entertain'd apprehensions of the _french_ force at _crown-point_, which was like to have a bad effect. on this his excellency wrote to mr. _johnson_, that all these stories of the _french_ force at _crown-point_ were only artifices of the _french_ to intimidate the _indians_, or to amuse them, with design to frustrate the treaty which he intended to have with them; and that he was to assure the _indians_, that they could be in no danger from the _french:_ however, that they might see that he would omit nothing which they might think necessary for their security, he had ordered a lieutenant of militia, with thirty men, to reinforce the lower castle, and had likewise ordered the captain of militia near the upper castle, to assist the _indians_ there in fortifying their castle, and to hold himself in readiness to support them on any emergency. one _john colan_, a _frenchman_, who some years since had removed from _canada_, and settled and married at _schenectade_, and who has since that time lived in good reputation there, was sent by major _glen_ to inform his excellency, that one _aaron_, a noted _mohawk_ sachem, who with several others of the _six nations_, had been last spring in _canada_ to treat with the governor there, did then entertain two _cahnuaga indians_. this man, _john colan_, acquainted his excellency, that having discovered the _cahnuaga indians_, he told them he was a _frenchman_, and was desirous of returning to his own country, on which they began presently to propose to him methods for his escape; at which time, this _aaron_ coming near them, he express'd his fears of being discovered by him. they answered, that he need not fear _aaron_, for he was their friend, and designed to go with them. as they proposed to him to escape privately by himself, and to meet them at a place they named, he told them of his fears, in that case, of meeting with the _french indians_ while he was alone. they answered, that if he dress'd himself like an _indian_, the _french indians_ would do him no hurt, without first calling to him; upon which, if he stopp'd and call'd out _maria_, the _french indians_ would be so far from hurting him, that they would immediately come up to him and take him by the hand. from this, and several other incidents, which it would be tedious to relate, his excellency was convinced of some secret understanding between the _six nations_ and the _cahnuagas_, or _french indians:_ and that, however any party of our _indians_ might be induced to fall upon the _french_, they would not at that time molest the _french indians_, nor prevent the mischiefs which the inhabitants received from their sculking parties. for this reason, his excellency endeavoured to send out again the company of rangers, which had formerly been employed against the sculking _indians:_ but, as the assembly had made no provision for this expence, they refused to go, unless he gave his personal bond for their pay, at _three shillings_ a day for each private man, besides their provision; and would not be satisfied with the promises that he, by the advice of the council, made them of recommending their service to the general assembly, and the assurances he gave them of their being rewarded as they desired. on their continuing obstinate, his excellency was of opinion, that no considerable service could be expected from men, who were moved by no other principle but that of excessive wages: and he had reason afterwards to be confirmed in this opinion, when captain _langdon_, and afterwards captain _thebout_, voluntarily went with their companies of the new-levied troops to scour the woods, and took some of these _albany_ men with them as guides, who whenever they apprehended themselves in danger, by the discovery of recent tracts, some one or other of them could not be kept from firing their guns, or making some noise, by which the _french indians_, if any were near them, must know how to avoid them. some _indians_, who were likewise sent out in company with these men, complained in like manner. the publick interpreter, whom the governor (as before observed) had sent with others, to invite the _six nations_ to meet him at _albany_, wrote to the commissioners for _indian_ affairs, that they met with great difficulties and obstructions from the _sachems_, who had been lately at _canada:_ that the _oneydoes_ refused to give any answer, tho' they had staid there thirteen days endeavouring to persuade them; and that the _cayugas_ had absolutely refused to meet the governor. on which his excellency desired to be informed by the commissioners of _indian_ affairs, whether they knew of any person of influence or interest with the _indians_, and fit to be sent among them on this occasion. they answered, that they knew of none; and that the _indians_ were in a very bad disposition, and much under the influence of the _french_. about this time his excellency being informed, that the interpreter, and others sent with him, had neglected to send proper invitations to the _indians_ living on the branches of _susquehannah_ river; and that captain _vroman_, of _scohary_, was a proper person to be sent to those _indians_; he sent him, in company with captain _staats_, with a belt of _wampum_ to invite them. while the _indian_ affairs appear'd in this discouraging state, an account came to town, that about twenty young _chickesaws_ were come to the _senekas_, to desire them to shew them the way to _canada_. the _chickesaws_ had always been enemies to the _french:_ a party of about five hundred men had, four years before, been sent out against them from _canada_, who were so entirely routed by the _chickesaws_, that few returned. these young _chickesaws_ told the _senekas_, that the _french_ of _canada_ had, about four years since, made them a visit, and were so kind to leave them four hundred guns, which were now wore out; and, since the _french_ had not thought fit to bring them any more guns, they were resolved to go to _canada_ to fetch new ones; and promised, that if the _senekas_ would shew them the way, they would go home and return with four hundred stout fellows. some other _indian_ nations who lived to the westward, discovering their aversion to the _french_ at the same time, these incidents assisted the governor's messengers in bringing more _indians_ to _albany_ than they expected, when they wrote to the commissioners for _indian_ affairs. while the interpreter was at the more distant _indian_ castles, mr. _william johnson_ was indefatigable among the _mohawks_; he dressed himself after the _indian_ manner, made frequent dances, according to their custom when they excite to war, and used all the means he could think of, at a considerable expence, (which his excellency had promised to repay him) in order to engage them heartily in the war against _canada_. tho' he succeeded, beyond what any man in _albany_ thought could be done, yet several of the _sachems_ (in the _conajohary_, or upper _mohawk_ castle, chiefly) refused to engage in the war; but insisted, that as this war was entered into between the _english_ and _french_, in which they had no interest, they ought to remain neuter. the _english_ and _french_, they said, could at any time make peace; but if they should enter into the war, _indians_ could not make up the quarrel among themselves, otherwise than by the destruction of one or the other. the _french_ could have no hopes of engaging the _six nations_ on their side against the _english_, and therefore wisely play'd this game of endeavouring to make them stand neuter, which they could enforce by strong political arguments, of which the _indians_ were sensible enough. _it is your interest_, the _french_ emissaries said, _not to suffer either the_ french _or the_ english _to be absolute masters_; _for in that case you must become slaves to the one or the other_. from this politic view chiefly, the interpreter met with so much opposition everywhere: tho' it is not to be doubted, but that at the same time the _french_ had gain'd some particular _sachems_ entirely into their interest; however, many were prevailed on to come to _albany_, to hear what the governor of _new-york_ had to say to them; tho' several sachems staid behind. when they of the more distant nations came along with the interpreter to the lower _mohawk_ castle, and found that mr. _johnson_ had already engaged many of the young men there to join the army against _canada_, the others blamed the _mohawks_; telling them with some warmth, that they had been very rash in engaging so far. 'they ought, _the others said_, to have considered that they, the _mohawks_, were the smallest in number of any of the _six nations_, and ought not to have proceeded to so great a length, without the previous consent of the others.' to this the _mohawks_ answered, _it is true, we are less considerable as to number, than any of the other nations; but our hearts are truly_ english, _and all of us are men[ ]; so that, if our force be put to the trial, perhaps it will be found greater than you imagine._ these disputes, however, continued so far, that the _mohawks_, and the other _five nations_, could not go in company to _albany_; the _mohawks_ marched on one side of the river, while the other nations went on the other side. [_there are two roads from the_ mohawks _castle to_ schenectada, _one on each side of the_ mohawks _river_.] when the _indians_ came near the town of _albany_, on the th of _august_, mr. _johnson_ put himself at the head of the _mohawks_, dressed and painted after the manner of an _indian_ war-captain; and the _indians_ who followed him, were likewise dressed and painted, as is usual with them when they set out in war. the _indians_ saluted the governor as they passed the fort, by a running fire; which his excellency ordered to be answered by a discharge of some cannon from the fort: he afterwards received the sachems in the fort-hall, bid them welcome, and treated them with a glass of wine. as, by all accounts, the disposition of the _six nations_ seemed at this time less in favour of the _british_ interest than was to be wished, his excellency thought it necessary to have frequent conferences, in private, with the principal sachems of each _nation_; sometimes separately and singly, at other times with some of each nation jointly. there were only two of the _mohawks_ sachems (besides _aaron_ before mentioned, who left the castle at this time) that could not be prevailed on by mr. _johnson_ to declare themselves for entering into the war against _canada_: they were both of the _conajohary_ or upper-castle, and one of them the head of the tribe called the _tortoise_; (which, tho' not so numerous as that of the _bear_, yet is looked on as the first in rank or dignity;) and, as he had been with the governor of _canada_ last spring, it was thought to be of some consequence to gain him. mr. _colden_, above twenty years since, had the complement of being received into that castle; and, about seven years since (the last time he had been with the _mohawks_) had contracted some more particular acquaintance with these two sachems: he invited them to a private conference, at which the reverend mr. _barclay_ assisted as interpreter; they met him, and brought five more with them: after this conference these sachems appear'd as hearty as any of the others. he that was head of the tribe call'd the _tortoise_, said, 'his uncle had been the chief war-captain among the _mohawks_: that his uncle had particularly distinguished himself in their wars against the _french_, and he was resolved to shew himself not unworthy of his ancestors, nor of his uncle's name, which he had obtained after his death.' after the principal sachems had, at these conferences, been brought to a good disposition, his excellency advised with the gentlemen of the council, and the commissioners from the _massachusets bay_, on what might be proper to be said to the _six nations_ in the publick speech, which he now proposed to make to them. col. _wendell_ and mr. _wells_ had arrived from _boston_ about the end of _july_, and soon after they came to town, his excellency ordered the gentlemen of the council to communicate to them all the information which had been received, with respect to the _indian_ affairs: and they had frequent conferences together from time to time, as occasion required: it was likewise thought proper to communicate, what his excellency intended to say to some of the sachems of each nation, who were thought most hearty in the _british_ interest; who said, that it was well conceiv'd as could have been done, had they themselves advised upon the subject; only as it had been advised to observe in the first draught, that some of his majesty's subjects had been instigated by the _french_ to rise in rebellion against the king; that they had been defeated by one of the king's sons; that these poor people were now utterly ruined, and had nothing left but to bewail their folly in the misery that was brought upon them, by suffering themselves to be deluded by the promises of the _french_; they said, that they did not understand the affairs on the other side of the sea, nor did they trouble their heads about them; and as they had no method of retaining what is spoke to them but by their memories, they were afraid that this might perplex their memories, and make them less attentive to what was properly their business; and advised, that it should be left out; which accordingly was done. another difficulty remained; the publick interpreter had been taken dangerously ill in his return to _albany_, and was at this time confined to his bed. tho' several were employed, who had knowledge sufficient in the language of the _six nations_, to make themselves be understood, and to understand what was spoke to them; yet none of them were so much masters of the language, as to speak with that propriety and distinctness that is expected, and usual on so solemn an occasion. it was thought therefore proper, to make one of the sachems understand the speech, by the assistance of the common interpreters, that he might be able to deliver it paragraph by paragraph, as it should be spoke. at first a _mohawk_ sachem was pitched upon; but the sachems themselves told us, that for some time past a kind of party-division among the _six nations_ had subsisted: that the _mohawks_, _onandagas_, and _senekas_, form'd one party; and the _oneydoes, tuscaroras_, and _cayugas_, the other: that, as the _mohawks_ might be suspected to be more partial to the _english_, it would be of more use to employ one of the other party; and an _oneydo_ sachem was proposed for that purpose. this man was easily enough made to understand the speech, and he repeated it several times over in private, and was instructed where to make the proper stops. after the speech was delivered, some of the commissioners for _indian_ affairs, and other persons present at the delivery, who understood both languages, acknowledged, that this _indian_ had acquitted himself of his trust faithfully, and had delivered the sense of the speech clearly and distinctly. while these last preparations were making, his excellency was taken ill of a fever, which occasioned some further delay; and as his excellency did not recover so soon as was wished, the sachems were told, that his excellency being unwilling to detain them without necessity, would, if they desired it, direct mr. _colden_ to speak to them in his name, what he designed to say. they answered, that they would be well pleased to hear it from mr. _colden_'s mouth. [footnote : a nation of _indians_ living in _canada_, who have always been firm friends to the _french_, and formerly were at war with the _six nations_.] [footnote : a number of _indians_ originally of the _five nations_, and deserters from them, now settled near _montreal_, by whom the illicit trade between _albany_ and _montreal_ was carried on: they are well acquainted with the country about _albany_.] [footnote : the _six nations_ reckon all other _indian_ nations women, in comparison to themselves.] * * * * * at _a l b a n y_ the nineteenth of _august_, . p r e s e n t, the { cadwallader colden, } esqrs; of his majesty's honourable { philip livingston, } council for the province { john rutherford, } of _new-york_. the commissioners from the government of the _massachusets-bay_. the commissioners of the province of _new-york_ for _indian_ affairs. the mayor and corporation of _albany_. the officers of the independent companies, and of the new levies then at _albany_. several gentlemen of the province of _new-york_: and strangers. _mr._ colden _introduced the speech as follows_: his excellency our governor having been taken ill, and as yet not so well recovered as that he can safely come abroad; has ordered me (being the next person to him in the administration) to speak to you in his name, which i shall do in the same words which he designed to have spoke, had he not been prevented by sickness. "_brethren_, "i am glad to see so many of our ancient friends here, and heartily bid you welcome. [_gave three strings of wampum_.] "i have call'd you to this place for two great ends, in which the province of the _massachusets-bay_ have sent commissioners to concur with me, who are here present. "the _first_ is, to renew the covenant-chain with you; and i now by this belt, in your father the king of _great-britain_'s name, in behalf of his majesty's subjects in _north-america_, renew and confirm the covenant-chain, and all former treaties and engagements entered into with you. this chain has from the beginning, remained so firm and strong, that it has never once broke or slipt since it was first made; and we, on our parts, shall endeavour that it remain so, unshaken, as long as the sun and moon shall endure. [_gave a belt_.] "_brethren_, last fall i told you, that his majesty's subjects in this country had, the summer before, lain still, without attempting any thing against the _french_ settlements: but that the _french_ had by surprize, attacked and destroyed a small place near _cape-breton_, belonging to us. "that they afterwards laid siege to _annapolis-royal_, and were beat off. "i likewise told you, that the governor of the _massachusets-bay_, in conjunction with _connecticut_ and _new-hampshire_, had, in revenge to these injuries, sent an army against _louisburg_, on the island of _cape-breton_; that the army was joined by a number of his majesty's ships of war, under the command of your friend admiral _warren_. "i told you, that the town of _louisburg_, which is the strongest the _french_ have in _america_, was reduced by this force; and that the _french_ there had surrendered themselves and their country to the _english_. "i likewise told you, how we, in this part of the country, had lain still, hoping that the _french_ in _canada_, would either be quiet, or carry on the war in a manly manner, and after the manner of christians. and to induce them thereto, a message had been sent from this place to the governor of _canada_, to tell him, that if he should revive the inhuman custom of murdering private people, by sculking _indians_, that the several governors of his majesty's colonies, together with you our brethren of the _six nations_, would join and make reprisals on them in the like manner; at which time you publickly declared, that if any of his majesty's subjects, in any part of his governments, should be killed by any _indians_, you would immediately join in the war against them, and the _french_. "and last fall, when i delivered the hatchet into your hands, you told me, and confirm'd it with a belt, that you would send some of your people (who were then ready) to _canada_, to demand satisfaction; and that if satisfaction was refused, you would use the hatchet against them, whenever i should order it. "and you further promised, that if the enemy should commit any further hostilities, you would then (upon my commands) immediately make use of the hatchet. "i need not tell you, how far the _french_ have been from giving satisfaction; on the contrary, you are well acquainted with the cruel and barbarous murders that have been committed, since that time, by the _french indians_ at _saraghtoga_, and in the neighbourhoods of this place, and on the frontiers of _new-england_; as you have not hitherto fulfilled your promises, i suspect that they did not come from your hearts: i therefore, by this belt, demand an immediate performance of your promises, to shew that they come from the bottom of your hearts; as all the promises i make come from mine, and ever shall. [_gave a belt_.] "_brethren_, i now come to the _second_ and principal design of our present meeting, in which i hope and expect to find you hearty, and united in your councils and opinions. [_gave a belt_.] "the king your father, having been informed of the unmanly murders committed on the frontiers of _new england_, and of this province, is resolved to subdue the country of _canada_, and thereby put an end to all the mischievous designs of the _french_ in these parts. and for this purpose, he has ordered his governors of _virginia, maryland, pensylvania_, and _new-jersey_, to join their forces to the forces of this province, to attack _canada_ by land: they are all now upon their march, and you will soon see them here. "at the same time the forces of the _massachusets-bay, connecticut, rhode-island_, and _new-hampshire_, are to go in ships to _cape-breton_, and there join with his majesty's ships of war, and a great army of experienc'd soldiers from _great-britain_. "many ships of war are already arrived there, and some thousand of soldiers; many more ships and soldiers are following; and i expect every hour to hear of their arrival; after which the attack upon _canada_ will be made on all sides, both by sea and land. "you may perceive the king has ordered a strength sufficient to subdue _canada_; but at the same time, the king your father expects and orders you his children, to join with your whole force in this enterprize; and thereby gives the _six nations_ a glorious opportunity of establishing their fame and renown over all the _indian_ nations in _america_, in the conquest of your inveterate enemies the _french_; who, however they may dissemble and profess friendship, can never forget the slaughter which your fathers made of them; and for that purpose, caress those nations who have always been your inveterate enemies, and who desire nothing so much as to see the name of the _six nations_ become obliterate, and forgot for ever. [_gave a belt_.] "_brethren_, the _french_, on all occasions, shew, that they act against your brethren the _english_, like men that know they dare not look them in the face in day-light; and therefore, like thieves, steal upon poor people, who do not expect them in the night, and consequently are not prepared for them: your brethren in their revenge have acted like men of courage; they do not attack poor farmers at their labour, but boldly attempted the reduction of _louisburg_, the strongest town the _french_ had in _america_, in the fortifying of which they had spent above twenty years: it was surrounded with strong walls and forts, in which they had planted their largest cannon in every place, where they thought the _english_ could come near them; notwithstanding of all these precautions and advantages, they were forced to submit to the _english_ valour. "you must have heard from your fathers, and i doubt not several of your old men still remember what the _french_ did at _onondaga_; how they surprised your countrymen at _cadarackui_; how they invaded the _senekas_, and what mischiefs they did to the _mohawks_; how many of your countrymen suffered by the fire at _montreal_. before they entered upon these cruel and mischievous designs, they sent priests among you to delude you, and lull you asleep, while they were preparing to knock you on the head; and i hear they are attempting to do the same now. [_gave a belt_.] "i need not put you in mind what revenge your fathers took for these injuries, when they put all the island of _montreal_, and a great part of _canada_, to fire and sword; can you think that the _french_ forget this? no, they have the ax privately in their hands against you, and use these deceitful arts, by which only they have been able to gain advantage over you, that by your trusting to them, they may at some time or other, at one blow, remove from the face of the earth, the remembrance of a people that have so often put them to shame and flight. "if your fathers could now rise out of their graves, how would their hearts leap with joy to see this day; when so glorious an opportunity is put into their hands to revenge all the injuries their country has received from the _french_, and be never more exposed to their treachery and deceit. i make no doubt you are the true sons of such renowned and brave ancestors, animated with the same spirit for your country's glory, and in revenge of the injuries your fathers received, uncapable of being deluded by the flattering speeches of them, who always have been, and always must be, in their hearts, your enemies, and who desire nothing more, than the destruction of your nations. "i therefore invite you, _brethren_, by this belt, to join with us, and to share with us, in the honour of the conquest of our, and your deceitful enemies; and that you not only join all the force of the _six nations_ with us, but likewise invite all the nations depending on you, to take a share in this glorious enterprize: and i will furnish your fighting men with arms, ammunition, cloathing, provisions, and every thing necessary for the war; and in their absence, take care of their wives and children. [_gave the war-belt_.] "_brethren_, you have seen how daring and insulting on you, as well as us, the _french indians_ have been, in cruelly murdering several of our people, since you have come to this place; and therefore, for the many reasons now laid before you, i make no doubt but your answer will clearly manifest your duty to the king your father, and your love to your brethren; and by this belt i do assure you, that our intent is, to live and die together." [_gave a belt of friendship_.] at every stop where a belt was given, one of the sachems call'd out _yo-hay_, to which all the rest answered in a sound which cannot be expressed in our letters, but seem'd to consist of two words remarkably distinguished in the cadence; it seem'd to this purpose; the sachem calls, _do your hear?_ the answer is, we attend and remember, or understand; or else it is a kind of plaudit our interpreters could not explain. at the close of the speech, one sachem of each nation call'd out severally the _yo-hay_, to which the others of the same nation answer'd severally: but when the war-belt was thrown down, they gave the war-shout. we expected but six of these plaudits, according to the number of the _six nations_, but eight were distinctly delivered; by which we understood some other nations were united with them on this occasion. after the speech was delivered, the sachems of the several nations had conferences together; and some time being spent in deliberating, they acquainted his excellency, 'that they had agreed upon their answer, which they were ready to give whenever he would appoint a time to receive it;' and he named the next day. accordingly on the d of _august_, his excellency being present; the gentlemen of the council; the commissioners from _boston_; the commissioners for _indian_ affairs; the corporation of _albany_; and many gentlemen, as at the time when his excellency's speech was delivered, an _onondaga_ sachem, who had formerly been speaker for the _six nations_ on several publick occasions, rose up and spoke: what he said was publickly interpreted, in the hearing of several who understood the _indian_ language well, as follows: brethren of _new-york_, and of the _massachusets-bay_, _we the_ six nations _are now assembled together as one man, and we take in the_ messesagues _for the seventh nation; and what is now to be spoken by one mouth, are the joint and sincere thoughts of every heart._ _we are pleas'd that you follow the steps of our fore-fathers, in wiping off the sorrowful tears from our eyes, by which the stoppage of our throats are opened, and the bloody bed wash'd clean._ [gave three strings of wampum.] brethren, _the first time we met together, we only saluted each other by shaking of hands; we afterwards made a covenant chain of silver, which we mutually have held fast to this day; should it now slip from either of our hands, it would prove destruction to both sides, since our enemies have drawn the sword._ [gave a belt.] brother of _new-york_; _last year you gave us the hatchet to be made use of against your enemies, the_ french, _which we accepted and promised to make use of it if they should commit any farther hostilities upon the_ english, _which they have now done by destroying_ saraghtoga, _and shedding a great deal of blood: hitherto we have made no use of the hatchet; but as you now call upon us, we are ready, and do declare from the bottom of our hearts, that we will from this day, make use of it against the_ french, _and their children_, (meaning their _indians_.) [n. b. the question was asked them by his excellency, whether by the words _their children_, they meant all the _indians_ in alliance with the _french_? to which they answered, _yes_.] [at the end of the foregoing paragraph, the speaker threw down a war-belt of wampum on the ground, it being the _indian_ custom to deliver war-belts, or make declaration of war in this manner: this he did with a remarkable shew of indignation, intending thereby to express their resentment against the _french_ and their allies, and their zeal for the _english_.] [_gave a belt_.] brother of _new-york; according to your exhortation in your speech to us, we are firmly united together from this time, to act as having one heart; the_ messesagues _are in the same manner joined and united with us, likewise the southern nations bordering upon us; and we hope that you, and the other governors on the continent, will be in the same manner joined and united together._ [gave a belt.] [they repeated over his excellency's speech in relation to the conquest of _cape-breton_; and added, _we hope that our fleet and army will be also victorious in the present expedition against_ canada; _for the_ french _are a mischievous people_.] [gave a belt.] _as to your suspicions of our admitting_ french _priests among us, they are become groundless, since we have now declared war against them: the admitting of priests, would only tend to lull us asleep to our destruction; should any now dare to come, we know no use for them but to roast them. the thoughts of the treatment we formerly received from the_ french, _thro' the means of their priests, and which you now seasonably have brought to our remembrance, makes our blood to boil._ brother of _new-york; this is the second time you have put the hatchet into our hands, which we accept, and are ready to go upon service. you may see that we have but a handful of fighting men here at present; however, some of them from each nation shall be left behind us to follow your orders._ _when we return to our respective castles, we shall send down a great number of our warriors, and of those of the nations in alliance with us, as soon as possible._ _this we assure you of from the truth and sincerity of our hearts; and we receive, and shall preserve this large belt_, [holding it up at the same time] _which you have now given us, as a war-hatchet_. brethren, _this is the belt of union with which we are to go hand in hand to the gate of our enemies, and by it we declare our intention to conquer or die in the common cause_. _there is a nation call'd the_ messesagues, _whose delegates are here present: they consist of five castles, containing eight hundred men, who are all determined, and do agree to join us, in this common cause, against our enemies the_ french, _and their_ indians; _and we hope you, and the commissioners from_ boston, _will use them in such a manner that they will go home content and satisfied._ [gave a belt of union, in which the figures of several persons join'd hand in hand, was wrought.] the person who interpreted, returned the _yo-hah_ at the end of every paragraph, and having done the same at the time they declared war, it occasioned laughter among them; upon which, observing his mistake, he began the war-shout, in which all the _indians_ joined. the _messesagues_ are a nation of _indians_, living near the place called _de troit_ by the _french_, and situate between lake _erie_ and the _huron_ lake. after the speaker had finished, his excellency told them by the interpreter, that the king their father had ordered him to make them a present on this occasion; and that the government of _virginia_ had on the same occasion, sent them a present. the commissioners from _boston_ at the same time told them, that they had a present from their government; and as they were soon to return home, desired the _six nations_ to come to their lodgings to receive it; on which the _indians_ desired his excellency to delay his present to next day, and they immediately went to receive their presents from the commissioners of the _massachusets-bay_. the next day, the presents from the king being exposed on one part, and those from _virginia_ separately near them, it was agreed by the people of _albany_, who had seen many publick presents given to the _six nations_ on treaties with them, that this was the most valuable ever given. his excellency on giving the presents, said; "_brethren_, "you here see a token of the regard the king your father has for you; and there is a token of the friendship of the government of _virginia_: but on this occasion i cannot forbear taking notice to you, that some of your people being at _canada_, when the news of the reduction of _cape-breton_ came there, and when the _french_ expected that _quebec_ would be immediately attacked in consequence of it, several of them joined with the _french_, and promised them assistance. this occasioned some uneasiness to your brethren, being contrary to the faith of your nations, as well as to your brethren's expectations; however, you may now, by performing the promises you yesterday made in the most solemn manner, remove all suspicions; and for ever secure the friendship of your brethren, which hitherto has from the beginning, remained unviolated on their parts. the goods now before you, are presents to the _six nations_; and, as we have received the _messesagues_ into the covenant between you and us, i expect that they shall share with you. besides these general presents now made to your nations, i have prepared proper cloathing for your war-captains, and the warriors who shall go under their command; together with arms, ammunition and provisions, which shall be delivered to the several parties at the time they shall go out on service." what his excellency said having been interpreted by a _mohawk_ sachem, the sachem added of his own head, _you now see how you are here treated, really like brethren; the governor of_ canada _does not treat his_ indians _so; they are set on like his dogs, and they run on without thought or consideration: you see what a noble present is made to you; if the governor of_ canada _should seize all the goods in that country, it would not be in his power to make such a present._ the _onondaga_ sachem, speaker of the _six nations_, immediately replied, brethren of _new-york, new-england_, and _virginia_; _we heard, and observe well, what you now and formerly spoke to us; and we beg no mention may hereafter be made of what passed last fall, since we are now heartily enter'd into the war with you, and have promised as many fighting men from each castle as can be spared; and likewise to engage as great numbers of every nation in alliance with us, as we can, to join immediately with us in the war against the_ french, _and the nations who adhere to them._ brethren of _new-york, new-england_, and _virginia_, _you must not suspect that it proceeds from any backwardness in us, that a greater number of our people do not at this instant join with you; the reason is, our castles have but few fighting men in them, many are now abroad, some hunting and trading with far distant nations, and others out fighting against our enemies; all these we shall recall home as soon as possible, in order to enter with all our force, into the war against your and our common enemy._ brother, _we have no more to say at this time, but only to tell you, we are sorry that we can so little shew our hearts by the presents we now offer; our hunting has been so very poor, that we cannot make you presents suitable to our inclinations._ the _mohawks_ added separately: _we have been employed all summer in your service as out-scouts, to gain intelligence, or in some manner or other, and thereby kept from hunting: we have no furrs to offer you, but we here present our persons, to serve you wherever you shall command._ that day was spent in dividing the presents among themselves. we were told, that these presents were divided into eight equal parts, of which they gave two to the _messesague_ deputies. the next day the war-kettle was set over the fire, and towards evening the _indians_ in his excellency's presence, where many gentlemen attended him, began the war-dance, and continued it till late in the night: they were painted as when they go to war. the dance is a slow and solemn motion, accompanied with a pathetick song. the _indians_ in their turns perform this singly, but it is not easy to describe the particularities of it. his excellency call'd several of the chief sachems who had been useful in the treaty, to him in private, and gave them presents severally; neither did he forget the _messesague_ deputies: he had a particular conference with one of them in private, the other was sick of the small-pox. at this conference, this deputy assured his excellency of the good inclinations of his nation to the _english_, and their aversion to the _french_; he said, 'that many of the nations to the westward of them, disliked the _french_;' and as an instance of it, he told, 'that the _french_ lately having pressed a neighbouring nation to take up the hatchet against the _english_, they received it; but made use of it against the _french_ themselves, and kill'd all the _french_ then with them, being sixty in number, with the loss of only one man of their own nation.' his excellency made him handsome presents, and gave him a belt to carry to his nation, with an invitation to join in the war against the _french_; the _messesague_ received them with a profession of the most sincere and hearty friendship; and that he made no doubt of bringing two, three, or four hundred men of his nation, to serve this fall against the _french_. he added, 'that he and several of his relations would immediately use their best endeavours, with several other nations to the westward of them, who were numerous, to join against the _french_; in which, _he said_, he had great hopes of success, because they were dissatisfied with the _french_.' his excellency took all possible care of the sick _messesague_, had him brought into a house, and ordered him, to be attended by two physicians; but the poor man had the misfortune to die, after he had been above a fortnight ill. when he found himself near his end, he sent to the governor, to desire him as his last request, that his excellency would send the first _french_ scalp that should be taken, to his mother; and when he was told that his excellency had promised it, he shewed a contentedness and resignation to death. this misfortune was increased by the death of the other _messesague_ deputy likewise, who was taken ill in his way home, and died. the _six nations_ took care of their wives and children, who had come with them; and it was not doubted but that they, and all the presents given them, would be safely conveyed to their own homes. having so far given an account of what passed with the _six nations_, it may be proper next to relate the treaty with the _mehikanders_, or _river indians_, _viz._ the several tribes of _indians_ living at several places on each side of _hudson_'s river. on his excellency's arrival at _albany_, having found that there had been a neglect in sending for the _esopus_ and _minissink indians_, he sent orders for them to be invited. the _mehikanders_ being conveened the st, his excellency directed mr. _colden_ to speak to them in his name and words; which mr. _colden_ did; the other gentlemen of the council, the commissioners from _boston_, the commissioners for _indian_ affairs, and several other gentlemen being present, in the words following: "_children_, "i am glad to meet you at this time, as are likewise the commissioners from the _massachusets-bay_, who are now come hither to concur with me upon the present occasion; and i take this opportunity to renew the ancient covenant chain with you, in behalf of this and all his majesty's governments in _america_, which you know has always been kept bright and clean, without any of the least stain or rust, and which by this belt i strengthen. [_gave a belt_.] "_children_, my meeting you here, besides renewing the covenant chain, is with intention that you should join your force with ours, by taking up the hatchet against our and your common enemies the _french_, and their _indians_; who have in a very unmanly manner, by sculking parties, murdered in cold blood, many of your brethren in this and the province of the _massachusets-bay_. "this behaviour lays us under a necessity of making reprisals on them in like manner, in which i make no doubt of your assistance; and we are resolved to take a thorough revenge of our and your perpetual enemies, by reducing the country of _canada_, that it may not be in the power of these perfidious, deceitful, and cruel people, to do you or us any injury for the future: for which purpose all the neighbouring colonies, together with many ships of war and soldiers from _great-britain_, are resolved to unite their force, and to attack _canada_ in all parts, both by sea and land; and i make no doubt, you will on this occasion shew yourselves dutiful children, in joining heartily with us and the _six nations_, in this glorious enterprize; by which you will not only gain honour and renown, but also safety and prosperity to yourselves, your wives, and children for ever afterwards: and for which end i will furnish your fighting men with arms, ammunition, cloathing, provisions, and every thing necessary for the war." [_gave a war-belt_.] on the th they gave their answer, which was interpreted in the following words; (the same persons being present, that were when the governor's speech was delivered to them.) father, _we are glad to see you; and we are come to renew the covenant chain, and make it fast and bright as ever, and free from rust, and as a token thereof we give you this belt._ [gave a belt.] father, _you have told us what mischief the_ french _have done, and what murders upon the christians they have committed; therefore we declare from our hearts, and not from our lips only, that as you have ordered us to shed the enemies' blood in return for what they have done, we are resolved to live and die with you in the common cause._ _when you christians are at war, you make peace with one another, but it is not so with us, therefore we depend upon you to take care of us; in confidence of which, we now take up the hatchet, and will make use of it against the_ french, _and their_ indians. [gave a belt with a hatchet.] after their answer they began the war-dance, and his excellency ordered a considerable present in goods to be publickly given them. none of these are suspected to be under _french_ influence. as there was no advice of the arrival of the fleet, and no plan of operations agreed on in case the fleet did not arrive, the supporting of about seven hundred _indians_ was a great expence to his excellency, for which he had no allowance from the province of _new-york_, or for any other charge attending this treaty: and as many of the _indians_, (above twenty) had got the small-pox, it being impracticable to prevent their going into town, or conversing with the town's people, and the _indians_ becoming uneasy by reason of the sickness of many, and death of some; his excellency thought it most prudent to dismiss them as soon as possible from this place, and to give orders to mr. _johnson_, to send out several parties from _schenectade_, or his own settlement near the lower _mohawk_ castle, to harrass the _french_ settlements in _canada_; and for that purpose delivered to him cloathing, arms and ammunition, to be given to the fighting men, as his excellency had promised them whenever they entered on service, and impowered him to furnish them with provisions, and whatever necessaries they should want. before they went, his excellency sent to them, to desire them to leave their sick, with a promise to take all care possible of them, and that he would order physicians to attend them. they were very sensible of this kindness, and acknowledged it; but not above two or three could be prevailed to stay, who were so ill that they could not be removed: all possible care was taken of the other sick, in the waggons which carried them to _schenectade_. on the th of _september_, the captains _staats_ and _vromen_, brought the _indians_ living on the branches of the _susquehannah_ river; they came in the _indian_ order, marching in a single line one after the other, and as they passed the fort, saluted by a running fire along the line; which salute the governor ordered to be returned, by a discharge of some cannon from the fort. on _monday_ the th of the same month his excellency spoke to them, telling them the substance of what he had ordered to be said to the _six nations_, and their answer; and as this has been set forth at length before, it is needless to repeat what was then said. the reason of his excellency's speaking to them in this manner was, because these nations living on the _susquehannah_ river and its branches, are known to be dependents on the _six nations_. the next day they gave their answer; the gentlemen of the council, the commissioners for _indian_ affairs, the corporation of _albany_, the officers of the four independent companies, and several officers of the new levies, and other gentlemen being present, as they were when his excellency spoke to the _indians_: their answer was publickly interpreted as follows; brother of _new-york_, _we live at_ ohguago; _what news you send to the_ six nations _is not truly reported to us, nor what the governor of_ canada _sends to them; we have not been properly taken notice of, nor timely acquainted with your design to treat with the_ six nations, _till near the time that your interview with them was over; otherwise we should have readily come along with them, to hear what our brother had to propose to us; and if we had received earlier notice, a much larger number of our fighting men would have come along with us: our settlements are scattering, and some of them at a great distance from others, and many of our men are from home a hunting; we have, however, sent the belt of invitation forward to those who live at a greater distance, that they may be able at the time appointed, to come and join us in the war, as by your belt we were desired._ brother, _you yesterday informed us of what you had said to the_ six nations, _and their answer; we are grieved that the_ six nations _have not already made use of the hatchet, but have hitherto kept it by them, and have not sent out their young men to revenge the murders which have been committed by the enemy._ _we are resolved to make use of the hatchet against the_ french, _to revenge the injuries done to you and your people, our brethren._ _we have received at times very different kind of news from the_ six nations, _sometimes it seemed as if the_ french _would be masters; but it cannot be so, they are a deceitful people, and cannot be trusted; they make fair promises, and have no intention to perform them; they flatter themselves with hopes to be masters, but they shall be disappointed; for we shall keep the hatchet firmly in our hands, and are resolved to make use of it._ _we know several roads that lead to_ canada, _we want to see the hatchet, that we may take it up._ upon which his excellency threw down a hanger, which the speaker took up and began the war-dance, and several others danced the same after him. after which they desired his excellency to take care of them, as he had promised. his excellency returned them thanks for their so readily taking up the hatchet; he said, that he would presently set the war-kettle over the fire, and provide them with every thing necessary for the war. his excellency gave them a handsome present in publick for their nations in general, and private presents to their principal sachems; one of which promised, that after his return home, he would go round all the _indian_ settlements, to invite them into the war against the _french_, and their _indians_; and that he did not doubt to be able to bring six hundred men from the _indian_ settlements on the _susquehannah_ river and its branches, to march at any time, and to any place, his excellency should appoint, in order to join the forces intended against _canada_; in the mean time they would cause a party of their men to go out with his men to scour the woods, and clear them of the _french_ sculking _indians_. about this time, a serjeant of capt. _livingston_'s company was surprized and killed by a sculking party of _french indians_: in a few minutes after the account of this came to his excellency, who happened to be dining at that time in capt. _wrexall's_ tent, fourteen of the _susquehannah indians_ were observed running past the tent, in order to cross the river, and meet the _french indians_; which his excellency observing, and being apprehensive that they might meet with some of the parties of the new levies that were gone out for the same purpose, and that they might be in danger of being attacked through mistake; he ask'd if any of the guard which then attended, would voluntarily go along with the _indians_? two men offered themselves, who went with one who understood the _indian_ language, in order to prevent mistakes. happy it was that this precaution was taken; for capt. _fanning_ with a great part of his company, having gone out with the same intention of intercepting the _french indians_, he discovered this party of our _indians_, and taking them to be _french indians_, he kept his men under the cover of some bushes, with their arms ready to fire, expecting the nearer approach of the _indians_; when one of the christians who were with them, observing capt. _fanning_'s men, called out, and came up to capt. _fanning_ when his men were ready to fire. none of the parties that went out were able to discover any of the enemy. his excellency afterwards sent out sixteen of these _indians_, and cloathed them for that purpose, together with about sixty men detached from the companies levied in the county of _albany_, in order to scour the woods, and to advance as far as the lakes to gain intelligence, by taking prisoners or otherwise. while this party was out, some of the _indians_ fell sick, and the others being apprehensive of the same misfortune, they return'd, after having been but a few days in the woods. his excellency then perceiving the uneasiness the _indians_ were under from the apprehensions of sickness, found it necessary to dismiss them all, on their promise to return, whenever his excellency should order, with all the force they shall be able to collect; and which, they said, as before observed, might amount to six hundred men. the number of _indians_ that came at this time from the _susquehannah_ river, consisted only of about sixty fighting men, besides old men, women, and children: more had come near to _albany_, but having there heard of the small-pox and sickness that was at _albany_, and that many of the _six nations_ had catched the infection, and several of them were dead, they returned back. after the _six nations_ left _albany_, many of them were taken sick on their way home, before they reached the _mohawk_ castles, and a considerable number of the briskest young men of the _mohawks_ died. this retarded the execution of the order given to mr. _johnson_, to send out parties to harrass the _french_ settlements in _canada_, though he used all the means in his power to effect it. while he was pressing them to this purpose, one of the sachems who had promised to head a party from the _canajohary_ castle, said, _you seem to think that we are brutes, that we have no sense of the loss of our dearest relations, and some of them the bravest men we had in our nation: you must allow us time to bewail our misfortune_. about ten days before his excellency left _albany_, a party of upwards of seventy men, consisting of some of each nation, went against _canada_: some christians were of the party to assist and direct, and to be witnesses of the behaviour of the _indians_. they were to avoid all the lakes, and the usual roads and passes to _canada_, and were to go thro' the woods over mountains, that are seldom passed, to prevent the enemies discovering them: but after these had been out, capt. _butler_'s son, to whom the chief direction of this party was committed, was taken ill of the small-pox, and five of the _indians_ were obliged to return to carry him home. another small party was sent out to take prisoners, and gain intelligence at _crown-point_. at the writing of this, it is not known what success they have had. when the _six nations_ had come as far as the lower _mohawk_ castle, in their return home, they were met by about six men of their own nations, who delivered a message from _canada_, which had been brought by the _indian_ who was taken by the _french_ at _crown point_, and carried to _canada_. the message was interpreted in the following words: "the governor of _canada_ had called the _cahnuaga indians_ to him, and then complained to them, that some of the _six nations_, his children, had killed some of his people: you all know, _he said_, that i am not hasty or passionate, but will rather bear a great deal than shew resentment, wherefore i am resolved to pass this over; but in the mean time i must desire you to go among the _six nations_, to find out the reason of this proceeding, and to tell them, that is any thing like it happen again, i will make them smart: you may nevertheless assure my children[ ] of the _six nations_, that i love and esteem them equally with the _cahnuagas_, or _shawendadies_[ ], being of the same blood. and to convince them of my love, i now send back to them one of their people that was taken at _crown point_, without eating his flesh. and now _cahnuagas_, my children, i would not have you spill any more blood from _albany_ upwards, for i begin to pity their weakness; but turn your arms towards _new-england_, against your most inveterate enemies, there is the place for you to gain honour now." the _cahnuagas_ gave the following answer to the governor of _canada_: father, _you are in the wrong, to desire us to go among the_ six nations _for intelligence, or with menaces; for such will only stir them up, and bring them and all their allies (who are very numerous) upon you, to destroy you at once. we know they are not to be bullied by your words or ours, wherefore,_ father, _we must leave you to go through this work by yourself._ after having as above, related what had passed between them and the governor of _canada_, they sent the following message from themselves. _brethren of the six nations_, "we hear the governor of _new-york_ has invited you to meet him; we intreat you not to mind any thing he shall say, in order to set you against us; for if you do, you, as well as we, must all die. wherefore, _brethren_, we conjure you by all the ties of friendship subsisting between us, to inform us of any design that is plotting against us; and that when any such thing shall be discovered, you will send an express to _cadarackui_[ ], where our fire always burns. "_brethren_, we shall be glad to see you next spring at _cahnuaga_, to hold a council together, where you shall be as safe and welcome as ever. "_brethren_, the governor our father, being informed, that your governor is raising men to come against _canada_, desires us to tell you, that he has _one thousand eight hundred_ men at _crown point_, ready to give them battle; in which number, the men of eight castles of the _utawawas_ are included. "_brethren_, be not angry at our destroying _saraghtoga_ last fall; col. _schuyler_ dar'd us to it, by saying he wished to see a _french_ army there: we gratified him in his wish." a _cahnuaga indian_ was sent along with the prisoner that was restored; but when he came near the settlements of the _six nations_, his heart fail'd him, and he sent the prisoner forward by himself with the message. the readiness with which the _six nations_ communicated this message, and the flight they in all appearance put upon it, is some proof of their sincerity in the promises they made to his excellency; neither from any thing which has happened can it be shewn, that they were not sincere. on the contrary, it appears by mr. _johnson_'s letter to his excellency of the st of _october_, that several parties are now out against the _french_; and that mr. _johnson_ having received orders from col. _roberts_, to send as many _indians_ as possible to join the army, all the _mohawks_, even their oldest men, were fitted out and ready; and having sent to the upper castles at the same time, they appeared so hearty, that there would not have remained above three old men in any of the next castles: and that col. _roberts_ afterwards contradicting these orders, they had appeared very uneasy on their being stopt. it was not expected that they would enter into the war without us, or by themselves, neither are they a people of so little thought, as to give any reason to expect it from them. when the companies raised in _pensylvania_ arrived at _albany_, his excellency was informed by their captains, that mr. _thomas_ governor of that province, had sent _conrad weiser_ their publick interpreter, among the _susquehannah indians_; and that they expected his arrival at this place in a little time, with at least three hundred _indians_. the treaties with the _indians_, which mr. _thomas_ has published, gave great hopes of the success that interpreter would have; and thereby increased the disappointment, when mr. _weiser_ arrived a few days before his excellency left _albany_, and did not bring one _indian_ with him. his excellency governor _clinton_, had perhaps more difficulties to struggle with on this occasion, than any governor of _new-york_ had at any time: the _six nations_ had on several occasions given grounds of mistrust; the governor of _canada_ was attempting all the means in his power to divert their affections from us; the people of the county of _albany_ had for some time past, entertained a dissatisfaction in the conduct of the commissioners for _indian_ affairs; the commissioners themselves were divided in their sentiments, and several of them refused to attend their meetings; and they confessed to his excellency, that they had lost all influence on the _indians_; mr. _gooch_ having declined the command of the forces at _albany_, his excellency was forced likewise to undertake a new and great care, which he in no manner expected when he left the city of _new york_, and which from many incidents, was attended with many difficulties. if these things be duly considered, and the dangers his person was in from the infection of two different diseases, which at that time raged in the city of _albany_, of which great numbers died during his residence there of near three months; none can doubt of his hearty zeal for the success of an affair, in which the safety and prosperity of all the colonies in north _america_, were immediately concerned. but as every one may not be sufficiently apprized of what consequence the _six nations_ being hearty, is to the interest of _great-britain_, it may be proper to observe, that though a number of _indians_ to march with the army, which was intended to attack _canada_, would be of great use in discovering and defeating the ambushes of the enemy's _indians_, while they were every day to be guarded against by the forces which were to march by land, and would by their incursions into the enemy's country, terribly harass them, and keep them from joining their forces into any great body to oppose the design; these are not the most considerable advantages might be gained from the affection of the _six nations_ at this time, or any time of war; for if the inland extent of the colonies from _nova scotia_ to _georgia_ be considered, and at the same time the numerous _indian_ nations on the continent of _america_, who may by the artifices of the _french_ be induced to make incursions every where; and the cruel methods by which the _indians_ make incursions in small parties, from the vast forest which every where covers the continent, and which in many places is impenetrable; it must evidently appear, that though the _english_ colonies be of much superior force in numbers of men, yet their number would not be sufficient to protect their frontiers from the incursions of the _indians_ in every place: and, that while their forces must in this case be divided and scattered all over their frontiers, it may be in the power of the _french_ in _canada_, to invade with success any part of the _english_ colonies. on the other hand, if a proper attempt were to be made by the northern colonies alone, without the assistance of their mother country, but with the assistance of the _indians_, it would in all appearance be sufficient to reduce _canada_; for if the _indian_ nations can be persuaded to join heartily, (as from what is above related it seems probable they may) it will be impossible for the inhabitants of _canada_ to defend themselves from the incursions of these numerous _indian_ nations, and from a body of regular troops at the same time. as the _french_ are very sensible of these advantages to be gain'd from the friendship of the _indian_ nations, they neglect no means in their power to procure them: and it is to be hoped, that the northern colonies will be no less assiduous in a matter on which their well-being at least depends. some people wish that the _indians_ may remain neuter, and think it adviseable to pursue measures for that purpose, by which many horrid barbarities would be prevented. no doubt this is to be wished; but can the _english_ colonies by any means be assured, that the _french_ will be sincere in preserving such a neutrality? and if they be not sincere, we shall more certainly expose ourselves to all these calamities, than we are now by _indians_ being engaged on both sides. the _six nations_ are by their natural inclinations, disposed to war-like enterprizes: they never have been at peace with all their neighbours, since they were known to christians. the reputation they have gained among all the _indian_ nations in north _america_, gives them an influence in the councils of every nation. it may then be easy for the _french_ to turn this disposition to war in the _six nations_, against us, and by their influence draw all the _indian_ nations in north _america_ upon us. the genius of the _six nations_ will not suffer them to remain inactive, while their neighbours are at war. in the last place, it may not be improper to observe at this time, that though the colonies to the southward (and the inhabitants of the parts of the northern colonies, which are less exposed to the incursions of _indians_) think themselves little concerned in interest, or in the consequences of the present war; yet if they would consider that the northern colonies are really their frontiers, and that they defend the others from all the calamities of a most barbarous war; the southern colonies must think that any contribution of men and money, which is expected from them, is an easy purchase of the freedom from such calamities, to which their brethren are subjected; and that while they can follow their occupations at ease, they are much better enabled to support the expence of a war than the northern colonies are, where the inhabitants are every day in danger of their lives from a cruel enemy, while at their daily and innocent labours. if the southern colonies neglect to keep the war at a distance from them, they may at an improper time, become sensible of the evils their brethren suffer, and of their own folly at the same time. _new-york, dec._ , . the party of seventy _indians_ and whites mentioned in this treaty, did not go out together as was at first intended, sickness and other incidents made it necessary to alter the measures at first proposed. one party of thirty _indians_ and ten whites went by themselves. these fell upon a _french_ settlement on the north-side of _st. lawrence_ river, about leagues above _montreal_, and brought away eight _french_ prisoners, one of them a captain of militia, and four scalps. another party of nine _indians_ went to the _cahnuagas_, under pretence of continuing the neutrality with them, they were introduced to the governor of _montreal_ under the same pretence, who made them presents: their design was to gain what intelligence they could, and after they had done this, they acted their part so well, that they received several letters, one from the governor of _montreal_, and others from considerable persons to the commandant of fort _st. frederic_ at _crown point_. in their way thither, by which they were to return home, they surprized some _french_ in a small fort, killed five, and brought away one prisoner and one scalp. they brought the _french_ prisoner and the letters to the commanding officer at _albany_, and informed him of what they had seen and heard at _montreal_. [illustration] [footnote : the governor of _canada_ calls the _six nations_ (and all the _indian_ nations depending on him) _children_, as the governor of _new-york_ calls them _brethren_.] [footnote : another settlement of deserters from the _six nations_, and dwelling near _montreal_.] [footnote : a _french_ fort opposite to _oswego_, and the east end of _cadarackui_ lake, or lake _frontenac_.] a c o l l e c t i o n o f c h a r t e r s a n d o t h e r p u b l i c k a c t s, r e l a t i n g t o t h e province of _pensylvania_, _v i z_. i. the r o y a l c h a r t e r to _w i l l i a m p e n n_, esq; ii. the first f r a m e of government, granted in _england_, in . iii. l a w s agreed upon in _england_. iv. certain c o n d i t i o n s or c o n c e s s i o n s. v. the a c t of s e t t l e m e n t, made at _chester_, . vi. the second f r a m e of government, granted . vii. the c h a r t e r of the c i t y of _p h i l a d e l p h i a_, granted _october_ , . viii. the new c h a r t e r of p r i v i l e g e s to the province, granted _october_ , . _the_ c h a r t e r of charles ii. _of_ england, scotland, france, _and_ ireland, k i n g, _defender of the faith_, &c. _unto_ william penn, _proprietary and governor of the province of_ pensylvania. _charles_, by the grace of g o d, king of _england, scotland, france_, and _ireland_, defender of the faith, &c. to all to whom these presents shall come, _greeting_. w h e r e a s our trusty and well-beloved subject _william penn_, esq; son and heir of sir _william penn_ deceased, (out of a commendable desire to enlarge our _english_ empire, and promote such useful commodities as may be of benefit to us and our dominions, as also to reduce the savage natives by gentle and just manners, to the love of civil society and the christian religion) hath humbly besought leave of us, to transport an ample colony unto a certain country herein after described, in the parts of _america_, not yet cultivated and planted; and hath likewise so humbly besought our royal majesty to give, grant, and confirm all the said country, with certain privileges and jurisdictions, requisite for the good government and safety of the said country and colony, to him and his heirs for ever. s e c t. i. k n o w y e t h e r e f o r e, that we (favouring the petition and good purpose of the said _william penn_, and having regard to the memory and merits of his late father in divers services, and particularly to his conduct, courage, and discretion under our dearest brother _j a m e s_ duke of _york_, in that signal battle and victory fought and obtained against the _dutch_ fleet, commanded by the heer _van opdam_, in the year : in consideration thereof, of our special grace, certain knowledge, and meer motion) have given and granted, and by this our present charter, for us, our heirs and successors, do give and grant unto the said _william penn_, his heirs and assigns, all that tract or part of land in _america_, with the islands therein contained, as the same is bounded on the east by _delawar_ river, from twelve miles distance northwards of _newcastle_ town unto the three and fortieth degree of northern latitude, if the said river doth extend so far northward: but if the said river shall not extend so far northward, then by the said river so far as it doth extend, and from the head of the said river the eastern bounds are to be determined by a meridian line, to be drawn from the head of the said river, unto the said forty-third degree. the said land to extend westward five degrees in longitude, to be computed from the said eastern bounds; and the said lands to be bounded on the north by the beginning of the three and fortieth degree of northern latitude, and on the south by a circle drawn at twelve miles distance from _newcastle_ northward, and westward unto the beginning of the fortieth degree of northern latitude, and then by a strait line westwards to the limits of longitude above-mentioned. s e c t. ii. w e do also give and grant unto the said _william penn_, his heirs and assigns, the free and undisturbed use and continuance in, and passage unto, and out of all and singular ports, harbours, bays, waters, rivers, isles, and inlets, belonging unto, or leading to and from the country or islands aforesaid, and all the soils, lands, fields, woods, underwoods, mountains, hills, fenns, isles, lakes, rivers, waters, rivulets, bays, and inlets, situated or being within, or belonging to the limits or bounds aforesaid, together with the fishing of all sorts of fish, whales, sturgeon, and all royal and other fishes, in the seas, bays, inlets, waters, or rivers within the premisses, and all the fish therein taken; and also all veins, mines, minerals, and quarries, as well discovered as not discovered, of gold, silver, gemms, and precious stones, and all other whatsoever, be it stones, metals, or of any other thing or matter whatsoever, found or to be found within the country, isles, or limits aforesaid. s e c t. iii. a n d him, the said _william penn_, his heirs and assigns, we do by this our royal charter, for us, our heirs and successors, make, create, and constitute, the true and absolute proprietary of the country aforesaid, and of all other the premisses: saving always to us, our heirs and successors, the faith and allegiance of the said _william penn_, his heirs and assigns, and of all other proprietaries, tenants, and inhabitants, that are or shall be within the territories and precincts aforesaid; and saving also, unto us, our heirs and successors, the sovereignty of the aforesaid country, to have, hold, possess, and enjoy the said tract of land, country, isles, inlets, and other the premisses, unto the said _william penn_, his heirs and assigns, to the only proper use and behoof of the said _william penn_, his heirs and assigns, for ever, to be holden of us, our heirs and successors, kings of _england_, as of our castle of _windsor_ in our county of _berks_, in free and common soccage, by fealty only for all services, and not in capite or by knights service: yielding and paying therefore to us, our heirs and successors, two beaver-skins, to be delivered at our castle of _windsor_ on the first day of _january_ in every year; and also the fifth part of all gold and silver oar, which shall from time to time happen to be found within the limits aforesaid, clear of all charges. and of our further grace, certain knowledge, and meer motion, we have thought fit to erect, and we do hereby erect the aforesaid country and islands into a province and seignorie, and do call it p e n s y l v a n i a, and so from henceforth will have it called. s e c t. iv. a n d forasmuch as we have hereby made and ordained the aforesaid _william penn_, his heirs and assigns, the true and absolute proprietaries of all the lands and dominions aforesaid, k n o w y e t h e r e f o r e, that we (reposing special trust and confidence in the fidelity, wisdom, justice, and provident circumspection of the said _william penn_) for us, our heirs and successors, do grant free, full, and absolute power (by virtue of these presents) to him and his heirs, to his and their deputies, and lieutenants for the good and happy government of the said country, to ordain, make, and enact, and under his and their seals to publish any laws whatsoever, for the raising of money for publick uses of the said province, or for any other end, appertaining either unto the publick state, peace, or safety of the said country, or unto the private utility of particular persons, according unto their best discretion, by and with the advice, assent, and approbation of the freemen of the said country, or the greater part of them, or of their delegates or deputies, whom for the enacting of the said laws, when, and as often as need shall require, we will that the said _william penn_ and his heirs, shall assemble in such sort and form, as to him and them shall seem best, and the same laws duly to execute, unto and upon all people within the said country and limits thereof. s e c t. v. a n d we do likewise give and grant unto the said _william penn_, and to his heirs, and their deputies and lieutenants, full power and authority, to appoint and establish any judges and justices, magistrates and other officers whatsoever, for what causes soever, (for the probates of wills, and for the granting of administrations within the precincts aforesaid) and with what power soever, and in such form, as to the said _william penn_ or his heirs, shall seem most convenient: also to remit, release, pardon, and abolish (whether before judgment or after) all crimes and offences whatsoever, committed within the said country, against the said laws, (treason and wilful and malicious murder only excepted, and in those cases to grant reprieves, until our pleasure may be known therein) and to do all and every other thing and things, which unto the compleat establishment of justice unto courts and tribunals, forms of judicature, and manner of proceedings do belong, although in these presents express mention be not made thereof; and by judges by them delegated, to award process, hold pleas, and determine in all the said courts and tribunals all actions, suits, and causes whatsoever, as well criminal as civil, personal, real, and mixt; which laws so, as aforesaid, to be published, our pleasure is, and so we enjoin, require, and command, shall be most absolute and available in law; and that all the liege people and subjects of us, our heirs and successors, do observe and keep the same inviolably in those parts, so far as they concern them, under the pain therein expressed, or to be expressed. p r o v i d e d nevertheless, that the same laws be consonant to reason, and not repugnant or contrary, but (as near as conveniently may be) agreeable to the laws and statutes, and rights of this our kingdom of _england_, and saving and reserving to us, our heirs and successors, the receiving, hearing, and determining of the appeal and appeals of all or any person or persons, of, in, or belonging to the territories aforesaid, or touching any judgment to be there made or given. s e c t. vi. a n d forasmuch as in the government of so great a country, sudden accidents do often happen, whereunto it will be necessary to apply remedy before the freeholders of the said province, or their delegates or deputies can be assembled to the making of laws; neither will it be convenient that instantly upon every such emergent occasion, so great a multitude should be called together: therefore (for the better government of the said country) we will, and ordain, and by these presents, for us, our heirs and successors, do grant unto the said _william penn_ and his heirs, by themselves, or by their magistrates and officers, in that behalf duly to be ordained as aforesaid, to make and constitute fit and wholesome ordinances, from time to time, within the said country to be kept and observed, as well for the preservation of the peace, as for the better government of the people there inhabiting; and publickly to notify the same to all persons, whom the same doth or may any ways concern. which ordinances our will and pleasure is, shall be observed inviolably within the said province, under the pains therein to be expressed, so as the said ordinances be consonant to reason, and be not repugnant nor contrary, but (so far as conveniently may be) agreeable with the laws of our kingdom of _england_, and so as the said ordinances be not extended in any sort to bind, change, or take away the right or interest of any person or persons, for or in their life, members, freehold, goods, or chattles. and our farther will and pleasure is, that the laws for regulating and governing of property within the said province, as well for the descent and enjoyment of lands, as likewise for the enjoyment and succession of goods and chattles, and likewise as to felonies, shall be and continue the same, as they shall be for the time being, by the general course of the law in our kingdom of _england_, until the said laws shall be altered by the said _william penn_, his heirs or assigns, and by the freemen of the said province, their delegates or deputies, or the greater part of them. s e c t. vii. a n d to the end that the said _william penn_, or his heirs, or other the planters, owners, or inhabitants of the said province, may not at any time hereafter (by misconstruction of the power aforesaid) through inadvertency or design, depart from that faith and due allegiance, which by the laws of this our realm of _england_, they and all our subjects, in our dominions and territories, always owe to us, our heirs and successors, by colour of any extent or largeness of powers hereby given, or pretended to be given, or by force or colour of any laws hereafter to be made in the said province, by virtue of any such powers; o u r farther will and pleasure is, that a transcript or duplicate of all laws, which shall be so as aforesaid made and published within the said province, shall within five years after the making thereof, be transmitted, and delivered to the privy council, for the time being of us, our heirs and successors: and if any of the said laws within the space of six months after that they shall be so transmitted and delivered, be declared by us, our heirs and successors, in our or their privy council, inconsistent with the sovereignty, or lawful prerogative of us, our heirs or successors, or contrary to the faith and allegiance due to the legal government of this realm, from the said _william penn_, or his heirs, or of the planters and inhabitants of the said province, and that thereupon any of the said laws shall be adjudged and declared to be void by us, our heirs and successors, under our or their privy seal, that then and from thenceforth, such laws, concerning which such judgment and declaration shall be made, shall become void: otherwise the said laws so transmitted, shall remain, and stand in full force, according to the true intent and meaning thereof. s e c t. viii. f u r t h e r m o r e, that this new colony may the more happily increase, by the multitude of people resorting thither; therefore we, for us, our heirs and successors, do give and grant by these presents, power, licence, and liberty unto all the liege people and subjects, both present and future, of us, our heirs and successors, (excepting those who shall be especially forbidden) to transport themselves and families unto the said country, with such convenient shipping as by the laws of this our kingdom of _england_ they ought to use, and with fitting provision, paying only the customs therefore due, and there to settle themselves, dwell and inhabit, and plant, for the publick, and their own private advantage. s e c t. ix. a n d f u r t h e r m o r e, that our subjects may be the rather encouraged to undertake this expedition with ready and chearful minds, k n o w y e, that we, of our special grace, certain knowledge, and mere motion, do give and grant by virtue of these presents, as well unto the said _william penn_, and his heirs, as to all others, who shall from time to time repair unto the said country, with a purpose to inhabit or trade with the natives of the said country, full licence to lade and freight in any ports whatsoever, of us, our heirs and successors, according to the laws made, or to be made within our kingdom of _england_, and unto the said country, by them, their servants or assigns, to transport all and singular their goods, wares and merchandizes, as likewise all sorts of grain whatsoever, and all other things whatsoever, necessary for food or clothing, not prohibited by the laws and statutes of our kingdom and dominions to be carried out of the said kingdom, without any let or molestation of us, our heirs or successors, or of any of the officers of us, our heirs or successors; saving always to us, our heirs and successors, the legal impositions, customs, or other duties and payments, for the said wares and merchandizes, by any law or statute due, or to be due to us, our heirs and successors. s e c t. x. a n d we do further, for us, our heirs and successors, give and grant unto the said _william penn_, his heirs and assigns, free and absolute power, to divide the said country and islands into towns, hundreds and counties, and to erect and incorporate towns into boroughs, and boroughs into cities, and to make and constitute fairs and markets therein, with all other convenient privileges and immunities, according to the merits of the inhabitants, and the fitness of the places, and to do all and every other thing and things touching the premises, which to him or them shall seem meet and requisite; albeit they be such, as of their own nature might otherwise require a more special commandment and warrant, than in these presents is expressed. s e c t. xi. w e will also, and by these presents, for us, our heirs and successors, we do give and grant licence by this our charter, unto the said _william penn_, his heirs and assigns, and to all the inhabitants and dwellers in the province aforesaid, both present and to come, to import or unlade, by themselves or their servants, factors, or assigns, all merchandizes and goods whatsoever, that shall arise of the fruits and commodities of the said province, either by land or sea, into any of the ports of us, our heirs or successors, in our kingdom of _england_, and not into any other country whatsoever: and we give him full power to dispose of the said goods, in the said ports; and if need be, within one year next after the unlading of the same, to lade the said merchandize and goods again into the same or other ships, and to transport the same into any other countries, either of our dominions or foreign, according to law; provided always, that they pay such customs and impositions, subsidies and duties for the same, to us, our heirs and successors, as the rest of our subjects of our kingdom of _england_, for the time being, shall be bound to pay, and do observe the acts of navigation, and other laws in that behalf made. s e c t. xii. a n d f u r t h e r m o r e, of our ample and special grace, certain knowledge, and mere motion, we do, for us, our heirs and successors, grant unto the said _william penn_, his heirs and assigns, full and absolute power and authority, to make, erect, and constitute, within the said province, and the isles and inlets aforesaid, such and so many sea-ports, harbours, creeks, havens, keys, and other places, for discharging and unlading of goods and merchandizes out of the ships, boats, and other vessels, and landing them unto such and so many places; and with such rights, jurisdictions, liberties and privileges unto the said ports belonging, as to him and them shall seem most expedient; and that all and singular the ships, boats, and other vessels, which shall come for merchandize and trade into the said province, or out of the same, shall be laden or unladen only at such ports as shall be created and constituted by the said _william penn_, his heirs or assigns, (any use, custom, or thing to the contrary notwithstanding.) provided, that the said _william penn_, and his heirs, and the lieutenants and governors for the time being, shall admit and receive in, and about all such havens, ports, creeks and keys, all officers and their deputies, who shall from time to time be appointed for that purpose by the farmers or commissioners of our customs for the time being. s e c t. xiii. a n d we do further appoint and ordain, and by these presents, for us, our heirs and successors, we do grant unto the said _william penn_, his heirs and assigns, that he, the said _william penn_, his heirs and assigns, may from time to time for ever, have and enjoy the customs and subsidies, in the ports, harbours, and other creeks and places aforesaid, within the province aforesaid, payable or due for merchandize and wares there to be laded and unladed, the said customs and subsidies to be reasonably assessed upon any occasion, by themselves and the people there as aforesaid to be assembled, to whom we give power by these presents, for us, our heirs and successors, upon just cause and due proportion to assess and impose the same; saving unto us, our heirs and successors, such impositions and customs, as by act of parliament are and shall be appointed. s e c t. xiv. a n d it is our farther will and pleasure, that the said _william penn_, his heirs and assigns, shall from time to time constitute and appoint an attorney or agent, to reside in or near our city of _london_, who shall make known the place where he shall dwell, or may be found, unto the clerks of our privy-council for the time being, or one of them, and shall be ready to appear in any of our courts at _westminster_, to answer for any misdemeanor that shall be committed, or by any wilful default or neglect permitted by the said _william penn_, his heirs or assigns, against the laws of trade and navigation; and after it shall be ascertained in any of our said courts, what damages we or our heirs or successors shall have sustained by such default or neglect, the said _william penn_, his heirs or assigns, shall pay the same within one year after such taxation, and demand thereof, from such attorney; or in case there shall be no such attorney by the space of one year, or such attorney shall not make payment of such damages within the space of a year, and answer such other forfeitures and penalties within the said time, as by the acts of parliament in _england_ are and shall be provided, according to the true intent and meaning of these presents; then it shall be lawful for us, our heirs and successors, to seize and resume the government of the said province or country, and the same to retain until payment shall be made thereof: but notwithstanding any such seizure or resumption of the government, nothing concerning the propriety or ownership of any lands, tenements, or other hereditaments, or goods or chattles, of any of the adventurers, planters, or owners, other than the respective offenders there, shall any ways be affected or molested thereby. s e c t. xv. p r o v i d e d always, and our will and pleasure is, that neither the said _william penn_, nor his heirs, or any other the inhabitants of the said province, shall at any time hereafter have or maintain any correspondence with any other king, prince, or state, or with any of their subjects, who shall then be in war against us, our heirs and successors; nor shall the said _william penn_, or his heirs, or any other inhabitants of the said province, make war, or do any act of hostility against any other king, prince, or state, or any of their subjects, who shall then be in league or amity with us, our heirs and successors. s e c t. xvi. a n d, because in so remote a country, and situate near many barbarous nations, the incursions as well of the savages themselves, as of other enemies, pirates and robbers, may probably be feared; therefore we have given, and for us, our heirs and successors, do give power by these presents to the said _william penn_, his heirs and assigns, by themselves or their captains, or other their officers, to levy, muster and train all sorts of men, of what condition soever, or wheresoever born, in the said province of _pensilvania_ for the time being, and to make war, and to pursue the enemies and robbers aforesaid, as well by sea as by land, even without the limits of the said province, and by god's assistance to vanquish and take them, and being taken to put them to death by the law of war, or to save them at their pleasure, and to do all and every other thing which unto the charge and office of a captain-general of an army belongeth, or hath accustomed to belong, as fully and freely as any captain-general of an army hath ever had the same. s e c t. xvii. a n d f u r t h e r m o r e, of our special grace, and of our certain knowledge and mere motion, we have given and granted, and by these presents, for us, our heirs and successors, do give and grant unto the said _william penn_, his heirs and assigns, full and absolute power, licence and authority, that he, the said _william penn_, his heirs and assigns, from time to time hereafter for ever, at his or their own will and pleasure may assign, alien, grant, demise, or enfeoff of the premisses so many and such parts and parcels to him that shall be willing to purchase the same, as they shall think fit, to have and to hold to them the said person and persons willing to take and purchase, their heirs and assigns, in fee-simple or fee-tail, or for the term of life, lives or years, to be held of the said _william penn_, his heirs or assigns, as of the said seigniory of _windsor_, by such services, customs, or rents, as shall seem meet to the said _william penn_, his heirs or assigns, and not immediately of us, our heirs or successors. s e c t. xviii. a n d to the same person or persons, and to all and every of them, we do give and grant by these presents, for us, our heirs and successors, licence, authority and power, that such person or persons may take the premisses, or any parcel thereof, of the aforesaid _william penn_, his heirs or assigns, and the same hold to themselves, their heirs and assigns, in what estate of inheritance soever, in fee-simple or in fee-tail, or otherwise, as to him, the said _william penn_, his heirs or assigns, shall seem expedient: the statute made in the parliament of _e d w a r d_, son of king _h e n r y_, late king of _england_, our predecessor, (commonly called _the statute_ quia emptores terrarum, lately published in our kingdom of _england_) in any wise notwithstanding. s e c t. xix. a n d by these presents we give and grant licence unto the said _william penn_, and his heirs, and likewise to all and every such person or persons to whom the said _william penn_, or his heirs, shall at any time hereafter grant any estate or inheritance as aforesaid, to erect any parcels of land within the province aforesaid into manors, by and with the licence to be first had and obtained for that purpose, under the hand and seal of the said _william penn_, or his heirs; and in every of the said manors to have and to hold a court-baron, with all things whatsoever which to a court-baron do belong, and to have and to hold view of frank-pledge for the conservation of the peace, and the better government of those parts, by themselves or their stewards, or by the lords for the time being of the manors to be deputed when they shall be erected, and in the same to use all things belonging to the view of frank-pledge. a n d we do further grant licence and authority, that every such person or persons who shall erect any such manor or manors, as aforesaid, shall or may grant all or any part of his said land to any person or persons, in fee-simple, or any other estate of inheritance to be held of the said manors respectively, so as no farther tenure shall be created, but that upon all further or other alienations thereafter to be made, the said lands so aliened shall be held of the same lord and his heirs, of whom the aliener did then before hold, and by the like rents and services which were before due and accustomed. s e c t. xx. a n d f u r t h e r our pleasure is, and by these presents, for us, our heirs and successors, we do covenant and grant to and with the said _william penn_, his heirs and assigns, that we, our heirs and successors, shall at no time hereafter set or make, or cause to be set or made, any imposition, custom, or other taxation, rate or contribution whatsoever, in and upon the dwellers and inhabitants of the aforesaid province, for their lands, tenements, goods or chattles within the said province, or in and upon any goods or merchandizes within the province, or to be laden or unladen within the ports or harbours of the said province, unless the same be with the consent of the proprietary, or chief governor, or assembly, or by act of parliament in _england_. s e c t. xxi. a n d our pleasure is, and for us, our heirs and successors, we charge and command, that this our declaration shall from henceforth from time to time be received and allowed in all our courts, and before all the judges of us, our heirs and successors, for a sufficient lawful discharge, payment and acquittance; commanding all the officers and ministers of us, our heirs and successors, and enjoining them upon pain of our highest displeasure, that they do not presume at any time to attempt any thing to the contrary of the premisses, or that do in any sort withstand the same, but that they be at all times aiding and assisting, as is fitting to the said _william penn_, and his heirs, and unto the inhabitants and merchants of the province aforesaid, their servants, ministers, factors, and assigns, in the full use and fruition of the benefit of this our charter. s e c t. xxii. a n d our farther pleasure is, and we do hereby, for us, our heirs and successors, charge and require, that if any of the inhabitants of the said province, to the number of twenty, shall at any time hereafter be desirous, and shall by any writing, or by any person deputed by them, signify such their desire to the bishop of _london_ for the time being, that any preacher or preachers, to be approved of by the said bishop, may be sent unto them for their instruction; that then such preacher or preachers shall and may reside within the said province, without any denial or molestation whatsoever. s e c t. xxiii. a n d if perchance hereafter any doubt or question should arise, concerning the true sense and meaning of any word, clause, or sentence contained in this our present charter, we will, ordain, and command, that at all times, and in all things, such interpretation be made thereof, and allowed in any of our courts whatsoever, as shall be adjudged most advantageous and favourable unto the said _william penn_, his heirs and assigns: provided always no interpretation be admitted thereof, by which the allegiance due unto us, our heirs and successors, may suffer any prejudice or diminution; although express mention be not made in these presents of the true yearly value, or certainty of the premisses, or any part thereof, or of other gifts and grants made by us and our progenitors or predecessors unto the said _william penn_: any statute, act, ordinance, provision, proclamation, or restraint heretofore had, made, published, ordained, or provided, or any other thing, cause or matter whatsoever, to the contrary thereof in any wise notwithstanding. i n w i t n e s s whereof we have caused these our letters to be made patent: witness o u r s e l f, at _westminster_, the _fourth_ day of _march_, in the _three and thirtieth_ year of our reign. _annoque domini one thousand six hundred and eighty-one_. _by writ of privy seal_, p i g o t t. * * * * * the f r a m e of the government of the province of _pensilvania_ in _america_: together with certain l a w s agreed upon in _england_. by the governor and divers freemen of the aforesaid province. to be further explained and continued there, by the first provincial council that shall he held, if they see meet. the p r e f a c e. _w h e n the great and wise g o d had made the world, of all his creatures it pleased him to chuse man his deputy to rule it; and to fit him for so great a charge and trust, he did not only qualify him with skill and power, but with integrity to use them justly. this native goodness was equally his honour and his happiness; and whilst he stood here, all went well; there was no need of coercive or compulsive means; the precept of divine love and truth in his bosom was the guide and keeper of his innocency. but lust prevailing against duty, made a lamentable breach upon it; and the law, that had before no power over him, took place upon him and his disobedient posterity, that such as would not live conformable to the holy law within, should fall under the reproof and correction of the just law without, in a judicial administration._ _t h i s the apostle teaches in divers of his epistles:_ the law (_says he_) was added because of transgression: _in another place_, knowing that the law was not made for the righteous man; but for the disobedient and ungodly, for sinners, for unholy and prophane, for murderers, for whoremongers, for them that defile themselves with mankind, and for men-stealers, for liars, for perjured persons, &c. _but this is not all, he opens and carries the matter of government a little further:_ let every soul be subject to the higher powers; for there is no power but of g o d. the powers that be are ordained of g o d: whosoever therefore resisteth the power, resisteth the ordinance of g o d. for rulers are not a terror to good works, but to evil: wilt thou then not be afraid of the power? do that which is good, and thou shalt have praise of the same.--he is the minister of g o d to thee for good.--wherefore ye must needs be subject, not only for wrath, but for conscience sake. _t h i s settles the divine right of government beyond exception, and that for two ends: first to terrify evil doers; secondly to cherish those that do well; which gives government a life beyond corruption, and makes it as durable in the word, as good men shall be. so that government seems to me a part of religion itself, a thing sacred in its institution and end. for if it does not directly remove the cause, it crushes the effects of evil, and is as such (though a lower yet) an emanation of the same divine power, that is both author and object of pure religion; the difference lying here, that the one is more free and mental, the other more corporal and compulsive in its operations: but that is only to evil doers; government itself being otherwise as capable of kindness, goodness, and charity, as a more private society. they weakly err, that think there is no other use of government than correction, which is the coarsest part of it: daily experience tells us, that the care and regulation of many other affairs, more soft and daily necessary, make up much the greatest part of government; and which must have followed the peopling of the world, had_ adam _never fell, and will continue among men on earth under the highest attainments they may arrive at, by the coming of the blessed_ second adam, _the l o r d from heaven. thus much of government in general, as to its rise and end._ _f o r particular_ frames _and_ models, _it will become me to say little; and comparatively i will say nothing. my reasons are:_ first, _that the age is too nice and difficult for it; there being nothing the wits of men are more busy and divided upon. 'tis true, they seem to agree in the end,_ to wit, _happiness; but in the means they differ, as to divine, so to this human felicity; and the cause is much the same, not always want of light and knowledge, but want of using them rightly. men side with their passions against their reason, and their sinister interests have so strong a biass upon their minds, that they lean to them against the good of the things they know._ secondly, _i do not find a model in the world, that time, place, and some singular emergencies have not necessarily altered; nor is it easy to frame a civil government, that shall serve all places alike._ thirdly, _i know what is said by the several admirers of_ monarchy, aristocracy, _and_ democracy, _which are the rule of one, a few, and many, and are the three common ideas of government, when men discourse on that subject. but i chuse to solve the controversy with this small distinction, and it belongs to all three:_ any government is free to the people under it (_whatever be the frame_) where the laws rule, and the people are a party to those laws; _and more than this is tyranny, oligarchy, or confusion_. _but_ lastly, _when all is said, there is hardly one frame of government in the world so ill designed by its first founders, that in good hands would not do well enough; and story tells us, the best in ill ones can do nothing that is great or good; witness the_ jewish _and_ roman _states. governments, like clocks, go from the motion men give them; and as governments are made and moved by men, so by them they are ruined too. wherefore governments rather depend upon men, than men upon governments. let men be good, and the government can't be bad; if it be ill, they will cure it. but if men be bad, let the government be never so good, they will endeavour to warp and spoil it to their turn._ _i know some say, let us have good laws, and no matter for the men that execute them: but let them consider, that though good laws do well, good men do better: for good laws may want good men, and be abolished or evaded by ill men; but good men will never want good laws, nor suffer ill ones. 'tis true, good laws have some awe upon ill ministers, but that is where they have no power to escape or abolish them, and the people are generally wise and good: but a loose and depraved people (which is to the question) love laws and an administration like themselves. that therefore which makes a good constitution, must keep it,_ viz. _men of wisdom and virtue, qualities, that because they descend not with worldly inheritances, must be carefully propagated by a virtuous education of youth; for which after-ages will owe more to the care and prudence of founders and the successive magistracy, than to their parents for their private patrimonies._ _these considerations of the weight of government, and the nice and various opinions about it, made it uneasy to me to think of publishing the ensuing frame and conditional laws, foreseeing, both the censures they will meet with from men of differing humours and engagements, and the occasion they may give of discourse beyond my design._ _but next to the power of necessity, (which is a solicitor that will take no denial) this induced me to a compliance, that we have (with reverence to g o d and good conscience to men) to the best of our skill, contrived and composed the_ f r a m e and l a w s of this government, _to the great end of all government_, viz. to support power in reverence with the people, and to secure the people from the abuse of power; _that they may be free by their just obedience, and the magistrates honourable for their just administration: for liberty without obedience is confusion, and obedience without liberty is slavery. to carry this evenness is partly owing to the constitution, and partly to the magistracy: where either of these fail, government will be subject to convulsions; but where both are wanting, it must be totally subverted: then where both meet, the government is like to endure. which i humbly pray, and hope_ g o d _will please to make the lot of this of_ pensilvania. _amen._ william penn. * * * * * _the_ f r a m e, &c. t o a l l p e o p l e, to whom these presents shall come. w h e r e a s king _c h a r l e s the second_, by his letters patents, under the great seal of _england_, for the consideration therein mentioned, hath been graciously pleased to give and grant unto me _william penn_ (by the name of _william penn_, esq; son and heir of sir _william penn_ deceased) and to my heirs and assigns for ever, all that tract of land, or province called _pensilvania_, in _america_, with divers great powers, preheminences, royalties. jurisdictions, and authorities, necessary for the well-being and government thereof: n o w k n o w y e, that for the well-being and government of the said province, and for the encouragement of all the freemen and planters that may be therein concerned, in pursuance of the powers afore-mentioned, i the said _william penn_ have declared, granted and confirmed, and by these presents, for me, my heirs and assigns, do declare, grant and confirm unto all the freemen, planters and adventurers, of, in and to the said province, these liberties, franchises, and properties, to be held, enjoyed and kept by the freemen, planters and inhabitants of the said province of _pensilvania_ for ever. i m p r i m i s. t h a t the government of this province shall, according the powers of the patent, consist of the governor and freemen of the said province, in form of a provincial council and general assembly, by whom all laws shall be made, officers chosen, and publick affairs transacted, as is hereafter respectively declared. _that is to say_, ii. t h a t the freemen of the said province shall on the twentieth day of the twelfth month, which shall be in this present year _one thousand six hundred eighty and two_, meet and assemble in some fit place, of which timely notice shall be beforehand given by the governor or his deputy, and then and there shall chuse out of themselves seventy-two persons of most note for their wisdom, virtue and ability, who shall meet on the tenth day of the first month next ensuing, and always be called and act as the provincial council of the said province. iii. t h a t at the first choice of such provincial council, one third part of the said provincial council shall be chosen to serve for three years then next ensuing, one third part for two years then next ensuing, and one third part for one year then next following such election, and no longer; and that the said third part shall go out accordingly: and on the twentieth day of the twelfth month as aforesaid, yearly for ever afterward, the freemen of the said province shall in like manner meet and assemble together, and then chuse twenty-four persons, being one third of the said number, to serve in provincial council for three years: it being intended, that one third part of the whole provincial council (always consisting, and to consist of seventy-two persons, as aforesaid) falling off yearly, it shall be yearly supplied by such new yearly elections, as aforesaid; and that no one person shall continue therein longer than three years: and in case any member shall decease before the last election during his time, that then at the next election ensuing his decease, another shall be chosen to supply his place for the remaining time he was to have served, and no longer. iv. t h a t after the first seven years, every one of the said third parts that goeth yearly off, shall be uncapable of being chosen again for one whole year following: that so all may be fitted for government, and have experience of the care and burden of it. v. t h a t the provincial council in all cases and matters of moment, as their arguing upon bills to be past into laws, erecting courts of justice, giving judgment upon criminals impeached, and choice of officers, in such manner as is herein after-mentioned; not less than two-thirds of the whole provincial council shall make a _quorum_; and that the consent not approbation of two-thirds of such _quorum_ shall be had in all such cases and matters of moment. and moreover, that in all cases and matters of lesser moment, twenty-four members of the said provincial council shall make a _quorum_, the majority of which twenty-four shall and may always determine in such cases and causes of lesser moment. vi. t h a t in this provincial council the governor, or his deputy, shall or may always preside, and have a treble voice; and the said provincial council shall always continue, and sit upon its own adjournments and committees. vii. t h a t the governor and provincial council shall prepare and propose to the general assembly hereafter mentioned, all bills, which they shall at any time think fit to be passed into laws within the said province; which bills shall be published and affixed to the most noted places in the inhabited parts thereof, thirty days before the meeting of the general assembly, in order to the passing them into laws, or rejecting of them, as the general assembly shall see meet. viii. t h a t the governor and provincial council shall take care, that all laws, statutes and ordinances, which shall at any time be made within the said province, be duly and diligently executed. ix. t h a t the governor and provincial council shall at all times have the care of the peace and safety of the province, and that nothing be by any person attempted to the subversion of this frame of government. x. t h a t the governor and provincial council shall at all times settle and order the situation of all cities, ports, and market-towns in every county, modelling therein all publick buildings, streets, and market-places, and shall appoint all necessary roads and highways in the province. xi. t h a t the governor and provincial council shall at all times have power to inspect the management of the publick treasury, and punish those who shall convert any part thereof to any other use, than what hath been agreed upon by the governor, provincial council, and general assembly. xii. t h a t the governor and provincial council shall erect and order all publick schools, and encourage and reward the authors of useful sciences and laudable inventions in the said province. xiii. t h a t for the better management of the powers and trust aforesaid, the provincial council shall from time to time divide itself into four distinct and proper committees, for the more easy administration of the affairs of the province, which divides the seventy-two into four eighteens, every one of which eighteens shall consist of six out of each of the three orders or yearly elections, each of which shall have a distinct portion of business, as followeth: _first_, a committee of plantations, to situate and settle cities, ports, and market-towns, and highways, and to hear and decide all suits and controversies relating to plantations. _secondly_, a committee of justice and safety, to secure the peace of the province, and punish the male-administration of those who subvert justice to the prejudice of the publick or private interest. _thirdly_, a committee of trade and treasury, who shall regulate all trade and commerce according to law, encourage manufacture and country-growth, and defray the publick charge of the province. and _fourthly_, a committee of manners, education, and arts, that all wicked and scandalous living may be prevented, and that youth may be successively trained up in virtue and useful knowledge and arts: the _quorum_ of each of which committees being six, _that is_, two out of each of the three orders or yearly elections, as aforesaid, make a constant and standing council of twenty-four, which will have the power of the provincial council, being the _quorum_ of it, in all cases not excepted in the fifth article; and in the said committees and standing council of the province, the governor or his deputy shall or may preside, as aforesaid; and in the absence of the governor or his deputy, if no one is by either of them appointed, the said committees or council shall appoint a president for that time, and not otherwise; and what shall be resolved at such committees, shall be reported to the said council of the province, and shall be by them resolved and confirmed before the same shall be put in execution; and that these respective committees shall not sit at one and the same time, except in cases of necessity. xiv. a n d, to the end that all laws prepared by the governor and provincial council aforesaid, may yet have the more full concurrence of the freemen of the province, it is declared, granted, and confirmed, that at the time and place or places for the choice of a provincial council as aforesaid, the said freemen shall yearly chuse members to serve in a general assembly as their representatives, not exceeding two hundred persons, who shall yearly meet from the twentieth day of the second month, which shall be in the year _one thousand six hundred eighty and three_ following, in the capital town or city of the said province, where during eight days the several members may freely confer with one another; and, if any of them see meet, with a committee of the provincial council (consisting of three out of each of the four committees aforesaid, being twelve in all) which shall be at that time, purposely appointed to receive from any of them proposals for the alterations or amendment of any of the said proposed and promulgated bills: and on the ninth day from their so meeting, the said general assembly, after reading over the proposed bills by the clerk of the provincial council, and the occasions and motives for them being opened by the governor or his deputy, shall give their affirmative or negative, which to them seemeth best, in such manner as herein after is express'd. but not less than two-thirds shall make a _quorum_ in the passing of laws, and choice of such officers as are by them to be chosen. xv. t h a t the laws so prepared and proposed as aforesaid, that are assented to by the general assembly, shall be enrolled as laws of the province, with this stile: _by the governor, with the assent and approbation of the freemen in provincial council and general assembly._ xvi. t h a t, for the better establishment of the government and laws of this province, and to the end there may be an universal satisfaction in the laying of the fundamentals thereof; the general assembly shall, or may for the first year, consist of all the freemen of and in the said province, and ever after it shall be yearly chosen as aforesaid; which number of two hundred shall be enlarged as the country shall encrease in people, so as it do not exceed five hundred at any time: the appointment and proportioning or which, as also the laying and methodizing of the choice of the provincial council and general assembly in future times, most equally to the divisions of the hundreds and counties, which the country shall hereafter be divided into, shall be in the power of the provincial council to propose, and the general assembly to resolve. xvii. t h a t the governor and the provincial council shall erect from time to time standing courts of justice, in such places and number as they shall judge convenient for the good government of the said province. and that the provincial council shall on the thirteenth day of the first month yearly, elect and present to the governor or his deputy, a double number of persons, to serve for judges, treasurers, masters of rolls, within the said province for the year next ensuing; and the freemen of the said province in the county-courts, when they shall be erected, and till then in the general assembly, shall on the three and twentieth day of the second month yearly, elect and present to the governor or his deputy, a double number of persons to serve for sheriffs, justices of the peace, and coroners, for the year next ensuing; out of which respective elections and presentments, the governor or his deputy shall nominate and commissionate the proper number for each office the third day after the said presentments; or else the first named in such presentment for each office, shall stand and serve for that office the year ensuing. xviii. b u t forasmuch as the present condition of the province requires some immediate settlement, and admits not of so quick a revolution of officers; and to the end the said province may, with all convenient speed, be well ordered and settled, i _william penn_ do therefore think fit to nominate and appoint such persons for judges, treasurers, masters of the rolls, sheriffs, justices of the peace, and coroners, as are most fitly qualified for those employments; to whom i shall make and grant commissions for the said officers, respectively, to hold to them to whom the same shall be granted, for so long time as every such person shall well behave himself in the office or place to him respectively granted, and no longer. and upon the decease or displacing of any of the said officers, the succeeding officer or officers shall be chosen as aforesaid. xix. t h a t the general assembly shall continue so long as may be needful to impeach criminals fit to be there impeached, to pass bills into laws that they shall think fit to pass into laws, and till such time as the governor and provincial council shall declare that they have nothing further to propose unto them for their assent and approbation: and that declaration shall be a dismiss to the general assembly for that time; which general assembly shall be notwithstanding capable of assembling together upon the summons of the provincial council, at any time during that year, if the said provincial council shall see occasion for their so assembling. xx. t h a t all the elections of members or representatives of the people to serve in provincial council and general assembly, and all questions to be determined by both or either of them, that relate to passing of bills into laws, to the choice of officers, to impeachments made by the general assembly, and judgment of criminals upon such impeachments by the provincial council, and to all other cases by them respectively judged of importance, shall be resolved and determined by the ballot; and unless on sudden and indispensible occasions, no business in provincial council, or its respective committees, shall be finally determined the same day that it is moved. xxi. t h a t at all times, when, and so often as it shall happen that the governor shall or may be an infant under the age of one and twenty years, and no guardians or commissioners are appointed in writing by the father of the said infant, or that such guardians or commissioners shall be deceased; that during such minority, the provincial council shall from time to time, as they shall see meet, constitute and appoint guardians or commissioners, not exceeding three; one of which three shall preside as deputy and chief guardian, during such minority, and shall have, and execute, with the consent of the other two, all the power of a governor, in all the publick affairs and concerns of the said province. xxii. t h a t as often as any day of the month mentioned in any article of this charter, shall fall upon the first day of the week, commonly called _the lord's day_, the business appointed for that day shall be deferred till the next day, unless in case of emergency. xxiii. t h a t no act, law, or ordinance whatsoever, shall at any time hereafter be made or done by the governor of this province, his heirs or assigns, or by the freemen in the provincial council, or the general assembly, to alter, change or diminish the form or effect of this charter, or any part or clause thereof, or contrary to the true intent and meaning thereof, without the consent of the governor, his heirs or assigns, and six parts of seven of the said freemen in provincial council and general assembly. xxiv. a n d l a s t l y, that i the said _william penn_, for myself, my heirs and assigns, have solemnly declared, granted, and confirmed, and do hereby solemnly declare, grant, and confirm, that neither i, my heirs nor assigns, shall procure or do any thing or things, whereby the liberties in this charter contained and expressed shall be infringed or broken; and if any thing be procured by any person or persons contrary to these premisses, it shall be held of no force or effect. i n w i t n e s s whereof, i the said _william penn_ have unto this present charter of liberties set my hand and broad seal, this _five and twentieth_ day of the second month, vulgarly called _april_, in the year of our l o r d _one thousand six hundred and eighty-two_. william penn. * * * * * l a w s _agreed upon in england_, &c. i. t h a t the charter of liberties, declared, granted, and confirmed the _five and twentieth_ day of the second month, called _april_, , before divers witnesses, by _william penn_, governor and chief proprietor of _pensilvania_, to all the freemen and planters of the said province; is hereby declared and approved, and shall be for ever held for fundamental in the government thereof, according to the limitations mentioned in the said charter. ii. t h a t every inhabitant in the said province, that is or shall be a purchaser of one hundred acres of land, or upwards, his heirs and assigns, and every person who shall have paid his passage, and taken up one hundred acres of land at one penny an acre, and have cultivated ten acres thereof; and every person that hath been a servant or bondsman, and is free by his service, that shall have taken up his fifty acres of land, and cultivated twenty thereof; and every inhabitant, artificer, or other resident in the said province, that pays scot and lot to the governments shall be deemed and accounted a freeman of the said province: and every such person shall and may be capable of electing, or being elected representatives of the people in provincial council or general assembly in the said province. iii. t h a t all elections of members, or representatives of the people and freemen of the province of _pensilvania_, to serve in provincial council or general assembly to be held within the said province, shall be free and voluntary: and that the elector, that shall receive any reward or gift, in meat, drink, monies, or otherwise, shall forfeit his right to elect; and such person as shall directly or indirectly give, promise, or bestow any such reward as aforesaid, to be elected, shall forfeit his election, and be thereby incapable to serve as aforesaid: and the provincial council and general assembly shall be the sole judges of the regularity or irregularity of the elections of their own respective members. iv. t h a t no money or goods shall be raised upon, or paid by any of the people of this province by way of publick tax, custom, or contribution, but by a law for that purpose made; and whosoever shall levy, collect, or pay any money or goods contrary thereunto, shall be held a publick enemy to the province, and a betrayer of the liberties of the people thereof. v. t h a t all courts shall be open, and justice shall neither be sold, denied, nor delayed. vi. t h a t in all courts, all persons of all persuasions may freely appear in their own way, and according to their own manner, and there personally plead their own cause themselves; or if unable, by their friend: and the first process shall be the exhibition of the complaint in court, fourteen days before the trial; and that the party complained against may be fitted for the same, he or she shall be summoned, no less than ten days before, and a copy of the complaint delivered him or her, at his or her dwelling-house. but before the complaint of any person be received, he shall solemnly declare in court, that he believes in his conscience his cause is just. vii. t h a t all pleadings, processes, and records in court shall be short, and in _english_, and in an ordinary and plain character, that they may be understood, and justice speedily administred. viii. t h a t all trials shall be by twelve men, and as near as may be, peers or equals, and of the neighbourhood, and men without just exception in cases of life, there shall be first twenty-four returned by the sheriffs for a grand inquest, of whom twelve at least shall find the complaint to be true; and then the twelve men, or peers, to be likewise returned by the sheriff, shall have the final judgment. but reasonable challenges shall be always admitted against the said twelve men, or any of them. ix. t h a t all fees in all cases shall be moderate, and settled by the provincial council and general assembly, and be hung up in a table in every respective court; and whosoever shall be convicted of taking more, shall pay two-fold, and be dismissed his employment, one moiety of which shall go to the party wronged. x. t h a t all prisons shall be work-houses for felons, vagrants, and loose and idle persons; whereof one shall be in every county. xi. t h a t all prisoners shall be bailable by sufficient sureties, unless for capital offences, where the proof is evident, or the presumption great. xii. t h a t all persons wrongfully imprisoned or prosecuted at law, shall have double damages against the informer or prosecutor. xiii. t h a t all prisons shall be free as to fees, food, and lodging. xiv. t h a t all lands and goods shall be liable to pay debts, except where there is legal issue, and then all the goods, and one third of the land only. xv. t h a t all wills in writing attested by two witnesses, shall be of the same force, as to lands, as other conveyances, being legally proved within forty days, either within or without the said province. xvi. t h a t seven years quiet possession shall give an unquestionable right, except in cases of infants, lunaticks, married women, or persons beyond the seas. xvii. t h a t all briberies and extortions whatsoever, shall be severely punished. xviii. t h a t all fines shall be moderate, and saving mens contenements, merchandize, or wainage. xix. t h a t all marriages (not forbidden by the law of god, as to nearness of blood and affinity by marriage) shall be encouraged; but the parents or guardians shall be first consulted, and the marriage shall be published before it be solemnized; and it shall be solemnized by taking one another as husband and wife, before credible witnesses, and a certificate of the whole, under the hands of parties and witnesses, shall be brought to the proper register of that county, and shall be registred in his office. xx. a n d to prevent frauds and vexatious suits within the said province, that all charters, gifts, grants, and conveyances of land, (except leases for a year or under) and all bills, bonds, and specialties above _five pounds_, and not under three months, made in the said province, shall be enrolled or registred in the publick enrolment-office of the said province, within the space of two months next after the making thereof, else to be void in law. and all deeds, grants, and conveyances of land (except as aforesaid) within the said province, and made out of the said province, shall be enrolled or registred as aforesaid, within six months next after the making thereof, and settling and constituting an enrolment-office or registry within the said province, else to be void in law against all persons whatsoever. xxi. t h a t all defacers or corrupters of charters, gifts, grants, bonds, bills, wills, contracts, and conveyances, or that shall deface or falsify any enrolment, registry or record within this province, shall make double satisfaction for the same; half whereof shall go to the party wronged, and they shall be dismissed of all places of trust, and be publickly disgraced as false men. xxii. t h a t there shall be a register for births, marriages, burials, wills, and letters of administration, distinct from the other registry. xxiii. t h a t there shall be a register for all servants, where their names, time, wages, and days of payment shall be registred. xxiv. t h a t all lands and goods of felons shall be liable to make satisfaction to the party wronged twice the value; and for want of lands or goods, the felons shall be bondmen to work in the common prison or work-house, or otherwise, till the party injured be satisfied. xxv. t h a t the estates of capital offenders, as traitors and murderers, shall go one third to the next of kin to the sufferer, and the remainder to the next of kin to the criminal. xxvi. t h a t all witnesses, coming or called to testify their knowledge in or to any matter or thing in any court, or before any lawful authority within the said province, shall there give or deliver in their evidence or testimony by solemnly promising to speak the truth, the whole truth, and nothing but the truth, to the matter or thing in question. and in case any person so called to evidence, shall be convicted of wilful falshood, such person shall suffer and undergo such damage or penalty, as the person or persons against whom he or she bore false witness, did or should undergo; and shall also make satisfaction to the party wronged, and be publickly exposed as a false witness, never to be credited in any court, or before any magistrate in the said province. xxvii. a n d to the end that all officers chosen to serve within this province, may with more care and diligence answer the trust reposed in them, it is agreed, that no such person shall enjoy more than one publick office at one time. xxviii. t h a t all children within this province of the age of twelve years, shall be taught some useful trade or skill, to the end none may be idle, but the poor may work to live, and the rich, if they become poor, may not want. xxix. t h a t servants be not kept longer than their time, and such as are careful, be both justly and kindly used in their service, and put in fitting equipage at the expiration thereof, according to custom. xxx. t h a t all scandalous and malicious reporters, backbiters, defamers, and spreaders of false news, whether against magistrates or private persons, shall be accordingly severely punished, as enemies to the peace and concord of this province. xxxi. t h a t for the encouragement of the planters and traders in this province, who are incorporated into a society, the patent granted to them by _william penn_, governor of the said province, is hereby ratified and confirmed. xxxii. ------------------------------------------------------------------------ ------------------------------------------------------------------------ ---------------------------------------------- xxxiii. t h a t all factors or correspondents in the said province, wronging their employers, shall make satisfaction and one third over, to their said employers: and in case of the death of any such factor or correspondent, the committee of trade shall take care to secure so much of the deceased party's estate, as belongs to his said respective employers. xxxiv. t h a t all treasurers, judges, masters of the rolls, sheriffs, justices of the peace, and other officers and persons whatsoever, relating to courts or trials of causes, or any other service in the government; and all members elected to serve in provincial council and general assembly, and all that have right to elect such members, shall be such as profess faith in jesus christ, and that are not convicted of ill fame, or unsober and dishonest conversation, and that are of _twenty-one_ years of age at least; and that all such so qualified, shall be capable of the said several employments and privileges as aforesaid. xxxv. t h a t all persons living in this province, who confess and acknowledge the one almighty and eternal god, to be the creator, upholder and ruler of the world; and that hold themselves obliged in conscience to live peaceably and justly in civil society, shall in no ways be molested or prejudiced for their religious persuasion or practice in matters of faith and worship, nor shall they be compell'd at any time to frequent or maintain any religious worship, place or ministry whatever. xxxvi. t h a t according to the good example of the primitive christians, and the ease of the creation, every _first_ day of the week, called the lord's day, people shall abstain from their common daily labour, that they may the better dispose themselves to worship god according to their understandings. xxxvii. t h a t as a careless and corrupt administration of justice draws the wrath of god upon magistrates, so the wildness and looseness of the people provoke the indignation of god against a country: therefore, that all such offences against god, as swearing, cursing, lying, prophane talking, drunkenness, drinking of healths, obscene words, incest, sodomy, rapes, whoredom, fornication, and other uncleanness (not to be repeated) all treasons, misprisions, murders, duels, felony, sedition, maims, forcible entries, and other violences, to the persons and estates of the inhabitants within this province. all prizes, stage-plays, cards, dice, maygames, gamesters, masques, revels, bull-baitings, cock-fightings, bear-baitings, and the like, which excite the people to rudeness, cruelty, looseness, and irreligion, shall be respectively discouraged and severely punish'd, according to the appointment of the governor and freemen in provincial council and general assembly; as also all proceedings contrary to these laws, that are not here made expresly penal. xxxviii. t h a t a copy of these laws shall be hung up in the provincial council, and in publick courts of justice: and that they shall be read yearly at the opening of every provincial council and general assembly, and court of justice; and their assent shall be testified, by their standing up after the reading thereof. xxxix. t h a t there shall be at no time any alteration of any of these laws, without the consent of the governor, his heirs or assigns, and six parts of seven of the freemen, met in provincial council and general assembly. xl. t h a t all other matters and things not herein provided for, which shall and may concern the publick justice, peace or safety of the said province; and the raising and imposing taxes, customs, duties, or other charges whatsoever, shall be and are hereby referred to the order, prudence and determination of the governor and freemen in provincial council and general assembly, to be held from time to time in the said province. _signed and sealed by the governor and freemen aforesaid, the_ fifth _day of the_ third _month, called_ may, _one thousand six hundred and eighty-two._ * * * * * _certain_ conditions or concessions _agreed upon by_ william penn, _proprietor and governor of the province of_ pensilvania, _and those who are the adventurers and purchasers in the same province, the_ eleventh _of_ july, _one thousand six hundred and eighty-one._ f i r s t. t h a t so soon as it pleaseth god, that the abovesaid persons arrive there, a certain quantity of land or ground plat, shall be laid out for a large town or city, in the most convenient place upon the river for health and navigation; and every purchaser and adventurer, shall by lot have so much land therein as will answer to the proportion which he hath bought or taken up upon rent: but it is to be noted, that the surveyors shall consider what roads or highways will be necessary to the cities, towns, or thro' the lands. great roads from city to city shall not contain less than _forty_ foot in breadth, and shall be first laid out and declared to be for highways, before the dividend of acres be laid out for the purchaser; and the like observation to be had for the streets in the towns and cities, that there may be convenient roads and streets preserved, not to be incroached upon by any planter or builder, that none may build irregularly to the damage of another. _in this, custom governs_. ii. t h a t the land in the town be laid out together after the proportion of _ten thousand_ acres of the whole country, that is, _two hundred_ acres if the place will bear it: however, that the proportion be by lot, and entire, so as those that desire to be together, especially those that are by the catalogue laid together, may be so laid together both in the town and country. iii. t h a t when the country-lots are laid out, every purchaser, from _one thousand_ to _ten thousand_ acres, or more, not to have above _one thousand_ acres together, unless in _three_ years they plant a family upon every _thousand_ acres; but that all such as purchase together, lie together; and is as many as comply with this condition, that the whole be laid out together. iv. t h a t where any number of purchasers, more or less, whose number of acres amounts to _five_ or _ten thousand_ acres, desire to sit together in a lot or township, they shall have their lot or township cast together, in such places as have convenient harbours or navigable rivers attending it, if such can be found; and in case any one or more purchasers plant not according to agreement in this concession, to the prejudice of others of the same township, upon complaint thereof made to the governor or his deputy, with assistance, they may award (if they see cause) that the complaining purchaser may, paying the survey-money, and purchase-money, and interest thereof, be entitled, inrolled and lawfully invested in the lands so not seated. v. t h a t the proportion of lands that shall be laid out in the first great town or city, for every purchaser, shall be after the proportion of _ten_ acres for every _five hundred_ acres purchased, if the place will allow it. vi. t h a t notwithstanding there be no mention made, in the several deeds made to the purchasers, yet the said _william penn_ does accord and declare, that all rivers, rivulets, woods and underwoods, waters, water-courses, quarries, mines and minerals (except mines royal) shall be freely and fully enjoyed, and wholly by the purchasers, into whose lot they fall. vii. t h a t for every _fifty_ acres that shall be allotted to a servant at the end of his service, his quit-rent shall be _two shillings per annum_, and the master or owner of the servant, when he shall take up the other _fifty_ acres, his quit-rent shall be _four shillings_ by the year, or if the master of the servant (by reason in the indentures he is so obliged to do) allot out to the servant _fifty_ acres in his own division, the said master shall have on demand allotted him, from the governor, the _one hundred_ acres at the chief rent of _six shillings per annum_. viii. a n d for the encouragement of such as are ingenious and willing to search out gold and silver mines in this province, it is hereby agreed, that they have liberty to bore and dig in any man's property, fully paying the damage done; and in case a discovery should be made, that the discoverer have one _fifth_, the owner of the soil (if not the discoverer) a _tenth_ part, the governor _two fifths_, and the rest to the publick treasury, saving to the king the share reserved by patent. ix. i n every _hundred thousand_ acres, the governor and proprietary, by lot, reserveth _ten_ to himself, what shall lie but in one place. x. t h a t every man shall be bound to plant or man so much of his share of land as shall be set out and surveyed, within _three_ years after it is so set out and surveyed, or else it shall be lawful for new comers to be settled thereupon, paying to them their survey-money, and they go up higher for their shares. xi. t h e r e shall be no buying and selling, be it with an _indian_, or one among another, of any goods to be exported, but what shall be performed in publick market, when such places shall be set apart or erected, where they shall pass the publick stamp or mark. if bad ware, and prized as good, or deceitful in proportion or weight, to forfeit the value as if good and full weight and proportion, to the publick treasury of the province, whether it be the merchandize of the _indian_, or that of the planters. xii. a n d f o r a s m u c h as it is usual with the planters, to over-reach the poor natives of the country in trade, by goods not being good of the kind, or debased with mixtures, with which they are sensibly aggrieved, it is agreed, whatever is sold to the _indians_, in consideration of their furs, shall be sold in the market-place, and there suffer the test, whether good or bad; if good, to pass; if not good, not to be sold for good, that the natives may not be abused nor provoked. xiii. t h a t no man shall by any ways or means, in word or deed, affront or wrong any _indian_, but he shall incur the same penalty of the law, as if he had committed it against his fellow-planter; and if any _indian_ shall abuse, in word or deed, any planter of this province, that he shall not be his own judge upon the _indian_, but he shall make his complaint to the governor of the province, or his lieutenant or deputy, or some inferior magistrate near him, who shall, to the utmost of his power, take care with the king of the said _indian_, that all reasonable satisfaction be made to the said injured planter. xiv. t h a t all differences between the planters and the natives, shall also be ended by _twelve_ men, that is, by _six_ planters and _six_ natives, that so we may live friendly together as much as in us lieth, preventing all occasions of heart-burnings and mischief. xv. t h a t the _indians_ shall have liberty to do all things relating to the improvement of their ground, and providing sustenance for their families, that any of the planters shall enjoy. xvi. t h a t the laws as to slanders, drunkenness, swearing, cursing, pride in apparel, trespasses, distresses, replevins, weights and measures, shall be the same as in _england_, till altered by law in this province. xvii. t h a t all shall mark their hogs, sheep and other cattle, and what are not marked within _three_ months after it is in their possession, be it young or old, it shall be forfeited to the governor, that so people may be compelled to avoid the occasions of much strife between planters. xviii. t h a t in clearing the ground, care be taken to leave one acre of trees for every _five_ acres clear'd, especially to preserve oak and mulberries for silk and shipping. xix. t h a t all ship-masters shall give an account of their countries, names, ships, owners, freights and passengers, to an officer to be appointed for that purpose, which shall be registred within _two_ days after their arrival; and if they shall refuse so to do, that then none presume to trade with them, upon forfeiture thereof; and that such masters be looked upon, as having an evil intention to the province. xx. t h a t no person leave the province, without publication being made thereof, in the market-place, _three_ weeks before, and a certificate from some justice of the peace, of his clearness with his neighbours, and those he hath dealt withal, so far as such an assurance can be attained and given: and if any master of a ship shall, contrary hereunto, receive and carry away any person, that hath not given that publick notice, the said master shall be liable to all debts owing by the said person, so secretly transported from the province. _lastly_, that these are to be added to, or corrected, by and with the consent of the parties hereunto subscribed. william penn; _sealed and delivered in the presence of_ william boelham, harbert springet, thomas prudyard. _sealed and delivered in the presence of all the proprietors who have hereunto subscribed, except_ thomas farrinborrough _and_ john goodson, _in the presence of_ hugh chamberlen, r. murray, harbert springet, humphry south, thomas barker, samuel jobson, john-joseph moore, william powel, richard davie, griffith jones, hugh lambe, thomas farrinborrough, john goodson. * * * * * _an_ a c t _of_ settlement, _made at_ chester, . w h e r e a s william penn, proprietary and governor of the province of _pensylvania_, and territories thereunto belonging, hath, out of his great kindness and goodness to the inhabitants thereof, been favourably pleased to give and grant unto them a charter of liberties and privileges, dated the _twenty-fifth_ day of the _second_ month, _one thousand six hundred and eighty-two_: by which charter it is said, the government shall consist of the governor and freemen of the said province, in the form of a provincial council and general assembly; and that the provincial council shall consist of _seventy-two_ members, to be chosen by the freemen; and that the general assembly may, the _first_ year, consist of the whole body of the freeholders, and ever after of an elected number, not exceeding _two hundred_ persons, without the consent of the provincial council and general assembly: and such assembly to sit yearly on the _twentieth_ day of the _third_ month, as in the _first, second, third, sixth, fourteenth_ and _sixteenth_ articles of the charter, reference being thereunto had, doth more at large appear. a n d f o r a s m u c h as this charter was the _first_ of those probationary laws, that were agreed to and made by and between the proprietary, and governor, and freemen in _england_, that were purchasers in this province, which said laws, in the whole and in every part thereof, were to be submitted to the explanation and confirmation of the _first_ provincial council and general assembly that was to be held in this province, as by the title and _first_ law of the said agreement, doth plainly appear. a n d w h e r e a s, the proprietary and governor hath, according to that charter, issued out writs to the respective sheriffs of the _six_ counties of this province, to summon the freemen thereof, to chuse in each county _twelve_ persons of most note for their sobriety, wisdom, and integrity, to serve in provincial council; and also to inform the freemen that they might come, for this time, in their own persons, to make up a general assembly, according to charter. and that the said respective sheriffs by their returns, and the freemen by their petitions to the proprietary and governor, have plainly declared, that the fewness of the people, their inability in estate, and unskilfulness in matters of government, will not permit them to serve in so large a council and assembly, as by the charter is expressed; and therefore do desire, that the members now chosen to be their deputies and representatives, may serve both for provincial council and general assembly; that is to say, _three_ out of each county for the provincial council, and the remaining _nine_ for the general assembly, according to act, as fully and amply as if the said provincial council and general assembly had consisted of the said numbers of members mentioned in the charter of liberties, upon consideration of the premises; and that the proprietary and governor may testify his great willingness to comply with that which may be most easy and pleasing, he is willing that it be enacted. a n d b e i t e n a c t e d by the proprietary and governor, by and with the unanimous advice and consent of the freemen of this province, and territories thereunto belonging, in provincial council and general assembly met, that the numbers desired by the inhabitants in their several petitions, and express'd to be their desires by the sheriffs returns to the proprietary and governor, to serve as the provincial council and general assembly, be allowed and taken, to all intents and purposes, to be the provincial council and general assembly of this province: and that the _quorum_ shall be proportionably settled, according to the method express'd in the _fifth_ article; that is to say, _two thirds_ to make a _quorum_ in extraordinary cases, and _one third_ in ordinary cases, as is provided in the said _fifth_ article: which said provincial council and general assembly, so already chosen, are and shall be held and reputed the legal provincial council and general assembly of the province and territories thereof, for this present year; and that from and after the expiration of this present year, the provincial council shall consist of _three_ persons out of each county, as aforesaid; and the assembly shall consist of _six_ persons out of each county, which said provincial council and general assembly may be hereafter enlarged, as the governor, and provincial council and assembly shall see cause, so as the said number do not, at any time, exceed the limitations express'd in the _third_ and _sixteenth_ article of the charter, any thing in this act, or any other act, charter or law, to the contrary in any wise notwithstanding. a n d because the freemen of this province and territories thereof, are deeply sensible of the kind and good intentions of the proprietary and governor in this charter, and of the singular benefit that redounds to them thereby, and are desirous that it may in all things best answer the design of the publick good, the freemen of the said provincial council and general assembly met, having unanimously requested some variations, explanations and additions, in and to the said charter, he the proprietary and governor, hath therefore yielded that it be enacted: a n d it is hereby e n a c t e d, that the time for the meeting of the freemen of this province and territories thereof, to chuse their deputies to represent and serve them, in provincial council and general assembly, shall be yearly hereafter, on the _tenth_ day of the _first_ month, which members so chosen for the provincial council, shall make their appearance, and give their attendance, in provincial council, within _twenty_ days after their election; and the said members elected to serve in general assembly, shall yearly meet and assemble, on the _tenth_ day of the said _third_ month, to the end and purposes declared in the charter, at and in such place as is limited in the said charter, unless the governor and provincial council shall, at any time, see cause to the contrary. a n d w h e r e a s it is express'd in the said charter, that the governor and provincial council shall prepare and propose to the general assembly, all bills which they shall think fit to pass into laws, within the said province: b e i t e n a c t e d by the authority aforesaid, that the governor and provincial council, shall have the power of preparing and proposing to the general assembly, all bills that they shall jointly assent to and think fit to have pass'd into laws, in the said province and territories thereof, that are not inconsistent with, but according to the powers granted by the king's letters patents to the proprietary and governor aforesaid; which bills shall be published in the most noted towns and places in the said province and territories thereof, _twenty_ days before the meeting of the general assembly aforesaid. a n d for the better decision and determination of all matters and questions upon elections of representatives, and debates in provincial council and general assembly, it is hereby declared and e n a c t e d, &c. that all questions upon elections of representatives, and debates in provincial council and general assembly, in personal matters, shall be decided by the ballot; and all questions about preparing and enacting laws, shall be determined by the vote. a n d that so united an interest may have an united term and stile to be express'd by, it is hereby declared and e n a c t e d, that the general assembly shall be henceforth termed or called the assembly; and the meeting of the governor, provincial council, and assembly, and their acts and proceedings, shall be stiled and called the meetings, sessions, acts _or_ proceedings _of the_ general assembly _of the province of_ pensilvania, _and the territories thereunto belonging_. and that the freemen of this province, and the territories thereof, may not on their part, seem unmindful or ungrateful to their proprietary and governor, for the testimony he hath been pleased to give, of his great good-will towards them and theirs, nor be wanting of that duty they owe to him and themselves, they have prayed leave hereby to declare their most hearty acceptance of the said charter, and their humble acknowledgments for the same, solemnly promising, that they will inviolably observe and keep the same, except as is therein excepted, and will neither directly nor indirectly contrive, propose, enact, or do any thing or things whatsoever, by virtue of the power thereby granted unto them, that shall or may redound to the prejudice or disadvantage of the proprietary and governor, his heirs and successors, in their just rights, properties and privileges, granted to him and them by the king's letters patents, and deeds of release and feoffment made to him by _j a m e s duke of_ york _and_ albany, &c. and whom they desire may be hereby acknowledged and recognized the true and rightful proprietaries and governors of the province of _pensylvania_, and territories annexed, according to the king's letters patents, and deeds of release and feoffment from _james_, duke of _york_ and _albany_, unto the said proprietary and governor, his heirs and successors; any thing in this act, or any other act, grant, charter, or law, to the contrary of these things herein and hereby explained, altered, limited, promised, declared, and enacted, in any wise notwithstanding. * * * * * _the f r a m e of the government of the province of_ pensylvania, _and territories thereunto annexed in_ america. t o a l l p e r s o n s, to whom these presents may come. w h e r e a s king _c h a r l e s the second_, by his letters patents, under the great seal of _england_, bearing date the _fourth_ day of _march_, in the _thirty and third_ year of the king, for divers considerations therein mentioned, hath been graciously pleased to give and grant unto me _william penn_ (by the name of _william penn_, esq; son and heir of sir _william penn_ deceased) and to my heirs and assigns for ever, all that tract of land, or province called _pensylvania_, in _america_, with divers great powers, preheminences, royalties, jurisdictions, and authorities, necessary for the well-being and government thereof. a n d w h e r e a s the king's dearest brother, _james_ duke of _york_ and _albany_, &c. by his deeds of feoffment, under his hand and seal, duly perfected, bearing date the _four and twentieth_ day of _august, one thousand six hundred eighty and two_, did grant unto me, my heirs and assigns, all that tract of land, lying and being from _twelve_ miles northward of _newcastle_ upon _delaware_ river, in _america_, to _cape hinlopen_, upon the said river and bay of _delaware_ southward, together with all royalties, franchises, duties, jurisdictions, liberties and privileges thereunto belonging. n o w k n o w y e, that for the well-being and good government of the said province and territories thereunto annexed, and for the encouragement of all the freemen and planters, that may be therein concerned, in pursuance of the rights and powers afore-mentioned, i the said _william penn_ have declared, granted and confirmed, and by these presents, for me, my heirs and assigns, do declare, grant and confirm unto all the freemen, planters and adventurers of, in and to the said province and territories thereof, these liberties, franchises and properties, so far as in me lieth, to be held, enjoyed and kept by the freemen, planters and adventurers of and in the said province of _pensylvania_ and territories thereunto annexed, for ever. i m p r i m i s. t h a t the government of this province and territories thereof shall, from time to time, according to the powers of the patent and deeds of feoffment aforesaid, consist of the proprietary and governor, and freemen of the said province and territories thereof, in form of provincial council and assembly, which provincial council shall consist of _eighteen_ persons, being _three_ out of each county, and which assembly shall consist of _thirty-six_ persons, being _six_ out of each county, men of most note for their virtue, wisdom and ability, by whom all laws shall be made, officers chosen, and publick affairs transacted, as is hereafter limited and declared. ii. t h e r e being _three_ persons already chosen for every respective county of this province and territories thereof, to serve in the provincial council, _one_ of them for _three_ years, _one_ for _two_ years, and _one_ for _one_ year; and _one_ of them being to go off yearly in every county; that on the _tenth_ day of the _first_ month yearly, for ever after, the freemen of the said province and territories thereof shall meet together in the most convenient place in every county of this province and territories thereof, then and there to chuse _one_ person, qualified as aforesaid, in every county, being _one third_ of the number to serve in provincial council, for _three_ years; it being intended, that _one third_ of the whole provincial council, consisting and to consist of _eighteen_ persons, falling off yearly, it shall be yearly supplied with such yearly elections, as aforesaid; and that _one_ person shall not continue in longer than _three_ years; and in case any member shall decease before the last election, during his time, that then at the next election ensuing his decease, another shall be chosen to supply his place for the remaining time he was to have served, and no longer. iii. t h a t after the _first seven_ years, every one of the said _third_ parts that goeth yearly off, shall be incapable of being chosen again for one whole year following, that so all that are capable and qualified as aforesaid, may be fitted for government, and have a share of the care and burthen of it. iv. t h a t the provincial council in all cases and matters of moment, as their arguing upon bills to be passed into laws, or proceedings about erecting of courts of justice, sitting in judgment upon criminals impeached, and choice of officers in such manner as is herein after expressed, not less than _two thirds_ of the whole shall make a _quorum_; and that the consent and approbation of _two thirds_ of that _quorum_ shall be had in all such cases or matters of moment: and that in all cases and matters of lesser moment, _one third_ of the whole shall make a _quorum_, the majority of which shall and may always determine in such cases and causes of lesser moment. v. t h a t the governor and provincial council, shall have the power of preparing and proposing to the assembly hereafter mentioned, all bills which they shall see needful, and that shall at any time be past into laws within the said province and territories thereof, which bills shall be published and affixed to the most noted place in every county of this province and territories thereof, _twenty_ days before the meeting of the assembly, in order to passing them into laws. vi. t h a t the governor and provincial council shall take care, that all laws, statutes, and ordinances, which shall at any time be made within the said province and territories, be duly and diligently executed. vii. t h a t the governor and provincial council shall, at all times, have the care of the peace and safety of this province and territories thereof; and that nothing be by any person attempted to the subversion of this frame of government. viii. t h a t the governor and provincial council shall, at all times, settle and order the situation of all cities and market-towns in every county, modelling therein all publick buildings, streets, and market-places; and shall appoint all necessary roads and highways in this province and territories thereof. ix. t h a t the governor and provincial council shall, at all times, have power to inspect the management of the publick treasury, and punish those who shall convert any part thereof to any other use, than what hath been agreed upon by the governor, provincial council, and assembly. x. t h a t the governor and provincial council, shall erect and order all publick schools, and encourage and reward the authors of useful sciences and laudable inventions, in the said province and territories thereof. xi. t h a t _one third_ of the provincial council residing with the governor, shall with the governor, from time to time, have the care of the management of all publick affairs, relating to the peace, justice, treasury, and improvement of the province and territories, and to the good education of youth, and sobriety of the manners of the inhabitants therein, as aforesaid. xii. t h a t the governor or his deputy, shall always preside in the provincial council, and that he shall at no time therein perform any publick act of state whatsoever, that shall or may relate unto the justice, trade, treasury, or safety of the province and territories aforesaid, but by and with the advice and consent of the provincial council thereof. xiii. a n d to the end that all bills prepared and agreed by the governor and provincial council, as aforesaid, may yet have the more full concurrence of the freemen of the province and territories thereof, it is declared, granted and confirmed, that at the time and place in every county, for the choice of _one_ person to serve in provincial council, as aforesaid, the respective members thereof, at their said meeting, shall yearly chuse out of themselves _six_ persons of most note, for virtue, wisdom, and ability, to serve in assembly, as their representatives, who shall yearly meet on the _tenth_ day of the _third_ month, in the capital town or city of the said province, unless the governor and provincial council shall think fit to appoint another place to meet in, where, during _eight_ days, the several members may confer freely with one another; and if any of them see meet, with a committe of the provincial council, which shall be at that time purposely appointed, to receive from any of them, proposals for the alterations or amendment of any of the said proposed and promulgated bills; and on the _ninth_ day from their so meeting, the said assembly, after their reading over of the proposed bills, by the clerk of the provincial council, and the occasions and motives for them being opened by the governor or his deputy, shall, upon the question by him put, give their affirmative or negative, which to them seemeth best, in such manner as is hereafter expressed: but not less than _two thirds_ shall make a _quorum_ in the passing of all bills into laws, and choice of such officers as are by them to be chosen. xiv. t h a t the laws so prepared and proposed as aforesaid, that are assented to by the assembly, shall be enrolled as laws of this province and territories thereof, with this stile, _by the governor, with the assent and approbation of the freemen in provincial council and assembly met_; and from henceforth, the meetings, sessions, acts, and proceedings of the governor, provincial council and assembly, shall be stiled and called, _the meeting, sessions, and proceedings, of the general assembly of the province of_ pensylvania, _and the territories thereunto belonging_. xv. a n d that the representatives of the people in provincial council and assembly, may in after ages bear some proportion with the increase and multiplying of the people, the number of such representatives of the people, may be from time to time increased and enlarged, so as at no time the number exceed _seventy-two_ for the provincial council, and _two hundred_ for the assembly; the appointment and proportion of which number, as also the laying and methodizing of the choice of such representatives in future time, most equally to the division of the country, or number of the inhabitants, is left to the governor and provincial council to propose, and the assembly to resolve, so that the order of proportion be strictly observed, both in the choice of the council and the respective committees thereof, _viz. one third_ to go off and come in yearly. xvi. t h a t from and after the death of this present governor, the provincial council shall, together with the succeeding governor, erect from time to time, standing courts of justice, in such places and number, as they shall judge convenient for the good government of the said province and territories thereof; and that the provincial council shall, on the _thirteenth_ day of the _second_ month then next ensuing, elect and present to the governor or his deputy, a double number of persons, to serve for judges, treasurers, and masters of the rolls, within the said province and territories, to continue so long as they shall well behave themselves in those capacities respectively; and the freemen of the said province, in an assembly met on the _thirteenth_ day of the _third_ month, yearly, shall elect and then present to the governor or his deputy, a double number of persons to serve for sheriffs, justices of the peace and coroners, for the year next ensuing; out of which respective elections and presentments, the governor or his deputy, shall nominate and commissionate the proper number for each office, the _third_ day after the said respective presentments; or else the _first_ named in such presentment for each office as aforesaid, shall stand and serve in that office, the time before respectively limited; and in case of death or default, such vacancy shall be supplied by the governor and provincial council in manner aforesaid. xvii. t h a t the assembly shall continue so long as may be needful, to impeach criminals fit to be there impeached, to pass such bills into laws as are proposed to them, which they shall think fit to pass into laws; and till such time as the governor and provincial council shall declare, _that they have nothing further to propose unto them for their assent and approbation_; and that declaration shall be a dismiss to the assembly for that time; which assembly shall be notwithstanding, capable of assembling together, upon the summons of the governor and provincial council, at any time during that year, if the governor and provincial council shall see occasion for their so assembling. xviii. t h a t all the elections of members or representatives of the people to serve in provincial council and assembly, and all questions to be determined by both or either of them, that relate to choice of officers, and all or any other personal matters, shall be resolved or determined by the _ballot_; and all things relating to the preparing and passing of bills into laws, shall be openly declared and resolved by the _vote_. xix. t h a t at all times when the proprietary and governor shall happen to be an infant, and under the age of _one and twenty_ years, and no guardians or commissioners are appointed in writing, by the father of the said infant, or that such guardian shall be deceased, that during such minority, the provincial council shall, from time to time, as they shall see meet, constitute and appoint guardians and commissioners not exceeding _three_, one of which shall preside as deputy and chief guardian during such minority, and shall have and execute, with the consent of one of the other two, all the power of a governor in all publick affairs and concerns of the said province and territories thereof, according to charter; which said guardian so appointed, shall also have the care and oversight of the estate of the said minor, and be yearly accountable and responsible for the same to the provincial council, and the provincial council to the minor, when of age, or to the next heir, in case of the minor's death, for the trust before expressed. xx. t h a t as often as any days of the month mentioned in any article of this charter, shall fall upon the _first_ day of the week, commonly called the _lord's-day_, the business appointed for that day, shall be deferred until the next day, unless in cases of emergency. xxi. a n d for the satisfaction and encouragement of all aliens, i do give and grant, that if any alien, who is or shall be a purchaser, or who doth or shall inhabit in this province or territories thereof, shall decease at any time before he can well be naturalized, his right and interest therein, shall notwithstanding descend to his wife and children, or other his relations, be he testate or intestate, according to the laws of this province and territories thereof in such cases provided, in as free and ample manner, to all intents and purposes, as if the said alien had been naturalized. xxii. a n d that the inhabitants of this province and territories thereof, may be accommodated with such food and sustenance, as god in his providence hath freely afforded, i do also further grant to the inhabitants of this province and territories thereof, liberty to fowl and hunt upon the lands they hold, and all other lands therein not enclosed; and to fish in all waters in the said lands, and in all rivers and rivulets in and belonging to this province and territories thereof, with liberty to draw his or their fish on shore on any man's lands, so as it be not to the detriment or annoyance of the owner thereof, except such lands as do lie upon inland rivulets that are not boatable, or which are or may be hereafter erected into manors. xxiii. a n d that all the inhabitants of this province and territories thereof, whether purchasers or others, may have the last worldly pledge of my good and kind intentions to them and theirs, i do give, grant, and confirm to all, and every one of them, full and quiet possession of their respective lands, to which they have any lawful or equitable claim, saving only such rents and services for the same as are or customarily ought to be reserved to me, my heirs or assigns. xxiv. t h a t no act, law or ordinance whatsoever, shall at any time hereafter be made or done by the proprietary and governor of this province and territories thereunto belonging, his heirs or assigns, or by the freemen in provincial council or assembly, to alter, change, or diminish, the form or effect of this charter, or any part or clause thereof, contrary to the true intent and meaning thereof, without the consent of the proprietary and governor, his heirs or assigns, and _six_ parts of _seven_ of the said freemen in provincial council and assembly met. xxv. a n d l a s t l y, i the said _william penn_, proprietary and governor of the province of _pensylvania_ and territories thereunto belonging, for me, my heirs and assigns, have solemnly declared, granted and confirmed, and do hereby solemnly declare, grant and confirm, that neither i, nor my heirs nor assigns, shall procure or do any thing or things, whereby the liberties in this charter contained and expressed, shall be infringed or broken: and if any thing be procured by any person or persons, contrary to these premises, it shall be held of no force or effect. i n w i t n e s s whereof, i the said _william penn_, at _philadelphia_ in _pensylvania_, have unto this present charter of liberties set my hand and broad seal, this _second_ day of the _second_ month, in the year of our lord _one thousand six hundred eighty and three_, being the _five and thirtieth_ year of the king, and the _third_ year of my government. _w i l l i a m p e n n_. _t h i s within_ c h a r t e r, _which we have distinctly heard read and thankfully received_, _shall be by us inviolably kept_; _at_ philadelphia, _the_ second day _of the_ second _month_, one thousand six hundred eighty and three. the members of the provincial council present. _william markham_, _john moll_, _william haige_, _christopher taylor_, _john simcock_, _william clayton_, _francis whittwel_, _thomas holme_, _william clark_, _william biles_, _james harrison_, _john richardson_, _philip-thomas lenman_, secr. gov. _richard ingelo,_ cl. coun. the members of the assembly present. _casparus harman_, _john darby_, _benjamin williams_, _william guest_, _valentine hollingsworth_, _james boyden_, _bennony bishop_, _john beazor_, _john harding_, _andrews bringston_, _simon irons_, _john wood_, _john curtis_, _daniel brown_, _william futcher_, _john kipshaven_, _alexander molestine_, _robert bracy_, sen. _thomas bracy_, _william yardly_, _john hastings_, _robert wade_, _thomas hassald_, _john hart_, _robert hall_, _robert bedwell_, _william simsmore_, _samuel darke_, _robert lucas_, _james williams_, _john blunston_, _john songhurst_, _john hill_, _nicholas waln_, _thomas fitzwater_, _john clows_, _luke watson_, _joseph phipps_, _dennis rotchford_, _john brinklair_, _henry bowman_, _cornelius verhoofe_, _john southworth_, cl. of the synod. some of the inhabitants of philadelphia present. _william howel_, _edmund warner_, _henry lewis_, _samuel miles_. * * * * * _the_ c h a r t e r _of the city of_ p h i l a d e l p h i a. _w i l l i a m p e n n_, proprietary and governor of the province of _pensylvania_, &c. to all to whom these presents shall come, sends greeting. k n o w y e, that at the humble request of the inhabitants and settlers of this town of _philadelphia_, being some of the first adventurers and purchasers within this province, for their encouragement, and for the more immediate and entire government of the said town, and better regulation of trade therein: i have by virtue of the king's letters patent, under the great seal of _england_, erected the said town into a borough, and by these presents do erect the said town and borough of _philadelphia_ into a c i t y; which said city shall extend the limits and bounds, as it is laid out between _delaware_ and _skuylkill_. a n d i do for me, my heirs and assigns, grant and ordain, that the streets of the said city, shall for ever continue as they are now laid out and regulated; and that the end of each street extending into the river _delaware_, shall be and continue free for the use and service of the said city, and the inhabitants thereof, who may improve the same for the best advantage of the city, and build wharfs so far out into the river there, as the mayor, aldermen, and common-council, herein after mentioned, shall see meet. a n d i do nominate _edward shippen_ to be the present mayor, who shall so continue until another be chosen, as is herein after directed. a n d i do hereby assign and name _thomas story_ to be present recorder, to do and execute all things which unto the office of recorder of the said city doth or may belong. a n d i do appoint _thomas farmer_ to be the present sheriff, and _robert assheton_ to be the present town-clerk, and clerk of the peace, and clerk of the court and courts. a n d i do hereby name, constitute, and appoint, _joshua carpenter, griffith jones, anthony morris, joseph wilcox, nathan stanbury, charles read, thomas masters_, and _william carter_, citizens and inhabitants of the said city, to be the present aldermen of the said city of _philadelphia_. a n d i do also nominate and appoint _john parsons, william hudson, william lee, nehemiah allen, thomas paschal, john bud_, jun., _edward smout, samuel buckley, james atkinson, pentecost teague, francis cook_, and _henry badcocke_, to be the _twelve_ present common-council men of the said city. a n d i do by these presents, for me, my heirs and successors, give, grant and declare, that the said mayor, recorder, aldermen, and common-council men for the time being, and they which hereafter shall be mayor, recorder, aldermen and common-council men within the said city, and their successors, for ever hereafter be and shall be, by virtue of these presents, one body corporate and politick in deed, and by the name of the mayor and commonalty of the city of _philadelphia_, in the province of _pensylvania_: and them by the name of mayor and commonalty of the city of _philadelphia_, one body politick and corporate in deed and in name, i do for me, my heirs and successors, fully create, constitute and confirm, by these presents; and that by the same name of mayor and commonalty of the city of _philadelphia_, they may have perpetual succession; and that they and their successors, by the name of mayor and commonalty of the city of _philadelphia_, be and at all times hereafter shall be persons able and capable in law, to have, get, receive, and possess, lands and tenements, rents, liberties, jurisdictions, franchises and hereditaments, to them and their successors in fee-simple, or for term of life, lives, years, or otherwise; and also goods, chattels, and other things, of what nature, kind, or quality soever. a n d also to give, grant, let, sell and assign the same lands, tenements, hereditaments, goods, chattels, and to do and execute all other things about the same, by the name aforesaid; and also that they be and shall be for ever hereafter persons able and capable in law, to sue and be sued, plead and be impleaded, answer and be answered unto, defend and be defended, in all or any the courts and other places, and before any judges, justices, and other persons whatsoever within the said province, in all manner of actions, suits, complaints, pleas, causes and matters whatsoever, and of what nature or kind soever. a n d that it shall and may be lawful to and for the said mayor and commonalty of the said city of _philadelphia_, and their successors, for ever hereafter, to have and use one common seal for the sealing of all businesses touching the said corporation, and the same from time to time at their will and pleasure to change or alter. a n d i do for me, my heirs and successors, give, and by these presents, grant full power and authority unto the mayor, recorder and common-council of the said city of _philadelphia_, or any _five_ or more of the aldermen, and _nine_ or more of the common-council men, the mayor and recorder for the time being, or either of them, being present, on the _first third_ day of the week, in the _eighth_ month yearly for ever hereafter, publickly to meet at a convenient room or place within the said city, to be by them appointed for that purpose, and then and there nominate, elect and chuse one of the aldermen to be mayor for that ensuing year. a n d also to add to the number of aldermen and common-council men, such and so many of those, that by virtue of these presents shall be admitted freemen of the said city from time to time, as they the said mayor, aldermen and common-council shall see occasion. a n d that such person who shall be so elected mayor aforesaid, shall within _three_ days next after such election, be presented before the governor of this province, or his deputy for the time being, and there shall subscribe the declarations and profession of his christian belief, according to the late act of parliament made in the _first_ year of king _william_'s reign, entitled, _an act for exempting their majesties subjects dissenting from the church of_ england, _from the penalties of certain laws_; and then and there the mayor so presented, shall make his solemn affirmation and engagement for the due execution of his office. a n d that the recorder, sheriff, aldermen, and common-council men, and all other officers of the said city, before they or any of them shall be admitted to execute their respective offices, shall make and subscribe the said declarations and profession aforesaid, before the mayor for the time being, and at the same time shall be attested for the due execution of their offices respectively; which declarations, promises and attestations, the mayor of the said city for the time being, is hereby impowered to take and administer accordingly. a n d that the mayor, recorder and aldermen of the said city, for the time being, shall be justices of the peace and justices of oyer and terminer; and are hereby impowered to act within the said city and liberties thereof accordingly, as fully and amply as any justice or justices of the peace or oyer and terminer, can or may do within the said province. a n d that they or any _four_ or more of them (whereof the mayor and recorder of the said city for the time being, shall be _two_) shall and may for ever hereafter have power and authority, by virtue of these presents, to hear and enquire into all and all manner of treasons, murthers, manslaughters, and all manner of felonies and other crimes and offences, capital and criminal, whatsoever, according to the laws of this province and of the kingdom of _england_, with power also to hear and determine all petty larcenies, routs, riots, unlawful assemblies; and to try and punish all persons that shall be convicted for drunkenness, swearing, scolding, breaking the peace, or such like offences, which are by the laws of this province to be punished by fine, imprisonment or whipping; with power also to award process against all rioters and breakers of the peace, and to bind them, and all other offenders and persons of evil fame, to the peace or good behaviour, as any justice or justices of the peace can do, without being accountable to me or my heirs, for any fines or amerciaments to be imposed for the said offences or any of them. a n d i do hereby impower them or any _four_ of them (whereof the mayor and recorder for the time being, shall be _two_) with the city sheriff and town-clerk, to hold and keep a court of record, quarterly, or oftener, if they see occasion, for the enquiring, hearing and determining of the pleas and matters aforesaid; and upon their own view, or after a legal procedure in some of those courts, to cause all nuisances and encroachments in the streets of the said city to be removed, and punish the parties concerned, as the law and usage in such cases shall require. a n d i do by these presents assign and appoint, that the present mayor, recorder, and aldermen herein before-mentioned, be the present justices of the peace, and oyer and terminer, within the said city; and that they and all others that shall be mayors, recorders and aldermen of the said city for the time being, shall have full power and authority, and are hereby impowered and authorized, without any further or other commission, to be justices of the peace, and of oyer and terminer, within the said city for ever; and shall also be justices of the peace, and the mayor and recorder shall be of the _quorum_ of the justices of the county courts, quarter-sessions, oyer and terminer, and goal delivery, in the said county of _philadelphia_; and shall have full power to award process, bind to the peace or behaviour, or commit to prison, for any matter or cause, arising without the said city and within the body of the aforesaid county, as occasion shall require; and to cause kalendars to be made of such prisoners, which, together with all recognizances and examinations taken before them, for or concerning any matter or cause not determinable by them, shall be duly returned to the judges or justices of the said county, in their respective courts where the same shall be cognizable. a n d that it may be lawful to and for the said mayor and commonalty and their successors, when they see occasion, to erect a goal or prison and court-house within the said city. a n d that the mayor and recorder for the time being, shall have, and by these presents have power to take recognizance of debts there, according to the statute of merchants, and of action burnel; and to use and affix the common seal thereupon, and to all certificates concerning the same. a n d that it may be lawful to and for the mayor of the said city, for the time being, for ever hereafter to nominate, and from time to time appoint the clerk of the market, who shall have assize of bread, wine, beer, wood, and other things; and to do, execute and perform all things belonging to the clerk of the market within the said city. a n d i will that the coroners to be chosen by the county of _philadelphia_ for the time being, shall be coroners of the said city and liberties thereof; but that the freemen and inhabitants of the said city shall from time to time, as often as occasion be, have equal liberty with the inhabitants of the said county, to recommend or chuse persons to serve in the respective capacities of coroners and sheriffs for the county of _philadelphia_, who shall reside within the said city. a n d that the sheriff of the said city and county for the time being, shall be the water-bailiff, who shall and may execute and perform all things belonging to the officer of water-bailiff, upon _delaware_ river, and all other navigable rivers and creeks within the said province. a n d in case the mayor of the said city for the time being, shall, during the time of his mayoralty, misbehave himself or misgovern in that office, i do hereby impower the recorder, aldermen and common-council men, or _five_ of the aldermen and _nine_ of the common-council men of the said city of _philadelphia_, for the time being, to remove such mayor from his office of mayoralty; and in such case, or in case of the death of the said mayor for the time being, that then another fit person shall, within _four_ days next after such death or removal, be chosen in manner as is above directed for electing of mayors, in the place of him so dead or removed. a n d lest there should be a failure of justice or government in the said city, in such interval, i do hereby appoint, that the eldest alderman for the time being, shall take upon him the office of a mayor there, and shall exercise the same till another mayor be chosen as aforesaid; and in case of the disability of such eldest alderman, then the next in seniority, shall take upon him the said office of mayor, to exercise the same as aforesaid. a n d in case the recorder, or any of the aldermen or common-council men of or belonging to the said city, for the time being, shall misbehave him or themselves in their respective offices and places, they shall be removed and others chosen in their stead, in manner following, _that is to say_, the recorder for the time being, may be removed (for his misbehaviour) by the mayor, and _two thirds_ of the aldermen and common-council men respectively; and in case of such removal or of the death of the recorder, then to chuse another fit person skilled in the law, to be the recorder there, and so to continue during pleasure as aforesaid. a n d the alderman so misbehaving himself, may be removed by the mayor, recorder and _nine_ of the aldermen and common-council men; and in case of such removal or death, then within _four_ days after, to chuse a fit person or persons to supply such vacancies; and the common-council men, constables, and clerk of the market, for misbehaviour, shall be removed and others chosen, as is directed in the case of aldermen. a n d i do also, for me and my successors, by these presents, grant to the said mayor and commonalty, and their successors, that if any of the citizens of the said city, shall be hereafter nominated, elected, and chosen to the office of mayor, aldermen and common-council men as aforesaid, and having notice of his or their election, shall refuse to undertake and execute that office to which he is so chosen, that then, and so often it shall and may be lawful for the mayor and recorder, aldermen and common-council men, or the major part of the aldermen and common-council men for the time being, according to their discretion, to impose such moderate fines upon such refusers, so as the mayor's fine exceed not _forty pounds_, the alderman's _five and thirty pounds_, and common-council men twenty pounds, and other officers proportionably, to be levied by distress and sale, by warrant under the common seal, or by other lawful ways, to the use of the said corporation. a n d in such cases it shall be lawful to chuse others to supply the defects of such refusers, in manner as is as above directed for elections. a n d that it shall and may be lawful to and for the mayor, recorder, and at least _three_ aldermen for the time being, from time to time, so often as they shall find occasion, to summon a common-council of the said city. a n d that no assembly or meeting of the said citizens, shall be deemed or accounted a common-council, unless the said mayor and recorder, and, at least _three_ of the aldermen for the time being, and _nine_ of the common-council men be present. a n d also that the said mayor, recorder, aldermen and common-council men for the time being, from time to time, at their common-council, shall have power to admit such and so many freemen into their corporation and society as they shall think fit. a n d to make (and they may make, ordain, constitute and establish) such and so many good and reasonable laws, ordinances and constitutions (not repugnant to the laws of _england_ and this government) as to the greater part of them at such common-council assembled (where the mayor and recorder for the time being, are to be always present) shall seem necessary and convenient for the government of the said city. a n d the same laws, ordinances, orders and constitutions so to be made, to put in use and execution accordingly, by the proper officers of the said city; and at their pleasure to revoke, alter, and make anew, as occasion shall require. a n d also impose such mulcts and amerciaments upon the breakers of such laws and ordinances, as to them in their discretion shall be thought reasonable; which mulcts, as also all other fines and amerciaments to be set or imposed by virtue of the powers granted, shall be levied as above is directed in case of fines, to the use of the said corporation, without rendering any account thereof to me, my heirs and successors; with power to the common-council aforesaid, to mitigate, remit, or release such fines and mulcts, upon the submission of the parties. _provided always_, that no person or persons hereafter, shall have right of electing or being elected, by virtue of these presents, to any office or place judicial or ministerial, nor shall be admitted freemen of the said city, unless they be free denizens of this province, and are of the age of _twenty-one_ years or upwards, and are inhabitants of the said city, and have an estate of inheritance or freehold therein, or are worth _fifty pounds_ in money, or other stock, and have been resident in the said city for the space of _two_ years, or shall purchase their freedom of the mayor and commonalty aforesaid. a n d i do further grant to the said mayor and commonalty of the city of _philadelphia_, that they and their successors, shall and may for ever hereafter hold and keep within the said city, in every week of the year, _two_ market-days, the one upon the _fourth_ day of the week, and the other upon the _seventh_ day of the week, in such place or places as is, shall, or may be appointed for that purpose, by the said commonalty or their successors, from time to time. a n d also _two_ fairs therein every year, the one of them to begin on the _sixteenth_ day of the _third_ month, called _may_, yearly, and so to be held in and about the market-place, and continue for that day and _two_ days next following; and the other of the said fairs to be held in the aforesaid place on the _sixteenth_ day of the _ninth_ month yearly, and for _two_ days next after. a n d i do for me, my heirs and assigns, by virtue of the king's letters patent, make, erect and constitute the said city of _philadelphia_, to be a port or harbour for discharging and unlading of goods and merchandize out of ships, boats, and other vessels; and for landing and shipping them in or upon such and so many places, keys and wharfs there, as by the mayor, aldermen, and common-council of the said city, shall from time to time be thought most expedient for the accommodation and service of the officers of the customs, in the management of the king's affairs and preservation of his duties, as well as for conveniency of trade. a n d i do ordain and declare, that the said port or harbour shall be called the port of _philadelphia_, and shall extend and be accounted to extend into all such creeks, rivers, and places within this province, and shall have so many wharfs, keys, landing-places and members belonging thereto, for landing and shipping of goods, as the said mayor, aldermen, and common-council for the time being, with the approbation of the chief officer or officers of the king's customs, shall from time to time think fit to appoint. a n d i do also ordain, that the landing-places now and heretofore used at the _penny-pot-house_ and _blue-anchor_, saving to all persons their just and legal right and properties in the lands so to be open; as also the swamp between _bud_'s buildings and the _society-hill_, shall be left open and common for the use and service of the said city and all others, with liberty to dig docks and make harbours for ships and vessels, in all or any part of the said swamp. a n d i do hereby grant, that all the vacant land within the bounds and limits of the said city, shall remain open as a free common of pasture, for the use of the inhabitants of the said city, until the same shall be gradually taken in, in order to build or improve thereon, and not otherwise. _provided always_, that nothing herein contained, shall debar me or my heirs in time to come, from fencing in all the vacant lands that lie between the _center_ meeting-house and the _schuylkil_, which i intend shall be divided from the land by me allotted for _delaware_ side, by a strait line along the _broad-street_ from _edward shippen_'s land through the _center_ square by _daniel pegg_'s land; nor shall the fencing or taking in any of the streets, happening to be within that inclosure on _skuylkil_, be deemed or adjudged to be an incroachment, where it shall not interfere or stop any of the streets or passages leading to any of the houses built or to be built on that side, any thing herein contained to the contrary notwithstanding. a n d i do grant, that this present charter, shall, in all courts of law and equity, be construed and taken most favourably and beneficially, for the said corporation. i n w i t n e s s whereof, i have hereunto set my hand, and caused my great seal to be affixed. dated at _philadelphia_ the _five and twentieth_ day of _october_, anno domini _one thousand seven hundred and one_, and in the _thirteenth_ year of the reign of king _w i l l i a m the third_, over _england_, &c. and the _one and twentieth_ year of my government. _w i l l i a m p e n n_. * * * * * _the_ c h a r t e r _of_ p r i v i l e g e s _granted by_ w i l l i a m p e n n, _esq_; _to the inhabitants of_ pensylvania _and territories_. _w i l l i a m p e n n_, proprietary and governor of the province of _pensylvania_, and territories thereunto belonging. to all to whom these presents shall come, sendeth greeting. w h e r e a s king _c h a r l e s the second_, by his letters patents, under the great seal of _england_, bearing date the _fourth_ day of _march_, in the year _one thousand six hundred and eighty_, was graciously pleased to give and grant unto me, and my heirs and assigns for ever, this province of _pensylvania_, with divers great powers and jurisdictions for the well government thereof. a n d w h e r e a s the king's dearest brother, _j a m e s duke of y o r k and a l b a n y_, &c. by his deeds of feoffment, under his hand and seal duly perfected, bearing date the _twenty-fourth_ day of _august, one thousand six hundred eighty and two_, did grant unto me, my heirs and assigns, all that tract of land, now called the territories of _pensylvania_, together with powers and jurisdictions for the good government thereof. a n d w h e r e a s for the encouragement of all the freemen and planters, that might be concerned in the said province and territories, and for the good government thereof, i the said william penn, in the year _one thousand six hundred eighty and three_, for me, my heirs and assigns, did grant and confirm unto all the freemen, planters and adventurers therein, divers liberties, franchises and properties, as by the said grant, entituled, _the f r a m e of the government of the province of_ pensylvania, _and territories thereunto belonging_, in _america_, may appear; which charter or frame being found in some parts of it, not so suitable to the present circumstances of the inhabitants, was in the _third_ month, in the year _one thousand seven hundred_, delivered up to me, by _six_ parts of _seven_ of the freemen of this province and territories, in general assembly met, provision being made in the said charter, for that end and purpose. a n d w h e r e a s i was then pleased to promise, that i would restore the said charter to them again, with necessary alterations, or in lieu thereof, give them another, better adapted to answer the present circumstances and conditions of the said inhabitants; which they have now, by their representatives in general assembly, met at _philadelphia_, requested me to grant. k n o w y e t h e r e f o r e, that for the further well-being and good government of the said province, and territories; and in pursuance of the rights and powers before-mentioned, i the said _william penn_ do declare, grant and confirm, unto all the freemen, planters and adventurers, and other inhabitants in this province and territories, these following liberties, franchises and privileges, so far as in me lieth, to be held, enjoyed and kept, by the freemen, planters and adventurers, and other inhabitants of and in the said province and territories thereunto annexed, for ever. f i r s t. b e c a u s e no people can be truly happy, though under the greatest enjoyment of civil liberties, if abridged of the freedom of their consciences, as to their religious profession and worship: and almighty god being the only lord of conscience, father of lights and spirits, and the author as well as object of all divine knowledge, faith and worship, who only doth enlighten the minds, and persuade and convince the understandings of people, i do hereby grant and declare, that no person or persons, inhabiting in this province or territories, who shall confess and acknowledge _one_ almighty god, the creator, upholder and ruler of the world; and profess him or themselves obliged to live quietly under the civil government, shall be in any case molested or prejudiced, in his or their person or estate, because of his or their conscientious persuasion or practice, nor be compelled to frequent or maintain any religious worship, place or ministry, contrary to his or their mind, or to do or suffer any other act or thing, contrary to their religious persuasion. a n d that all persons who also profess to believe in _jesus christ_, the saviour of the world, shall be capable (notwithstanding their other persuasions and practices in point of conscience and religion) to serve this government in any capacity, both legislatively and executively, he or they solemnly promising, when lawfully required, allegiance to the king as sovereign, and fidelity to the proprietary and governor, and taking the attests as now established by the law made at _newcastle_ in the year _one thousand and seven hundred_, entitled, _an act directing the attests of several officers and ministers, as now amended and confirmed by this present assembly_. ii. f o r the well governing of this province and territories, there shall be an assembly yearly chosen, by the freemen thereof, to consist of _four_ persons out of each county, of most note for virtue, wisdom and ability, (or of a greater number at any time, as the governor and assembly shall agree) upon the _first_ day of _october_ for ever; and shall sit on the _fourteenth_ day of the same month, at _philadelphia_, unless the governor and council for the time being, shall see cause to appoint another place within the said province or territories: which assembly shall have power to chuse a speaker and their other officers; and shall be judges of the qualifications and elections of their own members; sit upon their own adjournments; appoint committees; prepare bills in order to pass into laws; impeach criminals, and redress grievances; and shall have all other powers and privileges of an assembly, according to the rights of the free-born subjects of _england_, and as is usual in any of the king's plantations in _america_. a n d if any county or counties, shall refuse or neglect to chuse their respective representatives as aforesaid, or if chosen, do not meet to serve in assembly, those who are so chosen and met, shall have the full power of an assembly, in as ample manner as if all the representatives had been chosen and met, provided they are not less than _two thirds_ of the whole number that ought to meet. a n d that the qualifications of electors and elected, and all other matters and things relating to elections of representatives to serve in assemblies, though not herein particularly expressed, shall be and remain as by a law of this government, made at _new-castle_ in the year _one thousand seven hundred_, entitled, _an act to ascertain the number of members of assembly, and to regulate the elections_. iii. t h a t the freemen in each respective county, at the time and place of meeting for electing their representatives to serve in assembly, may as often as there shall be occasion, chuse a double number of persons to present to the governor for sheriffs and coroners, to serve for _three_ years, if so long they behave themselves well; out of which respective elections and presentments, the governor shall nominate and commissionate one for each of the said offices, the _third_ day after such presentment, or else the _first_ named in such presentment, for each office as aforesaid, shall stand and serve in that office for the time before respectively limited; and in case of death or default, such vacancies shall be supplied by the governor, to serve to the end of the said term. p r o v i d e d a l w a y s, that if the said freemen, shall at any time neglect or decline to chuse a person or persons for either or both the aforesaid offices, then and in such case, the persons that are or shall be in the respective offices of sheriffs or coroners, at the time of election, shall remain therein, until they shall be removed by another election as aforesaid. a n d that the justices of the respective counties, shall or may nominate and present to the governor _three_ persons, to serve for clerk of the peace for the said county, when there is a vacancy, one of which the governor shall commissionate, within _ten_ days after such presentment, or else the _first_ nominated, shall serve in the said office during good behaviour. iv. t h a t the laws of this government shall be in this stile, viz. _by the governor, with the consent and approbation of the freemen in general assembly met_; and shall be, after confirmation by the governor, forthwith recorded in the rolls-office, and kept at _philadelphia_, unless the governor and assembly shall agree to appoint another place. v. t h a t all criminals shall have the same privileges of witnesses and council as their prosecutors. vi. t h a t no person or persons shall or may, at any time hereafter, be obliged to answer any complaint, matter or thing whatsoever, relating to property, before the governor and council, or in any other place, but in ordinary course of justice, unless appeals thereunto shall be hereafter by law appointed. vii. t h a t no person within this government, shall be licensed by the governor to keep an ordinary, tavern, or house of publick entertainment, but such who are first recommended to him, under the hands of the justices of the respective counties, signed in open court; which justices are and shall be hereby impowered, to suppress and forbid any person, keeping such publick-house as aforesaid, upon their misbehaviour, on such penalties as the law doth or shall direct; and to recommend others from time to time, as they shall see occasion. viii. i f any person, through temptation or melancholy, shall destroy himself, his estate, real and personal, shall notwithstanding descend to his wife and children, or relations, as if he had died a natural death; and if any person shall be destroyed or killed by casualty or accident, there shall be no forfeiture to the governor by reason thereof. a n d no act, law or ordinance whatsoever, shall at any time hereafter, be made or done, to alter, change or diminish the form or effect of this charter, or of any part or clause therein, contrary to the true intent and meaning thereof, without the consent of the governor for the time being, and _six_ parts of _seven_ of the assembly met. b u t because the happiness of mankind depends so much upon the enjoying of liberty of their consciences as aforesaid, i do hereby solemnly declare, promise and grant, for me, my heirs and assigns, that the _first_ article of this charter relating to liberty of conscience, and every part and clause therein, according to the true intent and meaning thereof, shall be kept and remain without any alteration, inviolably for ever. a n d l a s t l y, i the said _william penn_, proprietary and governor of the province of _pensylvania_, and territories thereunto belonging, for myself, my heirs and assigns, have solemnly declared, granted and confirmed, and do hereby solemnly declare, grant and confirm, that neither i, my heirs or assigns, shall procure or do any thing or things, whereby the liberties in this charter contained and expressed, nor any part thereof, shall be infringed or broken: and if any thing shall be procured or done, by any person or persons, contrary to these presents, it shall be held of no force or effect. i n w i t n e s s whereof, i the said _william penn_, at _philadelphia_ in _pensylvania_, have unto this present charter of liberties, set my hand and broad seal, this _twenty-eighth_ day of _october_, in the year of our lord, _one thousand seven hundred and one_, being the _thirteenth_ year of the reign of king _w i l l i a m the third_, over _england, scotland, france_, and _ireland_, &c. and the _twenty-first_ year of my government. a n d n o t w i t h s t a n d i n g the closure and test of this present charter as aforesaid, i think fit to add this following proviso thereunto, as part of the same, _that is to say_, that notwithstanding any clause or clauses in the above-mentioned charter, obliging the province and territories, to join together in legislation, i am content, and do hereby declare, that if the representatives of the province and territories shall not hereafter agree to join together in legislation, and that the same shall be signified unto me, or my deputy, in open assembly, or otherwise, from under the hands and seals of the representatives, for the time being, of the province and territories, or the major part of either of them, at any time within _three_ years from the date hereof, that in such case, the inhabitants of each of the _three_ counties of this province, shall not have less than _eight_ persons to represent them in assembly, for the province; and the inhabitants of the town of _philadelphia_ (when the said town is incorporated) _two_ persons to represent them in assembly; and the inhabitants of each county in the territories, shall have as many persons to represent them, in a distinct assembly for the territories, as shall be by them requested as aforesaid. n o t w i t h s t a n d i n g which separation of the province and territories, in respect of legislation, i do hereby promise, grant and declare, that the inhabitants of both province and territories, shall separately enjoy all other liberties, privileges and benefits, granted jointly to them in this charter, any law, usage, or custom of this government heretofore made and practised, or any law made and passed by this general assembly, to the contrary hereof notwithstanding. _w i l l i a m p e n n_. * * * * * _t h i s_ c h a r t e r of p r i v i l e g e s _being distinctly read in assembly, and the whole and every part thereof, being approved of and agreed to, by us, we do thankfully receive the same from our proprietary and governor, at_ philadelphia, _this_ twenty-eighth _day of_ october, one thousand seven hundred and one. _signed on behalf, and by order of the assembly,_ _per_ joseph growdon, _speaker_. _edward shippen_, } _phineas pemberton_, } _samuel carpenter_, } proprietary and governor's _griffith owen_, } council. _caleb pusey_, } _thomas story_, } _f i n i s_. [illustration] _this day is published_, a l e t h i a: or, a general system of moral truths and natural religion. contained in the letters of s e l i m a, empress of the turks, to her daughter i s a b e l l a, at grand cairo. with historical and critical notes. by richard murray, a. m. and j. u. b. _quid verum atque decens, curo, & rogo, omnis in hoc sum_. printed for t. osborne, in gray's-inn. * * * * * _this day is published_, _beautifully printed, in a neat pocket volume, price_ s. _sew'd, or_ s. . d. _bound_, a j o u r n e y through part of england and scotland along with the army, under the command of his royal highness the duke of cumberland. wherein the proceedings of the army, and the happy suppression of the rebellion in the year , are particularly described. as also, the natural history and antiquities of the several places passed through. together with the manners and customs of the different people, especially of the highlanders. by a volunteer. comprised in several letters to a friend in london. printed for t. osborne, in gray's-inn. =transcriber's notes:= hyphenation, spelling and grammar have been preserved as in the original governour ==> governor" [ed. for consistency] page , the inhatants of ==> the inhabitants of page , by their forts. ==> by their forts." page , so advantagious a ==> so advantageous a page , following orignal letter ==> following original letter page , bretrhen of the ==> brethren of the page , shawanese, "that they ==> shawanese,' "that they page , had any warriours ==> had any warriors page , for us.' we ==> for us." we page , proper information. ==> proper information.' page , in obtaining justice. ==> in obtaining justice.' page , would communicate. ==> would communicate.' page , canassetego taking a ==> canassatego taking a page , no onger. your ==> no longer. your page , good undestanding with ==> good understanding with page , conred weiser ==> conrad weiser page , lands at at our ==> lands at our page , well, it it hath ==> well, it hath page , shick calamy ==> shickcalamy page , to have resonable ==> to have reasonable page , that seareh has ==> that search has page , "as we have already ==> as we have already page , design, and and the ==> design, and the page , was entred into ==> was entered into page , a mischievous people. ==> a mischievous people.] page , was wrought. ==> was wrought.] page , massachuset's-bay ==> massachusets-bay page , the enemies' blood ==> the enemies' blood page , interpreted as as follows ==> interpreted as follows page / , war-like enprizes ==> war-like enterprizes page , other country whatsover ==> other country whatsoever page , or molestation whatsover ==> or molestation whatsoever page , to the criminial ==> to the criminal page , the porportion which ==> the proportion which page , act act of settlement ==> an act of settlement page , john bud, jun. ==> john bud, jun., page , other their officers ==> their other officers brinton's library of aboriginal american literature. number ii. the iroquois book of rites. edited by horatio hale; m.a., author of "the ethnography and philology of the u.s. exploring expedition," etc. preface. the aboriginal composition now presented to the public has some peculiar claims on the attention of scholars. as a record, if we accept the chronology of its custodians,--which there is no reason to question,--it carries back the authentic history of northern america to a date anterior by fifty years to the arrival of columbus. further than this, the plain and credible tradition of the iroquois, confirmed by much other evidence, links them with the still earlier alligewi, or "moundbuilders," as conquerors with the conquered. thus the annals of this portion of the continent need no longer begin with the landing of the first colonists, but can go back, like those of mexico, yucatan and peru, to a storied past of singular interest. the chief value of the book of rites, however, is ethnological, and is found in the light which it casts on the political and social life, as well as on the character and capacity of the people to whom it belongs. we see in them many of the traits which tacitus discerned in our ancestors of the german forests, along with some qualities of a higher cast than any that he has delineated. the love of peace, the sentiment of human brotherhood, the strong social and domestic affections, the respect for law, and the reverence for ancestral greatness, which are apparent in this indian record and in the historical events which illustrate it, will strike most readers as new and unexpected developments. the circumstances attending the composition of this record and its recent discovery are fully detailed in the introductory chapters. there also, and in the notes and appendix, such further explanations are given as the various allusions and occasional obscurities of the indian work have seemed to require. it is proper to state that the particulars comprised in the following pages respecting the traditions, the usages, and the language of the iroquois (except such as are expressly stated to have been derived from books), have been gathered by the writer in the course of many visits made, during several years past, to their reservations in canada and new york. as a matter of justice, and also as an evidence of the authenticity of these particulars, the names of the informants to whom he has been principally indebted are given in the proper places, with suitable acknowledgment of the assistance received from each. he ventures to hope that in the information thus obtained, as well as in the book of rite's itself, the students of history and of the science of man will find some new material of permanent interest and value. contents. map introduction chapter i. the huron-iroquois nations chapter ii. the league and its founders chapter iii. the book of rites chapter iv. the condoling council.--clans and classes chapter v. the condolence and the installation chapter vi. the laws of the league chapter vii. historical traditions chapter viii. the iroquois character chapter ix. the iroquois policy chapter x. the iroquois language the book of rites the canienga book the onondaga book notes on the canienga book notes on the onondaga book appendix note a.--names of the huron-iroquois nations note b.--meaning of _ohio, ontario, onontio, rawennito_ note c.--the era of the confederacy note d.--the hiawatha myths note e.--the iroquois towns note f.--the pre-aryan race in europe and america glossary index [illustration: the huron-iroquois nations and the surrounding tribes. a.d. to .] introduction. chapter i. the huron-iroquois nations. at the outset of the sixteenth century, when the five tribes or "nations" of the iroquois confederacy first became known to european explorers, they were found occupying the valleys and uplands of northern new york, in that picturesque and fruitful region which stretches westward from the head-waters of the hudson to the genesee. the mohawks, or caniengas--as they should properly be called--possessed the mohawk river, and covered lake george and lake champlain with their flotillas of large canoes, managed with the boldness and skill which, hereditary in their descendants, make them still the best boatmen of the north american rivers. west of the caniengas the oneidas held the small river and lake which bear their name, the first in that series of beautiful lakes, united by interlacing streams, which seemed to prefigure in the features of nature the political constitution of the tribes who possessed them. west of the oneidas, the imperious onondagas, the central and, in some respects, the ruling nation of the league, possessed the two lakes of onondaga and skeneateles, together with the common outlet of this inland lake system, the oswego river, to its issue into lake ontario. still proceeding westward, the lines of trail and river led to the long and winding stretch of lake cayuga, about which were clustered the towns of the people who gave their name to the lake; and beyond them, over the wide expanse of hills and dales surrounding lakes seneca and canandaigua, were scattered the populous villages of the senecas, more correctly styled sonontowanas or mountaineers. such were the names and abodes of the allied nations, members of the far-famed kanonsionni, or league of united households, who were destined to become for a time the most notable and powerful community among the native tribes of north america. [footnote: see appendix, note a, for the origin and meaning of the names commonly given to the iroquois nations.] the region which has been described was not, however, the original seat of those nations. they belonged to that linguistic family which is known to ethnologists as the huron-iroquois stock. this stock comprised the hurons or wyandots, the attiwandaronks or neutral nation, the iroquois, the eries, the andastes or conestogas, the tuscaroras, and some smaller bands. the tribes of this family occupied a long, irregular area of inland territory, stretching from canada to north carolina. the northern nations were all clustered about the great lakes; the southern bands held the fertile valleys bordering the head-waters of the rivers which flowed from the allegheny mountains. the languages of all these tribes showed a close affinity. there can be no doubt that their ancestors formed one body, and, indeed, dwelt at one time (as has been well said of the ancestors of the indo-european populations), under one roof. there was a huron-iroquois "family-pair," from which all these tribes were descended. in what part of the world this ancestral household resided is a question which admits of no reply, except from the merest conjecture. but the evidence of language, so far as it has yet been examined, seems to show that the huron clans were the older members of the group; and the clear and positive traditions of all the surviving tribes, hurons, iroquois and tuscaroras, point to the lower st. lawrence as the earliest known abode of their stock. [footnote: see cusick, _history of the six nations_, p. ; colden, _hist, of the five nations_, p. ; morgan, _league of the iroquois_, p. ; j.v.h. clark, _onondaga_, vol. i, p. ; peter d. clarke, _hist. of the wyandots_. p. i.] here the first explorer, cartier, found indians of this stock at hochelaga and stadaconé, now the sites of montreal and quebec. centuries before his time, according to the native tradition, the ancestors of the huron-iroquois family had dwelt in this locality, or still further east and nearer to the river's mouth. as their numbers increased, dissensions arose. the hive swarmed, and band after band moved off to the west and south. as they spread, they encountered people of other stocks, with whom they had frequent wars. their most constant and most dreaded enemies were the tribes of the algonkin family, a fierce and restless people, of northern origin, who everywhere surrounded them. at one period, however, if the concurrent traditions of both iroquois and algonkins can be believed, these contending races for a time stayed their strife, and united their forces in an alliance against a common and formidable foe. this foe was the nation, or perhaps the confederacy, of the alligewi or talligewi, the semi-civilized "mound-builders" of the ohio valley, who have left their name to the allegheny river and mountains, and whose vast earthworks are still, after half-a-century of study, the perplexity of archaeologists. a desperate warfare ensued, which lasted about a hundred years, and ended in the complete overthrow and destruction, or expulsion, of the alligewi. the survivors of the conquered people fled southward, and are supposed to have mingled with the tribes which occupied the region extending from the gulf of mexico northward to the tennessee river and the southern spurs of the alleghenies. among these tribes, the choctaws retained, to recent times, the custom of raising huge mounds of earth for religious purposes and for the sites of their habitations, a custom which they perhaps learned from the alligewi; and the cherokees are supposed by some to have preserved in their name (tsalaki) and in their language indications of an origin derived in part from the same people. their language, which shows, in its grammar and many of its words, clear evidence of affinity with the iroquois, has drawn the greater portion of its vocabulary from some foreign source. this source is conjectured to have been the speech of the alligewi. as the cherokee tongue is evidently a mixed language, it is reasonable to suppose that the cherokees are a mixed people, and probably, like the english, an amalgamation of conquering and conquered races. [footnote: this question has been discussed by the writer in a paper on "indian migrations as evidenced by language," read before the american association for the advancement of science, at their montreal meeting, in august, , and published in the american antiquarian for january and april, .] the time which has elapsed since the overthrow of the alligewi is variously estimated. the most probable conjecture places it at a period about a thousand years before the present day. it was apparently soon after their expulsion that the tribes of the huron-iroquois and the algonkin stocks scattered themselves over the wide region south of the great lakes, thus left open to their occupancy. our concern at present is only with the first-named family. the native tradition of their migrations has been briefly related by a tuscarora indian, david cusick, who had acquired a sufficient education to become a baptist preacher, and has left us, in his "sketches of ancient history of the six nations," [footnote: published at lewiston, n. y., in , and reprinted at lockport, in .] a record of singular value. his confused and imperfect style, the english of a half-educated foreigner, his simple faith in the wildest legends, and his absurd chronology, have caused the real worth of his book, as a chronicle of native traditions, to be overlooked. wherever the test of linguistic evidence, the best of all proofs in ethnological questions, can be applied to his statements relative to the origin and connection of the tribes, they are invariably confirmed. from his account, from the evidence of language, and from various corroborating indications, the course of the migrations may, it is believed, be traced with tolerable accuracy. their first station or starting point, on the south side of the lakes, was at the mouth of the oswego river. advancing to the southeast the emigrants struck the hudson river, and, according to cusick's story, followed its course southward to the ocean. here a separation took place. a portion remained, and kept on their way toward the south; but the "main company," repelled by the uninviting soil and the turbulent waste of waves, and remembering the attractive region of valleys, lakes, and streams through which they had passed, retraced their steps northward till they reached the mohawk river. along this stream and the upper waters of the hudson they made their first abode; and here they remained until, as their historian quaintly and truly records, "their language was altered." the huron speech became the iroquois tongue, in the form in which it is spoken by the caniengas, or mohawks. in iroquois tradition, and in the constitution of their league, the canienga nation ranks as the "eldest brother" of the family. a comparison of the dialects proves the tradition to be well founded. the canienga language approaches nearest to the huron, and is undoubtedly the source from which all the other iroquois dialects are derived. cusick states positively that the other "families," as he styles them, of the iroquois household, leaving the mohawks in their original abode, proceeded step by step to the westward. the oneidas halted at their creek, the onondagas at their mountain, the cayugas at their lake, and the senecas or sonontowans, the great hill people, at a lofty eminence which rises south of the canandaigua lake. in due time, as he is careful to record, the same result happened as had occurred with the caniengas. the language of each canton "was altered;" yet not so much, he might have added, but that all the tribes could still hold intercourse, and comprehend one another's speech. a wider isolation and, consequently, a somewhat greater change of language, befell the "sixth family." pursuing their course to the west they touched lake erie, and thence, turning to the southeast, came to the allegheny river. cusick, however, does not know it by this name. he calls it the ohio,--in his uncouth orthography and with a locative particle added, the ouau-we-yo-ka,--which, he says, means "a principal stream, now mississippi." this statement, unintelligible as at the first glance it seems, is strictly accurate. the word ohio undoubtedly signified, in the ancient iroquois speech, as it still means in the modern tuscarora, not "beautiful river", but "great river." [footnote: see appendix, note b.] it was so called as being the main stream which receives the affluents of the ohio valley. in the view of the iroquois, this "main stream" commences with what we call the allegheny river, continues in what we term the ohio, and then flows on in what we style the mississippi,--of which, in their view, the upper mississippi is merely an affluent. in iroquois hydrography, the ohio--the great river of the ancient alligewi domain--is the central stream to which all the rivers of the mighty west converge. this stream the emigrants now attempted to cross. they found, according to the native annalist, a rude bridge in a huge grape-vine which trailed its length across the stream. over this a part of the company passed, and then, unfortunately, the vine broke. the residue, unable to cross, remained on the hither side, and became afterwards the enemies of those who had passed over. cusick anticipates that his story of the grape-vine may seem to some incredible; but he asks, with amusing simplicity, "why more so than that the israelites should cross the red sea on dry land?" that the precise incident, thus frankly admitted to be of a miraculous character, really took place, we are not required to believe. but that emigrants of the huron-iroquois stock penetrated southward along the allegheny range, and that some of them remained near the river of that name, is undoubted fact. those who thus remained were known by various names, mostly derived from one root--andastes, andastogues, conestogas, and the like--and bore a somewhat memorable part in iroquois and pennsylvanian history. those who continued their course beyond the river found no place sufficiently inviting to arrest their march until they arrived at the fertile vales which spread, intersected by many lucid streams, between the roanoke and the neuse rivers. here they fixed their abode, and became the ancestors of the powerful tuscarora nation. in the early part of the eighteenth century, just before its disastrous war with the colonies, this nation, according to the carolina surveyor, lawson, numbered fifteen towns, and could set in the field a force of twelve hundred warriors. the eries, who dwelt west of the senecas, along the southern shore of the lake which now retains their name, were according to cusick, an offshoot of the seneca tribe; and there is no reason for doubting the correctness of his statement. after their overthrow by the iroquois, in , many of the eries were incorporated with the ancestral nation, and contributed, with other accessions from the hurons and the attiwandaronks, to swell its numbers far beyond those of the other nations of the confederacy. to conclude this review of the huron-iroquois group, something further should be said about the fortunes of the parent tribe, or rather congeries of tribes,--for the huron household, like the iroquois, had become divided into several septs. like the iroquois, also, they have not lacked an annalist of their own race. a wyandot indian, peter doyentate clarke, who emigrated with the main body of his people to the indian territory, and afterwards returned for a time to the remnant of his tribe dwelling near amherstburg, in canada, published in a small volume entitled "origin and traditional history of the wyandots." [footnote: printed by hunter, rose & co., of toronto.] the english education of the writer, like that of the tuscarora historian, was defective; and it is evident that his people, in their many wanderings, had lost much of their legendary lore. but the fact that they resided in ancient times near the present site of montreal, in close vicinity to the iroquois (whom he styles, after their largest tribe, the senecas), is recorded as a well-remembered portion of their history. the flight of the wyandots to the northwest is declared to have been caused by a war which broke out between them and the iroquois. this statement is opposed to the common opinion, which ascribes the expulsion of the hurons from their eastern abode to the hostility of the algonkins. it is, however, probably correct; for the hurons retreated into the midst of the algonkin tribes, with whom they were found by champlain to be on terms of amity and even of alliance, while they were engaged in a deadly war with the iroquois. the place to which they withdrew was a nook in the georgian bay, where their strongly palisaded towns and well-cultivated fields excited the admiration of the great french explorer. their object evidently was to place as wide a space as possible between themselves and their inveterate enemies. unfortunately, as is well known, this precaution, and even the aid of their algonkin and french allies, proved inadequate to save them. the story of their disastrous overthrow, traced by the masterly hand of parkman, is one of the most dismal passages of aboriginal history. the only people of this stock remaining to be noticed are the attiwandaronks, or neutral nation. they dwelt south of the hurons, on the northern borders of lakes erie and ontario. they had, indeed, a few towns beyond those lakes, situated east of the niagara river, between the iroquois and the eries. they received their name of neutrals from the fact that in the war between the iroquois and the hurons they remained at peace with both parties. this policy, however, did not save them from the fate which overtook their huron friends. in the year the iroquois set upon them, destroyed their towns, and dispersed the inhabitants, carrying off great numbers of them, as was their custom, to be incorporated with their own population. of their language we only know that it differed but slightly from the huron. [footnote: "our hurons call the neutral nation attiwandaronk, meaning thereby 'people of a speech a little different.'"--_relation_ of , p. . bruyas, in his "_iroquois root-words_" gives _gawenda_ (or _gawenna_), speech, and _garonkwestare_, confusion of voices.] whether they were an offshoot from the hurons or from the iroquois is uncertain. it is not unlikely that their separation from the parent stock took place earlier than that of the iroquois, and that they were thus enabled for a time to avoid becoming embroiled in the quarrel between the two great divisions of their race. chapter ii. the league and its founders. how long the five kindred but independent tribes who were afterwards to compose the iroquois confederacy remained isolated and apart from one another, is uncertain. that this condition endured for several centuries is a fact which cannot be questioned. tradition here is confirmed by the evidence of language. we have good dictionaries of two of their dialects, the canienga (or mohawk) and the onondaga, compiled two centuries ago by the jesuit missionaries; and by comparing them with vocabularies of the same dialects, as spoken at the present day, we can ascertain the rate of change which prevails in their languages. judging by this test, the difference which existed between these two dialects in (when the jesuit dictionaries were written) could hardly have arisen in less than four hundred years; and that which exists between them and the tuscarora would demand a still longer time. their traditions all affirm--what we should be prepared to believe--that this period was one of perpetual troubles. the tribes were constantly at war, either among themselves, or with the neighboring nations of their own and other stocks, hurons, andastes, algonkins, tuteloes, and even with the distant cherokees. there are reasons for believing that attempts were made during this period to combine the tribes, or some of them, in a federal alliance. but if such connections were formed, they proved only temporary leagues, which were dissolved when the dangers that had called them into being had passed away. a leader of peculiar qualities, aided by favoring circumstances, was able at last to bring about a more permanent union. there is no exact chronology by which the date of this important event can be ascertained; but the weight of evidence fixes it at about the middle of the fifteenth century. [footnote: the evidence on this point is given in the appendix, note c. it should be mentioned that some portion of the following narrative formed part of a paper entitled "a lawgiver of the stone age," which was read at the cincinnati meeting of the american association for the advancement of science, in august, , and was published in the proceedings of the meeting. the particulars comprised in it were drawn chiefly from notes gathered during many visits to the reserve of the six nations, on the grand river, in ontario, supplemented by information obtained in two visits to the onondaga reservation, in the state of new york, near syracuse. my informants were the most experienced councillors, and especially the "wampum-keepers," the official annalists of their people. their names, and some account of them, will be given in a subsequent chapter. it should be mentioned that while the histories received at the two localities were generally in close accord, thus furnishing a strong proof of the correctness with which they have been handed down, there were circumstances remembered at each place which had not been preserved at the other. the onondagas, as was natural, retained a fuller recollection of the events which took place before the flight of hiawatha to the caniengas; while the annalists of the latter tribe were better versed in the subsequent occurrences attending the formation of the league. these facts should be borne in mind by any inquirer who may undertake to repeat or continue these investigations. when the narratives varied, as they sometimes did in minor particulars, i have followed that which seemed most in accordance with the general tenor of the history and with the evidence furnished by the book of rites.] at this time two great dangers, the one from without, the other from within, pressed upon these tribes. the mohegans, or mohicans, a powerful algonkin people, whose settlements stretched along the hudson river, south of the mohawk, and extended thence eastward into new england, waged a desperate war against them. in this war the most easterly of the iroquois, the caniengas and oneidas, bore the brunt and were the greatest sufferers. on the other hand, the two western nations, the senecas and cayugas, had a peril of their own to encounter. the central nation, the onondagas, were then under the control of a dreaded chief, whose name is variously given, atotarho (or, with a prefixed particle, thatotarho), watatotahro, tadodaho, according to the dialect of the speaker and the orthography of the writer. he was a man of great force of character and of formidable qualities--haughty, ambitious, crafty and bold--a determined and successful warrior, and at home, so far as the constitution of an indian tribe would allow, a stern and remorseless tyrant. he tolerated no equal. the chiefs who ventured to oppose him were taken off one after another by secret means, or were compelled to flee for safety to other tribes. his subtlety and artifices had acquired for him the reputation of a wizard. he knew, they say, what was going on at a distance as well as if he were present; and he could destroy his enemies by some magical art, while he himself was far away. in spite of the fear which he inspired, his domination would probably not have been endured by an indian community, but for his success in war. he had made himself and his people a terror to the cayugas and the senecas. according to one account, he had subdued both of those tribes; but the record-keepers of the present day do not confirm this statement, which indeed is not consistent with the subsequent history of the confederation. the name atotarho signifies "entangled." the usual process by which mythology, after a few generations, makes fables out of names, has not been wanting here. in the legends which the indian story-fellers recount in winter, about their cabin fires, atotarho figures as a being of preterhuman nature, whose head, in lieu of hair, is adorned with living snakes. a rude pictorial representation shows him seated and giving audience, in horrible state, with the upper part of his person enveloped by these writhing and entangled reptiles. [footnote: this picture and some other equally grotesque illustrations, produced in a primitive style of wood engraving, are prefixed to david cusick's history of the six nations. the artist to whom we owe them was probably the historian himself. my accomplished friend, mrs. e. a. smith, whose studies have thrown much light upon the mythology and language of the iroquois nations, and especially of the tuscaroras, was fortunate enough to obtain either the originals or early copies of these extraordinary efforts of native art.] but the grave councillors of the canadian reservation, who recite his history as they have heard it from their fathers at every installation of a high chief, do not repeat these inventions of marvel-loving gossips, and only smile with good-humored derision when they are referred to. there was at this time among the onondagas a chief of high rank, whose name, variously written--hiawatha, hayenwatha, ayonhwahtha, taoungwatha--is rendered, "he who seeks the wampum belt." he had made himself greatly esteemed by his wisdom and his benevolence. he was now past middle age. though many of his friends and relatives had perished by the machinations of atotarho, he himself had been spared. the qualities which gained him general respect had, perhaps, not been without influence even on that redoubtable chief. hiawatha had long beheld with grief the evils which afflicted not only his own nation, but all the other tribes about them, through the continual wars in which they were engaged, and the misgovernment and miseries at home which these wars produced. with much meditation he had elaborated in his mind the scheme of a vast confederation which would ensure universal peace. in the mere plan of a confederation there was nothing new. there are probably few, if any, indian tribes which have not, at one time or another, been members of a league or confederacy. it may almost be said to be their normal condition. but the plan which hiawatha had evolved differed from all others in two particulars. the system which he devised was to be not a loose and transitory league, but a permanent government. while each nation was to retain its own council and its management of local affairs, the general control was to be lodged in a federal senate, composed of representatives elected by each nation, holding office during good behavior, and acknowledged as ruling chiefs throughout the whole confederacy. still further, and more remarkably, the confederation was not to be a limited one. it was to be indefinitely expansible. the avowed design of its proposer was to abolish war altogether. he wished the federation to extend until all the tribes of men should be included in it, and peace should everywhere reign. such is the positive testimony of the iroquois themselves; and their statement, as will be seen, is supported by historical evidence. hiawatha's first endeavor was to enlist his own nation in the cause. he summoned a meeting of the chiefs and people of the onondaga towns. the summons, proceeding from a chief of his rank and reputation, attracted a large concourse. "they came together," said the narrator, "along the creeks, from all parts, to the general council-fire." [footnote: the narrator here referred to was the onondaga chief, philip jones, known in the council as hanesehen (in canienga, enneserarenh), who, in october, , with two other chiefs of high rank, and the interpreter, daniel la fort, spent an evening in explaining to me the wampum records preserved at "onondaga castle," and repeating the history of the formation of the confederacy. the later portions of the narrative were obtained principally from the chiefs of the canadian iroquois, as will be hereafter explained.] but what effect the grand projects of the chief, enforced by the eloquence for which he was noted, might have had upon his auditors, could not be known. for there appeared among them a well-known figure, grim, silent and forbidding, whose terrible aspect overawed the assemblage. the unspoken displeasure of atotarho was sufficient to stifle all debate, and the meeting dispersed. this result, which seems a singular conclusion of an indian council--the most independent and free-spoken of all gatherings--is sufficiently explained by the fact that atotarho had organized, among the more reckless warriors of his tribe, a band of unscrupulous partisans, who did his bidding without question, and took off by secret murder all persons against whom he bore a grudge. the knowledge that his followers were scattered through the assembly, prepared to mark for destruction those who should offend him, might make the boldest orator chary of speech. hiawatha alone was undaunted. he summoned a second meeting, which was attended by a smaller number, and broke up as before, in confusion, on atotarho's appearance. the unwearied reformer sent forth his runners a third time; but the people were disheartened. when the day of the council arrived, no one attended. then, continued the narrator, hiawatha seated himself on the ground in sorrow. he enveloped his head in his mantle of skins, and remained for a long time bowed down in grief and thought. at length he arose and left the town, taking his course toward the southeast. he had formed a bold design. as the councils of his own nation were closed to him, he would have recourse to those of other tribes. at a short distance from the town (so minutely are the circumstances recounted) he passed his great antagonist, seated near a well-known spring, stern and silent as usual. no word passed between the determined representatives of war and peace; but it was doubtless not without a sensation of triumphant pleasure that the ferocious war-chief saw his only rival and opponent in council going into what seemed to be voluntary exile. hiawatha plunged into the forest; he climbed mountains; he crossed a lake; he floated down the mohawk river in a canoe. many incidents of his journey are told, and in this part of the narrative alone some occurrences of a marvelous cast are related, even by the official historians. indeed, the flight of hiawatha from onondaga to the country of the caniengas is to the five nations what the flight of mohammed from mecca to medina is to the votaries of islam. it is the turning point of their history. in embellishing the narrative at this point, their imagination has been allowed a free course. leaving aside these marvels, however, we need only refer here to a single incident, which may well enough have been of actual occurrence. a lake which hiawatha crossed had shores abounding in small white shells. these he gathered and strung upon strings, which he disposed upon his breast, as a token to all whom he should meet that he came as a messenger of peace. and this, according to one authority, was the origin of wampum, of which hiawatha was the inventor. that honor, however, is one which must be denied to him. the evidence of sepulchral relics shows that wampum was known to the mysterious mound-builders, as well as in all succeeding ages. moreover, if the significance of white wampum-strings as a token of peace had not been well known in his day, hiawatha would not have relied upon them as a means of proclaiming his pacific purpose. early one morning he arrived at a canienga town, the residence of the noted chief dekanawidah, whose name, in point of celebrity, ranks in iroquois tradition with those of hiawatha and atotarho. it is probable that he was known by reputation to hiawatha, and not unlikely that they were related. according to one account dekanawidah was an onondaga, adopted among the caniengas. another narrative makes him a canienga by birth. the probability seems to be that he was the son of an onondaga father, who had been adopted by the caniengas, and of a canienga mother. that he was not of pure canienga blood is shown by the fact, which is remembered, that his father had had successively three wives, one belonging to each of the three clans, bear, wolf, and tortoise, which composed the canienga nation. if the father had been of that nation (canienga), he would have belonged to one of the canienga clans, and could not then (according to the indian law) have married into it. he had seven sons, including dekanawidah, who, with their families, dwelt together in one of the "long houses" common in that day among the iroquois. these ties of kindred, together with this fraternal strength, and his reputation as a sagacious councillor, gave dekanawidah great influence among his people. but, in the indian sense, he was not the leading chief. this position belonged to tekarihoken (better known in books as tecarihoga), whose primacy as the first chief of the eldest among the iroquois nations was then, and is still, universally admitted. each nation has always had a head-chief, to whom belonged the hereditary right and duty of lighting the council fire and taking the first place in public meetings. but among the indians, as in other communities, hereditary rank and personal influence do not always, or indeed, ordinarily, go together. if hiawatha could gain over dekanawidah to his views, he would have done much toward the accomplishment of his purposes. in the early dawn he seated himself on a fallen trunk, near the spring from which the inhabitants of the long house drew their water. presently the wife of one of the brothers came out with a vessel of elm-bark, and approached the spring. hiawatha sat silent and motionless. something in his aspect awed the woman, who feared to address him. she returned to the house, and said to dekanawidah, "a man, or a figure like a man, is seated by the spring, having his breast covered with strings of white shells." "it is a guest," said the chief to one of his brothers; "go and bring him in. we will make him welcome." thus hiawatha and dekanawidah--first met. they found in each other kindred spirits. the sagacity of the canienga chief grasped at once the advantages of the proposed plan, and the two worked together in perfecting it, and in commending it to the people. after much discussion in council, the adhesion of the canienga nation was secured. dekanawidah then dispatched two of his brothers as ambassadors to the nearest tribe, the oneidas, to lay the project before them. the oneida nation is deemed to be a comparatively recent offshoot from the caniengas. the difference of language is slight, showing that their separation was much later than that of the onondagas. in the figurative speech of the iroquois, the oneida is the son, and the onondaga is the brother, of the canienga. dekanawidah had good reason to expect that it would not prove difficult to win the consent of the oneidas to the proposed scheme. but delay and deliberation mark all public acts of the indians. the ambassadors found the leading chief, odatsehte, at his town on the oneida creek. he received their message in a friendly way, but--required time for his people to consider it in council. "come back in another day," he said to the messengers. in the political speech of the indians, a day is understood to mean a year. the envoys carried back the reply to dekanawidah and hiawatha, who knew that they could do nothing but wait the prescribed time. after the lapse of a year, they repaired to the place of meeting. the treaty which initiated the great league was then and there ratified by the representatives of the canienga and oneida nations. the name of odatsehte means "the quiver-bearer;" and as atotarho, "the entangled," is fabled to have had his head wreathed with snaky locks, and as hiawatha, "the wampum-seeker," is represented to have wrought shells into wampum, so the oneida chief is reputed to have appeared at this treaty bearing at his shoulder a quiver full of arrows. the onondagas lay next to the oneidas. to them, or rather to their terrible chief, the next application was made. the first meeting of atotarho and dekanawidah is a notable event in iroquois history. at a later day, a native artist sought to represent it in an historical picture, which has been already referred to. atotarho is seated in solitary and surly dignity, smoking a long pipe, his head and body encircled with contorted and angry serpents. standing before him are two figures which cannot be mistaken. the foremost, a plumed and cinctured warrior, depicted as addressing the onondaga chief, holds in his right hand, as a staff, his flint-headed spear, the ensign, it may be supposed, which marks him as the representative of the caniengas, or "people of the flint." behind him another plumed figure bears in his hand a bow with arrows, and at his shoulder a quiver. divested of its mythological embellishments, the picture rudely represents the interview which actually took place. the immediate result was unpromising. the onondaga chief coldly refused to entertain the project, which he had already rejected when proposed by hiawatha. the ambassadors were not discouraged. beyond the onondagas were scattered the villages of the cayugas, a people described by the jesuit missionaries, at a later day, as the most mild and tractable of the iroquois. they were considered an offshoot of the onondagas, to whom they bore the same filial relation which the oneidas bore to the caniengas. the journey of the advocates of peace through the forest to the cayuga capital, and their reception, are minutely detailed in the traditionary narrative. the cayugas, who had suffered from the prowess and cruelty of the onondaga chief, needed little persuasion. they readily consented to come into the league, and their chief, akahenyonk ("the wary spy"), joined the canienga and oneida representatives in a new embassy to the onondagas. acting probably upon the advice of hiawatha, who knew better than any other the character of the community and the chief with whom they had to deal, they made proposals highly flattering to the self-esteem which was the most notable trait of both ruler and people. the onondagas should be the leading nation of the confederacy. their chief town should be the federal capital, where the great councils of the league should be held, and where its records should be preserved. the nation should be represented in the council by fourteen senators, while no other nation should have more than ten. and as the onondagas should be the leading tribe, so atotarho should be the leading chief. he alone should have the right of summoning the federal council, and no act of the council to which he objected should be valid. in other words, an absolute veto was given to him. to enhance his personal dignity, two high chiefs were appointed as his special aids and counselors, his "secretaries of state," so to speak. other insignia of preeminence were to be possessed by him; and, in view of all these distinctions, it is not surprising that his successor, who two centuries later retained the same prerogatives, should have been occasionally styled by the english colonists "the emperor of the five nations." it might seem, indeed, at first thought, that the founders of the confederacy had voluntarily placed themselves and their tribes in a position of almost abject subserviency to atotarho and his followers. but they knew too well the qualities of their people to fear for them any political subjection. it was certain that when once the league was established, and its representatives had met in council, character and intelligence would assume their natural sway, and mere artificial rank and dignity would be little regarded. atotarho and his people, however, yielded either to these specious offers, or to the pressure which the combined urgency of the three allied nations now brought to bear upon them. they finally accepted the league; and the great chief, who had originally opposed it, now naturally became eager to see it as widely extended as possible. he advised its representatives to go on at once to the westward, and enlist the populous seneca towns, pointing out how this might best be done. this advice was followed, and the adhesion of the senecas was secured by giving to their two leading chiefs, kanya-dariyo ("beautiful lake") and shadekaronyes ("the equal skies"), the offices of military commanders of the confederacy, with the title of doorkeepers of the "long-house," that being the figure by which the league was known. the six national leaders who have been mentioned--dekanawidah for the caniengas, odatsehte for the oneidas, atotarho for the onondagas, akahenyonk for the cayugas, kanyadariyo and shadekaronyes for the two great divisions of the senecas--met in convention near the onondaga lake, with hiawatha for their adviser, and a vast concourse of their followers, to settle the terms and rules of their confederacy, and to nominate its first council. of this council, nine members (or ten, if dekanawidah be included) were assigned to the caniengas, a like number to the oneidas, fourteen to the lordly onondagas, ten to the cayugas, and eight to the senecas. except in the way of compliment, the number assigned to each nation was really of little consequence; inasmuch as, by the rule of the league, unanimity was exacted in all their decisions. this unanimity, however, did not require the suffrage of every member of the council. the representatives of each nation first deliberated apart upon the question proposed. in this separate council the majority decided; and the leading chief then expressed in the great council the voice of his nation. thus the veto of atotarho ceased at once to be peculiar to him, and became a right exercised by each of the allied nations. this requirement of unanimity, embarrassing as it might seem, did not prove to be so in practice. whenever a question arose on which opinions were divided, its decision was either postponed, or some compromise was reached which left all parties contented. the first members of the council were appointed by the convention--under what precise rule is unknown; but their successors came in by a method in which the hereditary and the elective systems were singularly combined, and in which female suffrage had an important place. when a chief died or (as sometimes happened) was deposed for incapacity or misconduct, some member of the same family succeeded him. rank followed the female line; and this successor might be any descendant of the late chief's mother or grandmother--his brother, his cousin or his nephew--but never his son. among many persons who might thus be eligible, the selection was made in the first instance by a family council. in this council the "chief matron" of the family, a noble dame whose position and right were well defined, had the deciding voice. this remarkable fact is affirmed by the jesuit mission-ary lafitau, and the usage remains in full vigor among the canadian iroquois to this day. [footnote: "la dignité de chef est perpetuelle et héréditaire dans sa cabane, passant toujours aux enfans de ses tantes, de ses soeurs, on de ses nièces du côté maternel. dès que l'arbre est tombé, il fault, disent ils, le relever. la matrone, qui a la principale autorité, après en avoir conferé avec ceux de sa cabane, en confère de nouveau avec ceux de sa tribu [clan], à qui elle fait agréer oelui qu'elle a choisi pour succeder, ce qui lui est assez libre. elle n'a pas toujours égard au droit d'ainesse, et d'ordinaire, elle prend celui qui paroit le plus propre à soûtenir ce rang par ses bonnes qualités."--_lafitau: maurs des savages ameriquains_, p. .] if there are two or more members of the family who seem to have equal claims, the nominating matron sometimes declines to decide between them, and names them both or all, leaving the ultimate choice to the nation or the federal council. the council of the nation next considers the nomination, and, if dissatisfied, refers it back to the family for a new designation. if content, the national council reports the name of the candidate to the federal senate, in which resides the power of ratifying or rejecting the choice of the nation; but the power of rejection is rarely exercised, though that of expulsion for good cause is not unfrequently exerted. the new chief inherits the name of his predecessor. in this respect, as in some others, the resemblance of the great council to the english house of peers is striking. as norfolk succeeds to norfolk, so tekarihoken succeeds tekarihoken. the great names of hiawatha and atotarho are still borne by plain farmer-councillors on the canadian reservation. when the league was established, hiawatha had been adopted by the canienga nation as one of their chiefs. the honor in which he was held by them is shown by his position on the roll of councillors, as it has been handed down from the earliest times. as the canienga nation is the "elder brother," the names of its chiefs are first recited. at the head of the list is the leading canienga chief, tekarihoken, who represents the noblest lineage of the iroquois stock. next to him, and second on the roll, is the name of hiawatha. that of his great colleague, dekanawidah, nowhere appears. he was a member of the first council; but he forbade his people to appoint a successor to him. "let the others have successors," he said proudly, "for others can advise you like them. but i am the founder of your league, and no one else can do what i have done." [footnote: in mr. morgan's admirable work, "_the league of the iroquois_," the list of councillors (whom he styles _sachems_), comprises the name of dekanawidah--in his orthography, daganoweda. during my last visit to my lamented friend (in september, ), when we examined together my copy of the then newly discovered book of rites, in which he was greatly interested, this point was considered. the original notes which he made for his work were examined. it appeared that in the list as it was first written by him, from the dictation of a well-informed seneca chief, the name of dekanawidah was not comprised. a later, but erroneous suggestion, from another source, led him to believe that his first informant was mistaken, or that he had misunderstood him, and to substitute the name of dekanawidah for the somewhat similar name of shatekariwate (in seneca sadekeiwadeh), which stands third on the roll, immediately following that of hiawatha. the term _sachem_, it may be added, is an algonkin word, and one which iroquois speakers have a difficulty in pronouncing. their own name for a member of their senate is _royaner_, derived from the root _yaner_, noble, and precisely equivalent in meaning to the english "nobleman" or "lord," as applied to a member of the house of peers. it is the word by which the missionaries have rendered the title "lord" in the new testament.] the boast was not unwarranted. though planned by another, the structure had been reared mainly by his labors. but the five nations, while yielding abundant honor to the memory of dekanawidah, have never regarded him with the same affectionate reverence which has always clung to the name of hiawatha. his tender and lofty wisdom, his wide-reaching benevolence, and his fervent appeals to their better sentiments, enforced by the eloquence of which he was master, touched chords in the popular heart which have continued to respond until this day. fragments of the speeches in which he addressed the council and the people of the league are still remembered and repeated. the fact that the league only carried out a part of the grand design which he had in view is constantly affirmed. yet the failure was not due to lack of effort. in pursuance of his original purpose, when the league was firmly established, envoys were sent to other tribes to urge them to join it, or at least to become allies. one of these embassies penetrated to the distant cherokees, the hereditary enemies of the iroquois nations. for some reason with which we are not acquainted, perhaps the natural suspicion or vindictive pride of that powerful community, this mission was a failure. another, dispatched to the western algonkins, had better success. a strict alliance was formed with the far-spread ojibway tribes, and was maintained inviolate for at least two hundred years, until at length the influence of the french, with the sympathy of the ojibways for the conquered hurons, undid to some extent, though not entirely, this portion of hiawatha's work. his conceptions were beyond his time, and beyond ours; but their effect, within a limited sphere, was very great. for more than three centuries the bond which he devised held together the iroquois nations in perfect amity. it proved, moreover, as he intended, elastic.--the territory of the iroquois, constantly extending as their united strength made itself felt, became the "great asylum" of the indian tribes. of the conquered eries and hurons, many hundreds were received and adopted among their conquerors. the tuscaroras, expelled by the english from north carolina, took refuge with the iroquois, and became the sixth nation of the league. from still further south, the tuteloes and saponies, of dakota stock, after many wars with the iroquois, fled to them from their other enemies, and found a cordial welcome. a chief still sits in the council as a representative of the tuteloes, though the tribe itself has been swept away by disease, or absorbed in the larger nations. many fragments of tribes of algonkin lineage--delawares, nanticokes, mohegans, mississagas--sought the same hospitable protection, which never failed them. their descendants still reside on the canadian reservation, which may well be styled an aboriginal "refuge of nations," affording a striking evidence in our own day of the persistent force of a great idea, when embodied in practical shape by the energy of a master mind. the name by which their constitution or organic law is known among them is _kayánerenh_, to which the epitaph _kowa_, "great," is frequently added. this word, _kayánerenh_, is sometimes rendered "law," or "league," but its proper meaning seems to be "peace." it is used in this sense by the missionaries, in their translations of the scriptures and the prayer-book. in such expressions as the "prince of peace," "the author of peace," "give peace in our time," we find _kayánerenh_ employed with this meaning. its root is _yaner_, signifying "noble," or "excellent," which yields, among many derivatives, _kayánere_, "goodness," and _kayánerenh_, "peace," or "peacefulness." the national hymn of the confederacy, sung whenever their "condoling council" meets, commences with a verse referring to their league, which is literally rendered, "we come to greet and thank the peace" (_kayánerenh_). when the list of their ancient chiefs, the fifty original councillors, is chanted in the closing litany of the meeting, there is heard from time to time, as the leaders of each clan are named, an outburst of praise, in the words-- "this was the roll of you-- you that combined in the work, you that completed the work, the great peace." (_kayánerenh-kowa_.) the regard of englishmen for their magna charta and bill of rights, and that of americans for their national constitution, seem weak in comparison with the intense gratitude and reverence of the five nations for the "great peace," which hiawatha and his colleagues established for them. of the subsequent life of hiawatha, and of his death, we have no sure information. the records of the iroquois are historical, and not biographical. as hiawatha had been made a chief among the caniengas, he doubtless continued to reside with that nation. a tradition, which is in itself highly probable, represents him as devoting himself to the congenial work of clearing away the obstructions in the streams which intersect the country then inhabited by the confederated nations, and which formed the chief means of communication between them. that he thus, in some measure, anticipated the plans of de witt clinton and his associates, on a smaller scale, but perhaps with a larger statesmanship, we may be willing enough to believe. a wild legend recorded by some writers, but not told of him by the canadian iroquois, and apparently belonging to their ancient mythology, gives him an apotheosis, and makes him ascend to heaven in a white canoe. it may be proper to dwell for a moment on the singular complication of mistakes which has converted this indian reformer and statesman into a mythological personage. when by the events of the revolutionary war the original confederacy was broken up, the larger portion of the people followed brant to canada. the refugees comprised nearly the whole of the caniengas, and the greater part of the onondagas and cayugas, with many members of the other nations. in canada their first proceeding was to reestablish, as far as possible, their ancient league, with all its laws and ceremonies. the onondagas had brought with them most of their wampum records, and the caniengas jealously preserved the memories of the federation, in whose formation they had borne a leading part. the history of the league continued to be the topic of their orators whenever a new chief was installed into office. thus the remembrance of the facts has been preserved among them with much clearness and precision, and with little admixture of mythological elements. with the fragments of the tribes which remained on the southern side of the great lakes the case was very different. a feeble pretense was made, for a time, of keeping up the semblance of the old confederacy; but except among the senecas, who, of all the five nations, had had least to do with the formation of the league, the ancient families which had furnished the members of their senate, and were the conservators of their history, had mostly fled to canada or the west. the result was that among the interminable stories with which the common people beguile their winter nights, the traditions of atotarho and hiawatha became intermingled with the legends of their mythology. an accidental similarity, in the onondaga dialect, between the name of hiawatha and that of one of their ancient divinities, led to a confusion between the two, which has misled some investigators. this deity bears, in the sonorous canienga tongue, the name of taronhiawagon, meaning "the holder of the heavens." the jesuit missionaries style him "the great god of the iroquois." among the onondagas of the present day, the name is abridged to taonhiawagi, or tahiawagi. the confusion between this name and that of hiawatha (which, in another form, is pronounced tahionwatha) seems to have begun more than a century ago; for pyrteus, the moravian missionary, heard among the iroquois (according to heckewelder) that the person who first proposed the league was an ancient mohawk, named thannawege. mr. j. v. h. clarke, in his interesting history of onondaga, makes the name to have been originally ta-oun-ya-wat-ha, and describes the bearer as "the deity who presides over fisheries and hunting-grounds." he came down from heaven in a white canoe, and after sundry adventures, which remind one of the labors of hercules, assumed the name of hiawatha (signifying, we are told, "a very wise man"), and dwelt for a time as an ordinary mortal among men, occupied in works of benevolence. finally, after founding the confederacy and bestowing many prudent counsels upon the people, he returned to the skies by the same conveyance in which he had descended. this legend, or, rather, congeries of intermingled legends, was communicated by clark to schoolcraft, when the latter was compiling his "notes on the iroquois." mr. schoolcraft, pleased with the poetical cast of the story, and the euphonious name, made confusion worse confounded by transferring the hero to a distant region and identifying him with manabozho, a fantastic divinity of the ojibways. schoolcraft's volume, which he chose to entitle "the hiawatha legends," has not in it a single fact or fiction relating either to hiawatha himself or to the iroquois deity taronhiawagon. wild ojibway stories concerning manabozho and his comrades form the staple of its contents. but it is to this collection that we owe the charming poem of longfellow; and thus, by an extraordinary fortune, a grave iroquois lawgiver of the fifteenth century has become, in modern literature, an ojibway demigod, son of the west wind, and companion of the tricksy paupukkeewis, the boastful iagoo, and the strong kwasind. if a chinese traveler, during the middle ages, inquiring into the history and religion of the western nations, had confounded king alfred with king arthur, and both with odin, he would not have made a more preposterous confusion of names and characters than that which has hitherto disguised the genuine personality of the great onondaga reformer. [footnote: this subject is further discussed in the appendix, note d.] about the main events of his history, and about his character and purposes, there can be no reasonable doubt. we have the wampum belts which he handled, and whose simple hieroglyphics preserve the memory of the public acts in which he took part. we have, also, in the iroquois "book of rites," which in the present volume is given in its original form, a still more clear and convincing testimony to the character both of the legislator and of the people for whom his institutions were designed. this book, sometimes called the "book of the condoling council," might properly enough be styled an iroquois veda. it comprises the speeches, songs, and other ceremonies, which, from the earliest period of the confederacy, have composed the proceedings of their council when a deceased chief is lamented and his successor is installed in office. the fundamental laws of the league, a list of their ancient towns, and the names of the chiefs who constituted their first council, chanted in a kind of litany, are also comprised in the collection. the contents, after being preserved in memory, like the vedas, for many generations, were written down by desire of the chiefs, when their language was first reduced to writing; and the book is therefore more than a century old. its language, archaic when written, is now partly obsolete, and is fully understood by only a few of the oldest chiefs. it is a genuine indian composition, and must be accepted as disclosing the true character of its authors. the result is remarkable enough. instead of a race of rude and ferocious warriors, we find in this book a kindly and affectionate people, full of sympathy for their friends in distress, considerate to their women, tender to their children, anxious for peace, and imbued with a profound reverence for their constitution and its authors. we become conscious of the fact that the aspect in which these indians have presented themselves to the outside world has been in a large measure deceptive and factitious. the ferocity, craft and cruelty, which have been deemed their leading traits, have been merely the natural accompaniments of wars of self-preservation, and no more indicated their genuine character than the war-paint, plume and tomahawk of the warrior displayed the customary guise in which he appeared among his own people. the cruelties of war, when war is a struggle for national existence, are common to all races. the persistent desire for peace, pursued for centuries in federal unions, and in alliances and treaties with other nations, has been manifested by few as steadily as by the countrymen of hiawatha. the sentiment of universal brotherhood which directed their policy has never been so fully developed in any branch of the aryan race, unless it may be found incorporated in the religious quietism of buddha and his followers. chapter iii. the book of rites. for a proper appreciation of this peculiar composition, some further particulars respecting its origin and character will be needed. during my earlier visits to the reserve of the six nations, near brantford, i had heard of an indian book which was used at their "condoling councils," the most important of their many public gatherings. but it was not until the month of september, , that i had an opportunity of seeing the work. at that time two copies of the book were brought to me by the official holders, two of the principal chiefs of the confederacy. one of these was chief john "smoke" johnson, who for many years had held the high office of speaker of the great council, though, of late, yielding to age and infirmity, he has withdrawn from the public performance of its duties. his second name is a rude rendering of his truly poetical indian appellation, sakayen-gwaraton, or "disappearing mist." it signifies properly, i was told, the haze which rises from the ground in an autumn morning and vanishes as the day advances. his english name, and, in part, his blood, chief johnson derives from no less distinguished an ancestor than sir william johnson, who played so notable a part in colonial history during the last century, and who exercised, perhaps, a greater influence on the destiny of the iroquois than any other individual since the formation of their confederacy. to him, indeed, may be ascribed the distinction, such as it is, of destroying the work which hiawatha and dekanawidah had founded. but for the influence over the indians which he had acquired, and was able to bequeath to others, it is probable that the six nations would have remained neutral during the revolutionary war, and the disruption of their league would not have taken place. yet there can be no doubt that he was sincerely attached to them, and desired their good. unfortunately for them, they held, as was natural, only the second place in his affections. he was, by adoption, an iroquois chief, but his first allegiance was due to his native country, to whose interests, both in the war with france and in the separation which he foresaw between england and her colonies, he did not hesitate to sacrifice the welfare of his red brethren. against his subtle arts and overmastering energy the wisest of their statesmen, worthy successors of the great founders of their constitution, strove in vain, on each occasion, to maintain that neutrality which was evidently the true policy of their people. [footnote: for the confirmation of these statements see the excellent biographies of sir william johnson and joseph brant, by wm. l. stone, _passim_.] sakayengwaraton is not an elected chief, nor does he bear one of the hereditary titles of the great council, in which he holds so distinguished a station. indeed, his office is one unknown to the ancient constitution of the kanonsionni. it is the creation of the british government, to which he owes, with the willing consent of his own people, his rank and position in the council. the provincial administrators saw the need of a native official who should be, like the speaker of the english house of commons, the mouthpiece of the council, and the intermediary between it and the representative of the crown. the grandson of sir william johnson was known as a brave warrior, a capable leader, and an eloquent speaker. in the war of , at the early age of twenty, he had succeeded an elder brother in the command of the indian contingent, and had led his dusky followers with so much skill and intrepidity as to elicit high praise from the english commander. his eloquence was noted, even among a race of orators. i can well believe what i have heard of its effects, as even in his old age, when an occasion has for a moment aroused his spirit, i have not known whether most to admire the nobleness and force of his sentiments and reasoning, or the grace and flowing ease with which he delivered the stately periods of his sonorous language. he has been a worthy successor of the distinguished statesmen, garagontieh, garangula, decanasora, canasatego, logan, and others, who in former years guided the destinies of his people. he is considered to have a better knowledge of the traditions and ancient usages of the six nations than any other member of the tribes, and is the only man now living who can tell the meaning of every word of the "book of rites." the other chief to whom i have referred is the onondaga councillor who is known to the whites as john buck, but who bears in council the name of skanawati ("beyond the river"), one of the fifty titular names which have descended from the time of hiawatha. he is the official keeper of the "wampum records" of the confederacy, an important trust, which, to his knowledge, has been in his family for at least four generations. his rank, his character, and his eloquence make him now, virtually, the iroquois premier--an office which among the six nations, as among the athenians of old and the english of modern days, is both unknown to the constitution and essential to its working. his knowledge of the legends and customs of his people is only inferior to that of the more aged speaker of the council. the account which chief j. s. johnson gave me of the book may be briefly told. the english missionaries reduced the canienga language to writing in the early part of the last century. the jesuit fathers, indeed, had learned and written the language--which they styled the iroquois--fifty years before; but it does not appear that they had instructed any of the indians in the art of writing it, as their successors in the eastern province have since done. the english missionaries took pains to do this. the liturgy of their church was printed in the mohawk tongue, at new york, as early as the year . [footnote: this date is given in the preface to the mohawk prayer book of . this first version of the liturgy was printed under the direction of the rev. wm. andrews, the missionary of the "new england society."] by the middle of the century there were many members of the tribe who could write in the well-devised orthography of the missionaries--an orthography which anticipated in most points the well known "pickering alphabet," now generally' employed in writing the indian languages of north america. the chiefs of the great council, at once conservative and quick to learn, saw the advantages which would accrue from preserving, by this novel method, the forms of their most important public duty--that of creating new chiefs--and the traditions connected with their own body. they caused the ceremonies, speeches and songs, which together made up the proceedings of the council when it met for the two purposes, always combined, of condolence and induction, to be written down in the words in which they had been preserved in memory for many generations. a canienga chief, named david, a friend of brant, is said to have accomplished the work. in stone's life of sir william johnson, mention is made of a mohawk chief, "david of schoharie," who in may, , led a troop of indians from his town to join the forces under sir william, in his expedition to crown point, to repel the french invaders. [footnote: _life of sir william johnson_, vol. ii. p. ] brant appears to have been in this expedition. [footnote: ibid., p. ] it is highly probable that in chief david of schoharie we have the compiler, or rather the scribe, of this "iroquois veda." the copy of this book which chief j. s. johnson possessed was made by himself under the following circumstances: during the prevalence of the asiatic cholera, in , the tribes on the reserve suffered severely. chief johnson, then a young man and not yet a leader in the great council, was active in attending on the sick. he was called to visit an aged chief, who was not expected to live. the old chief informed him that he had this book in his possession, and advised him, as he was one of the few who could write the language, to make a copy of it, lest by any accident the original should be lost. johnson followed this advice, and copied the book on loose sheets of paper, from which he afterwards transcribed it into a small unbound book, resembling a schoolboy's copy-book. he states that the original book contained, besides the ceremonies of the condoling council, an addition by a later hand, comprising some account of the more recent history of the six nations, and particularly of their removal from new york to canada. this portion of it he unfortunately omitted to copy, and shortly afterwards the book itself was destroyed, when the house of the old chief was accidentally burned. the other copy which i transcribed was held by chief john buck, in his official capacity of record-keeper. it is written in a somewhat different orthography. the syllables are separated, as in the usual style of indian hymnbooks, and some of the words, particularly the proper names, show by their forms that the person who copied the book was an onondaga. the copy was evidently not made from that of chief johnson, as it supplies some omissions in that copy. on the other hand, it omits some matters, and, in particular, nearly all the adjurations and descriptive epithets which form the closing litany accompanying the list of hereditary councillors. the copy appears, from a memorandum written in it, to have been made by one "john green," who, it seems, was formerly a pupil of the mohawk institute at brantford. it bears the date of november, . i could not learn where he found his original. the translation has been made from the dictation of chief j. s. johnson, who explained the meaning of the archaic words in the modern canienga speech. this was interpreted in english by his son, chief george h. m. johnson, and afterwards more fully elucidated by my esteemed friend, the rev. isaac bearfoot, who kindly came from his parish, at point edward (near sarnia), to the reserve, to assist me in this work. mr. bearfoot is an onondaga by birth, but a canienga by adoption, and has a thorough knowledge of the canienga language. he prepared the revised edition of the hymnbook in that language, which is now used on the reserve. he is a good english scholar, and, having been educated in toronto for the ministry, has filled for some years, with much acceptance, the office of pastor to a white congregation of the church of england. i am greatly indebted to him for his judicious assistance, and, finally, for a complete revision of the entire version of the canienga portion of the book. to my friend chief george johnson i am under still greater obligations. mr. johnson, as has been stated, is the son of chief j. s. johnson, and is himself a high chief of the canienga nation. he bears in the great council the name of teyonhehkwen (otherwise spelt deyonheghgonh), meaning "double life," one of the titular names which were borne by the companions of hiawatha and atotarho in the first council. he succeeded in this title, according to the rules of the confederacy, his maternal uncle, on the nomination of his mother, as the chief matron of the family. mr. johnson is an educated gentleman. in early life he was a pupil of the english missionaries. he now holds the position of government interpreter for the six nations, and is, in fact, the chief executive officer of the canadian government on the reserve. his duties have several times brought him into collision with the white ruffians who formerly infested the reserve, and from whom he has on two occasions suffered severe injuries, endangering his life. his courage and firmness, however, have been finally successful in subduing this mischief, and the reserve is now as secure and as free from disorder as any part of canada. to chief, george johnson's assistance and encouragement i owe most of the information contained in these pages, and i am glad to have an opportunity of paying him this tribute of respect and gratitude. the second or supplementary part of the book, which is in the onondaga dialect, was found on the, small reservation in the state of new york, near syracuse, where a feeble remnant of the great onondaga nation still cling to the home of their forefathers. in october, , during my first visit to onondaga castle, as this reservation is called, i obtained from the intelligent interpreter, daniel la fort--a son of the distinguished chief abram la fort (dehatkatons), who is commemorated in clark's "onondaga"--a list of the original councillors in the onondaga dialect, and also a copy, in the same dialect, of the "condoling song," which i had heard sung on the canadian reserve, and which i afterwards found in the canienga book of rites. he read them to me from a small manuscript book, in which, as i then supposed, he had noted them for his own convenience. when i afterwards discovered the canienga book, it occurred to me that i might have been mistaken on this point, and that the manuscript from which he read was possibly a copy of the book of rites in the onondaga dialect. to clear up this point, i again visited onondaga castle, in september, . i then found, to my great gratification, that his book was not a copy, but a valuable addition, or rather an essential complement, to the canienga book. the last-named book comprises the speeches which are addressed by the representatives of the three elder nations to the younger members of the league, whenever a chief who belonged to the latter is lamented. the onondaga book, on the other hand, gives us the exhortations which are addressed by the younger nations to the elder when a chief of the latter is mourned. the circumstance to which it owes its preservation on the onondaga reserve is easily explained. of late years, since the chieftainships among the new york senecas and tuscaroras have been made purely elective offices, the only body of indians in that state among whom the original system of mingled descent and appointment has been retained is the remnant of the intensely conservative onondagas. among these, in spite of missionary efforts continued for two centuries, paganism still lingers, and chiefs are still "raised up" as nearly as possible after the ancient fashion. when a chief dies, the members of his family or clan select another, who is presented to the national council for induction. the ceremonies of condolence, with which the proceedings commence, are modeled after the primitive form. as the onondagas were one of the elder nations, the addresses of condolence must proceed from a younger brother. fortunately for this purpose, a few oneidas reside on the reserve, among whom is a single chief, by name abram hill. to him is committed the duty of representing the "younger brothers" on this occasion, and with it the charge of the wampum strings, which are produced occasionally as the ceremony proceeds, each string representing one section or topic of the condoling address. la fort said that he had copied his book from a manuscript in his father's handwriting. this manuscript, unfortunately, was lost, and he could not say whether his rather had first written it down from memory, or had merely transcribed it from an earlier composition. however this may have been, the substance of the composition undoubtedly dates from a period preceding the disruption of the confederacy. the language, indeed, so far as can be judged from the very irregular orthography, is modern. if, as there is reason to suppose, the composition is ancient, it has evidently undergone a "revision" at the hands of the later copyists. in former times, as we know from the jesuit vocabularies, the sound of _r_ existed in the onondaga dialect. since their day this sound has disappeared from it entirely. in la fort's manuscript the letter frequently occurred, but always, as his pronunciation showed, either as a diacritical sign following the vowel _a_, to give to that vowel the sound of _a_ in "far," or else as representing itself this vowel sound. thus the syllable which should properly be written _sa_ was written by la fort either _sar_ or _sr_. but, though the language is modern, the speeches themselves, as i am assured by chief john buck, are precisely those which are still in use among his people in canada, and which are believed to have been preserved in memory from the days of their forefathers. [footnote: the disappearance of a vocal element from a language is a phenomenon with which etymologists are familiar. the loss of the greek digamma is a well-known instance. the harsh guttural, resembling the german ch. which formerly existed in the english language, has vanished from it, leaving its traces in the uncouth orthography of such words as _plough_, _high_, _though_, and the like. within the past three centuries the sound of _i_ has been lost from many words, such as _walk_, _talk_, _balm_ and _calm_. the sound of _r_ is disappearing from a large portion of the language. in ordinary speech, _arm_ rhymes with _calm_, _morning_ with _fanning_, _higher_ with _sophia_. modern french, as is well known, has attained its present euphony through the disappearance of consonantal elements from many words in which they formerly existed.] the translation of la fort's book was procured from him and another educated member of his tribe; but there was not time to obtain all the elucidations needed to ensure precise verbal accuracy throughout. chapter iv. the condoling council.--clans and classes. the name usually given to the book of rites, or rather to its contents, is, in the canienga dialect, _okayondonghsera yondennase_ (or in the french missionary orthography, _okaiontonhstra iontennase_), which may be rendered "ancient rites of the condoling council." [footnote: _okaionlonhsera_ is a substantive derived from _akaion_, old, or ancient. the termination _sera_ gives it an abstract sense. "the antiquities," or rather "the ancientnesses," is the nearest literal rendering which our language allows, _iontennase_ is a verbal form, derived from _kitenre_ (in bruyas, _gentenron_), to pity, or sympathize with. it may be rendered "they who sympathize," or "the condolers." both, words, however, have acquired a special meaning in their application to these ceremonies.] among the many councils, civil and religious, tribal and federal, in which the public spirit and social temper of the iroquois found their most congenial and most popular mode of display, the yondennase, the condoling (or mourning) council, held the highest rank. it was, in a certain way, typical of the whole, and comprised the elements of all the other councils. in its earlier form this council was not peculiar to the iroquois. we know, from the jesuit reports, that it was the custom of the hurons to hold a public lamentation for the death of a chief, and at the same time to appoint another who should take his place and assume his name. but that which among the hurons was merely a tribal custom became, in the iroquois form of government, an important institution, essential to the maintenance of their state. by the ordinances of their league, it was required that the number of their federal senate should be maintained undiminished. on the death of one of its members, it was the duty of the nation to which he belonged to notify the other nations of the event, and of the time and place at which he would be lamented and his successor installed. the notice was given in the usual manner, by official messengers, who bore for credentials certain strings of wampum, appropriate to the occasion. the place of meeting was commonly the chief town of the nation which had suffered the loss. in this nation a family council, under the presidency, and subject, indeed (as has been shown), to the controlling decision, of the chief matron of the deceased senator's kindred--usually his mother, if she survived him--was in the meantime convened to select his successor. the selection must be approved both by his clan and by his nation; but as their sentiments were generally known beforehand, this approval was rarely withheld. indeed, the mischief resulting from an unsuitable choice was always likely to be slight; for both the national council and the federal senate had the right of deposing any member who was found unqualified for the office. at the appointed day the chiefs of the other nations approached the place of meeting. a multitude of their people, men and women, usually accompanied them, prepared to take part both in the exhibitions of grief and in the festivities which always followed the installation of the new councillor. the approaching chiefs halted when they reached the border of the "opening," or cleared space surrounding the town. here took place the "preliminary ceremony," styled in the book of rites, "_deyughnyonkwarakda_," a word which means simply "at the edge of the woods." at this point a fire was kindled, a pipe was lighted and passed around with much formality, and an address of welcome was made by the principal chief of the inviting nation. the topics of this address comprised a singular mixture of congratulation and condolence, and seem to have been prescribed forms, which had come down from immemorial antiquity, as appropriate to the occasion. the guests were then formally conducted--"led by the hand," as the book recites--to the council house of the town. they seem, anciently at least, to have advanced in the order of their clans. the towns belonging to the wolf clan were first enumerated--probably as the chiefs belonging to them took their places--then the towns of the tortoise clan (or double clan, as it is styled), and finally those of the bear clan. in all, twenty-three towns are named. five of them are expressly stated to have been "added lately." the residue are supposed to be the names of the towns in which the people of the five nations resided at the time when the confederacy was formed, though this point is uncertain. that few of these can now be identified, is what would naturally be expected. it is well known that the indians had the custom of removing their towns from time to time, at intervals varying from ten to twenty years, as the fuel in their neighborhood became exhausted, and as the diminished crops under their primitive mode of agriculture showed the need of fresher soil. only those villages would be permanent whose localities offered some special advantages, as fortresses, fishing places, or harbors. [footnote: see appendix, note e.] this list of towns has another peculiarity which arrests the attention. it apparently comprises all the towns of the league, but these are divided among only three clans, those of the wolf, the tortoise and the bear. the other clans of the confederacy are not once named in the book. yet there are indications which show that when the list of chiefs which concludes the book was written, at a date long after this list of towns was first recited, other clans existed in three of the nations. this is an important point, which merits further consideration. those who have read the admirable account of the "league of the iroquois," by morgan, and his philosophic work on "ancient society," are aware that he has brought out and elucidated with much clearness and force the nature and results of the remarkable clan system which prevails among the north american indians. it is not universal, as it does not seem to be known among the widely scattered bands of the crees and the athapascans, or among the indians of oregon. [footnote: see _ancient society_, pp. , , .] it was found, however, among the great majority of tribes in the region north of mexico and east of the rocky mountains, and was sufficiently alike in all to indicate a common origin. mr. morgan finds this origin in a kinship, real or supposed, among the members of each clan. he considers the clan, or gens, and not the single family, to be the natural unit of primitive society. it is, in his view, a stage through which the human race passes in its progress from the savage state to civilization. it is difficult, however, to reconcile this theory with the fact that among some races, as for example, the polynesian and feejeean, which are in precisely the same stage of social advancement as the north american indians, this institution is unknown; and even among the indians, as has been said, it is not everywhere found. there are many indications which seem to show that the system is merely an artificial arrangement, instituted for social convenience. it is natural, in the sense that the desire for association is natural to man. the sentiment is one which manifests itself alike in all stages of society. the guilds of the middle ages, the masonic and other secret brotherhoods, religious organizations, trade unions, clubs, and even political parties, are all manifestations of this associative instinct. the indian clan was simply a brotherhood, an aggregate of persons united by a common tie, sometimes of origin, sometimes merely of locality. these brotherhoods were not permanent, but were constantly undergoing changes, forming, dividing, coalescing, vanishing. the names of many of them show their recent origin. the chicasas have a "spanish clan." [footnote: _ancient society_, p. .] the shawnees had a "horse clan." [footnote: ibid, p. .] the iroquois, of eastern canada, made up of fragments of all the five nations, had an "onondaga clan," and an "oneida clan." [footnote: rotisennakete, and rotinenhiotronon. see j. a. cuoq, _lexique de la langut iroquoise_, p. . the proper meaning of these names will be hereafter shown.] it is a curious fact that, as mr. morgan states, "the iroquois claim to have originated a division of the people into tribes [clans or gentes] as a means of creating new relationships, to bind the people more firmly together. it is further asserted by them that they forced or introduced this social organization among the cherokees, the chippeways (massasaugas) and several other indian nations, with whom, in ancient times, they were in constant intercourse." "the fact," he adds, "that this division of the people of the same nation into tribes does not prevail generally among our indian races, favors the assertions of the iroquois." [footnote: _league of the iroquois_, p. .] further inquiry and reflection led this distinguished investigator to take a totally different view, and to go to what may be deemed the opposite extreme of regarding this clan system as an essential stage in the growth of human society. there can be no question that an idea of kinship pervaded the clan system, and was its ruling element. it may, in many instances, have been purely imaginary and, so to speak, figurative, like the "brotherhood" of our secret associations; but it was none the less efficacious and binding. as the members of a clan regarded themselves as brothers and sisters, marriages among them were not allowed. this led, of course, to constant intermarriages between members of the different clans of which a nation was composed, thus binding the whole nation together. what the founders of the iroquois league did was to extend this system of social alliances through the entire confederacy. the wolf clansman of the caniengas was deemed a brother of the wolf clansman of the senecas, though originally there may have been no special connection between them. it was a tie apparently artificial in its origin, as much so as the tie which binds a freemason of berlin to a freemason of new orleans. but it came to have all the strength of a tie of kindred. mr. morgan has well pointed out the wisdom shown by the iroquois founders, in availing themselves of this powerful element of strength in the formation of their federal constitution. [footnote: _league of the iroquois_, p. , _et seq_.] their government, though politically a league of nations, was socially a combination of clans. in this way hiawatha and dekanawidah may be deemed to have given to the system of clan-ship an extension and a force which it had not previously possessed; and it is by no means unlikely that this example may, as the iroquois assert, have acted upon neighboring nations, and led to a gradual increase in the number and influence of these brotherhoods. but here a discrepancy presents itself in the iroquois system, which has perplexed all who have written on the subject. two of the six nations, the caniengas and oneidas, had only three clans, the wolf, the tortoise and the bear; while the others had, or at least have, each eight or nine, and these variously styled in the different nations. the three which have been named are, indeed, found in all; but besides these three, the onondagas have five, deer, eel, beaver, ball and snipe. the cayugas and senecas have also eight clans, which are similar to those of the onondagas, except that among the cayugas the ball clan is replaced by the hawk, and among the senecas both ball and eel disappear, and are replaced by hawk and heron. the tuscaroras have likewise eight clans, but among these are neither the hawk, the heron or the ball. in lieu of them the wolf clan is divided into two, the gray wolf and the yellow wolf, and the tortoise furnishes two, the great tortoise and the little tortoise; [footnote: it is deserving of notice that this division of the tortoise clan seems to exist in a nascent form among the onondagas. the name of this clan is hahnowa, which is the general word for tortoise; but the clan is divided into two septs or subdivisions, the hanyatengona, or great tortoise, and the nikahnowaksa, or little tortoise, which together are held to constitute but one clan. how or why the distinction is kept up i did not learn. in the book of rites the tortoise clan is also spoken of in the dual number--"the two clans of the tortoise." it is probable, therefore, that this partial subdivision extended throughout the original five nations, and became complete among the tuscaroras.] the bear, the beaver, the eel and the snipe remain, as among the onondagas, cayugas and senecas. we are naturally led to ask how it happens that only three clans are found among the caniengas and oneidas, while the other nations have eight. mr. morgan was inclined to think that the other five once existed among the two former nations, and had become extinct. [footnote: _league of the iroquois_, p. . ancient society, p. .] the native annalists of those nations, however, affirm that no more than three clans ever existed among them. this assertion is now confirmed, indirectly but strongly, by the testimony of the book of rites, which seems to show that only three clans were recognized in the whole confederacy when the league was formed. all the towns of the united nations were distributed among the three primary clans of the wolf, the tortoise and the bear. if the other clans existed, it was probably merely as septs or divisions of these three. [footnote: "the turtle family, or the anowara, was the most noble of the whole league; next came the ochquari, or clan of the bear, and the oquacho, or that of the wolf. these three were so prominent that zeisberger hardly recognizes the others."--_de sckweinitz's life of zeisberger_, p. . zeisberger had been adopted into the nation of the onondagas and the clan of the tortoise. his knowledge of the laws and usages of the kanonsionni was acquired chiefly in that nation. charlevoix makes the bear the leading clan of the iroquois. it would seem that the relative rank of the clans varied in the different nations. the chiefs of the wolf clan come first in the list of oneida councillors.] it is more likely, however, that these additional clans were of later creation or introduction. their origin, as well as their restriction to the three western nations, may be easily explained. the successive conquests achieved by the iroquois in the early part of the seventeenth century had the result of incorporating with their people great numbers of hurons, eries, attiwandaronks, andastes, and other captives belonging to tribes of the same stock, speaking similar dialects, and having usages closely resembling those of their captors. of these captives, some were directly adopted into the iroquois families and clans; but a larger number remained for a time in separate towns, retaining their own usages. they were regarded, however, and they regarded themselves, as iroquois. constant intercourse and frequent intermarriages soon abolished all distinctions of national origin. but the distinction of clan-ship would remain. the hurons (or, at least, the tionontates, or tobacco nation) had clans of the deer and the hawk, and they had a snake clan bearing a name (_yagonirunon_) not unlike the name of the onondaga eel clan (_ogontena_), and evidently derived from the same root. the other conquered nations had doubtless some peculiar clans; for these brotherhoods, as has been shown, were constantly in process of formation and change among the indian tribes. almost all the captives were incorporated with the three western nations of the league, to whom the conquered tribes were mostly nearer than to the caniengas and oneidas. the origin of the additional clans among the onondagas, cayugas and senecas is thus readily understood. one fact, important in its connection with the structure of the federal council, remains to be noted, and if possible, elucidated. the councillors of each nation were divided into classes, whose part in the deliberations of the councils bore a certain resemblance to that held by the committees of our legislatures. the operation of this system cannot be better described than in the words of morgan: "the founders of the confederacy, seeking to obviate, as far as possible, altercation in council, and to facilitate their progress to unanimity, divided the sachems of each nation into classes, usually of two or three each, as will be seen by referring to the table of sachemships. no sachem was permitted to express an opinion in council, until he had agreed with the other sachem or sachems of his class upon the opinion to be expressed, and had received an appointment to act as speaker for the class. thus the eight seneca sachems, being in four classes, could have but four opinions, the ten cayuga sachems but four. in this manner each class was brought to unanimity within itself. a cross-consultation was then held between the four sachems who represented the four classes; and when they had agreed, they appointed one of their number to express their resulting opinion, which was the answer of their nation. the several nations having, by this ingenious method, become of 'one mind' separately, it only remained to compare their several opinions to arrive at the final sentiment of all the sachems of the league. this was effected by a conference between the individual representatives of the several nations; and when they had arrived at unanimity, the answer of the league was determined." [footnote: _league of the iroquois_, p, .] a careful consideration of the facts, in the light cast upon them by the evidence of the "book of rites" and the testimony of the canadian iroquois, leaves no doubt that these classes were originally identical with the clans. among the caniengas and oneidas this identity still exists. each of these nations received nine representatives in the federal council. these were--and still are--divided into three each composed of three members, and each class representing a clan. in the canienga tribe the members of the first class are all of the tortoise clan, those of the second class are of the wolf clan, and those of the third class of the bear clan. among the oneidas, the councillors of the first class belong to the wolf clan, those of the second class to the tortoise clan, and those of the third class to the bear clan. such was the information which mr. morgan received from his seneca friends, and such i found to be the fact among the iroquois now in canada. when we come to the other nations we find a wholly different state of things. no correspondence now exists between the classes and the clans. the cayugas have now, as has been shown, eight clans; but of these only six, according to the list given by morgan, and only five in that furnished to me by the canadian chiefs, are represented in the council. these are distributed in three classes, which do not correspond to the clans. in morgan's list the first class has five members, the first of whom belongs to the deer clan, the second to that of the heron, the third and fourth to that of the bear, and the fifth to that of the tortoise. in my list this class also comprises five chiefs, of whom the first two (identical in name with the first two of morgan) belong to the deer clan, while the third (who bears the same name as mr. morgan's third) is of the bear clan. in the "book of rites" the first cayuga class comprises only two chiefs, but their clans (which were supposed to be known to the hearers) are not indicated. the fourteen onondaga councillors are divided into five classes, according to morgan, and also in the modern canadian list. the "book of rites" seems to give only four, but none of these--according to the evidence of the canadian chiefs--correspond with the modern clans; and the same councillor, in lists received from different sources, is found to belong to different classes and different clans. thus the distinguished title of skanawati is borne, in mr. morgan's list, by a chief of the fifth class and of the third clan. in the list obtained by me at onondaga castle this chief is of the fourth class and of the ball clan. the great seneca chief kanyadariyo is, in mr. morgan's list, a member of the tortoise clan, while among the canadian senecas he belongs to the wolf clan. in short, it is evident that the introduction of the new clans among the western nations has thrown this part of their constitutional system into confusion. the probability is that when the confederacy was established only three clans, bear, wolf and tortoise, existed among the iroquois, as only three clans, bear, wolf and turkey, existed in recent times among their algonkin neighbors, the lenni lenape, or delawares. thus the classes of their council grew spontaneously out of their clan system, as the senators of each clan would naturally consult together. afterwards new clans arose; but it seems probable that when the list of councillors comprised in the "book of rites" was written--that is, about the middle of the last century--the correspondence of classes and clans was still maintained. the number of both was increased in the western tribes, but each class was still composed of chiefs of the same clan. the written book fixed the classes to a certain extent, but the clans to which their members belonged continued to vary, under the influence of political and social changes. if, at the death of a councillor, no member of his clan was found qualified to succeed him, a successor would be elected from another clan which was deemed to be in some way connected with him. i was assured by the onondaga chiefs of the new york reservation that this was their rule at present; and it is quite sufficient to account for the departure, in the western nations, from the ancient system. it is evident that after the nations and clans were rent to fragments by the dissensions and emigration caused by the american revolution, these changes would, for a time, be necessarily frequent. and thus it happens that chiefs are found in the duplicate confederacies which after this disruption were established in canada and new york, who bear the same titular designation, but differ both in the clans and in the classes to which they belong. chapter v. the condolence and the installation. with the arrival at the council house the "opening ceremony" is concluded. in the house the members of the council were seated in the usual array, on opposite sides of the house. on one side were the three elder nations, the caniengas, onondagas, and senecas, and on the other the younger, who were deemed, and styled in council, the offspring of the former. these younger members, originally two in number, the oneidas and cayugas, had afterwards an important accession in the tuscarora nation; and in later years several smaller tribes, or, as they were styled, additional braces of the extended house, were received;--tuteloes, nanticokes, delawares and others. in the onondaga portion of the book the younger tribes speak as "we three brothers." the earliest of the later accessions seems to have taken place about the year , when the tuteloes and nanticokes were admitted. [footnote: _n. y. hist. col._, vol. , p. . stone's _life of sir william johnson_, p. .] these circumstances afford additional evidence that the book was originally written prior to that date and subsequent to the year , when the tuscaroras were received into the league. if the deceased chief belonged to one of the three older nations, the duty of conducting the condoling ceremony which followed was performed by the younger nations, who mourned for him as for a father or an uncle. if he were a chief of one of the younger nations, the others lamented him as a son or a nephew. the mourning nations selected as their representative a high chief, usually a distinguished orator, familiar with the usages and laws of the league, to conduct these ceremonies. the lamentations followed a prescribed routine, each successive topic of condolence being indicated by a string of wampum, which, by the arrangement of its beads, recalled the words to the memory of the officiating chief. in the "book of rites" we have these addresses of condolence in a twofold form. the canienga book gives us the form used by the elder nations; and the onondaga supplement adds the form employed by the younger brothers. the former is more ancient, and apparently more dignified and formal. the speaker addresses the mourners as his children (_konyennetaghkwen_, "my offspring,") and recites each commonplace of condolence in a curt and perfunctory style. he wipes away their tears that they may see clearly; he opens their ears that they may hear readily. he removes from their throats the obstruction with which their grief is choking them, so that they may ease their burdened minds by speaking freely to their friends. and finally, as the loss of their lamented chief may have occurred in war--and at all events many of their friends have thus perished--he cleans the mats on which they are sitting from the figurative bloodstains, so that they may for a time cease to be reminded of their losses, and may regain their former cheerfulness. the condolence of the younger brothers, expressed in the onondaga book, is more expansive and more sympathetic. though apparently disfigured and mutilated by repeated transcriptions, it bears marks of having been originally the composition of a superior mind. all such topics of consolation as would occur to a speaker ignorant or regardless of a future life are skillfully presented, and the whole address is imbued with a sentiment of cordial tenderness and affection. those who have been accustomed to regard the indians as a cold-hearted people will find it difficult to reconcile that view of their character with the contrary evidence afforded by this genuine expression of their feelings, and, indeed, by the whole tenor of the book. this address concludes with the emphatic words, "i have finished; now point me the man;" or, as the words were paraphrased by the interpreter, "now show me the warrior who is to be the new chief." the candidate for senatorial honors, who is to take the place and name of the deceased councillor, is then brought forward by his nation. his admission by the assembled council, at this stage of the proceedings, is a matter of course; for his nation had taken care to ascertain, before the meeting, that the object of their choice would be acceptable to the councillors of the other nations. the ceremony of induction consisted in the formal bestowal of the new name by which he was henceforth to be known. a chief placed himself on each side of the candidate, and, grasping his arms, marched him to and fro in the council house, between the lines of the assembled senators. as they walked they proclaimed his new name and office, and recited, in a measured chant, the duties to which he was now called, the audience responding at every pause with the usual chorus of assent. when this ceremony was finished, and the new councillor had taken his proper seat among the nobles of his nation, the wampum belts, which comprised the historical records of the federation, were produced, and the officiating chief proceeded to explain them, one by one, to the assemblage. this was called "reading the archives." in this way a knowledge of the events signified by the wampum was fastened, by repeated iteration, in the minds of the listeners. those who doubt whether events which occurred four centuries ago can be remembered as clearly and minutely as they are now recited, will probably have their doubts removed when they consider the necessary operation of this custom. the orator's narrative is repeated in the presence of many auditors who have often heard it before, and who would be prompt to remark and to correct any departure from the well-known history. this narrative is not recorded in the book of rites. at the time when that was written, the annals of the confederacy were doubtless supposed to be sufficiently preserved by the wampum records. the speeches and ceremonies which followed, and which were of equal, if not greater importance, had no such evidences to recall them. from this statement, however, the "hymn" should be excepted; to each line of it, except the last, a wampum string was devoted. with this exception, all was left to the memory of the orator. the homeric poems, the hymns of the vedas, the kalewala, the polynesian genealogies, and many other examples, show the exactness with which a composition that interests a whole nation may be handed down; but it is not surprising that when the chiefs became aware of the superior advantages of a written record, they should have had recourse to it. we need not doubt that chief david of schoharie, or whoever else was the scribe appointed to this duty, has faithfully preserved the substance, and, for the most part, the very words, of the speeches and chants which he had often heard under such impressive circumstances. the hymn, or _karenna_, deserves a special notice. in every important council of the iroquois a song or chant is considered a proper and almost essential part of the proceedings. such official songs are mentioned in many reports of treaty councils held with them by the french and english authorities. in this greatest of all councils the song must, of course, have a distinguished place. it follows immediately upon the address of greeting and condolence, and is, in fact, regarded as the completion of it, and the introduction to the equally important ceremony which is to follow, viz., the repetition of the ancient laws of the confederacy. this particular hymn is of great antiquity. some of the chiefs expressed to me the opinion that it was composed by dekana-widah or hiawatha. its tenor, however, as well as that of the whole book, shows that it belongs to a later period. the ceremonies of the council were doubtless prescribed by the founders of the league; but the speeches of the book, and this hymn, all refer to the league as the work of a past age. the speakers appeal to the wisdom of their forefathers (literally, their grandsires), and lament the degeneracy of the later times. they expressly declare that those who established the "great peace" were in their graves, and had taken their work with them and placed it as a pillow under them. this is the language of men who remembered the founders, and to whom the burial of the last of them was a comparatively recent event. if the league was formed, as seems probable, about the year , the speeches and hymn, in their present form, may reasonably be referred to the early part of the next century. there is reason to believe that the formation of the confederacy was followed by wars with the hurons and algonkin tribes, in which, as usual, many changes of fortune took place. if the hurons, as has been shown, were expelled from their abode on the northern shore of the st. lawrence, the mohegans, on the other hand, inflicted some serious blows upon the eastern nations of the confederacy. [footnote: see the jesuit _relation_ for , p. .] the delawares were not conquered and reduced to subjection without a long and sanguinary struggle. in a condoling council we might expect that the tone of feeling would be lugubrious; but the sense of loss and of danger is too marked in all the speeches of the canienga book to be merely a formal utterance. it does not appear in those of the onondaga book, which is seemingly of later composition. the "karenna," or chant of the condoling council, may be styled the national hymn of the iroquois. a comparison between it and other national hymns, whose chief characteristics are self-glorification and defiance, might afford room for some instructive inferences. this hymn, it should be remarked, brief as it is, is regarded by the indians as a collection of songs. each line, in fact, is, in their view, a song by itself, and is brought to mind by its own special wampum string. in singing, each line is twice repeated, and is introduced and followed by many long-drawn repetitions of the exclamation _aihaigh_ (or rather _haihaih_) which is rendered "hail!" and from which the hymn derives its designation. in the first line the speaker salutes the "peace," or the league, whose blessings they enjoy. in the next he greets the kindred of the deceased chief, who are the special objects of the public sympathy. then he salutes the _oyenkondonh_, a term which has been rendered "warriors." this rendering, however, may have a misleading effect. the word has nothing to do with war, unless in the sense that every grown man in an indian community is supposed to be a soldier. except in this hymn, the word in question is now disused. an elderly chief assured me that he had sung it for years without knowing its precise meaning. some of his fellow-councillors were better informed. the word is apparently derived from _ankwe_, man, which in the onondaga dialect becomes _yenkwe_. it comprises all the men (the "manhood" or mankind) of the nation--as, in the following verse, the word _wakonnyh_, which is also obsolete, signifies the "womanhood," or all the women of the people with whom the singer condoles. in the next line he invokes the laws which their forefathers established; and he concludes by calling upon his hearers to listen to the wisdom of their forefathers, which he is about to recite. as a whole, the hymn may be described as an expression of reverence for the laws and for the dead, and of sympathy with the living. such is the "national anthem,"--the marseillaise,--of the ferocious iroquois. the regard for women which is apparent in this hymn, and in other passages of the book, is deserving of notice. the common notion that women among the indians were treated as inferiors, and made "beasts of burden," is unfounded so far as the iroquois are concerned, and among all other tribes of which i have any knowledge. with them, as with civilized nations, the work of the community and the cares of the family are fairly divided. among the iroquois the hunting and fishing, the house-building and canoe-making, fell to the men. the women cooked, made the dresses, scratched the ground with their light hoes, planted and gathered the crops, and took care of the children. the household goods belonged to the woman. on her death, her relatives, and not her husband, claimed them. the children were also hers; they belonged to her clan, and in case of a separation they went with her. she was really the head of the household; and in this capacity her right, when she chanced to be the oldest matron of a noble family, to select the successor of a deceased chief of that family, was recognized by the highest law of the confederacy. that this rank and position were greatly prized is shown by a remarkable passage in the jesuit relations. a canienga matron, becoming a christian, left her country, with two of her children, to enjoy greater freedom in her devotions among the french. the act, writes the missionary, so offended her family that, in a public meeting of the town, "they degraded her from the rank of the nobility, and took from her the title of oyander, that is, honorable (_considerable_)--a title which they esteem highly, and which she had inherited from her ancestors, and deserved by her good judgment, her prudence, and her excellent conduct; and at the same time they installed another in her place." [footnote: _relation_ of , p. . the word _oyander_ in modern pronunciation becomes _oyaner_. it is derived from the root _yaner_, noble, and is the feminine form of the word _royaner_, lord, or nobleman,--the title applied to the members of the federal council.] the complete equality of the sexes in social estimation and influence is apparent in all the narratives of the early missionaries, who were the best possible judges on this point. casual observers have been misled by the absence of those artificial expressions of courtesy which have descended to us from the time of chivalry, and which, however gracious and pleasing to witness, are, after all, merely signs of condescension and protection from the strong to the weak. the iroquois does not give up his seat to a woman, or yield her precedence on leaving a room; but he secures her in the possession of her property, he recognizes her right to the children she has borne, and he submits to her decision the choice of his future rulers. chapter vi. the laws of the league. it is the custom of the officiating orator, while the chant is going on, to walk to and fro in the council-house. when the hymn is finished, he breaks out into a passionate invocation to their forefathers, and a lament over the degeneracy of the times. this, as the french missionaries inform us, was a favorite topic of indian speakers. [footnote: see the _relation_ of , p. : "c'est la plainte ordinaire des capitaines [of the hurons] que tout se va perdant, a faute de garder les formes et coustoumes de leurs ancestres."] among the iroquois, who could look back to an era of genuine statesmen and heroes, the authors of their constitution, this complaint must have had a peculiar force and sincerity. after this appeal to the founders of their state, there naturally followed an address to the council and the people, reciting "all the rules they decided on, which they thought would strengthen the house." by "the house" was meant, of course, the house of many hearths, to which they likened their confederacy. the "rules" or laws which follow require some explanation, that their full value may be understood. the first law prescribes that when a chief dies his office shall not perish with him. this is expressed, in their metaphorical style, by an injunction that the "horns," or insignia of office, shall not be buried with the deceased chief, but shall be taken off at his death, to be transferred to his successor. this rule is laid down in the most urgent and impressive terms. "we should perhaps all perish if his office is buried with him in his grave." this systematic transmission of official rank was, in fact, the vital principle of their government. it was in this system that their federal union differed from the frequent and transitory confederacies common among the indian tribes. in general, among nearly all the tribes, the rank of a chief was personal. it was gained by the character and achievements of the individual, and it died with him. hence their government and policy, so far as they can be said to have had any, were always uncertain and fluctuating. no person understood the indian usages better than zeisberger. his biographer has well described the difference which existed in this respect between the iroquois and their neighbors. "the algonkins," he writes, "knew nothing of regular government. they had no system of polity; there was no unity of action among them. the affairs even of a single tribe were managed in the loosest manner." after briefly, but accurately, delineating the iroquois system of councils, he adds: "thus they became both a political and a military power among the aborigines; the influence of their league was felt everywhere, and their conquests extended in every direction." [footnote: de schweinitz: _life of zeisberger_, p. .] the principle that "the chief dies but the office survives,"--the regular transmission of rank, title and authority, by a method partly hereditary and partly elective,--was the principle on which the life and strength of the iroquois constitution depended. next followed a provision of hardly less importance. the wars among the indian tribes arise almost always from individual murders. the killing of a tribesman by the members of another community concerns his whole people. if satisfaction is not promptly made, war follows, as a matter of course. [footnote: _relation, of_ , p. . "c'est de la que naissent les guerres, et c'est un sujet plus que suffisant de prendre les armes contre quelque village quand il refuse de satisfaire par les presents ordonnez, pour celuy qui vous aurait tue quelq'un des vostres."--_brebeuf, on the hurons_.] the founders of the iroquois commonwealth decreed that wars for this cause should not be allowed to rise between any of their cantons. on this point a special charge was given to the members of the great council. they were enjoined (in the figurative language employed throughout the book) not to allow the murder to be discussed in a national assembly, where the exasperation of the young men might lead to mischief, but to reserve it for their own consideration; and they were required as soon as possible to bury all animosities that might arise from it. the figure employed is impressive. they were to uproot a huge pine-tree--the well-known emblem of their league--disclosing a deep cavity, below which an underground stream would be swiftly flowing. into this current they were to cast the cause of trouble, and then, replacing the tree, hide the mischief forever from their people. how strictly in spirit these injunctions were followed, and with what good effect, their whole history shows. a notable instance of the readiness and ingenuity of their statesmen in finding the means of public reconciliation in such cases is given in the jesuit narrative. on the th of july, , a great council was held at onondaga to consider three matters, all of special import. first in order was the necessity of appeasing a threatened quarrel between two of the leading nations, the senecas and the caniengas, caused by a misadventure in which a seneca "captain" had been killed by some warriors of the eastern nation. next in importance was the reception of a large party of frenchmen, headed by father francis le mercier, the superior of the jesuit missionaries in canada, who had come to form a settlement among the iroquois. and, finally, they had to prepare the plan and the means for an expedition against some hostile tribes. before the meeting of the council the frenchmen had paid a formal visit to the seneca delegates, whom they found "filling the air with songs of mourning" for their slaughtered chief, and had manifested their sympathy by a present, "to alleviate the grief" of the mourners. this incident seems to have suggested to the assembled councillors a method of effecting--or at least of announcing--the desired accommodation, and of paying at the same time a happy compliment to their reverend visitors. by common consent the affair was referred to the arbitrament of the father superior, by whom the difference was promptly settled. [footnote: on the: grand conseil le du mois de juillet, ou toutes les nations remisent entre les mains d'achiendase qui est nostre père superieur le diffrend centre les sonnontoüeronnons et les agnieronnons, qui fait bien et terminé.--_relation of_ , p. .] it was not necessary for the politic senators to inform their gratified visitors that the performance in which they thus took part was merely a formality which ratified, or rather proclaimed, a foregone conclusion. the reconciliation which was prescribed by their constitution had undoubtedly been arranged by previous conferences, after their custom in such matters, before the meeting of the council. [footnote: for a curious instance of the manner in which questions to be apparently decided by a council were previously settled between the parties, see the _life of zeisberger_, p. : "gietterowane was the speaker on one side, zeisberger on the other. these two consulted together privately,--zeisberger unfolding the import of the strings [of wampum which he had brought as ambassador] and gietterowane committing to memory what he said."] so effective was this provision of their constitution that for more than three centuries this main cause of indian wars was rendered innocuous, and the "great peace" remained undisturbed. this proud averment of their annalists, confirmed as it is for more than half the period by the evidence of their white neighbors, cannot reasonably be questioned. what nation or confederacy of civilized europe can show an exemption from domestic strife for so long a term? the third rule or ordinance which the founders enacted "to strengthen the house" is of a remarkable character. it relates to the mortuary usages of the people; and when these are understood, the great importance of this law becomes apparent. among the indians of the huron-iroquois family the ordinary mourning for the dead became exaggerated into customs of the most extravagant character, exhausting the time and strength of the warriors, and devouring their substance. the french missionaries have left us an account of these singular usages among the hurons, some of which excited their respect, and others their astonishment. "our savages," they wrote, "are in no way savage as regards the duties which nature herself requires us to render to the dead. you would say that their efforts, their toils and their commerce had no other end than to amass the means of honoring the departed. they have nothing too precious for this object. to this they devote their robes of skins, their hatchets and wampum, in such profusion that you would fancy they made nothing of them; and yet these are the riches of their country. often in midwinter you will see them going almost naked, while they have at home, laid up in store, good and handsome robes, which they keep in reverence for the dead. this is their point of honor. in this, above all, they seek to show themselves magnificent." [footnote: brebeuf, _relation of_ , p. .] during the three days that preceded the burial of the dead, or the removal of his remains to the scaffold, the wails, groans and lamentations of the relatives and neighbors resounded in the cabin where he lay. all the stored riches were brought forth and lavished in gifts "to comfort the mourners." the mourning did not end with the burial; in fact, it may be said to have then only begun. the "great mourning," as the missionaries term it, lasted for six days longer, during which the mourners lay, face downward, upon their mats, and enveloped in their robes, speechless, or replying only by an ejaculation to those who addressed them. during this period they had no fire in the house, even in winter; they ate their food cold, and left the cabin only at night, and as secretly as possible. the "lesser mourning" lasted for a year, during which they refrained from oiling their hair, attended public festivals rarely, and only (in the case of women) when their mothers ordered, and were forbidden to marry again. this, however, was not all. once in twelve years was held a great ceremony of re-interment,--a solemn "feast of the dead," as it was called. until the day of this feast arrived, funeral rites in honor of the departed were repeated from time to time, and feasts were held, at which, as the expression was, their names were revived, while presents were distributed, as at the time of their death. the great feast of the dead, however, was the most important of all their ceremonies. the bodies of all who had died in the nation during the preceding twelve years were then exhumed, or removed from the scaffolds on which they had been laid, and the festering corpses or cleansed bones were all interred together in a vast pit lined with robes of beaver skins, the most precious of all their furs. wampum, copper implements, earthenware, the most valued of their possessions, were cast into the pit, which was then solemnly closed with earth. while the ceremony was going on, rich presents of all descriptions, the accumulations of the past twelve years, were distributed by the relatives of the deceased among the people. in this distribution, strange to say, valuable fur robes were frequently cut and torn to pieces, so as to be rendered worthless. a lavish display and reckless destruction of wealth were deemed honors due to the shades of the departed. [footnote: see the _relation_ for , p. . a most vivid and graphic description of these extraordinary ceremonies is given in parkman's admirable work, _the jesuits in north america_, chapter .] the attiwandaronks, or neutrals, who were the nearest neighbors of the iroquois, were still more extravagant in their demonstrations of affection for their lost friends. they, too, had their feasts of the dead, at regular intervals. in the meantime the bodies were kept in their houses as long as possible--"until the stench became intolerable." then, when this proximity could no longer be borne, the remains were left for a period to decay on a scaffold in the open air. after a time the remaining flesh was removed from the bones, which were arranged on the sides of their cabins, in full view of the inmates, until the great day of general interment. with these mournful objects before their eyes, renewing constantly the sense of their loss, the women of the household were excited to frequent outbursts of grief, expressed in wailing chants. [footnote: "cet object qu'ils ont devant les yeux, leur renouvellant continuellement le resentiment de leurs pertes, leur fait ordinairement letter des cris, et faire des lamentations tout à fait lugubres, le tout en chanson. mais cela ne se fait que par les femmes."--_relation_ of , p. .] that the iroquois in ancient times had funeral customs similar to those of their sister nations, and not less revolting, cannot be doubted. how these shocking and pernicious usages were abolished at one swoop is shown by the brief passage in the book of rites now under discussion. the injunctions are laconic, but full of meaning. when a death occurs, the people are told, "this shall be done." a delegation of persons, officially appointed for the purpose, shall repair to the dwelling of the deceased, bearing in a pouch some strands of mourning wampum. the leader, holding these strands, and standing by the hearth, shall address, in the name of the whole people, a few words of comfort to the mourners. and then "they shall be comforted," and shall go on with their usual duties. to this simple ceremony--supplemented, in the case of a high chief, by the rites of the "condoling council,"--the preposterous funeral usages, which pervaded the lives and wasted the wealth of the other nations of this stock, were reduced, by the wisdom of the iroquois legislators. in considering these remarkable laws, it becomes evident that the work which hiawatha and dekanawidah accomplished was really a great reformation, not merely political, but also social and religious. they desired not only to establish peace among the nations, but also to abolish or modify such usages and beliefs as in their opinion were injurious to their people. it is deserving of notice that a divinity unknown, at least in name, to the hurons, received special reverence among the iroquois. the chief characters of the huron pantheon were a female deity, ataensic, a sort of hecate, whom they sometimes identified with the moon, and her grandson, juskeha, who was sometimes regarded as the sun, and as a benevolent spirit, but most commonly in their stories appears as a fantastic and capricious goblin, with no moral attributes whatever. in the iroquois mythology these deities are replaced by a personage of a much higher character. taronhiawagon, the holder of the heavens, was with them the master of life. he declared his will to them in dreams, and in like manner disclosed future events, particularly such as were important to the public welfare. he was, in fact, the national god of the iroquois. it was he who guided their fathers in their early wanderings, when they were seeking for a place of abode. he visited them from time to time, in person, to protect them from their enemies and to instruct them in useful arts. it is possible that the iroquois taronhiawagon may have been originally the same as the huron juskeha. some eminent authorities on indian mythology are inclined to this opinion. on the other hand, the earlier jesuit missionaries give no hint of such identity, and the tuscarora historian, cusick, seems to distinguish between these divine personages. but whether we accept this view or seek for any other origin, there seems reason to suppose that the more exalted conception of this deity, who is certainly, in character and attributes, one of the noblest creations of the north american mythologies, dates from the era of the confederacy, when he became more especially the chief divinity and protector of the kanonsionni. [footnote: see for taronhiawagon the jesuit _relations_ for , pp. , , and for , p. : also cusick, pp. , , , . for juskeha, see the _relation_ for , p. ; , pp. - ; , p. . lafitau in one place makes tharonhiawagon a deified man, and in another the grandson of ataensic.--_moeurs des sauvages ameriquains_, vol. . p. and p. .] chapter vii. historical traditions. after the declaration of the laws of the league, there follows a passage of great historical importance. the speaker recites the names of the chiefs who represented the five nations in the conference by which the work of devising their laws and establishing their government was accomplished. the native name of the confederacy is here for the first time mentioned. in the guttural and rather irregular orthography of the book it is spelt _kanonghsyonny_. the roman catholic missionaries, neglecting the aspirate, which in the iroquois pronunciation appears and disappears as capriciously as in the spoken dialects of the south of england, write the word kanonsionni. it is usually rendered by interpreters the "long house," but this is not precisely its meaning. the ordinary word for "long house" is _kanonses_ or _kanonsis_,--the termination _es_ or _is_ being the adjective suffix which signifies _long_. _kanonsionni_ is a compound word, formed of _kanonsa_, _house_, and _ionni_, extended, or drawn out. the confederacy was compared to a dwelling which was extended by additions made to the end, in the manner in which their bark-built houses were lengthened,--sometimes to an extent exceeding two hundred feet. when the number of families inhabiting these long dwellings was increased by marriage or adoption, and a new hearth was required, the end-wall,--if this term may be applied to the slight frame of poles and bark which closed the house,--was removed, an addition of the required size was made to the edifice, and the closing wall was restored. such was the figure by which the founders of the confederacy represented their political structure, a figure which was in itself a description and an invitation. it declared that the united nations were not distinct tribes, associated by a temporary league, but one great family, clustered for convenience about separate hearths in a common dwelling; and it proclaimed their readiness to receive new members into the general household. [footnote: the people of the confederacy were known as _rotinonsionni_, "they of the extended house." in the seneca dialect this was altered and abridged to hotinonsonni, the n having the french nasal sound. this word is written by mr. morgan, "hodenosaunee."] the names of the six great chiefs who, as representatives of their several nations, formed the confederacy, are in this narrative linked together in a manner which declares their political kinship. the first rulers or heads of the combined households were the canienga dekanawidah with his "joint-ruler" and political son, the oneida otatsehte (or odadsheghte), whose union with dekanawidah was the commencement of the league. next follows otatsehte's uncle (and dekanawidah's brother), the onondaga wathadodarho (atotarho), who is accompanied by his son, the cayuga akahenyonh. the uncle of the cayuga representative, the seneca chief kanadariyu, and his cousin, shadekaronyes, represent the two sections into which the great seneca nation was divided. the name of hiawatha does not appear in this enumeration. according to the uniform tradition of the five nations, he was not merely present in the convention, but was the leading spirit in its deliberations. but he did not officially represent any nation. by birth a high chief of the onondagas, he had been but newly adopted among the caniengas. each of these nations had entrusted its interests to its own most influential chief. but the respect with which hiawatha was regarded is indicated, as has been already remarked, by his place in the list of fifty councillors, with whose names the book concludes. though so recently received among the haughty caniengas, whose proud and jealous temper is often noticed by the missionaries and other early observers, his name is placed second in the list of their representatives, immediately following that of tekarihoken, the chief who stood highest in titular rank among the nobles of the kanonsionni, and whose lineage was perhaps derived from the leader of their primitive migrations. the tradition runs that when the political frame of their confederacy had been arranged by the members of this convention, and the number of senators who should represent each nation in the federal council had been determined, the six delegates, with hiawatha and some other advisers, went through all the nations, selecting--doubtless with the aid of a national council in each case--the chiefs who were to constitute the first council. in designating these,--or rather, probably, in the ceremonies of their installation,--it is said that some peculiar prerogative was conceded to the onondagas,--that is, to atotarho and his attendant chiefs. it was probably given as a mark of respect, rather than as conferring any real authority; but from this circumstance the onondagas were afterwards known in the council by the title of "the nominators." the word is, in the canienga dialect, _rotisennakehte_,--in onondaga, _hotisennakehte_. it means literally, "the name-carriers,"--as if, said one of my informants, they bore a parcel of names in a bag slung upon the back. each of the other nations had also its peculiar name in the council, distinct from the mere local designation by which it was commonly called. thus the caniengas had for their "council name" the term _tehadirihoken_. this is the plural form of the name of their leading chief, tekarihoken. opinions differ much among the indians as to the meaning of this name. cusick, the tuscarora historian, defines it "a speech divided," and apparently refers it to the division of the iroquois language into dialects. chief george johnson, the interpreter, rendered it "two statements together," or "two pieces of news together." another native informant thought it meant "one word in two divisions," while a third defined it as meaning "between two words." the root-word of the name is the canienga _orihwa_, or _karihwa_, (properly _karihoa_), which is defined "thing, affair, speech, news." [footnote: see bruyas, _sub voce gorihoa_. mr. morgan (_league of the iroquois_, p. ), who derived his information from the senecas, says that the name "was a term of respect, and signifies 'neutral,' or, as it may be rendered, the shield." he adds, "its origin is lost in obscurity."] it also apparently means office; thus we have the derivatives _garihont_, "to give some charge of duty to some one," and _atrihont_, "to be an officer, or captain." the name is in the peculiar dual or rather duplicative form which is indicated by the prefix _te_ and the affix _ken_ or _ke_. it may possibly, therefore, mean "holding two offices," and would thus be specially applicable to the great canienga noble, who, unlike most of his order, was both a civil ruler and a war-chief. but whether he gave his name to his people, or received it from them, is uncertain. in other instances the council name of a nation appears to have been applied in the singular number to the leading chief of the nation. thus the head-chief of the onondagas was often known by the title of _sakosennakehte_, "the name-carrier." [footnote: "il y avait en cette bande un capitaine qui porte'le nom le plus considerable de toute sa nation, sagochiendagehte."--_relation_ of , p. . elsewhere, as in the _relation_ for , p. , this name is spelt agochiendaguete.] the name of the oneida nation in the council was _nihatirontakowa_--or, in the onondaga dialect, _nihatientakona_--usually rendered the "great-tree people,"--literally, "those of the great log." it is derived from _karonta_, a fallen tree or piece of timber, with the suffix _kowa_ or _kona_, great, added, and the verb-forming pronoun prefixed. in the singular number it becomes _niharontakowa_, which would be understood to mean "he is an oneida." the name, it is said, was given to the nation because when dekanawidah and hiawatha first went to meet its chief, they crossed the oneida creek on a bridge composed of an immense tree which had fallen or been laid across it, and noted that the council fire at which the treaty was concluded was kindled against another huge log. these, however, may be merely explanations invented in later times. the cayugas bore in council the name of _sotinonnawentona_, meaning "the great-pipe people." in the singular it is _sononnawentona_. the root of the word is _kanonnawen_, which in composition becomes _kanonnawenta_, meaning pipe, or calumet. it is said that the chief who in the first council represented the cayugas smoked a pipe of unusual size, which attracted the notice of the "name-givers." finally the seneca mountaineers, the _sonnontowanas_, bore the title, in the canienga speech, of _ronaninhohonti_, "the door-keepers," or literally, "they who are at the doorway." in the singular this becomes _roninhohonti_. in the onondaga dialect it is _honinhohonta_. it is a verbal form, derived from _kanhoha_, door, and _ont_, to be. this name is undoubtedly coeval with the formation of the league, and was bestowed as a title of honor. the senecas, at the western end of the "extended mansion," guarded the entrance against the wild tribes in that quarter, whose hostility was most to be dreaded. the enumeration of the chiefs who formed the confederacy is closed by the significant words, "and then, in later times, additions were made to the great edifice." this is sufficient evidence that the canienga "book of rites" was composed in its present form after the tuscaroras, and possibly after the nanticokes and tuteloes, were received into the league. the tuscaroras were admitted in ; the two other nations were received about the year . [footnote: the former date is well known; for the latter, see _n. y. hist. col._, vol. , p. ; stone's _life of sir william johnson_, p. .] an outburst of lamentation follows. the speaker has recited the names of the heroes and statesmen to whom the united nations were indebted for the great peace which had so long prevailed among them. he has recalled the wise laws which they established; and he is about to chant the closing litany, commemorating the fifty chiefs who composed the first federal council, and whose names have remained as the official titles of their successors. in recalling these memories of departed greatness his mind is filled with grief and humiliation at the contrast presented by the degeneracy of his own days. it is a common complaint of all countries and all times; but the sentiment was always, according to the missionaries, especially strong among the indians, who are a conservative race. the orator appeals to the shades of their ancestors, in words which, in the baldest of literal versions, are full of eloquence and pathos. the "great law" has become old, and has lost its force. its authors have passed away, and have carried it with them into their graves. they have placed it as a pillow under their heads. their degenerate successors have inherited their names, but not their mighty intellects; and in the flourishing region which they left, naught but a desert remains. a trace, and not a slight one, of the mournful sublimity which we admire in the hebrew prophets, with a similar cadence of "parallelism" in the style, will be noticed in this forest lament. the same characteristics mark the chanted litany which closes the address. there is not merely parallelism and cadence, but occasionally rhyme, in the stanzas which are interspersed among the names, as is seen in the oft-repeated chorus which follows the names composing each clan or "class":-- etho natejonhne, sewaterihwakhaonghkwe, sewarihwisaanonghkwe, kayaterenhkowa. [footnote: for the translation, see _ante_, p. .] this litany is sung in the usual style of their mourning or religious chants, with many long-drawn repetitions of the customary ejaculation _haihhaih_,--an exclamation which, like the greek "ai! ai!" belongs to the wailing style appropriate to such a monody. the expressions of the chant, like those of a greek chorus, are abrupt, elliptical, and occasionally obscure. it is probable that this chant, like the condoling hymn in the former part of the book, is of earlier style than the other portions of the work, their rhythmical form having preserved the original words with greater accuracy. such explanations of the doubtful passages as could be obtained from the chiefs and the interpreters will be found in the notes. the chant and the book end abruptly with the mournful exclamation, "now we are dejected in mind." the lament which precedes the litany, and which is interrupted by it, may be said to close with these words. as the council is held, nominally at least, for the purpose of condolence, and as it necessarily revives the memory of the departed worthies of their republic, it is natural that the ceremonies throughout should be of a melancholy cast. they were doubtless so from the beginning, and before there was any occasion to deplore the decay of their commonwealth or the degeneracy of the age. in fact, when we consider that the founders of the league, with remarkable skill and judgment, managed to compress into a single day the protracted and wasteful obsequies customary among other tribes of the same race, we shall not be surprised to find that they sought to make the ceremonies of the day as solemn and impressive as possible. but there are other characteristics of the "book of rites," prominent in the canienga section, and still more marked in the onondaga portion, which may well excite our astonishment. they have been already noticed, but seem to deserve fuller consideration. it will be observed that, from beginning to end, the book breathes nothing but sentiments of kindness and sympathy for the living, and of reverence for the departed,--not merely for the chief whom they have come to mourn, but also for the great men who have preceded him, and especially for the founders of their commonwealth. combined with these sentiments, and harmonizing with them, is an earnest desire for peace, along with a profound respect for the laws under which they lived. the work in which these feelings are expressed is a genuine composition of the indians themselves, framed long before they were affected by any influences from abroad, and repeated among them for centuries, with the entire assent of the hearers. it affords unquestionable evidence of the true character both of those who composed and of those who received it. chapter viii. the iroquois character. the popular opinion of the indian, and more especially of the iroquois, who, as mr. parkman well observes, is an "indian of the indians," represents him as a sanguinary, treacherous and vindictive being, somewhat cold in his affections, haughty and reserved toward his friends, merciless to his enemies, fond of strife, and averse to industry and the pursuits of peace. some magnanimous traits are occasionally allowed to him; and poetry and romance have sometimes thrown a glamour about his character, which popular opinion, not without reason, energetically repudiates and resents. the truth is that the circumstances under which the red and white races have encountered in north america have been such as necessarily to give rise to a wholly false impression in regard to the character of the aborigines. the european colonists, superior in civilization and in the arts of war, landed on the coast with the deliberate intention of taking possession of the country and displacing the natives. the indians were at once thrown on the defensive. from the very beginning they fought, not merely for their land, but for their lives; for it was from their land that they drew the means of living. all wars between the whites and the indians, whatever the color or pretence on either side, have been on both sides wars of extermination. they have been carried on as such wars always have been and always will be carried on. on the side of the stronger there have been constant encroachments, effected now by menace and now by cajolery, but always prefaced by the display and the insolence of superior power. on the side of the weaker there have been alternations of sullen acquiescence and of fierce and fruitless resistance. it is not surprising that under such circumstances the character of each party has been presented to the other in the most forbidding light. the indians must be judged, like every other people, not by the traits which they display in the fury of a desperate warfare, but by their ordinary demeanor in time of peace, and especially by the character of their social and domestic life. on this point the testimony of missionaries and of other competent observers who have lived among them is uniform. at home the indians are the most kindly and generous of men. constant good humor, unfailing courtesy, ready sympathy with distress, and a truly lavish liberality, mark their intercourse with one another. the jesuit missionaries among the hurons knew them before intercourse with the whites and the use of ardent spirits had embittered and debased them. the testimony which they have left on record is very remarkable. the missionary brebeuf, protesting against the ignorant prejudice which would place the indians on a level with the brutes, gives the result of his observation in emphatic terms. "in my opinion," he writes, "it is no small matter to say of them that they live united in towns, sometimes of fifty, sixty, or a hundred dwellings, that is, of three or four hundred households; that they cultivate the fields, from which they derive their food for the whole year; and that they maintain peace and friendship with one another." he doubts "if there is another nation under heaven more commendable in this respect" than the huron "nation of the bear," among whom he resided. "they have," he declares, "a gentleness and an affability almost incredible for barbarians." they keep up "this perfect goodwill," as he terms it, "by frequent visits, by the aid which they give one another in sickness, and by their festivals and social gatherings, whenever they are not occupied by their fields and fisheries, or in hunting or trade." "they are," he continues, "less in their own cabins than in those of their friends. if any one falls sick, and wants something which may benefit him, everybody is eager to furnish it. whenever one of them has something specially good to eat, he invites his friends and makes a feast. indeed, they hardly ever eat alone." [footnote: _relation_ for , p. .] the iroquois, who had seemed little better than demons to the missionaries while they knew them only as enemies to the french or their huron allies, astonished them, on a nearer acquaintance, by the development of similar traits of natural goodness. "you will find in them," declares one of these fair-minded and cultivated observers, "virtues which might well put to blush the majority of christians. there is no need of hospitals among them, because there are no beggars among them, and indeed, none who are poor, so long as any of them are rich. their kindness, humanity and courtesy not merely make them liberal in giving, but almost lead them to live as though everything they possess were held in common. no one can want food while there is corn anywhere in the town." it is true that the missionaries often accuse the iroquois of cruelty and perfidy; but the narrative shows that these qualities were only displayed in their wars, and apparently only against enemies whose cruelty and perfidy they had experienced. we can now see that the plan of universal federation and general peace which hiawatha devised had nothing in itself so surprising as to excite our incredulity. it was, indeed, entirely in accordance with the genius of his people. its essence was the extension to all nations of the methods of social and civil life which prevailed in his own nation. if the people of a town of four hundred families could live in constant "peace and friendship," why should not all the tribes of men dwell together in the same manner? the idea is one which might readily have occurred to any man of benevolent feelings and thoughtful temperament. the project in itself is not so remarkable as the energy and skill with which it was carried into effect. it is deserving of notice, however, that according to the indian tradition, hiawatha was impelled to action mainly by experience of the mischiefs which were caused in his own nation through a departure from their ordinary system of social life. the missionaries, in describing the general harmony which prevailed among the hurons, admit that it was sometimes disturbed. there were "bad spirits" among them, as everywhere else, who could not always be controlled. [footnote: _relation of _, p. : "ostez quelques mauvais esprits, qui se rencontrent quasi partout," etc.] atotarho, among the onondagas, was one of these bad spirits; and in his case, unfortunately, an evil disposition was reinforced by a keen intellect and a powerful will. his history for a time offered a rare instance of something approaching to despotism, or the greek "tyranny," exercised in an indian tribe. a fact so strange, and conduct so extraordinary, seemed in after-times to require explanation. a legend is preserved among the onondagas, which was apparently devised to account for a prodigy so far out of the common order of events. i give it in the words in which it is recorded in my journal. [footnote: this story was related to me in march, , by my intelligent friend, chief john buck, who was inclined to give it credence,--sharing in this, as in other things, the sentiments of the best among his people.] "another legend, of which i have not before heard, professed to give the origin both of the abnormal ferocity and of the preterhuman powers of atotarho. he was already noted as a chief and a warrior, when he had the misfortune to kill a peculiar bird, resembling a sea-gull, which is reputed to possess poisonous qualities of singular virulence. by his contact with the dead bird his mind was affected. he became morose and cruel, and at the same time obtained the power of destroying men and other creatures at a distance. three sons of hiawatha were among his victims. he attended the councils which were held, and made confusion in them, and brought all the people into disturbance and terror. his bodily appearance was changed at the same time, and his aspect became so terrible that the story spread, and was believed, that his head was encircled by living snakes." the only importance of this story is in the evidence it affords that conduct so anti-social as that of atotarho was deemed to be the result of a disordered mind. in his case, as in that of the scottish tyrant and murderer, "the insane root that took the reason prisoner," was doubtless an unbridled ambition. it is interesting to remark that even his fierce temper and determined will were forced to yield at last to the pressure of public opinion, which compelled him to range himself on the side of peace and union. in the whimsical imagery of the narrative, which some of the story-tellers, after their usual fashion, have converted from a metaphor to a fact, hiawatha "combed the snakes out of the head" of his great antagonist, and presented him to the council changed and restored to his right mind. chapter ix. the iroquois policy. few popular notions, it may be affirmed, are so far from the truth as that which makes the iroquois a band of treacherous and ferocious ravagers, whose career was marked everywhere by cruelty and devastation. the clear and positive evidence of historical facts leads to a widely different conclusion. it is not going too far to assert that among all uncivilized races the iroquois have shown themselves to be the most faithful of allies, the most placable of enemies, and the most clement of conquerors. it will be proper, in justice to them, as well as in the interest of political and social science, to present briefly the principles and methods which guided them in their intercourse with other communities. their system, as finally developed, comprised four distinct forms of connection with other nations, all tending directly to the establishment of universal peace. . as has been already said, the primary object of the founders of their league was the creation of a confederacy which should comprise all the nations and tribes of men that were known to them. experience, however, quickly showed that this project, admirable in idea, was impossible of execution. distance, differences of language, and difficulties of communication, presented obstacles which could not be overcome. but the plan was kept in view as one of the cardinal principles of their policy. they were always eager to receive new members into their league. the tuscaroras, the nanticokes, the tuteloes, and a band of the delawares, were thus successively admitted, and all of them still retain representative in the council of the canadian branch of the confederacy. . when this complete political union could not be achieved, the iroquois sought to accomplish the same end, as far as possible, by a treaty of alliance. two notable examples will show how earnestly this purpose was pursued, and how firmly it was maintained. when the dutch established their trading settlements on the hudson river, one of their first proceedings was to send an embassy to the five nations, with proposals for a treaty. the overture was promptly accepted. a strict alliance was formed, and was ratified in the usual manner by an exchange of wampum belts. when the english took the place of the dutch, the treaty was renewed with them, and was confirmed in the same manner. the wampum-belts then received by the confederates are still preserved on their canadian reservation, and are still brought forth and expounded by the older chiefs to the younger generation, in their great councils. history records with what unbroken faith, through many changes, and despite many provocations from their allies and many enticements from the french rulers and missionaries, this alliance was maintained to the last. if it be suggested that this fidelity was strengthened by motives of policy, the same cannot be affirmed of the alliance with the ojibways, which dates from a still earlier period. the annalists of the kanonsionni affirm that their first treaty with this widespread people of the northwest was made soon after the formation of their league, and that it was strictly maintained on both sides for more than two hundred years. the ojibways then occupied both shores of lake superior, and the northern part of the peninsula of michigan. the point at which they came chiefly in contact with the adventurous iroquois voyagers was at the great fishing station of st. mary's falls, on the strait which unites lake superior with lake huron; and here, it is believed, the first alliance was consummated. after more than two centuries had elapsed, the broken bands of the defeated hurons, fleeing from their ravaged homes on the georgian bay, took refuge among the ojibways, with whom they, too, had always maintained a friendly understanding. their presence and the story of their sufferings naturally awakened the sympathy of their hosts. the rapid spread of the iroquois empire created alarm. a great agitation ensued among the far-dispersed bands of the ojibway name. occasional meetings between hunting-parties of the younger warriors of the two peoples,--the iroquois arrogant in the consciousness of their recent conquests, the ojibways sullen and suspicious,--led to bitter words, and sometimes to actual strife. on two occasions several ojibway warriors were slain, under what provocation is uncertain. but the reparation demanded by the ojibway chiefs was promptly conceded by the iroquois council. the amplest apology was made, and for every slain warrior a pack of furs was delivered. the ancient treaty was at the same time renewed, with every formality. nothing could more clearly show the anxiety of the iroquois rulers to maintain their national faith than this apology and reparation, so readily made by them, at the time when their people were at the height of their power and in the full flush of conquest. [footnote: the ojibway historian, copway, in his "_traditional history of the ojibway nation_" (p. ), gives the particulars of this event, as preserved by the ojibways themselves. even the strong national prejudice of the narrator, which has evidently colored his statement, leaves the evidence of the magnanimity and prudence of the iroquois elders clearly apparent.] these efforts, however, to preserve the ancient amity proved unavailing. through whose fault it was that the final outbreak occurred is a question which the annalists of the two parties differ. but the events just recounted, and, indeed, all the circumstances, speak strongly in favor of the iroquois. they had shown their anxiety to maintain the peace, and they had nothing to gain by war. the bleak northern home of the ojibways offered no temptation to the most greedy conqueror. to the ojibways, on the other hand, the broad expanse of western canada, now lying deserted, and stretching before them its wealth of forests full of deer, its lakes and rivers swarming with fish, its lovely glades and fertile plains, where the corn harvests of the hurons and neutrals had lately glistened, were an allurement which they could not resist. they assumed at once the wrongs and the territories of their exiled huron friends, and plunged into the long-meditated strife with their ancient allies. the contest was desperate and destructive. many sanguinary battles took place, and great numbers of warriors fell on both sides. on the whole the balance inclined against the iroquois. in this war they were a southern people, contending against a hardier race from the far north. they fought at a distance from their homes, while the ojibways, migrating in bands, pitched their habitations in the disputed region. finally, both sides became weary of the strife. old sentiments of fellowship revived. peace was declared, and a new treaty was made. the territory for which they had fought was divided between them. the southwestern portion, which had been the home of the attiwandaronks, remained as the hunting-ground of the iroquois. north and east of this section the ojibways possessed the land. the new treaty, confirmed by the exchange of wampum-belts and by a peculiar interlocking of the right arms, which has ever since been the special sign of amity between the iroquois and the ojibways, was understood to make them not merely allies but brothers. as the symbol on one of the belts which is still preserved indicates, they were to be as relatives who are so nearly akin that they eat from the same dish. this treaty, made two centuries ago, has ever since been religiously maintained. its effects are felt to this day. less than forty years ago a band of the ojibways, the missisagas, forced to relinquish their reserved lands on the river credit, sought a refuge with the iroquois of the grand river reservation. they appealed to this treaty, and to the evidence of the wampum-belts. their appeal was effectual. a large tract of valuable land was granted to them by the six nations. here, maintaining their distinct tribal organization, they still reside, a living evidence of the constancy and liberality with which the iroquois uphold their treaty obligations. . when a neighboring people would neither join the confederacy nor enter into a treaty of alliance with it, the almost inevitable result would be, sooner or later, a deadly war. among the nomadic or unsettled indian tribes, especially the algonkins and sioux, the young men are expected to display their bravery by taking scalps; and a race of farmers, hunters, and fishermen, like the iroquois, would be tempting victims. before the confederacy was formed, some of its members, particularly the caniengas and oneidas, had suffered greatly from wars with the wilder tribes about them. the new strength derived from the league enabled them to turn the tables upon their adversaries. but they made a magnanimous use of their superiority. an enemy who submitted was at once spared. when the great delaware nation, the lenapes, known as the head of the algonkin stock, yielded to the arms of the kanonsionni, they were allowed to retain their territory and nearly all their property. they were simply required to acknowledge themselves the subjects of the iroquois, to pay a moderate tribute in wampum and furs, and to refrain thenceforth from taking any part in war. in the expressive indian phrase, they were "made women." this phrase did not even imply, according to iroquois ideas, any serious humiliation; for among them, as the french missionaries tell us, women had much authority. [footnote: "les femmes ayant beaucoup d'autorité parmi ces peuples, leur vertu y fait d'autant plus de fruit qu'autre part."--_relation of_ , p. .] their special office in war was that of peace-makers. it was deemed to be their right and duty, when in their opinion the strife had lasted long enough, to interfere and bring about a reconciliation. the knowledge of this fact led the lenapes, in aftertimes, to put forward a whimsical claim to dignity, which was accepted by their worthy but credulous historian, heckewelder. they asserted that while their nation was at the height of power, their ancestors were persuaded by the insidious wiles of the iroquois to lay aside their arms, for the purpose of assuming the lofty position of universal mediators and arbiters among the indian nations. [footnote: heckewelder's _history of the indian nations_, p. .] that this preposterous story should have found credence is surprising enough. a single fact suffices to disprove it, and to show the terms on which the delawares stood with the great northern confederacy. golden has preserved for us the official record of the council which was held in philadelphia, in july, , between the provincial authorities and the deputies of the six nations, headed by their noted orator and statesman, the great onondaga chief, canasatego. the delawares, whose claim to certain lands was to be decided, attended the conference. the onondaga leader, after reciting the evidence which had been laid before him to show that these lands had been sold to the colonists by the delawares, and severely rebuking the latter for their breach of faith in repudiating the bargain, continued: "but how came you to take upon you to sell land at all? we conquered you. we made women of you. you know you are women, and can no more sell land than women. nor is it fit that you should have the power of selling lands, since you would abuse it. this very land that you now claim has been consumed by you. you have had it in meat and drink and clothes, and now you want it again, like children, as you are. but what makes you sell land in the dark? did you ever tell us that you had sold this land? did we ever receive any part of the price, even the value of a pipe-stem from you? you have told us a blind story--that you sent a messenger to inform us of the sale; but he never came among us, nor have we ever heard anything about it. and for all these reasons we charge you to remove instantly. we don't give you the liberty to think about it. we assign you two places to go, either to wyoming or shamokin. you may go to either of those places, and then we shall have you more under our eyes, and shall see how you behave. don't deliberate, but remove away; and take this belt of wampum." [footnote: golden: _history of the five nations_, vol. ii, p. ( d edition).] this imperious allocution, such as a cinna or a cornelius might have delivered to a crowd of trembling and sullen greeks, shows plainly enough the relation in which the two communities stood to one another. it proves also that the rule under which the conquered delawares were held was anything but oppressive. they seem to have been allowed almost entire freedom, except only in making war and in disposing of their lands without the consent of the six nations. in fact, the iroquois, in dealing with them, anticipated the very regulations which the enlightened governments of the united states and england now enforce in that benevolent treatment of the indian tribes for which they justly claim high credit. can they refuse a like credit to their dusky predecessors and exemplars, or deny them the praise of being, as has been already said, the most clement of conquerors? . finally, when a tribe within what may be called "striking distance" of the confederacy would neither join the league, nor enter into an alliance with its members, nor come under their protection, there remained nothing but a chronic state of warfare, which destroyed all sense of security and comfort. the iroquois hunter, fisherman, or trader, returning home after a brief absence, could never be sure that he would not find his dwelling a heap of embers, smoldering over the mangled remains of his wife and children. the plainest dictates of policy taught the confederates that the only safe method in dealing with such persistent and unappeasable foes was to crush them utterly. among the most dangerous of their enemies were the hurons and the eastern algonkins, sustained and encouraged by the french colonists. it is from them and their historians chiefly that the complaints of iroquois cruelties have descended to us; but the same historians have not omitted to inform us that the first acquaintance of the iroquois with triese colonists was through two most wanton and butcherly assaults which champlain and his soldiers, in company with their indian allies, made upon their unoffending neighbors. no milder epithets can justly describe these unprovoked invasions, in which the iroquois bowmen, defending their homes, were shot down mercilessly with firearms, by strangers whom they had never before seen or perhaps even heard of. this stroke of evil policy, which tarnished an illustrious name, left far-reaching consequences, affecting the future of half a continent. its first result was the destruction of the hurons, the special allies and instigators of the colonists in their hostilities. the attiwandaronks, or neutrals, with whom, till this time, the iroquois had maintained peaceful relations, shared the same fate; for they were the friends of the hurons and the french. the eries perished in a war provoked, as the french missionaries in their always trustworthy accounts inform us, by a perverse freak of cruelty on their own part. yet, in all these destructive wars, the iroquois never for a moment forgot the principles which lay at the foundation of their league, and which taught them to "strengthen their house" by converting enemies into friends. on the instant that resistance ceased, slaughter ceased with it. the warriors who were willing to unite their fortunes with the confederates were at once welcomed among them. some were adopted into the families of those who had lost children or brothers. others had lands allotted to them, on which they were allowed to live by themselves, under their own chiefs and their native laws, until in two or three generations, by friendly intercourse, frequent intermarriages, and community of interests, they became gradually absorbed into the society about them. those who suppose that the hurons only survive in a few wyandots, and that the eries, attiwandaronks, and andastes have utterly perished, are greatly mistaken. it is absolutely certain that of the twelve thousand indians who now, in the united states and canada, preserve the iroquois name, the greater portion derive their descent, in whole or in part, from those conquered nations. [footnote: "ces victoires lear caasant presque autant de perte qu'a leurs ennemis, elles ont tellement depeuplé leurs bourgs, qu'on y compte plus d'estfangers que de naturels du pays. onnontaghe a sept nations differentes qut s'y sont venues establir, et il s'en trouve jusqu'a onze dans sonnontoiian." _relation of_ , p. . "qui feroit la supputation des francs iroquois, auroit de la peine d'en trouver plus de douze cents (i. e. combattans) en toutes les cinq nations, parce que le plus grand nombre n'est compose que d'un ramas de divers peuples qu'ils ont conquestez, commes des hurons, des tionnontateronnons, autrement nation du petun; des attiwendaronk, qu'on appelloit neutres, quand ils estoient sur pied; des riquehronnons, qui sont ceux de la nation des chats; des ontwaganha, ou nation du feu; des trakwaehronnons, et autres, qui, tout estrangers qu'ils sont, font sans doute la plus grande et la meilleure parties des iroquois." _ret. de_ , p. . yet, it was this "conglomeration of divers peoples" that, under the discipline of iroquois institutions and the guidance of iroquois statesmen and commanders, held high the name of the kanonsionni, and made the confederacy a great power on the continent for more than a century after this time; who again and again measured arms and intellects with french generals and diplomatists, and came off at least with equal fortune; who smote their abenaki enemies in the far east, punished the illinois marauders in the far west, and thrust back the intruding cherokees into their southern mountains; who were a wall of defence to the english colonies, and a strong protection to the many broken bands of indians which from every quarter clustered round the shadow of the "great pine tree" of onondaga.] no other indian community, so far as we know, has ever pursued this policy of incorporation to anything near the same extent, or carried it out with anything like the same humanity. even towards the most determined and the most savage of their foes, the kanonsionni, when finally victorious, showed themselves ever magnanimous and placable. the common opinion of the cruelty of the iroquois has arisen mainly from the custom which they occasionally practiced, like some other indians, of burning prisoners at the stake. out of the multitude of their captives, the number subjected to this torture was really very small,--probably not nearly as large in proportion as the number of criminals and political prisoners who, in some countries of europe, at about the same time, were subjected to the equally cruel torments of the rack and the wheel. these criminals and other prisoners were so tortured because they were regarded as the enemies of society. the motives which actuated the iroquois were precisely the same. as has been before remarked, the mode in which their enemies carried on their warfare with them was chiefly by stealthy and sudden inroads. the prowling warrior lurked in the woods near the iroquois village through the day, and at night fell with hatchet and club upon his unsuspecting victims. the iroquois lawgivers deemed it essential for the safety of their people that the men who were guilty of such murderous attacks should have reason to apprehend, if caught, a direful fate. if the comparatively few instances of these political tortures which occurred among the iroquois are compared with the awful list of similar and worse inflictions which stain the annals of the most enlightened nations of europe and asia, ancient and modern,--the crucifixions, the impalements, the dreadful mutilations--lopping of hands and feet, tearing out of eyes--the tortures of the rack and wheel, the red-hot pincers, the burning crown, the noisome dungeon, the slow starvation, the lingering death in the siberian mines,--it will become evident that these barbarians were far inferior to their civilized contemporaries in the temper and arts of inhumanity. even in the very method of punishment which they adopted the indians were outdone in europe, and that, strangely enough, by the two great colonizing and conquering nations, heirs of all modern enlightenment, who came to displace them,--the english and the spaniards. the iroquois never burnt women at the stake. to put either men or women to death for a difference of creed had not occurred to them. it may justly be affirmed that in the horrors of smithfield and the campo santo, the innate barbarism of the aryan, breaking through his thin varnish of civilization, was found, far transcending the utmost barbarism of the indian. [footnote: the aryans of europe are undoubtedly superior in humanity, courage and independence, to those of asia. it is possible that the finer qualities which distinguish the western branch of this stock may have been derived from admixture with an earlier population of europe, identical in race and character with the aborigines of america. see appendix, note f.] chapter x. the iroquois language. as the mental faculties of a people are reflected in their speech, we should naturally expect that the language of a race manifesting such unusual powers as the iroquois nations have displayed would be of a remarkable character. in this expectation we are not disappointed. the languages of the huron-iroquois family belong to what has been termed the polysynthetic class, and are distinguished, even in that class, by a more than ordinary endowment of that variety of forms and fullness of expression for which languages of that type are noted. the best-qualified judges have been the most struck with this peculiar excellence. "the variety of compounds," wrote the accomplished missionary, brebeuf, concerning the huron tongue, "is very great; it is the key to the secret of their language. they have as many genders as ourselves, as many numbers as the greeks." recurring to the same comparison, he remarks of the huron verb that it has as many tenses and numbers as the greek, with certain discriminations which the latter did not possess. [footnote: _relation_ of , pp , .] a great living authority has added the weight of his name to these opinions of the scholarly jesuit. professor max muller, who took the opportunity afforded by the presence of a mohawk undergraduate at oxford to study his language, writes of it in emphatic terms: "to my mind the structure of such a language as the mohawk is quite sufficient evidence that those who worked out such a work of art were powerful reasoners and accurate classifiers." [footnote: in a letter to the author, dated feb. , . in a subsequent letter prof. muller writes, in regard to the study of the aboriginal languages of this continent: "it has long been a puzzle to me why this most tempting and promising field of philological research has been allowed to lie almost fallow in america,--as if these languages could not tell us quite as much of the growth of the human mind as chinese, or hebrew, or sanscrit." i have prof. max miller's permission to publish these extracts, and gladly do so, in the hope that they may serve to stimulate that growing interest which the efforts of scholars like trumbull, shea, cuoq, brinton, and, more recently, major powell and his able collaborators of the ethnological bureau, are at length beginning to awaken among us, in the investigation of this important and almost unexplored province of linguistic science.] it is a fact somewhat surprising, as well as unfortunate, that no complete grammar of any language of the huron-iroquois stock has ever been published. many learned and zealous missionaries, catholic and protestant, have labored among the tribes of this stock for more than two centuries. portions of the scriptures, as well as some other works, have been translated into several of these languages. some small books, including biographies and hymn-books, have been composed and printed in two of them; and the late devoted and indefatigable missionary among the senecas, the rev. asher wright, conducted for several years a periodical, the "mental elevator" (_ne jaguhnigoageswatha_), in their language. several grammars are known to have been composed, but none have as yet been printed in a complete form. one reason of this unwillingness to publish was, undoubtedly, the sense which the compilers felt of the insufficiency of their work; such is the extraordinary complexity of the language, such the multiplicity of its forms and the subtlety of its distinctions, that years of study are required to master it; and indeed it may be said that the abler the investigator and the more careful his study, the more likely he is to be dissatisfied with his success. this dissatisfaction was frankly expressed and practically exhibited by mr. wright himself, certainly one of the best endowed and most industrious of these inquirers. after residing for several years among the senecas, forming an alphabet remarkable for its precise discrimination of sounds, and even publishing several translations in their language, he undertook to give some account of its grammatical forms. a little work printed in , with the modest title of "_a spelling-book of the seneca language_," comprises the variations of nouns, adjectives and pronouns, given with much minuteness. those of the verbs are promised, but the book closes abruptly without them, for the reason--as the author afterwards explained to a correspondent--that he had not as yet been able to obtain such a complete knowledge of them as he desired. this difficulty is further exemplified by a work purporting to be a "_grammar of the huron language, by a missionary of the village of huron indians, near quebec, found amongst the papers of the mission, and translated from the latin, by the rev. john wilkie_." this translation is published in the "_transactions of the literary and historical society of quebec_," for , and fills more than a hundred octavo pages. it is a work evidently of great labor, and is devoted chiefly to the variations of the verbs; yet its lack of completeness may be judged from the single fact that the "transitions," or in other words, the combinations of the double pronouns, nominative and objective, with the transitive verb, which form such an important feature of the language, are hardly noticed; and, it may be added, though the conjugations are mentioned, they are not explained. the work, indeed, would rather perplex than aid an investigator, and gives no proper idea of the character and richness of the language. the same may be said of the grammatical notices comprised in the latin "proemium" to bruyas' iroquois dictionary. these notices are apparently modeled to some extent on this anonymous grammar of the huron language,--unless, indeed, the latter may have been copied from bruyas; the rules which they give being in several instances couched in the same words. some useful grammatical explanations are found in the anonymous onondaga dictionary of the seventeenth century, published by dr. shea in his "_library of american linguistics_." but by far the most valuable contribution to our knowledge of the structure of this remarkable group of languages is found in the works of a distinguished writer of our own day, the rev. j. a. cuoq, of montreal, eminent both as a missionary and as a philologist. after twenty years of labor among the iroquois and algonkin tribes in the province of quebec, m. cuoq was led to appear as an author by his desire to defend his charges against the injurious effect of a judgment which had been pronounced by a noted authority. m. renan had put forth, among the many theories which distinguish his celebrated work on the semitic languages, one which seemed to m. cuoq as mischievous as it was unfounded. m. renan held that no races were capable of civilization except such as have now attained it; and that these comprised only the aryan, the semitic, and the chinese. this opinion was enforced by a reference to the languages spoken by the members of those races. "to imagine a barbarous race speaking a semitic or an indo-european language is," he declares, "an impossible supposition (_une fiction, conradictoire_), which no person can entertain who is familiar with the laws of comparative philology, and with the general theory of the human intellect." to one who remembers that every nation of the indo-european race traces its descent from a barbarous ancestry, and especially that the germans in the days of tacitus were in precisely the same social stage as that of the iroquois in the days of champlain, this opinion of the brilliant french philologist and historian will seem erratic and unaccountable. m. cuoq sought to refute it, not merely by argument, but by the logic of facts. in two works, published successively in and , he showed, by many and various examples, that the iroquois and algonkin languages possessed all the excellences which m. renan admired in the indo-european languages, and surpassed in almost every respect the semitic and chinese tongues. [footnote: see _jugement erroné de m. ernest renan sur les langues sauvages:_ ( d edit.) dawson brothers, montreal: ; and _etudes philologiques sur quelques langues sauvages de r amerique. par n. o., ancien missionaire_. ibid: . also _lexique de la langue iroquoise, avec notes et appendices. par j. a. cuoq, prétre de st. sulpice_. j. chapleau & fils, montreal: . these are all works indispensable to the student of indian languages.] the resemblances of these indian languages to the greek struck him, as it had struck his illustrious predecessor, the martyred brebeuf, two hundred years before. m. cuoq is also the author of a valuable iroquois lexicon, with notes and appendices, in which he discusses some interesting points in the philology of the language. this lexicon is important, also, for comparison with that of the jesuit missionary, bruyas, as showing how little the language has varied in the course of two centuries. [footnote: _radices verborum iroquaeorum. auctore r. p. jacopo bruyas, societatis jesu_. published in shea's "_library of american linguistics_" for the works in this invaluable library, american scholars owe a debt of gratitude to dr. shea's enlightened zeal in the cause of science and humanity.] the following particulars respecting the iroquois tongues are mainly derived from the works of m. cuoq, of bruyas, and of mr. wright, supplemented by the researches of the author, pursued at intervals during several years, among the tribes of western canada and new york. only a very brief sketch of the subject can here be given. it is not too much to say that a complete grammar of any iroquois language would be at least as extensive as the best greek or sanscrit grammar. for such a work neither the writer, nor perhaps any other person now living, except m. cuoq himself, would be competent. the phonology of the language is at once simple and perplexing. according to m. cuoq, twelve letters suffice to represent it: _a, c, f, h, i, k, n, o, r, s, t, w_. mr. wright employs for the seneca seventeen, with diacritical marks, which raise the number to twenty-one. the english missionaries among the mohawks found sixteen letters sufficient, _a, d, e, g, h, i, j, k, n, o, r, s, t, u, w, y._ there are no labial sounds, unless the _f_, which rarely occurs, and appears to be merely an aspirated _w_, may be considered one. no definite distinction is maintained between the vowel sounds _o_ and _u_, and one of these letters may be dispensed with. the distinction between hard and soft (or surd and sonant) mutes is not preserved. the sounds of _d_ and _t_, and those of _k_ and _g_, are interchangeable. so also are those of _l_ and _r_, the former sound being heard more frequently in the oneida dialect and the latter in the canienga. from the western dialects,--the onondaga, cayuga and seneca,--this _l_ or _r_ sound has, in modern times, disappeared altogether. the canienga _konoronkwa_, i esteem him (in oneida usually sounded _konolonkwa_), has become _konoenkwa_ in onondaga,--and in cayuga and seneca is contracted to _kononkwa_. aspirates and aspirated gutturals abound, and have been variously represented by _h, hh, kh_, and _gh_, and sometimes (in the works of the early french missionaries) by the greek [greek: chi] and the _spiritus asper_. yet no permanent distinction appears to be maintained among the sounds thus represented, and m. cuoq reduces them all to the simple _h_. the french nasal sound abounds. m. cuoq and the earlier english missionaries have expressed it, as in french, simply by the _n_ when terminating a syllable. when it does not close a syllable, a diaeresis above the n, or else the spanish _tilde (n)_ indicates the sound. mr. wright denotes it by a line under the vowel. the later english missionaries express it by a diphthong: _ken_ becomes _kea; nonwa_ becomes _noewa_; _onghwentsya_ is written _oughweatsya_. a strict analysis would probably reduce the sounds of the canienga language to seven consonants, _h, k, n, r, s, t,_ and _w_, and four vowels, _a, e, i_, and _o_, of which three, _a, e, and o_, may receive a nasal sound. this nasalizing makes them, in fact, distinct elements; and the primary sounds of the language may therefore be reckoned at fourteen. [footnote: a dental _t_, which the french missionaries represent sometimes by the greek _theta_ and sometimes by _th_, and which the english have also occasionally expressed by the latter method, may possibly furnish an additional element. the greek _theta_ of the former is simply the english _w_.] the absence of labials and the frequent aspirated gutturals give to the utterance of the best speakers a deep and sonorous character which reminds the hearer of the stately castilian speech. the "book of rites," or, rather, the canienga portion of it, is written in the orthography first employed by the english missionaries. the _d_ is frequently used, and must be regarded merely as a variant of the _t_ sound. the _g_ is sometimes, though rarely, employed as a variant of the _k_. the digraph _gh_ is common and represents the guttural aspirate, which in german is indicated by _ch_ and in spanish by _j_. the french missionaries write it now simply _h_, and consider it merely a harsh pronunciation of the aspirate. the _j_ is sounded as in english; it usually represents a complex sound, which might be analysed into _ts_ or _tsi_; _jathondek_ is properly _tsiatontek_. the _x_, which occasionally appears, is to be pronounced _ks_, as in english. _an, en, on_, when not followed by a vowel, have a nasal sound, as in french. this sound is heard even when those syllables are followed by another _n_. thus _kanonsionni_ is pronounced as if written _kanonsionni_ and _yondennase_ as if written _yondennase_. the vowels have usually the same sound as in german and italian; but in the nasal _en_ the vowel has an obscure sound, nearly like that of the short _u_ in _but_. thus _yondennase_ sounds almost as if written _yondunnase_, and _kanienke_ is pronounced nearly like _kaniunke_. the nouns in iroquois are varied, but with accidence differing from the aryan and semitic variations, some of the distinctions being more subtle, and, so to speak, metaphysical. the dual is expressed by prefixing the particle _te_, and suffixing _ke_ to the noun; thus, from _kanonsa_, house, we have _tekanonsake_, two houses. these syllables, or at least the first, are supposed to be derived from _tekeni_, two. the plural, when it follows an adjective expressive of number, is indicated by the syllable _ni_ prefixed to the noun, and _ke_ suffixed; as, _eso nikanonsake_, many houses. in other cases the plural is sometimes expressed by one of the words _okon_ (or _hokon_) _okonha_, _son_ and _sonha_, following the noun. in general, however, the plural significance of nouns is left to be inferred from the context, the verb always and the adjective frequently indicating it. all beings are divided into two classes, which do not correspond either with the aryan genders or with the distinctions of animate and inanimate which prevail in the algonkin tongues. these classes have been styled noble and common. to the noble belong male human beings and deities. the other class comprises women and all other objects. it seems probable, however, that the distinction in the first instance was merely that of sex,--that it was, in fact, a true gender. deities, being regarded as male, were included in the masculine gender. there being no neuter form, the feminine gender was extended, and made to comprise all other beings. these classes, however, are not indicated by any change in the noun, but merely by the forms of the pronoun and the verb. the local relations of nouns are expressed by affixed particles, such as _ke_, _ne_, _kon_, _akon_, _akta._ thus, from _onónta_ mountain, we have _onontáke_, at (or to) the mountain; from _akéhrat_, dish, _akehrátne_, in (or on) the dish; from _kanónsa_, house, _kanonsákon_, or _kanónskon_, in the house, _kanonsókon_, under the house, and _kanonsákta_, near the house. these locative particles, it will be seen, usually, though not always, draw the accent towards them. the most peculiar and perplexing variation is that made by what is termed the "crement," affixed to many (though not all) nouns. this crement in the canienga takes various forms, _ta, sera, tsera, kwa._ _onkwe_, man, becomes _onkwéta_; _otkon_, spirit, _otkónsera_; _akáwe_, oar, _akawétsera_; _ahta_, shoe, _ahhtákwa_. the crement is employed when the noun is used with numeral adjectives, when it has adjective or other affixes, and generally when it enters into composition with other words. thus _onkwe_, man, combined with the adjective termination _iyo_ (from the obsolete _wiyo_, good) becomes _onkwetiyo_, good man. _wenni_, day, becomes in the plural _niate_ _niwenniserake_, many days, etc. the change, however, is not grammatical merely, but conveys a peculiar shade of meaning difficult to define. the noun, according to m. cuoq, passes from a general and determinate to a special and restricted sense. _onkwe_ means man in general; _asen nionkwetake_, three men (in particular.) one interpreter rendered _akawétsera_, "the oar itself." the affix _sera_ or _tsera_ seems to be employed to form what we should term abstract nouns, though to the iroquois mind they apparently present themselves as possessing a restricted or specialized sense. thus from _iotarihen_, it is warm, we have _otarihénsera_, heat; from _wakeriat_, to be brave, _ateriatitsera_, courage. so _kakweniátsera_, authority; _kanaiésera_, pride; _kanakwénsera_, anger. words of this class abound in the iroquois; so little ground is there for the common opinion that the language is destitute of abstract nouns. [footnote: see, on this point, the remarks of dr brinton to the same effect, in regard to the aztec, qquichua, and other languages, with interesting illustrations, in his _"american hero myths"_, p. ] the adjective, when employed in an isolated form, follows the substantive; as _kanonsa kowa_, large house; _onkwe honwe_ (or _onwe_) a real man. but, in general, the substantive and the adjective coalesce in one word. _ase_ signifies new, and added to _kanonsa_ gives us _kanonsáse_, new house. karonta, tree, and _kowa_, or _kowanen_, great, make together _karontowánen_, great tree. frequently the affixed adjective is never employed as an isolated word. the termination _iyo_ (or _iio_) expresses good or beautiful, and _aksen_, bad or ugly; thus _kanonsiyo_, fine house, _kanonsasken_, ugly house. these compound forms frequently make their plural by adding _s_, as _kanonsiyos_, _kanonsaksens_. the pronouns are more numerous than in any european language, and show clearer distinctions in meaning. thus, in the singular, besides the ordinary pronouns, i, thou, he and she, the language possesses an indeterminate form, which answers very nearly to the french _on_. the first person of the dual has two forms, the one including, the other excluding, the person addressed, and signifying, therefore, respectively, "thou and i," and "he and i." the first person plural has the same twofold form. the third persons dual and plural have masculine and feminine forms. thus the language has fifteen personal pronouns, all in common use, and all, it may be added, useful in expressing distinctions which the english can only indicate by circumlocutions. these pronouns are best shown in the form in which they are prefixed to a verb. the following are examples of the verb _katkahtos_, i see (root _atkahto_) and _kenonwes_, i love (root _nonwe_), as conjugated in the present tense:-- _katkahtos_, i see. _satkahtos_, thou seest. _ratkahtos_, he sees. _watkahtos_, she sees, _iontkahtos_, one sees. _tiatkahtos_, we two see (thou and i.) _iakiatkahtos_, we two see (he and i.) _tsiatkahtos_, ye two see. _hiatkahtos_, they two see (masc.) _kiatkahtos_, they two see (fem.) _tewatkahtos_, we see (ye and i.) _iakwatkahtos_, we see (they and i.) _sewatkahtos_, ye see. _rontkahtos_, they see (masc.) _kontkahtos_, they see (fem.) _kenonwes_, i love. _senonwes_, thou lovest. _rononwes_, he loves. _kanonwes_, she loves. _icnonwes_, one loves. _teninonwes_, we two love (thou and i) _iakeninonwes_, we two love (he and i) _seninonwes_, ye two love. _hninonwes_, they two love (masc.) _keninonwes_, they two love (fem.) _tewanonwes_, we love (ye and i.) _iakwanonwes_, we love (they and i.) _sewanonwes_, ye love. _ratinonwes_, they love (masc.) _kontinonwes_, they love (fem.) it will be observed that in these examples the prefixed pronouns differ considerably in some cases. these differences determine (or are determined by) the conjugation of the verbs. _katkahtos_ belongs to the first conjugation, and _kenonwes_ to the second. there are three other conjugations, each of which shows some peculiarity in the prefixed pronouns, though, in the main, a general resemblance runs through them all. there are other variations of the pronouns, according to the "paradigm," as it is called, to which the verb belongs. of these paradigms there are two, named in the modern iroquois grammars paradigms k and a, from the first or characteristic letter of the first personal pronoun. the particular conjugation and paradigm to which any verb belongs can only be learned by practice, or from the dictionaries. the same prefixed pronouns are used, with some slight variations, as possessives, when prefixed to a substantive; as, from _sita_, foot, we have (in paradigm a) _akasita_, my foot, _sasita_, thy foot, _raosita_, his foot. thus nouns, like verbs, have the five conjugations and the two paradigms. iroquois verbs have three moods, indicative, imperative, and subjunctive; and they have, in the indicative, seven tenses, the present, imperfect, perfect, pluperfect, aorist, future, and paulo-post future. these moods and tenses are indicated either by changes of termination, or by prefixed particles, or by both conjoined. one authority makes six other tenses, but m. cuoq prefers to include them among the special forms of the verb, of which mention will presently be made. to give examples of these tenses, and the rules for their formation, would require more space than can be devoted to the subject in the present volume. the reader who desires to pursue the study is referred to the works of m. cuoq already mentioned. the verb takes a passive form by inserting the syllable _at_ between the prefixed pronoun and the verb; and a reciprocal sense by inserting _atat_. thus, _kiatatas_, i put in; _katiatatas_, i am put in; _katatiatatas_, i put myself in; _konnis_, i make; _katonnis_, i am made; _katatonnis_, i make myself. this syllable _at_ is probably derived from the word _oyala_, body, which is used in the sense of "self," like the corresponding word _hakty_ in the delaware language. the "transitions," or the pronominal forms which indicate the passage of the action of a transitive verb from the agent to the object, play an important part in the iroquois language. in the algonkin tongues these transitions are indicated partly by prefixed pronouns, and partly by terminal inflections. in the iroquois the subjective and objective pronouns are both prefixed, as in french. in that language "_il me voit_" corresponds precisely with rakathatos, "he-me-sees." here the pronouns, _ra_, of the third person, and _ka_ of the first, are evident enough. in other cases the two pronouns have been combined in a form which shows no clear trace of either of the simple pronouns; as in _helsenonwes_, thou lovest him, and _hianonwes_, he loves thee. these combined pronouns are very numerous, and vary, like the simple pronouns, in the five conjugations. the peculiar forms of the verb, analogous to the semitic conjugations are very numerous. much of the force and richness of the language depends on them. m. caoq enumerates-- . the diminutive form, which affixes _ha_; as _knekirhaha_, i drink a little; _konkweha_ (from _onkwe_, man), i am a man, but hardly one (_i.e._, i am a little of a man). . the augmentative, of which _tsi_ is the affixed sign; as, _knekirhatsi_, i drink much. this is sometimes lengthened to _tsihon_; as _wakatontetsihon_, i understand perfectly. and . the cislocative, expressing motion towards the speaker, and the translocative, indicating motion tending from him. the former has _t_, the latter _ie_ or _ia_, before the verb, as _tasataweiat_, come in; _iasataweiat_, go in. . the duplicative, which prefixes _te_, expresses an action which affects two or more agents or objects, as in betting, marrying, joining, separating. thus, from _ikiaks_, i cut, we have _tekiaks_, i cut in two, where the prefix _te_ corresponds to the latin bi in "bisect". the same form is used in speaking of acts done by those organs of the body, such as the eyes and the hands, which nature has made double. thus _tekasenthos_, i weep, is never used except in this form. the reiterative is expressed by the sound of _s_ prefixed to the verb. it sometimes replaces the cislocative sign; thus, _tkahtenties_, i come from yonder; _skahtenties_, i come again. . the motional is a form which by some is considered a special future tense. thus, from _khiatons_, i write, we have _khiatonnes_, i am going to write; from _katerios_, i fight, _katerioseres_, i am going to the war; from _kesaks_, i seek, _kesakhes_, i am going to seek. these forms are irregular, and can only be learned by practice. . the causative suffix is _tha_; as from _k'kowanen_, i am great, we have _k'kowanatha_, i make great, i aggrandize. with _at_ inserted we have a simulative or pretentious form, as _katkowanatha_, i make myself great, i pretend to be great. the same affix is used to give an instrumental sense; as from _keriios_, i kill, we have _keriiohtha_, i kill him with such a weapon or instrument. . the progressive, which ends in _tie_ (sometimes taking the forms _atie_, _hatie_, _tatie_), is much used to give the sense of becoming, proceeding, continuing, and the like; as _wakhiatontie_, i go on writing; _wakatrorihatie_, i keep on talking; _wakeriwaientatie_, i am attending to the business. the addition of an _s_ to this form adds the idea of plurality or diversity of acts; thus, _wakhiatonties_, i go on writing at different times and places; _wakatrorihaties_, i keep on telling the thing, _i. e._, going from house to house. . the attributive has various forms, which can only be learned by practice or from the dictionaries. it expresses an action done for some other person; as, from _wakiote_, i work, we have _kiotense_, i work for some one; from _katatis_, i speak, _katatiase_, i speak in favor of some one. . the habitual ends in _kon_. from _katontats_, i hear, i consent, we have _wakatontatskon_, i am docile; from _katatis_, i speak, _wakatatiatskon_, i am talkative. . the frequentative has many forms, but usually ends in _on_, or _ons_. from _khiatons_, i write, we have in this form _khiatonnions_, i write many things; from _katkahtos_, i look, _katkahtonnions_, i look on all sides. these are not all the forms of the iroquois verb; but enough have been enumerated to give some idea of the wealth of the language in such derivatives, and the power of varied expression which it derives from this source. the iroquois has many particles which, like those of the greek and french languages, help to give clearness to the style, though their precise meaning cannot always be gathered by one not perfectly familiar with the language. _ne_ and _nene_ are frequently used as substitutes for the article and the relative pronouns. _onenh_, now; _kati_, then, therefore; _ok_, _nok_, and _neok_, and; _oni_ and _neoni_, also; _toka_ and _tokat_, if, perhaps; _tsi_, when; _kento_, here; _akwah_, indeed, very; _etho_, thus, so; _are_, sometimes, again; _ken_, an interrogative particle, like the latin _ne_--these and some others will be found in the book of rites, employed in the manner in which they are still used by the best speakers. it must be understood that the foregoing sketch affords only the barest outline of the formation of the iroquois language. as has been before remarked, a complete grammar of this speech, as full and minute as the best sanscrit or greek grammars, would probably equal and perhaps surpass those grammars in extent. the unconscious forces of memory and of discrimination required to maintain this complicated intellectual machine, and to preserve it constantly exact and in good working order, must be prodigious. yet a comparison of bruyas' work with the language of the present day shows that this purpose has been accomplished; and, what is still more remarkable, a comparison of the iroquois with the huron grammar shows that after a separation which must have exceeded five hundred years, and has probably covered twice that term, the two languages differ less from one another than the french of the twelfth century differed from the italian, or than the anglo-saxon of king alfred differed from the contemporary low german speech. the forms of the huron-iroquois languages, numerous and complicated as they are, appear to be certainly not less persistent, and probably better maintained, than those of the written aryan tongues. ancient rites of the condoling council. [originally presented as one page iroquois, followed by one page english translation. this is confusing in electronic texts, so have changed it here to be the complete iroquois text followed by the complete english translation.] okayondonghsera yondennase. oghentonh karighwateghkwenh: deyughnyoxkwarakta, ratiyats. . onenh weghniserade wakatyerenkowa desawennawenrate ne kenteyurhoton. desahahishonne donwenghratstanyonne ne kentekaghronghwanyon. tesatkaghtoghserontye ronatennossendonghkwe yonkwanikonghtaghkwenne, konyennetaghkwen. ne katykcnh nayoyaneratye ne sanikonra? daghsatkaghthoghseronne ratiyanarenyon onkwaghsotsherashonkenhha; neok detkanoron ne shekonh ayuyenkwaroghthake jiratighrotonghkwakwe. ne katykenh nayuyaneratye ne sanikonra desakaghserentonyonne? . niyawehkowa katy nonwa onenh skennenji thisayatirhehon. onenh nonwa oghseronnih denighroghkwayen. hasekenh thiwakwekonh deyunennyatenyon nene konnerhonyon, "ie henskerighwaghfonte." kenyutnyonkwaratonnyon, neony kenyotdakarahon, neony kenkontifaghsoton. nedens aesayatyenenghdon, konyennedaghkwen, neony kenkaghnekdnyon nedens aesayatyenenghdon, konyennethaghkwen, neony kenwaseraketotanese kentewaghsatayenha kanonghsakdatye. niyateweghniserakeh yonkwakaronny; onidatkon yaghdekakonghsonde oghsonteraghkowa nedens aesayatyenenghdon, konyennethaghkwen. . niyawenhkowa kady nonwa onenh skennenjy thadesarhadiyakonh. hasekenh kanoron jinayawenhon nene aesahhahiyenenhon, nene ayakotyerenhon ayakawen, "issy tyeyadakeron, akwah deyakonakorondon!" ayakaweron oghnonnekenh niyuiterenhhatye, ne konyennedaghkwen. . rotirighwison onkwaghsotshera, ne ronenh, "kenhenyondatsjistayenhaghse. kendeyughnyonkwarakda eghtenyontatitenranyon orighokonha." kensane yeshotiriwayen orighwakwekonh yatenkarighwentaseron, nene akwah denyontatyadoghseronko. neony ne ronenh, "ethononweh yenyontatenonshine, kanakdakwenniyukeh yenyontatideron." . onenh kady iese seweryenghskwe sathaghyonnighshon: karhatyonni. oghskawaserenhon. gentiyo. onenyute. deserokenh. deghhodijinharakwenh. oghrekyonny. deyuyewenton. etho ne niwa ne akotthaghyonnishon. . onenh nene shehhawah deyakodarakeh ranyaghdenghshon: kaneghsadakeh. onkwehieyede. waghkerhon. kahhendohhon. dhogvvenyoh. kayyhekwarakeh. etho ne niwa ne ranyaghdenshon. . onenh nene jadadeken roskerewake: deyaokenh. jonondese. otskwirakeron. onaweron. . onenh nene onghwa kehaghshonha: karhawenghradongh. karakenh. deyuhhero. deyughsweken. oxdenkeh. etho ne niwa roghskerewake. eghnikatarakeghne orighwakayongh. . ne kaghyaton jinikawennakeh ne dewadadenonweronh, "ohhendonh karighwadeghkwenh" radiyats. doka enyairon, "konyennedaghkwen; onenh weghniserade yonkwatkennison. rawenniyo raweghniseronnyh. ne onwa konwende yonkwatkennison nene jiniyuneghrakwah jinisayadawen. onenh oaghwenjakonh niyonsakahhawe jinonweh nadekakaghneronnyonghkwe. akwah kady okaghserakonh thadetyatroghkwanekenh." . "onenh kady yakwenronh, wakwennyonkoghde okaghsery, akwah kady ok skennen thadenseghsatkaghthonnyonhheke." . "nok ony kanekhere deyughsihharaonh ne sahondakon. onenh kady watyakwaghsiharako waahkwadeweyendonh tsisaronkatah, kady nayawenh ne skennen thensathondeke enhtyewenninekenneh." . "nok ony kanekhere deyughsihharaonh desanyatokenh. onenh kady hone yakwenronh watyakwaghsihharanko, akwah kady ok skennen deghsewenninekenne dendewadatenonghweradon." . onenh are oya, konyennethaghkwen. nene kadon yuneghrakwah jinesadawen. niyadeweghniserakeh sanekherenhonh ratikowanenghskwe. onghwenjakonh niyeskahhaghs; ken-ony rodighskenrakeghdethaghkwe, ken-ony sanheghtyensera, ken-ony saderesera. akwagh kady ok onekwenghdarihengh thisennekwakenry. . onenh kady yakwenronh wakwanekwenghdarokewanyon jisanakdade, ogh kady nenyawenne seweghniserathagh ne akwah ok skennen then kanakdiyuhake ji enghsitskodake denghsatkaghdonnyonheke. . onenh nene karenna, yondonghs "aihaigh." kayanerenh dcskenonghweronne; kheyadawenh deskenonghweronne; oyenkondonh deskenonghweronne; wakonnyh deskenonghweronne. ronkeghsotah rotirighwane,-- ronkeghsota jiyathondek. . enskat ok enjerennokden nakwah oghnaken nyare enyonghdentyonko kanonghsakonghshon, enyairon. . "a-i raxhottahyh! onenh kajatthondek onenh enyontsdaren ne yetshiyadare! ne ji onenh wakarighwakayonne ne sewarighwisahnonghkwe ne kayarenghkowah. ayawenhenstokenghske daondayakotthondeke." . "na-i raxhottahyh! ne kenne iesewenh enyakodenghthe nene noghnaken enyakaonkodaghkwe." . "na-i raxhottahyh! onenh nonwa kathonghnonweh dhatkonkoghdaghkwanyon jidenghnonhon nitthatirighwayerathaghkwe." . "na-i raxbottahyh! nene ji onenh wakarighwakayonne ne sewarighwisahnonghkwe, ne kayarenghkowa. yejisewatkonseraghkwanyon onghwenjakonshon yejisewayadakeron, sewarighwisahnhonkwe ne kayanerenhkowah. ne sanekenh ne seweghne aerengh niyenghhenwe enyurighwadatye kayanerenghkowah." * * * * * . eghnikonh enyerighwawetharho kenthoh, are enjonderennoden enskat enjerenokden, onenh ethone enyakohetsde onenh are enjondentyonko kanonghsakonghshon, enyairon wahhy: . "a-i raxhotthahyh! onenh jatthondek kady nonwa jinihhotiyerenh,--orighwakwekonh natehaotiya-doreghtonh, nene roneronh ne enyononghsaghniratston. a-i raxhotthahyh! nene ronenh: 'onen nonwa wetewayennendane; wetewennakeraghdanyon; watidewenna-karondonnyon.'" . "onenh are oya eghdeshotiyadoreghdonh, nene ronenh: 'kenkisenh nenyawenne. aghsonh thiyenjide-watyenghsaeke, onok enjonkwanckheren.' nene ronenh: 'kenkine nenyawenne. aghsonh denyakokwanentonghsaeke, onok denjontadenakarondako. nene doka ok yadayakonakarondatye onghwenjakonh niyaonsakahawe, a-i raxhottahyh,' none ronenh, 'da-edewenhheye onghteh, neok yadayakonakarondatye onghwenjakonh niyaonsakahawe.'" . "onenh are oya eghdeshodiyadoreghtonh, nai raxhottahyh! nene ronenh ne enyononghsaghniratston. nene ronengh: 'doka onwa kenenyondatyadawenghdate, ne kenkarenyakeghrondonhah ne nayakoghstonde ne nayeghnyasakenradake, ne kenh ne iesewenh, kenkine nenyawenne. kendenyethirentyonnite kanhonghdakde dewaghsadayenhah." . "onenh are oya eghdejisewayudoreghdonh, nene isewenh: 'yahhonghdehdeyoyanere nene kenwedewayen, onwa enyeken nonkwaderesera; kadykenh niyakoghswathah, akwekonh nityakawenonhtonh ne kenyoteranentenyonhah. enyonterenjiok kendonsayedane akwah enyakonewarontye, onok enyerighwanendon oghnikawenhonh ne kendeyerentyonny; katykenh nenyakorane nenyerighwanendon akare onenh enyakodokenghse. onok na entkaghwadasehhon nakonikonra, onenh are ne eh enjonkwakaronny.'" . "onenh are oya eghdeshotiyadoreghdonh, nene ronenh: 'kenkine nenyawenne. endewaghneghdotako skarenhhesekowah, enwadonghwenjadethare eghyendewasenghte tyoghnawatenghjihonh kathonghdeh thienkahhawe; onenh denghnon dentidewaghneghdoten, onenh denghnon yaghnonwendonh thiyaensayeken nonkwateresera.'" . "onenh are oya eghdeshotiyadoreghdonh, nene roneronh ne enyononghsaghniratston. nene ronenh: 'onenh wedewaweyennendane; wedewennakeraghdanyon. doka nonkenh onghwajok onok enjonkwanekheren. ken kady ne nenyawenne. kenhendewaghnatatsherodarho ken kanakaryonniha deyunhonghdoyenghdongh yendewanaghsenghde, kennikanaghseshah, ne enyehharako ne kaneka akonikonghkahdeh. enwadon ok jiyudakenrokde thadenyedane doghkara nentyewenninekenne enjondatenikonghketsko ne enyenikonghkwenghdarake. onokna enjeyewendane yenjonthahida ne kayanerenghkowa.'" . "onenh kady ise jadakweniyu ken kanonghsyonny, dekanawidah, ne deghniwenniyu ne rohhawah odadsheghte; onenh nene yeshodonnyh wathadodarho; onenh nene yeshohowah akahenyonh; onare nene yeshodonnyh kanyadariyu; onenh nene yeshonarase shadekaronyes; onenh nene onghwa kehhaghsaonhah yejodenaghstahhere kanaghsdajikowah." * * * * * . onenh jatthondek sewarihwisaanonghkwe kayarenhkowah. onenh wakarighwakayonne. onenh ne oknejoskawayendon. yetsisewanenyadanyon ne sewariwisaanonghkweh. yejisewahhawihtonh, yetsisewennitskarahgwanyon; agwah neok ne skaendayendon. etho yetsisewanonwadaryon. sewarihwisaanonghkwe yetsisewahhawitonh. yetsisewatgonseraghkwanyon sewarihwisaanonghkwe, kayanerenhkowah. . onenh kady jatthondek jadakweniyosaon sewarihwisaanonghkwe: dekarihaokesh! jatthontenyonk! jatagweniyosaon, ayonhwahtha! jatthontenyonk! jatagweniyosaon, shatekariwate! etho natejonhne! sewaterihwakhaonghkwe, sewarihwisaanonghkwe. kayanerenhkowah. . jatthontenyonk! jatagweniyosaon, sharenhaowane! jatthontenyonk! jatagweniyosaon, deyonnhehgonh! jatthontenyonk! jatagweniyosaon, oghrenregowah! etho natejonhne! sewaterihwakhaonghkwe, sewarihwisaanonghkwe, kayanerenhkowah. . jatthontenyonk! jatagweniyosaon, dehennakarine! jatthontenyonk! jatagweniyosaon, aghstawenserontha! jatthontenyonk! jatagweniyosaon, shosgoharowane! etho natejonhne, sewatarihwakhaonghkwe, sewarihwisaanonghkwe, kayanerenhkowah. . ise seniyatagweniyohkwe, jatathawhak. senirighwisaanonghkwe, kayanerenghkowah. ne deseniyenah; seninonsyonnitonh. onenh katy jatthontenyonk jatakweniyosaon, odatseghte! jatthontenyonk! jatakweniyosaon, kanonhgwenyodon! jatthontenyonk! jatakweniyosaon, deyohhagwente! etho natejonhne! sewaterihwakhaonghkwe. sewarihwisaanonghkwe, kayanerenhkowah. . jatthontenyonk! jatakweniyosaon, shononsese! jatthontenyonk! jatakweniyosaon, daonahrokenagh! jatthontenyonk! jatakweniyosaon. atyatonnenhtha! etho natejonhne! sewaterihwakhaonghkwe, sewarihwisaanonghkwe, kayanerenhkowah. . jatthontenyonk! jatakweniyosaon, dewatahonhtenyonk! jatthontenyonk! jatakweniyosaon, kaniyatahshayonk! jatthontenyonk! jatakweniyosaon, onwatsatonhonh! etho natejonhne! sewaterihwakhaonghkwe, sewarihwisaanonghkwe, kayanerenhkowah. . eghyesaotonnihsen: onenh jatthontenyonk! jatakweniyosaon, thatotarho! jatthontenyonk! etho ronarasehsen: jatakweniyosaon, enneserarenh! jatthontenyonk! jatakweniyosaon, dehatkahthos! jatthontenyonk! waghontenhnonterontye. jatakweniyosaon, onyatajiwak! jatthontenyonk! jatakweniyosaon, awekenyade! jatthontenyonk! jatakweniyosaon, dehayadkwarayen! etho natejonhne! . yeshohawak: rokwahhokowah. etho kakeghrondakwe ne kanikonghrashon, rononghwireghtonh! etho natejonhne! . etho yeshotonnyh, tekadarakehne. kawenenserondon! haghriron! etho nadehhadihne! . wahhondennonterontye, ronyennyennih! shodakwarashonh! shakokenghne! etho nadejonhne! . etho niyawenonh, karihwakayonh. shihonadewiraratye, tehhodidarakeh. rakowanenh, raserhaghrhonk! etho wahhoronghyaronnyon: roghskenrakeghdekowah, rakowanenh, tehhotyatakarorenh, skanawadyh! etho natejonhne! . yeshohhawak, tekahenyonk: yeshonadadekenah: jinontaweraon! etho natejonhne! . kadakwarasonh! shoyonwese! atyaseronne! etho natejonhneh! . yeshondadekenah, teyoronghyonkeh! teyodhoreghkonh! wathyawenhethon! etho natejonhne! . atontaraherha! teskahe! etho natejonhneh! . yeshotonnyh, skanyadariyo! yeshonaraseshen, shadekaronyes! etho natejonhneh! . satyenawat! yeshonaraseshen, shakenjowane! etho natejonhneh! . kanokarih! yeshonarase,--onwa nisharyenen! etho natejonhneh! . onghwa keghaghshonah yodenaghstahhere kanaghstajikowah. yatehhotihohhataghkwen. etho ronaraseshen, yadehninhohhanonghne: kanonghkeridawyh! yeshonaraseshen, teyoninhokarawenh! etho natejonhneh! . onenh watyonkwentendane kanikonrakeh. ancient rites of the condoling council [english translation] the preliminary ceremony: called, "at the wood's edge." . now [footnote: the paragraphs are not numbered in the original text. the numbers are prefixed in this work merely for convenience of reference.] to-day i have been greatly startled by your voice coming through the forest to this opening. you have come with troubled mind through all obstacles. you kept seeing the places where they met on whom we depended, my offspring. how then can your mind be at ease? you kept seeing the footmarks of our forefathers; and all but perceptible is the smoke where they used to smoke the pipe together. can then your mind be at ease when you are weeping on your way? . great thanks now, therefore, that you have safely arrived. now, then, let us smoke the pipe together. because all around are hostile agencies which are each thinking, "i will frustrate their purpose." here thorny ways, and here falling trees, and here wild beasts lying in ambush. either by these you might have perished, my offspring, or, here by floods you might have been destroyed, my offspring, or by the uplifted hatchet in the dark outside the house. every day these are wasting us; or deadly invisible disease might have destroyed you, my offspring. . great thanks now, therefore, that in safety you have come through the forest. because lamentable would have been the consequences had you perished by the way, and the startling word had come, "yonder are lying bodies, yea, and of chiefs!" and they would have thought in dismay, what had happened, my offspring. . our forefathers made the rule, and said, "here they are to kindle a fire; here, at the edge of the woods, they are to condole with each other in few words." but they have referred thither [footnote: that is, to the council house.] all business to be duly completed, as well as for the mutual embrace of condolence. and they said, "thither shall they be led by the hand, and shall be placed on the principal seat." . now, therefore, you who are our friends of the wolf clan: _in john buck's ms._ _supposed meaning._ ka rhe tyon ni. the broad woods. ogh ska wa se ron hon. grown up to bushes again. gea di yo. beautiful plain. o nen yo deh. protruding stone. de se ro ken. between two lines. te ho di jen ha ra kwen. two families in a long-house, ogh re kyon ny. (doubtful.) [one at each end.] te yo we yen don. drooping wings. such is the extent of the wolf clan. . now, then, thy children of the two clans of the tortoise: ka ne sa da keh. on the hill side. onkwi i ye de. a person standing there. weg'h ke rhon. (doubtful.) kah ken doh hon. " tho gwen yoh. " kah he kwa ke. " such is the extent of the tortoise clan. . now these thy brothers of the bear clan: de ya oken. the forks. jo non de seh. it is a high hill. ots kwe ra ke ron. dry branches fallen to the ground. ogh na we ron. the springs. . now these have been added lately: ka rho wengh ra don. taken over the woods. ka ra ken. white. de yo he ro. the place of flags (rushes). de yo swe ken. outlet of the river. ox den ke. to the old place. such is the extent of the bear clan. these were the clans in ancient times. . thus are written the words of mutual greeting, called "the opening ceremony." then one will say, "my offspring, now this day we are met together. god has appointed this day. now, to-day, we are met together, on account of the solemn event which has befallen you. now into the earth he has been conveyed to whom we have been wont to look. yea, therefore, in tears let us smoke together." . "now, then, we say, we wipe away the tears, so that in peace you may look about you." . "and, further, we suppose there is an obstruction in your ears. now, then, we remove the obstruction carefully from your hearing, so that we trust you will easily hear the words spoken." . "and also we imagine there is an obstruction in your throat. now, therefore, we say, we remove the obstruction, so that you may speak freely in our mutual greetings." . "now again another thing, my offspring. i have spoken of the solemn event which has befallen you. every day you are losing your great men. they are being borne into the earth; also the warriors, and also your women, and also your grandchildren; so that in the midst of blood you are sitting." . "now, therefore, we say, we wash off the bloodmarks from your seat, so that it may be for a time that happily the place will be clean where you are seated and looking around you." * * * * * . now the hymn, called "hail." i come again to greet and thank the league; i come again to greet and thank the kindred; i come again to greet and thank the warriors; i come again to greet and thank the women. my forefathers,--what they established,-- my forefathers,--hearken to them! . the last verse is sung yet again, while he walks to and fro in the house, and says: . "hail, my grandsires! now hearken while your grandchildren cry mournfully to you,--because the great league which you established has grown old. we hope that they may hear." . "hail, my grandsires! you have said that sad will be the fate of those who come in the latter times." . "oh, my grandsires! even now i may have failed to perform this ceremony in the order in which they were wont to perform it." "oh, my grandsires! even now that has become old which you established,--the great league. you have it as a pillow under your heads in the ground where you are lying,--this great league which you established; although you said that far away in the future the great league would endure." * * * * * so much is to be said here, and the hymn is to be sung again, and then he is to go on and walk about in the house again, saying as follows: "hail, my grandsires! now hear, therefore, what they did--all the rules they decided on, which they thought would strengthen the house. hail, my grandsires! this they said: 'now we have finished; we have performed the rites; we have put on the horns.' "now again another thing they considered, and this they said: 'perhaps this will happen. scarcely shall we have arrived at home when a loss will occur again.' they said, 'this, then, shall be done. as soon as he is dead, even then the horns shall be taken off. for if invested with horns he should be borne into the grave,' oh, my grandsires, they said, 'we should perhaps all perish if invested with horns he is conveyed to the grave.' "then again another thing they determined, oh my grandsires! 'this,' they said, 'will strengthen the house.' they said, if any one should be murdered and [the body] be hidden away among fallen trees by reason of the neck being white, then you have said, this shall be done. we will place it by the wall in the shade." . "now again you considered and you said: 'it is perhaps not well that we leave this here, lest it should be seen by our grandchildren; for they are troublesome, prying into every crevice. people will be startled at their returning in consternation, and will ask what has happened that this (corpse) is lying here; because they will keep on asking until they find it out. and they will at once be disturbed in mind, and that again will cause us trouble.'" . "now again they decided, and said: 'this shall be done. we will pull up a pine tree--a lofty tree--and will make a hole through the earth-crust, and will drop this thing into a swift current which will carry it out of sight, and then never will our grandchildren see it again.'" . "now again another thing they decided, and thought, this will strengthen the house. they said: 'now we have finished; we have performed the rites. perhaps presently it will happen that a loss will occur amongst us. then this shall be done. we will suspend a pouch upon a pole, and will place in it some mourning wampum--some short strings--to be taken to the place where the loss was suffered. the bearer will enter, and will stand by the hearth, and will speak a few words to comfort those who will be mourning; and then they will be comforted, and will conform to the great law.'" . "now, then, thou wert the principal of this confederacy, dekanawidah, with the joint principal, his son, odadsheghte; and then again _his_ uncle, wathadodarho; and also again _his_ son, akahenyonh; and again _his_ uncle, kanyadariyu; and then again _his_ cousin, shadekaronyes; and then in later times additions were made to the great edifice." * * * * * . now listen, ye who established the great league. now it has become old. now there is nothing but wilderness. ye are in your graves who established it. ye have taken it with you, and have placed it under you, and there is nothing left but a desert. there ye have taken your intellects with you. what ye established ye have taken with you. ye have placed under your heads what ye established--the great league. . now, then, hearken, ye who were rulers and founders: [footnote: the names in this version are in the orthography of john buck's ms.] tehkarihhoken! continue to listen! thou who wert ruler, hayenwatha! continue to listen! thou who wert ruler, shadekarihwade! that was the roll of you, you who were joined in the work, you who completed the work, the great league. . continue to listen! thou who wert ruler, sharenhhowane! continue to listen! thou who wert ruler, tehyonheghkwen! continue to listen! thou who wert ruler, owenheghkohna! that was the roll of you, you who were joined in the work, you who completed the work, the great league. . continue to listen! thou who wert ruler, tehhennaghkarihne! continue to listen! thou who wert ruler, aghstawenseronttha! continue to listen! thou who wert ruler, shaghskoharowane! that was the roll of you, you who were joined in the work, you who completed the work, the great league. . ye two were principals, father and son, ye two completed the work, the great league. ye two aided each other, ye two founded the house. now, therefore, hearken! thou who wert ruler, odatseghdeh! continue to listen! thou who wert ruler, kahnonkwenyah! continue to listen! thou who wert ruler, tehyohhakwendeh! that was the roll of you, you who were joined in the work, you who completed the work, the great league. . continue to listen! thou who wert ruler, shononghseseh! continue to listen! thou who wert ruler, thonaeghkenah! continue to listen! thou who wert ruler, hahtyadonnentha! that was the roll of you, you who were joined in the work, you who completed the work, the great league. . continue to listen! thou who wert ruler, tehwahtahontenyonk! continue to listen! thou who wert ruler, kahnyadaghshayen! continue to listen! thou who wert ruler, honwatshadonneh! that was the roll of you, you who were joined in the work, you who completed the work, the great league. . these were his uncles: now hearken! thou who wert ruler, wathadotarho: continue to listen! these were the cousins: thou who wert ruler, onehseaghhen! continue to listen! thou who wert ruler, tehhatkahdons! continue to listen! these were as brothers thenceforth: thou who wert ruler, skaniadajiwak: continue to listen! thou who wert ruler, aweakenyat! continue to listen! thou who wert ruler, tehayatkwayen! that was the roll of you! . then his son: he is the great wolf. there were combined the many minds! hononwirehdonh! that was the roll of you. . these were his uncles, of the two clans: kawenenseaghtonh! hahhihhonh! that was the roll of them! . these were as brothers thenceforth: hohyunhnyennih! shotehgwaseh! shahkohkenneh! this was the roll of you. . this befell in ancient times. they had their children, those the two clans. he the high chief, sahhahwih! this put away the clouds: he was a war chief; he was a high chief-- acting in either office: skahnahwahtih! this was the roll of you! . then his son, tahkahenhyunh! with his brother, jihnontahwehheh. this was the roll of you! . kahtahgwahjih! shonyunhwesh! hahtyahsenhneh! this was the roll of you! . then they who are brothers: tehyuhenhyunhkoh! tehyuhtohwehgwih! tyawenhhehthonh! this was the roll of you. . hahtonhtahhehhah! teshkahhea! this was the roll of you! . then his uncle, skahnyahteihyuh! with his cousin, shahtehkahenhyesh. this was the roll of you! . sahtyehnahwaht! with his cousin, shakenhjohnah! this was the roll of you! . kahnohkaih! with his cousin,--then nishahyehnenhhah this was the roll of you! . then, in later times, they made additions to the great mansion. these were at the doorway, they who were cousins, these two guarded the doorway: kanonhkehihtawih! with his cousin, tyuhninhohkawenh this was the roll of you! . now we are dejected in our minds. the book of the younger nations. (onondaga dialect.) [originally presented as one page onandaga, followed by one page english translation. this is confusing in electronic texts, so have changed it here to be the complete onandaga text followed by the complete english translation.] [*** original used ' ' for syllable breaks and ' ' (two spaces) for word breaks. changed to '-' for syllable breaks and a single space for word breaks.] . a. yo o-nen o-nen wen-ni-sr-te o-nen wa-ge-ho-gar-a-nyat ne-tha-non-ni-sr-son-tar-yen na-ya-ne o-shon-tar-gon-go-nar nen-tis-no-war-yen na-ye-ti-na gar-weear-har-tye ne swih-ar-gen-ahr ne-tho-se hen-ga-ho-gar-a-nyat nen-tha-o-ta-gen-he-tak ne-tho-har-ten-gar-ton-ji-yar-hon-on nar-ye-en-gwa-wen-ne-kentar ne-ten-gon-nen-tar-hen na-a-yen-tar. . b. tar onon na-on-gen shis-gis-war-tha-en-ton-tye na on-gwr-non-sen-shen-tar-qua nar-te-har-yar-ar-qui-nar nan-gar-wen-ne-srh-ha-yo-ton-har-ye nen-gar-nen-ar-ta ho-ti-sgen-ar-ga-tar nen-o-ne gar-nen-ar-ti kon-hon-wi-sats nen-o-ni tar-ga-non-tye na on-quar-sat-har nen-o hon-tar-gen-hi-se-non-tye nen-o wen-gr-ge go-yar-da-nen-tar-hon nen-tho nr-ta-war ta-har-yar-ar-qui-nar nen-gar-wen-ne-sar han-yo-ton-hr-tye tar o-nen-ti tya-quar-wen-ne-gen-har nen-a-shen ne-yar-quar-tar-ta-gen. . c. o-nen-ti-a-wen-hen nar-ya-he-yr-genh thar-ne-ho-ti-e-quar-te nen-on-quar-noh-shen-ta-qua nen-o on-qua-jas-harn-ta-qua nar-ye-gen-na-ho-nen nar-ye-na te-was-hen nen-ne-gon-hi-war na-tho na-ho-te-yen-nen-tar-e tar-day-was-shen nen-ne-yo-e-wa na-ar-wen-ha-yo-dar-ge nen-on-quar-twen-non-ty o-nen en-hen-wa-yar-shon nen-nat-ho-on-ne-yar-quar-ya-ar nen-a-shen ne-yar-quar-tar-te-ken. . d. o-nen-ti-eh-o-yar nen-ton-ta-yar-quar-wen-ni-ken-ar nar-ya-hi-yar-gen na-ar-quar-ton sis-jih-wa-tha-en-ton-tye o-yar-na son-quar-yo-ten-se-nar tar-nr-ye-ti-na hon-sar-ho-har-we-ti-har-tye nen-qr-nen-hr-te ho-ti-sken-ar-ga-tar nen-o-ne gar-nen-har-te gon-thon-we-sas on-sar-ho-na-tar-que-har-tye nar-ya-har-tes-gar-no-wen na o-nen na-en-gar-ya-tye-nen-har nen-war-thon-wi-sas ar-ques-sis-jit nar-te-yo-nen-ha-ase en-war-nten-har-wat-tha nen-on-quar-ta-shar o-nen o-yar-nen-eh-te-ge-non-tyes on-quar-te-shar nr-ya-o-ne sar-o-har-we-ti-har-tye o-nen o-yar nens-o-ni-ta-gen-hi-se-non-tyes o-wen-gar-ge ga-yr-tr-nen-tak-hon ne-tho nr-te-war on-sar-ho-har-we-ti-har-tye. i. e. o-nen ty-a on-yar ta-ya-quar-wen-ne-ken-har nen-a-sen ne-yar-quar-tar-te-gen o-nen-ty ton-tar-wen-ten-eh nen-o-nen thon-tar-yar-tyar-ton-tye nen-wa-gon-yon-wenjar-nan-har tar-o-nen ha-o-yar nen-ta-yo-quar-wen-ne-ken-e-har-tye. o-nen-te-ar-wen-han o-nen war-quar-de-yen-non-nyar-hen na-shar-non-wa nr-o-tas-are-quar-hen-ten o-nen wa-tya-quar-ha-tar-wen-ya-hon nen-ar-o-ar-shon-ar nen-tar-yon-quar-ty ne-tho hon-ne-yar-quar-ya-ar nen-ar-shen ne-yar-quar-ta-te-kenh. . o-nen-ti-eh-o-yar nen-ton-tar-yar-quar-wen-ne-ken-har nen-o-son-tar-gon-go-nar nen-ti-sno-war-gen. o-nen-ti ton-sar-gon-en-nya-eh-tha ar-guas hi-yar-ga-tha te-jo-ge-grar o-nen-ti sar-gon-ar-gwar-nen-tak-ten sken-nen-gink-ty then-skar-ar-tayk. o-nen en-gar-ar-qui-ken-nha ne-tho tens-shar-ar-tyen. o-nen yo-nen-tyon-ha-tye. ar-ghwas ten-yo-ten-har-en-ton-nyon-ne. ne-tho tens-gar-ar-tye a-ghwas sken-non-jis ten-yo-yar-neh ne onen en-gr-ar-gwen-har o-ty-nen-yar-wen-har hen-jo-har-ten-har sar-ne-gon-are. ne-tho han-ne-yar-gwar-ya-ar nen-ar-sen ne-yar-quar-tr-ta-gen. . o-nen-ti-ch-o-yar nen-ton-ta-yar-quar-wen-ne-ken-har. o-nen-nen-ti war-tyar-war-see-har-an-qua te-shar-hon-tar-gar-en-tar nen-they-yon-tar-ge-har-te nen-te-sar-nar-ton-ken hon-ne-ty ar-war-na-gen-tar wen-jar-wa-gar ha-e nar-ya-har ten-skar-har-we-tar-han nen-o-ge-gwr-en-yone nen-tye-sar-nar-ton-ken o-ty-nen-yar-wen-har nen-en-jo-har-ten-ar sar-ne-gon-are ne-tho hon-ne-yar-war-ya-ar nen-a-sen ne-yar-quar-tar-te-kenh. . o-nen-ti-eh-o-yar nen-ton-tar-yr-quar-wen-ne-ken-tye hon-nen ton-sar-war-kon-ha-jar-ha-jan nen-they-gar-kon-ha-shon-ton-har-tye hon-nen-ti nen-sar-kon-ge-ter-yen-has hon-nen-oni nen-ton-sar-gon-nen-ha-tieh o-nen o-tieh-nen-yar-wen-har nen-en-jo-har-tyen-har sar-ne-gon-are ne-tho hon-ne-yar-quar-yar-ar nen-a-sen ne-yar-qwr-tar-te-kenh. . o-nen-ti-eh-o-yar nen-ton-tar-yar-qwar-wen-ne-ken-har nar-ya-ti-ar-wen-han nen-tar-ehe-tar-nen-jar-tar-ti-war-ten nen-ton-gar-ke-sen nen-na-hon-yar-na on-har-wen-ne-gen-tar nar-ya-na sar-hon-ta-je-wants as-kar-we ar-san-nen-sen-wen-hat ne-tho o-ni nis-nen-yar-wen-hon-sken-are-gen-tar hor-go-war-nen-nen-hon-yar-na an-har-wen-ne-gen-tar are-we ar-sen-nen-sun-sar-wen-hat ne-tho on-ne-yar-quar-ya-ar nen-ar-sen ne-yr-qwar-tr-ta-kenh. . o-nen-ti-eh-o-yar nen-ton-tar-yar-quar-wen-ne-ken-hr nar-ye-ti-na-ar-wen-han nen-an-har-ya-tye-nen-har nen-na-hon-yar-na nr-ya-ti-nar nen-ne-yo-sar-tar ken-yar-tar nen-ji-gar-han nen-ta-hon-gren-tar wi-nar-na-ge-ne-yo-snon-wa nen-o-yar-en-sar-tyar-tar-nyar-ten a-ren ne-tho one-yar-qwar-yaar nen-ar-sen ne-yr-quar-tar-te-kenh. . o-nen-ti-eh-o-yar nen-ton-tr-yar-quar-wen-ne-ken-har nr-ya-ti-ar-wen-han sar-gon-nr-tar-eh-ya-tars nen-gr-nr-gar-yon-ne-ta-ar nen-jar-ne-qr-nar-sis-ah nen ne-tho war-ar-guar-sins-tar na-tho-ti-an-sar-wa nen-thon-gr-gey-san e-his-an-skas-gen-nen one-ha-yat nen-war-o-yan-quar-a-ton-on-tye nen-yar-gar-ker ta-gr-nr-squaw-ya-an-ne ne-tho on-ne-yar-quar-ya-ar nen-ar-sen ne-yar-quar-ta-te-kenh. . b. tar-o-nen sar-gon-yan-nen-tar-ah tar-o-nen-ti ton-tar-ken-yar-tas. the book of the younger nations. (translation.) i. a. now--now this day--now i come to your door where you are mourning in great darkness, prostrate with grief. for this reason we have come here to mourn with you. i will enter your door, and come before the ashes, and mourn with you there; and i will speak these words to comfort you. i. b. now our uncle has passed away, he who used to work for all, that they might see the brighter days to come,--for the whole body of warriors and also for the whole body of women, and also the children that were running around, and also for the little ones creeping on the ground, and also those that are tied to the cradle-boards; for all these he used to work that they might see the bright days to come. this we say, we three brothers. i. c. now the ancient lawgivers have declared--our uncles that are gone, and also our elder brothers--they have said, it is worth twenty--it was valued at twenty--and this was the price of the one who is dead. and we put our words on it (_i.e._ the wampum), and they recall his name--the one that is dead. this we say and do, we three brothers. i. d. now there is another thing we say, we younger brothers. he who has worked for us has gone afar off; and he also will in time take with him all these--the whole body of warriors and also the whole body of women--they will go with him. rut it is still harder when the woman shall die, because with her the line is lost. and also the grandchildren and the little ones who are running aruund--these he will take away; and also those that are creeping on the ground, and also those that are on the cradle-boards; all these he will takeaway with him. . e. now then another thing we will say, we three brothers. now you must feel for us; for we came here of our own good-will--came to your door that we might say this. and we will say that we will try to do you good. when the grave has been made, we will make it still better. we will adorn it, and cover it with moss. we will do this, we three brothers. . now another thing we will say, we younger brothers. you are mourning in the deep darkness. i will make the sky clear for you, so that you will not see a cloud. and also i will give the sun to shine upon you, so that you can look upon it peacefully when it goes down: you shall see it when it is going. yea! the sun shall seem to be hanging just over you, and you shall look upon it peacefully as it goes down. now i have hope that you will yet see the pleasant days. this we say and do, we three brothers. . now then another thing we say, we younger brothers. now we will open your ears, and also your throat, for there is something that has been choking you and we will also give you the water that shall wash down all the troubles in your throat. we shall hope that after this your mind will recover its cheerfulness. this we say and do, we three brothers. . now then there is another thing we say, we younger brothers. we will now remake the fire, and cause it to burn again. and now you can go out before the people, and go on with your duties and your labors for the people. this we say and do, we three brothers. . now also another thing we say, we younger brothers. you must converse with your nephews; and if they say what is good, you must listen to it. do not cast it aside. and also if the warriors should say anything that is good, do not reject it. this we say, we three brothers. . now then another thing we say, we younger brothers. if any one should fall--it may be a principal chief will fall and descend into the grave--then the horns shall be left on the grave, and as soon as possible another shall be put in his place. this we say, we three brothers. . now another thing we say, we younger brothers. we will gird the belt on you, with the pouch, and the next death will receive the pouch, whenever you shall know that there is death among us, when the fire is made and the smoke is rising. this we say and do, we three brothers. . b. now i have finished. now show me the man! [footnote: _i. e._, "point out to me the man whom i am to proclaim as chief, in place of the deceased."] notes on the canienga book the meaning of the general title, _okayondonghsera yondennase_, has been already explained (introduction, p. ). in the sub-title, the word _oghentonh_ is properly an adverb, meaning firstly, or foremost. this title might be literally rendered. "first the ceremony, 'at-the-wood's-edge' they call it." . the chiefs, in their journey to the place of meeting, are supposed to have passed the sites of many deserted towns, in which councils had formerly been held. owing to the frequent removals of their villages, such deserted sites were common in the iroquois country. the speaker who welcomes the arriving guests supposes that the view of these places had awakened in their minds mournful recollections. _desawennawenrate_, "thy voice coming over." this word is explained in the glossary. it is in the singular number. according to the indian custom, the speaker regards himself as representing the whole party for whom he speaks, and he addresses the leader of the other party as the representative and embodiment of all who come with him. throughout the speeches "i" and "thou" are used in the well understood sense of "we" and "ye." in like manner, tribes and nations are, as it were, personified. a chief, speaking for the onondagas, will say, "i (that is, my nation) am angry; thou (the delaware people) hast done wrong." this style of bold personification is common in the scriptures. moses warns the israelites: "thou art a stiff-necked people." "oh my people!" exclaims isaiah; "they which lead thee cause thee to err." . _denighroghkwayen_, "let us two smoke." this word is in the dual number, the two parties, the hosts and the guests, being each regarded as one individual. the difficulties and dangers which in the early days of the confederacy beset the traveler in threading his way through the forest, from one indian nation to another, are vividly described in this section. the words are still employed by their speakers as an established form, though they have ceased to have any pertinence to their present circumstances. . _alnuah deyakonakarondon_, "yea, of chiefs,"--literally, "yea, having horns." the custom of wearing horns as part of the head-dress of a chief has been long disused among the iroquois; but the idiom remains in the language, and the horns, in common parlance, indicate the chief, as the coronet suggests the nobleman in england. among the western indians, as is well known, the usage still survives. "no one," says catlin, "wears the head-dress surmounted with horns except the dignitaries who are very high in authority, and whose exceeding valor, worth, and power are admitted by all." these insignia of rank are, he adds, only worn on special and rare occasions, as in meeting embassies, or at warlike parades or other public festivals, or sometimes when a chief sees fit to lead a war-party to battle. [footnote: _letters and notes on the manners, customs, and condition of the north american indians._ by george catlin; p. .] the origin of the custom is readily understood. the sight, frequent enough in former days, of an antlered stag leading a herd of deer would be quite sufficient to suggest to the quick apprehension of the indian this emblem of authority and pre-eminence. . _sathaghyortnighson_, "thou who art of the wolf clan." the clan is addressed in the singular number, as one person. it is deserving of notice that the titles of clan-ship used in the language of ceremony are not derived from the ordinary names of the animals which give the clans their designations. _okwatho_ is wolf, but a man of the wolf clan is called _tahionni_,--or, as written in the text, _taghyonni_. in ordinary speech, however, the expression _rokwaho_, "he is a wolf," might be used. the english renderings of the names in the list of towns are those which the interpreters finally decided upon. in several instances they doubted about the meaning, and in some cases they could not suggest an explanation. either the words are obsolete, or they have come down in such a corrupt form that their original elements and purport cannot be determined. as regards the sites of the towns, see the appendix, note e. . _deyako-larakeh ranyaghdenghshon_,--"the two clans of the tortoise." respecting the two sub-gentes into which the tortoise clan was divided, see _ante_, p. . _anowara_ is the word for tortoise, but _raniahten_ (or, in the orthography of the text, _ranyaghdengh_) signifies, "he is of the tortoise clan." . _jadadeken roskerewake_, "thy brother of the bear clan." _okwari_ is bear, but _roskerewake_ signifies "he is of the bear clan." _rokwari_, "he is a bear," might, however, be used with the same meaning. . _onghwa kehaghshonha_, "now recently." it is possible that _onghwa_ is here written by mistake for _orighwa_. the word _orighwakayongh_, which immediately follows, signifies "in ancient times," and the corresponding word _orighwake-haghshonha_ would be "in younger times." the period in which these additions were made, though styled recent, was probably long past when the "book of rites" was committed to writing; otherwise many towns which are known to have existed at the latter date would have been added to the list. in fact, the words with which the catalogue of towns closes--"these were the clans in ancient times,"--seem to refer these later additions, along with the rest, back to a primitive era of the confederacy. . _rawenniyo raweghniseronnyh_, "god has appointed this day," or, literally, "god makes this day." in these words are probably found the only trace of any modification of the book of rites caused by the influence of the white visitors and teachers of the modern iroquois. as the very fact that the book was written in the alphabet introduced by the missionaries makes us certain that the person who reduced it to writing had been under missionary instruction, it might be deemed surprising that more evidences of this influence are not apparent. it is probable, however, that the conservative feeling of the council would have rejected any serious alterations in their ancient forms. it seems not unlikely that david of schoharie--or whoever was the penman on this occasion--may have submitted his work to his missionary teacher, and that in deference to his suggestion a single interpolation of a religious cast, to which no particular objection could be made, was allowed to pass. the word _rawenniyo_, as is well known, is the term for god which was adopted by the catholic missionaries. it is, indeed, of huron-iroquois origin, and may doubtless have been occasionally employed from the earliest times as an epithet proper for a great divinity. its origin and precise meaning are explained in the appendix, note b. the catholic missionaries appropriated it as the special name of the deity, and its use in later times is probably to be regarded as an evidence of christian influence. that the sentence in which it occurs in the text is probably an interpolation, is shown by the fact that the words which precede this sentence are repeated, with a slight change, immediately after it. having interjected this pious expression, the writer seems to have thought it necessary to resume the thread of the discourse by going back to the phrase which had preceded it. it will be observed that the religious sentiment proper to the book of rites appears to us confined to expressions of reverence for the great departed, the founders of the commonwealth. this circumstance, however should not be regarded as indicating that the people were devoid of devotional feeling of another kind. their frequent "thanksgiving festivals" afford sufficient evidence of the strength of this sentiment; but they apparently considered its display out of place in their political acts. . _nene karcnna_, "the song," or "hymn." the purport of this composition is explained in the introduction (_ante_, p. ). before the book of rites came into my possession i had often heard the hymn repeated, or sung, by different individuals, in slightly varying forms. the onondaga version, given me on the syracuse reservation, contains a line, "_negwiyage teskenonhenhne_" which is not found in the canienga ms. it is rendered "i come to greet the children." the affection of the indians for their children, which is exhibited in various passages of the book, is most apparent in the onondaga portion. _kayanerenh_. this word is variously rendered,--"the peace," "the law," and "the league," (see _ante_, p. ). here it evidently stands for _kayancrenhkowa_, "the great peace," which is the name usually given by the kanonsionni to their league, or federal constitution. _deskenonghweronne_, or in the modern french orthography, _teskenonhweronne_, "we come to greet and thank," is a good example of the comprehensive force of the iroquois tongue. its root is _nonhwe_, or _nanwe_, which is found in _kenonhws_, i love, like, am pleased with--the initial syllable _ke_ being the first personal pronoun. in the frequentative form this becomes _kenonhweron_, which has the meaning of "i salute and thank," i.e., i manifest by repeated acts my liking or gratification. the _s_ prefixed to this word is the sign of the reiterative form: _skenonhweron_, "_again_ i greet and thank." the terminal syllable _ne_ and the prefixed _te_ are respectively the signs of the motional and the cislocative forms,--"i _come hither_ again to greet and thank." a word of six syllables, easily pronounced (and in the onondaga dialect reduced to five) expresses fully and forcibly the meaning for which eight not very euphonious english words are required. the notion that the existence of these comprehensive words in an indian language, or any other, is an evidence of deficiency in analytic power, is a fallacy which was long ago exposed by the clear and penetrative reasoning of duponceau, the true father of american philology. [footnote: see the admirable preface to his translation of zeisberger's delaware grammar, p. .] as he has well explained, analysis must precede synthesis. in fact, the power of what may be termed analytic synthesis,--the mental power which first resolves words or things into their elements, and then puts them together in new forms,--is a creative or co-ordinating force, indicative of a higher natural capacity than the act of mere analysis. the genius which framed the word _teskenonhweronne_ is the same that, working with other elements, produced the steam-engine and the telephone. _ronkeghsota jivathondek_. two translations of this verse were given by different interpreters. one made it an address to the people: "my forefathers--hearken to them!" i.e., listen to the words of our forefathers, which i am about to repeat. the other considered the verse an invocation to the ancestors themselves. "my forefathers! hearken ye!" the words will bear either rendering, and either will be consonant with the speeches which follow. the lines of this hymn have been thus cast into the metre of longfellow's "hiawatha:"-- "to the great peace bring we greeting! to the dead chiefs kindred, greeting! to the warriors round him, greeting! to the mourning women, greeting! these our grandsires' words repeating, graciously, o grandsires, hear us!" . _enyonghdentyonko kanonghsakonghshen_,-"he will walk to and fro in the house." in councils and formal receptions it is customary for the orator to walk slowly to and fro during the intervals of his speech. sometimes, before beginning his address, he makes a circuit of the assembly with a meditative aspect, as if collecting his thoughts. all public acts of the indians are marked with some sign of deliberation. . _eghnikonh enyerighwawetharho kenthoh_,--"thus they will close the ceremony here." the address to the forefathers, which is mainly an outburst of lamentation over the degeneracy of the times, is here concluded. it would seem, from what follows, that at this point the candidate for senatorial honors is presented to the council, and is formally received among them, with the usual ceremonies, which were too well known to need description. the hymn is then sung again, and the orator proceeds to recite the ancient laws which the founders of their confederacy established. . _watidewennakarondonnyon_, "we have put on the horns;" in other words, "we have invested the new chief with the ensigns of office,"--or, more briefly, "we have installed him." the latter is the meaning as at present understood; but it is probable that, in earlier days, the panoply of horns was really placed on the head of the newly inducted councillor. . _aghsonh denvakokwanentonghsacke_, etc., "as soon as he is dead" (or, according to another rendering, "when he is just dying") the horns shall be taken off. the purport and object of this law are set forth in the introduction, p. . . _ne nayakoghstonde ne nayeghnyasakenradake,_ "by reason of the neck being white." the law prescribed in this section to govern the proceedings of the council in the case of homicide has been explained in the introduction, p. . the words now quoted, however, introduce a perplexity which cannot be satisfactorily cleared up. the aged chief, john s. johnson, when asked their meaning, was only able to say that neither he nor his fellow councillors fully understood it. they repeated in council the words as they were written in the book, but in this case, as in some others, they were not sure of the precise significance or purpose of what they said. some of them thought that their ancestors, the founders, had foreseen the coming of the white people, and wished to advise their successors against quarreling with their future neighbors. if this injunction was really implied in the words, we must suppose that they were an interpolation of the christian chief, david of schoharie, or possibly of his friend brant. they do not, however, seem to be, by any means, well adapted to convey this meaning. the probability is that they are a modern corruption of some earlier phrase, whose meaning had become obsolete. they are repeated by the chiefs in council, as some antiquated words in the authorized version of the scriptures are read in our own churches, with no clear comprehension--perhaps with a total misconception--of their original sense. . _enjonkwanekheren_, "we shall lose some one," or, more literally, we shall fail to know some person. this law, which is fully explained in the introduction, p. , will be found aptly exemplified in the onondaga portion of the text, where the speeches of the "younger brothers" are evidently framed in strict compliance with the injunctions here given. . _jadakweniyu_. this word, usually rendered "ruler," appears to mean "principal person," or perhaps originally a "very powerful person." it is a compound word, formed apparently from _oyata_, body or person, _kakwennion_, to be able, and the adjective termination _iyu_ or _iyo_, in its original sense of "great." (see appendix, note b.) m. cuoq, in his iroquois lexicon, defines the verb _kiatakwenniyo_ as meaning "to be the important personage, the first, the principal, the president." it corresponds very nearly to the latin _princeps_, and, as applied in the following litany to the fifty great hereditary chiefs of the iroquois, might fairly enough be rendered "prince." _kanonghsyonny_, in modern orthography, _kanonsionni_. for the origin and meaning of this word, and an explanation of the following section, see the introduction, p. . _yejodenaghstahhere kanaghsdajikowah_, lit., "they added frame-poles to the great framework." each of these compounds comprises the word _kanaghsta_, which is spelt by bruyas, _gannasta_, and defined by him, "poles for making a cabin,--the inner one, which is bent to form the frame of a cabin." the reference in these words is to the tuscaroras, tuteloes, nanticokes, and other tribes, who were admitted into the confederacy after its first formation. from a manuscript book, written in the onondaga dialect, which i found at "onondaga castle," in september, , i copied a list of the fifty councillors, which closed with the words, "_shotinastasonta kanastajikona ontaskaeken_"--literally, "they added a frame-pole to the great framework, the tuscarora nation." . _onenh jathondek, sewarihwisaanonghkwe kayanerenghkowa,_--"now listen, ye who completed the work, the great league." this section, though written continuously as prose, was probably always sung, like the list of chiefs which follows. it is, in fact, the commencement of a great historical chant, similar in character to the th psalm, or to some passages of the prophets, which in style it greatly resembles. in singing this portion, as also in the following litany to the chiefs, the long-drawn exclamation of _hai_, or _haihhaih_, is frequently introduced. in the ms. book referred to in the last note, the list of councillors was preceded by a paragraph, written like prose, but with many of these interjections interspersed through it. the interpreter, albert cusick, an intelligent and educated man, assured me that this was a song, and at my request he chanted a few staves of it, after the native fashion. the following are the words of this hymn, arranged as they are sung. it will be seen that it is a sort of cento or compilation, in the onondaga dialect, of passages from various portions of the canienga book of rites, and chiefly from the section ( ) now under consideration:-- _ haihhaih!_ woe! woe! _jiyathonick!_ hearken ye! _xivonkliti!_ we are diminished! _ haihhaih!_ woe! woe! _tejoskawayenton._ the cleared land has become a thicket. _ haihhaih! _ woe! woe! _skakentahenyon._ the clear places are deserted. _ hai!_ woe! _shatyherarta--_ they are in their graves-- _hotyiwisahongwe--_ they who established it-- _ hai!_ woe! _kayaneengoha._ the great league. _netikenen honen_ yet they declared _nene kenyoiwatatye--_ it should endure-- _kayaneengowane._ the great league. _ hai!_ woe! _wakaiwakayonnheha._ their work has grown old. _ hai!_ woe! _netho watyongwententhe._ thus we are become miserable. the closing word is the same as the canienga _watyonkwentendane_, which is found in the closing section of the canienga book. the lines of the onondaga hymn which immediately precede this concluding word will be found in section of that book, a section which is probably meant to be chanted. it will be noticed that the lines of this hymn fall naturally into a sort of parallelism, like that of the hebrew chants. . _dekarihaokenh_, or _tehkarihhoken_. in john buck's ms. the list of chiefs is preceded by the words "_nene tehadirihoken_," meaning the caniengas, or, literally, "the tekarihokens." for an explanation of this idiom and name, see _ante_, p. . _ayonhwahtha_, or _hayeirwatha_. this name, which, as hiawatha, is now familiar to us as a household word, is rendered "he who seeks the wampum belt." chief george johnson thought it was derived from _oyonwa_, wampum-belt, and _ratiehwatha_, to look for something, or, rather, to seem to seek something which we know where to find. m. cuoq refe/s the latter part of the word to the verb _katha_, to make. [footnote: lexique de la langue iroquois, p. ] the termination _atha_ is, in this sense, of frequent occurrence in iroquois compounds. the name would then mean "he who makes the wampum-belt," and would account for the story which ascribes to hiawatha the invention of wampum. the senecas, in whose language the word _oyonwa_ has ceased to exist, have corrupted the name to _hayowentha_, which they render "he who combs." this form of the name has also produced its legend, which is referred to elsewhere (p. ). hiawatha "combed the snakes out of atotarho's head," when he brought that redoubted chief into the confederacy. _shatekariwalf_, "two equal statements," or "two things equal." this name is derived-from _sate_ or _shate_, equal, and _kariwa_, or _karihwa_, for which see the glossary. _etho natejonhne_, "this was your number," or, this was the extent of your class. these words, or the similar form, _etho natehadinhne_, "this was their number," indicate apparently that the roll of chiefs belonging to a particular class or clan is completed. they are followed by three other words which have been already explained (_ante_, pages and ), _sewater-ihwakhaonghkwe, sewarihwisaanonghkwe, kayanerenhkowa_. in the written litany these three words are omitted toward the close,--probably to save the penman the labor of transcription; but in the actual ceremony it is understood that they are chanted wherever the formula _etho natejonhne_, or _etho natchadinhne_, occurs. in the modern canienga speech this verb is thus conjugated in the plural,--_etho_ being contracted to _eh_:-- _ehnatetionhne_, we were that number; _ehnatejionhne_, ye were that number; _ehnatehadinhne_, they were that number. the three canienga councillors of the first class all belong to the tortoise clan. . _sharenhowane_; in onondaga, _showenhona_. this name was translated by the interpreters, "he is the loftiest tree." it seems properly to mean "he is a great tree-top," from _karenha_, or _garenha_, which bruyas renders _cime d'arbre_, and _kowane_, great. _deyonnhehgonh_, or _teyonhehkwen_, "double life," from _onnhe_, life. my friend, chief george johnson, who bears this titular appellation, tells me that it is properly the name of a certain shrub, which has a great tenacity of life. _ohrenregowah_; in onondaga, _owenhegona_. the interpreters differed much in opinion as to the meaning of this name. some said "wide branches;" another, "a high hill." the root-word, _ohrenre_, is obsolete, and its meaning is apparently lost. the three chiefs of the second class or division of the caniengas belong to the wolf clan. . _dehennakarine_; in onondaga, _tehennakaihne_; "going with two horns." the root is _onakara_, horn; the termination _ine_, or _ihne_, gives the sense of going; _de_ or _te_ is the duplicative prefix. _aghstawenserontha_ (onon. _hastawensenwa_), "he puts on the rattles." mr. bearfoot writes, "_ohstawensera_ seems to have been a general name for anything denuded of flesh, but is now confined to the rattles of the rattlesnake." _shosgoharowane_ (onon. _shosgohaehna_), "he is a great wood-drift." "_yohskoharo_, writes mr. bearfoot, means an obstruction by driftwood in creeks or small rivers." the councillors of the third canienga class are of the bear clan. . _ise seniyatagweniyohkwe_, "ye two were the principals." _atagweniyo_, or _adakweniyu_ (see _ante_, note to sec. ) here becomes a verb in the imperfect tense and the dual number. the reference is either to dekanawidah and odatsehte, the chiefs of the caniengas and oneidas, who worked together in founding the confederacy, or, rather, perhaps, to their two nations, each regarded as an individual, and, in a manner, personified. _jatatawhak_, or, more properly _jatatahwak_, means, literally, "son of each other." it is from the root-word _kaha-wak_ (or _gahawak_), which is defined by bruyas, _avoir pour enfant_, and is in the reciprocal form. here, however, it is understood to mean "father and son," in reference to the political relationship between the canienga and oneida nations. _odatsehte_ (onon., tatshehte), "bearing a quiver,"--or the pouch in which the arrows are carried. according to the tradition, when dekanawidah's brother and ambassador formally adopted _odatsehte_ as the political son of the canienga chief, he took the quiver off his own shoulder, and hung it upon that of the oneida chieftain. _kanonhgwenyodon_, "setting up ears of corn in a row." from _ononhkwenha_, an ear of corn. _deyohhagwente_ (onon., _tyohagwente_), "open voice" (?) this is another obsolete, or semi-obsolete word, about which the interpreters differ widely in opinion. "hollow tube," "windpipe," "opening in the woods," "open voice," were the various renderings suggested. the latter would be derived from _ohakwa_ or _ohagwa_, voice, and the termination _wente_ or _gwente_, which gives the sense of "open." the three chiefs of the first oneida class belong to the wolf clan. . _shononhsese_ (onon., shononses), "his long house." or, "he has a long house." from _kanonsa_, house, with the adjective termination _es_, long. _daonahrokenagh_ (onon., tonaohgena), "two branches." this is another doubtful word. in modern canienga, "two branches" would be _tonenroken_. _atyatonentha_ (onon., hatyatonnentha), "he lowers himself," or, literally, "he slides himself down," from _oyata_, body, self, and _tonnenta_, to slide. the councillors of the second oneida class are of the tortoise clan. . _dewatahonhtenyonk_ (onon., _tehatahonhtenyonk_), "two hanging ears," from _ohonta_, ear. _kaniyatahshayonk_ (onon., _kanenyatakshayen_). this name was rendered "easy throat," as if derived from _oniata_, throat; but the oneida form of the word seems to point to a derivation from _onenya_ (or _onenhia_), stone. this word must be regarded as another obsolete compound. _onwatsatonhonk_ (onon., _onwasjatenwi_), "he is buried." the three chiefs of the third oneida class are of the bear clan. . _eghyesaotonnihsen_, lit., "this was his uncle,"--or, as the words would be understood by the hearers, "the next are his uncles." the onondaga nation, being the brother of the canienga, was, of course, the uncle of the oneida. in john buck's ms. the onondagas are introduced with more ceremony, in the following lines: _etho yeshodonnih_; these are the uncles; _rodihsennakeghde_, they, the name-bearers-- _tehhotiyena_, they took hold here; _rodihnonsyonnihton_. they made the league. that is, they helped, or joined, in making the league. _thatotarho, wathatotarho_ (onon., _thatotarho_). _thatotarho_ is the passive voice and cislocative form of _otarho_, which is defined "to grasp," or "catch" (_accrocher_) but in the passive signifies "entangled." this great chief, whose name is better known as atotarho (without the cislocative prefix), is of the bear clan. _etho ronaraschsen_, "these were cousins," or rather, "the next were cousins." this cousinhood, like all the relationships throughout the book, is political, and indicates some close relationship in public affairs. the announcement applies to the following chiefs, enneserarenh and dehatkahthos, who were the special aids and counselors of atotarho. _enneserarenh_ (onon. _hanesehen_). one onondata chief said that he knew no meaning for this word. another thought it might mean "the best soil uppermost." it is apparently from some obsolete root. _dehatkahthos_ (onon. _tchatkahtons_), "he is two-sighted," or, "he looks both ways." another rendering made it "on the watch." this and the preceding chief belong now to the beaver clan. in one of the onondaga lists which i received, these two, with their principal, atotarho, formed a "class" by themselves, and were doubtless originally of the same clan. _waghontenhnonterontye_, "they were as brothers thenceforth;" or, more fully rendered, "the next continued to be brothers." this declaration refers to the three next following chiefs, who were connected by some special political tie. the first who bore the name were, probably, like the two preceding chiefs, leading partisans and favorites of the first atotarho. _onyatajiwak_, or _skanyadajiwak_ (onon., _oyatajiwak_). one authority makes this "a fowl's crop;" another, "the throat alone," from _oniata_, throat, and _jiwak_, alone; another defined it, "bitter throat." mr. morgan renders it "bitter body,"--his informant probably seeing in it the word _oyata_, body. this chief belongs now to the snipe clan. _awekenyade_. "the end of its journey,"--from awe, going, and _akonhiate_(can.) "at the end." this chief is of the ball tribe, both in canada, and at onondaga castle. in the list furnished to mr. morgan by the senecas, he is of the tortoise clan. _dehadkwarayen_ (onon., _tchatkwayen_). this word is obsolete. one interpreter guessed it to mean "on his body;" another made it "red wings." he is of the tortoise clan. in the book of rites the first six chiefs of the onondagas make but one class, as is shown by the fact that their names are followed by the formula, _etho natejonhne_, "this was the number of you." it may be presumed that they were originally of one clan,--probably that of the bear, to which their leader, atotarho, belonged. . _yeshohawak_, _rakwahhokowah_, "then his next son, he the great wolf." the chief who follows, _ronenghwireghtonh_, was evidently a personage of great importance,--probably the leading chief of the wolf class. he forms a "clan" by himself,--the only instance of the kind in the list. the expression, "there (or, in him) were combined the minds," indicates--as mr. bearfoot suggests--his superior intellect. it may also refer to the fact that he was the hereditary keeper of the wampum records. the title was borne in canada by the late chief george buck, but the duties of record-keeper were usually performed by his more eminent brother, john (_skanawati_). _rononghwireghtonh_ (onon., _honanwiehti_), "he is sunk out of sight." this chief, who, as has been stated, alone constitutes the second onondaga class, is of the wolf clan. . _etho yeshotonnyh tekadarakehne_, "then his uncles of the two clans." the five chiefs who follow probably bore some peculiar political relation to rononghwireghton. the first two in modern times are of the deer clan; the last three are of the eel clan. it is probable that they all belonged originally, with him, to one clan, that of the wolf, and consequently to one class, which was afterwards divided into three. _kawenenseronton_ (onon., _kawenensenton_). a word of doubtful meaning; one interpreter thought it meant "her voice suspended." _haghriron_ (onon., _hahihon_), "spilled," or "scattered." . _wahhondennonterontye_. this word has already occurred, with a different orthography, and is explained in the note to section . _ronyennyennih_ (onon., _honyennyenni_). no satisfactory explanation could be obtained of this word. chief john buck did not know its meaning. _shodakwarashonh_ (onon., _shotegwashen_), "he is bruised." _shakokenghne_ (onon. _shahkohkenneh_), "he saw them." as stated above, the three chiefs in this class are of the eel clan. . _shihonadewiraralye_, "they had children," or, rather, "they continued to get children." mr. bearfoot writes in regard to this word: "yodewirare, a fowl hatching, referring to the time when they were forming the league, when they were said to be hatching, or producing, the children mentioned--i.e., the other tribes who were taken into the confederacy." _tehhodidarakeh_, "these the two clans." taken in connection with the preceding lines of the chant, it seems probable that this expression refers to the introduction of other clans into the council besides the original three, the bear, wolf and tortoise, which existed when the confederacy was formed. _raserhaghrhonh_ (onon., _sherhakwi_), "wearing a hatchet in his belt," from _asera_, hatchet. this chief is of the tortoise clan. _etho wahhoronghyaronnyon_, "this put away the clouds." these "clouds," it is said, were the clouds of war, which were dispelled by the great chief whose name is thus introduced, _skanawadyh_, or as now spelt, _skanawati_. he had the peculiar distinction of holding two offices, which were rarely combined. he was both a high chief, or "lord of the council," and a "great warrior." in former times the members of the great council seldom assumed executive duties. they were rarely sent out as ambassadors or as leaders of war-parties. these duties were usually entrusted to the ablest chiefs of the second rank, who were known as "great warriors," _rohskenrakehte-kowa_. skanawati was an exception to this rule. it would seem that the chief who first bore this title had special aptitudes, which have come down in his family. a striking instance, given in the "_relations_" of the jesuit missionaries among the hurons, has been admirably reproduced by mr. parkman in the twenty-third chapter of his "jesuits in north america," and cannot be better told than in his words. in the year , during the desperate war between the kanonsionni and the hurons, the onondagas determined to respond to the pacific overtures which they had received from their northern foes. "they chose for their envoy," continues the historian, "scandawati, a man of renown, sixty years of age, joining with him two colleagues. [footnote: _scandawali_ is the huron--and probably the original onondaga--pronunciation of the name.] the old onondaga entered on his mission with a troubled mind. his anxiety was not so much for his life as for his honor and dignity; for, while the oneidas and the cayugas were acting in concurrence with the onondagas, the senecas had refused any part in the embassy, and still breathed nothing but war. would they, or still more, the mohawks, so far forget the consideration due to one whose name had been great in the councils of the league, as to assault the hurons while he was among them in the character of an ambassador of his nation, whereby his honor would be compromised and his life endangered? 'i am not a dead dog,' he said, 'to be despised and forgotten. i am worthy that all men should turn their eyes on me while i am among enemies, and do nothing that may involve me in danger.' soon there came dire tidings. the prophetic heart of the old chief had not deceived him. the senecas and mohawks, disregarding negotiations in which they had no part, and resolved to bring them to an end, were invading the country in force. it might be thought that the hurons would take their revenge on the onondaga envoys, now hostages among them; but they did not do so, for the character of an ambassador was, for the most part, held in respect. one morning, however, scandawati had disappeared. they were full of excitement; for they thought that he had escaped to the enemy. they ranged the woods in search of him, and at length found him in a thicket near the town. he lay dead, on a bed of spruce boughs which he had made, his throat deeply gashed with a knife. he had died by his own hand, a victim of mortified pride. 'see,' writes father ragueneau, 'how much our indians stand on the point of honor!'" it is worthy of note that the same aptitude for affairs and the same keen sense of honor which distinguished this highspirited chief survives in the member of his family who, on the canadian reservation, now bears the same title,--chief john buck,--whom his white neighbors all admit to be both a capable ruler and an able and trustworthy negotiator. in canada _skanawati_ is of the tortoise clan. at onondaga, where the original family has probably died out, the title now belongs to the ball clan. . _yeshohawak_, "then his next son,"--or rather, perhaps, "then, next, his son." the cayuga nation was politically the son of the onondaga nation. _tekahenyonk_ (onon., _hakaenyonk_), "he looks both ways," or, "he examines warily." in section (_ante_ p. ) this name is spelt _akahenyonh_. the prefixed _te_ is the duplicative particle, and gives the meaning of "spying on both sides." this and the following chief belong, in canada, to the deer clan, and constitute the first cayuga class. _jinontaweraon_ (onon., _jinontaweyon_), "coming on its knees." . _katakwarasonh_ (onon., _ketagwajik_), "it was bruised." this name, it will be seen, is very similar to that of an onondaga chief,--_ante_, note to section . the chief now named and the one who follows are of the bear clan. _shoyonwese_ (onon., _soyonwes_), "he has a long wampumbelt." the root-word of this name is _oyonwa_, wampum-belt, the same that appears in _hayonwatha_. _atyaseronne_ (onon., _halyasenne_), "he puts one on another," or "he piles on." this chief is of the tortoise clan, and completes, with the two preceding councillors, the second cayuga class. . _yeshonadadekenah_, "then they who are brothers." the three chiefs who follow are all of the wolf clan, and make the third class of the cayuga councillors. _teyoronghyonkeh_ (onon., _thowenyongo_), "it touches the sky." _teyodhoreghkonh_ (onon., _tyotowegwi_), "doubly cold." _wathyawenhehetken_ (onon., _thaowethon_), "mossy place." . the two following chiefs are of the snipe clan, and constitute the fourth and last cayuga class. _atontaraheha_ (onon., _hatontaheha_) "crowding himself in." _teskahe_ (onon., _heskahe_) "resting on it." . _yeshotonnih_, "and then his uncle." the seneca nation, being the brother of the onondaga, is, of course, the uncle of the cayuga nation. _skanyadariyo_ (onon., _kanyataiyo_), "beautiful lake;" originally, perhaps, "great lake." (see appendix, note b.) this name is spelt in section (_ante_, p. ) _kanyadariyu_. the prefixed _s_ is the sign of the reiterative form, and when joined to proper names is regarded as a token of nobility,--like the french _de_, or the german _von_. [footnote: see j. a. cuoq: _jugement erroné_, etc., p. . "le reiteratif est comme un signe de noblesse dans les noms propres."] _kanyadariyo_, was one of the two leading chiefs of the senecas at the formation of the confederacy. the title belongs to the wolf clan. _yeshonaraseshen_, lit., "they were cousins." in the present instance, and according to the indian idiom, we must read "skanyadariyo, with his cousin, shadekaronyes." _shadekaronyes_ (onon., _shatekaenyes_), "skies of equal length." this chief (whose successor now belongs to the snipe clan) was in ancient times the head of the second great division of the senecas. these two potentates were made a "class" in the council by themselves, and were thus required to deliberate together and come to an agreement on any question that was brought up, before expressing an opinion in the council. this ingenious device for preventing differences between the two sections of the seneca nation is one of the many evidences of statesmanship exhibited in the formation of the league. . _satyenawat_, "withheld." this chief, in the canadian list, is of the snipe clan; in mr. morgan's seneca list, he is of the bear clan. his comrade in the class, shakenjowane, is, in both lists, of the hawk clan. _shakenjowane_ (onon., _shakenjona_), "large forehead." there has apparently been some derangement here in the order of the classes. in mr. morgan's list, and also in one furnished to me at onondaga castle, the two chiefs just named belong to different classes. the variance of the lists may be thus shown:-- _the book of rites_. _the seneca and onondaga lists_. second seneca class. _satyenawat_ _kanokarih_ _shakenjowane_ _shakenjowane_. third seneca class. _kanokarih_ _satyenawat_ _nisharyenen_ _nisharyenen_. satyenawat and kanokarih have changed places. as the book of rites is the earlier authority, it is probable that the change was made among the new york senecas after a part of their nation had removed to canada. . _kanokarih_ (onon., _kanokaehe_), "threatened." _nisharyenen_ (onon., _onishayenenha_), "the day fell down." one of the interpreters rendered the latter name, "the handle drops." the meaning of the word must be considered doubtful. the first of these chiefs is of the tortoise clan, and the second is, in canada, of the bear clan. in mr. morgan's list he is of the snipe clan. the disruption of the seneca nation, and the introduction of new clans, have thrown this part of the list into confusion. . _onghwakeghaghshonah_, etc. the verses which follow are repeated here from the passage of the book which precedes the chanted litany. (see _ante_, section .) their repetition is intended to introduce the names of the two chiefs who composed the fourth and last class of the seneca councillors. _yatehhotinhohhataghkwen_, "they were at the doorway," or, according to another version, "they made the doorway." the chiefs are represented as keeping the doorway of the "extended mansion," which imaged the confederacy. _kanonghkeridawyh_, (onon., _kanonkeitawi_,) "entangled hair given." this chief, in canada, is of the bear clan; in new york, according to morgan's list, he is of the snipe clan. _teyoninhokarawenh_, (onon., _teyoninhokawenh_,) "open door." in both lists he is of the wolf clan. mr. morgan (in his "league of the iroquois," page ,) states that to the last-named chief, or "sachem," the duty of watching the door was assigned, and that "they gave him a sub-sachem, or assistant, to enable him to execute this trust." in fact, however, every high chief, or _royaner_ (lord), had an assistant, or war chief (_roskenrakehte-kowa_, great warrior), to execute his instructions. the book of rites shows clearly that the two chiefs to whom the duty of "guarding the doorway" was assigned were both nobles of the first rank. their office also appears not to have been warlike. from the words of the book it would seem that when new tribes were received into the confederacy, these two councillors had the formal office of "opening the doorway" to the new-comers--that is (as we may suppose), of receiving and introducing their chiefs into the federal council. in another sense the whole seneca nation was deemed, and was styled in council, the doorkeeper (_ronhohonti_, pl., _roninhohonti_) of the confederacy. the duty of guarding the common country against the invasions of the hostile tribes of the west was specially committed to them. their leaders, or public representatives, in this duty would naturally be the two great chiefs of the nation, kanyateriyo and shadekaronyes. the rules of the league, however, seem to have forbidden the actual assumption by the councillors of any executive or warlike command. at least, if they undertook such duties, it must be as private men, and not in their capacity of nobles--just as an english peer might serve as an officer in the army or as an ambassador. the only exceptions recognized by the iroquois constitution seem to have been in the cases of tekarihoken and skanawati, who were at once nobles and war-chiefs. (see _ante_, pages and .) the two great seneca chiefs would therefore find it necessary to make over their military functions to their assistants or war-chiefs. this may explain the statement made by morgan ("league of the iroquois," p. ) that there were two special "war-chiefships" created among the senecas, to which these commands were assigned. . _onenh watyonkwentendane kanikonrakeh_. the condoling chant concludes abruptly with the doleful exclamation, "now we are dejected in spirit." _enkitenlane_, "i am becoming poor," or "wretched," is apparently a derivative of _kitenre_, to pity, and might be rendered, "i am in a pitiable state." "we are miserable in mind," would probably be a literal version of this closing ejaculation. whether it is a lament for the past glories of the confederacy, or for the chief who is mourned, is a question which those who sing the words at the present day would probably have a difficulty in answering. it is likely, however, that the latter cause of grief was in the minds of those who first composed the chant. it is an interesting fact, as showing the antiquity of the names of the chiefs in the foregoing list, that at least a fourth of them are of doubtful etymology. that their meaning was well understood when they were borne by the founders of the league cannot be questioned. the changes of language or the uncertainties of oral transmission, in the lapse of four centuries, have made this large proportion of them either obsolete or so corrupt as to be no longer intelligible. of all the names it may probably be affirmed with truth that the indians who hear them recited think of their primitive meaning as little as we ourselves think of the meaning of the family names or the english titles of nobility which we hear or read. to the iroquois of the present day the hereditary titles of their councillors are--to use their own expression--"just names," and nothing more. it must not be supposed, however, that the language itself has altered in the same degree. proper names, as is well known, when they become mere appellatives, discharged of significance, are much more likely to vary than the words of ordinary speech. notes on the onondaga book _a. yo onen onen wen ni sr te,_ "oh now--now this day." it will be noticed that this address of the "younger brothers" commences in nearly the same words which begin the speeches of the canienga book. this similarity of language exists in other parts of the two books, though disguised by the difference of dialect, and also by the very irregular and corrupt spelling of the onondaga book. to give some idea of this irregularity, and of the manner in which the words of this book are to be pronounced, several of these words are subjoined, with the pronunciation of the interpreter, represented in the orthography of the canienga book: _words as written._ _as pronounced by la fort._ wen ni sr te wennisaate ho gar a nyat hogaenyat son tar yen sontahien na ya ne nayeneh o shon ta gon gonar osontagongona gar weear har tye gawehehatie on gwr non sen shen tar qua ongwanonsenshentakwa ga nen ar ta (or, ga nen ar ti) ganenhate kon hon wi sats konthonwitsas o wen gr ge ohwengage nar ya he yr genh nayehiyaken. the letter _r,_ it will be seen, is not a consonant. in fact, it is never heard as such in the modern onondaga dialect. as used by la fort, its office is either to give to the preceding vowel _a_ the sound which it has in _father,_ or by itself to represent that sound. the _a,_ when not followed by _r,_ is usually sounded like _a_ in _fate_, but sometimes keeps the sound of _a_ in _far._ the _e_ usually represents the english _e_ in _be,_ or, when followed by _n,_ the _e_ in _pen._ the _i_ and _y_ are commonly sounded as in the word _city._ the _g_ is always hard, and is interchangeable with _k._ the _t_ and _d_ are also interchangeable. while the syllables in the original are written separately, the words are not always distinguished; and it is doubtful if, in printing, they have in all cases been properly divided. the translation of the interpreter, though tolerably exact, was not always literal; and in the brief time at our command the precise meaning of some of the words was not ascertained. no attempt, therefore, has been made to form a glossary of this portion of the text. in the original the addresses of the "younger brothers" are divided into sections, which are numbered from one to seven, and each of which, in the ceremony, is called to mind by its special wampum-string, which is produced when the section is recited. as the first of these sections is of much greater length than the others, it has been divided in this work, for the purpose of ready reference, into sub-sections, which are numbered _a_, _b_, and so on. _b_. _nenthaotagenhetak_, "by the ashes," or "near the hearth." the root-word is here _agenhe_, the onondaga form of the canienga word _akenra_, ashes, which is comprised in the compound form, _jiudakenrokde_, in section of the canienga book. it will be seen that the spokesman of the younger nations is here complying strictly with the law laid down in that section. he "stands by the hearth and speaks a few words to comfort those who are mourning." _c_. "_it was valued at twenty._" the interpreters explained that by "twenty" was understood the whole of their wampum, which constituted all their treasure. a human life was worth the whole of this, and they freely gave it, merely to recall the memory of the chief who was gone. among the hurons, when a man had been killed, and his kindred were willing to renounce their claim to vengeance on receiving due satisfaction, the number of presents of wampum and other valuables which were to be given was rigidly prescribed by their customary law. [footnote: _relation_ of , p. .] from this custom would easily follow the usage of making similar gifts, in token of sympathy, to all persons who were mourning the loss of a near relative, _d_. "_because with her the line is lost._" the same sentiment prevailed among the hurons. "for a huron killed by a huron," writes father ragueneau in the letter just quoted, "thirty gifts are commonly deemed a sufficient satisfaction. for a woman forty are required, because, as they say, the women are less able to defend themselves; and, moreover, they being the source whence the land is peopled, their lives should be deemed of more value to the commonwealth, and their weakness should have a stronger support in public justice." such was the reasoning of these heathen barbarians. enlightened christendom has hardly yet advanced to the mark of these opinions. i _e. "where the grave has been made,"_ &c. the recital of father ragueneau also illustrates this passage. "then followed," he writes, "nine other presents, for the purpose, as it were, of erecting a sepulchre for the deceased. four of them were for the four pillars which should support this sepulchre, and four others for the four cross-pieces on which the bier of the dead was to rest. the ninth was to serve as his pillow." . "i will make the sky clear to you." in this paragraph the speaker reminds the mourners, in the style of bold imagery which the iroquois orators affected, that continued grief for the dead would not be consonant with the course of nature. though all might seem dark to them now, the sky would be as clear, and the sun would shine as brightly for them, as if their friend had not died. their loss had been inevitable, and equally sure would be the return of the "pleasant days." this reminder, which may seem to us needless, was evidently designed as a reproof, at once gentle and forcible, of those customs of excessive and protracted mourning which were anciently common among the huron-iroquois tribes. . _"you must converse with your nephews,"_ &c. the "nephews" are, of course, the chiefs of the younger nations, who are here the condolers. the mourners are urged to seek for comfort in the sympathy of their friends, and not to reject the consolations offered by their visitors and by their own people. . _"and now you can go out before the people, and go on with your duties,"_ &c. this, it will be seen, corresponds with the injunctions of the canienga book. (see section , _ante,_ p. ): "and then they will be comforted, and will conform to the great law." . _"then the horns shall be left on the grave,"_ &c. the same figure is here used as in the canienga book, section (_ante,_ p. ). it is evident that the importance of keeping up the succession of their councillors was constantly impressed on the minds of the iroquois people by the founders of their league. . _"and the next death will receive the pouch."_ the "mourning wampum," in modern days, is left, or supposed to be left, with the kindred of the late chief until another death shall occur among the members of the council, when it is to be passed on to the family of the deceased. this economy is made necessary by the fact that only one store of such wampum now exists, as the article is no longer made. it is probable that in ancient times the wampum was left permanently with the family of the deceased, as a memorial of the departed chief. _"where the fire is made and the smoke is rising," i.e.,_ when you receive notice that a condoling council is to be held in a certain place. the kindled fire and the rising smoke were the well-understood images which represented the convocation of their councils. in the onondaga book before referred to (_ante,_ p. ) a few pages were occupied by what might be styled a pagan sermon, composed of exhortations addressed to the chiefs, urging them to do their duty to the community. the following is the commencement of this curious composition, which may serve to illustrate both the words now under consideration and the character of the people. the orthography is much better than that of la fort's book, the vowels generally having the italian sound, and the spelling being tolerably uniform. the translation was made by albert cusick, and is for the most part closely literal: the discourse commences with a "text," after the fashion which the pagan exhorter had probably learned from the missionaries:-- naye ne iwaton ne gayanencher: onen wahagwatatjistagenhas ne thatontarho. onen wagayengwaeten, naye ne watkaenya, esta netho tina enyontkawaonk. ne enagenyon nwatkaonwenjage shanonwe nwakayengwaeten netho titentyetongenta shanonwe nwakayengwaeten, ne tokat gishens enyagoiwayentaha ne oyatonwetti. netho hiya nigawennonten ne ongwanencher ne ayakt niyongyonwenjage ne tyongwehonwe. ottinawahoten ne oyengwaetakwit? nayehiya, ne agwegeh enhonatiwagwaisyonk ne hatigowanes,--tenhontatnonongwak gagweki,--oni enshagotino-ongwak ne honityogwa, engenk ne hotisgenrhergeta, oni ne genthonwisash, oni ne hongwagsata, oni ne ashonsthateyetigaher ne ongwagsata; netho niyoh tehatinya agweke sne sgennon enyonnontonnyonhet, ne hegentyogwagwegi. naye ne hatigowanens neye gagwegi honatiiwayenni sha oni nenyotik honityogwa shanya yagonigonheten. ne tokat gishen naye enyagotiwatentyeti, negaewane akwashen ne honiyatwa shanityawenih. _translation._ "the law says this: "now the council-fire was lighted by atotarho. now the smoke rises and ascends to the sky, that everybody may see it. the tribes of the different nations where the smoke appeared shall come directly where the smoke arises, if, perhaps, they have any business for the council to consider. "these are the words of our law,--of the six nations of indians. "what is the purpose of the smoke? it is this--that the chiefs must all be honest; that they must all love one another; and that they must have regard for their people,--including the women, and also our children, and also those children whom we have not yet seen; so much they must care for, that all may be in peace, even the whole nation. it is the duty of the chiefs to do this, and they have the power to govern their people. if there is anything to be done for the good of the people, it is their duty to do it." _b. "now i have finished! now show him to me!"_ with this laconic exclamation, which calls upon the nation of the late chief to bring forward his successor, the formal portion of the ceremony--the condolence which precedes the installation--is abruptly closed. appendix. note a. the names of the iroquois nations. the meaning of the term _kanonsionni,_ and of the other names by which the several nations were known in their council, are fully explained in the introduction. but some account should be given of the names, often inappropriate and generally much corrupted, by which they were known to their white neighbors. the origin and proper meaning of the word _iroquois_ are doubtful. all that can be said with certainty is that the explanation given by charlevoix cannot possibly be correct. "the name of iroquois," he says, "is purely french, and has been formed from the term _hiro,_ 'i have spoken,' a word by which these indians close all their speeches, and _koue,_ which, when long drawn out, is a cry of sorrow, and when briefly uttered, is an exclamation of joy." [footnote: _history of new france,_ vol. i, p. .] it might be enough to say of this derivation that no other nation or tribe of which we have any knowledge has ever borne a name composed in this whimsical fashion. but what is decisive is the fact that champlain had learned the name from his indian allies before he or any other frenchman, so far as is known, had ever seen an iroquois. it is probable that the origin of the word is to be sought in the huron language; yet, as this is similar to the iroquois tongue, an attempt may be made to find a solution in the latter. according to bruyas, the word _garokwa_ meant a pipe, and also a piece of tobacco,--and, in its verbal form, to smoke. this word is found, somewhat disguised by aspirates, in the book of rites--_denighroghkwayen,_--"let us two smoke together." (_ante._ p. , section ). in the indeterminate form the verb becomes _ierokwa,_ which is certainly very near to "iroquois." it might be rendered "they who smoke," or "they who use tobacco," or, briefly, "the tobacco people." this name, the tobacco nation (_nation du petun_) was given by the french, and probably also by the algonkins, to one of the huron tribes, the tionontates, noted for the excellent tobacco which they raised and sold. the iroquois were equally well known for their cultivation of this plant, of which they had a choice variety. [footnote: "the senecas still cultivate tobacco. its name signifies '_the only tobacco,'_ because they consider this variety superior to all others."--morgan: _league of the iroquois,_ p. .] it is possible that their northern neighbors may have given to them also a name derived from this industry. another not improbable supposition might connect the name with that of a leading sept among them, the bear clan. this clan, at least among the caniengas, seems to have been better known than any other to their neighbors. the algonkins knew that nation as the maquas, or bears. in the canienga speech, bear is _ohkwari_; in onondaga, the word becomes _ohkwai_, and in cayuga, _iakwai_,--which also is not far from _iroquois_. these conjectures--for they are nothing more--may both be wrong; but they will perhaps serve to show the direction in which the explanation of this perplexing word is to be sought. the name of _mingo_ or _mengwe,_ by which the iroquois were known to the delawares and the other southern algonkins, is said to be a contraction of the lenape word _mahongwi_, meaning the "people of the springs." [footnote: e. g. squier: _"traditions of the algonquins,"_ in beach's indian miscellany, p. .] the iroquois possessed the headwaters of the rivers which flowed through the country of the delawares, and this explanation of the name may therefore be accepted as a probable one. the first of the iroquois nations, the "oldest brother" of the confederacy, has been singularly unfortunate in the designations by which it has become generally known. the people have a fine, sonorous name of their own, said to be derived from that of one of their ancient towns. this name is _kanienke_, "at the flint." _kansen_, in their language, signifies flint, and the final syllable is the same locative particle which we find in _onontake,_ "at the mountain." in pronunciation and spelling, this, like other indian words, is much varied, both by the natives themselves and by their white neighbors, becoming _kanieke, kanyenke, canyangeh,_ and _canienga._ the latter form, which accords with the sister names of onondaga and cayuga, has been adopted in the present volume. the huron frequently drops the initial _k,_ or changes it to _y._ the canienga people are styled in that speech _yanyenge,_ a word which is evidently the origin of the name of _agnier,_ by which this nation is known to the french. the dutch learned from the mohicans (whose name, signifying wolves, is supposed to be derived from that of their leading clan) to call the kanienke by the corresponding name of _maqua_ (or _makwa_), the algonkin word for bear. but as the iroquois, and especially the caniengas, became more and more a terror to the surrounding nations, the feelings of aversion and dread thus awakened found vent in an opprobrious epithet, which the southern and eastern algonkins applied to their obnoxious neighbors. they were styled by these enemies _mowak,_ or _mowawak_ a word which has been corrupted to _mohawk._ it is the third person plural, in the sixth "transition," of the algonkin word _mowa_, which means "to eat," but which is only used of food that has had life. literally it means "they eat them;" but the force of the verb and of the pronominal inflection suffices to give to the word, when used as an appellative, the meaning of "those who eat men," or, in other words, "the cannibals." that the english, with whom the caniengas were always fast friends, should have adopted this uncouth and spiteful nickname is somewhat surprising. it is time that science and history should combine to banish it, and to resume the correct designation. [footnote: william penn and his colonists, who probably understood the meaning of the word _mohawk_ forbore to employ it. in the early records of the colony (published by the pennsylvania historical society) the nation is described in treaties, laws, and other public acts, by its proper designation, a little distorted in the spelling,--_canyingoes, ganyingoes, cayinkers, etc._] the name _oneida_, which in french became _onneyoutk_ or _onneyote_, is a corruption of a compound word, formed of _onenhia_, or _onenya_, stone, and _kaniote_, to be upright or elevated. _onenniote_ is rendered "the projecting stone." it is applied to a large boulder of syennite, which thrusts its broad shoulder above the earth at the summit of an eminence near which, in early times, the oneidas had planted their chief settlement. as has been already stated, _onondaga_ is a softened pronunciation of _onontake_, "at the mountain,"--or, perhaps, more exactly, "at the hill." it is probable that this name was unknown when the confederacy was formed, as it is not comprised in the list of towns given in the book of rites. it may be supposed to have been first applied to this nation after their chief town was removed to the site which it occupied in the year , when the first white visitors of whom we have any certain account, the jesuit father le moyne and his party, came among them,--and also in , when the english explorer, greenhalgh, passed through their country. this site was about seven miles east of their present reservation. i visited it in september, , in company with my friend, general john s. clark, who has been singularly successful in identifying the positions of the ancient iroquois towns. the locality is thus described in my journal: "the site is, for an indian town, peculiarly striking and attractive. it stretches about three miles in length, with a width of half a mile, along the broad back and gently sloping sides of a great hill, which swells, like a vast oblong cushion, between two hollows made by branches of a small stream, known as limehouse creek. these streams and many springs on the hillside yielded abundance of water, while the encircling ridges on every side afforded both firewood and game. in the neighborhood were rich valleys, where--as well as on the hill itself--the people raised their crops of corn, beans, pumpkins, and tobacco. there are signs of a large population." in the fields of stubble which occupied the site of this ancient capital, the position of the houses could still be traced by the dark patches of soil; and a search of an hour or two rewarded us with several wampum-beads, flint chips, and a copper coin of the last century. the owner of the land, an intelligent farmer, affirmed that "wagon-loads" of indian wares,--pottery, hatchets, stone implements, and the like--had been carried off by curiosity seekers. the name of the _cayugas_ (in french _goyogouin_) is variously pronounced by the iroquois themselves. i wrote it as i heard it, at different times, from members of the various tribes. _koyúkweñ, koiúkwe, kwaiúkweñ, kayúkwe._ a cayuga chief made it _kayúkwa,_ which is very near the usual english pronunciation of the word. of its purport no satisfactory account could be obtained. one interpreter rendered it "the fruit country," another "the place where canoes are drawn out." cusick, the historian, translates it "a mountain rising from the water." mr. morgan was told that it meant "the mucky land." we can only infer that the interpreters were seeking, by vague resemblances, to recover a lost meaning. the _senecas_, who were called by the french _tsonontouan_ or _sonnontouan_, bore among the iroquois various names, but all apparently derived from the words which appear in that appellation,--_ononta_, hill, and _kowa_ or _kowane,_ great. the caniengas called them _tsonontowane_; the oneidas abridged the word to _tsontowana_; the cayugas corrupted it to _onondewa_; and the onondagas contracted it yet farther, to _nontona_. the senecas called themselves variously _sonontowa, onontewa,_ and _nondewa._ _sonontowane_ is probably the most correct form. the word _seneca_ is supposed to be of algonkin origin, and like _mohawk_, to have been given as an expression of dislike, or rather of hostility. _sinako_, in the delaware tongue, means properly "stone snakes;" but in this conjunction it is understood, according to the interpretation furnished to mr. squier, to signify "mountain snakes." [footnote: _"traditions of the algonquins,"_ in beach's _indian miscellany,_ p. .] the delawares, it appears, were accustomed to term all their enemies "snakes." in this case they simply translated the native name of the iroquois tribe (the "mountain people"), and added this uncomplimentary epithet. as the name, unlike the word mohawk, is readily pronounced by the people to whom it was given, and as they seem to have in some measure accepted it, there is not the same reason for objecting to its use as exists in the case of the latter word,--more especially as there is no absolute certainty that it is not really an iroquois word. it bears, in its present form, a close resemblance to the honorable "council name" of the onondagas,--_sennakehte,_ "the title-givers;" a fact which may perhaps have made the western nation more willing to adopt it. note b. meaning of ohio, ontario, onontio, rawenniio. the words _ohio, ontario_ and _onontio_ (or _yonnondio_)--which should properly be pronounced as if written _oheeyo, ontareeyo,_ and _ononteeyo_--are commonly rendered "beautiful river," "beautiful lake," "beautiful mountain." this, doubtless, is the meaning which each of the words conveys to an iroquois of the present day, unless he belongs to the tuscarora tribe. but there can be no doubt that the termination _io_ (otherwise written _iyo, iio, eeyo_, etc.) had originally the sense, not of "beautiful," but of "great." it is derived from the word _wiyo_ (or _wiio_) which signifies in the seneca dialect _good,_ but in the tuscarora, _great_. it is certain that the tuscaroras have preserved the primitive meaning of the word, which the hurons and the proper iroquois have lost. when the french missionaries first studied the languages of these nations, traces of the original usage were apparent. bruyas, in the "proemium" to his _radices verborum iroquaorum_, (p. ), expressly states that _jo (io)_ in composition with verbs, "signifies magnitude." he gives as an example, _garihaioston_, "to make much of anything," from _garihea_, thing, and _io_, "great, important." the jesuit missionaries, in their _relation_ for , (p. ) render _onontio_ "great mountain," and say that both hurons and iroquois gave this title to the governor of that day as a translation of his name, montmagny. _ontario_ is derived from the huron _yontare_, or _ontare_, lake (iroquois, _oniatare_), with this termination. it was not by any means the most beautiful of the lakes which they knew; but in the early times, when the hurons dwelt on the north and east of it and the iroquois on the south, it was to both of them emphatically "the great lake." _ohio,_ in like manner, is derived, as m. cuoq in the valuable notes to his lexicon (p. ) informs us, from the obsolete _ohia,_ river, now only used in the compound form _ohionha_. _ohia_, coalescing with this ancient affix, would become _ohiio,_ or _ohiyo,_ with the signification of "great river," or, as the historian cusick renders it, "principal stream." m. cuoq. in his _"etudes philologiques"_ (p. ) has well explained the interesting word _rawenniio,_ used in various dialectical forms by both hurons and iroquois, as the name of the deity. it signifies, as he informs us, "he is master," or, used as a noun, "he who is master." this, of course, is the modern acceptation; but we can gather from the ancient huron grammar, translated by mr. wilkie, (_ante_, p. ) that the word had once, as might be supposed, a larger meaning. the phrase, "it is the great master," in that grammar (p. ) is rendered _ondaieaat eoarontio or eoauendio_. the huron _nd_ becomes in iroquois _nn_. _eoauendio_ is undoubtedly a form of the same word which appears in the iroquois _rawenniio_. we thus learn that the latter word meant originally not merely "the master," but "the great master." its root is probably to be found in the iroquois _kawen_, or _gawen_ (bruyas, p. ), which signifies "to belong to any one," and yields, in combination with _oyata_, person, the derivatives _gaiatawen_, to have for subject, and _gaiatawenston_, to subject any one. note c. the era of the confederacy. mr. morgan, in his work on "systems of consanguinity and affinity of the human family" (p. ), fixes the date of the formation of the iroquois league at about the middle of the fifteenth ^ century. he says: "as near as can now be ascertained, the league had been established about one hundred and fifty years when champlain, in , first encountered the mohawks within their own territories, on the west coast of lake george. this would place the epoch of its formation about a. d. ." mr. morgan, as he informed me, deduced this conclusion from the testimony of the most intelligent indians whom he had consulted on the subject. his informants belonged chiefly to the seneca and tuscarora nations. their statements are entirely confirmed by those of the onondaga record-keepers, both on the syracuse reservation and in canada. when the chiefs at onondaga castle, who, in october, , met to explain to me their wampum records, were asked how long it had been since their league was made, they replied (as i find the answer recorded in my notes) that "it was their belief that the confederacy was formed about six generations before the white people came to these parts." hudson ascended the river to which he gave his name in september, . a boat from his ship advanced beyond albany, and consequently into the territories of the league. "frequent intercourse," says bancroft, in his account of this exploration, "was held with the astonished natives of the algonquin race; and the strangers were welcomed by a deputation from the mohawks." if we allow twenty-five years to a generation, the era of the confederacy is carried back to a period a hundred and fifty years before the date of hudson's discovery,--or to the year . this statement of the onondaga chiefs harmonizes, therefore, closely with that which mr. morgan had heard among the other nations. i afterwards (in ) put the same question to my friend, chief john buck, the keeper of the wampum-records of the canadian iroquois. he thought it was then "about four hundred years" since the league was formed. he was confident that it was before any white people had been heard of by his nation. this opinion accords sufficiently with the more definite statement of the new york onondagas to be deemed a confirmation of that statement. there are two authorities whose opinions differ widely, in opposite directions, from the information thus obtained by mr. morgan and myself. david cusick, in his _"sketches of ancient history of the six nations,"_ supposes that the league was formed "perhaps years before columbus discovered america." his reasons for this supposition, however, do not bear examination. he makes atotarho the hereditary title of a monarch, like pharaoh or caesar, and states that thirteen potentates bearing that title had "reigned" between the formation of the confederacy and the discovery of america by columbus. the duration of each of these reigns he computes, absurdly enough, at exactly fifty years, which, however, would give altogether a term of only six hundred and fifty years. he supposes the discovery of america to have taken place during the reign of the thirteenth atotarho; and he adds that the conquest and dispersion of the eries occurred "about this time." the latter event, as we know, took place in . it is evident that cusick's chronology is totally at fault. as an iroquois chief was never succeeded by his son, but often by his brother, it is by no means improbable that thirteen persons may have held successively the title of atotarho in the term of nearly two centuries, between the years and . on the other hand, heckewelder, in his well-known work on the "history, manners and customs of the indian nations." cites a passage from a manuscript book of his predecessor, the rev. c. pyrlaeus, formerly missionary among the mohawks, from which a comparatively recent date would be inferred for the confederation. the inference, however, is probably due to a mistake of heckewelder himself. the passage, as it stands in his volume, [footnote: p. of the revised edition of , published by the historical society of pennsylvania.] is as follows:-- "the rev. c. pyrlaeus, in his manuscript book, p. , says: 'the alliance or confederacy of the five nations was established, as near as can be conjectured, one age (or the length of a man's life) before the white people (the dutch) came into the country. thannawage was the name of the aged indian, a mohawk, who first proposed such an alliance.'" the words which heckewelder has here included between parentheses arc apparently explanations which he himself added to the original statement of pyrlaeus. the first of these glosses, by which an "age" is explained to be the length of a man's life, is doubtless correct; but the second, which identifies the "white people" of pyrlaeus with the dutch, is probably wrong. the white people who first "came into the country" of the huron-iroquois nations were the french, under cartier. it was in the summer of that the bold breton navigator, with three vessels commissioned to establish a colony in canada, entered the st. lawrence, and ascended the great river as far as the sites of quebec and montreal. he spent the subsequent winter at quebec. the presence of this expedition, with its soldiers and sailors of strange complexion and armed with terrible weapons, must have been known to all the tribes dwelling along the river, and would naturally make an epoch in their chronology. assuming the year as the time when the white people first "came into the country," and taking "the length of a man's life" at seventy-five years (or three generations) we should arrive at the year as the date of the formation of the iroquois league. [footnote: there is an evident difference between the expression used by my onondaga informants and that which is quoted by heckewelder from pyrlaeus. the latter speaks of the time before the white people "came into the country;" the onondagas referred to the time before they "came to these parts." the passage cited from bancroft seems to indicate that the white men of hudson's crew presented no novel or startling aspect to the mohawks. the french had been "in the country" before them.] the brief period allowed by heckewelder's version is on many accounts inadmissible. if, when the dutch first came among the iroquois, the confederacy had existed for only about eighty years, there must have been many persons then living who had personally known some of its founders. it is quite inconceivable that the cloud of mythological legends which has gathered around the names of these founders--of which clark, in his "onondaga," gives only the smaller portion--should have arisen in so short a term. nor is it probable that in so brief a period as has elapsed since the date suggested by heckewelder, a fourth part of the names of the fifty chiefs who formed the first council would have become unintelligible, or at least doubtful in meaning. schoolcraft, who was inclined to defer to heckewelder's authority on this point, did so with evident doubt and perplexity. "we cannot," he says, "without rejecting many positive traditions of the iroquois themselves, refuse to concede a much earlier period to the first attempts of these interesting tribes to form a general political association." [footnote: "_notes on the iroquois_ p. ,"] in view of all the facts there seems no reason for withholding credence from the clear and positive statement of the iroquois chroniclers, who place the commencement of their confederate government at about the middle of the fifteenth century. note d. the hiawatha myths. while many of the narratives of preternatural events recounted by clark, schoolcraft and others, in which the name of hiawatha occurs, are merely adaptations of older myths relating to primitive iroquois or algonkin deities, there are a few which are actual traditions, though much confused and distorted, of incidents that really occurred. among these is the story told by clark, of the marvelous bird by which hiawatha's only daughter was destroyed. longfellow has avoided all reference to this preposterous tale; but to mr. clark, if we may judge from the fullness and solemnity with which he has recorded it, it appeared very impressive. [footnote: _"onondaga"_ vol. i, p. .] according to his narrative, when the great convention assembled at the summons of hiawatha, to form the league of the five nations, he came to it in company with his darling and only daughter, a girl of twelve. suddenly a loud rushing sound was heard. a dark spot appeared in the sky. hiawatha warned his daughter to be prepared for the coming doom from the great spirit, and she meekly bowed in resignation. the dark spot, rapidly descending, became an immense bird, which, with long and pointed beak and wide-extended wings, swept down upon the beautiful girl, and crushed her to atoms. many other incidents are added, and we are told, what we might well believe, that the hero's grief for the loss so suddenly and frightfully inflicted upon him was intense and long protracted. that a story related with so much particularity should be utterly without foundation did not appear probable. it seemed not unlikely that a daughter of hiawatha might have been killed at some public meeting, either accidentally or purposely, and possibly by an indian belonging to one of the bird clans, the snipe, the heron, or the crane. but further inquiry showed that even this conjecture involved more of what may be styled mythology than the simple facts called for. the onondaga chiefs on the canadian reserve, when asked if they had heard anything about a strange bird causing the death of hiawatha's daughter, replied at once that the event was well known. as they related it, the occurrence became natural and intelligible. it formed, indeed, a not unimportant link in the chain of events which led to the establishment of the confederacy. the catastrophe, for such it truly was, took place not at the great assembly which met for the formation of the league, but at one of the onondaga councils which were convened prior to that meeting, and before hiawatha had fled to the caniengas. the council was held in an open plain, encircled by a forest, near which temporary lodges had been erected for the councillors and their attendants. hiawatha was present, accompanied by his daughter, the last surviving member of his family. she was married, but still lived with her father, after the custom of the people; for the wife did not join her husband in his own home until she had borne him a child. the discussions had lasted through the day, and at nightfall the people retired to their lodges. hiawatha's daughter had been out, probably with other women, into the adjacent woods, to gather their light fuel of dry sticks for cooking. she was great with child, and moved slowly, with her faggot, across the sward. an evil eye was upon her. suddenly the loud voice of atotarho was heard, shouting that a strange bird was in the air, and bidding one of his best archers shoot it. the archer shot, and the bird fell. a sudden rush took place from all quarters toward it, and in the rush hiawatha's daughter was thrown down and trampled to death. no one could prove that atotarho had planned this terrible blow at his great adversary, but no one doubted it. hiawatha's grief was profound; but it was then, according to the tradition of the canadian onondagas,--when the last tie of kindred which bound him to his own people was broken,--that the idea occurred to him of seeking aid among the eastern nations. [footnote: this account of the events which immediately preceded hiawatha's flight differs somewhat from the narrative which i received from the new york onondagas, as recorded in the introduction (p. ). the difference, however, is not important; and possibly, if it had occurred to me to inquire of these latter informants about the incident of the bird, i might have heard from them particulars which would have brought the two versions of the story still nearer to accord. the notable fact is that the reports of a tradition preserved for four hundred years, in two divisions of a broken tribe, which have been widely separated for more than a century, should agree so closely in all important particulars. such concurrence of different chroniclers in the main narrative of an event, with some diversity in the details, is usually regarded as the best evidence of the truth of the history.] clark's informants also told him much about a snow-white canoe in which hiawatha--or, rather, ta-oun-ya-wa-tha--made his first appearance to human eyes. in this canoe the demigod was seen on lake ontario, approaching the shore at oswego. in it he ascended the river and its various branches, removing all obstructions, and destroying all enemies, natural and preternatural. and when his work was completed by the establishment of the league, the hero, in his human form of hiawatha, seated himself in this canoe, and ascended in it to heaven, amid "the sweetest melody of celestial music." the nucleus and probable origin of this singular story is perhaps to be found in the simple fact that hiawatha, after his flight from the onondagas, made his appearance among the caniengas a solitary voyager, in a canoe, in which he had floated down the mohawk river. the canoes of the caniengas were usually made of elm-bark, the birch not being common in their country. if hiawatha, as is not unlikely, had found or constructed a small canoe of birch-bark on the upper waters of the stream, and used it for his voyage to the canienga town, it might naturally attract some attention. the great celebrity and high position which he soon attained, and the important work which he accomplished, would cause the people who adopted him as a chief to look back upon all the circumstances of his first arrival among them with special interest. that the canoe was preserved till his death, and that he was buried in it, amid funeral wails and mournful songs from a vast multitude, such as had never before lamented a chief of the kanonsioani, may be deemed probable enough; and in these or some similar events we may look for the origin of this beautiful myth, which reappears, with such striking effect, in the closing scene of longfellow's poem. note e. the iroquois towns. the list of towns comprised in the text contains twenty-three names. of this number only eight or nine resemble names which have been in use since the five nations were known to the whites; and even of this small number it is not certain that all, or indeed any, were in these more recent times applied to their original localities. my friend, general john s. clark, of auburn, n. y., who has made a special study of the positions of the indian tribes and villages, and whose notes on this subject illustrate the excellent work of dr. hawley on the early history of the cayuga nation, [footnote: _early chapters of cayuga history:_ by charles hawley, d.d., president of the cayuga historical society.] has favored me, in a recent letter, with the following brief but valuable summary of what is known in regard to the iroquois towns:-- "when the mohawks were first known, they occupied three principal towns on the south side of the mohawk river, between ganajoharie and schoharie creeks. the most eastern was that of the "turtles" (or tortoise clan), and was usually designated as such, and by the dutch as the lower or first castle. the middle or second castle was commonly termed the village of the "bears;" while the third or upper castle was generally called teonnondoge or tionnontogen, a name apparently having reference to the 'two mountains' near which the original town stood. after these towns were destroyed by the french, in , their people removed to the north side of the river,--those of the lower town retreating a few miles up the stream to the rapids; and then for a hundred years this was generally known caughnawaga (_kahnawake_) "at the rapids." the middle or second castle was called gandagaro in , kanagiro in , etc. the third appears to have retained its old name in all positions." "when the oneidas were first known they occupied a position on the headwaters of the oneida inlet, and afterward gradually drew northward toward the lake. their great town was usually called by the name of the tribe, as onneiot, onoyut, etc. one site, occupied about , was called and known generally as kanowaroghare, said to signify 'a head on a pole.'" "the onondagas, first known in , occupied several sites, from a point south of the east end of oneida lake, where they were when first known, to the onondaga valley; but in all cases the chief town, when named, was called onondaga, from the name of the tribe. their great village in the onondaga valley, according to zeisberger, was known in as tagochsanagecht, but this was a form derived from the name of the onondagas as used in council. in all ages this chief town, wherever located, had other minor towns within from two to five miles, but they are rarely named. the great town was also divided into districts, one for each clan, each of which must have been known by the clan name, but this is seldom referred to. this rule held good also in all the large towns. a 'bear village' was not occupied exclusively by members of the bear clan; but these predominated and exercised authority." "the cayugas in occupied three villages,--onnontare, on a hill near the canandaigua river,--thiohero, near the foot of cayuga lake ('by the marsh,' or, 'where the rushes are'),--and a third, which generally took the name of the tribe, cayuga, but was occasionally divided into three districts, like the other large towns." "the senecas, when visited by the jesuits, occupied two great towns, and several minor villages. the eastern of the two towns, near victor, was called gandougarae. the western, on honcoye creek, nearly always, in all localities, took the name of the stream, which signifies 'bending.' it is said that when the league was first formed, it was agreed that the two great seneca towns should be called by the names of two principal sachems; but i am unable to find that this was carried out in practice. in la hontan's narrative of the de nonville expedition, the great western town was separated into two parts, thegaronhies and danoncaritowi, which were the names of two important chiefs; while de nonville's and other accounts describe it as totiakton, 'at the bend.' this discrepancy, however, is found in all cases where the several towns are mentioned, as it was quite common to speak of them by the name of the principal chief. thus, cayuga in was called tagayu, from togahayu, the well-known chief sachem; onondaga was called canasatago's town, etc." the frequent changes in the positions and names of indian towns, thus well explained and exemplified, will account; for the fact that so few of the ancient names in the list which the tenacious memories of the record-keepers retained have come down in actual use to modern times. the well-known landmark of the oneida stone seems to have preserved the name of the town,--_onenyute,_ "the projecting rock,"--from which the nation derived its usual designation. _deserokenh_, or, as the jesuit missionaries wrote it, _techiroguen_, was situated near the outlet of the oneida lake, at the point where the great northern trail crossed this outlet. a village of some importance is likely to have been always found at or near that locality. the same may be said of _deyuhhero,_ or _tiohero,_ where the main trail which united all the cantons crossed the river outlet of lake cayuga. in other cases, though the identity of names is clear, that of the localities is more doubtful. the _kaneghsadakeh_ of the list, the "hill-side town," may be the _kanasadaga_ of the senecas; but, as general clark remarks, the name might have been applied to any town on the side of a mountain. in like manner _deyughsweken_ (or _deyohsweken_), which is said to mean "flowing out," may have been the town from which the oswego river took its name, or a town at the mouth of any other river; and _deyaokenh,_ "the forks," may have been tioga, or any other village at the junction of two streams. _fonondese_ ("it is a high hill") is perhaps the same name as onontare, which in charlevoix's map appears as onnontatacet; [footnote: see _"early chapters of cayuga history,"_ p. .] but the name may well have been a common one. a few other apparent coincidences might be pointed out; but of most of the towns in the list we can only say that no trace remains in name or known locality, and that in some cases even the meaning of the names has ceased to be remembered. general clark sums up his conclusions on this point in the following words: "they appear to belong to a remote--i may say a very remote--age, and not to be referred to any particular known localities; and this, as it appears to me, is more to the credit of the manuscript as an archaic work." note f. the pre-aryan race in europe and america. [the following is the concluding portion of an essay on "indian migrations, as evidenced by language," which was read at the montreal meeting of the american association for the advancement of science, in august, , and published in the "american antiquarian" for january and april, . as the views set forth in this extract have a bearing on the subjects discussed in the present work, the author takes the opportunity of reproducing them here for the consideration of its readers.] it will be noticed that the evidence of language, and to some extent that of tradition, leads to the conclusion that the course of migration of the indian tribes has been from the atlantic coast westward and southward. the huron-iroquois tribes had their pristine seat on the lower st. lawrence. the traditions of the algonkins seem to point to hudson's bay and the coast of labrador. the dakota stock had its oldest branch east of the alleghenies, and possibly (if the catawba nation shall be proved to be of that stock), on the carolina coast. philologists are well aware that there is nothing in the language of the american indians to favor the conjecture (for it is nothing else) which derives the race from eastern asia. but in western europe one community is known to exist, speaking a language which in its general structure manifests a near likeness to the indian tongues. alone of all the races of the old continent the basques or euskarians of northern spain and southwestern france have a speech of that highly complex and polysynthetic character which distinguishes the american languages. there is not, indeed, any such positive similarity, in words or grammar, as would prove a direct affiliation. the likeness is merely in the general cast and mould of speech; but this likeness is so marked as to have awakened much attention. if the scholars who have noticed it had been aware of the facts now adduced with regard to the course of migration on this continent, they would probably have been led to the conclusion that this similarity in the type of speech was an evidence of the unity of race. there seems reason to believe that europe--at least in its southern and western portions--was occupied in early times by a race having many of the characteristics, physical and mental, of the american aborigines. the evidences which lead to this conclusion are well set forth in dr. dawson's recent work on "fossil man." of this early european people, by some called the iberian race, who were ultimately overwhelmed by the aryan emigrants from central asia, the basques are the only survivors that have retained their original language; but all the nations of southern europe, commencing with the greeks, show in their physical and mental traits a large intermixture of this aboriginal race. as we advance westward, the evidence of this infusion becomes stronger, until in the celts of france and of the british islands it gives the predominant cast to the character of the people. [footnote: "the basque may then be the sole surviving relic and witness of an aboriginal western european population, dispossessed by the intrusive indo-european tribes. it stands entirely alone, no kindred having yet been found for it in any part of the world. it is of an exaggeratedly agglutinative type, incorporating into its verb a variety of relations which are almost everywhere else expressed by an independent word."--"the basque forms a suitable stepping-stone from which to enter the peculiar linguistic domain of the new world, since there is no other dialect of the old world which so much resembles in structure the american languages."--professor whitney, in _"the life and growth of language"_ p. .] if the early population of europe were really similar to that of america, then we may infer that it was composed of many tribes, scattered in loose bands over the country, and speaking languages widely and sometimes radically different, but all of a polysynthetic structure. they were a bold, proud, adventurous people, good hunters and good sailors. in the latter respect they were wholly unlike the primitive aryans, who, as was natural in a pastoral people of inland origin, have always had in the east a terror of the ocean, and in europe were, within historic times, the clumsiest and least venturous of navigators. if communities resembling the iroquois and the caribs once inhabited the british islands and the western coasts of the adjacent continent, we may be sure that their fleets of large canoes, such as have been exhumed from the peat-deposits and ancient river-beds of ireland, scotland, and france, swarmed along all the shores and estuaries of that region. accident or adventure may easily have carried some of them across the atlantic, not merely once, but in many successive emigrations from different parts of western europe. the distance is less than that which the canoes of the polynesians were accustomed to traverse. the derivation of the american population from this source presents no serious improbability whatever. [footnote: the distance from ireland to newfoundland is only sixteen hundred miles. the distance from the sandwich islands to tahiti (whence the natives of the former group affirm that their ancestors came) is twenty-two hundred miles. the distance from the former islands to the marquesas group, the nearest inhabited land, is seventeen hundred miles. the canoes of the sandwich islands (as we are assured by ellis, in his _"polynesian researches"_) "seldom exceed fifty feet in length." in the river-beds of france, ancient canoes have been found, exceeding forty feet in length. one was more than forty-five feet long, and nearly four feet deep. see the particulars in figuier's _"primitive man,"_ appleton's edit., p. . see also prof. d. wilson's _"prehistoric man,"_ d edit., p. , for a full discussion of this question, with instances of long canoe voyages.] on the theory which seems thus rendered probable, that the early europeans were of the same race as the indians of america, we are able to account for certain characteristics of the modern nations of europe, which would otherwise present to the student of anthropology a perplexing problem. the aryans of asia, ancient and modern, as we know them in the hindoos, the persians, and the armenians, with the evidence afforded by their history, their literature and their present condition, have always been utterly devoid of the sentiment of political rights. the love of freedom is a feeling of which they seem incapable. to humble themselves before some superior power--deity, king, or brahmin--seems to be with them a natural and overpowering inclination. next to this feeling is the love of contemplation and of abstract reasoning. a dreamy life of worship and thought is the highest felicity of the asiatic aryan. on the other hand, if the ancient europeans were what the basques and the american indians are now, they were a people imbued with the strongest possible sense of personal independence, and, resulting from that, a passion for political freedom. they were also a shrewd, practical, observant people, with little taste for abstract reasoning. it is easy to see that from a mingling of two races of such opposite dispositions, a people of mixed character would be formed, very similar to that which has existed in europe since the advent of the aryan emigrants. in eastern europe, among the greeks and sclavonians, where the iberian element would be weakest, the aryan characteristics of reverence and contemplation would be most apparent. as we advance westward, among the latin and teutonic populations, the sense of political rights, the taste for adventure, and the observing, practical tendency, would be more and more manifest; until at length, among the western celts, as among the american indians, the love of freedom would become exalted to an almost morbid distrust of all governing authority. if this theory is correct, the nations of modern europe have derived those traits of character and those institutions which have given them their present headship of power and civilization among the peoples of the globe, not from their aryan forefathers, but mainly from this other portion of their ancestry, belonging to the earlier population which the aryans overcame and absorbed. that this primitive population was tolerably numerous is evident from the fact that the aryans, particularly of the latin, teutonic, and celtic nations lost in absorbing it many vocal elements and many grammatical inflections of their speech. they gained, at the same time, the self-respect, the love of liberty, and the capacity for selfgovernment, which were unknown to them in their asiatic home. knowing that these characteristics have always marked the american race, we need not be surprised when modern researches demonstrate the fact that many of our indian communities have had political systems embodying some of the most valuable principles of popular government. we shall no longer feel inclined to question the truth of the conclusion which has been announced by carli, draper, and other philosophic investigators, who affirm that the spaniards, in their conquest of mexico, yucatan, and peru, destroyed a better form of society than that which they established in its place. the intellectual but servile aryans will cease to attract the undue admiration which they have received for qualities not their own; and we shall look with a new interest on the remnant of the indian race, as possibly representing this nobler type of man, whose inextinguishable love of freedom has evoked the idea of political rights, and has created those institutions of regulated self-government by which genuine civilization and progress are assured to the world. canienga glossary. the following glossary comprises all the words of the canienga text. the meanings of these words are given as they were, received from the interpreters. for most of them these definitions are confirmed by the dictionaries of bruyas and cuoq. some of the words, which are either archaic forms or peculiar to the council ceremonies, are not found in those dictionaries; and in a few instances the precise purport of these words must be considered doubtful. in some cases, also, the force of a grammatical inflection or of an affix may not have been correctly ascertained; but it is believed that the vocabulary will be found, in general, sufficiently accurate to be of service to the student who may desire to acquire some knowledge of the canienga speech. when the words of john buck's copy differ in orthography from those of the johnson ms., the former are added in brackets. words cited from the dictionary of bruyas are distinguished by the letter b; those from the lexicon of m. cuoq by c. a. aerengh [orenh], far. _heren, ahiren_, b., far; _heren, aheren_, c., far away. aesahhahiyenenhon [ahesahhahiyenennyonhon], if thou hadst fallen (or perished) by the way. _aha, oha, ohaha_, road, path; _gaienneñon_, b., to fall. aesayatyenenghdon [ahesayatyenendon], thou mightest have been destroyed. _gaienneñon_, b., to fall; _gaien_nenton_, to cause to fall. _aesaiatienenton_ is in the perf. subj. passive. aghsonh, scarcely, hardly, while. ai (excl.), hail! oh! aihaigh (excl.), hail! ah! oh! more commonly pronounced _haihai_. akare, until. akayongh [akcayon], ancient. _akaion_, c., old, ancient, antique. akonikonghkahdeh, they are suffering. _onikonhra_, mind, and _oga'te_, b., raw., _i. e._, having a sore mind. akotthaghyonnighshon, one who belongs to the wolf clan. see _sathaghyonnighshon_. akwah, indeed, truly, very, yea. akwekon, all. are, again, sometimes. ayakawen, one would have said. _en_, b, to say (perf. subj.). ayakaweron, one would have thought. _eron_, b., to think, to wish. ayakotyerenhon, one would be startled, surprised. from _katyeren_, to wonder, be startled. ayawenhenstokenghske [ayawenhensthokenske], may it be true. _enon, iaweñnon_, b.,--_iawens_, c., to happen; _togenske_, b., _tokenske_, c., it is true. "may it happen to be true!" ayuyeukwaroghthake [ayoyenkwarodake], there might have been tobacco smoke (apparent)., _oienkwa_, c., tobacco; _garst_, b., to smoke (ppf. subj.). d. da-edewenhheye [dahedewenheyeh], we may all die. _genheion, genheie_, b., to die (subj. mood). daghsatkaghthoghseronne [dasatkahthoseronne], thou mightest keep seeing. see _tesatkaghthoghserontyc_. _tasatkahthoseronne_ (as the word would be spelt in modern orthography) appears to be the aorist subjunctive of _atkahthos_, to see, in the cislocative and frequentative forms. daondayakottondeke, that they may hear. _athonde_, to hear. deghniwenniyu, joint ruler; lit., they two are masters. see _rawenniyo_. deghsewenninekenne, thou mayest speak. see _entyewenninekenneh_. dendewatenonghweradon, in our mutual greetings. see _dewadadononweronh_. denghsatkaghdonnyonheke [densatkatonhnyonsekeh], thou wilt be looking about thee. _atkahthos_, to see. denighroghkwayen [dehnihrohkwayen], let us two smoke. _garoksa_, b., _une pipe, touche de petun_. it is conjectured that the name iroquois, _i. e._, "tobacco-people," may have been derived from this word. see appendix, note a. dentidewaghneghdoten, we will replace the pine-tree. _ohnehta_, pine. _oten_, as a suffix (according to m. cuoq), "serves to express the condition, the manner, the kind, the nature of a thing." denyakokwatonghsaeke [tenyakokwennhendonghsaeke], he will be dying. _desakkèatouch_, onon. dict., i am dying; _kanonèenton_, b., sick. denyontadenakarondako, they shall take off his horns. _onakara_, horn. desahahishonne, thou art coming troubled. desakaghsereutonyonne, thou comest weeping. _gagasera_, b., tear. desanyatokenh, in thy throat. _oniata,_ c., throat, neck. desawennawenrate, thy voice coming over. from _owenna,_ c., _gauenda_ or _gauenna,_ b., voice, speech, word, and _auenron,_ b., to pass over. the cislocative prefix _de (te)_ gives the sense of "hither." deskenonghweronne [deskenonweronne], i come again to greet and thank. _kannonhueron,_ b., to salute any one; _kannonhueronton,_ to salute or thank by, or for, anything. see _ante,_ page , for an analysis of this word. detkanoron [detkanorons], all but, almost. from _kanoron,_ costly, important, difficult. dewadadenonweronh [dewadatenonweron], mutual greeting. _kannonhueron,_ b., to salute any one. dewaghsadayenhah, in the shade. _asatagon,_ b., in secret; _asatakon,_ c., in the dark. deyakodarakeh, the two clans. _ohtara,_ c., tribe, band. (dual or duplicative form.) deyakonakarondon, wearing horns, _i.e.,_ being chiefs. _onnagara,_ b., horn; _kannagaront,_ having horns; _gannagaronni,_ b., _être considerable._ deyughnyonkwarakda [deyohnyonkwaraktah], at the wood's edge; near the thicket. _onnionguar,_ b., thorn-bush, bramble; _akta,_ c., beside, near to. the word applies to the line of bushes usually found on the border between the forest and a clearing. with the cislocative prefix _de_ it means "on this side of the thicket." deyughsihharaonh [deyohsiharaonh], there is a stoppage. _gasiharon,_ b., to stop up, to close. deyunennyatenyon, hostile agencies, opposing; forces. _gannenniani,_ b., to surprise or defeat a band; _gannennaton, ib.,_ to seek to destroy. deyunhonghdoyenghdonh [deyonhonghdoyendonh], mourning wampum. this word appears to be composed of three of bruyas' radices, viz., _gaionni,_ wampum belt (_collier de porcelaine_),--_gannonton,_ to throw wampum for the dead,--and _gaienton,_ to strike, whence _skaienton,_ to return the like, to strike back, and _gaientatonton,_ to give satisfaction for any one wounded or killed; and the meaning will be "wampum given as a satisfaction or consolation for a death." dhatkonkoghdaghkwanyon. [thatkonkohdakwanyon], in going through. _ongóon,_ b., to penetrate, to pass through; _atongotahkon,_ b., the place through which one passes. doghkara [dohkara], only a few. _tohkara,_ c., only occasionally, a few, a small number of. doka, if, perhaps, either, or. _toka,_ c., or, if; i don't know. donghwenghratstanyonne [donwenratstanyonne], coming over. _asenron,_ b., to pass over. e. eghdejisewayadoreghdonh [eghdetsisewayadorehdonh], this ye considered, ye deliberated about this. _kaiatefreton,_ b., to examine, to think, to deliberate about anything. eghdeshotiyadoreghton, they again considered. (see the preceding word.) eghnikatarakeghne [eghnikadarakene], such were the clans. _ehni--,_ c., for _ethoni,_ there are, so, it is thus that; _ohtara,_ clan, band. eghnikouh, thus, in this way. eghnonweh, thither, yonder. eghtenyontatitenranyon, they will condole with one another, or, there will be mutual condolence. _gentenron,_ b., _kitenre,_ c., to pity any one. _atatitenron,_ b., to deplore one's misery. eghyendewasenghte, we will let it fall. _aseñon,_ b., to fall; _asenhton, ib.,_ to cause to fall. eghyesaotonnihsen, this was his uncle. see _yeshodonnyk._ endewaghneghdotako, we will pull up a pine tree. from _onehta,_ pine, and _gataksan, gatako,_ to draw out, b., _sub voce at._ enghsitskodake, thou wilt be resting, thou wilt remain. _gentskote,_ b., to be in any place. entyewenninekenneh, the words which will be said. from _kawenna,_ word (q. v.) and _en,_ b., to say. enjerennokden (or enyerennokden), they will finish the song; or, the hymn will be finished. _karenna,_ song, hymn; _okte,_ b., the end; to finish. enjeyewendane [enjewendane], they will be comforted. _ganeienthon,_ b, to be calm. (this word should probably be written _enjeyeweyendane._) enjondatenikonghketsko, they will comfort, lit., will raise the mind. _onikonhra,_ mind, spirit, temper, and _gagetskuan,_ b., to raise up. enjondentyonko. see _enyonghdentionko._ enjonkwakaronny, it will cause us trouble. _gagaronnion,_ b., to do harm to any one, to cause him some loss. enjonkwanekheren, we shall suffer a loss. _wakenekheren,_ c., not to know, not to recognize (_i.e._, we shall cease to see some one). enskat, one, once. entkaghwadasehhon, will be vexed, excited. _gahuatase,_ b., to twist, turn round. enwadon, it will be allowed. _watons,_ fut. _enwaton,_ c., to be possible, feasible, allowed. enwadonghwenjadethare, will make a hole through the ground. see _onwentsia._ enyairon, they will say, one will say. from _en,_ b., fut. _egiron,_ to say. enyakaonkodaghkwe [enyakaonkohdakwe], they shall have passed. _ongóon,_ b., to penetrate, pass through; _ongotanni,_ to cause to penetrate, etc. enyakodenghte, they (or one) will be miserable. _genthenteon,_ b., to be deserving of pity. enyakodokenghse [enyakodokenseh], they (or one) will discover. _gatogeñon, gatogens,_ b., to know. enyakohetsde [enyakohetste], he (or one) will go on. _kohetstha,_ c., to pass beyond. enyakonewarontye, they (or one) will be surprised. _gannesaron,_ b., to surprise. enyeharako, they will carry it. _gaha,_ b., to carry off. enyeken, they will see. _gagen,_ b., to see. enyenikonghkwendarake, they will be mourning. _onikonhra._ (q. v.) and _gagsentaron,_ stretched on the ground (_i.e.,_ the mind dejected). enyerennokden. see _enjerennokden._ enyerighwanendon [enyerihwanondon], they will ask (or, will wonder). from _karihwa_ (q. v.) and _gannendon,_ b., to wonder, or _annonton,_ to seek. _garihwanonton,_ b., to ask the news. enyerighwawetharho, the business will be closed. _karihwa_ (q. v.) and _otarhon,_ b., to grasp; _kotarhos,_ c., to grasp, to stop by grasping. enyonderennoden, they will sing it thus. _karenna,_ q. v. and--_oten,_ c., which "serves to express the condition, manner, kind, or nature of a thing." enyonghdentyonko, he will walk to and fro. _atention,_ b., to go away. enyononghsaniratston, it will strengthen the house. _kanonsa,_ house, and _ganniraton,_ b., to strengthen. enyontsdaren, they will weep. _katstaha,_ c., to weep, to shed tears. enyontyerenjiok, they will be startled. from _katyeren,_ to wonder, to be surprised. enyurighwadatye [enyorihwadatye], it will continue: the affair will go on. from _kariwa_ (q. v.) as a verb, in the progressive form and future tense. etho, thus, so. ethone, then. ethononweh, thither. h. hasekenh, because. _aseken,_ c., for, because. henskerighwatoate [enskerighwatonte], i will frustrate their purposes. from _karihwa_ (q. v.) and _atoneton,_ b., to cause to lose, to mislead. henyondatsjistayenhaghse [henyondatstsistayenhase], they will hold a council, lit., they will make a council fire. from _katsista,_ fire; _gatsistaien,_ b., to hold council, to light the council fire. hone, also. see _ony._ i. ie [iih], i. iese [ise], thou, ye. iesewengh, ye have said. _en,_ b., to say. issy [hissih], yonder, there, _isi,_ c., there. j. jadadeken, thy brother (or brothers). _tsiatatekenha,_ c., ye two are brothers. jadakweniyosaon (or jatagweniyosaon), thou wert the ruler, or, ye were the rulers. see _jadakweniyu._ jadakweniyu, thou art the ruler, or, ye are the rulers. see note to sec. , _ante,_ p. . jatatawhak, father and son, lit., son of each other. _gahawak,_ b., to have for child (reciprocal form). jathondek (or jatthontek), listen! hearken thou. imperative sing. of _kathontats,_ c, _athantaton,_ b., to hear. jatthontenyonk, keep listening! continue to hear! the frequentative form of _jatthontek._ ji [tsi], that, that which, wherein. see _jini._ jidenghnonhon [jidennon], as, like as. _tennon,_ c., and also, but. jinayawenhon, the consequences, the results, lit. what would happen. _eñon,_ b.,--_iawens,_ c, to happen. jinesadawen [tsinesadawen]. see _jinisadawen._ jini [_tsini_], that which, such, so, so much. jinihotiyerenh, what they did. from _jini_ (q. v.) and --_kierha,--wakieren,_ c., to act, do, say. this verb is always preceded by some particle, such as _kenni_ (see how), _tsini_ (that which) and the like. jinikawennakeh, these the words. see _jini_ and _kawenna._ jinisayadawen [tsinesayadawenh], that which has befallen you. _eñon,_ b., to happen; _gaiataseñon,_ to happen to some one. jiniyuneghrakwah [tsiniyohnerakwa], this solemn event. _gonneragoon,_ b., to wonder; _jonneragsat,_ that is wonderful. see _yuneghrakwah._ jinonweh [tsinonweh], thither, whereto. jiratighrotonghkwakwe [tsiradirohtonhkwakwe], where they used to smoke. _garst,_ b., to smoke; _otonkwa,_ c., flame. "where they lighted their pipes." jisanakdade [tsisanakdate], from thy seat. see _kanakta._ jiyudakenrokde [tsiodakenrokde], by the fireplace, near the ashes. _akenra_, ashes; _okte_, end, edge. jiyathondek, listen! hearken! imperative dual of _kathontats_, i hear. see _jathondek_. jodenaghstahhere, they made additions to a house; they added a frame. _gannasta_, b., poles for making a house; _onasta_, c., a framework; _kaheren_, b. to be upon. joskawayendon, there is again wilderness, waste ground. _gaienthon_, b., to have fields. k. kadon, i say, i speak. _igatonk_ (_sub voce en_), b., i say; _katon_, c., to say. kady [kadi], therefore, then. _kati_, c., then, consequently. kadykenh, because. see _katykenh_. kaghnekonyon, floods. from _ohneka_, water, in the frequentative form. _gannegonnion_, b., there is much water. kaghyaton, it is written. _kiatons_, c., to write. m. cuoq says: "the perfect participle takes an _h: kahiaton_, written, it is written." _gaiatare_, b., to paint. kajatthondek, listen! see _jathondek_. kakeghrondakwe, they were collected; were assembled. _gageron_, b., to be together, or, to put things or persons somewhere. kanaghsdajikowah [kanastatsikowah], great framework, great building. from _kanasta_, frame, and _kowa_, great. kanakaryonniha, on a pole. _gannagare_, b., pole, long stick. kanakdakwenniyukeh, on the principal seat. from _kanakta_ (q. v.) and _atakwenniio,_ c, principal. kanakdiyuhake, the place (or seat) may be good. from _kanakta,_ place, seat, and--_iyu,_ good (subjunctive mood). kanakta, mat,--hence couch, bed, seat, place. kaneka, where, somewhere. kanekhere, i believe, i suppose; surely, certainly. probably from _eron, igere,_ b., to think, or suppose. kanhonghdakdeh [kanonhdakdeh], by the wall, or side of the house. _onnhonta,_ wall of house, of a cabin; _akte,_ beside, athwart. kanikonrashon, the minds, a plural form of _onikonhra_ (q.v.) kanikonrakeh, in mind. see _onikonhra._ kanonghsakdatye [kanonsakdatye], outside the house. _kanonsakta,_ near the house; from _kanonsa,_ house, and _akta,_ near, beside. the progressive affix _tye_ gives the meaning of "passing near the house." kanonghsakonshon [kanonsakonshon], in the house. kanonsa, house. kanoron, important, valuable, serious, difficult, painful, afflicting. karenna, song, hymn, chant. karighwakayonh, in ancient times. from _karihwa_ (q. v.), and _akaion_, old. see _orighwakayongh._ karighwatchkwenh [karihwahtehkonh], this word, which the interpreters rendered simply ceremony, probably means "the fire-kindling act," from _karihwa_ (q. v.), and _atchken,_ or _atekha_ (_ategen, ateza,_ b.), to burn. karihwa or karighwa (_garihsa,_ b., _kariwa, oriwa,_ c.), thing, affair, business, action, news, word. this word, in its root-form of _rihwa_ (_riwa_) or _rihow_ enters largely into compounds having reference to business, law, office, news, belief, and the like. karonta, tree, log, trunk, post. kathonghnonweh [kathonnonweh], i fail, i lose my way. _atonon_, b., to lose one's self, to go astray. kathonghdeh, away, out of sight. _atonhton_, b. (sub voce _atonon_), to cause to lose, to mislead. katykenh [kadikenh], how then? _kati_, c., then (done); _ken_, interrogative particle. kawenna (_gauenda, gattenna_, b.; _owenna_, c.), word, voice, language, speech. kayanerenh, peace, goodness, justice, law, league. _wakianere, ioianere_, c., to be good, right, proper (_i.e._, noble); _roianer_, he is a chief. _kaianerensera_, law, government, rule, decree, ordinance. see _ante_, p. . kayanerenghkowa, great peace, great law, the great league. _kayanerenh_ (q. v.) and _kowa_, great. kehaghshonha, kehhasaonhah, recent, lately. ken (for kento) here. kendenyethirentyonnite, here we will place them. see _kenderentyonnih_. kenderentyonnih, this is lying here. probably from _garenton_, b., to hang down, and _ionni_, to be extended or laid out. kendonsayedane (?) returning here, (qu., pausing here). _gasaien_, b., to be slow; _gasaiatanne_, to make slow. kenenyohdatyadawenghdate, one shall be murdered here. _aaenthon_, b., to kill; _katawenthos_, c, to kill many people, to massacre. kenhendewaghnatatsherodarho, we will attach a pouch. _gannata_, b., little bag; _otarhon_, to grasp. kenkaghnekonyon, here floods. see _kaghnekonyon_. kenkarenyakehrondonhah, being hidden here among logs. _gagarennion_, b., to remove away; _karonta_, tree, log. kenkine [kenki], thus, in this way. kenkisenh [kenhkense], thus, in this way. kenkontifaghsoton, here things lying in ambush. kenne, thus. kennikanaghsesha, small strings of wampum. _kenni--ha_, c., small, _kanahses_, (?) a string of wampum. kensane, but, however. kentekaghronghwanyon [kondekahronwanyon], here obstacles. _garonhon_, b., to place (or to be) athwart. kentewaghsatayenha, here in the dark. _asatagon_, c., in the darkness; _asatagon_, b., in secret. kenteyurhoton, here to this opening (or cleared space in a forest). _karha_, forest. kenthoh (_kento_, c.), here. kenwaseraketotanese, here the uplifted hatchet, from _ken_, here, _wasera (asera, osera)_, hatchet, and _gagetut_, b., to be shown, to appear above. kenwedewayen, we place it here. from _ken_, here, and _gaien_, b., to put in any place. kenyoteranentenyonhah, there is a crevice here. from _ken_, here, and _ateronnonte_, b., having space, or showing light between two things not well joined. kenyutnyonkwaratonnyon, here many thorns. from _ken_, here, and _onniongar_, b., thorns, brambles. the word is in the frequentative form. konnerhonyon [konneronyon], they keep thinking. _eron_, b., to think, to will. (frequentative form.) konyennetaghkwen [konyennedaghkwen], my child, my offspring. from _ennet_, b., to hold an infant in one's bosom. "_gonyennetakan_, says the canienga to the oneida," b. _konyennetakkwen_ is properly a verb of the third conjugation, in the imperfect tense, and the : transition: "i nursed thee as a child." here it is used idiomatically as a noun. kowa, kowane, great. n. nadehhadihne, it was their number. see _natejonhne_. nadekakaghneronnyonghkwe [nedekakanneronnyonkwe], it was commonly looked at. _kagannere_, b., to see (frequentative form, imperfect tense). nai (exclam.), hail! oh! ah! (it is the exclamation _ai_ or _hai_, with the particle _ne_ prefixed.) nakonikonra, their mind. see _onikonhra_. nakwah, (?) indeed. see _akwah_. natehotiyadoreghtonh, they decided on. _kajatoreton_, b., to examine, think, deliberate about anything. natejonhne, it was your number; this was the size of your class. _teionihes_, c., large, wide; "_ken ok nateionhes_, not larger than that." nayakoghstonde [nayakostonde], by reason of, the pretext being. _gastonton_, b., to make a pretext of anything. nayawenh, it may be. _eñon, yaweñon_, b.,--_iawens_, c., to happen. see _nenyawenne_. nayeghnyasakenradake,(?) having a white neck. _onniasa_, b., neck; _gagenrat_, b., white. ne, the, this, that, who, which (rel.). a demonstrative and relative particle, variously used, but always giving a certain emphasis to the word which it precedes. nedens, either, or. nekenne (or _ne kenh ne_), thus. nene, the, this, that, these, those, etc. (an emphatic reduplication of _ne_). nenyakoranne, they will keep on, persist, go so far as. _garaon, garannne_, b., to find any one; _keras, kerane_, c., to approach any one, to come to him. nenyawenne, it may be; it will happen; it shall be done. future of _nayawenh_, q. v. nenyerighwanendon, they will inquire. see _enyerighwanendon_. neok, nok, and, also. (contracted from _ne_ and _ok_.) neony [neoni], also. see _ne_ and _oni_. niateweghniserakeh, every day. from _niate_, each, every, and _wehnisera_, (or _wennisera_) day, with the locative participle _ke_. nitthatirighwayerathaghwe [nithariwayerathakwe], they used to do the work. from _karihwa_, business, and _gaieren_, b., to do. (imperfect tense.) nityakwenontonh, they search, inquire, pry into. _annonton, gannenton_, b., to seek, search, interrogate. niutercnhhatye (?) it was startling. from _katyeren_, to wonder, to be startled. niwa, extent, size, number. niyakoghswathah, they are mischievous, troublesome. _gasaton_, b., _étre méchant_. niyawehkowa [niawenhkowa], great thanks. _niawen_, c., thanks; _kowa_, great. niyawennonh, it happened. see _nayawenh_. niyenhhenwe [niyenhhenwe], in the future.--_nenwe_ relates to the future, c. niyieskahhaghs, being borne. _gaha_, b., to carry away. niyonsakahhawe, he is carried. _gahawi_, b., to bring. noghnaken, hereafter, afterwards, in later times. see _oghnaken_. nonkenh, it may be. _enon_, b., to happen. nonkwaderesera, our grandchildren. see _saderesera_. nonwa, now. nyare, while, previously. _niare_, c., beforehand. o. oghentonh, in the first place, foremost, firstly. _gahenton_, b., to go first; _ohenton_, c, before, foremost, formerly. oghnaken [onaken], afterwards. _ohnaken_, c., behind, backwards, afterwards. oghniyawenhonh, what has happened. from _ohni_, c., what? and _iawens_, to happen. oghnonekenh, dismayed (?) _kannonhiannion_, b., to fear, to be alarmed. oghseronnih [onhseronni]; together. _oseronni_, c., together. oghsonteraghkowa [aghsonderahkowah], disease, pestilence. ohhendonh; see _oghentonh_. ok, and, also, indeed. okaghserakonh [okaserakonh], an tears. _gagasera_, b., tears. okaghsery [okaseri], tears. _okaseri_, c., tear, from _okahra_, eye, and _keri_, liquid. onakara, horn. onekwenghdarihenh, in crimson (_i. e._, in blood). _onigentara,_ b., red; onnigensa, blood. onenh [onen]. now; at last; finally. onghteh [onhteh], perhaps, probably. onghwa, now, at present. _onwa_, c., now. (same as _nonwa_.) onghwajok, presently. onghwenjakonh [onwenjakon], into the earth. see _onwentsia._ onidatkon, deadly. onikonhra, mind, character, disposition, thought, opinion, sentiment. _gandigonra_, b., _esprit, pensée_. onkwaghsotshera [onkwasotsera], our forefathers. the root is _sot_, meaning grandparent. _rak'sotha_, c., my grandfather; _ak'sotha_, my grandmother; _onkwa_, our; _sera_, the "crement," generalizing the word. onkwaghsotsherashonhkenha, our deceased forefathers. see _onkwaghsotshera, shon (son)_ is the plural suffix; _kenha_, deceased, "the late" (the french _feu_). onok, and, and then. see _ony, ok_ and _neok_. onokna, and then. onwa, now. see _onghwa_. onwentsia, earth, land, field, ground. ony [oni], also. see _neony_. orighokonha, few words. from _karihwa_ (q. v.), and _okonha_, an affix indicating a restricted plural. orighwakayongh [oriwakayon], in ancient times. see _karihwa_ and _akayongh_. orighwakwekonh [oriwakwekon], all business, all matters, all the rules. see _karihwa_ and _akwekon_. owenna. see _kawenna_. oya [oyah], another, another thing. oyata (or oyada), body, person, some one, self. _oiata_, c., body, person; _gaiata_, b., living thing. oyenkondonh, men, warriors (obsolete). r. radiyats. see _ratiyats_. rakowanenh, he is chief (lit. he is a great one). from _kowanen_, to be great; root, _kowa_, great. ranyaghdenghshon [ranyadenhshon], he is of the tortoise clan. _keniahten, c., to be of the tortoise band. ratikowanenghskwe, they were great. d person, plural, imperfect of _kowanen,_ to be great. see _rakowanenh._ ratiyanarenyon [radiyanaronnyon], their many footmarks, or traces. _gaianna,_ b., _oiana,_ c, track, trace (frequentative form). _gaiannaronyon,_ b., there are many tracks. ratiyats, they call it. d person, plural, of _gaiason,_ b., to name, to call. raweghniseronnyh [rawenniseronni], he appoints (lit. makes) the day. from _weghnisera,_ day, and _konnis,_ c., to make. rawenniyo [rawenniyoh], god (lit. he is a master). _keweniio,_ c., to be master. see appendix, note b. raxhottahyh, my forefathers. _rak sotha,_ c., my grandfather. roghskenrakeghdekowah, he is a war-chief. _oskera,_ c., war; _roskenrakehte,_ warrior; _kowa,_ great. rodighskenrakeghdethaghkwe [rodiskenrakedetahkwe], they were warriors. d pers. pl. imperfect of _roskenrakehte,_ he is a warrior. rokhawah, his son. _gahaak,_ b., to have for child; _nihaak,_ my child. rokwahhokowah, he is the great wolf. _okwaho,_ wolf; _kowa,_ great. ronarasehsen, they are cousins. see _yeshonarase._ ronatennossendonghkwe [rondennoshentonhkwe], they used to meet (lit., to fraternize). d pers. pl. imperfect of _atennossen,_ to be brother and sister. ronenh, they said. _en,_ b. to say (used only in the preterite). roneronh, they thought. _eron,_ b., to think. ronkeghsotah, my forefathers. see _onkwaghsotshera_ and _raxhottahyh._ roskerewake, he is of the bear clan. _akskerewake_, c., to be of the band of the bear. rotirighwison, they made the rule, they decided. see _karihwa_. _gariheison_; b., to finish a matter, to conclude. s. saderesera, thy grandchildren. _atere_, grandchild; _sera_, the crement, generalizing the word. see _onkwaghsotshera_. sahondakon, in thy ears. _ahonta_, b., ear. sanekenh, although, yet, nevertheless. sanekherenhonh, thou art losing. sanheghtyensera, thy women, thy womankind. _gannhetien_, b., woman; _sera_, the generalizing affix. see _saderesera_. sanikonra, thy mind. see _onikonhra_. sathaghyonnishon, thou art of the wolf clan. _tahionni_, one of the wolf clan. senirighwisaanonghkwe, ye two were the founders. see _sewarighwisaanonghkwe_. seniyatagweniyohkwe, ye two were the principals. see _jadakweniyu_; the affix _kwe_ indicates the past tense. sewarighwisaanonghkwe [sewarihwisahanonkwe], ye established, ye were the founders. from _karihwa_, q. v., and _gason_, b., to finish, to consummate. _garihwisaani_, b., to accomplish a work, to complete a business. sewatarighwakhaonghkwe, ye were combined in the work, ye joined heartily in the business. from _karihwa_, (q. v.) and _gagaon_, b., to find good; _gariheagáon_, b., to like the affair. seweghne [sewenghne], ye said. _en_, b., to say. seweghniserathagh, for a time, lit, for a day. see _weghniserade._ seweryenghskwe, ye who were comrades. (?) probably from _oeri,_ c., friend, comrade,--here a verb in the imperfect tense. shehaweh [shehawa], thy child, or children. see _rohhawah._ shekonh, yet, still. _sekon,_ c., still, moreover. shihonadewiraratye, they with their children (lit., they kept on producing young ones). from _yodewirare,_ a fowl hatching. skaendayendon, again a waste place. _oyente,_ b., woods; _gaienthon,_ to have fields. (reiterative form). skarenhesekowah, a lofty tree; lit., a great tree-top. from _garenha,_ b., tree-top, _ese_ (suffix) long, high, and _kowa,_ great. skennen, well, easily, peacefully, pleasantly. skennenji, quite well, very peacefully, safely. from _skennen_ and _tsi,_ c. an augmentative affix. t. tehhodidarakeh, the two clans. see _tekadarakehne._ tehotyatakarorenh, acting in two capacities (lit., a person divided). from _oiata,_ person, and _tioren,_ b., to split. tekadarakehne, there were two clans, or, of the two clans. from _otara_ or _katara,_ clan or totem (in the reduplicate form and past tense). tesatkaghthoghserontye [tesatkahthohserontye], thou sawest in coming. _katkathos,_ c., to see, look. the cislocative, frequentative, and progressive forms are all combined in this expressive word--"you kept seeing as you came." thadenyedane (?), he will stand. _gataon,_ b., to raise himself upright. thadenseghsatkaghthonnyonheke [thadensehsatkatonnyonheke], thou mayest look about thee. _katkathos,_ c., to look (frequentative form, subjunctive mood). thadetyatroghkwanekenh, let us two smoke together, from _garoksa,_ b., _kahrokwa,_ c, a pipe. bruyas gives the derivative form _tsatrokoannegen,_ but does not explain it; it evidently means, "let us (pl.) smoke together." thensadondeke, thou wilt hear. _athonte, athontaton,_ b., _kathontats,_ c., to hear, obey, consent. thienkahhawe, will carry. _gahawi,_ b., to bring. thisayatatirhehon [thisayadadirhehon], thou arrivest. thisennekwakenry, thou art sitting in blood. _gannegse,_ b., blood, and _gagenrion,_ to roll, to wallow. thiwakwekonh [ohtihwakwekonh], all around. thiyaensayeken, they will see it again. _gagen,_ b., to see. thiyenjidewatyenghsaeke [thienjidewatyenseke], we shall have reached home; lit., we shall have taken a seat. _atient, atien,_ b., to sit down. tsini; see _jini._ tsisaronkatah, thy hearing. _arongen,_ b., to hear, to listen; _arongaton,_ b., to hear by anything. tyewenninekenne, he will speak some words. see _entyewenninekenneh._ tyeyadakeron, bodies are lying. _oyata,_ body; _gageron,_ b., to be in any place. tyoghnawatenghjihonh [dyonawaghdehtsihonh], a swift current. _ohnawa,_ c., current, swift stream of water; _gannasteton,_ b., swift river; _tsihon,_ an augmentative suffix,--"exceedingly swift." w. waahkwadewayendonh, taking care, carefully. _ateseyenton,_ b., to take care, to do well. waghontenhnonterontye, or wahhondennonterontye, they were as brothers thenceforth. _atennonteron_, to be brothers. the word is in the aorist indicative, d pers. pl., progressive form (indicated by the termination _tye_). wahhoronghyaronnon, he put away the clouds. from _aronhia_, sky, heaven, cloud. wakarighwakayone [wakarihwakayonne], it has become old. see _karighwakayonh_. wakatyerenkowa, i was greatly surprised. from _katyeren_, to wonder, or be startled, and _kowa_, greatly. wakonnyh [wakonnikih], woman, womankind. (obsolete.) wakwenekwenghdarokwanyon, we have washed off the bloodstains. _garagsentara_, b., blood, and _garagsan_, to take away, or _garagsegan_, to efface. wakwennyonkoghde, i have stopped for you (as tears). probably from _ganniong_, b., the nose; _kannionkon_, to bleed from the nose, _i.e._, flowing from the nose. watidewennakarondonyon, we have put the horns on him (_i.e._, made him a chief). _onnagara_, b., horn; _gannagaronni_, b., _être considérable_. watyakwasiharako, we have removed the obstruction, we have unstopped. _gasiharongsan_, b., to unstop (_desboucher_). watyonkwentendane, we have become wretched, or poor. _genoenteon_, b., to be worthy of compassion. wedeweyennendane (see under wete--). wedewennakeraghdanyon (see under wete--). weghniserade [wenniserade], to-day. _enniscra_, b., day; _nonwa wenniserate_, c., to-day. wetewayennendane, we have finished. _gaweyennentáon_, b., to rest, to cease from working. wetewennakeraghdanyon [wedewennakeratanyon], we have made the signs, we have gone through the ceremonies. _ganneraton_, b., "_se servir de règle_." y. yadayakonakarondatye, he may be going with horns. from _onakara_, horn (progressive form, subjunctive mood). yadehninhohhanonghne, they two guarded the door, they two were the doorkeepers. _gannhoha_, b., door; _gannonna_, to guard. yaghdekakoghsonde [yaghdegagonhsonde], invisible, (lit., without face); from _yahte_, not, and _kakonhsa_ (_okonsa_) face. yaghnonwenh, never. _iah-nonwenton_, c., never. from _iah_ (_yah_) not, and _nonwa_ or _onwa_, now. yakwenronh, we say. _en_, b., to say. yatehhotinhohhataghkwen, they were together at the doorway (_i. e._, they were the doorkeepers). _gannhoha_, b., door; _atakon_, b. (_sub voce at_), "_ce dans quoi il y a_." yatenkarighwentaseron, to finish the business. from _karihwa_ (q. v.) and _awentas_, to finish. yejisewahhawitonh, ye have taken it with you. _gahal_, b., to bring; _gahalton_, to take away. yejisewatkonseraghkwanyon, ye have it as a pillow. _esakonseraka_, b., thou wilt use as a pillow. yejisewayadkeron [yetsisewayatakeron], ye are laid together. _gageron_, b., to be together, to place together. yejodenaghstahhere, they added a frame. see _jodennaghstahhere._ yendewanaghsende, we will drop (or let fall) into it. _aseñon_ (?), b., to fall; _asenhton,_ to cause to fall. yenjontahidah, they will follow. _gatazori, gatazi,_ b., to run. yenyontatenoutshine, they are to be led by the hand. probably from _gannonna,_ b., to keep, and _atsi,_ comrade. yenyontatideron, they shall be placed. _genteron,_ b., to put any animate thing in any place. yeshodonnyh, or yeshotonnyh, his uncle (properly, "his father's younger brother"); also, as pl., his uncles. _'atonni,_ c., a relative on the father's side. the prefix _yes,_ in which the signs of the translocative and reiterative forms are combined, gives the sense of "the next younger (uncle) but one." yeshohawah, or yeshohawak, his next younger child but one. see _rohhawah,_ and _yeshodonnyh._ yeshonadadekenah, or yeshondadekenah, they are brothers. _rontatekenha,_ c., they are brothers together. this word is made up of the prefix _ye,_ the sign of the translocative form; _s,_ of the reiterative form (see _yeshodonnyh_); _ron_ or _rona,_ the plural pronoun (they); _tate,_ the sign of the reciprocal form; _ken,_ younger brother; and _ha,_ an affectionate diminutive affix, generally added to words expressing relationship. yeshonarase, his second cousin (lit., they are cousins). _arase,_ cousin. see _yeshodonnyh._ yeshonaraseshen, he was their cousin. see _yeshonarase._ yeshotiriwayen, they have again referred the business. from _karihwa,_ q. v. yetsisewanenyadanyon, ye are in your graves. perhaps from _onenya_, stone,--ye are under the stones. yetsisewanonwadaryon, ye have taken your intellects (lit., brains) with you. _ononwara_, c., brain, head. yetsisewennitskagwanion, ye have placed it under you. _ennitskare_, b., to be seated on anything. yondonghs, it is called; they call it. _katon_, c., to say. yonkwakaronny, they are wasting, or injuring, us. _gagaronnion_, b., to do harm to any one; to cause him some loss. yonkwanikonghtaghkwenne [yonkwennikondakwenne], we depended on them. yontkwatkennison, we are assembled. _atkennison_, b., to be assembled. yotdakarahon [yotdarahon], things falling on one. _ga'ráon_, b., to fall upon. yoyanere, it is good, it is well. from the root _yaner_, noble. see _kayancrenh_. yuneghrakwah, solemn event. see _jiniyuneghrakwah_. index. (_names of authors are printed in small capitals; of races and tribes in italic._) adoption of conquered enemies _agnier,_ french for canienga akahenyonk, cayuga chief, tekahenyonk in chant _algonkin_ stock _algonkins,_ a nomadic people, their war with the alligewi, friendly to the hurons, western (ojibways), the lenapes, allegheny mountains allegheny river alliances of iroquois _alligewi,_ or moundbuilders _andastes,_ or _conestogas,_ among the iroquois _aryans,_ their character, in europe and asia ataensic, a huron divinity atotarho, onondaga chief, meaning of name, his opposition to hiawatha, joins the league, myths relating to, political kinship, legend of poisonous bird, story of hiawatha's daughter, his name in the chant, his aids in council, succession of atotarhos, _attiwandaronks,_ or _neutrals,_ their country, their history, among the hurons, their mortuary customs, cause of their overthrow, ball clan, _basques,_ their language, their character bear clan bearfoot, rev. isaac beaver clan book of rites, its contents, its origin, its name, addresses of condolence, canienga text, translation, onandaga book, translation, notes on canienga book, notes on onondaga book brant, joseph brebeuf, on the huron character brintos, d. g. bruyas, his iroquois dictionary buck, george, onondaga chief buck, chief john canandaigua, lake canasatego, onondaga chief, rebukes the delawares _canienga,_ meaning of _caniengas,_ or _mokawks,_ their country, their language, the oldest iroquois nation, war with mohegans, their ancient chiefs _caniengas_, remove to canada their clans their name in council their councillors their towns canoe voyages cartier, j. catlin, g. _cayuga_, meaning not known cayuga lake _cayugas_, their country their origin assailed by atotarho join the league remove to canada their clans a "younger nation" their name in council their councillors their towns champlain in the huron country assails the iroquois champlain, lake _ckerokees_ their language reject the league _chicasas_ chief, office of installation of succession of war-chief chief matron, her function _chippeways_, see _ojibways_, _choctaws_ clans, iroquois origin of number of see _ball, bear, beaver, deer, eel, hawk, heron, snake, snipe, tortoise, wolf_, clark, j. s. clarke, p. d. clarke, j. v. h. classes in council colden, c. condoling council proceedings in condoling song explanation of text of versified _conestogas_, see _andastes_, confederacy, see _iroquois_ and _league_, conquered tribes, treatment of convention of founders council of league its formation number of members unanimity required classes in induction of members held at onondaga in composing quarrels held in philadelphia in council fire councillors number of how selected name of list of clans and classes of copway, g. _credit river indians_ cruelties of indians of civilized nations cuoq, j. a. his philological works his iroquois dictionary cusick, albert cusick, d. dawson, j. w. david of schoharie deer clan dekanawidah, canienga chief his origin joins hiawatha has no successor his claims as founder _delawares_, or _lenapes_ their clans their subjection a band received into the league de schweinitz, e. _doorkeepers_ (_senecas_) eel clan elder nations ellis, "polynesian researches" era of iroquois confederacy erie, lake _eries_, a huron-iroquois nation their origin their overthrow among the iroquois _euskarians_, or _basques_ feast of the dead female suffrage fidelity to allies figuier, l. _five nations_, see _iroquois_ founders of league funeral usages genesee river georgian bay grand river reserve _great-tree people_ (_oneidas_) _great-pipe people_ (_cayugas_) greenhalgh at onondaga hawk clan hawley, c. hayonwatha, see _hiawatha_ heckewelder, j. heron clan hiawatha, his history meaning of name orthography of name his projected league his flight to the caniengas reception by dekanawidah made a canienga chief myths relating to his reforms his motives his name in the chant his daughter his white canoe hill, abram, oneida chief historical chant historical traditions framers of the league hiawatha's daughter hochelaga horns, as insignia origin of custom horse clan hudson, voyage of hudson river _huron-iroquois nations_ their original country war with the alligewi their dispersion _hurons_, or _wyandots_ their history among the iroquois their mortuary customs their deities their character their flight to the ojibways cause of their overthrow their language hymn, national, see _condoling song_ _iberians_ indian character misconception of indian social system indians and whites installation of chiefs iroquois, their country when first known to whites [footnote: the date as printed is an error. "sixteenth century" should be "seventeenth."] their migrations conquer the eries expel the hurons conquer the attiwandaronks their league formation of league date of the confederacy name of league league broken up iroquois, in canada, their towns, see _towns, iroquois,_ their clans, see _clans, iroquois,_ their classes, see _classes in council,_ their national hymn, see _condoling song,_ their women, their chiefs, succession of, their chief divinity, their character, their love of peace, their foreign policy, object of their league, their alliances, causes of their wars, treatment of subject tribes, adoption of enemies, their language, see _language, iroquois,_ meaning of "iroquois," jesuit missionaries, jesuit "relations," johnson, chief george, johnson, chief j. smoke, his office, preserves the book of rites, johnson, sir william, jones, chief philip, juskeha, huron divinity, _kanienke,_ see _canienga,_ _kanonsionni,_ meaning of, spelt kanonghsyonny, kanyadanyo, seneca chief, skanyadariyo in chant, karenna, see _condoling song,_ kayanerenh, meaning of, lafitau, la fort, daniel, lamentations, language, iroquois, its origin and dialects, description of, brebeuf and max mtiller on, works on phonology, grammar, abstract nouns, verbal forms, permanence of, analysis and synthesis, laws of the league, as to succession of chiefs, as to intertribal homicide, as to mortuary usages, a "great reformation," lawson, j., league, see _iroquois_ and _laws,_ leagues common among indians, le mercier at onondaga, le moyne at onondaga, _lenapes,_ see _delawarts,_ longfellow, h. v., long-house, manabozho, ojibway divinity, _maqua,_ meaning of, matron, chief, see _chief matron,_ max mÜller, f., _mengwe,_ see _mingo,_ migrations, iroquois, indian, _mingo,_ meaning of, missionaries, english, jesuit, see _jesuit missionaries,_ _mississagas,_ received by iroquois, mississippi river, _mohawk,_ meaning of, mohawk river, _mohawks,_ see _caniengas,_ _mohegans_, or _mohicans,_ war with the iroquois, protected by iroquois, montreal, morgan, l.h. mortuary customs, _moundbuilders_, see _alligewi,_ acquainted with wampum, mourning council, see _condoling council,_ mourning customs, see _funeral usages,_ _name-carriers_ (_onondagas_), _nanticokes_, admitted into the league, _neutral nation,_ see _attewandaronks_, _nihatirontakowa_, see _oneidas, name in council,_ notes on the canienga book, notes on the onondaga book, odatshehte, oneida chief, ohio, meaning of, ohio river, _ojibways_, allies of iroquois, war with, treaty with, _oneida_, meaning of, _oneidas_, their country their origin war with mohegans join the league their clans a "younger nation" their name in council their councillors their towns, _onondaga_, meaning of, onondaga castle, _onondogas_, their country, their origin, ruled by atotarho, join the league, a part remove to canada, reservation near syracuse, n.y. their book of rites, orthography of book, _onondagas_, their language, their clans, _et seq._ an "elder nation," their name in council their councillors site of their former capital their towns, oswego river, oyander, title of parkman, f. peace, preservation of; how restored love of pennsylvania historical society, personification, pictures, indian, political kinship, powell, j. w. pre-aryans in europe and america, preliminary ceremony, the, proper names, obsolete, protection of weak tribes by iroquois, _tuteloes_, _delawares_, _nanticokes_, _mohegans_, _mississagas_, pyrlaeus, c., quebec, rawenniyo, name of deity, meaning of, record-keepers, relations, see _jesuit relations,_ religious sentiment, renan, e., roanoke river, _ronaninhohonti_, door-keepers, see _senecas, name in council,_ _rotisennakehte_, name-carriers, see _onondagas, name in council,_ royaner, title of, sachem, an algonkin word, sakayengwaraton, see _johnson, j. s._ _saponies_, or _saponas_ scandawati, see _skanawati_, schoolcraft, h. r. _seneca_, meaning of seneca, lake _senecas_, their country their origin assailed by atotarho their ancient chiefs join the league remain in new york their clans an "elder nation" their name in council their language their councillors their duty as door-keepers their towns sermon, a pagan shadekaronyes, seneca chief six nations, see _iroquois_, six nations' reserve, see _grand river_, skanawati, onondaga chief scandawati's suicide skeneateles lake smith, mrs. e. a. smoking in council snake clan _sonontowane_, meaning of _sonontowans_, see _senecas_, _sotinonnawentona_ see _cayugas_, name in council, spanish clan speaker of council squier, e. g. stadaconé stone, w. l. _talligewi_, see _alligewi_, taronhiawagon, iroquois divinity ta-oun-ya-wat-ha _tehadirihoken_ see _caniengas_, name in council, tekarihoken, canienga chief meaning of _tionontates_, or _tobacco nation_ tobacco, indian _tobacco nation_, see _tionontates_, tortoise clan divided towns, iroquois list of, in book of rites deserted sites treaty of iroquois with the dutch treaty of iroquois with the english treaty of iroquois with the ojibways trombull, j. h. turkey clan _tuscaroras_, their origin their migrations join the iroquois their clans a "younger nation" _tuteloes_ received by iroquois wampum known to moundbuilders mourning wampum-keepers wampum-records, reading of wampum-strings war-chief wars of self-defence wars of extermination whitney, w. d. wilkie, j. wilson, d. wolf clan women, condition of as peacemakers regard for _wyandots_, see _hurons_, yondennase, see _condoling council_, younger nations zeisberger d'hooghe at http://www.freeliterature.org the frontiersmen _a novel_. by gustave aimard new york: the f.m. lupton publishing company, nos. - walker street. chapter i. introductory. in the year , western new york--or at least what was then deemed western new york--was an almost unbroken wilderness, scarcely known to the inhabitants of the eastern and south-eastern portions of the state; although the greater part of that large tract of territory then known as tryon county, was especially an unexplored country. it is true that occasionally some adventurous pioneer had penetrated the wilderness, and endeavored to form for himself and family a home, where, if he could not enjoy the luxuries and comforts to be found in more populous sections, he could at least be freed from many of the evils incident to the growing settlements and cities. some there were, who had not these inducements, but, moved by a spirit of hardy enterprise, and with a love for the excitements and dangers of a pioneer life, penetrated the wilderness alone, with no companion but the rifle--a sure and steadfast friend amidst the dangers which were certain to beset him. thus, an adventurous traveler, who perhaps fancied himself the first white man who had ever toiled through the forests of this portion of the state, would be surprised as he came upon the traces of civilization, in a log hut, situated, perhaps, in the midst of a few acres of partially cleared wilderness. when such happened to be the case, it would be no occasion for wonder that the traveler and the _settler_ became at once acquaintances and friends. the news from the settlements--inquiries for friends, and political information, would gladly be exchanged for the homely but welcome entertainment, which was at once provided. at the period which we have chosen for our narrative, the county of tryon was inhabited by roving bands of indians, mostly belonging to the six nations. some favorite localities were selected, which might be deemed peculiarly the homes of these bands; although their roving dispositions, the pursuit of game, or hostile encounters, would prevent the permanent occupation of any one locality. that portion of tryon county with which the reader will become somewhat acquainted in due course of this narrative, was more especially inhabited by that division of the iroquois, known as the oneidas. but it was not infrequent that bands belonging to other tribes of the confederacy made incursions into this territory, in pursuit of game, and occasionally on less peaceable missions. it is well known that during the war of the revolution, the different tribes, composing the confederacy of the six nations, were divided in their choice between england and the rebellious colonies. the oneidas, and a part of the tuscaroras and mohawks, adhered to the colonies, while the other three nations of the confederacy were leagued with england, under col. butler, and the notorious johnson. it was under the former officer that the senecas, principally, aided by tories, perpetrated the massacre of wyoming. the onondagas, at first, professed neutrality between the belligerent parties; but as it was believed that they aided in the more hostile operations of the senecas, a detachment was sent from fort stanwix, which destroyed their villages. this attack was revenged by assaults upon the settlements of schoharie and the western borders of ulster. during the war, tryon county contained a large number of tories, who were constantly inciting the indians to acts of hostility against the colonies. but while they were successful with a large portion of the iroquois, they signally failed in all their attempts to abate the fidelity of the oneidas and tuscaroras. this division in the councils of the six nations, disturbed the amity which had previously existed between the confederated tribes; and the bond which had so long united them, was severed forever. more than once, were the oneidas driven from their villages, and compelled to seek protection from the whites; and parties of the latter tribe, with a part of the tuscaroras, actually took up arms against their ancient brethren. it is said that the notorious col. walter butler was killed by an oneida chief, during his flight after the battle of johnstown. at the time embraced by our narrative, it was not infrequent that difficulties occurred between the separated parties of the confederacy, and hostile encounters took place, which ended in bloodshed. indeed, the successful colonies had not concluded any treaty of peace with the mohawks, onondagas, cayugas, and senecas, until october, . by that treaty, those tribes consented to a release of prisoners, and also to a cession of all their territory west of pennsylvania. the six nations, at the time of the revolution, were considered the most formidable of the indian warriors to be found on the north american continent; and overtures were made to them, as well by the congress of the confederated colonies, as by the english government. the overtures of the latter were made through col. guy johnson--successor to sir william--and through the great influence he possessed over them, he was able to induce them to take up arms against the peaceable and scattered inhabitants of the frontier. the number of indians of the six nations who actually took up arms in favor of great britain, is estimated at about . the whole number of indians, of all tribes, who were employed by the british against the colonies, was estimated by captain dalton, (superintendent of indian affairs in .) at , . the histories of the time, relate the terrible sufferings endured by the inhabitants of tryon county. the valleys of the schoharie, the mohawk and the susquehanna, were swept, year after year, by the indians; villages were burnt--and, without discrimination of age or sex, the whites who were supposed to be favorable to the colonial cause, were massacred. these events gave rise to the expedition of gen. sullivan into the onondaga, cayuga and seneca country, which was overrun and laid waste; and it was hoped that the indians, having lost their provisions and stores, would cease their incursions upon the border settlements. but all such hopes were vain; the depredations were renewed, and continued until the end of the war. it is said by the author of the life of brant, that "two years before the close of the war, one-third of the population had gone over to the enemy--one-third had been driven from the country, or were slain in battle, and by private assassination. and yet among the inhabitants of the other remaining third, in june, , it was stated at a public meeting held at fort plain, that there were three hundred widows and two thousand orphan children." the country which is the immediate scene of the following narrative, was little known in the time of the revolution. the maps of the period designated it as indian country, and as an unexplored region. the tienaderack, or unadilla river--one of the tributaries of the susquehanna--is given as the western boundary of the whites, beyond which are the villages and hunting-grounds of the oneidas and tuscaroras. it is into this unexplored region that we propose to conduct the reader. we cannot promise a strict fidelity to truth, in the precise incidents related in our narrative, but they have kindred features in narratives related by the ancient settlers of this valley. there are traditions, well authenticated, which might give rise to many of the incidents. with this general view of the condition of tryon county, at the time of the revolution, we will conduct the reader to that portion of it in which we are more immediately interested. chapter ii. "hath not old custom made this life more sweet than that of painted pomp? are not these woods more free from peril than the envious court? here feel we but the penalty of adam-- the season's difference." as you like it. it was, then, in the early part of the month of october, , that two travelers might have been seen, leisurely wending their way, on foot, southwardly, along a somewhat narrow valley, through which flowed a rapid but attractive river. that part of the valley which was now in their view, was not more than half a mile in breadth. on the west, the hills were low, and presented no peculiar attraction to the eye. on the east, however, they attained a loftier height, and, in the golden sunshine which fell from the autumn sky, excited the surprise and admiration of our travelers. from the position they occupied, they could trace the course of the valley for some six or seven miles, among the hills, which became bolder and loftier, until it was lost in a sudden turn to the westward. the river, along whose banks they had traveled for some ten or twelve miles, was here from four to six rods in width; and, as we have before observed, was attractive by the rapidity of its current and the frequent but graceful curves in which it pursued its course. the indian name, which this river now bears, implies "the pleasant river." the forest about them exhibited much variety of vegetation; and among the trees which they observed, they saw fine specimens of the pine, which towered above the surrounding forest, in the graceful superiority of foliage and beauty. the maple, hemlock, beech, birch, walnut, and chestnut, were abundant. it was at just the season of the year when the leaf of the maple wears its choicest hue of red; and the beech and chestnut assume their "sere and yellow." blending with these varieties, the unfading richness of the evergreen, it would excite no wonder, that the younger of our travelers, at least, beheld with admiration the gorgeous drapery which, in this climate, the forest assumes, preparatory to the desolation of winter. the younger of the two persons to whom we have called the attention of the reader, might have been twenty-six or twenty-seven years of age. of middle stature, he exhibited a frame of much symmetry and power; and it was apparent that he had been inured to labors which had fully developed health and strength. his face was somewhat embrowned by exposure to the weather; but his active and intelligent eyes, the firm compression of his lips, and the ready play of his countenance, as he listened to or answered some remark of his companion, made it apparent that he had at least bestowed some labor upon the cultivation of his mind; for inward discipline and culture always have their effect upon the outward bearing. besides this, there was in his countenance an evidence of sincerity of purpose, which if it pursues but one path to attain its end, and that frequently an _uncomfortable_ one, always triumphs over temporary difficulties. ralph weston--for that is the name of the young traveler--was ever honorable and upright, even where worldly "prudence" would have admitted of a slight departure from the rigid rules of propriety. he was not of that modern school, which makes _expediency_ the touchstone of morality of conduct; but he always disclaimed the artifices to which men too frequently resort to hide the practices which are well enough in themselves, but which happen to contravene popular opinions or customs. but, with this serious turn of mind, he possessed a romantic disposition, which frequently led him into acts that excited the surprise of more sedate or less romantic acquaintances; but with no art, save a frank disposition, and a heart of sympathy and friendship, ralph weston always found "troops of friends" to whom he was little less than what we propose to make of him--a hero. ralph weston, then, as might be readily supposed, in the dark hours when the colonies were struggling for life, embarked his hopes and fortunes in the cause of his country. at the age of eighteen, he volunteered as a private soldier, and after serving a short time in this humble capacity, he had risen in rank, until at the close of the war, he held the commission of a captain. his maternal aunt (for he had neither father nor mother, both having died in his infancy) always insisted that he should have been a general, at least; and perhaps, if merit were always the true test of advancement, he would have attained a much higher rank. but while he was always foremost in danger, he was ever a laggard in the ranks of those who press eagerly forward for the spoils of victory, or the honors which are more often worn than deserved. but we will suffer the reader to become more intimately acquainted with him as we proceed in our history. his traveling companion, however, cannot be dismissed without notice; for ichabod jenkins (familiarly called "ike," by his too-presuming acquaintances) had no small idea of his own importance. at the time when he appears before us, he cannot be less than forty-seven or eight years of age; when standing erect, he is full six feet two in stockings; but as he generally appears in locomotion, you would make his height at about five feet ten. his frame was not, apparently, robust, and a stranger would have been surprised at any great indication of strength on his part; yet few in the neighborhood of his residence, on any public occasion, when feats of agility or strength were undertaken, would have dared to match him in any game where these qualities were necessary. yet this was the least of ichabod's merits, if his own judgment could be trusted. in his earlier days, a long struggle had taken place in his mind between the love of wealth and literary pursuits. he recognized the distinctive antipathy between these two mistresses; yet neither of them had ever acquired a complete victory over the other; so he had compromised between them by uniting a course of such reading as could then be attained in general literature, with a strong speculative disposition, which desired to leap at once, and by one bound, from rags into purple. now, it must be confessed, that ichabod had succeeded about as well in one pursuit as in the other--and to which of his mistresses to attribute his ill success, he did not know. he had read mrs. bradstreet's poems, who, in her day, was styled "the mirror of her age and the glory of her sex"--he had much admired the poetry of george wolcott, but he was completely intoxicated with the "simple cobbler of agawam," by nathanial ward, although he did not adopt its fanatical sentiments; the revolutionary poets he had by heart, and for the reputation of freneau, he would have abandoned the fame of shakespeare, had he possessed the power of choice. he had at one time secluded himself from all of his acquaintances for a month or two; and at last, when he emerged from his solitude, he was seen with a quantity of manuscript, which he read to his most intimate friends with exceedingly rhapsodical gestures. it was even thought that this manuscript had been offered to some publisher, but as its contents whatever they were, never appeared in print, it was well understood that it had been rejected. it is certain, that from this time he abandoned all ideas of winning a literary reputation, and set earnestly to work to win the fortune of which he had so long been dreaming. but ichabod, with an innate love for the jingle of rhyme, could, even at this day, repeat enough of the lyrical poetry of the country to endanger the patience and temper of his warmest friend. after attempting, at boston, many schemes for the sudden acquisition of wealth, which had all resulted in failure, he had, some time previous to the war, shaken off the dust of the (to him) unprosperous city, and traveled westward in search of a more congenial spot, where the resources of his mind could be developed. he had _finally located_ at one of the frontier settlements in the state of new york--a small, but growing place--and unencumbered by wife or family, he fancied himself certain of success at last. he had at one time taken a trip to the shores of long island sound, for the purpose of making inquiry as to the prospect of realizing anything from the buried money of capt. kidd; but he returned somewhat poorer than he left. one time, while wandering on the shore of a small creek, in his own neighborhood, devising means for the expenditure of his wealth when it should be obtained, he was suddenly arrested by the glitter of some fine, shining particles, in the sand. certain that he had at length discovered a gold mine, the land was purchased by him on contract, at an extravagant price, by turning out what little money and few valuables he possessed. his mysterious appearance and conduct, attracted towards him the attention of the whole settlement; it was whispered that he was always out of his boarding-house at night, and that he invariably slept a portion of the day. he had been heard, too, to hint, in a solemn manner, of his taking up his residence at boston or new york, and of building half a dozen blocks of brick buildings, and living in a style of splendor that should astonish his early acquaintances, who had always enviously predicted that he would never amount to anything. the consequence was, that after much managing and prying, ichabod's mine was discovered, and the whole settlement rushed--men, women and children--to share his good fortune. trespass suits followed thick and fast, and at length it was discovered that the glittering particles which had been gathered so eagerly, were worth just as much as the sand in which they were imbedded, and no more. the result of this speculation was, that ichabod lost both his gold and his land, and the little money he had previously possessed. but nothing disheartened, other schemes filled his mind; and he was always the surest of success, just as he was the most certain to be unsuccessful. ichabod was altogether too busy in his financial operations to volunteer as a soldier during the revolutionary war, although he had cast around earnestly to ascertain if there was any way by which he could make his business and patriotism harmonize together. but while he had refused to sacrifice his chances of a fortune by taking up arms as a soldier, to his credit be it said, that in the frequent indian incursions which had been made on the frontier settlements of new york, he had zealously engaged in the plans of defense, and had won an enviable notoriety as an indian fighter. always cool and calculating, he never suffered himself to be surprised; and he came at last to be dreaded by the indians, as bearing a charmed life, which could not be taken. more than one seneca, who had escaped from his rifle, bore the marks of his bullets; and his name was never mentioned by them but with a look of hatred. this feeling was cordially reciprocated; and even a lucky chance at a fortune could scarcely have deterred him from an attack, even in a time of peace, upon an onondaga, cayuga, or seneca. but with the return of peace, all ideas of war had vanished, and he now felt that it was necessary to make a desperate effort for the fortune which had been so long delayed. but it was necessary to possess some little capital; and with the view of laying the foundation for the capital desired, he had embraced the opportunity of guiding ralph weston on his journey, which was now nearly completed. he also had an idea about a speculation which he wished to look after; but of that hereafter. armed with a rifle, which had been his constant companion in his encounters with the indians, and with a hunting-knife which he wore in a leathern belt, it would have been difficult for a stranger to have pronounced his vocation. there was little in his figure or appearance which would have indicated the habits of a borderer of the period, yet one would scarcely have ventured to guess at any other calling or profession. his hair, which was long and straight, and originally of a brownish color, had become grizzly, and flowed from under his cap without order or regularity. his face was embrowned by long exposure to the extremes of weather, while its expression had a rigidity that was scarcely ever discomposed. his eyes were of a grayish cast, and seemed always to be on the alert, to detect dangers that might threaten either his person, or the mental treasures which were just ready to be coined. the travelers journeyed in a sort of path, which had evidently been made some time before, but which had been little used. occasionally, a tree that could not be avoided had been felled, and the stump wholly or partially removed; and often the path was obstructed by the trunk of a decayed tree, which had fallen from old age, or had been overthrown by the violence of the winds. "well, ichabod," said ralph, after the travelers had paused a while to survey the valley which now opened upon their view, "we must be near our journey's end. from the indications you gave me, we cannot be more than a mile distant, at farthest." "i should say not, captain," replied ichabod; "i was never hereabouts but once before, and then i reckon we made something of a spec in the way of injins. the varmints! but they are a long way off now, i reckon." "i have never heard," said ralph, "that any battles of consequence were fought in this section of the state. this region is too distant from the settlements, and too much of a wilderness, to have been the scene of any important conflict." "i can't say, captain, how important it may or mayn't have been to the country at large; but this i _do_ calculate, that it was mighty important to them that had the fighting on't. three injins to one man, sartin; and they fought like devils, as they were, confound 'em! why, captain, if you'll believe it, one of them red rascals and i ra'ally had a pitched battle for the ownership of this here companion of mine," pointing to his rifle; "but we taught the cussed red-skins better manners. we don't part company so easy;" and ichabod grasped his rifle with a still firmer hand; and then half said and half sung, from the old ballad of "lovewell's fight," "'for, as we are informed, so thick and fast they fell, scarce twenty of their number at night did get home well.'" "i supposed," said ralph, "that this country, through which we are now traveling, was in the possession of the friendly oneidas and tuscaroras?" "yes, it was in their possession," answered ichabod, "except when it was overrun by those devils of senecas or onondagas and that was pretty tolerably often. they got lots of scalps, sometimes, and sometimes they lost their own. the tryon county boys, when they had a fair chance at 'em, always paid 'em off with interest. as the poet said: "'come all you tryon county men, and never be dismayed; but trust sincerely in the lord, and he will be your aid.'" "but, as i ginerally found, they had to trust a good deal to their rifles." "i had heard of the sufferings of the people at the settlements," said ralph, "and knew the fact that many sharp battles, which are little known in the general history of the war, occurred; but i supposed they were confined to the immediate neighborhood of the settlements." "why, you see, captain, if we got the start of 'em at the settlements, we weren't such fools as to let 'em go without a taste of our pluck; and it was on one of them occasions that i was down here. but i say, captain," exclaimed he, as he approached a sudden bend in the river, where there was a much more than usual current, "what d'ye think of the chance of setting up a woolen factory down here, on this creek?" amused with the turn ichabod had given to the conversation, ralph suggested that it might possibly be a profitable investment, provided he could induce the indians to become customers to his establishment, and provided the requisite staples for the manufacture could be obtained. nothing daunted by the suggestion of obstacles, ichabod proceeded to explain to ralph how a rapid fortune, in that line, could be accumulated. "now s'pose, captain, that we buy of these oneidas and tuscaroras a water-privilege. well, that's done. then we'll put up a building. plenty of materials, you see, all around here; and we can get the machinery at new york, or send for a good hand, and make it ourselves. then, as you say, we shall have to get the wool; and after it's manufactured, we shall have to sell it. but why can't we raise sheep here? we can get a small stock at the settlement, and what with them and the increase, we shan't have any lack of wool: and for a market, haven't we got the whole country? but you'll say, captain, that the foreign importations will ruins us? well, that _is_ a difficulty; but it can't last, captain; it won't last. we'll conquer them foreign fellows in that business, yet, as we did in the other. but i think we can, any way, get up a good-enough home market among these injins. i'll have a talk with 'em about it." and we shall see that he did, on a subsequent occasion, faithfully perform his promise. but we will not follow the worthy ichabod in his calculations upon the profits of his speculation. he had scarcely reached the middle of his figurings upon the profits to be realized from a thousand sheep, when ralph, who was wearied, yet amused, by the earnestness of his companion, exclaimed: "arrived at last!" they had now approached near the northeastern shore of a small lake or pond, which lay buried in the valley, completely surrounded by the forest. its eastern shore was about fifty rods from the river; and so far as they could observe, it had neither inlet nor outlet. it was of an almost perfect oval form, having on the eastern and a portion of the southern shore a bluff of fifteen or twenty feet in height; but on the southwest, the land gradually receded in an upward slope, into a hill of fifty or sixty feet in height, while, towards the northwest, the land rose sharply from the water's edge to an elevation of eighty or a hundred feet. the northern shore seemed to be flat and marshy, and had the appearance of having, at one time, been covered with the waters of the pond. as we have said, it was of nearly an oval form, and was about one hundred rods across, from east to west, while from north to south the distance was still greater. the water was calm and clear, and reflected, with the brightness and truthfulness of a mirror, the forms of the trees which stood upon its western shore. even ichabod awoke from his speculative dreams, and admired, with ralph, the still and quiet beauty of the scene. upon the brow of the hill which we have described on the southwestern shore of the pond, in a clearing of few acres in extent, stood a cottage, not much different from the general style of cottages, as they were then built by the pioneers of the wilderness. yet, in the distance which intervened between it and our travelers, and in the calmness and clearness of the day, which had now nearly reached its close, the cottage possessed charms, in their eyes, which its intrinsic beauties, either in situation or construction, did not perhaps merit. so far as ralph was concerned, perhaps, there were other reasons to lend it a charm, beyond the beauty of the landscape or the golden rays thrown upon it by the setting sun. while they were yet observing it, with very different emotions, it was apparent from an unwonted excitement among its inhabitants, that their arrival had been observed, and the figure of a stout-looking elderly man, followed by a negro, could be seen advancing towards them. but we must leave the meeting to be recorded in the next chapter. chapter iii. "'tis pleasant, through the loop-holes of retreat, to peep at such a world; to see the stir of the great babel, and not feel the crowd; to hear the roar she sends, through all her gates, at a safe distance, where the dying sound falls, a soft murmur, on the uninjured ear." william cowper the individual we have mentioned, who now came rapidly, towards ralph, was somewhat advanced in years--not less, perhaps, than sixty. yet, in his whole bearing and appearance could be seen the iron frame and hardihood, which in these days have given place to a certain effeminacy of manners. the hardy, robust race of men who cleared our forests, and encountered cheerfully the sufferings and privations, and endured the toil incident to a pioneer life, are passing away; and however much our vanity may suffer in making the confession, their sons and successors are apt to lack in those iron qualities which succeeded against obstacles, the magnitude of which most of us do not appreciate. the countenance of this individual exhibited tokens of the energy of this now nearly departed class of men; yet upon it, at the same time, glowed an expression of honesty and intelligence, which at once win the heart and command confidence and respect. the frosts of time had but lightly touched his hair, and at the first glance, one would have guessed him at least ten years younger than he actually was. matthew barton, for such was his name, about two years before the period we have assigned for our narrative, had left one of the settlements at the eastward, and removed with his family to this remote region. he had been unfortunate in his pecuniary affairs, and his confidence had been betrayed by a friend for whom he had incurred obligations nearly to the amount of his small fortune. with the remains of his little property he had removed to the west, advancing beyond the remotest dwelling in this section of the state. he was satisfied that he had years of labor left in him yet; and with a prudent foresight, he saw that a few years, at most, would surround him with neighbors, who would be likely to follow him to the fertile and beautiful valley he had selected. suddenly, perhaps, for one advanced to his age, and yielding partially to the feelings of mortification he endured at the idea of struggling with poverty among those who had seen him in a more prosperous condition, he resolved upon this course, and it was at once adopted. his wife had died a number of years before, leaving him but one child, a daughter, who at this time had arrived at about twenty years of age. he had purchased, with the remains of his property, a negro, to assist him in his farming operations, and thus provided, we behold him in the new house of his old age. ralph advanced rapidly forward to meet him, and hearty were the greetings between them. "right glad am i to see you here, ralph," said barton, "yours is the first friendly face i have seen from the settlements in many a day; and i can say, too, that there is no other i would more gladly see. oneidas and tuscaroras are well enough in their place, but it does one good to see a little of the old eastern blood, once in a while." the first greetings over, ralph, with a blush--very faint indeed, but still a blush--of which the old gentleman was entirely unconscious, inquired about his old playmate, ruth. "well and happy, ralph--at least, as happy as one can be, so far from friends; but she will be right glad to see you, i doubt not." ralph introduced ichabod to mr. barton, as a worthy gentleman from the settlements, who had been induced to accompany him through the wilderness; and the party then proceeded towards the cottage, which, on a nearer approach, if it lost some of the enchantments which distance had lent it, gained on the score of adaptation to the purposes for which it had been erected. it was situated in the midst of a few acres of land which had been almost entirely cleared, and which showed abundant signs of having already repaid, for the season, the labor which had been bestowed upon it. a log barn had been erected, a short distance from the house, and about the premises were seen the usual fixtures of a pioneer habitation. the house itself was built of logs, but they had been hewn and squared with some care; and, altogether, it had the appearance of a neat and comfortable residence. it had, also, with a foresight against contingencies which might occur, been adapted as a place of defense against any attacks which might be made upon it by indians. "stir your shanks, sambo!" said barton to the negro, "and inform your mistress that she has visitors coming." the negro hurried away on his errand, while the party proceeded more leisurely towards the dwelling. ralph was welcomed by miss barton with all the warmth and pleasure that might have been expected from their early friendship. years had elapsed since they had been separated, and, in the look of mutual joy and pleased surprise at the changes which time had wrought in each other, might be traced, perhaps, in both, the existence of a tenderer feeling than belongs to mere friendship. ruth barton, as we have already said, was about twenty years of age. in figure, she was of the medium female height, but with a form fully developed by healthful exercise; her countenance possessed a gentle quietness, which was peculiarly feminine; but withal it gave evidence of a confidence and self-reliance necessary to the women as well as to the men of the frontier settlements of that period. she was, as her appearance would indicate, the life of the family--always busy in the labors and duties of the household; and, under her superintendence, there were a regularity and neatness which, to the most fastidious of housekeepers, might perhaps have been a little surprising. but these were not the only qualifications which ruth barton possessed. she was not satisfied with the mere routine of ordinary duties, but she had found time to adorn her mind with many of the accomplishments of education--far beyond most of those even, who were elevated above her by the means and opportunity of acquiring a thorough education. her mind was of a somewhat imaginative cast, and she possessed a deep and quiet love for the beauties of nature. she loved her new home in the wilderness--the beautiful valley which her father had selected, possessed charms which she admired; and she had never wished to exchange it, though solitary and neighborless, for the more populous country in which she had once resided. there was also present in the room an ill-clad, stout-looking man, by the name of guthrie, apparently about forty-five years of age. his countenance had a vulgar cast; and it wore, besides, an ill-natured expression, that repelled any attempt at an intimate acquaintance. this guthrie had, during the war of the revolution, been a tory; and it had been suspected that he was one of the most active agents in inciting the indians of this locality to revolt. he resided at some distance below, on the river, in a log shanty erected by him. he was a sort of squatter, and tilled a few acres which had been partially cleared by the indians years before; but relied principally upon his gun and fish-pole for a livelihood. occasionally he went to the settlements with such skins or other articles as he could exchange. he was merely tolerated in the family of mr. barton, whenever he made his appearance; and knowing the ill favor with which he was received, it was seldom that he intruded himself upon them. as the party entered the door, guthrie, who had been sitting listlessly by the fireside, arose with a sort of dogged air; but as the tall figure of ichabod met his eye, he shrank quietly back again, and endeavored, as much as possible, to withdraw himself from observation. ichabod did not observe him, or, at least, exhibited no signs of recognition. "we have been expecting you, captain weston, for some days," said ruth; "we learned by guthrie, who came about a week ago from the settlements, that you had returned from the army; and we have been awaiting the fulfilment of an old promise to visit us." "i left philadelphia but a few weeks since," replied ralph: "i was mindful of my promise, and set out on my visit here as soon as my business arrangements would allow; but i hardly think i should have found my way here at all, had it not been for my friend, mr. jenkins. he picked his way through your wilderness like an old acquaintance." ichabod acknowledged the attention which this remark attracted towards him, by gradually elevating his form and replying: "well, these woods _are_ something like an old acquainance to me, seeing as how i have been through here on some sharp war paths, afore now. it was down yonder in them flats, we had a terrible skrimmage with them red sarpints the senecas and onondagas; but we gave 'em a touch of independence, _con_-found 'em!" "how long ago, mr. jenkins," asked barton, "did the fight which you mention occur?" "well, as near as i can calculate, i should think it was in the fall of ' ." "that must have been the same affair which i have heard you mention, guthrie," said barton, addressing that individual, who sat in the corner of the large fireplace, with his hat drawn over his eyes. "yes," growled guthrie, without moving. "what! old veteran, was you there, too?" asked ichabod, approaching him. "no, i wan't there," replied guthrie ferociously, partly turning his face towards ichabod. "well, you needn't be so savage about it, friend," said ichabod, slowly. "them that fout there, so far as i know, hadn't nothing to be ashamed on." then turning away, he muttered to himself, "i've seen them features afore, somewhere--down in the settlements, perhaps. but i say, squire," turning towards barton, "you've done a mighty smart business, clearing up here, lately." "yes, something of a business. we have not been idle. sambo and i have got ten or fifteen acres pretty well cleared." in the meantime, ruth was busy making preparations for the family supper, and providing otherwise for the comfort of their guests. guthrie took the opportunity quietly to leave the room, and with his rifle on his shoulder, proceeded rapidly in a southerly direction. the conversation then turned upon the political condition of the country, the depreciated state of the currency, and the anticipated proceedings of congress. "the greatest difficulty that lies in the way of a proper management and settlement of our affairs," said ralph, in reply to some remark of barton, "it seems to me, is in the limited powers of congress. impotent for any purpose, it has a herculean task before it. i think it will be found necessary to adopt a stronger government." "no, no," replied barton, who seemed to be tenacious of state rights, and to labor under a great fear of the evil consequences of a centralization of power. "congress has power enough. the disorders under which the country labors, would have been no less under any form of government. without resources, in a long and harassing war, the burden of indebtedness and the depreciated condition of the currency, were unavoidable; but all that will be necessary to restore us, will be a few years of peace. things will come round of themselves." "but," said ralph, "how is our indebtedness to be paid? the country is already exhausted by taxation. the states themselves are overburdened with their own debts: when to these are added those contracted by congress, it is very difficult, under the present order of things, to see our way clearly out of our embarrassments. no credit in europe--no money at home--no confidence anywhere. with a few years of peace, had congress the power to levy impost duties, much might be done. even the late measure of a proposed impost duty of five per cent. has been lost by the obstinacy of rhode island, which would not concur in the measure." "say, the _patriotism_ of rhode island, rather," answered barton, "if that term may be applied to a state. i look upon that system of impost duties as a direct robbery of the people. give congress that power, and you give away the whole property of the nation. duties would be laid that would deprive the poorer classes of all the comforts--ay, of many of the necessaries of life. that won't do." "how, then," asked ralph, "would you pay off our indebtedness, and support the burthens of government?" "by direct taxation!" "but that system, you would find, i think," said ralph, "would not answer the purpose. it would only reach a certain class, and would be very strongly resisted. but, by the other system, the trifling addition to the cost of articles of general consumption would be little felt, and after a time, would be generally acquiesced in. besides, all classes of persons would be reached, and almost universally in proportion to their means." "it is only a return to the principle of the stamp act," said barton, who was a little excited; "and our seven years of warfare and suffering will have been useless, if, after all, we are to permit any authority, in its discretion, to impose burdens upon us." "i don't know about that, squire," interrupted ichabod, who had listened to this discussion with much interest, and to whose mind the factory speculation proposed to ralph, recurred. "wouldn't such a system a little better allow us to take care of ourselves? couldn't we a little easier build up manufactories of our own? just add that five or ten per cent, to the profits of our own manufacturers, and pretty soon we'd hold them _furrin_ manufacturers off at arm's length. you'd see factories of all sorts starting up all over the country, and there would be a pleasure in that, to a man who loved his own country--to wear cloth and drive nails made at home. now, couldn't _you_, squire if a duty of ten or fifteen per cent, was laid on woollen fixins', afford to go into the factory business, on your own hook, on this river of your'n, here?" "fiddlesticks!" ejaculated barton, "what could _i_ do in the factory business?" "well, perhaps _you_ mightn't do anything at it, squire," replied ichabod; "but somebody else might. now, suppose somebody _should_ locate a business of that kind down here, i'll tell you how you could make a nice spec out of it, without laying out any capital at all--although it would be kind'er fair to lend a helping hand, jist to start, perhaps, seeing you could make so well out of it." barton looked at ichabod, as if he began to doubt his sanity; but to ralph, the earnestness of the one and the surprise of the other, was a matter of great amusement. ichabod continued, pleased at the surprised attention which barton was giving to him: "you see, squire, s'pose that business should be started down here, jist opposite them flats, it would be necessary to bring in lots of people, and you could lay out them flats into building-lots, and realize something handsome out of it." "pshaw!" said barton, "a city down here! well, i'll tell you what i'll do, mr. jenkins. i'll give you the land for your factory, together with your water-privilege, and we'll divide the profits on the city lots;" and the old gentleman laughed heartily at the suggestion. "that's what i call fair," said ichabod, slowly; "but _couldn't_ you, squire, do a little something towards furnishing the capital?" "furnishing the capital!" ejaculated barton; "why, as to that, i haven't capital enough to furnish my own farm, small as it is. no: i think, mr. jenkins, i have made you a very fair offer." just at this moment, sambo announced their supper to be ready, and ichabod was obliged to desist from the further prosecution of his project. but, extremely well satisfied with the progress already made, he began seriously to dream of the manufacturing firm of "barton, weston, jenkins & co." chapter iv. _ d fisherman_.--"master, i marvel how the fishes live in the sea." _ st fisherman_.--"why, as men do on land--the great ones eat up the little ones."--pericles. ralph was now fairly installed as a member of the family of mr. barton. he had found an opportunity, in the course of the evening of his arrival, to exchange a few words of conversation with ruth; and he was now satisfied that the partiality with which, in former days, she had regarded him, had not given place to indifference. the consciousness of this fact amply repaid him for long years of absence, and led him to look forward to such a future as only appears to the vision of those who reason from the heart. the future, cold, impassable, dark, and filled with mysterious dread, to him who has outlived the power of youthful passion--to the young and the hopeful, is the unattained but attainable region, where exist all the charms and raptures which can be bodied forth by an ardent imagination. so different are the views of life which can be made by a few active, busy years. on the morning of the day after their arrival, ralph and ichabod, accompanied by barton, examined the farm and the improvements which had been made by the energy of the latter. some fifteen acres of forest had already been cleared, and sambo, on this morning, was engaged in still farther invading the domains of the wilderness; and with his bare and muscular arms was wielding the axe like a redoubtable soldier among a multitude of enemies. there is something pleasant to the eye in beholding the struggle of man with the wilderness; to see old, mossy trees, that had stood for ages, faithful guardians of the soil, whose long, leafy boughs and bushy crowns, seemed to belong as much to the sky in which they waved and nodded, as to the earth which sustained them, bow down their heavy heads with a crash, that to the imaginative mind, seems, with its echoes, like a mournful wail issuing from the surviving forest. as the tree falls, the golden sunlight darts into a new and unexplored region, and the melancholy forest abode recedes, as if pursued by an implacable enemy. but it is a rescue of the earth from the long slumber of past time, and an offering to the comforts and necessities of the future. it is scarcely to be wondered at, that in earlier times, when the imaginations of men overruled their powers of reason, the sombre, melancholy forest abode was peopled with fanciful beings--children of the shadow and of the forest--fairies, dryads, and satyrs, with arcadian landscapes, and the good god pan to preside over sylvan sports! but in these days of utility, the reed of the shepherd and the music of the sylvan gods are drowned in the clatter of saw-mills, and the hoarse song of the woodchopper. ichabod, who had not forgotten the conversation of the previous evening, endeavored, two or three times, to revive the project which on that occasion he had proposed to barton; but he was unsuccessful in his attempts to renew the discussion. after a few hours thus spent, the party returned to the cottage. barton proposed, for the afternoon, a fishing excursion upon the pond. "it is filled," said he, "with pickerel and perch--both very delicious fish, and they are taken with the utmost ease. this is just the season for them." ralph inquired if the streams contained any specimens of trout; and barton answered, "that the river contained some very fine specimens, although they were not so numerous as in the smaller streams. occasionally we take pike, but they do not come so far up the river in very large quantities. but," he continued, with a zeal that showed he was not a stranger to the gentle art, "our brooks are filled--absolutely filled--with trout. there is a stream, about a mile and a half west of us, which comes from the northwest, through a wilderness, with which i am almost wholly unacquainted, where they can be taken in great numbers. in an hour, we can catch as many as it will be convenient to carry. if you like, we will go over there to-morrow, or next day; but for to-day, i am anxious to show you sport nearer by." it was arranged, that in the afternoon the suggestion of barton should be followed; and hearing the latter giving some directions to sambo, which it will be unnecessary here to repeat, ralph and ichabod proceeded leisurely towards the cottage. "there is a charm, for me, about a life in the woods," said ralph, "which i cannot explain. mingled with the idea of a nearer approach to the court of nature, is that of separation from the passions and vices of men in the world. one feels to exclaim with the bard of avon, "is not this life more sweet than that of painted pomp? are not these woods more free from peril than the envious court?" "i don't dispute the general idea," said ichabod, "about the sweetness of a life in the woods. i have never tried it very much, but i always have a different sort of feeling from usual when i find myself in the forest; but i reckon that it can't be considered very patriotic for a captain in the revolutionary army to be quoting shakspeare, or any other british poet. what did _he_ know about _our_ woods? all the woods he ever saw were but a child's play-ground compared with the eternal, never-ending forests of america. as for me, if i've got any poetry to quote, i can find enough of our own manufacture. i believe in the home manufacture of _that_ article, just as much as i do in that of the other kind we were talking about last night." ralph smiled at ichabod's literary bigotry. he answered: "i do not know any reasonable objection to our admiring the men of genius of a foreign or hostile nation, or their writings. men of genius are the property of the world. whatever they may think or say that may delight and instruct one people, may equally delight and instruct all others. we are yet in the infancy of the poetic art, and have produced no poets capable of winning a world-wide reputation." "that's precisely what the british say, captain; and if i didn't know that your heart was true as steel to the american cause, i should be a little _jealous_ of you. no poets of reputation! did you ever read freneau, captain? to my mind, he's got more poetry in his little finger than shakspeare had in his whole body. now, did shakspeare ever write anything equal to freneau's "antiquity of america"?" and ichabod began reciting, in a loud voice-- "'america, to every climate known, spreads her broad bosom to the burning zone; to either pole extends her vast domain, where varying suns in different summers reign.'" "that's the way the poem begins, and it fully keeps up its pitch all the way through." ralph had some knowledge of the poetical compositions of freneau, who had really produced some poems, full of a fine, poetic feeling, and who was much beyond the mass of his poetical contemporaries in this country; yet, although he entertained a feeling of respect for the ability and services of the revolutionary poet, he could not share the high degree of admiration which ichabod entertained for him. "i'll grant," said ralph, scarcely knowing how to reply to the irritated ichabod, "that shakespeare never _did_ write precisely such a poem; and i will admit that i do not believe he ever _could_ have written such an one." "i knew you were right at heart, captain," exclaimed ichabod, highly elated over his equivocal victory. "some of his verses have done as much towards bringing down the british, as whole regiments of continentals could have done. but then, freneau is only one of a whole circle of poets. the british boast about their old ballads; now, i'll take an even bet, that i can show 'em ballads, written here at home, that will make 'em ashamed. why, we've had a woman that would eclipse 'em all, to my mind--mrs. bradstreet, of whom another poet said: "'her breast was a brave palace, a broad street, where all heroic, ample thoughts did meet.'" "mrs. bradstreet _did_ possess a sweetness of expression," said ralph; "and, with a higher cultivation, she might have written some fine poetry." "_might_, captain! lord bless you, she did! speaking of the squire's fishing expedition, what other poet ever said as fine things about _fish_, for instance, as she did? "'ye fish, which in this liquid region 'bide, that for each season have your habitation, now salt, now fresh, where you think best to glide, to unknown coasts to give a visitation. in lakes and ponds you leave your numerous fry: so nature taught, and yet you know not why, you wat'ry folk that know not your felicity.'" ralph was much amused at the earnestness of ichabod, and he did not wish to irritate him by any depreciating criticism upon verses which he considered so extraordinary; but remarked: "an admiration of poetic productions depends very much upon the quality of our taste. i presume that i have very little taste for such things; but i do think that our ballad poetry has done us good service. written in a popular style, and sung or recited by men who _felt_ the particular sentiments usually contained in them, these ballads have frequently proved effective in inspiring a proper, natural feeling." "them's my sentiments, captain," said ichabod; "and i'm glad to see that you're right on that p'int. we've got ballads on all sorts of subjects, from the time of king philip's war down to these days. did you ever read the ballad of 'lovewell's fight,' captain? i call it a great poem. after speaking of the valiant captain lovewell, it goes on to say: "'he and his valiant soldiers did range the woods full wide, and hardships they endured, to quell the indian's pride. "''twas nigh unto pigwacket, upon the eighth of may, they spied a rebel indian soon after break of day. he on a bank was walking, upon a neck of land which leads into a pond, as we're made to understand.' "it then goes on to describe the fight between the company and the injins that laid in ambush, and winds up with telling who and how many were killed. "'our worthy captain lovewell among them there did die; they killed lieutenant robbins, and wounded good young frye,' while the rest of the company started for home; 'and braving many dangers and hardship in the way, they safe arrived at dunstable, the thirteenth day of may.'" "very good, ichabod--very good! it is really quite american in style, as well as theme." "but good as it is, captain, it isn't a circumstance to some of 'em. there's 'brave pawling and the spy,' and 'bold hawthorne,' and 'american taxation.' that last poem, captain, has got the true essence of poetry in it. if i was the author of that, i'd die content. the poem goes on to say. "'the cruel lords of britain, who glory in their shame, the project they have hit on they joyfully proclaim; 'tis what they're striving after, our rights to take away, and rob us of our charter, in north america.' "then 'two mighty speakers, who rule in piedmont,' propose to king george a plan for taxation of the colonies, to which the king accedes, and says: "'my subjects shall be taxed in north america invested with a warrant my publicans shall go, the tenth of all their current they surely shall bestow: if they indulge rebellion, or from my precepts stray, i'll send my war battalion to north america.' "then the people of the colonies address king george, and implore him not to tax 'em; and finally say that if he does they'll fight about it, and that "'we never will knock under, o george, we do not fear the rattling of your thunder, nor lightning of your spear; though rebels you declare us, we're strangers to dismay; therefore you cannot scare us in north america.' "it's a great poem, captain; it was written by a schoolmaster in connecticut." "it is patriotic in tone," replied ralph; "it has that merit, at least. are you much acquainted with the old poets of the country?" "a little, captain; i've read them all. besides mrs. bradstreet, there's roger wolcott, nathaniel ward, mather byles, joseph green, peter foulger, old michael wigglesworth, and hosts of others. a splendid galaxy, captain! there's 'the day of doom; or, a poetical description of the great and last judgment,' by wigglesworth. it _is_ rather strong on the old new england religion, but as a piece of poetical work, it's really great. was anything ever more terrible than the description of the final judgment? after the sentence is pronounced, before the condemned, "'they wring their hands, their caitiff hands, and gnash their teeth in terror; they cry, they war, for anguish sore, and gnaw their tongues for horror; but get away, without delay, christ pities not your cry: depart to hell--there ye may yell, and war eternally.' "we can admire poetry, sometimes, when we don't precisely approve of the sentiments. did you ever see a more terrific piece of writing than that, captain?" "it is full of horrors, i must confess," said ralph, who was beginning to get weary at the extent of ichabod's poetical recollections; "but we are near the cottage, and we must now make our preparations for the fishing expedition. are you anything of a fisherman, ichabod?" "i can't say that i am, captain. with all respect for the taste of other people, it always looked to me like rather poor sport. a man may do that, as he does anything else, for a livelihood; but, for sport, give me a rifle, a sharp eye, and a practised hand. howsomever, i am with you." the afternoon seemed to prepare itself expressly for the accommodation of the fishing party. light clouds covered the sky and a gentle south wind just stirred the face of the water. sambo had been to the river and caught for bait a quantity of small white fish; and, equipped with hooks and line, barton, with ralph and ichabod, proceeded to the pond, where they entered a boat that had been made by hollowing out two halves of a large log, some three feet in diameter and attaching them together. barton paddled towards the north-west side, and advanced some fifteen or twenty rods from the shore. "in this portion of the pond," said he, "the pickerel are most abundant. perch are found in large quantities near the south-east shore." they then fastened the bait, which had been kept alive, to the hooks, and threw them overboard. ichabod was a stranger to this manner of fishing, and he watched the proceedings with an evident degree of interest. ralph had been accustomed to it in his boyhood and therefore needed no instructions. seeing that ichabod did not understand the course of operations, barton said to him, "it is necessary, usually, for the purpose of securing the fish, whenever it strikes the bait, to allow it to run with the line for a short distance, when it stops and endeavors to swallow its prey. if it succeeds in doing so, or if it finds itself hooked, it then runs. then is the time to pull; pull slowly, but steadily, and you have him." "hallo! ive got one!" shouted ichabod; and, mindful of the directions he had just received, he commenced jerking and pulling violently on his line. the fish, which was of good size, and would weigh from two to three pounds, came struggling towards the boat, as if not anxious to make a more familiar acquaintance with the party. "ah you varmint,--you seneca!" shouted ichabod. "pull will you! i'll show you a trick worth two of that!" he had just got the fish close to the side of the boat, and was eagerly bent over to grasp him, if necessary, when the pickerel, with a desperate struggle, that splashed the water in all directions, broke loose, and darted with the rapidity of light, as it seemed to the eyes of ichabod, back into the pond. the excitement, and the sudden release of the prisoner, nearly capsized ichabod. he fell towards the other side of the boat, and and had it not been for ralph, would have tumbled overboard. "hallo, there!" said barton, laughing, "it's no use going into the water after him; you cannot catch him that way." ralph also laughed heartily at the accident; and ichabod, much disconcerted, quietly fastened another bait, determined to succeed better on the next trial. just then, a pickerel of large size darted at barton's bait, and barton eased off his line, while the fish ran with it some eight or ten feet, and then commenced its efforts to swallow the captive it had seized. it would have been amusing to one who had no experience in the excitements of that species of fishing, to have seen the evident anxiety of barton. to the sportsman, the excitement is of such a degree as almost to obtain the mastery of his calmness, when, with a dart like a flash of sunlight, the pickerel seizes the bait, and flies so suddenly that one can scarcely say he saw it; then comes the violent twitching and jerking of the line, as the monster endeavors in its eagerness to devour its prey. barton waited patiently, until by the rapid motion of his line through the water, it was apparent that the pickerel was disposed to make off, either entirely satisfied or very much dissatisfied,--when, with a steady pull, he assisted the captive in its escape, and brought it slowly, but struggling violently, back to the boat. in a moment it was lifted in, and the capture was completed. one would have supposed from the appearance of barton, that he had triumphed in some great encounter in another and more important field of action. but it is true, although perhaps not strange, that we enjoy with as keen a relish, a triumph, when we contend only with trifles, if our success is owing to our own skill or wisdom, as we do, where we triumph over greater obstacles with less skill, but with the assistance of accident. barton and ralph both had extensively "good luck," and the boat began to be loaded with the fish they had taken. ichabod, who for some time had watched their operations with much interest, had, of late, become silent, and seemed to pay little or no attention to the sport. his first failure, and the success of the others, had disconcerted him somewhat; and his want of luck began to make him think he was engaged in rather dull business. at an interval of cessation in their sport, which had now become a little like labor, ralph turned to ichabod, and said, "how now, ichabod--did that pickerel run away with your spirits? wake up, man; what are you dreaming about?" "confound the varmints!" exclaimed ichabod. "the pervarse cree'turs ain't worth talking about, to say nothing about skirmishing here half a day after 'em. give me a chance at them deer yonder in the woods, or the wolves i've heered of round here, and we'd have something to talk about, i tell you." "well we'll give you a chance," said barton laughing; "you shall have an opportunity to triumph in your own field. you don't like pickerel-fishing, then?" "pickerel-fishing," replied ichabod gravely; "may be good sport for them as likes it, and have a cunning that way; but you see, i don't look upon it as a reg'lar large business any way. give me the sports one can unite with business. now you see, the man that's a good shot on a deer, may be jist as good a shot, providing he has steady nerves, on an injin; but you can't catch senecas or onondagas with this kind of bait. no, i don't like it, squire." and ichabod drew back into his former position of listlessness. "i say, squire," said he, in a moment, with a twinkle of his eyes, as if he had hit upon a happy idea. "i say, squire, there's one way you might make this pond profitable. this wasn't put here merely to grow these cussed varmints in. things has their uses; and the uses of this body of water isn't to cover fish spawn, as any man can see with half an eye." "well, ichabod, any more factory projects?" asked barton with an attempt at composure. "there isn't anything to laugh at in that idea," said ichabod. "you haven't thought of it as much as i have. but i tell you, squire, you might jist as well build up this country here, and make your own spec. out of it, as to allow some body else to come in here, and do it; for 'twill be done, i tell you. a country like this can't be kept out of all its advantages a great while, any way. now, you see, this pond, squire, providing--i say, _providing_--you can get a proper fall of water from it, as i reckon you can, would make a great chance for a mill privilege, or something of that sort; and you see, squire, if that could be done, you'd have a supply of water here, that----creation, what _have_ i got hold on?" and ichabod commenced tugging violently at his line; for he evidently had caught something that offered much more than ordinary resistance to his efforts. his struggles attracted the attention of both barton and ralph, who came to offer him any assistance that might be necessary. "slow! steady!" said barton. "yes, yes," shouted ichabod: "i'll have him now. ah! here he comes--ugh! what in creation----" and in his astonishment he dropped his line, which began to make off rapidly from the boat. "a turtle!" exclaimed barton, "a mud-turtle!" seizing the line, and pulling in the turtle, which would weigh eight or ten pounds. "you have triumphed at last, jenkins. nobody else has caught a turtle to-day--and so large a one, too. it is a real victory--another saratoga," and he laughed so heartily that ichabod showed some symptoms of getting angry. "_con_-found the victory, squire," said he, "i'll tell you what, squire, i don't handle them traps any more. if you want to see slaughter among your bears and wolves, bring 'em on: but i've got through with this cussed business, any how." "but, without jesting, jenkins," said barton, "that turtle is worth more for eating than all the fish we've got here--their meat is delicious; and i prize them highly." "if that's so, squire," said ichabod, "you're entirely welcome to it. the varmint! i've seen 'em down in the settlements: but i never heerd of eating 'em, before; _i'd_ feed 'em to senecas." "they would be very thankful for them," said barton. "it isn't every day they get a turtle like this." the lines were all taken in, and as they were now sufficiently wearied, the boat was paddled towards the shore, where sambo was waiting to receive the fish. "golly!" said the negro, grinning "who caught dis ere fellar? he! he! he!" pointing towards the turtle. "_i_ caught that varmint!" replied ichabod, gravely. "guess massa jenkins let he bait die," said sambo. "dose fellars don't bite like pickerel, no how. how massa jenkins manage?" "manage! you black devil," said ichabod, angrily, "i'll feed you to him, if you ask any more questions." ralph and barton were very much amused at ichabod's discomfiture, which did not at all pacify him; but the party proceeded towards the cottage, sambo being careful to keep out of ichabod's way; but many were the grins which he made at his expense, behind his back. ichabod gave up the idea of ever being a fisherman; but, as he seemed to be extremely sensitive on that subject, neither ralph nor barton saw fit to make any particular allusion to it. chapter v. "we rustled through the leaves like wind, left shrubs, and trees, and wolves behind; by night i heard them on the track, their whoop came hard upon our back, with their long gallop, which can tire the hound's deep hate and hunter's fire." mazeppa it was about three o'clock in the afternoon, when they returned to the cottage; and as the sun had again made its appearance, and there were no indications of unpleasant weather. ralph proposed to miss barton that they should put in execution a project which she had mentioned, of taking a ride on horseback down the valley. the horses were at once brought out, by the negro. they were kept for working horses by barton; but they had sufficient life and activity to make an excursion in that mode pleasant and agreeable. sambo, who was very much attached to his mistress, took the liberty of cautioning her to be home again by nightfall, and muttered something about "strange injins" and wolves. barton smiled at the fears of the negro; but at the same time intimated that any possible danger might be avoided by an early return. "as for indians," said he, "i haven't known many around here lately, and they are all of the friendly sort. the king's indians, as they are called, have not been here, as i have known, since i have resided here. as for wolves, they are sometimes dangerous, in winter; i have heard of them pursuing people, at that season of the year, when they are particularly voracious; but i never heard of such an instance so early in the season--although it is possible that it might occur. but ruth knows the country," continued he, "and will know how to avoid any dangers that are incident to it." "i shall place myself wholly under the control of miss barton," said ralph; "she shall be both guide and guard." "i can answer for the guide," replied ruth, "if not for the guard. but i have often taken the short excursion i proposed for to-day; and i will promise to bring home captain weston safe and sound." they mounted their horses, and proceeded slowly down the valley, along a narrow path or road, but of sufficient width to allow two horses to travel abreast. they had proceeded in this manner about a mile, in a southerly direction, with little conversation, except such as was suggested by their ride, when after rounding a hill which ran down nearly to the river, they came in full view of the valley, which here widened out into broad flats, and certainly offered to their observation a high degree of beauty and attraction. "beyond the hill which you see yonder," said ruth, "the valley attains a much greater width. the river, on one side, flows at the base of the eastern hills; and a pleasant stream, which, to translate the indian appellation, means a "swiftly running creek," flows at the base of the hills on the west. at about a mile and a half below, they unite, and finally empty into the susquehanna. the excursion i proposed for to-day was only to the spot where the junction of the two streams is formed. i have been there a few times, and i have always been charmed with the beauty of the place." "the whole valley is beautiful," said ralph, "beyond any ideas i entertained before visiting it. such a place will soon be populated. i do not blame ichabod for his schemes at speculation here; for with the impulse which the country must now receive in population and wealth, so beautiful and advantageous a region as this, will not long be neglected." they passed around the hill which ruth had mentioned, where the valley, as she had observed, became of a much greater width, wider than ralph had yet seen it. it was almost entirely covered with forest; although here and there were places which had been partially cleared by the savages, in former days. the forest in which they were encompassed shut out any very extensive observation of the valley itself, except when they were upon some of the high ground; but enough could be seen to give one a good general idea of its shape and condition. the path had become somewhat more narrow, and they were surrounded by a wilderness of vegetation, which was peculiarly attractive to the eyes of ralph and his companion. after about half an hour's further progress, they arrived at the place which had been mentioned by ruth. the river, just before it reaches the spot where it receives the waters of the creek, makes a sudden turn to the east, for about thirty rods, and then returns to nearly the same point, in a north and south line, at a distance of only fifteen or twenty rods, where the junction is formed. a portion of the waters of the river, however escape from the main channel and flow directly towards the south, making an island two or three acres in extent. having arrived at this spot, ralph and his companion dismounted from their horses, and fastening them to some small trees nearby, they gave themselves up to the contemplation of the fine scenery around them. the sun was then about an hour high, and the golden sunlight flashing upon the variegated foliage of the forest--the calmness which reigned undisturbed around them, the solitude of the wilderness in which they were encompassed, all conspired to give a hue to feelings which both possessed, but which they scarcely dared to breathe to each other. "i have often dreamed," said ralph, "of just such a spot as this. i am something of a recluse by nature; but after all, i have some choice as to the place of my isolation." "i shall expect, then," answered ruth, smiling, "to hear of ralph weston, the hermit, occasionally, from those who may pass by here. where do you propose to establish your hermitage?" "in truth, i cannot say," replied ralph; "but i suppose it will be when i, like the hermits of old, have become sufficiently disgusted with the world, to make me fly from it with hatred; i will not fix the precise time, just now--i will leave it to circumstances. but familiarity with nature--converse with the solitude of the forest, is the best antidote to the disgust which many persons conceive of society. the man cannot be all bad, who has any relish left in him for the beauties which nature can unfold to him." "you are becoming very much of a philosopher, captain weston. you shall have another title added to that of hermit. you shall be a philosophical hermit." "ruth! you laugh at me! but you must pardon my caprice at the idea of a forest life; for i am not much of a woodsman, you know. but i'll venture to say, after all, that you agree with me." "yes," answered ruth, earnestly, "i do like our new mode of life. we are nearly shut out from the world,--but we have still a thousand pleasures, perhaps the sweeter from our solitary position. we do not merely _find_ a home, we _create_ one. we see broad meadows starting out from the forest, and know that they are ours by the best of titles--a reclamation from the waste of nature. i have often asked myself whether i would be willing to abandon our present home for the old home in the settlements, and i never yet could answer that i would." "to a light, vain head," answered ralph, "such a life would be tiresome; but it seems to me, although how long the feeling would endure, i cannot say--yet it seems to me, that the constant idea of dependence upon a power beyond and over men, which must be ever present to the minds of those who dwell in the wilderness, would give life a higher and truer aim, than can be attained in society. but familiarity with scenes like these, blunts the mind, perhaps, and the idea is soon lost." "i believe the remark is true," replied ruth. "we cannot entirely forego society, without injury to ourselves." "yes, perhaps it is so," said ralph; "we can attain no such marvellous degree of sentiment or independence as wholly to destroy our taste for crowds and social intercourse. i think, after all, that if i were to become a hermit, i should like a few familiar friends to share my hermitage." ruth smiled as she replied, "your hermitage, then, captain weston, would be a very different affair from the 'cave, rock and desert' of an old-fashioned recluse, who "'had nought to do but feed on roots, and gaze upon the stars!'" "were i ever to choose the 'rock, cave and desert,'" said ralph, "i believe i should wish my solitary life, after all, to be terminated, as was the solitude of edwin, in the ballad of goldsmith; that is, if i could ever hope that any angelina would seek the solitude i sought. but i suppose that "angelinas" are the creatures of poetry." "and why not edwins, too?" inquired ruth, with an arch smile. "and why, since we are asking questions," asked ralph, with a look that brought a blush to the cheek of his companion, "may i not ask miss barton----" but the question, however important to the happiness of either, or both of them, was interrupted by a sudden rustling of dry underbrush in their immediate vicinity, as if trodden upon by a hasty foot. ralph turned suddenly round, and beheld the ill-natured countenance of guthrie before him. the squatter stopped short, leaning upon his rifle, and said, with an attempt at civility, but in a gruff tone: "you're a _stranger_ in these parts, friend, and don't know that you may find it a little _dangerous_ traveling through this forest by night." "dangerous, guthrie! how so?" inquired ruth. "you, who live up at the cottage, miss ruth, mayn't know it, but the wolves have been prowling around here in reg'lar troops, for a few days past; and it will be dark now, afore you can get back to the cottage. i had a set-to with a rascally troop of them, last night." ralph thanked guthrie for his caution, although he was half angry at the interruption, at that particular moment of time, and intimated to ruth that perhaps they had better return. ruth assented, the horses were unfastened, and they proceeded at a leisurely pace towards home, although more rapidly than they had come. the labor and perplexity of making their way along the rough path and among the underbrush were such as to prevent any continued conversation. by the time they had traveled half a mile, the sun, with a broad, ruddy glow, had sunk behind the western hills. the twilight in the midst of the forest soon gave way to a deep shade, which rendered their path still more difficult. ralph, who had at first inwardly cursed the interruption made by guthrie, in a conversation which had reached a point most deeply interesting to him, now almost wished that it had occurred a little earlier. ruth evidently entertained the same thought, for her countenance exhibited much anxiety. "guthrie's advice was reasonable, most certainly," she said, "although it was not given in the most civil manner." "it was somewhat later than i thought," answered ralph, "but we shall reach home in an hour more, at least. but who is this guthrie? i believe i saw him at your father's on the night of my arrival." "nothing is known of him, with certainty," replied ruth. "he has a shanty somewhere below here, where he lives alone, subsisting upon such game as he finds, and upon the trade he drives at the settlements. he is supposed to have been a tory, and to have been leagued with the indians of this region; although we merely suspect it--we do not know it." "he has an ill-favored countenance. he wears one of those peculiar faces, that we always distrust. is he often at your father's?" "not very frequently; we entertained the same distrust of him you have expressed, on first seeing him, and that feeling has rather increased than diminished, with only a very short acquaintance." "he has certainly rendered us a favor on this occasion," said ralph, who found their progress was momently becoming more difficult, as the darkness increased. it was just at this instant, that a long howl was heard at some distance behind them, but apparently from the westward. in the stillness and darkness which encompassed them, it had a melancholy and threatening sound, which was far from agreeable. scarcely a moment had elapsed ere the howl which they had heard was answered from the opposite direction; and almost simultaneously it seemed to be echoed by a hundred discordant throats. "the wolves!" exclaimed ralph and ruth, together. "but," said ralph, "perhaps they have not scented us, and we may have nothing to fear from them." "heaven grant that it may be so," earnestly replied ruth; but as if at once to end their hopes, the cries were again heard, sharper and wilder. just at this moment the moon arose, and began to throw a misty and uncertain light through the forest. ralph seized the horse upon which ruth was mounted by the bits, and the animals were at once urged to the greatest speed which the difficulties of their path would allow. the horses themselves felt the alarm, and readily yielded to the impulse of their riders. the cries seemed now to be nearly half a mile behind them; and ralph hoped, at the least, to be able to arrive so near the house of mr. barton, that assistance could be immediately afforded. but in spite of all their exertions, the path was so intricate, owing to the thick underbrush and the overhanging branches of trees, together with the rough and uneven surface of the ground, that the utmost care was necessary to prevent the falling of the horses, on the one hand, and to guard against being thrown from them by the branches which were constantly projecting before them, on the other. on they rode, with as much rapidity as the utmost limit of safety would allow. they well knew that their only hope of safety depended upon their being able to keep mounted and in flight; for were any accident to happen to their horses, they would be left, in the midst of the wilderness, at the mercy of the ferocious beasts that were on their track. but their pursuers gained upon them; the howls which but a few moments since seemed fully half a mile behind, were now evidently within a much less distance. the woods appeared to be alive with their enemies. the discordant cries filled every avenue of sound. faster, faster ran the horses--but still nearer approached the sound of the cowardly pack--cowardly when few in numbers, but savage in multitude. the moonlight lay in scattered patches in the forest, but every shadow seemed occupied by an enemy. the pursuers had now approached so near, that ralph could hear the crackling of the dry underbrush and branches, over and through which they ran, amidst the noise of their cries. looking behind him, he saw the leaders of the pack leaping upon their track, and in the moonlight saw, with terrible distinctness, their glaring eyes and protruded tongues. the horses strained every muscle, quivering with affright, but the wolves were approaching--were almost upon them! snatching, with a hurried hand, a shawl from the shoulders of ruth, he threw it behind them. for a moment the chase ceased; and with wild, ferocious cries, the pack gathered around the object which had been so opportunely offered to them. at that instant, when the last hope had nearly vanished, the eyes of the travelers encountered in the path before them the form of an indian, who, with outstretched arms, requested them to stop. in a moment they approached him, when with a rapid utterance, he exclaimed: "me friend; me tuscarora--come!" and suddenly seizing the horses by the bits, he led them three or four rods from the path, where they saw before them, in the midst of the forest, a small log hut; although in an extremely ruinous condition, it afforded the protection which, but a few minutes before, seemed utterly withheld from them. again were heard the cries of the wolves, and the noise of their approach! ralph leaped from his horse, and at once lifted ruth from the saddle, who, until that moment, had preserved her courage and fortitude, but now fell fainting into his arms. he bore her instantly into the hut, where the tuscarora rapidly brought in the horses after them; and the door was closed, just as the ferocious pack came rushing into the open space before the hut. chapter vi. "and then to mark the lord of all, the forest hero, trained to wars, quivered and plumed, and lithe and tall, and seamed with glorious scars." bryant. ralph, as we have said, bore his fainting burden into the hut and the tuscarora, having secured the frightened horses, at once hastened to his assistance. ruth, in a few moments, became partially restored; and a blush lit up the pallor of her countenance, as she found herself sustained in the arms of ralph. partially withdrawing from his support, she said: "you must be astonished, captain weston, that a woodman's daughter had so little fortitude as to be unable to withstand the ordinary perils of her condition. i almost feel that i owe you an apology." "you have no reason to be ashamed of your want of fortitude, miss barton," answered ralph. "the courage with which you endured that terrible ride was amazing. you have more, much more, than sustained your reputation as a woodman's daughter." ralph now, for the first time, observed the tuscarora, who was standing silently before him leaning upon his rifle. the indian was of little more than medium height, and straight as an arrow. his form was rather slight than otherwise, but was fully developed, and gave evidence of great agility and strength. his countenance was open and frank; and in his present attitude of repose, one would not have thought that he possessed those peculiar qualities of the indian, which we are apt to associate with our recollections of that rapidly wasting race. he looked like a true lord of the forest,--cold and impassive in demeanor,--but concealing beneath that grave exterior a fountain of terrible passions. he had not yet passed the age of "youth," for not more than thirty times, to him, had the leaves of autumn fallen; yet his youth seemed extinguished in the gravity of the warrior. ralph could not resist a feeling of admiration at the well-built frame and noble countenance of the tuscarora; and advancing towards him, he grasped him by the hand. "tuscarora," said he, "you have this night rendered this young lady and myself a service, for which we shall ever be grateful; you have preserved our lives." the indian, with a modest gesture, seemed to disclaim the gratitude which ralph so freely expressed--then quietly said: "tuscarora friend to the colony pale-face--me no kings injin--me do my duty to friend. young people careless--all heart--no eyes--no mind wolves;--me know--me waited for 'em." "i did not know," said ralph, "that the wolves of this section ever attacked men." "no often; but get hungry sometimes--then ugly--then must look out. hear that?" since our travelers had entered their place of safety, the forest seemed to be alive with the unearthly howls of the beasts, whose din increased at the loss of their prey. they had rushed up to the sides of the hut; and, as the tuscarora answered ralph, a number of them had evidently leaped against the door and the sides of the building with a savage ferocity. "me have fun, now," said the tuscarora, advancing towards one of the numerous loop-holes of the hut, which had been made by its builder for its defence. "me shoot--give 'em something to howl for." his rifle was discharged, and for a moment, the din outside completely ceased; but as the pack saw one of their number fall, their cries increased in ferocity, until they became almost deafening. ralph advanced to one of the loop-holes, and looked out upon the savage crowd of beasts, which seemed determined to besiege them into a surrender. as well as he could observe in the moonlight, there appeared to be forty or fifty of them, standing before and prowling about the hut, with their faces upturned--and their eyes gleaming like balls of fire. the north american wolf is naturally a cowardly animal; and never, when alone, dares to attack a man. the animal has become, in the section of country of which we are now writing, entirely extinct. mean, thievish, cowardly in disposition, they always fled from an encounter with a human creature, except when frenzied with hunger, and gathered in large packs. at such times, they become extremely dangerous; yet, even then, any resistance which seemed able to withstand their attack, at once disconcerted them. the indian again loaded his rifle, and again it was discharged. another wolf was killed; and although they still kept up their clamor, they began to retreat to a distance from an enemy who had so much advantage of them. "wolf run," said the tuscarora; "wolf no like rifle--they got no heart--cowards!" and, as if he disdained the firing upon so mean a foe, after reloading his rifle, he came towards ralph, and quietly sat down on a rough bench by the side of the hut. "wolf run away," said he--"they gone soon--then you go home." "we have our lives to thank you for, tuscarora," said ruth, with a look of gratitude, "and my father will always be glad to welcome you to the cottage. will you not return with us?" "not now--may be by-'m-by." "is your nation in this territory now?" asked ralph. "me got no nation," said the indian, sorrowfully. "tuscaroras once great--away south. then had great many warriors--then they great nation--but most all gone, now." "are not your people and the oneidas brethren?" "oneidas are brothers--love oneidas." "why are you here in this section alone, tuscarora, with none of your brethren near you?" abruptly asked ralph. the indian looked at him steadily for a moment, and then replied: "my young friend is wise. the white men all ask questions--no good for injin to answer questions;" and he fell into a gloomy and listless posture, and refused, for the time, to hold any further conversation. the silence of the tuscarora was somewhat embarrassing to ralph; and he again went towards the loop-holes to reconnoitre the present position of the enemy. the howls had almost entirely ceased; and what few were heard, seemed to be twenty-five or thirty rods distant. just as he reached the loop-hole, he heard a rifle discharged on the outside, and a voice which he recognized as that of ichabod, which made the woods ring again with a loud halloo. the indian started abruptly from his seat, and both he and ralph advanced towards the door. on opening it, they discovered at the distance of ten rods three men who were rapidly approaching the hut. as they came from among the shadows of the trees into the bright moonlight, which lay in the small opening in front of the hut, ralph recognized barton and ichabod accompanied by the negro. the moment they were discovered by the party, barton ran towards ralph, exclaiming, "is she safe, ralph--is she safe?" scarcely was the question asked, before ruth was in her father's arms. "god bless thee, girl," said he; "i hardly dared hope ever to see thee again," and the tears rolled down his manly face. "for this joy, my father, we have to thank this good indian here. he it was who saved us." the indian, during this scene, had silently withdrawn into a deep shadow which fell by the side of the hut. there he stood, leaning upon his rifle, seemingly as passionless and unconcerned as the shadow within which he stood. barton went up to him, and grasped him by the hand. "you have this day," said he, "in rescuing my daughter, saved both her life and my own. how can i thank you?" the tuscarora remained unmoved. "no thanks," said he. "the great spirit smiles when his children do their duty. tuscarora likes colony pale-face. the great spirit sent me here--thank him, not poor tuscarora." "you say right, tuscarora. god hath preserved my child this day. to him be thanks, who taketh and giveth." scarcely had the first sound issued from the mouth of the tuscarora, when ichabod rapidly approached him. the indian gave him a glance of recognition, and silently took his hand. "eagle's wing, as i live!" exclaimed he. "glad to see you again, old friend. i haven't seen you since we were down here on that last war-path." canendesha, as the tuscarora was named by his own people, bore also the name of eagle's wing, which had been bestowed upon him not only for his boldness in fight, but for the keenness and rapidity with which he followed the trail of an enemy. when he heard himself thus called by his name of honor, he drew himself up with pride as he replied: "three summers and winters have destroyed the marks of the war-path. i have dwelt in the wigwams of my people, and near by the fires of the oneidas." in the meantime barton had approached ralph, and testified scarcely less joy at his deliverance than he had at that of ruth. ichabod and eagle's wing had withdrawn still further from observation into the shadow. "eagle's wing," said ichabod, imitating the language of the tuscarora, "is wise. he dwells in peace in the wigwams of his people. but why is he here--two days' march from his friends?" the indian remained silent for a few moments. at length he replied: "i am in the hunting grounds of my people. the heart of eagle's wing is filled with peace." "yes, yes, old friend," said ichabod, resuming his usual manner of expression. "you and i have been on a good many warpaths together. i know a tuscarora and oneida just as well as i know a seneca or mohawk. i know your people are gentlemen born, and i know them others are reptiles. you can't deceive _me_, eagle's wing--you are on a trail?" "the eyes of my brother are keen--he has followed the war-path. has he crossed the trail of an enemy?" the indian uttered this with a countenance so unmoved, and with such an expression of sincerity, that ichabod began to think the tuscarora had nothing to conceal from him. he said, however, in reply: "i know your heart is true, eagle's wing; but i rather thought, at first, you might be following up some devil of a seneca. but them varmints have left these parts, i s'pose." "my brother is wise," softly replied the tuscarora, but at the same time with a quiet expression of victory in the glance which he cast towards ichabod. the glance was not unnoticed, and the latter at once saw that his original suspicions were correct. but he knew it would be useless to press the tuscarora with questions. he said to him, however, in a tone that convinced the indian that ichabod was not deceived: "well, old friend, you and i have been brothers in harder times than these; and if you need the help of this rifle here, which is an old acquaintance of your'n, i shall take it in dudgeon if you don't call on me." the indian still remained unmoved; but ichabod could see that the offer was kindly received. at this moment, barton approached, and invited the tuscarora to accompany him to his dwelling. "you will always be welcome there, and i hope i may have many opportunities to testify to you my gratitude." the tuscarora courteously declined the invitation for the present, and the party prepared to depart. the horses were led out, and the party proceeded towards the cottage, while eagle's wing, remained as long as he could be observed, still leaning upon his rifle in front of the hut. the party journeyed for some distance without conversation, until ralph at length asked ichabod, who seemed to be much less talkative than usual, how they who were at the cottage had so soon learned the danger which ruth and he were in, from the pursuit of the wolves. "learn!" answered ichabod. "why, you see the old squire, 'long towards dusk, began to get considerable uneasy, from some cause or other--either because he had heard more about them infarnal varmints, lately, than he chose to tell, or else because sambo teazed him until he ra'ally thought you was in some danger; and so he proposed to me to walk with him along down the road, until we met you. we'd got in just about a mile of that shanty, when we heard the yells of them pestiferous cre'turs. i tell you, captain, them would have been tough customers to have come to a close fight with." "i was entirely unarmed," said ralph, "but i had no reason to expect meeting an enemy of any kind; and least of all did i suppose we should run any danger from such an enemy." "them varmints," replied ichabod, "when they've once had a taste of human blood, are as hungry for it as senecas are for scalps--_con_-found 'em." "i know the prevalent opinion in some portions of europe--in germany, for instance, of the ferocity of wolves. there is an old superstition of weird-wolves, of which i have heard." ralph explained, by giving an account of this peculiar superstition. in germany, and in the netherlands, and in some other portions of europe, the opinion had been prevalent among the people, that there were certain sorcerers, who, having anointed their bodies with ointment, the preparation of which, they had learned from the devil, and having put on an enchanted girdle, so long as they wore it, appeared, to the eyes of others, like wolves; and who possessed the same ferocity and appetite for human blood, as the animals they were believed to resemble. a large number of persons in these countries had been executed, who were supposed to be guilty of that offence. they were generally known as weird-wolves. this popular superstition, indeed, has survived in some portions of europe, until this day. in the "arabian night's entertainments," the unhappy subjects of this superstition were denominated "ghouls," but in the west they were known by the name we have already mentioned. a circumstance occurred in paris, in , which seemed to throw more light upon the nature of this superstition, and to prove indeed, that there was a pretty good foundation for the popular belief. like the delusion under which many of those unhappy persons labored in the days of the "salem witchcraft," who really believed themselves to be what their judges pronounced them, so these weird-wolves were undoubtedly insane persons, who fancied themselves possessed of the wolfish form and nature. "i have heard," said barton, who now joined in the conversation, "of many instances in our northern settlements, where people have been attacked by these animals; but, although it is a frequent occurrence for them to disturb the whole country about here with their howls by night, i had never apprehended any such danger from them. but we ought to be thankful that there is no worse enemy about here." ichabod, whose mind, ever since his conversation with the tuscarora, had been occupied with thoughts that did not seem very agreeable to him, started at this remark, and said, slowly-- "well, squire, i hope you mayn't be able to change that last remark of your'n by to-morrow this time." ralph, who knew ichabod well enough to know that however unsafe his opinion might be upon subjects relating to moneymaking, yet that, upon all the perils and dangers incident to a forest life, he possessed an excellent judgment, with some anxiety asked him for an explanation. the whole party had caught the alarm; and ichabod, with a mixture of pride at finding himself in such an important position, and of sorrow at the information he felt bound to communicate, answered-- "you see, eagle's-wing and i are old friends. we've _fout_ many a battle agin them cussed senecas and onondagas; and i reckon i know an injin, and can read him through pretty tolerably easy. now eagle's-wing isn't down here for nothing; and though his injin blood wouldn't let him tell me what kind of speculation he _is_ on, yet i know he's on a trail of some sort. you can always tell an injin when he's after an enemy." "but _what_ enemy," asked barton, "can he be pursuing in this direction? there can be no large body of hostile indians in these forests; for guthrie, who is a woodsman, and who would at once have discovered the fact, would have communicated the intelligence to us. i think there can be no ground for apprehension." "i don't know about that, squire," replied ichabod, "but i'm sure something's in the wind; and if you take my advice, you'll prepare for defence. as for guthrie, as you call him, _you_ know best about _him_; he's got a miserable, hang-dog face, any way." although there was much plausibility in the opinion of barton and ichabod's apprehensions did not seem to be well-grounded, yet ralph, who knew that ichabod had not given this advice without reflection, also advised barton at once to take means of defense against any attack which might be made upon the cottage. barton yielded to the solicitations of ralph and ichabod; and the party having arrived at the cottage, sambo was at once despatched to drive in the cattle into an enclosure which had been constructed upon the west side of the house. this yard was guarded upon all sides by an enclosure of logs some ten or twelve feet in height, and had been prepared expressly for the purpose for which it was now used. its construction had been deemed necessary by barton for the purpose of protecting his cattle in case of an attack by indians, as well as to protect them from wolves or bears, which were occasionally seen prowling around the premises. the house itself, as we have before remarked, was adapted for defence against any outward attack from such means of warfare as indians would be likely to attempt. the outside doors were heavy, and were secured by strong bars, which would resist any ordinary force that might be applied to them. the windows in the lower story were fitted with strong blinds, which it would be impossible to remove from the outside. in the second story, the windows were guarded by long hickory bars which had been morticed into the logs, while loop-holes had been provided, through which an attack might be repelled. the house was put into a complete state of defense. the rifles were all loaded, and placed in a position where they could be readily obtained, in case they should be needed. thus prepared, the family at length retired to rest, the negro having been ordered to keep watch during the night. chapter vii. "it is not a time for idle grief, nor a time for tears to flow; the horror that freezes his limbs is brief-- he grasps his war-axe and bow, and a sheaf of darts made sharp for the foe." bryant. as might be inferred from the scenes and excitements of the preceding day, the inmates of the cottage did not seek the night's repose with the accustomed feelings of tranquility and safety. ruth went over again in memory the events of the day, and she could not conceal from her own mind the fact that ralph weston was much more to her than an ordinary stranger. having known him in youth, she had always esteemed the leading traits of his character; and she now felt that esteem ripening into a passion which bears a much more tender name. as for ralph, he had not needed to pass through any such excitements or dangers, as ruth and he had that day encountered, to adjust any wavering balance of affection. he had seen enough to perfectly satisfy him that ruth looked upon him with no indifference; and notwithstanding the preparations for defense and the unpleasant ideas which the prospect of an indian attack would be likely to excite, he sank into a pleasant slumber, and was willingly borne off into the region of fairy dreams. ichabod had no such potent specific with which to drown care and reflection. the tuscarora, and his probable object in visiting the valley--his mysterious manner during their brief conversation--were ever present to his mind; and after tossing about restlessly on his bed until nearly daylight, he arose with the resolution of seeking an explanation of the mystery. his preparations were made in silence, and without disturbing any of the inmates of the house. throwing his rifle across his arm, and fastening into a belt which he buckled around him a large hunting-knife, he noiselessly descended into the lower part of the building. in the gloom which pervaded the room into which ichabod entered, it was some time before he discovered sambo, who had been stationed there to keep watch during the night. he at length espied him, sitting in a chair before the huge fire-place, with his head bent upon his breast, in a most unmistakable attitude of slumber. ichabod had not forgotten the grinning of the negro, at his exploits in fishing the day before, and he was willing to give him a sufficient fright to punish him a little. advancing noiselessly towards him, he placed one hand on the top of his woolly head, and with a rapid motion of the other imitated the circular cutting used in the process of scalping, imprinting his thumb-nail with sufficient force into the skin, to give the sleeping negro a distinct impression of that disagreeable operation. as the whole family for that night had retired to the upper part of the house, ichabod knew that he should be able to stifle the cries of the negro, so that no one in the building would be alarmed. the moment sambo felt the impression of the thumb-nail on his skin, he awoke with a scream of fear; but ichabod rapidly closed his mouth with one of his heavy hands. "oh gor-a-massy--massa injin! i'm scalped. o lor'! o lor'!" exclaimed the negro; and in his distress he tumbled down upon the floor under the impression that he was about to give up the ghost. ichabod, who saw that he had carried the joke as far as safety to the negro would allow, lifted him up into the chair. "there, you black devil! go to sleep will you, when you're on duty? you do that again, and we'll have you hung by the articles of war." the negro, who was perfectly willing to escape a scalping for the present, by a prospect of hanging in the future, speedily recovered from his fright. "o gor-a-massy, 'twas you, was it, massa jenkins? know'd it was you, all the while! needn't think you could come possum over this nigger, any how; i jist set down in the chair to listen a little." ichabod, who was amused at the assurance of the negro, advised him not to listen in that manner any more, or he would get scalped in earnest. then unbarring the door, and bidding the negro to fasten it after him, and to inform the squire and captain when they got up, that he should be back in an hour or two, departed, in the direction of the shanty. it was now nearly day-light; and the first silvery rays of the morning were beginning to dispel the darkness. the moon had set sometime before, and as in the midst of the forest, it was almost impossible to discern his path, it was necessary that he should proceed with extreme caution. following noiselessly the rough path over which ralph and miss barton had journeyed the day before, he hoped to reach the shanty by day-light. a walk through the forest in a new country by night, to one unaccustomed to it, would not be likely to excite the most agreeable reflections. but ichabod had in other times been used to all the dangers of the wilderness, and this morning walk had to him sufficient excitement to make it decidedly a pleasure. as he journeyed on, the silence by which he was surrounded was occasionally broken by the distant howl of a wolf. scarcely had the melancholy sound died in the echoes of the forest, ere an owlet's shriek would be heard, sharp and piercing, by his side--and in the next moment it would be answered by a cry that came mellowed from the distance. then, perhaps, the rustling of dry leaves, or the cracking of a dry bough, indicated that some small animal was flying from his presence. occasionally stopping for a moment, to listen if he could not catch sounds which would indicate the presence of something against which it would be necessary to guard himself he continued to advance in the direction of the hut, where on the evening before he had encountered the tuscarora. this hut or shanty, the precise location of which, with reference to the surrounding country, we have not described, was situated about a mile below the residence of barton, at the foot of a hill which gradually rose on the western side to the height of one hundred and fifty or two hundred feet. on the east, at the distance of about thirty rods, was the river. beyond the river were flats extending nearly half a mile in width; while nearly opposite the hut, a small stream came from the north-east, down a narrow valley, which gave to the valley just opposite the hut the appearance of a much greater width than it really possessed. ichabod arrived at the shanty at just about the hour he had calculated upon. the light of the morning had begun to creep through the woods, giving to objects an uncertain appearance. he approached it cautiously, listening if he might not hear some sound that would indicate the presence of the tuscarora. not receiving any such indication, he touched the door, which noiselessly opened, when he entered the hut. it was entirely deserted, and every trace of its recent occupation had been removed. this caution on the part of the tuscarora was strong evidence to ichabod that enemies were near, and he at once saw the object of it. in case the hut should be visited, the indian wished it to appear as if it had not been disturbed, so that no clue could be obtained to his motions. ichabod, who was an adept in the indian mode of warfare, endeavored to discover in which direction the tuscarora had departed. but this was no easy undertaking. he looked cautiously about for a trail, but the ground had been so much trodden the night before, it was a long time ere he could discover the print of the occasional foot of the indian, and then only by the side of the hut where he had conversed with him. at length, moving off to the distance of six or eight rods from the shanty, he commenced walking about it in a circle with his eyes fastened upon the ground. he had proceeded but a few rods in this round before he discovered the footprint for which he was searching. the indian, on leaving the hut, had evidently gone in a south-easterly direction towards the river. the point, proceeding in the line taken by the tuscarora, as which he would reach the river, would be at just about a hundred rods from the shanty. ichabod followed, at once, in this direction; but advancing with extreme caution. his progress was necessarily slow, as he was obliged not only to examine the ground with great care to discover the footprints which the light step of the indian had made, but also to observe if there were any signs of other indians in the vicinity. at length, he approached the river, the margin of which, here, was covered with a thick growth of willows of about eight or ten feet in height, which rendered it almost impossible to get a glimpse of the water. he had arrived within two rods of the shore, when, at once, he lost all traces of the tuscarora. he was searching the ground intently to regain the trail he had lost, when he heard a slight sound in the direction of the river, like that made by a paddle slightly rubbing the side of a canoe. stooping so as to be more thoroughly hidden by the willows, which were much thicker towards the ground, he advanced close to them, and endeavored to get sight of the object which had attracted his attention. it will be necessary to explain, a little more fully, the precise situation of ichabod with reference to the river. the line of willows we have mentioned, was about six or eight feet in width, and run in a north and south line, parallel with the course of the river; but immediately below where he stood, there was a thick clump of them, which extended some twenty feet from the apparent course of the river, directly towards the forest; so that ichabod was not only protected by those in front, but he occupied a sort of cover formed by them in the sudden turn which they took towards the west. carefully pulling back a few of the twigs of the willows which skirted the river, and which impeded his observation, he now distinctly heard the sound of a canoe approaching from below. the river was here about six rods in width, and was of considerable depth, although the current was strong; which latter fact accounted for the sound he had heard--some effort being required to urge the canoe against the force of the water. shortly the canoe came in sight. ichabod started as he beheld three indians in it, whom he at once knew to be senecas. his first impulse was to raise his rifle; but a moment's reflection taught him that such a course would be unwise. in the first place, although the new government had concluded as yet no formal treaty of peace with the hostile tribes of the six nations, yet as it was tacitly understood that such a treaty would soon be made, and all encounters had therefore been mutually suspended it would be criminal and improper to attack them except in self-defence, or the defence of his friends. another reason, also came to his aid--although it is proper to mention that it was the last one that occurred to him--and that was, that if he succeeded in killing or disabling one of the indians, he would still have the remaining two upon his hands, without possessing any adequate means of defending himself; while it was more than probable that there were other senecas in the vicinity. the indians were moving very slowly against the current, and were evidently in search of some object which they expected to discover along the shore. ichabod recognized one of these indians as a subordinate chief of the seneca nation, whom he had encountered in some of the conflicts of the war; but who possessed a high reputation among his people, for boldness and cunning. the name of this chief was panther, which he had received from the characteristics we have mentioned. as they came in sight, the canoe was not more than twenty feet from the position occupied by ichabod, and he could distinctly hear the conversation between the chief and his companions, although they conversed in a low tone. ichabod had learned enough of the dialect which was common to the six nations, to understand at once, the purport of the conversation. we will endeavor to translate, for the benefit of the reader, the language of the senecas: "me no understand," said panther; "saw canoe here, somewhere. no get out of water without seeing it." "canoe light; gone up river p'raps," said one of his companions. "canendesha got quick eye," said the other seneca; "he cunning injin. he won't let scalp go, if he can help it." a gleam of ferocity passed across the swarthy face of panther. "canendesha _is_ cunning and brave. his enemies will say that; but he has got the scalp of a seneca, and i shall be ashamed to go back to the wigwams of my nation, if i do not take his. the senecas are not squaws, to let a tuscarora run off with their scalps." slowly moving against the current, the three indians had got both out of sight and hearing of ichabod. immediately behind him was a small knoll four or five feet in height. he had commenced moving towards it with the intention of getting a further view of the senecas, whose business he now understood, when his attention was attracted by a slight waving of the willows in the centre of the clump which we have mentioned. glancing sharply in that direction, with his rifle raised in a position to fire should it be necessary, he saw an indian emerging from the willows, whom he knew at once to be the tuscarora. "no get _my_ scalp this time;" said eagle's-wing. "i get another scalp first;" and he pointed to a bleeding trophy of a recent encounter, with all the pride with which a victorious general would have pointed to the capture of the standards and munitions of war of a vanquished enemy. "what's the meaning of all this, eagle's-wing?" asked ichabod, with evident disgust at beholding the bleeding trophy. "why has canendesha dug up the hatchet, when the pale-faces and their indian allies have buried it?" "i no dig it up," answered the tuscarora, with energy; "seneca dig it up. i must have panther's scalp too," and he was about following the canoe up the river. "stop a moment, eagle's-wing," exclaimed ichabod, who laid his strong hand on the shoulder of his friend. "i want to know the meaning of all this; you must not go after them injins now. i hate a seneca, on general principles, as much as you do; but it won't do to go scalping round in these days, without good reason for it. let me know what's the matter, and if it's anything where a friend can help with an easy conscience, i'll rush into the speculation." thus urged, the indian, after a sufficient time had elapsed to satisfy the dignity of a chief, proceeded to relate one of those romances of the forest, which, in general feature, may not be very dissimilar to those of civilized life--the only difference consisting in the darker and wilder coloring which belongs to pictures of savage life. we will not attempt to give it in the precise words and with the manner of the tuscarora, although we hope to exhibit in some degree the energy with which some portions of it were related. it seemed that a short time before, a band of senecas, for some purpose, had been hanging about the villages of the oneidas and tuscaroras, situated some fifty miles north of that portion of the valley about which we are now writing. their business did not seem to be of a warlike nature, and frequent visits of ceremony had been exchanged between the chiefs of the once hostile tribes: and professions were made by the senecas of a desire to unite once more the severed bond of union between the different nations of the confederacy. this condition of things existed for a few days, when it was announced by the senecas that they were about to depart towards their own villages. the tuscarora, the day before that announced for the departure of the senecas, made them a visit of ceremony, accompanied by his young wife, whose indian name, translated into english, was singing-bird. the visitors were treated with the utmost distinction, although eagle's-wing fancied that on one or two occasions he observed symptoms of a revival of the old feeling of hostility towards him, which the late conflicts had engendered. the band of senecas consisted of about thirty-five warriors, under the command of panther, whose treacherous and perfidious nature eagle's-wing was well acquainted with. but the tuscarora was brave, and if he felt, did not exhibit any symptoms of the suspicions which occupied his mind. at length on the approach of evening, the tuscarora announced his departure. panther courteously accompanied him a short distance from the lodge, when suddenly a number of indians who had been secreted in ambush, sprang upon the tuscarora and the young squaw, and they were at once bound and brought back to the lodge. the indians made immediate preparations for departure--as would be necessary, indeed, after such an act of perfidy--for the tuscaroras and oneidas, whose villages were situated but a few miles distant, would shortly suspect the treachery, and come in search of the prisoners. panther's motive in this double act of treachery and inhospitality, was supposed to be a feeling of revenge towards the tuscarora--who had signalized himself during the war, by his friendship for the cause of the colonies--and also a desire to obtain the beautiful singing-bird for his own wigwam. the senecas, with their prisoners, had marched all that night in a southerly direction, making use of all the devices of which an indian is capable, to conceal the direction of their march. near morning, the tuscarora, although closely guarded, had found means to escape; but instead of retracing his steps to get assistance from his own people or from the oneidas, he followed on the trail of the senecas, hoping that he should find some means to release singing-bird from her captivity. he also hoped that his brethren, discovering, as they certainly would, the treachery that had been used towards him, would send out a party of warriors to rescue him. the senecas had passed along the valley on the day when we first introduced the tuscarora to the reader. they had encamped on the flats, about two miles below the shanty we have mentioned, but in a direction much nearer the river than that taken by ralph and miss barton, in their journey of the day before. the tuscarora, after the party, on the night before, had left the shanty, carefully obliterated all traces of the recent occupancy of the hut, and proceeded towards the encampment of the senecas. he had nearly accomplished his purpose of delivering singing-bird, who was confined in a temporary wigwam which had been erected for her, when he was discovered by a young warrior of the senecas. a conflict, brief but terrible, had ensued, which resulted in the death of the seneca; and although this conflict had prevented the execution of his purpose, he succeeded in bearing away the usual indian trophy of victory. a sufficient party had been left to guard the wigwam in which singing-bird was confined, and the remainder of the indians, almost twenty-five in number, had set off in immediate pursuit of eagle's-wing. the latter discovered, in his flight, which was along the course of the river, a light bark canoe, which had been constructed by guthrie; and at once entering it, rapidly urged it up the stream. by so doing, although the senecas who were pursuing him by land, might pass him, yet he could be able to secrete himself until day-light, certainly, and leave no trail which could be followed. on the day before, in noting the course of the river, and the means of shelter, should he find it necessary to take to a hiding place, he had marked the clump of willows we have mentioned, which to all appearance was merely a thicker and more extensive growth than was elsewhere observed. but, as he now showed ichabod, in the centre of this clump was a small body of water connected with the river--a sort of cove--the mouth of which was completely guarded by a thick undergrowth of willows. to a person in a canoe on the river, there was nothing to indicate, except with the very closest attention, but that the line of the willows was the shore of the river. thus, by separating the willows, he had forced the canoe into this small cove, where he was completely hidden from all observation, as well from the land, as from the water. ichabod, who was much excited by this forest romance, at once entered into the feelings of the tuscarora. "i don't blame you any, eagle's-wing," said he: "i don't like this scalping business, but i s'pose you've got to fight according to your natur'; but i'll tell you this, eagle's-wing,--here's my hand on a bargain,--and i'll stick to it, whether the speculation's good or bad--we'll rescue singing-bird, any way; but don't let us have any more scalping, just now. we must deceive them rascals. i never knew a scoundrel of a seneca yet, but could be cheated some way or other." notwithstanding the interest which this conversation had excited, the tuscarora and ichabod had both been intent in watching the course of the canoe. it had now advanced some twenty-five or thirty rods up the river, when panther, evidently believing he had passed the spot where the tuscarora had been observed, now headed the canoe downstream, with the intention of making a more diligent search. ichabod was about to propose a retreat towards the forest, when he suddenly beheld in that direction a small party of indians advancing towards them. the intelligence was silently communicated to the tuscarora, when they both rapidly entered the clump of willows, and seated themselves in the canoe. their rifles were examined, and they both adjusted their knives so that they would be in readiness, if it should be necessary to use them. the indians who were approaching from the forest perceived panther and his companions in the canoe, and signs were at once made to attract their attention. panther observed them, and the canoe was immediately brought to the shore, where the other indians had now arrived. the senecas who had come from the woods occupied the precise spot where ichabod had first observed the canoe of panther. the latter had brought his canoe to the edge of the willows, and putting them aside, sprung lightly through them to the land. the senecas were now not more than ten or fifteen feet from the hiding place of the tuscarora, so that their conversation could be easily overheard. panther, speaking to deersfoot, who was the leader of the small party which had been sent to scour the forest, asked if any trace had been found of the fugitive. deersfoot replied that he had not been able to find any trail. luckily for both eagle's-wing and ichabod, the indians who had visited the shanty, since the latter left it in the morning, had not taken the pains to discover the trail of the tuscarora which ichabod had done; and they had also followed the same direction in approaching the river, but without examining the ground with sufficient care, to discover the footmarks of either eagle's-wing or ichabod. the consequence was, that now, so far as any clue could be obtained to their position from that source, they were perfectly safe, as the senecas, in traveling in the same direction, had completely obscured the signs which, with a little more care, they might have discovered. panther and deersfoot now held a whispered consultation, which ichabod, although he reached forward as far as his safety would permit, could not distinctly overhear. but he was quite sure that he heard something said about the pale-faces at the cottage. he was certain from this that the indians would visit the house of barton; and he was extremely anxious to return there, so that he might communicate the intelligence as soon as possible. if such was the intention of the senecas, it appeared that they did not intend to put it in execution immediately; for after this consultation was finished, panther directed the indians to follow along down the shore, while he examined it from the canoe. panther returned to his canoe; while deersfoot with his party, passing around the cove, proceeded diligently to search for the enemy whom they were leaving in security, at least for the present, behind them. as soon as they had passed out of sight, ichabod insisted that eagle's-wing should accompany him to the cottage. the indian at first refused, from the idea that his presence there would bring danger upon the family of barton; but as ichabod assured him of the certainty of holding out the cottage against any attack which the senecas might make upon it, and also of the joy with which barton and his daughter would welcome him, he finally yielded; and leaving the canoe in its shelter, they rapidly proceeded thitherward through the forest. chapter viii. "but what talk we of these traitorly rascals, whose miseries are to be smiled at, their offences being so capital?" winter's tale. when ichabod and the tuscarora reached the cottage, they found the inmates much alarmed, owing to the long absence of the former; and ralph was just about setting out in pursuit of him. ichabod had perfectly succeeded, without any effort on his part, in ingratiating himself into the favor of all. there was something in his frank, hearty manner, that at once gave him a place in the affections of those who were capable of being moved by such qualities. the simplicity and earnestness with which he pursued his schemes of pecuniary speculation, if they excited the smiles or ridicule of those who saw their groundlessness, did not detract from his reputation as a man of excellent judgment, on all matters out of the range of that one idea. in a life such as we are now depicting, which was essentially new--where men were not living on the labors of others, or eating up the substance which others had gained, but where each relied upon his own effort to procure the necessaries of life--there was a general simplicity of manners, which is seldom to be found in these latter days. although, as in comparison with the history of population in europe, we are immediately connected in point of age, with the times of which we are writing, yet in the rapidity of our own history, the seventy years which have intervened have a much greater signification, and seem to extend over a length of time sufficient to give the broadest play to the imagination. we, who are now in the prime of life, and witness a broad, fine country, thoroughly subdued to the uses of the farmer--cities and villages connected by the ties of commerce--splendid mansions, which already begin to wear the venerable appearance of age, can scarcely realize that our fathers and grandfathers were the pioneers before whose vigorous efforts the forests disappeared, and the wilderness gave place to spacious fields, teeming with harvests, and homes where happiness asked no aid from wealth, and virtuous simplicity paid no tribute to overreaching avarice. ichabod, there, was welcomed with a degree of warmth which he had no reason to expect; but the excited state of mind which had been produced by the events of the day before, and the probability of future troubles, served to magnify the dangers which it was supposed he was likely to encounter in his morning adventure. the tuscarora, too, was heartily welcomed; and the morning meal, which had been left waiting for ichabod, was at once served. the tuscarora ate but little; for, however so much disposed an indian may be to give way to a gluttonous disposition in "piping times of peace," when on the war-path, he is always abstemious to a degree; and he holds in great contempt the man who suffers his appetite to overcome his necessary care and watchfulness. ichabod, however, had no such scruples; and he did as ample justice to the "good things" which were set before him, as if such an animal as a seneca had never existed. having finished their breakfast, ichabod proceeded to communicate to ralph and barton what he had witnessed, together with a brief account of the treachery of panther towards eagle's-wing. it was at once resolved that the tuscarora should be protected. "for," said barton, "if the senecas should dare to attack the cottage, they will find that we have ample mean of defence. but i do not think they will do so; they will not dare so openly to violate the neutrality which now exists." "that tribe is proverbially treacherous," said ralph, "and from eagle's-wing's story, the chief of this party is especially so. i think they will attack us, if they learn that the tuscarora is sheltered here, but i agree with you that we are bound to protect him. the cottage is in a good state of defence, and we can defend it against twice the number of this party. "yes, and were they ten times as strong," answered barton, "the tuscarora should not be surrendered. his services in our behalf are too recent to be so soon forgotten; and besides, i would protect any individual of the oneida or tuscarora nation, against those perfidious rascals." the old man said this with an animation and energy that settled the question. the tuscarora, however, did not seem to assent, willingly, to the arrangement. with a sensitiveness and courtesy which are almost peculiar to the indian warrior, he endeavored to decline a shelter which would be likely to bring barton and his family into some peril on his behalf. "no," he said, "let canendesha go. he knows the woods, and the warrior likes the woods. _there_ is plenty chance to fight--plenty good place to hide. warrior can't fight here--can't take any scalp here." sambo put his hand to his head, with a vivid remembrance of the _joke_ of the night before; and even barton and ralph were a good deal shocked at the cool-blooded way in which the tuscarora spoke of this peculiar mode of indian warfare. barton felt called to enter his protest, at once. "tuscarora," he said, "it isn't _christian_ to scalp. i supposed that the tuscaroras and oneidas had better notions than to do so." "what christian do, eh?" asked eagle's-wing, quietly. "a christian never mutilates his enemy, after he has conquered him," replied barton. "what that?" inquired the tuscarora, with a look of incomprehension. "a christian warrior," said barton, who found himself somewhat puzzled to explain clearly, to the comprehension of the indian, the idea he had in his mind; "a christian warrior _kills_ his enemy; he don't----" "christian _kill_ enemy, eh?" said eagle's-wing, quickly "what scalp good for to enemy, after he killed? good to warrior to show squaw--good to show chiefs--good many scalps make great chief." "yes, but why not bear off some other trophy? why not take a portion of the enemy's dress, or something of that sort?" "warrior can't carry away _all_:--some other injin get some,--make _him_ great warrior too. no--no--injin got but _one_ scalp: he 'spect to have it taken; and if he killed, _must_ lose it." eagle's-wing evidently thought he had exhausted the argument; and, in truth, he had. it would have been utterly impossible to have held any such controversy with him, with any prospect of success, and have admitted the right to slay an enemy at all. ichabod chuckled over the victory which had been gained by his friend; not that he justified the practice, but that he thought it would be utterly useless to endeavor to improve an indian, in that respect. it was a practice which had been taught in infancy, and become an instinct; for the warrior having slain the enemy, secures the scalp, or his victory is but half won. just at this point in the conversation, sambo, who had left the house a few moments before, came running in, saying that guthrie had just come in sight, and was approaching the cottage. by a sort of instinctive feeling, the whole party, except the tuscarora, who did not seem to be familiar with the name, looked as if they expected some new scene in this forest drama was about to be enacted. but with an appearance of unconcern, they prepared to receive him; and in a moment more, the door opened, and the heavy, coarse figure of guthrie was in the room. as he opened the door, the tuscarora made a sudden movement of surprise, which ichabod saw, although it was unnoticed by either ralph or barton. the indian immediately resumed his appearance of composure, and looked at the visitor with an air of indifference; but ichabod saw that eagle's-wing had made some discovery which might be of extreme importance in the events which were likely to occur. as has been before remarked, ichabod had a distinct impression that he had before seen guthrie's face--but _where_, he could not recollect. with a feeling of distrust, which the sudden gesture of the tuscarora he served to enliven, he now waited to earn the object of the visit. "good day, guthrie," said barton, "what news do you bring from below." "o nothing in particular, squire; but i thought i'd come up and tell you that there's a large lot of injins round." "i suppose there is nothing very singular in that," answered barton, "so long as this may be considered indian territory, as yet." now, barton had always looked upon guthrie with a feeling of distrust; and for this reason he thought it best to appear ignorant of facts he well knew, as by so doing, he might better ascertain the true object of his visit. he therefore continued: "i am a kind of tenant at sufferance of the oneidas here, myself; and i certainly cannot object to their visiting their own territory." "but these injins arn't oneidas, squire. if i know one maqua from another, they're senecas," said guthrie. "senecas!" exclaimed barton, with the appearance of surprise, "what business have the senecas here, i should like to know?" "i ra'ally can't tell, squire, what kind of business they did _come_ on out here; but they've got into a raging passion since they've been here, and i am ra'ally afeard of trouble." "they have had no occasion, certainly, for anger with me or mine, and i cannot suppose that they intend me any injury." "well, the truth is, squire, they say that this injin you've got here," pointing to the tuscarora, "has got the scalp of one of their young men; and they declare they'll take him, any way; if they can't by fair means, they will by foul." "you do not think they would dare to attack the cottage for the purpose of capturing him?" said barton. "there's no telling what them senecas _won't_ do, squire, when they're angry; but i rather reckon they will, if they know you've got him here." "what would you advise me to do, guthrie? you understand the ways of this nation pretty well." "as for understanding the ways of the senecas, in particular squire," answered guthrie somewhat hastily, "i can't say that i do; but a man can't live in the woods as long as i have, without knowing _something_ about the injins in general: but as for what you'd better do, i ra'ally can't say. but the way it looks to me is, that if you want your buildings burnt down, and may be yourself and family taken prisoners, you'll keep him; but if you don't, you'll send him away. but it arn't for me to say." "now, guthrie," said barton, with the appearance of doubt. "i'll put it to you as a question of honor, under all the difficulties you mention: this tuscarora saved my daughter's life, yesterday; now, can i, as an honorable man, surrender him to his enemies?" "well squire, that _is_ a pretty _tight_ spot, that's sartin," said guthrie. "but you see, if he did save miss barton's life yesterday, it is no reason why he should put it in danger to-day; and yours and your guests besides." "why, guthrie, you talk as if i couldn't defend myself here, if i really tried. you seem to take it for granted, that if we _are_ attacked, _they_ must conquer. i am not so certain of that." "i know," said guthrie, "you've got a pretty tolerably strong fix of a place here; but i _do_ reckon you couldn't hold out much of a siege. i've seen stronger places taken by fewer indians, in my day." "why, how many senecas do you think there are, guthrie?" asked barton. "well, i ra'ally don't know; but i should think i'd seen pretty nigh a hundred on 'em." barton smiled. the object of guthrie was now perfectly evident. for some reason, he had endeavored to induce barton to surrender the tuscarora, and had thus magnified the force of the enemy, and cast doubt upon the ability of barton to maintain the defence of his dwelling. ralph, although very indignant at this dishonest intention of guthrie, maintained the appearance of composure. the tuscarora one would have judged to have been totally devoid of the sense of hearing; for no motion or gesture betrayed that he supposed himself the subject of this back-woods diplomacy. as for ichabod, he had with difficulty restrained himself, so far, from breaking into the conversation. now, however, he suddenly broke in by advancing towards guthrie, and exclaiming-- "i say, _stranger_, you can't be very good at reckoning, for a man who has lived all his life in the woods, and ought to know the number of his enemies at first sight. _only_ thirty-five, counting that red _reptile_ that lost his scalp. and as for them thirty-five, if they want eagle's-wing, all they've got to do, you see, is to come and take him." guthrie, who saw at once that his plan had failed, and that barton knew accurately the number of the senecas with whom, at the worst, he would have to contend, now changed his tactics. "well, friend," said he to ichabod, "you might have been a little more civil, even if you _are_ right, and i'm wrong. i didn't count 'em--i only saw 'em a long ways off, through the woods, and might be mistaken, you know. but," said he, with a manner of perfect frankness, turning to barton, "whether there's thirty-five or a hundred, i don't know nor don't care, so far as i'm concerned; if you say fight, here i am, squire, and i'll help you out with it, any way." barton suffered his feelings of distrust to be overcome at once. grasping guthrie's hand, he exclaimed--"that's right, friend. you and i are neighbors here, and there's no reason why we shouldn't be friends, at such a time as this. the tuscarora has been deeply wronged by these senecas, and if he has revenged himself, it's indian law, and we can't blame him for it. no--i can't surrender him; and if they want to fight about it, why we'll get out of it the best we can." barton, who was extremely gratified at this addition to the force of the cottage, at once led guthrie about the building and grounds, to show him his preparations for defence. ralph was not at all pleased with the manner of guthrie; but as he knew that baron was much better acquainted with him than he pretended to be, he could not object to receiving the aid which was so frankly offered, and which might be needed. after the departure of barton and his new ally, ichabod and the tuscarora fell into an earnest but whispered conversation, and ralph left the apartment in search of miss baron, whom he had not seen since the events of the day before. "i say, eagle's-wing," said ichabod, "i don't half like this business. that stranger seems to be a kind of white seneca. i never knew an honest man who was afraid to look another honest man in the eye. i don't like him." "you guess right: i know him. he king george's man," said the tuscarora, quietly. "what! a tory!" exclaimed ichabod. "how do you know that, eagle's-wing?" "know? know it sartin. saw him down here on war-path. he fought with senecas. no recollect?" "that's it. heavens and airth! why didn't i think of that? here i've been trying for two days to remember where i've seen that hang-dog face. he was one of the leaders of them venomous _reptiles_. nothing can beat an indian for recollecting things." "indians got long memory. know enemy always. don't forget him." "i say, eagle's-wing, do you think the sarpent recollects _us_?" "yes--sartin. he recollect you--saw that. recollect _me_, too. most got his scalp: he recollect that, well, i know." "how's that, eagle's-wing?" "when seneca run, he run too. i shoot, and he fell. i run to get scalp--but seneca warriors turn--too many of 'em--and they take him off. he 'members that, sartin." "now eagle's-wing, that sarpent has come here to practise some deviltry on us. he's fairly cheated the old squire, and i s'pose he thinks he has cheated us, too. what shall we do with him?" "i know what _i_ do," and he significantly pointed to his knife. "no--that won't do at all. you see, if he is in league with them senecas, there's only _one_ way that he can help _them_ and injure _us_. being inside here, he reckons he can open the door to 'em." "yes, that's the way--no other way." "well, you see, eagle's-wing, we'll let him play his game out, but we'll try and be there to see it done. now, mind, eagle's-wing, until that does happen, we mustn't seem to know him at all." "yes, yes; make b'lieve friend--that the way." "i reckon we'll hear from them reptiles to-night; and if we do, eagle's-wing, we'll thin out their numbers a little, and then to-morrow for the singing-bird. you'll see her again to-morrow, and no mistake." a melancholy smile passed over the countenance of the tuscarora. it was immediately followed by such a gleam of deadly ferocity, that even ichabod started. "panther got lying tongue--i tear it out. panther got bad heart--i tear it out. he take _my_ squaw--he never see his own squaw again." "i don't blame you. eagle's-wing, for your feelings towards that reptile; but i do wish you injins could learn a civilized mode of warfare. i shan't argue with you: i know better than that; but i ra'ally don't see how any injin of your qualities can have such a strong desire for tearing scalps off from all his enemies. but it's injin natur' i s'pose. when white people offer bounties for such things, i don't much blame injins for speculating in that kind of article: but to do it when nothing's to be made out of it, beats my comprehension." but we must leave ichabod and the tuscarora to their conversation, while we follow ralph to the interview which he sought with miss barton. proceeding directly towards the front portion of the house, and entering a room which was fitted up tastefully, and adapted to "state occasions," if we may be permitted to apply that term to an apartment designed as well for a family room as a parlor, he found ruth, who seemed to be yet suffering from the agitation and excitement of the day before. "i am happy to see you, miss barton," said ralph, "suffering no more from your perilous night-ride. that was an adventure which, i think, we shall remember." "i shall not forget it very soon, at least," she replied. "i think you must confess that i showed you more of the peculiarities of forest life, than was arranged beforehand." "had you advertised me of precisely what we saw, we might have been a little better prepared," said ralph: "but that adventure would make an excellent theme for a ballad, in the german style. it possessed sufficient of the mysterious and terrible for that purpose, certainly." "you have visited us, captain weston," said ruth, with seriousness, "in an unfortunate time for yourself. i hear that we are threatened with an attack from indians." "do not say unfortunate. miss barton: rather, i deem myself most fortunate, in happening to be here at this time, should the attack which is threatened be made." "i hope it may not be. o! it is horrible to think that this home i love so much should be the scene of such a conflict." "i think that in no event can our safely be endangered," replied ralph; "and that we have nothing to fear from the attack, should it be made. we have abundant means of defence, and the enemy is not strong enough, with the stout hearts we shall have within these walls, to force the cottage. but i can sympathize with your sorrow, miss barton. god has made this country too beautiful to be marred by the strife of men." "it is a terrible blot on human nature," said ruth, "that men dwelling so far from society, in the midst of the forest, where every object should excite sacred emotions, can engage in these unholy conflicts with each other. it is a proof--a strong proof, of the wretched condition of poor human nature, unassisted by the light that shines from above." "such is the nature of men," replied ralph, "and surely perhaps, it will always be. the first men were warriors, and if ignorance and brutality always exist, the last men will be warriors, also. the whole history of the world has been written with the sword--places most sacred have been profaned by the bloody stains of human passion, and themes the most holy have given rise to the deadliest hatred and contention. we cannot expect that men educated in the ways of the forest, shall be wiser than those who boast of their civilization." "but is there no way," asked ruth, "in which this conflict can be avoided?" "none, perhaps, that would be honorable." ralph then gave an account of the wrongs which the tuscarora had received from the senecas, together with the capture of his squaw. ruth acknowledged the impossibility of complying with the demands of the senecas. her heart at once sympathised with the wrongs of the tuscarora; and the picture which her imagination drew of singing-bird in captivity in the hands of those unrelenting and unmerciful enemies, brought tears to her eyes. "no, no," said she; "the tuscarora has been our friend, and we cannot deliver him to his enemies. in such a cause, i could be a soldier myself." although ruth had been educated to a far different manner of life, and in former times had enjoyed many of the luxuries which would then be afforded by persons in "comfortable" circumstances, yet she possessed sufficient of that heroism of character which the times had engendered, to enable her to throw off the habits of early education, and adopt the character of fortitude and patience in the midst of suffering, peculiar to the class of women in the station in which she then moved. thus, although she viewed with dread the prospect of a strife with the savage and unmerciful enemies by whom they were then about to be attacked, she did not suffer herself to yield to the terrors which such an idea would be likely to inspire. the women of the times of the revolution lost none of their feminine graces, by bearing with fortitude the perils and dangers by which they were encompassed. ralph gazed with admiration on that beautiful countenance, thus excited by a tender sympathy for the sufferings which she felt must be endured by the tuscarora and singing-bird. "with such soldiers," said he, "we could not but succeed; but we shall scarcely call upon miss barton to fall into the ranks, at present. we shall only do that as a last resort." at this moment, their conversation was interrupted by the appearance of sambo, who informed ralph that mr. barton desired his presence immediately. ralph at once obeyed the summons; but its object we shall leave to the next chapter to unfold. chapter ix. "here, persian, tell thy embassy! repeat that, to obtain my friendship, asia's prince to me hath proffered sovereignty of greece." leonidas. ralph found mr. barton and his companions in consultation upon some subject of apparent importance, from the anxiety which was manifested in their countenances. two indians of the seneca nation were seen approaching the cottage; and although as they were unarmed, no immediate hostility could be expected, yet it was evident they were coming upon some errand relative to the shelter of the tuscarora. if such were the case, this departure from the ordinary caution of the indian, might be evidence either of the desire not to come in conflict with the whites, or of a confidence, on their part, in their ability to succeed in any attack they might make upon the dwelling. it was decided that ralph, the tuscarora and gauthrie should remain in the cottage, while barton and ichabod should meet the approaching indians, and ascertain the nature of their errand. with this view the two latter proceeded to a small grove which had been left uncleared, except of the underbrush, a short distance south of the dwelling. the two indians approached with an apparent feeling of security. they were to all appearance unarmed; and they exhibited a manner of confidence and amity intended to convince the persons with whom they were to deal, that their mission was a friendly one. one of these indians was deersfoot, whom we have already mentioned; the other was of a much less warlike appearance. he was small of stature, with a quick, cunning glance, and was celebrated among his people for oratory. his name was snake-tongue,--given to him evidently, by reason of greater powers with his eloquence than with his rifle. when they had approached within fifteen or twenty feet of the position occupied by barton and ichabod, the former advanced towards them with a smile, and welcomed them to his cottage. "it is not often," said he, "that i have an opportunity to honor the young warriors of the senecas. it is seldom that they visit the country of the oneidas, in time of peace." "the oneidas and senecas are brothers," said deersfoot. "a cloud sometimes has passed between them; but there is no cloud now. they are brothers still. the young men of the senecas came to look on the hunting grounds of their brothers." "the country of the senecas is not a good country, then?" asked barton, "i had heard that the senecas dwelt in a garden--that they owned large lakes that are filled with fish, and forests that are filled with deer." "my father," said deersfoot, in deference to the grey hairs of barton, "my father tells the truth; such is the country of the senecas. the great spirit has given us a good land to dwell in. he has given us lakes that are full of fish, and forests that are full of deer. the senecas and oneidas belong to the same nation;--together they conquered the sennape; and the senecas are proud when they hear of the fame of the oneidas. why should we not love to look upon the country of our brothers?" "i am glad that you like to look upon this valley, deersfoot. i am glad to hear that there is no cloud between the senecas and the oneidas. it would not be well if there were." barton had carefully abstained from touching the point which was likely to be that of controversy. it never comports with the dignity of an indian to show haste or curiosity; and he knew that he could maintain a better position on the question which would probably arise, if he suffered them, without any manifestation of curiosity on his part, to unfold the nature of their errand. "the five nations were once a great nation," said deersfoot, "they could travel a great many day's journey and not leave their country: the wolf that howled amidst the snows north of the great lakes, they had a right to hunt; and to gather fruits from under the warm sun of the south. but it is not so now. we are now weak; and the pale-faces are strong. the great spirit has willed it, and we cannot help it: we would help it if we could. but it does no good to talk. we grow weaker every day." "the great spirit," said barton, "has not been so unkind to the five nations. the warriors of the five nations have not always been wise. if they had listened to the words of the christian teachers who have talked to them, they would have been a stronger nation. but they dug up the hatchet against their brothers of the colonies, and they lost a great many warriors." a gleam of deadly ferocity passed over the face of deersfoot for a moment, and his wild, dark eyes shot forth glances of hatred--but in an instant he recovered his composure. "it may be that my father speaks wise. the indians know but a little, and may be they were wrong. they lost a great many warriors, it is true. but they pleased the eyes of their old men and squaws with many scalps of their enemies. a white man followed every warrior of the senecas, in the path that leads to the happy hunting grounds of the great spirit." the tone in which this reply of the seneca was uttered was sufficiently startling. ichabod stretched his tall form as if he was about to intrude upon the conversation, but at a gesture from barton, he remained silent. deersfoot, after a moment's silence, continued: "we have come to have a talk with the pale-faces of the cottage. the senecas have not got forked tongues. they have buried the hatchet with the yengeese, and with the colony pale-faces. they would not dig it up again. let my brothers hear and be wise. snake-tongue will speak." with these words, he stepped back, with dignity, while snake-tongue, after a few moment's hesitation, advanced towards barton. in a low but musical voice, he commenced his harangue: "my name is snake-tongue. it is a good name for friends to bear--it is a bad name for enemies. the warrior is known by his name. "deersfoot has said that the five nations are weak, and that the pale-faces are strong. it may be so; i cannot dispute it. i have seen the yankee pale-faces fight the great king over the water for seven winters and summers--they must be strong. deersfoot has spoken the truth. "deersfoot has said that the five nations grow weaker every day. we are now _six_ nations, and we are weaker than when we were _five_ nations. why is it so? the pale-faces have slain a great many of our warriors; but that has not made us weak. it is because the great spirit has turned the hearts of his red children against each other. if a pale-face slays an indian, it is wrong; but it is not so wrong as it is for one indian to slay another. the sad spirit of the dead warrior goes on its path, and complains to the great spirit, that its enemy does not follow him, and the great spirit is angry. we must shed the blood of the murderer. it is the law of the great spirit, and it is a good law. "the yankee pale-faces are strong, when they come together in armies; but are they strong _here_? my father is away from his friends in the settlements; he has but two or three pale-paces with him. are two or three pale-faces a match for the young warriors of the senecas? let my father pause and think." "there are five of us, snake-tongue, with plenty of rifles and powder; and good walls behind which we can stand and pick out our enemies," said barton, who saw the tendency of this harangue, and who was disposed to meet the issue half way. snake-tongue continued, cold and impassive. "my father speaks the truth. there are _five_ warriors to defend the cottage of the pale-faces. there are _four_ pale-faces, and a red man. but we have buried the hatchet with the pale-faces:--we are no longer enemies, but friends. we do not care whether there are five warriors or twenty in the cottage. we are at peace with the pale-faces. it makes no difference to us. we are friends." "why then, does snake-tongue make us this long war-speech? it is true that we are friends; let us continue so." "my father speaks wise. let us remain friends. there is no cloud between us and the pale-faces, that the pale-faces cannot put away. a young warrior of the senecas has been killed, and his enemy has got his scalp. did the pale-faces do that? no,--the pale-faces do not take scalps; but an indian always does; a scalp looks good in his eyes. we would find the scalp of our young warrior! where is it?" "i am sorry," answered barton, "if any of your young men have been killed; but snake-tongue speaks true; he was not killed by the pale-faces. i do not know where his scalp is." "but we know where it is," continued snake-tongue. "it is hid beneath the belt of canendesha. he has hid it from his friends; but he cannot hide it from the senecas. their eyes are sharp; they can see an enemy a great way off,--and they can find his trail if he hides. canendesha is in the cottage of the pale-faces. we are at peace with the pale-faces; but we want the tuscarora. he has killed a warrior of the senecas. the tuscarora must die. it is indian law. it was taught us by the great spirit that we must punish our enemies. we want the tuscarora." the indian paused, as if waiting for a reply. barton answered-- "my brother has a bad tradition; it is not true; the great spirit does not teach the red men to punish their enemies. the red men have not heard right; their ears have been shut. the great spirit has said that the red men must love their enemies." "i have heard," answered snake-tongue, "of such a tradition among the pale-faces. it must be a false tradition, for the pale-faces do not believe it; _they_ punish their enemies. _we_ believe in _our_ tradition. it is a good one." "i do not deny," said barton, who saw that the conversation must be terminated, "but that the tuscarora may have killed one of your young men; but did not the young seneca try to prevent him from getting his squaw? we have heard that panther has stolen the squaw of the tuscarora, and will not give her up. is that right? do red men treat their brothers so, and expect that their hearts will be filled with peace?" "the young squaw," answered snake-tongue, quietly, "is in the wigwam of panther; she can go if she does not wish to stay there; but her eyes like to look on panther. he is a great warrior." ichabod could be restrained no longer. this slander of singing-bird was more than his friendship for eagle's-wing, would allow him to bear. "see here, snake-tongue," said he, "you're a sort of ambassador here, and its again all law to make war on that sort of people; but i don't know of any law to prevent my telling you that you lie like a rascally seneca." both deersfoot and snake-tongue started at this defiant speech of ichabod; and at the first impulse put their hands to their belts as if to grasp their knives; but in a moment they resumed their composure, and seemed to await the reply of barton, who said, at length: "we have heard your demand, snake-tongue. the tuscarora is our friend. he has been wronged by the senecas. we do not believe that singing-bird wishes to remain in the wigwam of panther. it cannot be true, although panther _is_ a great warrior. we cannot give up the tuscarora. he is our friend." "and furthermore," said ichabod, "we demand that you should release singing-bird; and tell your lying chief, that if she isn't sent along instanter, we'll come after her. i've fou't senecas before." "my brothers have spoken," said snake-tongue, quietly; "i will give their words to the warriors of the senecas. perhaps they have spoken wise. it is not for me to say." thus saying, the two indians withdrew from the grove, as quietly as they had entered it. "the lying reptile!" exclaimed ichabod. "to insinuate that singing-bird has a liking for that rascally red-skin. if he hadn't been an ambassador, i would have made him swallow his words on the spot." "the seneca lied, undoubtedly," said barton; "but we have now got to defend ourselves. the language and tone of snake-tongue implied nothing less. i am getting very much interested in the history of singing-bird, myself; and we will find some means, in case we succeed in repelling the senecas from the cottage, to aid the tuscarora in rescuing her." "that's right, squire," said ichabod. "eagle's-wing and i have sworn to do that; and providence permitting, i'll have a chance at that foul-mouthed rascal yet." barton and ichabod now entered the house, where they found guthrie and the tuscarora engaged, apparently, in a friendly conversation. the result of the "talk" was communicated; and although it was agreed that the senecas would make an attack upon the cottage, yet no one seemed to think that they would immediately do so. the arrangements for defence were now, however, all made, and the duty of each individual assigned, so far as it could now be done. when this was accomplished, the party separated; each, however, taking it upon himself to watch warily for the first signs of the attack. ralph walked out into the grove, where the recent conversation with the senecas had taken place. he felt much anxiety for the result of the coming conflict; not that he really feared that the indians would succeed; but he well knew that the issues of such encounters are never certain. perhaps his warm attachment towards ruth had much to do with this feeling; for in the event of failure in defending the cottage, were the indians disposed to reap all the advantages of their success, as would probably be the case, in the heat of their excitement and passion, the situation of ruth would be extremely dangerous. he would have been much better satisfied at that moment, were ruth at the settlements, or in some place of safety, where she would not be exposed to the accidents of the impending encounter. but it was now too late to allow of her flight, even if it had been deemed advisable. while engaged in these thoughts, ruth, who had observed him from the cottage, approached him, and laid her light hand on his shoulder. ralph started, but smiled as he recognized miss barton. "how now, sir knight?" said ruth, "you do not seem to be occupied with very pleasant thoughts." "they ought to be of a pleasant nature, certainly," said ralph, "for i was thinking of no one else than miss barton." "i am sorry," said ruth, "if so unworthy a person as i can give captain weston such a serious countenance." "miss barton, i do not wish to say anything to alarm you, but all our exertions will be required to defence our lives to-night." "is it certain we are to be attacked so soon?" inquired ruth, with a slight look of alarm. "i think there can be no doubt of it; and at such a time with so few defenders, and so unmerciful and vigilant an enemy, although we have not much cause to fear defeat, yet that result is possible." "i did not think our situation was so serious," said ruth, now evidently alarmed. "what _can_ we do?" "nothing, but use such means as we possess for defending ourselves; and i think we shall succeed in doing so. but," said ralph, with a slight embarrassment, "at such a time as this--when we are threatened with such a danger, it is not surprising that you should have found me thinking earnestly upon the situation of one so dear to me as yourself. let me, ruth," he continued, taking her hand, which reposed not unwillingly in his own, "tell you how much i esteem and love you, and that my whole happiness now depends upon you." he paused, and whatever might have been the answer of ruth, he saw that in her countenance which informed him that his wishes were well understood and answered. in that fond dream of happiness in which all present danger was forgotten, they wandered through the grove, filled with those delightful thoughts and fancies, which are only born in the sweet hopes of requited affection. the shades of approaching evening were creeping slowly over the valley. the long shadows of the trees fell upon the cleared meadow-land, the perfect picture of repose. never sank a brighter sun among more lovely clouds--crimsoned in deep curtained folds, with golden edges, giving full promise of a fair to-morrow. "it is a beautiful evening," said ralph: "one of those hours when fair hopes are fairer; and the natural world seems to reflect the happiness of our souls. may this not be a promise for the future?" "may it be so," answered ruth; "but what events may take place, before that sun rises again!" "let us not fear too much," said ralph. "we must meet the danger bravely, and when it is over, dear ruth, we shall be none the less happy that it is past." "hush!" whispered ruth suddenly, "look there!" pointing to a grove of small trees but eight or ten rods distant. ralph looked in the direction indicated by her, and he beheld three indians who were slowly creeping towards them. the indians, who had no cover behind which to advance, had necessarily exposed their persons, and in this manner had progressed unobserved for a number of rods. they now saw that they were discovered, and rising with a wild whoop, rushed towards them. ralph and miss barton were just about equi-distant from the indians and the cottage. impulsively, ralph, who was entirely without means of defence, caught ruth in his arms and ran towards the building. the indians pursued, and rapidly gained upon the fugitives. one of the pursuers far outsped the others, and had already reached within twenty feet of ralph, when the discharge of a rifle was heard, and he leaped with a yell into the air and fell struggling upon the ground. in another moment ralph and his precious burden were inside the door; but as it closed, the tomahawk of another pursuer quivered in the post beside it. instantly the grove was filled with enemies. chapter x. "that wicked band of villeins fresh begon, that castle to assaile on every side, and lay strong siege about it far and wyde." chaucer--faerie queene. this sudden appearance of the indians indicated that they could not have been far distant at the time of the interview between deersfoot and snake-tongue on the one side, and barton and ichabod on the other; and that upon the refusal of the latter to surrender the tuscarora, they had at once resolved upon an attack upon the cottage. on the entrance of ralph and miss barton, they, together with barton and the negro, who had remained below, at once proceeded to the upper apartment, where they found the remainder of the party stationed at the loop-holes on the south side of the house. ichabod was loading his rifle. "i have no particular reason to boast of uncommon accuracy with the rifle," said the latter as ralph entered the room, "but i'm most always good for a seneca. that rascal almost had his hand in your hair, captin." "it was a good service, ichabod, and i hope to live to thank you for it," said ralph, grasping his hand. "don't say anything about it, captin: eagle's-wing would have done it in the hundredth part of a second more. it's only one reptile the less." the cottage, the precise situation of which, with reference to surrounding objects, we have not yet described, was situated upon a slight eminence, which rose gradually westward from the small lake or pond, which we have before mentioned. behind the cottage, on the west, the land gradually rose, spreading out into a wide plain with a rolling surface. on the north, however, at the distance of only three or four rods, there was a steep descent into a ravine some forty feet in depth, in the bottom of which flowed a small brook. this ravine had not yet been cleared, and the forest approached, consequently, to within four rods of the cottage. on the south, the land gradually sloped downwards for four or five rods, while at about twice that distance was left standing a grove of small trees of two or three acres in extent. it was in this grove that the senecas were first discovered. it was obvious that the most dangerous point of attack was from the north; as in that direction, the forest approached so near the cottage, that the senecas might obtain a cover behind the trees, and should such be their object, find some means to set the buildings on fire. the senecas, however, still remained in the grove, and did not show any immediate intention of proceeding to the attack. they were gathered together, while panther, who was easily recognized by ichabod, was haranguing them; but although his words could not be heard, there was no difficulty in understanding from his manner and gestures that he was explaining the mode in which the attack should be made. "i reckon," said ichabod, "that i might easily pick off that varmint, even at this distance." "no," said ralph, "we are on the defensive, and we will not commence the fight. if they make an attack upon us, then we will all try to do our duty." "i fancy it was something pretty nigh an attack," said ichabod, "that them rascals just made on you and miss ruth. but, perhaps, it's all right, captin. that account was settled on the spot; and may be it won't be agin law for us to wait until the scoundrels open another." a small room had been constructed near the centre of the main apartment, supposed to be entirely secure from any stray bullet that might chance to enter the loop-holes. into this small apartment, ruth had entered, on reaching the upper part of the house: but now she made her appearance among the little garrison, with a great confidence, and a determination to make herself of service if possible. "do not remain here, ruth," said barton: "you may be exposed to danger from some stray shot. it would be much better that you should be entirely out of danger." this request was seconded by ralph, with a look of earnest entreaty. "i do not fear any danger," answered ruth. "i can certainly be of no service shut up in that narrow cell; while i may possibly be of some little service to you here. i can act as a lookout, you know," advancing quietly to one of the loop-holes. "no good for squaw to be in fight," said the tuscarora, quietly; "squaw hide when warriors fight, that best for squaw." "i am not going to shoulder a rifle, eagle's-wing, without it is absolutely necessary; but i want to look on, and see how warriors can fight." it was evident that ruth was not to be dissuaded from sharing the danger, if danger there was, to which the defenders of the cottage were exposed. ichabod, who during this brief conversation had remained watching intently the motions of the enemy, now exclaimed: "there are twenty of the red varmints, sartin, but they don't seem very anxious to begin the fight. what d'ye think they mean to do, eagle's-wing?" "mean to 'tack cottage; that what they mean: wait till dark, then see what they do." "there's some motion among 'em now," said ichabod, "there go the _reptiles_, creeping off through the wood. they're diving now, but they'll come up again somewhere, i reckon." "i rather calculate," said guthrie, who had thus far remained silent, "that they're going to give up the business as a bad job. that's the best thing they can do, any way." "warriors mean to surround cottage. that what it means," said the tuscarora. "pretty soon hear 'em over there,--hear 'em all round--see 'em, may be, if watch." night was now rapidly approaching, and surrounding objects had already become indistinct. one by one, the stars made their appearance, glaring with the peculiar brightness of an autumn evening. yet the darkness would soon be sufficient to prevent any observation of the motions of the enemy, unless they should make their appearance within the little clearing that surrounded the cottage. there would yet be three hours before the moon would rise; and during that time the very closest observation would be necessary to detect the whereabouts of the savages, except as their position should be manifested by an open attack. ichabod and the tuscarora now took a position upon the north side of the apartment, while ralph and barton remained at the south side. sambo was stationed on the west, towards the cattle enclosure, while guthrie was directed to keep a look-out on the east or front of the house. this was apparently the least dangerous point, as the land on this side was partially cleared quite to the shore of the pond. but a few minutes had elapsed after this disposition of the forces of the little garrison, before it was evident to the tuscarora and ichabod, that a portion of the enemy had taken a position in the ravine. the night was so still, that the slightest sound could be heard from that distance, and the tuscarora quietly called the attention of his companion to a slight snapping of dry underbrush which had been trodden upon by the foot of some careless seneca; but, as if to deceive the defenders of the cottage as to the point from which the main attack would be made, suddenly, and as if by one impulse, the silence was broken by the yells of the enemy from all directions, and a general discharge of their guns at the building. "yell and fire, you infernal reptiles," said ichabod. "they must have plenty of ammunition, to waste it in that style." "that done to cheat," said eagle's-wing. "well, they've commenced the skrimmage, any way," said ichabod, "and now, let one of them miserable creturs get before this rifle of mine and i'll settle an account with him." "we shall be over nice in our scruples," said ralph, "if we hesitate any longer to treat them as enemies. they have certainly committed an overt act of war; and duty to ourselves will no longer allow us to remain inactive." since the first demonstration on the part of the senecas, no other had been made; and the silence without was as perfect and uninterrupted as though no enemy surrounded them. it was obvious that the two most serious dangers to be encountered, were past--an attempt on the part of the enemy to get under cover of the walls of the cottage, where they would be in a great measure protected from the rifles inside, and where they might find means to force the doors; and, secondly, an attempt to set fire to the buildings. any object of the size of a man could readily, notwithstanding the darkness, be seen at the distance of four or five rods; and the garrison were certain, thus far, that no enemy had approached within that distance. ichabod and the tuscarora, as has been observed, were stationed upon the north side of the apartment. the position which had been chosen by the former, was near to the north-eastern angle, whence, with a little trouble, he might also keep a look-out on the east. this position had been chosen by him, owing to the distrust he entertained of the fidelity of guthrie; for there was nothing in the conduct of the latter since his return to the cottage, that had been calculated to dispel any suspicions which ichabod had entertained of his real character. he had taken little or no part in the plans of defence, and had maintained a moody silence that had rarely been broken, except by brief answers to such questions as were put to him. "i say, friend," said ichabod, addressing guthrie, "you keep a sharp look-out over there, don't you?" "i've been a woodsman all my life, i reckon," answered the latter, "and i don't need any instructions on that point." "i don't suppose you do, friend," said ichabod, "and least of all from me. i can't say as _i_ have been a regular woodsman, although i've had a little experience in the way of savages. a man who has spent a few years fighting for his life, learns, after a while, to know when it's in danger; but can you guess what that black lump may be, out yonder--right ahead of your eyes?" "well, if i can see straight, it's a stump, and nothing more." "i ain't much acquainted in these parts, friend, and it may be you've got stumps here that wander round the lots at pleasure, but _i_ calculate that object ain't nothing but a venomous reptile," said ichabod, taking sight over his rifle upon the object which attracted his attention. "now, you see, if that's a stump, this bullet won't hurt it much; but if it's an injin, he'll signify it some way." the rifle of ichabod was discharged; and the seneca--for an indian it was--who, creeping to reach a cover under the walls--rose to his feet with a leap, and then staggered and fell. again was that wild yell renewed, but in a moment all was silent. guthrie ashamed, became angry, and turned with a fierce scowl on ichabod. "you havn't a very civil way to _strangers_, friend," said he, "and we may find time to settle this business. you may bully injins, but you won't me." "i've just did my duty on that red varmint there," answered ichabod coolly; "and all i've got to say, friend, is, that we've got enemies enough out-doors to attend to, without any civil war inside; but i ain't particular." "ichabod! guthrie!" exclaimed barton, "let there be no ill-blood between you now; the mistake of guthrie might easily have been made by any one, however experienced." guthrie turned again towards the loop-hole, muttering indistinctly. as for ichabod, he quietly reloaded his rifle saying: "that's right, squire, i'm a man of peace, any way--except with them infarnal senecas. if i have any particular gift of which i can boast, it is in another sort of speculation. give it to 'em eagle's-wing!" said he, as at this moment, he saw the tuscarora about discharging his rifle. at the discharge, the whole ravine seemed to pour out a tempest of shrieks. "that injin," said eagle's-wing, "won't fight any more--great pity lose his scalp though." "never mind the scalp, eagle's-wing," replied ichabod, "if you fix the owner, so that he won't have any more use for it; that's my doctrine." "that bad doctrine for injin--good doctrine for pale-face p'raps." notwithstanding the utmost watchfulness, on the part of the besieged, no further demonstration was made by the senecas, for nearly an hour; until, at length, they began to hope that the contest might already be terminated, and that the loss of three of their warriors, without having been able to inflict any injury upon the garrison, had discouraged the indians. as time passed by, no further attack being made, even ichabod and the tuscarora began to yield to the belief which barton had expressed, but they did not for a moment relax their watchfulness. barton, ralph and ruth, had finally withdrawn from the loop-holes, while guthrie lounged moodily about. "i think," said barton, "we shall have nothing more to apprehend to-night. the savages have doubtless repented of their temerity in attacking a place so well defended as this." "heaven grant it may be so," replied ruth. "we have had but little experience, thus far, in the terrors of indian warfare but as it is, it is horrible." "i hope, with you, miss barton," said ralph, "that the indians have abandoned the attack; and yet i know so well their treacherous mode of warfare, that it would not be surprising to me, were the severest part of our labor yet to come. ichabod seems, by his actions, to have the same opinion." "yes, captin," answered ichabod. "i _do_ mistrust these infarnal villians; and i shall mistrust 'em till day-light, sartin. you'll find that they're plotting some deviltry which we shall know about before we are many hours older." "it is strange," said ruth, "that these savages should so resist all attempts for their improvement; and that they should persist in their cruel mode of warfare, after having received so much instruction from christian teachers." "i do not think it so very strange, perhaps," answered ralph. "their habits--their modes of life, are the result of ages of barbarity, and traditions communicated from father to son. no continuous effort has ever been made to christianize them; and it would be a miracle, were we to find them now with christian sentiments--adopting an entirely new mode of life." "that's my opinion, captin," said ichabod. "that speculation has been a failure, and it always will be a failure. you might as well talk of civilizing wolves. why, there's the oneida nation, who have pretty much all been to school, and sat under sermons month after month,--let them hear the war-hoop, and they're as crazy as devils, and don't think of anything but scalps. there's eagle's-wing, being just as good a gentleman, for an injin, as ever wore moccasins--i'll warrant you some foolish missionary reckons _him_ for a convarted injin; and yet," said he, with a whisper, "you'll find that infernal seneca's scalp somewhere about him now. don't talk to me of convarting injins. i don't think they were ever intended to be convarted." "you remember the divine injunction to the apostles, ichabod?" asked ruth; "that they were to go into all the world, and preach the gospel to every creature?" "lord love you, girl!" answered ichabod, "you don't suppose that meant to come over to america among these tomahawking savages! you see, in the first place, it would have been something of a job for one of them apostles to have got here; and in the second place, he'd wished himself away again, in a hurry." "i agree with miss barton," said ralph, "that there is no reason why these savages might not learn to cherish christian principles. the efforts of the jesuits show that something can be done to civilize them; and the labors of elliot among the new england indians prove that they _can_ be christianized." "i reckon there's two sides to that question," answered ichabod, "i've heard that those injins were more troublesome than them that didn't have any preaching. their religion all stopped with drinking christianized rum. no, captin, you can't give me any faith in that expectation, any way." "i'm afraid mr. jenkins," said ruth, "that the same reasons you urge against the conversion and improvement of the indians, would apply as well to all mankind generally as to them. there are but few, of all who listen to the scriptures, who act upon their precepts. they hear, as you say the indians do, and at once forget, in their worldly intercourse, that there is such a book as the bible." "well. i can't dispute that p'int," replied ichabod. "in these new settlements, where men have so much to do, they ar'nt so much to blame, if they can't understand what the preachers in the city are quarreling about. i've lived a long while in the woods, and about the new settlement, miss ruth, and havn't had much time to settle doctrinal controvarsies; but i've got a faith of my own, which wouldn't, perhaps, answer for you; and yet i'm willing to live by it, and die by it." "of how many articles does your faith consist?" asked ralph, smiling. "well, captin, that may be as you've a mind to classify the different p'ints. i don't coincide quite, in my views of future life, with old michael wigglesworth, who had no marcy for anybody but his own sect--not for infants even. you recollect the varses on infants, captin, where he says that although in bliss-- "they may not hope to dwell, still unto them he will allow the easiest room in hell." no, captin, a man cannot live in the forests, and look continually at the works of god, and forget that he exists; and i reckon that a man who always bears him in mind, whether he be felling the trees, planting the ground, turning his hand in an honest speculation, or shooting a seneca, will have marcy shown to him eventually. that's my doctrine." "it is a creed that has the merit of being short, if not orthodox," said ralph. "but i must acknowledge, that while i have not paid the attention to religious matters that i ought to have done, and have been too forgetful of claims that have been imposed upon all men, yet, from all my doubts, i have ever returned to the bible as the only sure anchor of faith. its opening revelations are corroborated in the history or tradition of all nations; its divine teachings, interpreted according to the simple understanding of one's own heart, accord with our reason--satisfy our hopes--alleviate our sorrows--cheer us in death. the uninstructed feelings of the heart, in this matter, are a purer, more excellent wisdom, than all the pride of intellect." "well, captin," said ichabod, "i never dispute on creeds--so you are welcome to yours: but on _facts_, i've got a right to express my opinion. now, as for them opening chapters being corroborated by the history of all nations--that's a question of fact, which i'm willing to leave to eagle's-wing, whose nation, according to their traditions, is older than i'd like to vouch for. now, he'll tell you that the first thing that was made was a tortoise and that the earth was then made and placed upon its back. i say, eagle's-wing----thunder and lightning!" exclaimed he, springing towards the stairway. the fact was, that ichabod had been so much engaged in this conversation, relying upon the prudence and watchfulness of the tuscarora, that he had given up all his attention to it. but upon making his appeal to the tuscarora, he had turned towards the position lately occupied by him when he discovered that both he and guthrie were missing. scarcely had he sprung towards the stairway, ere there rang through the cottage a shriek of agony, immediately followed by the sound of a heavy body falling upon the floor, in the room below. this was succeeded by a tempest of shrieks, which apparently came from the whole body of the enemy, who were now close under the cover of the building, in front of the south door. ichabod was followed by barton and ralph, down the stair-way. as they came towards the door, they beheld the tuscarora standing silently beside it, while at his feet lay a black mass, indistinct in the darkness, which they took to be the body of guthrie. "what is the meaning of this, eagle's-wing?" demanded barton. the tuscarora quietly pointed towards the door, the bar of which was partially raised. "he traitor; got bad heart; meant to open door and let seneca come in. can't do it _now_, if he try ever so much." "eagle's-wing," said barton, with emotion, "you have saved our lives to-night. we owe you a double debt of gratitude." "i suspected that fellow from the beginning," said ichabod, "and eagle's-wing and i agreed to watch him; but you're a better warrior than i, old friend; you don't suffer yourself to be divarted by doctrinal p'ints." it was now evident that some important movement was taking place out of doors. scarcely had ichabod ceased speaking, ere the door received a violent blow, as from a log thrown against it with great force. "we can't stand that thumping," said ichabod. "we've been on the defence agin them red devils long enough. let's open the door and give 'em fight." after some deliberation, this course was resolved upon. the party within doors were to range themselves in front of the door, where they would not at once be discovered in the darkness, by those outside; and as the log was next thrown, and while the indians would probably be unprepared for this sudden attack, the door was to be suddenly thrown open, when the whole party would deliver their fire. in the surprise, they might as suddenly close it, should it be deemed necessary. this attack, from its very boldness and seeming temerity, would be likely to succeed. scarcely was the resolution formed and the party arranged ere the door received another shock, and was immediately thrown wide open by barton. there were gathered before it ten or twelve indians, four of whom held in their hands a log of five or six inches in thickness and about twelve feet in length, with which they were endeavoring to force the door. immediately the five rifles inside were discharged, and two of the indians fell. the remainder, surprised at this sudden attack, for a moment seemed paralysed. the tuscarora, no longer to be restrained, but impelled not only by his indian instincts, but by his hatred of the senecas, leaped from the door, with his knife in his hand, upon one of the prostrate indians. at this sudden appearance of the tuscarora, the senecas filled the air with shrieks, and rushed towards him. but ere they had reached him, he rose erect with the scalp of the seneca in his hand, and waving it over his head, uttered his defiance with a ferocious scream. ichabod and ralph, in a moment, were by his side; and now commenced a hand-to-hand combat, most desperate, indeed, on the part of the besieged. barton and the negro, who had again loaded their rifles, once more discharged them upon the senecas, and then sprang to the assistance of their friends. another indian had fallen, so that now there was no such fearful disparity of odds as when the strife commenced. had it not been for the impulse of the tuscarora, the _ruse_ of ichabod would have been completely successful; but ralph, although engaged warmly in the melee, saw the unfortunate position in which they were now placed. there were at least a dozen more of the senecas about the cottage, who would be immediately attracted hither by the noise of the conflict, while the cottage was now entirely undefended, and ruth exposed to the hostility of any savage who might take advantage of the conflict to force his way into the building. "to the door!" cried he; "retreat towards the door at once." the darkness added to the terror and difficulty of the conflict. ichabod found himself, at first, engaged with snake-tongue; but a blow from the butt-end of his rifle ended the unequal conflict, and the seneca lay disabled. "take that, you infarnal slanderer," he cried, as he dealt the blow. "learn to use your cussed snake's tongue with more moderation, when speaking of respectable females." but deersfoot now rushed upon him, and a strife commenced, more equal; both strong and powerful in frame, they were well matched. ichabod caught the first blow of the tomahawk upon his rifle, and then, ere the indian could use his knife, his long, muscular arms were about him. for a moment they wavered, as in an equal struggle, when both fell to the ground. at the same moment, a number more of the enemy came leaping to join the conflict. "to the door, for your lives!" shouted ralph. the contest was now desperate; and slowly retreating, they reached the door, the tuscarora, being last to cross the threshold. the indians followed, leaping into the doorway; but the tuscarora, with the sweep of his rifle, for a moment drove them backwards, then springing within, the door was closed. none of the party had escaped without injury; and it was not until the door was closed, and the air rang with triumphant yells from the senecas, that it was discovered that ichabod was missing. the first impulse was again to open the door, and rescue him, at any odds; but a moment's reflection taught ralph, that such a course, now that the senecas were reinforced, would only put their own lives in the utmost jeopardy, without their being able to assist their friend. "no good for _you_ to open door," said eagle's-wing, "i go and save friend." "no, no, eagle's-wing," exclaimed barton, "you cannot save him now; and you will only lose your own life, and peril ours. they will not take _his_ scalp, but they will _yours_." "that true--won't kill him to-night, any way. he great warrior--they like to torture great warriors. we save him to-morrow, some way." it was with a feeling of sorrow that ralph acknowledged their inability to do anything for the rescue of ichabod. willingly would he have risked his own life; but there was ruth--who together with the others, might be sacrificed by the imprudent attempt. with a feeling of deep grief, he was obliged to leave him to his fate. it was now discovered, too, that guthrie was gone. could it be that his body had been removed by a seneca during the conflict? it was not possible; and it was evident, that while in the darkness, he was supposed to have been slain by the tuscarora, he had counterfeited death, hoping to find some means of escape. with beating hearts, ralph and barton proceeded up the stairway. they reached the apartment which they had so recently left: but it was empty. from the window, near which guthrie had stood, the fastening had been removed from the frame work of bars, and it was certain that through this window guthrie had escaped, and had carried with him the unfortunate ruth. chapter xi. "'tis vain to sigh! the wheel must on; and straws are to the whirlpool drawn with ships of gallant mien." freneau no sooner had barton realized his loss, than he gave himself up to the bitterest feelings of despair. this interim was succeeded by a burning thirst for revenge. "come, ralph!--come, eagle's-wing! let us pursue them--let us destroy them! oh, my god! thus in my old age to suffer this heavy blow!" and, excited to madness, he fled down the stairway, followed by ralph and the tuscarora. before they could overtake him, he had unbarred the door, and crossed the threshold but no enemy was there. ralph, himself overwhelmed with grief, endeavored to console the old man; but there was no balm for such a wound, and he fell fainting into the arms of ralph. ralph, although overborne by grief, possessed a firmness of mind that sought a remedy for affliction, where a remedy was attainable, instead of tamely yielding. anxiously he and the tuscarora counseled together upon the course to be pursued. whether ruth had been taken prisoner either by guthrie or the indians, the result would be the same--she would be a captive among the senecas. they did not believe any attempt would be made upon her life; but they did fear that the indians, who had, for the present at least, abandoned their attack upon the cottage, satisfied with the prisoners they had taken, might at once attempt a march to the country of the senecas, and thus hold their prisoners in a long and tedious captivity. it was, then, with much anxiety that they consulted together upon the course now to be adopted. but we will leave them for the present, to follow the fortunes of ichabod. after he had been deserted, unintentionally, by his companions, the strife between him and deersfoot was no longer equal. scarcely had the senecas been foiled in their attempt to follow their intended victims into the cottage, ere ichabod was seized, and his arms securely pinioned. the senecas manifested their joy by the most ferocious yells, when they discovered that they had in their possession an enemy so formidable. "yell, you red devils!" exclaimed ichabod: "ten to one ain't worth crowing about. but i'll tell you what--give me that rifle of mine, and i'll tackle any five of you, any way. but i never did know a seneca that had a particle of the gentleman about him." the indians did not deign any reply to this proposition, but at once made preparations to remove their prisoner. four of the senecas were placed as a guard about him, and the march was begun towards their encampment. the remainder of the party bore the dead bodies of their companions, who had been killed in the affray: but ichabod noticed that there were only fifteen in this party, and consequently there must be eight or ten more either about the cottage, or else already on the march towards their camp. the route pursued by the senecas, was that which we have already described as the one traveled by ralph and miss barton on a former occasion, until they passed the shanty, when they struck off towards the left, in the direction of the river. the encampment, or temporary village of the senecas, was located in the widest portion of the flats we have before noticed, and at a distance of about ten or fifteen rods from the river, which at this point flowed for nearly a hundred rods in a north and south line. but before reaching this point, the course of the stream was extremely serpentine, making several long windings through the valley. the encampment was in a clearing of an acre or two in extent; which had evidently been cleared many years before; for the ground was covered with a rich green-sward, while three or four old stumps, scattered about the field, denoted that years had elapsed since it had been rescued from the dominion of the forest. it was in an oval form, and entirely surrounded by wilderness. in the midst of this field or clearing, there had been erected five or six temporary huts, by the use of some small saplings and boughs, sufficient to answer for a protection from the sun, as well as from the rains. these huts were arranged in a circle, and in the centre was one smaller than the others; and from the fact, that it was more neatly as well as securely constructed, ichabod _guessed_ that it must be occupied by singing-bird. the party accompanying ichabod, had reached the clearing soon after sunrise, when he was led to one of the outer huts, where, after his captors had securely fastened his feet, he was left upon a bed of leaves and boughs to digest his thoughts as he was best able under the circumstances. he had not remained a long time in this condition, before he heard the noise of the arrival of another party; and he readily imagined, from the joy with which they were received, that they, also, had brought with them a captive from the cottage. who this could be, he could not conjecture; and this fact rendered his position still more uneasy. he had already devised half-a-dozen plans, through some of which, he calculated upon his escape, together with the rescue of singing-bird. but if the new captive should happen to be the tuscarora, then the desire for vengeance, on the part of the senecas, might forestall his plans, before they could be put in operation. he did not believe that the indians intended _him_ any bodily injury; for although he knew their crafty and murderous natures, he did not think they would dare, in the present condition of the colonies, to violate a peace, which would be likely to draw upon them the vengeance of the whites. uneasy at the conjecture that eagle's-wing might be the new captive, and pained by the tightness of the withes which had been bound about his feet and hands, he made a desperate effort to free himself from them. while engaged in this effort, a shadow darkened the doorway of the hut, and panther and snake-tongue stood before him. they had evidently detected the effort of ichabod; but no expression upon their countenances denoted the fact. the two chiefs approached the bed occupied by ichabod, and surveyed their captive silently for a few moments; when panther, directing his conversation to snake-tongue, exclaimed: "this is the warrior of whom we have heard. he is a great warrior; he has killed many senecas; his eye is sharp on the war-path; his rifle is sure. our old men and squaws have heard of him beyond the lakes. it is pleasant to have him in our hands." "his arm is strong; snake-tongue knows it," said snake-tongue, who still retained a vivid impression of the blow which he had received from ichabod in the recent encounter at the cottage. "the young men of the senecas are no match for him; if the great spirit had given him a red skin, we should have been proud of him. but he is a pale-face, and it is good to have him bound in our huts. he cannot hurt the young warriors of the senecas any more." ichabod had remained perfectly quiet during this by-conversation, although a smile for a moment lit up his countenance, at the compliments which the chiefs had bestowed upon his prowess. when they had concluded he exclaimed: "i give you all the thanks for them compliments that you desarve. but you _are_ right about it. i _have_ killed some of your warriors in my day, you may depend on it: and i reckon that this is the first time that any of your breed was quite so familiar with me. but i want to know, if it's considered gentlemanly, among the senecas, to tie a fellow's legs so cussed tight?" "the pale-face is a great warrior," said panther: "he is cunning as a fox. the senecas are poor and ignorant; they do not know as much as the pale-faces; but they know how to tie a warrior's feet so that he cannot run. they would be ashamed if they did not know how; and my brother would be ashamed of us too." "i don't ask any kind of marcy of you, panther," said ichabod, "i know better than that. you've got me here, and i s'pose you'll do pretty much as you've a mind to; and when you want to begin with your deviltries, just speak, and i'm ready." "my brother is not a squaw," said panther, "if he was a squaw, and not a great warrior, we should unbind him, and let him wander round our tents; but the senecas know how to honor their enemies, who are brave. but the senecas do not hate the pale-faces; they have buried the hatchet with them, and we will not dig it up. we will let our brother go back to the pale-faces, if he wishes." "well, now, i call that pretty clever, considerin'; i shall begin to think you _are_ gentlemen, after all," answered ichabod, who saw the drift of the discourse. "i'm ready to start any time you'll take these things off my hands and feet." "my brother is ready to go," said panther. "it is good. he does not like the lodges of the senecas; he likes his own people better. it is not well for a pale-face to dwell in the lodges of the red men; and it is not good for red men to dwell in the lodges of the pale-faces. they are different: the great spirit has made them different--and it is well. the pale-faces have killed five of our young men; but we will not do them any harm. we will not dig up the hatchet against them. our young men are not painted for the war-path; they have not struck the war-post of their nation." "for a civil people, who havn't dug up the hatchet, and who don't intend to, against the pale-faces, you made a suspicious demonstration on the cottage last night. i don't know but that is the _genuine_ seneca way of being civil and peaceable." "the pale-faces killed five of our young men; but they did it in defense," said panther. "they did not want to do it; but canendesha has killed two of our young men; he did it because he hated them. he is a great warrior, too, and we want him in your place." "providing i go back to the cottage," replied ichabod, "i'll tell him what you want; but i won't promise that he'll be here at any _precise_ time. i couldn't do that." "my brother has not got a forked tongue; he will do what he says; but that is not enough. four of my young men will go with my brother, and he will deliver canendesha to them." "you mean, i reckon, that i shall take eagle's-wing and put these thongs round his limbs, and pass him over to you as a prisoner?" asked ichabod, quietly. "my brother is wise. he knows what i mean: he can do it and be free." ichabod was about to give way to a burst of indignation at this treacherous proposal; but he saw that by so doing he should defeat his own ends. he had also learned, to his great satisfaction, that the tuscarora had not been captured. it was with great difficulty that he could conceal his joy from the inquisitorial eyes of the senecas; but at length, with an appearance of hesitancy, he answered. "i can't say, now, whether i will do as you wish or not. i want little time to think about it. speculating in flesh and blood, in that way, and with a friend, too, is a kind of business i never yet undertook; but i suppose one may get used to it. a little practice will blunt the feelings, until one can come to bartering off friends--aye, one's own flesh and blood, too." then, as if suddenly remembering the declaration of snake-tongue, that singing-bird was reconciled to her captivity, he added, "you see, if the tuscarora knew that singing-bird had forgot him, and had chosen the young chief of the senecas for her husband, i calculate he wouldn't care much whether he was here or there. now if that's true, i _rather_ reckon, i'll do as you want me to, though i look upon it as a rascally mean trick towards a friend." "it is true, what my brother has heard," said panther: "singing-bird will sing in the wigwam of panther." "now, i don't mean any disparagement to the senecas, and you in particular," said ichabod; "i am beginning to think that you may be gentlemen, after all; but _that_ is a matter i can't take anybody's word for. i want to _know_ that it is true." "my brother shall hear with his own ears," said panther. "he shall _know_ that the words of panther are true; he shall see singing-bird, and ask her if panther has lied." this was just what ichabod had desired. if he had made the proposition himself, it was doubtful whether some ulterior purpose would not have been suspected; but his seeming willingness to comply with the wishes of panther, had led the seneca to suggest this as the surest mode of dispelling his doubts. "my brother shall see singing-bird alone," said panther, "we have not got forked tongues, or we would not let him do so." the two indians departed. their willingness to allow this interview was, for a moment, almost sufficient to induce ichabod to believe that singing-bird had become faithless to the tuscarora. but he knew enough of indian character to know that singing-bird might have adopted this line of conduct as the best mode of effecting her escape. with this belief, he silently awaited the interview, determined not to believe otherwise unless he received positive proof from singing-bird herself. scarcely five minutes had elapsed after the departure of the seneca, before a shadow again darkened the doorway of the hut, and the young squaw stood before him. singing-bird--for she it was--was apparently not more than two-and-twenty years of age. she was of small, light stature, yet with a full and healthy development of body. her features, although they possessed the distinctive indian cast, were moulded into a beauty admirable to behold. her complexion was a softening of the tawny-red of the warriors into a delicate tint, while her large, dark eyes were full of a gentle expression, that might, if need be, be exchanged for a wild and passionate fire. her long, dark, glossy hair flowed in graceful waves down her neck, and were gathered in rich folds over her brow. her costume was that of a young indian female of the period, beautifully and tastefully decorated with ornaments of beads and flowers. as ichabod first beheld her, the prevailing expression of her countenance was that of a gentle sorrow. ichabod was surprised. he had never beheld the wife of eagle's-wing, and never before had he beheld a female figure the beauty of which so much surprised and delighted him. he gazed at her with a pleasure he could not conceal, and then, while a melancholy smile passed over her countenance, he said-- "you have heard of me from eagle's-wing, perhaps, as an old friend? he and i have known each other as tried friends, in times gone by." "i have heard of a pale-face," replied singing-bird, in a low, silvery voice, "who, on the war-path, saved the life of eagle's-wing, when he was in the hands of his enemies. i have heard it from eagle's-wing." "that's a circumstance not worth mentioning; but eagle's-wing and i _are_ friends. he knows he can always rely on me, in any sort of a speculation. but i'm in rather a bad fix here; yet we can always find some way of doing our duty by a friend, if we try. but eagle's-wing is free, and isn't far from here--you may depend on that." perhaps the slightest trace of an expression of joy passed over her countenance for a moment; but it was instantly subdued. with her eyes fixed upon the ground, she slowly said-- "i loved _once_ to look upon canendesha--but he has passed from my eyes." "what!" exclaimed ichabod with a start that fairly made the withes snap that were fastened upon his limbs. a momentary look of agony clouded the face of singing-bird. she seemed endeavoring to speak, yet had not the power to command her organs of speech. "shall i tell eagle's-wing this?" exclaimed ichabod, with indignation. "shall i tell him to go back to the villages of his nation, and forget his squaw? or shall i tell him to come and deliver himself up to his enemies?" with an effort that seemed almost to destroy her, but which was lost upon ichabod, as he had given himself up to the mastery of his indignation--she softly answered-- "i have said. let the pale-face speak my words to his friend." it was not merely astonishment--it was shame, uncontrollable disgust, towards the fair being who stood before him, that, for a moment, kept ichabod silent. when at last he found words to communicate his thoughts, he exclaimed-- "i wouldn't have believed it, if all the senecas this side of the infarnal regions had told me! such a beauty! such a heart. i'll abandon the settlements: i'll thank god, night and day, that i've no wife! poor eagle's-wing! go and die. no; i know the heart of eagle's-wing. he won't die for a squaw. he'll wince a little, at first: but he'll have the scalps off the heads of the whole tribe of senecas." then, as if concentrating all his indignation into one breath, he glanced at singing-bird with a look of abhorrence, and exclaimed--"go, you painted lie!" and threw himself over on his bed, so as to avert his gaze from her. meanwhile, singing-bird stood with her eyes riveted upon the ground, and her countenance as calm and impassable as chiseled stone. a look of agony had impressed it for a moment, but that had fled. not a gesture--not a breath, denoted that she felt the indignant speech of ichabod. at its close, however, her ear detected a slight rustling among the leaves, near the door of the hut, and panther glided from among the boughs, and crept towards an adjoining lodge. scarcely had she seen the retreat of the seneca chief, than the whole expression of her countenance changed--her figure became erect--a fire gleamed in her eyes--a look of intense hatred clouded her countenance. then, springing towards the bed of ichabod, she exclaimed-- "it _is_ a lie. look at me, friend of eagle's-wing. it _is_ a lie: the heart of singing-bird is with her husband. she thinks only of him. tell eagle's-wing so. tell him i shall soon fly from the senecas." ichabod gazed on her now with admiration. such consummate _acting_, though he thought himself skilled in indian ways, he had never seen before. he had seen warriors die bravely, and, unmoved in the hour of peril, exasperate their enemies by words of reproach and shame: he had seen the indian smile as the scalping-knife tore from his brow the lock of honor; but never did he imagine that one so young, so beautiful, so loving, could give to her countenance a look so false, with a heart so true. "god bless thee, girl!" exclaimed he. "give me a woman, after all, for stratagem. i don't know _when_ i shall see eagle's-wing, but when i do, i'll tell him if he don't snatch you from these red devils, he ought to be scalped by panther himself. who would have believed it?" "eagle's-wing's friend don't hate singing-bird now?" "hate you? lord love you, girl! give me your hand----- pshaw! i haven't got a hand to give you: but after this, girl, i'll always believe you, and will find some means to get you out of this scrape. when are these indians going to leave here?" "don't know," said singing-bird. "they want to get eagle's-wing, first." "it will be a long while, i reckon, before that happens. but i say," asked he, just thinking of the other captive who had been brought in that morning, "what other prisoner have they got here?" "they brought in a pale-face girl. king george's man got her from cottage. she stays in hut with me." "ruth barton, by all the devils!" exclaimed ichabod. "who do you say captured her?" "king george's man: guthrie, they call him." here was a new cause of wonderment. guthrie was believed by ichabod to have been killed by the tuscarora. "but i see into it, the white-livered villain. he'll get his pay for this. i say, singing-bird, i shall refuse to go on that rascally business for these senecas. i suppose they'll be terribly mad about it, but i can't help it. now, you see, you keep up this sham affair between you and panther, and you can find some means to give me a hint of what's going on: and, i say, if you can, just bring me a knife. it gives a man a world of confidence, sometimes, to have a friend of that sort. eagle's-wing and the captin won't be idle, and we shall hear something from 'em before long; and, till then----" he was interrupted by a gesture from singing bird, who immediately assumed the appearance she had worn while panther had been in hearing of the conversation. at almost the same moment, panther and snake-tongue entered the hut; and, at a gesture from the former, she silently departed. ichabod had endeavored to assume the appearance of indignation which his countenance had worn during the early part of his conversation with singing-bird, and with some degree of success. "my brother has heard the singing-bird of the tuscaroras," said panther; "he has learnt that the senecas have not got forked tongues." "i must confess," answered ichabod, "that i'm ashamed of that girl. i wouldn't have believed it from anybody else, although i'm beginning to have great respect for the word of a seneca. i wouldn't have believed it, if she hadn't told me so." "my brother has heard the song he wished to hear," said panther, allowing a look of triumph to pass over his countenance. "it is pleasing to my brother. he will now go with my young men, and be free." "i've no kind of objection to being free, in an honest sort of way," answered ichabod; "but about that business you mentioned, i've been thinking that i've lived pretty nigh fifty years, and i never yet deceived a friend--nor an enemy either, except in a lawful manner--and i guess i won't begin now." "what does my brother mean?" asked panther, giving way to anger. "does he mean to eat his own words? does my brother mean to lie?" "lie!" exclaimed ichabod. "you can use that word in perfect safety, while you are there and i am here: but you give me a fair chance, and i'd endeavor to teach you better manners. but the plain english of the thing is--i shan't go on that rascally errand, any way." "my brother is a great warrior," said panther. "he is cunning as a fox. he knows it well; but if my brother refuses to go, we will try and see how brave he is." "if that means tortur' or anything of that sort," said ichabod, quietly, "all i've got to say is, bring it on. i don't know whether i can stand all of your villainous inventions or not, and i ra'ally don't want to know; but if that is _your_ mind, i'll acquiesce, of course, seeing i can't help it." "we leave our brother to his thoughts," said panther. "he is brave, and will think it over, and be braver by-and-bye. we will let our brother know when we are ready." so saying, the two indians left the hut; and ichabod, with a mind somewhat ill at ease, at the prospect before him, endeavored to follow the advice of the senecas--although given by them for a contrary object--and gain strength of purpose by reflection. chapter xii. "no tear relieved the burden of her heart; stunned with the heavy woe, she felt like one half-wakened from a midnight dream of blood." southey. we shall be compelled to return upon the course of our narrative, for the purpose of giving a relation of the manner in which ruth had fallen into the hands of the savages. guthrie, who was supposed by eagle's-wing to have been slain, was really but little injured. the tuscarora had followed him down the stairway unnoticed, and guided more by sound than by sight, in the darkness of the room below, he glided after the tory until the latter had reached the door. he heard the attempt to remove the bar which secured it, when, with a silent but rapid blow of his tomahawk, he had, as he supposed, cloven the head of guthrie to the brain; but owing to the darkness, in which the form of the latter could with difficulty be distinguished, the blow fell upon his left shoulder. the pain as well as the surprise of guthrie, had caused him to give the shriek which attracted the attention of those above, and which was followed by his fall upon the floor. as no further attack was made upon him by the tuscarora, he rightly concluded that eagle's-wing thought the blow already given to have been fatal. with this impression he remained motionless, until the ill-advised _sortie_ of the defenders of the cottage offered him the opportunity to escape, when he sprung to his feet, and although suffering severely from his wound, rushed up the stairway with the intention of leaping from the window--a distance of ten or twelve feet, to the ground. but as he reached the upper floor, he saw ruth, who had fallen upon her knees in the act of prayer for the assistance of heaven towards the brave but few defenders of the cottage. instantly, guthrie planned a scheme of vengeance, which was at once carried into effect. advancing rapidly towards ruth he said: "come, miss ruth; the indians will take the cottage; and your father has directed me to take charge of you and lead you to a place selected by him and his companions for a _rendezvous_. there is no time for thought: come instantly." ruth arose, astonished by this sudden intelligence. "my father," she exclaimed, "is he safe?" "yes," replied guthrie, "they are all safe; but they have been compelled to retreat towards the forest. come instantly, or you are lost." deceived by the earnestness of guthrie, ruth immediately followed him to the window. in a moment a small ladder which had been constructed for exit by the windows, in any emergency similar to the present, was let down upon the ground, and ruth descended, followed by guthrie. taking her by the hand, and partly leading and partly carrying her, they proceeded rapidly towards the south-east into the forest. when they arrived at the base of the hill, near the shore of the pond, instead of meeting her father and his companions, she found herself in the midst of a small party of senecas. she saw at once that she was betrayed, and shrieked for help. "none of that, miss ruth," cried guthrie, roughly; "it won't do you any good. them colony men at the cottage, have got as much as they can do, just now, to save their own scalps." "wretch--villain!" cried ruth, and she fell fainting upon the ground. by this time, it was apparent that the contest at the cottage had terminated; and a rough frame-work of light saplings and boughs was constructed, upon which ruth was placed, and conveyed in the direction of the temporary lodges of the senecas. before arriving there, she had recovered from her swoon, when she realized the dangerous situation in which she was placed. arming herself with the fortitude which was not uncommon among the women of the period, she commended herself to the protection of that divine being, upon whom she was wont to rely for aid and consolation. when they reached the huts of the senecas, and the indians ascertained who was their prisoner, their exultation was announced in the shouts of triumph which ichabod had heard. ruth, however, without suffering any rudeness or ill-usage such as might have been expected, perhaps, in the present excited state of mind of the savages, was conveyed, by the direction of panther, to the lodge occupied by singing-bird. she was not bound or confined in any manner, the savages relying upon their watchfulness to prevent her escape; and also upon the apparent fidelity of singing-bird. when ruth saw the entire absence of restraint in which singing-bird lived, and her apparent friendliness towards the savages, her mind recurred to the imaginative picture she had formerly drawn of the young squaw, separated by force from a husband she loved, and restrained by captivity, among enemies who were thirsting for his blood, she could not reconcile the present conduct of singing-bird with her own ideas of what should have been her conduct; and she felt a degree of disgust towards the young indian beauty, who could so soon forget a husband so worthy of her affection as the tuscarora. "can this be singing-bird, of whom i have heard so much?" asked ruth. "who heard it from?" inquired singing-bird. "i heard it at the cottage, of a tuscarora chief who had lost his squaw by the treachery of the senecas, and who were now seeking his life." "yes, eagle's-wing kill seneca--and panther must have eagle's-wing's scalp. bad for eagle's-wing to kill seneca." "can it be possible?" asked ruth, "--no, it cannot be--that you are the singing-bird of whom i have heard." the young indian placed her hands upon her breast, as struggling with a violent emotion, and then looked at ruth with an expression of entreaty which was not lost upon her. "hush!" faintly whispered singing-bird, "seneca comes." ruth saw at once that singing-bird was acting a part, and appreciated that she did so from a feeling of necessity for the safety of herself, and perhaps of her husband. scarcely had ruth caught the whisper, ere the indians who had stood by the door of the lodge departed, when singing-bird advanced towards ruth, and said-- "pale-face girl does not know singing-bird. she loves eagle's-wing. hates panther ever so much. _do_ tell me 'bout eagle's-wing." ruth related what she knew of the tuscarora, and of the attack upon the cottage. singing-bird listened intently; and when ruth had concluded, she placed her arm gently about her neck, and said-- "we sisters now; but look out for seneca. they think me friend; but i want eagle's-wing to get all their scalp." she then informed ruth that another party of the senecas had also brought in a prisoner, and from the description which she gave of the appearance of the captive, ruth concluded that the unfortunate prisoner could be none other than ichabod. she conjectured, also, that the senecas had made no other prisoners, and that her father, together with ralph and the tuscarora, still remained in possession of the cottage. this fact at once gave relief to her mind; and she regained a serenity and composure which she had not before been able to feel since her capture. "what are these indians going to do with us?" asked she of singing-bird. "don't know what they do want with pale-face girl. p'raps want to trade for eagle's-wing. but panther wants _me_ for his squaw--wants me to go beyond the lakes, in the seneca country, to live in his wigwam. won't do it, though; i kill myself first." "i never shall consent to be exchanged for eagle's-wing," said ruth. "i shall rely upon some other means of deliverance." singing-bird thanked her by a grateful smile. "o, i _do_ want to get away," replied she. "oneida and tuscarora warriors come pretty soon, i hope. when they come, then i get away; p'raps before, if eagle's-wing know how. he great warrior." "i have friends, too, who will assist; and i hope they will find means to deliver us," said ruth. "_what_ friend?" asked singing-bird, suddenly. "have you got husband, too?" ruth smiled and shook her head. "got friend, then," asked singing-bird, "who like to look at you--who give you his heart?" ruth blushed, and this time she did not smile. singing-bird continued, "if you got lover, then, why don't marry?" "perhaps i may, sometime," answered ruth, still blushing; "but i cannot, you know, until these troubles are all over." "it's pleasant to live in wigwam with husband. when he gone on war-path, or gone hunting, then you work in field--that good way to live." "we pale-face women do not work in the field. we make the men do that." "that squaw's business; men hunt deer, catch fish, take scalp--that warrior's business. i don't want to stay in wigwam and do not'ing, eagle's-wing wouldn't like that." "you do not mean to say that eagle's-wing would make _you_ do labor in the field?" asked ruth, in astonishment. "no--eagle's-wing wouldn't _make_ me do that; but if i didn't, he t'ink me lazy, good for not'ing squaw--then he get another squaw, p'raps. _i_ shouldn't like that." ruth was not acquainted with this custom of the indians; and her astonishment was unfeigned. she could scarcely believe that one so seemingly delicate as singing-bird, could accustom herself to a species of labor, that was severe enough for the stronger muscles of the manly portion of creation. yet, it is true, that while the indian warrior undergoes the fatigues of war, or of the chase, with uncomplaining fortitude, when idle he never compromises his dignity by any servile employment. the cultivation of the field, and all of the severer domestic duties, are performed by the squaws, with as much patience and fortitude as the warrior displays on the war-path. "but," asked singing-bird, "what pale-face women _do_? sit still and do not'ing?" "o, no; we have plenty of employment in attending to household matters. we shouldn't think ourselves able to do labor out-of-doors, in tilling land." it was now singing-bird's turn to be surprised; and while she was expressing her wonderment at this want of love for their husbands on the part of the women of the pale-faces, panther was seen approaching the lodge. at the suggestion of singing-bird, ruth immediately assumed an appearance of extreme sorrow, while the former took that of the careless indifference which she had first exhibited to ruth. panther entered the lodge, and without seeming to notice the presence of ruth, approached singing-bird and said: "the pale-face prisoner does not believe that singing-bird loves to live in the lodges of the senecas. will my sister go and tell him whether she does or not?" singing-bird obeyed without reply; and followed by panther, she proceeded to the interview we have already described between her and ichabod. ruth had been left alone but for a few moments, when she heard a slow but heavy step approaching the lodge. with a look of uneasiness, she gazed in the direction of the sound, and beheld guthrie about entering the doorway. "good morning, miss," said he with a rude and familiar voice, that grated harshly on her ears. "i thought i'd just see how you get along. how do you like living with the senecas?" "guthrie," answered ruth, "in what manner has my father or have i, injured you, that you should commit the act you have, to-day?" the villain chuckled for a moment. "that's neither here nor there, miss. there never was any great love atween us, any way; and, you see, a wound like this, ain't apt to increase it," pointing to his shoulder, which had been bandaged. "it's enough for me to know that squire barton has given shelter up at the cottage to them as has injured me; and no man ever offends ben guthrie without getting his pay for't." "there has been no time, guthrie," said ruth with a shudder, "since we have lived in this valley, but you have been welcomed at the cottage as a friend." "yes, yes; i know what kind of a welcome i've generally had:--such as you colony folks give a tory, as you call me--a scornful eye--a curling lip--and a hand that is never offered in friendship. but i'll let these interlopers into this territory know that if king george's men have all died in the settlements, there are some of 'em alive round here. but _that's_ neither here nor there. i've done you a kindness, after all; for that cottage will yet be taken--burnt down, p'raps--and then you'd better be here than there." "guthrie, you have been guilty of a great wrong, in placing me in the hands of these senecas; and you may yet live to suffer for it. i never knew a wicked act, that was not followed by its punishment." "not so fast, miss ruth--not so fast," said guthrie, "i want you to understand that you're _my_ prisoner; and that these senecas only hold you for me; and that they are answerable to me for your safety." "if you have the power, o, take me back to my father! guthrie," said she imploringly, "and this act of yours to-day shall be forgotten and forgiven; and you will find in me a friend ever more. you know the agony my father must suffer. o, take pity on his gray hairs." guthrie gave a peculiar chuckle. "can't do that, any way," said he, "or not if----you see. miss, the matter's here. now your father and i _can_ be friends. there's _one_ way we can make this matter up. let him give up that tuscarora to these indians, and take me for a son-in-law, and the thing's done at once." ruth, for a moment, was astounded at this infamous proposal. she looked at him, as if doubting the evidence of her senses; but disdained to reply. "you see, miss," continued guthrie, "it wouldn't be so bad an affair, after all. i ain't much of a woman's man, it's true; but i've got a snug piece of land down here; and then, in these times, it isn't a bad thing to have a friend among these wild savages; and, you see, i could protect all of you." ruth answered indignantly, "i did not think, guthrie, you could do me a worse wrong, than you committed in treacherously making me a prisoner; but you _have_ committed a worse one. leave this hut, or i will appeal to these savages to protect me; not one of them but has more courtesy, and a better heart than you." guthrie looked fiercely angry at this reply; but walked deliberately towards ruth, and seated himself upon a bench near her. "we'll see about that, miss. i ain't accustomed to child's play. now i've made up my mind that i want you for a wife, and my wife you shall be, any way. now, there ain't no use in screaming, or them sort of things; but you might just as well make up your mind to it, first as last." ruth, shuddering with horror, rushed from the hut: guthrie sprang after her, and caught her by the arm. "that won't do, miss, any way. them tantrums will answer in the settlements; but out here in the woods, we do things on squares. you can say, whether you will or you won't, and make an end of it, just to show your freedom in the matter; but whichever way you fix it, it don't make any difference to me; the thing has got to be done." during this speech of guthrie's, ruth had been dragged back into the hut. she shrieked with fear and disgust, and cried aloud for help. guthrie rudely endeavored to place his hand over her mouth, when singing-bird came running into the lodge, followed by two or three indians. guthrie, ashamed of his violence, retreated towards the door. "i've had _my_ say, miss, and you can make up your mind to it, and save the folks at the cottage; or you can go into these tantrums, and let the other thing happen, just as you've a mind." with this threat, he slowly departed, followed by the savages, while ruth threw herself into the arms of singing-bird, weeping bitterly at this new addition to her misery. chapter xiii. "there was such lawing and vexation in the towns, one dailie suing and troubling another, that the veteran was more troubled with lawing within the towne, than he was in peril at large with the enemie." holinshed--conquest of ireland. as we have said, ralph and the tuscarora, after the discovery of the capture of ruth, anxiously sought the means of releasing her and singing-bird, as well as ichabod, from the hands of the senecas. they at length hit upon a plan, which they proposed to put in execution on the following night. they deemed it unsafe to attempt it in the daytime, as they would be much more likely to be discovered by the indians, than when under the shelter of darkness. barton had recovered somewhat from his first paroxysm of grief, and was at length able to take part in the preparations which were in the making. but it was insisted upon by both ralph and eagle's-wing, that he and the negro should remain at the cottage, as well for the purpose of defence should another attack be made during their absence, as for that of having an asylum in readiness, should they succeed in their enterprise. the cottage contained five or six rifles, in addition to those which had already been in use, and was well furnished with ammunition; and it was believed that, should another attack be made, barton and the negro might defend it, until assistance could be rendered by the return of ralph and the tuscarora. some time had elapsed in these preparations, and it was already noon, before everything was completed in readiness for the enterprise. a few hours more were to elapse before it would be proper for them to set forth. they had no fear that any immediate injury could be contemplated by the senecas to ichabod or ruth. they supposed that the indians would not resort to any means of vengeance, until they had completely failed in their attempt to get possession of the tuscarora. therefore, it was with no fear, although with much anxiety, that they waited for the hour fixed upon by them for their hazardous enterprise. it was just about noon that sambo, who had been into the cattle-yard to look after the cattle, came running into the cottage, and announced the approach of two white strangers from the northward, who were coming on foot in the direction of the cottage. this intelligence was received with pleasure; for at any time, in the midst of the forest, when visitors are few and rare, there is no little excitement on the arrival of strangers, from whom welcome information of friends or of occurrences at the settlement may be obtained; but at this time, when surrounded by so many dangers, a _white_ face was almost certain to be that of a friend. the announcement had scarcely been made, when the strangers approached the door, and were invited cordially by barton to enter. the first of the strangers who attracted their attention was a man of slight stature, not more than five feet six inches in height, with a sly, cunning expression of countenance. his flesh was shrivelled and thin, and his complexion was of a yellowish white, resembling somewhat the color of parchment. he appeared to be about thirty-five years of age. he had a fussy, uneasy air, never seeming to rest, but constantly twitching and jerking about--a peculiarity that passes with most men as the result of great mental activity, but which is more often the evidence of a disarranged, unmethodized mind. the other personage was of a large and bulky frame, with a dull, stolid expression of countenance; besides, his face wore unmistakable marks of his being addicted to the use of ardent spirits--blossoms indicating that fact being scattered in considerable profusion over it. he carried in his hand a rifle, which, either from want of use or because just at this precise time he was suffering from too familiar an acquaintance with his favorite pocket companion, he seemed to have no appropriate place for, and was unable to get into any convenient position. the strangers entered the cottage, and the first individual we have described, with a nervous, twitchy manner, said, with an attempt at a graceful salutation-- "good day, gentlemen. you do not know me, perhaps; my name is bagsley--attorney-at-law--reside in johnstown, the shire of tryon county; and i am now out on a tour of professional business, gentlemen. this person, who accompanies me, is mr. nathan rogers, one of a tributary profession. he is a bailiff, gentleman--deputy sheriff of the county of tryon--a worthy, time-honored profession; but one, which, unfortunately, in this county, seems not to be properly appreciated, and is not in great demand." "ugh!" exclaimed the tuscarora, and turned leisurely towards the window. "you are welcome, gentlemen," said barton, "but i am sorry chat i cannot offer you a better hospitality; but such as i am able to give, you are welcome to." the strangers seated themselves with an easy familiarity. "quite a beautiful country through here," said bagsley. "i am always delighted when i can escape from the drudgery of the profession, and hold communion with the beauties of nature. but i must confess, you have rather _too much_ of nature around here, gentlemen. your roads are not remarkably well worn or broken; and we have had quite a fatiguing journey; have we not, rogers?" rogers assented, with a sort of affirmative grunt. "belong in these parts?" asked bagsley, turning towards ralph. "i am only on a visit here," was the answer. "i am quite as much a stranger as yourself." "will you allow me to ask," continued bagsley, addressing barton, "how long you have resided in this section?" "but two years," barton replied. "i declare! you must have been active to have accomplished so much. but, i believe," said bagsley, with a professional gravity, "you cannot have the fee of the property here." "i am a sort of tenant at sufferance of the oneidas; but should the state purchase these lands--as i believe they will, soon--i may hope to obtain a title to what i already occupy." "perhaps--perhaps," answered bagsley. "but you must be aware, as a gentleman of experience, that, by an act of the honorable, the legislature of the state of new york, passed july , , this section is particularly and definitely reserved to the indians of the six nations. now, it may be questionable--i never speak with certainty out of my office--but it may be questionable--whether the state will ever purchase these lands. should they not--you see the point--you lose, as a matter of course, all of your improvements, and may be ejected at any time." "of that fact i am well aware," answered barton, "and i run my risk, of course. but will you allow _me_ to ask, sir--if my question is not too impertinent--what business gentlemen of your profession can find in these forests?" "i might, sir, according to the doctrine of the common law--the _leges non scriptæ_--of england, which is yet the law of this state, so far as it has not been modified by statute, and according to well settled rules of the courts, decline answering that question, as it relates to business intrusted to one in a professional capacity, as well as upon other grounds; but, sir, to a gentleman of your apparent prudence and experience, and particularly so long as i may wish to obtain important information from you, i cannot refuse so reasonable a request." "i did not ask the question," replied barton, "from any desire to intrude upon your privacy, but only as a matter of surprise that a legal gentleman could find _any_ business in this remote wilderness that would compensate him for the trouble of coming here." "it _may_ surprise you, sir--it would be likely to occasion surprise, sir--and i noticed that our red friend, here, expressed his astonishment on learning our profession; but the truth is, we are in pursuit of a notorious debtor, with a _capias ad respondendum_. i will describe the person, and you may be able to give me useful information as to his whereabouts. he is said to be about forty-five years of age, with grizzly hair, a tall, thin form, stoops much in walking, thin, dried-up face, but intelligent countenance, and is said to converse a great deal upon projects of speculation in property." "ichabod, for all the world!" exclaimed ralph. "mr. jenkins!" exclaimed barton. "ugh!" broke in the tuscarora. "i am happy, gentlemen, that i have been able to give a description so brief, but comprehensive, that you are enabled at once to name the person of whom we are in pursuit. you see, rogers, that we are on the right track after all." "yes," grunted that functionary. "we've got the track, but we haven't got the game." "o, that will follow, as a matter of course," chuckled the attorney. "this ichabod jenkins probably resides in these parts?" "i believe he is now in the neighborhood," answered ralph, with a gravity that he could scarcely maintain. "it is important that he should be arrested on this _capias_," said bagsley. "the debt is for a large sum, _to_ wit: the sum of _£ , s. d_., which he owes and unjustly detains from one samuel parsons, plaintiff, and he has not paid the same, or any part thereof, although often requested so to do, wherefore the said samuel parsons claims damages, &c. and any information of a precise nature, that can be given, will be freely reciprocated on occasion. perhaps we can get along without troubling mr. jenkins very much. you seem to be his friends; and as this is a bailable process, you can give bail for him." "i doubt," answered ralph, "whether it will be at all necessary. i am sorry to inform you, that mr. jenkins is now a prisoner among a party of senecas in this immediate neighborhood." "what!" exclaimed bagsley, "have they also lodged a capias against him!" "i am more fearful that they have taken him in execution," said ralph, with an attempt at a pun, which we are happy to say, he at once rejected. "the truth is, that this cottage has been attacked by a party of hostile senecas, and not only jenkins, but miss barton have been made prisoners." bagsley put on a look of incredulity. "you do not mean to say, that in these times of peace, war has been levied in this territory against the peace of our lord the ---- rather, against the state of new york, _ex gratia dei_, free and independent?" "fiddlesticks!" ejaculated rogers. "it is doubtless a mere assemblage of persons unlawfully together, for the purpose of committing riot or some other disorderly act; and probably a simple declaration that gentlemen of our profession are in the neighborhood, will be sufficient to quell the disturbance. did i understand you to say, that this gentleman's daughter has been taken prisoner?" pointing to barton. "so i informed you, sir," answered ralph. "i am happy to offer you my services," addressing barton: "you can undoubtedly sustain an action of trespass on the case, for the injury in detaining your daughter from your service. this action, sir--and you will notice the beauty and appropriateness of the law--is brought technically for the loss of service--but you recover smart money, by way of damages for harrowed feelings, &c. miss barton can also have her action for assault and battery. then there's jenkins, why here's a way provided, through the benignity and ubiquity of the law--for at once satisfying this debt. he also has _his_ action for damages. really, rogers, we have done just the thing by coming here." "make out the papers," said rogers, "and we'll serve 'em tonight." "it is a most singular thing," said bagsley, addressing the company indiscriminately, "the antipathy entertained generally, against gentlemen of our profession. without us, i may venture to say, the world would be helpless--without us, what power would sustain the weak? without us, there would be an entire ignorance of that beautiful system which has been adorned by a holt, a hale and a mansfield. but once let us enter an ignorant village of this description, and intelligence upon this subject spreads with wonderful rapidity--men rush forward to try by experience the fruits of that system which has been adorned by the labors of genius, and perfected by the wisdom of ages. indeed, gentlemen, we may be called the vanguard of civilization." this eloquent tribute to the legal profession, seemed to provoke a variety of opinion. barton and ralph merely smiled. the tuscarora ejaculated "ugh!" with considerable more force than usual; sambo seemed to be perfectly enchanted--while rogers, crossing his legs, and ejecting a quantity of tobacco-juice upon the floor, exclaimed, "right--bagsley--right--and you might have added, what would have become of the bailiffs, if there were no lawyers?" "can you give me the direction towards the riotous assemblage you have mentioned?" inquired bagsley. "you certainly do not think of going thither?" exclaimed ralph, in surprise. "of course, sir--of course;" answered bagsley; "were there any certainty that mr. jenkins would immediately return, we would postpone the matter for the day; but upon your intimation that he is detained _nolens volens_, i think we shall be obliged to go in pursuit of him." "you will encounter a great danger," said ralph. "these indians are highly excited and angry, and they may not discriminate between you and us at the cottage." "no fear of that, sir," replied bagsley with an air of dignity and complacency, "i think they cannot but apprehend the distinction. what do you think of that, rogers." "right again," said the functionary. "i don't think anybody could mistake us. there's something in the eye and manner of a bailiff that make a rogue crest-fallen, at once. i'm ready." "i beg you, gentlemen, as you value your lives," said barton, "to give up this foolish (as i must term it) errand--for the present, at least. you will certainly regret it when too late." "we know our duty," said bagsley, with dignity, "and we shall make an overt of mr. jenkins, whether he be defended by his friends on the one hand, or the indians on the other." "i am sorry that you cannot take good advice," said ralph; "but we, at least, shall be conscious that we have warned you of your danger." "well, gentlemen," said rogers, rising and shouldering his rifle, "i've only got this to say--i never saw a rascal, yet, that dare look nathan rogers boldly in the face; and if these injins have got more nerve than other rascals, i want to know it. if there't anybody in my bailiwick that will refuse to acknowledge my authority, i want to know it, and i will know it--that's all." "i am very much obliged to you, gentlemen, for your advice and good wishes for our welfare," said bagsley, rising; "but when duty calls, we must obey. if you will point us the direction, we will be doubly obliged." their direction was pointed out by ralph, who again made an ineffectual effort to induce them to desist from their dangerous expedition. "good day, gentlemen," said bagsley, as he was about leaving. "our intention is to return here this afternoon, and should you have no objection, we will admit mr. jenkins to bail on your becoming bound in double the sum i mentioned to you. good day, gentlemen." and the attorney departed, followed by the bailiff. the first impulse of ralph was to laugh at this little interlude in the tragedy that was being enacted around them: but the matter was too serious, after all, to be treated so lightly. "they are gone to a long imprisonment--perhaps to death," said barton. "no get jenkins, this time," said the tuscarora. "lose their scalps--that all they make." the hour now approached for the departure of ralph and eagle's-wing. the sun was just sinking behind the western hills, when, taking their rifles, they left the cottage, proceeding is a southerly direction. chapter xiv. "an host of furies, could not have baited me more torturingly, more rudely, or more most unnaturally." beaumont and fletcher. ichabod, whom we have so long neglected, after the departure of panther and snake-tongue, remained in as easy a position as the nature of his confinement would permit, and gave himself up to reflection upon his unpleasant situation. it was evident that it was the intention of the senecas to subject him to torture: but whether they would proceed to the last extremity, he could not conjecture. but the possibility that such might be their intention, could not but present itself to his mind. he had often been in positions where death was impending; but those were times when, amidst the excitement of conflict, the mind does not dwell with any fixed tenacity upon that event; or, if it does, contemplates it under the colors of excitement with which it is clothed. but now, bound hand and foot, he was about to be led unresistingly, and in cool blood, to that fate, about which all men think, and but few appreciate, until the mortal hour. ichabod had a sort of creed, upon which he had heretofore relied with confidence. now, however, for the first time, he began to _doubt_ whether there was not a possibility of error in it, and whether he had sufficiently examined points of faith which he had heretofore rejected. but whichever way his mind wandered, he ever recurred, in his ignorance, to the simple articles of faith in which he had so long entertained confidence. such were the nature of his thoughts, when deersfoot entered the hut, to announce to him that the senecas and their chief were waiting for him. now, ichabod had, until this moment, been wholly engaged in the train of thought which we have mentioned; but when it was broken by this announcement, a new idea seemed suddenly presented to his mind. "yes, i know what that means, deersfoot. it means that you are going to tortur' me, according to indian law. i never did ra'ally think that i should live to be game for senecas; but you do your duty according to your natur', and i'll do mine, according to such light as i've got. but, see here, deersfoot, now, understand, that i don't ask for marcy, or anything of that sort; but if this business _can_ be compromised to the benefit of _us_ all then it's for your interest as well as mine to settle it. now, i've got a proposition to make to panther and the rest of you; and if you've a mind to hear it, well and good; and if you havn't, why, then you needn't." deersfoot listened, under the impression that ichabod had, at last, repented of his resolution, and that he was willing to accept freedom upon the terms which had been proposed to him. after ichabod had concluded, he replied: "my brother is wise. i will say to the chief what my brother wishes. it is good for us to be at peace." with this he departed. but a few moments elapsed, before he returned with the information that the senecas and their chief would meet their prisoner in council. the withes that were bound about the ankles of ichabod, were unfastened, yet it was some time before he was able to stand without assistance. when he had sufficiently recovered the use of his feet, he was conducted by deersfoot to a lodge on the opposite side of the circle, where he found panther and snake-tongue, together with the larger portion of the senecas, who were seated in a circle about the lodge, to listen to his proposal. ichabod was placed in the centre of the circle. conforming to indian custom, he preserved a perfect composure and silence, until, at length, he was addressed by panther: "my brother," said he, "had a cloud before his eyes, when he refused to listen to my counsel. the cloud has now passed away; he now sees clear; he sees that it will be wise to do as we wish. we have come together to listen: my brother can speak." "i'm afraid we are laboring under some mistake here," replied ichabod: "as for that business you proposed to me, there's no use in talking about _that_. it's all well enough for a seneca to propose it; but it would rather go agin my natur' to accept it. i came here to speak to you about a matter of a great deal more importance than that." there was a loud murmur of dissatisfaction among the senecas; and many of them sprang to their feet with the intention of taking vengeance, at once, for this seemingly public insult. panther, however, immediately restored silence. "my brother," said he, "is a great warrior; he is cunning as a fox; but he is surrounded by warriors as brave and cunning as himself. we will hear what he has got to say." "now, i want to say to you, panther, and to the rest of you," continued ichabod, unmoved, "what i said to deersfoot before i was brought in here, that if you want to put me to tortur', and think that's the best use you can make of me, i've nothing to say agin it, for that's good injin law; but if you ra'ally want to make the most out of me that you can, then you'll listen to what i've got to say." he paused for a few moments; but as the indians remained silent, he took it as a manifestation of their disposition to give him their attention. "you see," continued he, "that ever since the white men came over the ocean to this country, they've been increasing and growing more powerful, and you've been growing weaker. the people who came over, in the first place, established colonies--they _fit_ the french--they _fit_ the injins, and finally they had a fight with england for independence; and notwithstanding all their cornwallis's and burgoyne's, and the injins to boot, they got what they fout for. now, you can see, that there's no use in your keeping up these old-fashioned customs of tomahawking and scalping, and living in the woods, and acting like injins, more than like white people. if you do, it won't be long before there won't be a red man left in the country. it's rather hard to tell you these things to your faces; but they're facts, as you can see with half an eye. now there _is_ a way, in which you can not only keep your own, but get the start of the white people, in this territory, to boot. it may be going agin flesh and blood and color to tell such a secret to _you_, but still, i'm willing to do it." his auditory, at the first glance, would have seemed to be wholly unmoved at this long introduction; but on a closer view, it would have been seen, that while many of the senecas shot forth wilder and fiercer glances from behind passionless faces, others seemed moved by a feeling of curiosity to hear the end of this strange exordium. panther, after a short silence, replied: "my brother is brave; he is not afraid to speak in the midst of his enemies. it is true that the injins are weak and the pale-faces are strong. we are dropping like the leaves; and the hunter comes home to his wigwam at night, tired and hungry, and brings but little game. the pale-faces are growing stronger. i have thought of it much. there _is_ a way to make them grow weaker; but _that_ is not the way which appears to the eyes of my brother. his way, i am afraid, is not a good way. he would have us forget that we are injins. _that_ we cannot do. tho great spirit made us red men; he made us injins. he placed us in the forests; he gave us tomahawks and knives with which to fight our enemies; and bows and arrows to shoot the bear and deer. we cannot be anything but injins. our fathers and grandfathers were injins; and the little pappoose is an injin. as soon as he is grown, he takes to the path of his nation. i may speak foolish; but this is what i know. if the white men destroy us, we will die like injins; if they drive us from our hunting-grounds, we will not go without scalps. we will do as the great spirit tells us." there was a loud expression of satisfaction at this speech of panther; and he sat down under a deluge of applause, that a little alarmed snake-tongue for his laurels. he waited with impatience until ichabod should give him an opportunity to assert his superiority in the way of speech-making. silence having been again restored, ichabod continued: "to the threats you made, panther, in your speech, i shall not reply. my business, just now, is peaceable; and i'm addressing you for your profit; and i shall not be diverted by angry insinuations. i've said that the injins are growing weaker, and the white men are growing stronger. now i want to give you a lesson, in the first place, in political economy. a nation never become great and prosperous, that relied wholly on fighting. there is no surer and better way for that, than for a nation to be industrious, and keep a sharp eye out for the chances. it may be, that you can't understand that idea, precisely; for i never knew an injin that _could_ understand how anything could be made by honest labor: but i'll try and make the thing plain to you. now, you see, as these colonies are free and independent, this country that has been growing so fast, is going to grow a great deal faster. you'll see, in a few years, at most, that a valley like this will be occupied by white men, and villages will start up, and water-powers will be selected on all such streams as this. now, why can't you get the start of the white men? i've been talking with squire barton about setting up a factory down here; and having all this land about here laid out into building lots. now, you see, if you'll just look at the thing in a reasonable point of view, you'll see the advantages of going into this business with a jump. i'm given you a hint of the thing, panther, and you might make a sly bargain with the oneidas, and buy up a large quantity of these lots. they'll be valuable, some day, sartain. that's one way in which you could make money out of it. then there's another way in which it would be a decided advantage to all your nation, male and female, old and young, under the present order of things. a man with half an eye can see that there's a a great lack of clothing among you; and some of you wouldn't hardly answer to be presented into fashionable company. you havn't but mighty little of it; and what you do wear, is of a kind of heathenish, injin sort. now, you see, at a small profit, we could supply you with cloth, so that you could wear pantaloons, jackets and coats, and look like gentlemen; and then all you'd have to do, would be to behave yourselves, to be a respectable sort of people. now, if you can't see the advantages of this speculation, all that i've got to say is, that i pity you; and you may work your tortur' on me just as soon as you please. i've the satisfaction of knowing that i've done my duty by you like a christian." the senecas seemed completely astounded by this long speech, and its conclusion. the most of them looked at each other with a vacant stare, as though they could not comprehend its meaning; while others regarded it as a public insult, and intended as such; which, while it exasperated their feelings, gave them a much greater regard for the bravery of their prisoner. at length snake-tongue slowly arose, and glancing with a mien of dignity upon the assembly, proceeded to reply: "my brother has spoken," said he; "he speaks with the tongue of a pale-face, and we poor injins cannot understand. but we have heard enough; we can guess what our brother means. he means to put up a house on the river and drive away the fish. he means to cut down the trees, and make them into houses, and drive away the deer. he wants us to wear clothes like the pale-faces. it is a strange speech. my brother does not smile; he looks as if he talked from his heart. if he means us well, then we thank him, although we cannot see it as he does. we do not want the land of the oneidas. the oneidas are squaws; they stayed in their wigwams when their brothers went on the warpath. we do not want the land of the squaws; let them keep it; we will not steal it or buy it. but my brother wants us to wear the clothes of the pale-faces. it is strange that my brother should speak such a thing. how would an injin look in the pantaloons and coat of a pale-face? his brethren could not know him; they would look him in the face and laugh. the little pappooses would laugh at him. it cannot be; my brother does not know the senecas; they live after the traditions of their fathers--and their fathers never wore the clothes of the pale-faces. the great spirit gave them bows and arrows, and told them to shoot bears and deer, and make clothes from their skins. that is what we have done; that is what we mean to do. we have bought blankets from the pale-faces: some of our wise men have said that it was wrong to do so--that our fathers did not wear blankets of wool, and that _we_ ought not to do it. i have thought so myself. but to wear pantaloons, jacket and coat! my brother might as well say that the senecas should learn to read in books, and hoe corn and potatoes in the fields. we will not talk about it; my brother does not know the senecas. we are injins, and we will live like injins." "my brother has spoken; we have heard him, and we do not like his words. he is a brave warrior; we know it; but we are going to try and see how brave he is. our young men will bind him to a tree, and will throw their tomahawks to see how near they can come to his head and not hit it. we will then try something else. we like to know a brave warrior. it does us good to see a brave warrior laugh at his enemies; and my brother must be glad to know that we are going to treat him like a brave. we shall hurt him all we can. we do not wear pantaloons, jackets and coats; if we did, we should not know how to honor him: we should be like the pale-faces. my brother must be glad that we do not dress like the pale-faces. our young men are ready." this speech was received with "rounds of applause" in other words, "it brought down the house;" and snake-tongue sat down with a much greater reputation for oratory than he possessed when he arose. when the assembly once more became silent, and as three or four of the senecas advanced towards ichabod for the purpose of conducting him to the place selected for the torture, he said with a look of contempt: "i might have known better than to cast pearls afore swine. they are nothing but venomous, thick-skulled senecas; and they may go without clothes all their life-times, before i'll ever give 'em a piece of decent advice agin." ichabod was now led a short distance from the lodges, in the direction of the river, to the border of the cleared land. he was there fastened to a tree, with thongs around his feet and waist. the upper part of his body was left free, that he might display his fear by attempting to dodge the hatchets as they were thrown at him. it was now about four o'clock in the afternoon; and the bright autumn sun shone directly in his face, so that it was with extreme difficulty, after a little while, that he could even raise his eyes sufficiently to observe his enemies. yet he did so; for he knew that any shrinking in that respect, would be deemed a mark of cowardice on his part. the indians had now gathered in front of him, at the distance of fifteen or twenty feet, and were preparing for the commencement of the ceremony. resting against a stump, at a short distance on one side, was guthrie, who was surveying the prisoner with a look of malicious pleasure, which he did not attempt to conceal. deersfoot was the first who advanced from the crowd of senecas with his tomahawk in his hand. as he stepped forward, he said to ichabod: "i shall now throw my hatchet. i shall come as close as i can. i shall try not to hit my brother. if i do, he will be ashamed of me." he threw his tomahawk with a force that drove the blade into the tree within an inch of ichabod's head, almost to the handle. ichabod, during the whole process, surveyed deersfoot with a smile. as the hatchet struck the tree, he exclaimed: "well done, deersfoot. that's almost as good as a bullet from a rifle in _practised_ hand, could have done it. you've got an expert hand, any way, for that kind of we'pon." a murmur of admiration broke from the indians at this specimen of ichabod's coolness. another seneca stepped forward, and had just raised his hatchet in the act to throw, when a loud yell in the opposite direction attracted the attention of the senecas. in a moment, two of their number, who had been stationed as lookouts in that direction, were seen advancing towards the crowd, accompanied by two whites. the reader will at once recognize in these strangers, the attorney and his worthy companion, the bailiff. the latter, however, had been disarmed; and although they were not bound, their faces showed signs of indignation at what they, no doubt, supposed to be uncivil treatment. as they approached the crowd of indians, bagsley cried out, "will anybody be civil enough to show me the ringleader of this disorderly assembly?" panther stepped forward. "if the pale-faces wish to see the chief of the senecas, he is here." "i am happy to make your acquaintance, sir," said bagsley. "i have the honor to be a member of the legal profession--an attorney-at-law, sir, and this gentleman who accompanies me is a deputy sheriff, sir--one who, at this moment, bears in his own person, all the dignity and authority of sheriff of the county of tryon, in whose bailiwick you now are." "ugh!" ejaculated panther; and the emphatic exclamation was answered by the whole crowd of senecas. "our business here, sir, is to arrest one ichabod jenkins, upon a _capias ad respondendum_, at the suit of samuel parsons, for _£ , s. d_. i have been given to understand that he is in your custody, or that you know his whereabouts." panther made a gesture towards the tree where ichabod was confined. bagsley, whose view in that direction had been interrupted by the body of indians who stood between him and the tree, now discovered the unfortunate debtor. "i am much obliged to you, gentlemen," said he, "for having detained him until our arrival. i presume it was done as a matter of accommodation to us, as you probably had heard of our coming. although you have made the arrest without color of law, and _ex colore officii_, and also without process, yet i will undertake to defend you, should he be malicious enough to bring his suit for assault and battery and false imprisonment. and, further, as you have behaved so properly in this matter, i shall feel disposed to compromise amicably with you a cause of action for the same offence, in which i have been retained by mr. barton. mr. rogers, you will do your duty." that worthy was about moving towards ichabod, when his course was at once arrested. the indians, evidently, did not understand the value of the proceeding, except that they were in danger of losing their victim if this movement was not prevented. at a gesture from panther, the intruders were surrounded. "the pale-face is our prisoner," said he. "we do not understand what you wish. our young men are trying to see how brave he is, and we cannot let him go." "you don't mean to say," exclaimed rogers, "that you are going to prevent this arrest! i'd like to see you do that! stand back there," shouted he, waving his arm towards the senecas in his front. but this gesture had only the effect of narrowing the circle within which to stood. "gentlemen," said bagsley, "you are probably entirely unacquainted with that beautiful system of jurisprudence which has been embellished by the writings of coke, and adorned by the lives of hale, holt and mansfield. you are probably, also, unacquainted with a statute recently enacted by the honorable, the legislature of the state, of new york. you cannot be aware that, by interfering with our proceedings, which are perfectly regular--i give you my word and honor, as an attorney--you are subjecting yourselves to fine and imprisonment." "we know no law, except injin law," said panther, "and we are trying to do our duty, as we understand it. we do not know pale-face law and we do not want to know it." "i must confess," answered bagsley, "that i am not very well acquainted with the indian system of jurisprudence. it is, i presume, an unwritten system--_leges non scriptæ_--and, as such, i have great respect for it; it is undoubtedly an admirable system; but it is not the system to which i allude. you are, gentlemen, in the county of tryon, under the jurisdiction of the state of new york, and amenable to its laws. i really hope, gentlemen, that you perceive the point in the case, and will retire, and leave us to the discharge of our duty. it will be extremely unpleasant for us to be called upon to exercise the authority with which we are clothed, and i really hope there will be no occasion for it." and he and rogers again attempted to move forward; but the senecas pressed still closer; and they now found themselves completely hemmed in, and unable to move in either direction. ichabod, who had seen and understood the whole proceeding now exclaimed-- "if i've got any friend among you senecas, here, i hope you'll finish this business as soon as practicable. a blow of a tomahawk will be thankfully received; or if you've got up this matter to try a new system of tortur' on me, i'll acknowledge myself a squaw at once, if that'll be any pleasure to you. i can't stand out agin this kind of horrors, any way." rogers, who now found he would not be suffered to proceed in the making of the arrest, by the actual touching of the person of ichabod, cried out-- "ichabod jenkins, i arrest you by virtue of ----" but his voice was drowned in the yells of the senecas; and the two intruders were immediately seized and bound. "gentlemen," said bagsley, "bound or unbound. i will do my duty towards _you_, at least. i shall certify to the court, according to the statute, in such case made and provided, the names of the resisters, aiders, consenters, commanders and favorers, who have interfered with this arrest, and by a writ judicial, your bodies will be attached to appear in the same court." the voice of the attorney was drowned in the yells of the now angry senecas; and he, together with the bailiff, were at once led to one of the lodges, where they were left, bound hand and foot. ichabod laughed with great glee over the discomfiture of this new enemy, whom he looked upon as more formidable than the other. "i thank you, red-skins, for this act of friendship; its ra'ally kind in you; and i shan't have nigh so bad an opinion of your nation, hereafter, as i have had. you _do_ hate a lawyer; and there we agree. it's a pity that we can't be friends, under the circumstances; but i reckon that's impossible. so, proceed to business again, and get through with this part of your tortur' as fast as possible." order having been again restored, the indian who had been interrupted by the arrival of bagsley and his companion, again stepped forward. "my brother," said he, addressing ichabod, "is brave when he faces an injin; but he does not like the men with long, forked tongues. we do not like them either. we think too much of our brother to give him up. he is a great warrior; and we want to do him honor according to injin law. i may hit my brother, but i shall try not to." he threw his tomahawk as he spoke, and the blade grazed ichabod's head so closely that it severed a lock of hair from his brows. this was considered a great exploit; and the senecas testified their admiration by loud yells. one after one, the tomahawks of the senecas were thrown, with divers success. those who did not possess full confidence in their ability to perform the ceremony with credit to themselves, threw more at random; and many of the weapons did not even hit the tree. the perfect composure with which ichabod endured this species of torture, which, to one at all fearful or timid, would be exquisitely painful, excited the admiration of the indians to the highest degree. at last, panther, who had stood calmly by, watching the ceremony, approached ichabod, and said-- "it is now my turn to do honor to the pale-face. i must say that he is brave. we are glad that he is so brave. i shall now throw my hatchet, and i hope i shall not hurt my brother very much. i expect to hurt him a little. should i hurt him very bad it will be a mistake, and i shall be very sorry; for we mean to try something else. we mean to know how brave our brother is." he threw his tomahawk with fearful rapidity and seeming carelessness. it passed the side of ichabod's head, opposite that from which the hair had been partially shorn; but it grazed so closely that the hair was shorn to the skin, almost as smoothly as it could have been done with a razor. it must have been exceedingly painful; but the smile which rested upon the face of ichabod, as the hatchet left the hand of panther, remained, as the senecas, with admiration divided between the victim and their chief, crowded around ichabod to examine the effects of the blow. "well done! well done!" exclaimed ichabod. "i doubt whether i could beat that with my rifle. i must say that you are about as expert a set of fellows with them kind of we'pons as i ever come across." panther now approached ichabod, and said, "we have tried our brother as well as we could with our tomahawks. he is very brave; and it does us good to do him honor. if we had our squaws here to scold at him, or our pappooses to shoot arrows at him, we might please him better; but we have not, and we please him as well as we can, to-morrow we will try and do better. but to-night, we will leave him here tied to the tree; but he shall have an indian by him to keep away the wolves. we expect, in the morning, our brother will be weaker, and he will not then be so brave. it is not natural that he should be. we will then tell him what we mean to do. but let not my brother be troubled; it shall be something that will honor him much." this was a species of torture which ichabod had not expected. he had been bound to the tree in such a manner that he was entirely sustained by the thongs which confined him, and his position was becoming, momentarily, more painful. it must be confessed, that his spirit quailed at the idea of remaining so long a time in this painful situation; but he knew of only one way by which he could be relieved--and that was, by the betrayal of his friend. this he would not do; and he could only hope that he might find some means so to provoke his guard that in his anger the latter might, by some hasty blow, dispatch him. it was with much impatience, then, that he waited for the approach of darkness--until which time he would probably be left alone. he closed his eyes, into which the sun had shone until the brilliant glare had nearly deprived him of the power of vision, and endeavored to draw strength and fortitude from within. but a short time elapsed, however, before he heard a step, as of someone approaching him from behind. it was guthrie, who had separated himself from the indians, and who now came up immediately in front of him, with an ironical smile upon his countenance. ichabod surveyed him with a look of calmness and composure. "i suppose," said he, "that you've come here for the purpose of having _your_ chance at me. now, all i've got to say to you, is, that i've a sort of respect for them red devils, for they do according to their natur' and color: but as for you, you're a white-livered traitor and tory; and if anybody knows any other words in the english language that have got a more contemptible meaning, they know more than i do--that's all:" and ichabod closed his eyes again, as with the effort to shut out of his view so disgusting a sight. "pluck to the last!" exclaimed guthrie. "i must say, that you've got more nerve than i reckoned on; but i rather expect that you'll give in before to-morrow's over. do you want to know what's coming next?" asked he, with a sneer. "well, stranger, i don't suppose i should know any more about it after you have told me, than i do now," answered ichabod; "for i've set you down for an infarnal liar. i ain't at all particular as to what you say; but this i do know, if them senecas--who are gentlemen born, compared to what you are--would give me that rifle of mine again, and set me loose for a few moments, i'd agree, that after i'd given you a proper sort of chastising, i'd come back here again and stand all they might choose to do to me. it rather provokes one with natur' and providence, to see such an infarnal villain as you are, live and breathe." guthrie chuckled, in his peculiar manner. "i've waited many a day to get a chance at you. you didn't know _me_, when i saw you up at the cottage yonder; but i knowed _you_. i've got a scar over here," pointing towards his back, "that will remember you as long as it burns. you give it to me in that scrimmage we had down here, in ' ; and i thought i'd just let you know that you may thank _me_ for what you're getting now. as for that fighting you propose, i don't think that it's any object, for you're receiving, now, pretty much what you desarve." then, approaching close to ichabod, and laying his hand upon the spot shaven by the tomahawk of panther, he continued--"that was a pretty close shave, any way. i was rather afeard he would make a bad job of it, and kill you. i knowed him do that once:" and the villain laughed. ichabod groaned in his helplessness and anger. the agony of that moment far exceeded any physical torture that the whole nation of senecas could have inflicted upon him. he wept in his misery, and a sob that seemed to rend his frame, almost deprived him of consciousness for a moment. the fearful spasm that convulsed his limbs, did what no ordinary exercise of strength could have done,--the thongs that bound his hands snapped like threads; and in a moment, with a convulsive rapidity against which guthrie could not guard, he seized the tory by the throat--he shook him like a leaf, until the villain fell, breathless and struggling, to the ground. at the same moment, overpowered by this spasmodic exertion of strength, ichabod fell, fainting suspended by the withes which bound his waist. chapter xv. _bos_.--"he is fled--he is fled, and dare not sit it out. _bir_.--what! has he made an escape! which way? follow, neighbor haggise." jonson. when ichabod recovered from his swoon, he found himself in the presence of three senecas, who had been attracted by the struggle between him and guthrie. it was their presence that saved him from immediate death; for as guthrie arose panting and struggling for breath, his first impulse was to present his rifle at the motionless form of ichabod: but it was instantly pushed aside by one of the senecas, who had reached the spot before his companions, and the charge passed behind the tree to which ichabod was confined. when the latter regained his consciousness, guthrie was nowhere to be seen. the hands of ichabod were again secured, and a thong was now passed around his shoulders, so that he was bound in an upright and a much easier position, to the tree. the night was rapidly approaching, and by the time ichabod had been completely secured, it was almost impossible to discover surrounding objects in the darkness. a fire was kindled near the centre of the space around which the lodges had been erected, and it was consequently much closer to the lodge occupied by ruth and singing-bird, than either of the others. an indian had taken his position, as guard, within a few feet of ichabod, and between him and the fire; and this indian, as ichabod discovered, was armed, besides his knife and tomahawk, with his own _old_ familiar rifle. how earnestly he gazed upon it, as if almost expecting and hoping to see it recognize its old master and owner! it was at this time, and when silence throughout the indian encampment was so well preserved that ichabod could plainly hear the crackling of the boughs which were placed upon the fire, although he was at a distance of eight or ten rods from it, that a wild yell, but one which denoted exultation upon the part of the seneca from whom it proceeded, was heard to arise from the direction of the lodge in which bagsley and his companion were confined. he heard some words in the seneca language, pronounced, at which his guard arose erect, with an appearance of excitement. in a few moments he discovered the cause of the exclamation of the seneca, and of the excitement under which his sentinel evidently labored. an indian came rapidly towards the fire, around which his companions were gathered, with a bottle in his hand, of which he smelt and tasted with gestures of extravagant joy. it seemed that the lucky seneca, while in the lodge occupied by bagsley and the bailiff, had been attracted by a peculiar odor which came from the breath of the latter, and which his olfactories at once pronounced "fire-water." convinced that this odor must be caused by the presence of the article itself, in some quantity, he commenced a search of the unfortunate dignitary; and, hidden in a capacious pocket, wrapped in old writs and executions, but which were unintelligible to the indian, he found the bottle which we have seen him carry towards his companions at the fire. it was at the moment of finding it, that he had uttered the loud exclamation of joy, which had fallen upon the ears of ichabod. loud and frequent were the exclamations of "ugh!" "ugh!" among the indians, when it was discovered that such a prize had been found. panther, who was attracted from his lodge by the noise, endeavored to induce the indians to surrender the pleasure of drinking the "fire-water" on this occasion, for one more appropriate, and when less watchfulness was necessary. but all his endeavors were vain; for the authority of a chief, always precarious, cannot be enforced against the wishes and demands of the tribe. theirs was an arbitrary government, and power was held only upon a feeble tenure, viz: the pleasure of the people. when panther found that he could not prevent the larger portion of the indians from indulging in the pleasant intoxication which would result from imbibing the "fire-water," he took such means--with the assistance of deersfoot and a few others, who were determined to remain sober--as would be most likely to promote their safety, should the larger portion of the senecas become unfit to discharge their duties. the indians who were about the fire, and among whom the whiskey bottle circulated freely, soon began to give evidence of unwonted excitement. dancing, singing, shrieking, they appeared, to one at the distance from them at which ichabod was placed, more like fiends in pandemonium, than human beings, as the red light of the fire fell upon their distorted figures. the rays of the fire, when burning brightest, fell distinctly upon the form of ichabod; but as the drunkenness increased, and the light diminished, he was thrown into a shadow. his guard labored under a strong desire to get a taste of the whiskey; for he would occasionally walk at a distance of three or four rods from him, where he would stand, looking towards the fire, until a fear for the security of his prisoner would steal across his mind, when he would rapidly return; and, perceiving by a glance that all was right, would, after a few moments, again move slowly in the direction of the fire. his guard had thus left him, for the second time, when, as he fancied, he heard his name faintly whispered behind him. in a moment afterwards, the thongs that bound his feet, hands and shoulders, were cut, leaving fastened, only that which bound him by the waist. the friend, whoever it was, that had performed this kindly act, doubtless knew that it would not do to unbind him completely, at once, as the tightness of the ligatures, and the length of the confinement, would be apt to deprive the prisoner, for a few moments, of the free use of his limbs. the thongs that had been cut, were so disposed that the guard, on his return, without a very close observation, would not be able to discover the deception. the unknown friend had evidently planted himself behind the tree to which ichabod was fastened, waiting for the proper moment to sever the remaining thong. "know friend?" asked a voice, in a whisper, which ichabod immediately recognized. "ah! is it you, eagle's-wing? i might have known that, though. no one else would have dared to do such a thing." "this nothing, when injins drunk. poor injin that get drunk. say, when ready to have other thong cut." "don't be in a hurry, eagle's-wing. you see that red devil, yonder, that's been set here to guard me? he's got my rifle, and i want it. wait till he comes up here again, and when he has fairly got his back turned, then cut the thong: or, if you've got a spare knife, just give me that, and i'll cut it myself, while you get the rifle. hush! he's coming." the seneca advanced rapidly, evidently fearful that some accident might have happened during his long absence. at this moment, a large quantity of brush was thrown upon the fire, which almost wholly--for a few moments--obscured the light, and left them buried in thick darkness. this might be a circumstance either favorable or unfavorable, depending, however, upon the suspicious nature of the indian. as it seemed, he was more than usually suspicious; and ichabod breathed shorter, and the tuscarora prepared for a sudden spring upon him, as the seneca advanced close to ichabod; and, with the intention of ascertaining that his prisoner was safe, he reached out his hand to feel of the thongs. fortunately, his hand fell upon that which remained uncut, about the waist of ichabod, which he slightly jerked; and feeling it secure, did not examine any further, but turned as if to walk back towards the fire. at this moment, a knife was passed to ichabod by the tuscarora, and at the same instant, the latter darted upon the seneca, and struck him through the back with his knife. there was no struggle--no shriek, no sound that could have been heard four rods distant, even; for the blade had, doubtless, pierced the heart of the seneca, and he fell with a slight shudder, forwards, on his face. the tuscarora seized the rifle of ichabod, and before the latter had fairly unfastened himself from the tree, he had secured beneath his belt the scalp of the unfortunate seneca. "three scalp on war-path," said eagle's-wing. "that not bad." "i am sorry that you should stick to that heathenish custom, eagle's-wing," said ichabod; "but there's no use talking about it. an injin's an injin, and i suppose he must fight like an injin." guided by the tuscarora, ichabod proceeded to the border of the clearing--but beyond the circle of light thrown by the fire--to the distance of eight or ten rods, where they found ralph, anxiously waiting the result of eagle's-wing's enterprise. from his position, while the fire was burning, he was able to see both ichabod and the tuscarora, until the moment when the guard had returned to the tree, when the obscurity had withdrawn them from his sight. the sudden renewal of the light, as the fire leaped and crackled among the dry branches, showed him that they had escaped; and it was with no little pleasure that he again grasped the honest hand of ichabod. but there was yet another undertaking to be performed--and that was, the release of both ruth and singing-bird. ralph and eagle's-wing had hit upon a plan by which they hoped to accomplish their purpose; and it was rapidly communicated to ichabod, who approved of it; when they immediately set about putting it into execution. the lodge occupied by the two prisoners whom they now sought to release, was, as we have already mentioned, situated in the centre of a circle of lodges. the fire which the savages had kindled, was near the centre of the circle, and was in close proximity, therefore, to the lodge occupied by ruth and singing-bird: but the fire was on the south of it, so that the north side of the lodge, as well as the lodges immediately in the rear, were thrown into the shade. when the hurried communication was made to ichabod, of the plan proposed, they were standing directly in the rear of the lodge, and at a distance of only ten or fifteen rods from the outer lodges. it was necessary that their plan should be put in execution at once, as at any moment the discovery of ichabod's escape might be made, when the indians would set off in pursuit; and without their present plan could, therefore, be executed before that event should happen, it would be likely to fail altogether. they advanced cautiously towards the lodges; and when they arrived at a point where they had them in full view, as well as the senecas, who were yet dancing and screaming about the fire, they congratulated themselves on the fact, that no indian was to be discovered in the direction in which they wished to proceed. they had reached within six rods of the outer lodges, and eagle's-wing had already thrown himself upon the ground, with the intention of creeping forward in the position, when guthrie was seen, accompanied by panther, approaching the lodge occupied by the two female prisoners. they came within a few feet of it, when they sat down upon a log, engaged, apparently, in earnest conversation. their voices could be heard occasionally; and although their precise conversation could not be ascertained, it was obvious that guthrie was warmly insisting upon some measure that was opposed to panther. once or twice ralph thought he detected the name of ruth barton, as guthrie was expostulating in a somewhat louder tone of voice than usual. knowing the unscrupulous nature of the villain, he felt, by a sort of instinct, that panther, in that conversation, for some reason of his own, was occupying a position in accordance with his own sentiments and feelings. the presence of these two individuals disconcerted the whole plan of operations. it was a difficulty which had not been anticipated. after waiting for a short time, and seeing that neither guthrie nor panther showed any immediate intention of removing, they anxiously sought for some other plan, by which to accomplish their purpose. but ere that was done, panther, to their great joy, arose and departed in the direction of the fire. guthrie now remained alone. the tuscarora significantly drew his knife, and pointed towards him; but ichabod, at once, expressed his dissent. "that will never do, eagle's-wing. you can't do that twice in one hour, and have it succeed; for if he makes the slightest noise, we shall be obliged to take to our heels. no--that won't do. i have it," said he, with a sudden idea, "and i'll do a little business of my own, at the same time;" and, after whispering a few words to his companions, he cautiously crept backwards into the wood, and then proceeded as cautiously in a westward direction, until he had reached a point sufficiently out of the course that it would be necessary for ralph and eagle's-wing to pursue in making their escape. guthrie, in the meantime, remained seated in the same position which he had occupied during the conversation with panther. he was evidently in a better mood; for, with his cap slouched over his eyes, and his head leaning upon his hand, he seemed to be muttering his grievances to himself. all at once, his ears were saluted with the peculiar grunt or growl of a bear. he raised his head, turned slowly round, and looked backwards toward the forest; then, examining his rifle, raised himself upon his feet. now, a bear, in the days of which we are writing, was not, by any means, a very uncommon object with the hunter in this portion of the state; but those animals were sufficiently scarce, so that the capture of one, while it added largely to one's stock of provisions, also added very much to the reputation of the hunter. guthrie, notwithstanding the mood which seemed to be upon him, did not choose to neglect so favorable an opportunity of, at the same time, ministering to the appetites of his companions, and to his own reputation as a skilful hunter. he again heard the growl of the bear, and, looking cautiously about to see that no one else had noticed the proximity of the favorite game, he moved slowly forward towards the forest. when he had advanced to a point where his back was turned towards the position occupied by ralph and eagle's-wing, the latter crept quickly forward in the direction of the lodge; he passed the outer lodge, and halting for a moment to see that he was not observed, moved again rapidly towards the lodge where he expected to find ruth and her companion. as guthrie advanced into the forest, ichabod, from whom the sounds had proceeded that attracted his attention, moved as cautiously before him, occasionally, however, imitating the growl of the animal he was personating, so as to keep guthrie from straying from the right direction. in this manner, he had succeeded in leading guthrie nearly half a mile from the lodges of the senecas, when, as he believed that before that time, ralph and eagle's-wing must have succeeded in their efforts, as a failure on their part would have been signalled by the cries of the enemy, he determined to end the hunt upon which guthrie was engaged, by letting him know the precise _game_ of which he had been in pursuit. secreting himself behind a tree, that he might not be too early discovered by guthrie, as it was not so dark but that objects at two or three rods' distance might be discerned with tolerable accuracy, he waited the coming of his enemy. as guthrie was about passing him, slightly bent forward, as in the attempt to pierce into the obscurity of the forest, he leaped upon him and pinioned him in his muscular arms. in a moment more, guthrie was disarmed, and was lying helplessly upon the ground, his hands being securely fastened by a cord which ichabod had drawn from his pocket. guthrie, in his astonishment and fear, had not yet recognized the person of his captor. "get up here, you infarnal villain!" cried ichabod; "what's the use of lying upon the ground, when you can just as well stand on your feet?" and he caught hold of him to assist him in rising. guthrie now saw that he was in the power of ichabod--and at once, with the characteristic meanness and cowardice of a rascal, began to beg for life. "you judge of me, i reckon," said ichabod, with contempt, "by what you'd do yourself, were you in my place, you white-livered tory. stop your howling. i don't intend to kill you. i never do that kind of thing in cold blood; and yet i don't know why a man's conscience should be burdened any by smothering the venom of such a _reptile_ as this, anywhere he can catch him." ichabod surveyed the miserable wretch for a few moments, with a mixture of disgust, contempt, and pity. fear seemed to deprive him of all rational power of speech, and he testified his agony by sobs and shrieks. ichabod drew from his pocket another cord. "i'll tell you what, you infarnal traitor, you shall have a touch of the same fare you sarved up for me; only you won't have anybody to guard you from the bears and wolves. you'll be tied up to this tree to-night; and if your friends find you scattered round in pieces in the morning, it will be the fault of the bears and wolves, and not mine." with this, he fastened him securely to the tree. then shouldering his rifle, he exclaimed, amidst the shrieks of the miserable wretch for help-- "you're a tory, a traitor, and a liar; and there's no use in asking god to have marcy on your soul, under any circumstances. all i've got to say is, before bidding you good-night, that if you escape from here, and your miserable carcass ever crosses my path, i'll shoot you as i would a wolf." so saying, he departed in a north-easterly direction, towards the clump of willows where the canoe of eagle's-wing was concealed. this spot had been agreed upon as the rendezvous; and ichabod walked rapidly, spurred on by the excitements of the day through which he had already passed, and by the hope of meeting all his friends once more in safety. for nearly a quarter of a mile, the shrieks of guthrie could be heard, mingled with oaths and cries for help; but soon these sounds failed to reach his ears, and he was alone amidst the silence of the forest. chapter xvi. "the bow has lost its wonted spring, the arrow falters on the wing, nor carries ruin from the string, to end their being and our woes." freneau. the tuscarora, after the departure of ichabod, followed by guthrie, cautiously crept towards the lodge in which he expected to find ruth and singing-bird. this he was enabled to do in comparative safety, as he moved in a deep shadow; and his only danger consisted in the chance of meeting some straggling seneca, or someone who might have been selected as a guard for this particular quarter. but, without interruption, he gained the side of the lodge, the entrance to which was upon the west; but he could not reach it without a momentary exposure of his person to the eyes of anyone who might chance to be looking in that direction. arriving at this point, he paused, and began imitating the shrill whistle or screech of the tree-toad, which, it seems, had been agreed upon between him and singing-bird, as a signal of his presence, in any emergency like the present. to his surprise, he received no answer. again he gave the signal, but no answer was returned. a cold shudder ran through that frame of the tuscarora, as he feared that the prisoners had been removed, and that their enterprise must fail. but he was determined to realize his worst fears by an examination of the interior of this lodge. with this view, he advanced to the extreme point where his person could be obscured in the shadow--a distance of six or eight feet from the entrance. he darted forward, with an agility quickened by the mixture of hope and fear, and found himself within the lodge. it was empty. for a moment, the impassable nature of the savage was overpowered, and he gazed around him with a look of despair; and a shudder passed over him, that shook his strong frame as a leaf is shaken by the wind. but despair could not bring relief, and activity and courage only could retrieve the time that had been lost. again he passed the entrance, and with the same caution retreated to the place where he had left his companion. "they are gone!" he said. "gone?" exclaimed ralph. but at the same moment a yell was heard; and they beheld the indians darting from the fire towards the spot where ichabod had been confined. it was now too late; their only hope was in flight. a few moments was left them, ere the senecas would be upon their track; for the savages would readily comprehend that the escaped prisoner would fly in the direction of the cottage. ralph and eagle's-wing hesitated for a moment; the last hope of relief to the unfortunate prisoners seemed extinguished by this premature discovery of the flight of ichabod. they darted into the forest, and rapidly ran in the direction of the _rendezvous_ which had been agreed upon with their friend. some little time elapsed, ere they discovered that they were pursued; but another, and wilder and fiercer yell from the indians, denoted that some new discovery had taken place, which had excited them still more. had ichabod been again captured? that could not well be; as he had but a short time before left them; and they knew that he did not intend to return again to the lodges of the senecas. a hope sprang to the heart of ralph, that perhaps ruth and singing-bird had also escaped; and that the senecas had but just ascertained that these, the most prized of their prisoners, had fled. but the hope was too faint, too weak, to revive his drooping spirits. they were now conscious that they were pursued, and that their pursuers could not be, at the most, more than a hundred rods behind them. it was yet half a mile to the _rendezvous_; but they were both inured to exercise; and they ran with an ease and freedom, that promised to keep at least that distance between them and their pursuers. after the cries of the senecas which had first fallen upon their ears, had died in the silence, occasionally was heard a wild shriek behind them; but at length these entirely ceased. it was a chase of life and death--the silence of the forest was unbroken by any sound save that of its own music, answering to the gentle pressure of the wind; but they knew well that this silence was owing to the caution of their unrelenting enemies. they arrived, panting at the _rendezvous_. eagle's-wing darted into the clump of willows, with the expectation of beholding ichabod; but he was not there. what was now to be done? should they remain here, or continue their flight towards the cottage? it was fully a mile distant; and yet, were they to be absent, should the senecas again attack it, as they would be likely to do, in their present excitement, barton and the negro would, perhaps, be unable to defend it; and they, too, would fall into the hands of the senecas, from whom no mercy could now be expected. they must continue their flight; it was the only course. a few moments had been lost in this brief consultation; but the time lost had served to give them new energy for flight. they proceeded onward with the same rapidity; the shanty was passed; and they reached the path leading from the cottage into the valley. they had arrived within a quarter of a mile of the cottage, when they discovered persons moving before them, in the same path in which they were traveling. they relaxed their speed, and advanced with more caution than they had yet observed. but, cautious as they were, their approach was detected by the persons they had observed. "speak, or i fire!" shouted the stentorian voice of ichabod. "ichabod!" exclaimed ralph, who with eagle's-wing now rapidly approached; and what was their surprise and joy, as they beheld with their friend, both ruth and singing-bird. hearty were the salutations, and joyful the greetings between the re-united friends; but ralph quickly explained the situation of matters; and the fact that the senecas must be within a hundred rods of them, at least. they had yet time to reach the cottage. their flight was necessarily slow; but the indians must run at least two rods to their one, to overtake them. this was great odds, under ordinary circumstances; but, although singing-bird was more used to this species of exercise than ruth, yet even she was fatigued already; but the energy that fear will give, even when the physical powers are over-taxed, supported ruth for a while. they were in sight of the cottage--it was not more than a furlong distant, when ruth, who had been partially supported by ralph, to this point, fell fainting into his arms. yet sustaining her insensible form, he still advanced rapidly towards the cottage. it was now evident that some of their pursuers were close behind them; a fierce yell communicated to them the fact, that they had been discovered; and a wild scream from twenty throats a few rods more distant denoted that their pursuers was rapidly overtaking them. "i'll have a crack at that injin any way," exclaimed ichabod; as the foremost seneca came leaping towards them. excited by the chase, he did not stop to count the odds; but with upraised tomahawk, the indian rushed towards the flying group. ichabod fired; and the scream of the indian denoted that the ball had taken effect. it had, at least, learned him moderation; and he stopped leaning against a tree, awaiting the approach of his companions. they passed the grove--the cottage door was opened, and barton advanced to meet them. a moment more, and they had passed the threshold, and the door was barred. at this instant, the pursuers came rushing into the grove; and fierce and wild were the shrieks of anger, as they saw their escaped prisoners shut from their view. we will take this opportunity, while the reunited friends are exchanging their congratulations at once more beholding each other in safety, to narrate briefly the history of the escape of ruth and singing-bird. it has been said that singing-bird, by the use of a little duplicity, had been able partially to deceive the senecas. she had been able to make panther believe that when they had once reached the country of the senecas, beyond the lakes, she would yield to his wishes, and become his wife. from the time that panther had formed this belief, she was much less carefully watched; and had such opportunities to escape, that nothing but her ignorance of the place where eagle's-wing was to be found, had prevented her from improving them. when ruth was brought in as a captive, and she had ascertained the precise condition of matters, she at once resolved to fly, on the first opportunity. the same incident which had formed the escape of ichabod--the debauch of the indians--presented the opportunity she wished; and taking a favorable moment, when the larger portion of the senecas were gathered about the fire, and the few who remained sober, were distributed as guards over a much larger space than usual, she and ruth issued from the lodge. they passed the precise spot, which, but a few moments later, was occupied by ralph and the tuscarora--and entered the forest. at first, excited by the hope of liberty, and the fear of detection, they fled with a speed which their strength and power of endurance would not allow them long to continue; but as they began to feel the fatigue incident upon their efforts, and as they were not able to ascertain that the senecas had learned their flight, they slackened their speed, and walked with as much rapidity as the nature of the ground would allow. they endeavored to keep a straight north-westerly course; and by doing so; they would naturally reach that point on the river, which had been selected, although unknown to them, by ichabod and his friends, for a rendezvous. they did, in fact, reach that particular spot; and were passing by it, when ichabod, who had just before reached it, to his exceeding surprise beheld them, and at once presented himself, calling them by name, to prevent the fear which they would naturally feel, had he suddenly shown himself, when in the darkness, perhaps, they would not have been able to recognize him. he informed them of the fact that ralph and eagle's-wing were then engaged in efforts for their escape; and he debated for a few moments with himself, whether they should remain at the rendezvous, and wait the coming of their friends, or proceed towards the cottage. but the consideration, that should ralph and eagle's-wing be discovered, or should the indians ascertain the flight of himself and his companions, their position at the rendezvous would be much less safe, encumbered as they would be with companions whom it would be necessary to protect, and who could not add to the means of defence, determined him to proceed; and they set off immediately, in the direction of the cottage. the rest of the story has been already told. when the family and friends found themselves once more united in the cottage, after the first hearty congratulations, they proceeded to observe the dispositions made by the indians; and to discover, if possible, what might be their plan of operations. the grove by this time was filled with enemies; and a few, even, had advanced upon the lawn between the grove and the cottage; but they were soon recalled to their ideas of safety and self-protection, by the discharge of the rifles of ichabod and the tuscarora, not without effect. these more adventurous senecas, immediately retired. all necessary and proper precautions were at once taken; but the indians made no movement that indicated an immediate attack. it was probable, even, that the result of their former attack, might altogether discourage them from a new attempt; but whatever was their intention, they were careful not to give any intimation of it. within the grove, they were not, in the darkness, visible from the cottage, and it was only after a number of hours had passed, without any indications of an attack, that it was thought they would be left in peace for the night. the proper precautions for safety were taken; and the over worn and over-tasked defenders of the cottage sought a broken repose. chapter xvii. "the miserable have no other medicine, but only hope; i have hope to live." measure for measure. the morning sun arose bright and cheerful, with promise of one of those fair autumnal days which has crowned this peculiar season, as the "sweetest, saddest of the year." the inmates of the cottage, too, arose refreshed by a few hours of repose, and with energies strengthened for the labors or dangers of the day. they were once more united. the malice of their enemies had been defeated, and the courage and inspiration which are derived from success, gave promise of ultimate triumph over all their difficulties. the morning meal passed off happily and cheerfully; and ruth notwithstanding the excitement and fatigue of the preceding evening, possessed all that sweetness and calmness of spirit which had so much charmed ralph, on the evening of his arrival. "really, captain weston," she said, "you must have a strange idea of this valley. you have been with us but four days, and we have had in that brief time, an indian war--sieges and battles--captivities and escapes." "i must say, miss barton, that you have provided me with one entertainment to which i was not invited; but we may hope now, that the "piping days of peace" are come. your father has some fine trout-fishing yet in reserve for me, and jenkins wishes to survey his location for a factory and city lots." this rally at ichabod was received with considerable merriment, but he was not at all disconcerted. "you may laugh at that idea, captin," said he, "but it isn't laughing at a sensible thing that makes it ridiculous. but i _was_ rather provoked, when i proposed that idea to them senecas in full council, and offered to provide 'em with cloth for pantaloons, coats and jackets, to see the pervarse creturs insist upon sticking to their injin, heathenish sort of garments. but, after all, it _is_ an innovation on their old habits, and i shall have to begin by fitting up eagle's-wing with christian clothes, and send him out as a missionary on that business. "no good for injin to wear pale-face clothes," said the tuscarora, with contempt. "how injin look dressed like white man?" "there you go!" exclaimed ichabod. "seneca or tuscarora, it don't make any difference. if i was going to convart the injins, the first step i should take, would be to send out a cargo of tailors; for i _do_ believe that if you could only get them to put on decent clothes, they'd be willing to take up a decent religion." "that's a new idea, certainly," said ruth; "but i should pity the unfortunate workmen. they would scarcely make a living at the business." "the idea is not unphilosophical," said ralph, laughing. "ideas are very much like clothes. they are just as easily put off or on; and to conquer the prejudices of the indians in one respect, would be to conquer them in another. it is a pity, ichabod, that you had not lived to be a coadjutor with elliot. the result of his labors might have been vastly different." "well," replied ichabod, "i never did know a new idea that wasn't laughed at. i suppose you want to have your fun at me, but i'll live to have mine at you, yet." while the family were at breakfast, sambo had been sent out to overlook the surrounding country for any signs of indians. he now came running in to say that a "whole army of injins was coming, and no mistake." at this alarm, the party at once betook themselves to their defences; and from the lookouts they endeavored to get a sight of the approaching enemy. "the lying nigger!" exclaimed ichabod. "only _one_ injin and without we'pons at that." "he is evidently coming with a message of some sort or other," said barton. "suppose you go, ralph, and hear what he has to say." ralph went out towards the grove where the indian was waiting for him. as he approached the seneca, the latter took from his belt a letter and delivered it to him. "pale-face prisoners send letter to talk," said the seneca, as he surveyed the document with a sort of superstitious fear. "hear him talk, eh?" "perhaps so," answered ralph. "i will give you an answer soon, if it should need one," and he again entered the cottage, while the indian threw himself lazily upon the ground. when ralph reached the room where the inmates were assembled, much speculation was going on as to the probable contents of the letter; for its delivery to ralph had been observed. it was evident that it must have been written by the attorney; and it was immediately opened, and the contents read aloud by ralph. the letter ran thus: "to esquire barton, or to whomsoever these presents shall come, greeting: "sir--i am requested by that excellent but somewhat irascible chief, panther, to address you a few lines--although i can scarcely say that they are written in a professional capacity. he has just advised me that he holds the deputy sheriff and myself in his hands, as a sort of equivalent for a certain tuscarora indian and his squaw, supposed and believed to be now at the cottage and he has even gone so far, though in a very civil manner, as to inform me, that without the said indian and his squaw are delivered to him, he will be under the necessity of executing upon us some horrid species of capital punishment, for which i know no technical name; and for which, i think, none is to be found in the most approved authorities. he has requested me, as he himself is not skilled in clerical matters, to write this, and to say that he proposes a consultation, at which said matter shall be considered, and at which shall be present, besides myself and the said deputy sheriff, rogers, two of each party, unarmed; the meeting to take place in the grove south of the cottage. this line is forwarded by the bearer, who is to precede us by half an hour. "your most humble servant, john bagsley." p.s. should mr. ichabod jenkins be present at the cottage, i hope that he will consider himself under arrest, although a manual touching was not actually made upon his person, unfortunate circumstances preventing. should he decline to consider himself under arrest, i hope that he may be detained until our arrival, and the making of the proposed exchange." ralph could not restrain his laughter as he read this curious epistle. the quiet confidence with which the attorney assumed that the exchange would at once be made, and the business-like appeal to ichabod, were sufficiently provocative of a smile from all, except ichabod, who did not seem to relish this public reminder of the unfortunate result of some of his previous speculations. but it was deemed advisable to consent to the meeting, as it was possible that some result might be arrived at, which would terminate the present difficulties. ralph therefore informed the seneca that they would consent to treat with panther on the terms proposed, at the time appointed; and the indian at once departed to convey the answer. "this attorney is a strange man," said barton: "and he has probably involved himself and his companion in a difficulty from which they will not be able to escape." "who wants him to escape?" growled ichabod. "a seneca even, is a gentleman, compared with one of those sneaking attorneys; and yet, perhaps, it wouldn't be right not to try to save the creturs; seeing as how they're human flesh and blood; _but_ if we do save 'em, i suppose i must bid you good-bye, and start for the settlements." "don't be discouraged, ichabod," said ralph; "we shall probably find some means to relieve you, should you be actually arrested. but the first thing is, to get these unfortunate men from the hands of the senecas. they would seem to insist, from the letter, that eagle's-wing and singing-bird should be delivered up to them. if no other terms than these are proposed, bagsley and his companion will have to suffer the penalty of their temerity. they were well advised beforehand." "dey lose scalp: don't know enough to keep 'em," said eagle's-wing. "what scalp good for, if they don't know 'nough to keep injin from taking 'em?" "it may be a small matter to you, eagle's-wing," said barton, laughing, "but these prisoners would probably think their scalps of great importance to themselves. but if i am not mistaken, i see them approaching through the grove. i would suggest that ralph and myself be selected for this meeting. you, ichabod, and the tuscarora, would be too likely to provoke an unfortunate termination of the matter, by the anger your presence would excite." this selection was agreed to; and ralph and barton walked towards the grove, to the same place where the former consultation had been held. as they arrived at this spot, they saw approaching, at a few rods distance, bagsley and the deputy sheriff, who were only bound by a strong thong passed around the left arm of bagsley and the right arm of rogers; so that they were effectually coupled. as rogers was much taller than the attorney, the confinement seemed to be equally irksome; for, while the attorney was compelled to walk in a much more than usually erect position, his companion was compelled to stoop enough to meet him half-way. it was a compromise that did not seem to have the effect of pleasing either, and gave rise to frequent altercations between them; the attorney insisting that rogers did not stoop enough, and the bailiff swearing that bagsley did not lift himself up enough, to divide equally the difficulty. they were accompanied by our old acquaintances, deersfoot and snake-tongue, who marched beside them with a steady gravity, which no one but an indian could have preserved. when they reached the small plot of green-sward, the indians made brief but dignified salutations to barton and ralph, who returned them in as brief and dignified a manner. but bagsley made an effort to rush forward to grasp barton by the hand, but he was withheld by the weight of his more saturnine companion. "how often am i compelled to inform you, mr. rogers," said bagsley with irritation, "that the line of conduct adopted by you is neither in accordance with courtesy nor good breeding? could you not see that there is a propriety in accosting our friends with warmth, who are about to relieve us from an unpleasant situation? i declare, that under no circumstances, will i ever consent to be so closely united with you again. but excuse me, gentlemen. you will pardon any seeming disrespect, under the circumstances," casting a contemptuous glance over his left shoulder. "there's no use in blowing up a fellow in this fashion," answered rogers. "you hang down on me so, that it's no wonder i don't stir any more than i'm obliged to." "good day to you both," said barton. "i am sorry to see you in such a situation; but you will give me the credit of having prophesied such a result to you." "i must say, that the advise you gave us, was not far from correct," answered bagsley; "but i relied upon the majesty of the law, and the sanctity of our persons, as its humble officers, as sufficient to protect us; and i am well convinced, that were our red friends to suffer me to instruct them in some of its elementary principles, they would see the error of their conduct, and discharge us with a proper acknowledgment in satisfaction of damages. but i am sorry to say, that they have thus far refused to listen to instruction relative to a system of jurisprudence, adorned by the writings of bacon and coke, and illumined and embellished by the lives of hale and mansfeld, and ---- i really wish, mr. rogers, that you would suffer your person to become a little more pliable." this interruption was occasioned by rogers having risen erect, in an attempt to illustrate the dignity of the profession of which he was an officer; and the consequence was, that the attorney found himself lifted from his feet, and suspended in the air. "i aren't to blame," said rogers gruffly, "for your being so small. lay that to them as it belongs to." "after the notice which you have received, gentlemen," said bagsley, now opening the business of the meeting, "it cannot be necessary for me to state the object of this consultation. you are aware that mr. rogers and myself have fallen into the power of our red friends, without legal warrant or authority on their part; by which act, they have undoubtedly become liable to us in damages. but they allege, that they are sovereign in themselves, and only amenable to their own laws; but as they are now in the county of tryon, this position is anomalous, to say the least; it is an establishment of an _imperium in imperio,_ which cannot exist--as i could substantiate by the authority of the best legal writers. but, notwithstanding such points and arguments as i have presented, and--as mr. rogers will admit, with considerable force--they adhere to their first expressed opinion as a point _res adjudicata_, and refuse to release us, except upon terms. i have the more readily consented to those terms, as i am not called upon in any way to release our rights of action for damages." "may i ask the precise nature of the terms you mention?" inquired ralph. "of course, captain weston; that is a proper subject of inquiry the terms, in themselves, are easy, and i must say, much easier than could have been expected. they are, that we shall be released, on the delivery to them of a certain indian and his squaw, who are somewhere hereabouts." "i know the indian to whom you allude," said ralph. "the senecas have already endeavored to obtain possession of him, after having grievously wronged him; and we have thus far defended him, at the risk of our lives." "i know nothing about the original difficulty between this indian and the senecas," said bagsley, "but whatever it may have been, i think the whole matter can now be amicably adjusted, and will be. you will deliver him and his squaw, and receive us in exchange: the senecas will at once depart from this territory, and remove with them that anomaly in our laws of which i have spoken; while we, having completed the arrest of mr. jenkins, will depart also, and the territory will be quiet again." the duty which devolved upon barton and ralph was becoming exceedingly unpleasant. it was hard to undeceive the unfortunate attorney, whose confidence in the exchange proposed was so strong. he evidently could not realize that any impediment could stand in the way; or that ralph and barton could hesitate for a moment in releasing them upon terms that seemed so easy. "we have already intimated to you, mr. bagsley," said ralph, with a seriousness that immediately attracted the attention of the attorney, "that the tuscarora is our friend. he has rendered mr. barton and myself services for which we are deeply grateful to him." "that, perhaps, complicates the matter, a little," answered bagsley: "a debt of gratitude, although not strictly a legal obligation and of a nature to be enforced in a court of law, (although it will frequently support an executed contract by way of consideration,) is, i must confess, exceedingly hard to be rid of; and perhaps one would not be justifiable in repudiating it upon light occasions; but the question here presents itself in this manner; a debt of gratitude upon the one side, which, i have observed, is not actionable, and the lives of two gentlemen of the profession on the other. the preponderance of argument is so obvious, that i should be wasting time in calling your attention to it." "there is an addition to the argument, upon what you deem the weaker side, that you have forgotten to mention--that is, the _lives_ of our friends, whom you ask us to surrender." "that was not a matter unthought-of," said bagsley, with complacency: "it was merely a point reserved. i cannot bring myself to believe that our red friends would carry matters to the extremity which they have threatened. it was probably only one of those pardonable subterfuges by which we endeavor, in the profession, to bring parties to terms--a matter merely held up _in terrorem_." "i hope," said ralph, who was determined to undeceive the attorney at once, "that it may be as you say; but neither mr. barton nor myself, however unpleasant to you or ourselves such a determination may be, can think, for a moment, of surrendering the tuscarora into the hands of enemies who are thirsting for his blood." this announcement, made in a firm tone, but with a look that indicated the sorrow with which it was made, struck the attorney with surprise and fear. a mortal pallor overspread his features. "you do not mean, captain weston--you _cannot_ mean, mr. barton, that you will not release us?" "anything that we can do, except the surrender of any of our friends into the hands of the senecas, we will cheerfully, gladly do. but that, you will yourself see--however unpleasant it may be to you, to acknowledge it--we cannot do." "my god! my god!" exclaimed bagsley, forgetting, in his fear, his professional character, "what shall we do?" "i consider it rather hard fare," said rogers, who being of a more saturnine temperament than the attorney, was not so susceptible to sudden emotions. "if two white men, and professional gentlemen to boot, arn't reckoned of any more consequence than a couple of wild injins, what's the use of being white folks, i'd like to know?" deersfoot and snake-tongue, who had thus far preserved a perfect silence, now advanced to take part in the conversation: "my brothers know," said deersfoot, "that they must give us canendesha and his squaw, or these pale-faces must die. we have spoken, and so it must be." "deersfoot," said barton, "i cannot believe that you will put them to death. you are now at peace with the colonies. these men have done you no harm. even if you have cause for anger with us, these men are innocent. it would be a murder, for which the colonists would take ample revenge in burning your villages and destroying your people." "they are pale-faces, and that is all we know. if one pale-face does us harm, we will hurt all the pale-faces we can. we have buried the hatchet with the colonies, and we will not dig it up. we are not on a war-path; but if we are injured, we will do what hurt we can. i have spoken." "if you do any harm to these men," said ralph, "we will punish you, if we have to follow you to your own country. there are men at the settlements who will take up this quarrel." "let the pale-faces take care of themselves," said snake-tongue. "they may boast less, by-and-by. _we_ do not boast, but we will do what we can. our talk is finished. let us go." deersfoot advanced towards the attorney, who remained as if stupified. "come!" said he, laying his hand upon him. the attorney shrieked with fear. "for heaven's sake, captain weston--mr. barton, do not let these indians take us back again." "we pity you, unfortunate men; but we cannot help you. we wish we could," exclaimed barton. at this moment, ichabod and the tuscarora were seen issuing from the door of the cottage, with their rifles in their hands. their faces expressed a determination that was unmistakable but at the same instant, a body of indians was seen approaching at the opposite extremity of the grove. the indians had evidently foreseen this result of the consultation, and were now approaching on some mischievous errand. barton and ralph immediately departed towards the cottage, into which ichabod and the tuscarora also retired, while the attorney and his companion departed in the opposite direction, under guard of the senecas. chapter xviii. "and long shall timorous fancy see the painted chief and pointed spear; and reason's self shall bow the knee to shadows and delusions here." freneau. deersfoot and snake-tongue, with the two prisoners, after a short distance, met the main body of the senecas. beyond the grove was a small strip of partially cleared land, which was covered with a thick green-sward. here the indians halted, and immediately held a council, in which to deliberate upon the fate of their prisoners, and upon their future proceedings with reference to the cottage. when the failure of the negotiation was announced, the whole wrath of the indians was concentrated upon the unfortunate attorney and his companion. in their eyes, the latter were answerable for all the wrongs which they fancied they had suffered from the pale-faces and their tuscarora ally at the cottage. bagsley and the bailiff were placed in the centre of a circle of warriors. rogers maintained a sullen silence, and surveyed the hostile countenances of the senecas with a look of seeming indifference; but the attorney, from the moment that the unexpected refusal of barton and ralph to exchange him for the tuscarora had shown him his imminent danger, remained seemingly stupefied with fear. but, as he beheld around him the assemblage of warriors, and a certain appearance of deliberation, he began to recover the use of his faculties. perhaps, he thought that the act of deliberation implied a doubt of their actual intention; or, perhaps, seeing that he might have an opportunity to plead for his life, he placed some reliance upon his oratorical powers. but, whatever was the cause, it is certain that, in his appearance, he resumed a portion of his professional dignity of demeanor. the warriors and their chiefs were assembled in council. panther, as principal chief, occupied the most prominent situation; beside him sat deersfoot and snake-tongue, and two or three others, who were recognized as superior to the great mass of the indians. when the assembly had finally assumed an appearance of order, the younger chief, whose name was bearsclaw, arose to speak. he had never yet gained a reputation for oratory, and he assumed a modesty and humiliation that were proper to his station. "brothers," said he, "you know my name--it is bearsclaw; it is a name which was given to me because i was thought to be strong in struggling with my enemy. i did not deserve it: i should have had a smaller name. i have not the tongue to speak; but i can tell what i think--i think these pale-faces should live. i think that we should keep them prisoners a little while, and then let them go. shall i tell you why? they came to us freely; we did not take them! they have not wronged us. perhaps i do not think right; i do not know but a little; but what i think i will speak. i see that you do not like my words, and i am sorry that you do not. if we kill them, we shall get into trouble. the pale-faces from the settlements will come out on the war-path, and will ravage our hunting grounds. i am not a coward--you have seen me in fight. my name is bearsclaw. i cannot speak much; but i can tell what i think. i have spoken." this speech was received in silence--a silence, perhaps, that implied dissatisfaction. but bagsley argued from it a favorable result; for he thought a matter could not be predetermined, about which a chief had spoken, as if there was doubt as to the propriety of the course that had been threatened. when bearsclaw sat down, snake-tongue, as the chief next highest in rank arose and said: "brothers, you have heard the counsel of bearsclaw: he has a large name. it is a great pity that a warrior with so brave a name, cannot be brave in speech. i do not think as he does. i am an iroquois--of the nation of the senecas. i have always been taught not to be afraid. bearsclaw has said that the pale-faces from the settlements will follow us on the war-path. let them come! we want to see them in the woods and fields. we do not want to see them skulking behind walls and log houses. let them follow us into the woods: there is where i want to see them. "i say that these pale-faces should die. they have been the cause of all our troubles. if it had not been for their fire-water to-day we should have tortured the brave that we tortured yesterday. he was a brave warrior, and it would have done us good to have tortured him. but he escaped; and how? the fire-water of these pale-faces made our young warriors careless, and we lost him; and we lost the pale-face squaw, and the squaw of canendesha. we have lost, too, our pale-face friend; he has gone, and no one knows where. he was lost at the same time with the others. they have taken him and killed him. should we let the pale-faces, who have done all this, go and laugh at us? no--let them die! they are not as brave as the warrior we had yesterday; but they will make sport for our young warriors. we shall be sorry if we do not take their scalps. we shall always think of it, and wish we had done it, when we think of our young men who have been killed in these forests. i have spoken." he sat down amidst loud cheers. he was evidently on the popular side; and the countenances of bagsley and rogers grew pale, as they saw the effect of this speech. but there was some hope yet; only two of the warriors had spoken, and, so far, the council was equally divided in opinion. it was with the utmost anxiety that they waited for deersfoot to arise. after the noise had subsided, and silence was restored, the latter arose to speak. he stood next to panther in the estimation of the senecas; and some there were, who preferred him to that chief, as a braver and more cunning warrior. "brothers," he said in a tranquil tone, "we have come here to decide upon two things. we are to say whether these pale-faces shall die, and we are to say what we shall do about the pale-faces at the cottage. i have no secrets; my heart is as open as my face. snake-tongue has said that these pale-faces are the cause of all of our troubles. may be this is so; but i do not see it as he does. our young men should not love the fire-water of the pale-faces. if they had not loved it, then the pale-faces could not have done us any harm. i do not know that they are to be blamed. i want to think about it a little while. "but the other thing i _have_ thought about. i do not want to think any more about it. the pale-faces at the cottage have killed our young men. they have made us ashamed, that so few pale-faces can escape from so many injins. i am so ashamed that my heart is sad; and it will not be happy any more until we have taken their scalps. i wish to fight them again. i wish to see if we cannot burn down the cottage, and take them all prisoners. i am sure that we can do it. if we cannot, i shall be much more ashamed: and i shall think that the senecas, like the oneidas and tuscaroras, are squaws. i, for one will never leave the valley of the pleasant river, until i take with me, the scalp of one of those pale-faces. the scalps of these pale-faces will not do me any good; for they have not killed our young men. i want to wear in my belt the scalp of the enemy who has taken the scalp of a seneca. until that is done, i shall always be ashamed. "let these pale-faces live until we have attacked the cottage. if we take the scalps of our enemies there, we shall have taken enough; and we shall not want any more. if we do not get them, then we will think about these pale-faces. i have spoken." this speech, which had touched the hearts of the senecas with shame, and kindled in them a wild hope of revenge, was received with shrieks of delight. in the direction which it had given to the thoughts of the senecas, the prisoners were, for the moment, forgotten; and the counsel of deersfoot would doubtless have been acquiesced in, had it not been for the fact that panther did not share the general enthusiasm. when this was noticed, his more particular adherents at once become silent, and waited to take their cue from him. he was about to arise, when bagsley, who had also become much excited by this appeal of deersfoot, in his favor, and who was unable any longer to maintain silence, deeming this the favorable moment to make a finish of the "case," exclaimed, assuming as much of a forensic position and demeanor, as his connection with rogers would allow: "if the court please, gentlemen of the--council; for i may denominate this respectable body, a court, while it is actually sitting in _banco_, according to the peculiar laws by which it is governed--i have listened thus far, to this summary trial--a trial which, i may say, is unrecognized by any statute of which i am cognizant--with a high opinion of the ability and learning with which it has been conducted. but, as a prisoner on trial for his life, i respectfully submit, whether i have not the right to ask that this trial shall be conducted according to some recognized form. i have as yet seen no bill of indictment; i have not been called upon to plead; in other words, i have not had the privilege of alleging my innocence upon the record i have not been confronted with witnesses--therefore, in a legal point of view, i may consider this whole proceeding as _coram non judice_ and void, and of no binding force whatever. according to the law of the land, as generally understood, i am entitled to all of these rights. i, therefore, upon these grounds, to say nothing about many other points which i consider equally conclusive, wish to raise the question of jurisdiction. i could, doubtless, make a motion in arrest of judgment, _non obstante veredicto_; but a question of jurisdiction can be interposed at any time. i therefore respectfully submit, whether, according to the advice of my friend, deersfoot, a _nolle prosequi_ should not be entered." "bearsclaw has presented the case upon somewhat different grounds, but he arrives at the same conclusions. he alleges that we are guilty of no offence. he is correct, not only in fact, but as matter of law. it is a principle of the law, originating in a benevolent idea of mercy, that a prisoner is to be presumed innocent until he is proved guilty. i rely upon this principle, and i hope the court will make a note of it. on examination, it will be found to be a principle admirably adapted to indian jurisprudence. upon all of these grounds, i insist that mr. rogers and myself should be discharged." at the conclusion of this speech, rogers, who had listened with great pleasure, and who had a high idea of his friend's eloquence exclaimed with a gesture that lifted the attorney at least a foot from the ground, "them's my sentiments, and they are good law anywhere." the indians had listened to this voluble speech of the attorney with mingled feelings of amazement and disgust. they could comprehend scarcely a word of the discourse, but its general tenor they understood; and that was, that he was begging for his life. if there is anything in the conduct of a prisoner which removes from an indian all idea of mercy, it is an exhibition of cowardice, or a desire to escape torture, except by force or stratagem. the current which had set in their favor, on the conclusion of deersfoot's speech, was effectually checked; and all that was now wanting, was panther's approval, to decide them in favor of putting the prisoners to immediate torture. panther arose, and the assembly immediately became silent. "brothers," said he, "you have heard the words which have been spoken to you. it is for you to say which are wise, and which are foolish. bearsclaw, snake-tongue and deersfoot have all told you what they think. the pale-faces, too, have spoken to you. you have heard their words. i think with deersfoot, that we must have the scalps of the pale-faces at the cottage, and the scalp of canendesha. there is no warrior here that does not say so. we have thought so from the first. it was not a new thing with deersfoot; you have all thought so. that is not the matter we have come here to talk about. we should be ashamed to talk about it. we know what we will do. "i say let these pale-faces die. they do not deserve to live. they are bad men--they are bad even among the pale-faces, and the pale-faces hate them. they are like snakes, and have forked tongues; they do not tell what they think. they lie in the grass, and bite at the foot of the unwary. even the pale-faces hate them; but they are worse to the injins than they are to the pale-faces; for they steal away our hunting-grounds. why should we let them loose to lie like snakes in the grass and bite at us? bearsclaw says that they came to us, and that we did not take them on the war-path. that is true; but they came to us with forked tongues, to get away our prisoner; and i do not know but that they did get him away. they came, and he is gone. "if we keep them prisoners, we shall have to set some of the warriors to watch them. that we ought not to do; for we shall want all of our warriors to-night. i have said more than i meant to say. they are not worth talking about; they are not braves that will laugh at the torture, and please our ears with harsh words. they are cowards that will cry and faint. such men are not fit to live. let the pale-faces die." this conclusion was received by the senecas with shouts of savage exultation. the unfortunate prisoners quailed beneath the fiery glances of their enemies. the attorney endeavored to speak, but his utterance failed--fear deprived him of the power of speech. the bailiff, however, as the danger actually approached, grew firm and brave, and looked at them with that peculiar gaze with which the officer looks into the eyes of the thief. the senecas approached them for the purpose of preparing them for the torture. "stand back, you rascals!" cried the bailiff. "you are now in my bailiwick. look me in the eyes, if you dare, and see if you can stand the gaze of the law." but notwithstanding this effort at overawing them, the indians rudely tore apart the thongs that bound the attorney and the bailiff together, and dragged them into the woods south of the little clearing in which they were. we shall not attempt to narrate the disgusting and horrible scene; but on that day, the bar of tryon county lost a distinguished member, and that bailiwick a faithful officer. while these scenes of savage cruelty are being enacted, let us return to the cottage. the presence of the indians in their neighborhood, was known to the inmates of the cottage; for, occasionally, during the council, the ferocious yells which had cheered the "hit" of some favorite orator, had been heard with distinctness. neither ichabod, eagle's-wing, nor any one who was acquainted with the customs and habits of the indians, could doubt as to the nature of the proceedings, of which they heard frequent indications. it was rendered certain, by the fact that the indians were about to take the lives of the prisoners, that the cottage would be again attacked. "with us five inside here," said ichabod, "i'd risk all the injins this side of tophet--provided they didn't set down in reg'lar siege, or set the buildings afire. i reckon that last remark of mine will be found to be a pretty good guess, as to the worst danger we shall run in this attack." "other time, seneca want prisoner," said the tuscarora. "didn't want pale-face scalp, half so bad as now. they take 'em to-night, if they can." "i think," said ralph, "we can guard against danger by fire; but, nevertheless, we should not be so certain of it as to neglect any proper precautions. the wooden portions of the building are very dry and if the indians can get fire upon the roof, we shall, indeed, run a serious danger, for we could not show ourselves upon the outside, without presenting fair marks for every indian rifle." "the house is well provided with water," said barton. "we have a large cistern, which is supplied by an unfailing stream that comes down from the west." "yes, but the question is," said ichabod, "how we're going to get the water upon the roof, in case of necessity? the difficulty, in that business, has been stated by the captin. now, i've got an idea about managing the matter, if it comes to the worst; and that is, to leave the cottage, and take to the water." this idea took the whole party by surprise; and barton, with a look of incredulity, asked ichabod how he supposed they should be able to leave the burning building without being exposed to the watchful eyes of the indians. "that's the p'int, squire, that i've been thinking about; and eagle's-wing and i have been talking it over, and you'll see we'll manage it, in case of necessity. it's rayther risky, sartin; but i calculate it ain't any more so than it would be to stay here, and be burnt up. the best calculations will fail sometimes, in war, as well as in business matters: but if them injins should drive us to it, they'll have to show more cunning than the sarpints have yet shown, to keep our plan from working." the manner of the escape--should it be necessary--with as many of the details as could be anticipated, were agreed upon and arranged. any such anticipation was sufficiently melancholy, as, if they were driven from the cottage, they would be much more exposed to the danger of capture than they had yet been. on the conclusion of these arrangements, ralph found himself by the side of ruth, who seemed to be suffering a great depression of spirits, from the saddening forebodings which she had overheard. she had become attached to her quiet home--she had acquired a fondness for the objects by which she was surrounded; and she could not think of their destruction, without a feeling of exquisite sorrow. "if such be the will of heaven," she said to ralph, "we must submit." "it is but an anticipation. ruth, against which we must guard. we may succeed in repelling this attack, as easily as we did the former. but it is not to be disguised, that while on the previous attack, the great object of the enmity of the indians was the tuscarora; now, _we_ as well as _he_ are the objects; and they will resort to the method we have anticipated, if possible." "would it not be better to escape at once? we could leave the cottage, now, without danger; but during the attack, it seems to me it will be impossible to do so." "we should then certainly abandon the cottage to destruction, and encounter dangers that now are only possible and not certain. no, i am willing to trust to the plan suggested by ichabod and eagle's-wing. although they have not given us the full details of it, i think i understand it. we have, thus far, been signally successful, and let us rely upon our good fortune a little farther." "say, rather, ralph, upon god. it is his power, only, that supports and protects us." ralph at once admitted the propriety of the correction. "in affairs of the world, we use worldly terms. we speak of the protection we receive from our good fortune, without intending to imply any doubt of the protection which we receive from heaven." "would it not be better, ralph, at all times to acknowledge, by a proper use of words, our dependence upon him from whom good or bad fortune proceeds, than only to acknowledge the results of circumstances?" "i do not doubt it. let us rely upon his assistance, then," said ralph. "we shall certainly need it, to-night." the sun was already sinking behind the western hills, into a rich mass of crimson clouds. the night approached with a melancholy step, and every heart in the cottage beat with anxiety for the first sound that should indicate the presence of the enemy. the aspect of nature was calm and lovely. the setting sun wore the look of yesterday; familiar objects gazed brightly in the golden garments which were woven around them; the long shadows pointed eastward, towards the coming to-morrow. but who can foretell, from the look of this day, what shall be the appearance of the next? chapter xix. "ah! whence yon glare, that fires the arch of heaven?--that dark-red smoke, blotting the silver moon?" shelley. an hour had passed, and yet there were no indications of an attack. the inmates of the cottage had taken their places as on the night of the previous conflict; and, with all their senses upon the alert, endeavored to detect the approach of an enemy, from whom so much was to be feared. ruth and singing-bird had both taken positions by the loop-holes, and without strenuous objection; for, on a night that threatened to be so dangerous, they, even, might render important resistance. another hour passed. was it possible that the indians, satisfied with the lives of their two unfortunate prisoners, had abandoned the idea of again attacking the cottage? this query presented itself to the mind of more than one of the little garrison; and it was with a pleasant thrill of hope, that the idea first occurred to the mind of ruth. even ichabod, with all his experience in indian character, suggested to eagle's-wing the possibility that such a hope might be well-founded. "no," was the answer; "don't know injins if you think so. they come, sartin, by'mby. panther cunning injin. he mean to get cottage to-night, any way--that what it means." "do you suppose, eagle's-wing, that they're anywhere round here now?" asked ichabod, more to hear what his friend would answer, than for any other purpose. "guess so; guess that ravine _full_ of injins. hear 'em, by'mby. they won't yell nor shoot. know that don't do any good. can't shoot through logs; that they know." "i reckon you're about right, eagle's-wing. they want to put us off our guard; and by-and-by some miscreant will try to set us afire. but if we watch, we can prevent that; they can't _carry_ fire without our seeing it." "don't know that. little spark make great fire, sometime. hide little spark pretty well, if they try." the night had now become dark; the sky was partly obscured by clouds--sufficiently so to render it extremely difficult to discern objects no larger than the size of a man, at even a rod's distance. but while the darkness would allow the indians to approach nearer the building with less chance of detection, it would also render it more difficult for them to conceal any attempt to set the cottage on fire. two, three, or even four hours, might elapse ere any demonstration on the part of the senecas would be made. this uncertainty, united with the darkness and silence which reigned both within and without, tasked the spirits of the defenders more than any open attack would have done. no anxiety is more overpowering than that of awaiting an event the coming of which is to be dreaded, and yet which will certainly arrive. in the whole range of catastrophes to which mankind are subject, there is, perhaps, but one important exception to this remark, and that is the great catastrophe to which each individual of the human family is subject, which is certain to arrive, and which is universally dreaded. it may arrive soon or late--no one knows when, or how it will come; yet the anxiety incident to that event, is easily overcome; and one by one, a generation passes away, each one knowing well his doom, yet neglecting the least preparation. this anxiety at length became so irksome, that a desultory conversation sprung up between the different individuals of the party--yet, without any cessation of watchfulness, ichabod, who had remained silent since the last reply of eagle's-wing, now again addressed his companion. "why wouldn't it be a good idea for one of us to reconnoitre a little? we could find out for sartin whether any of the reptiles are ra'ally round here or not?" eagle's-wing did not answer. his eyes seemed to be strained almost from their sockets in endeavoring to pierce the darkness. suddenly the silence was broken by the discharge of his rifle; and at the unexpected sound amidst the unnatural quiet which reigned around them, every member of the little garrison started simultaneously with the report. a scream was heard from the outside, towards the ravine, and ichabod saw an indian fall struggling upon the ground, while a small brand of fire fell by his side upon the dry leaves along the edge of the ravine. "well done, eagle's-wing!" exclaimed ichabod. "it takes an injin to see an injin in the dark; but that rascal won't set fire to the cottage, any way." "plenty more, down yonder, where he come from. they keep still, though; won't be foolish, this time." it was true, that although the seneca had fallen, and the brand of fire which he had carried concealed, lay by his side; not a sound indicated the presence of another enemy. they had failed in this attempt; but another might be more successful. it was evident, that on this occasion, the senecas would throw away no chances of triumph. it has already been mentioned that the forest on the edge of the ravine, approached within three or four rods of the cottage; and as the ground was strewn with dry leaves and dead underbrush, the feelings of safety which the defenders of the cottage, for a moment, had entertained on the detection of this attempt to set the building on fire, was now exchanged for alarm. the brand which had fallen by the side of the indian, had unfortunately fallen upon a small pile of dry underbrush, which was also covered with dry leaves. a slight wind, which now blew in occasional light gusts from the northward, ignited the whole brand into a live coal, and a feeble blaze began to ascend from around it. "_con_-found the fire!" exclaimed ichabod. "i'll try and stop that enemy, any way." he discharged his rifle at the burning brand, and the coal flew scattered in all directions. this was a risk which he foresaw. the scattered coals might fall upon other places which were equally dangerous; if so, the danger would be increased; but there was a chance, too, that they might fall upon places where they would be extinguished. for a moment, the experiment seemed perfectly successful; a feeble and flickering blaze, that seemed about to expire, only remained where the brand had originally fallen. but another slight gust of wind now came, and the feeble blaze streamed upwards into a steady fire. "over here, with your rifles," shouted ichabod; and five rifles were at once discharged into the burning pile. the blazing brush was partially scattered; but that now seemed to increase the danger. the wind came in gentle currents, and the dry leaves and brush were taking fire in half-a-dozen different places. it was useless to fight an enemy which was only multiplied and made more dangerous by defeat. "i reckon it's bad enough," said ichabod, "to have to fight them rascally injins, without being obliged to fight the elements, besides. wind, fire, and injins, all at once, are _rayther_ too much for human natur'." "what's to be done now?" inquired barton, who had become very much agitated by this new danger, for it was apparent that should the dry wood in the forest set fire to the trees, as would be most likely, with a northern wind to blow the flames in the direction of the cottage, nothing could prevent the building from taking fire. but there was yet hope; the fire might be confined to the underbrush, and expire without catching among the trees. "i don't know of anything we can do just now, squire," replied ichabod, to the question of barton, "except to wait. i've known things to be as desp'rate before, and come out right in the end. i don't like it, though, that's sartin. i'm afeard, eagle's-wing, that we shall have to try that thing we talked about." "think so, too," was the calm reply of the tuscarora; "when time come, then i'm ready." for a short time, the anxiety felt in the cottage was extreme. it was yet doubtful whether there was any serious danger from this new enemy or not. but the fire steadily increased; it ran along the ground, catching from bush to bush, and among heaps of dry bushes and limbs of trees, which had been collected by the labor of barton, and soon the light began to penetrate the recesses of the forest. the red rays darted in among the old trees, and lit them up with a strange, wild glare. the flames crept along with steady pace, as the fire increased, until the whole ravine was suddenly illumined by a blaze of light, and in its recesses were disclosed the main body of the senecas, watching with savage delight the insidious approaches of their new ally. when they saw that they were discovered, a wild yell of exultation broke from every throat, and darting from the ravine, they scattered in all directions about the cottage; but at sufficient distance to be out of reach of the rifles. for a short time, all was silent again, and all were intent upon observing the progress of this new assailant. the whole surface of the ground for four or five rods in extent, immediately north of the cottage, seemed now to be on fire. at numerous points, the fire raged intensely, and shot up tall spires, of flames among the crackling branches; now catching upon the mossy side of a tree, it ran upward, darting with the rapidity of lightning for a moment, then suddenly expiring, leaving a blackened crust, instead of the fresh green moss. the wind gradually blew stronger and wilder. unluckily, heaps of dry wood had been piled around the trunks of trees, and now the bodies of those trees were seen to be on fire. up among the branches leaped the flames: points of fire darted here and there, like blazing serpents, while, borne by the wind, thick clouds of sparks began to load the air, and dart towards the doomed roof of the cottage. soon, a steady stream of flame began to mount the trunk of a tall dead pine, which stood upon the edge of the forest. upward and upward it crept; now pausing, as if to gnaw inward into its centre, then darting with a leap like a wild beast, pouncing on its prey. around the base of the tree, the fire raged intensely, for here a mass of dry limbs and logs had been collected; and momentarily, the flames from all sides ate inwardly towards its centre. a few dry and leafless limbs stood out from the old trunk, pointing upward; and along these the fire now crept, and they seemed like tortured arms held bleeding to the sky. the cottage was no longer safe. a few moments more, and the pine must fall; if it fell upon the cottage, it would crush it into a heap of ruins; and if this danger was avoided, the fire could not be escaped. the intense heat already penetrated the building, and through the loop-holes streamed the light, with a red, unearthly glare. the indians saw that the inmates must either endeavor to escape or be consumed. they had scattered about the cottage in all directions; not a point was left unguarded, where their victims could escape; and as the moment of vengeance approached nearer and nearer, they testified their joy by loud and exulting shrieks. every window, every door was guarded; the roof of the cottage stood out against the sky, and every crack and cranny of its thatching was exposed. suddenly, to their surprise and delight, the door that opened upon the roof was lifted, and their most hated enemy, the tuscarora, leaped from the glaring rafters with his rifle in his hand, and stood for a moment before their eyes, erect and fearless. in the strong, red light, every feature of his countenance could be traced--every gesture could be marked. with a steady look of indifference, he gazed about him for a moment, then darting forward, leaped from the roof to the ground. the place selected for the leap was the south-west angle of the building, where he would fall within the shadow. thirty rifles had been raised to shoot at him; but the admiration of the senecas at this exploit had probably saved his life; for not a rifle was discharged, until he had darted forward in his leap into the darkness. every indian rushed forward towards the spot where the tuscarora had been seen to leap; for this, the most prized, the most hated of their enemies, they deemed to be now inevitably in their power. the tuscarora staggered as he struck the ground; but instantly gathering himself, he darted towards the grove. two senecas leaped before him, who had been stationed at this point--the others not having yet arrived. with a blow from his rifle he knocked down one of them, and darting past the other, gained the grove. the senecas who had now arrived about the cottage from the different points, set out in chase; but panther, who saw that this would afford means for those yet within the building to escape, after the lapse of a few minutes, was able to recall a portion of the senecas, who were again distributed about the cottage. but these few minutes had accomplished all that the tuscarora had designed. before he ascended the roof, the remainder of the party inside gathered by the window through which guthrie bore off ruth, on the night of the former attack. the ladder was in readiness, and at the moment when the senecas were seen to rush past the eastern side of the cottage in pursuit of the tuscarora, the window was opened, the ladder let down, and one by one the party quickly descended--ichabod descending last. as he stepped out upon the ladder, he closed the window--and when he had reached the ground, the ladder was thrown down by the side of the cottage. the party instantly set out toward the pond, and at a distance of about ten rods, they had descended the hill to a point where they were concealed in the darkness. it was at just about this moment, that panther had again distributed a portion of the senecas about the cottage, while another portion was in pursuit of the tuscarora. their flight had thus far been unobserved; and now they walked more leisurely towards the shore of the pond, where they expected to find the boat which we described on a former occasion, and the position of which had been noticed by ichabod, just before dark, from the cottage. after a little time, the boat was reached; the party entered it, and an extra supply of rifles, which had been brought from the cottage, was carefully deposited. they shoved off from the shore, which, at this point might, in the progress of the fire, become exposed--and paddling northward, reached a point where the hill ascended, on the crest, sharply from the shore, but where the land was sufficiently low in a north-westerly direction to allow them to obtain a good and but partially obstructed view of the cottage. but a few moments after they had taken up this position, they discovered the roof of the cottage to be on fire. the sparks and pieces of blazing bark which were blown from the ravine had fallen upon the thatching, which was of light and combustible material, and had ignited it at various points; and slowly but surely the flames began to devour this, the only obstacle, as the senecas believe, to their complete triumph. soon, the fugitives saw the top of the tall, dry pine begin to rock and waver with its blazing crown; then, slowly bending southward, the huge trunk fell across the cottage, crushing in the burning roof, and starting the logs from their places in the sides of the building. the shrieks of the indians were horrible, as they now supposed that their victims were fully in their power. leaping forwards, they broke in the doors, and rushed in among the flames. from room to room, they wandered. up the stairway, which was covered with burning coals, they rushed, and gazed in among the fallen and blazing rafters. not a pale-face was to be seen. the senecas could not believe that they had escaped; and again and again every point and portion of the cottage was searched; until, at length, it became apparent that their victims had fled. but how, and where? the superstitious feelings of the indians, for a moment, were excited; and they thought that their intended victims must have been rescued by the direct interposition of the great spirit of the pale-faces. but panther, saw at once, the manner of the escape; and that it had been accomplished while the attention of the senecas was withdrawn by the daring exploit of the tuscarora. he immediately ordered the indians to scour the woods in all directions, and particularly the shores of the pond. the party in the boat could see, from the gestures of the indians, the extent of their surprise; and they also well understood the directions of panther. they carefully paddled the boat farther out into the pond, and more towards the northern shore, where they would be completely hidden, for the present, in the shadows of the hills and trees, from the light of the fire. "them reptiles are deceived this time, any way," said ichabod, laughing. "if eagle's-wing only gets through his part, according to the programme, we may consider ourselves pretty tolerably lucky; and i haven't any doubt but what he will. we shall hear from him before a great while. i agreed to lay off up here for him." "that was a daring act on the part of eagle's-wing," said ralph; "and had i known precisely his purpose, i doubt whether i, for one, should have assented to it. the chances were ten to one, against his escaping with life." "lord love you, captain," said ichabod, "eagle's-wing knows injin natur' pretty well, considering he's an injin himself; and he knew that them rascals would be so astonished, that they wouldn't fire at him till he had time to get out of their sight. what i was most afeard on, was his getting off the roof; but it's all right, and went off according to contract," and ichabod laughed. "i can easily bear the destruction of my property," said barton, "if eagle's-wing escapes. but i think, as ralph does, that if you had disclosed the nature of your plan, i should have opposed it. i should, rather, have relied upon fighting our way through to the shore." "didn't we know that?" asked ichabod, with a laugh. "nobody but singing-bird was let into that secret; and she, bless her little soul, ra'ally insisted, for a long time, on going to the roof with him: but she's got reason, and finally consented to the arrangement." singing-bird, to whom all eyes were now directed, in admiration, only answered: "eagle's-wing do that for friend. he 'members friend. he wouldn't be brave injin if he didn't do _somet'ing_ for friend." "he has always been the creditor in an account," answered barton. "he has given us no opportunity, yet, to repay him for anything." both barton and ruth, notwithstanding their thankfulness at this escape, surveyed the destruction of the cottage with feelings of melancholy. to barton, it was the home of his old age--where he had planted his household gods, with the hope that they would survive him. the cottage had been erected, and had gradually been made a comfortable dwelling, by his labor; while around it, he had rescued fair fields from the wilderness, from which he had hoped to derive the means of prosperity. to ruth, it was endeared by other associations; and they both saw that all the hopes and dreams which they had cherished, were ended, and that this place must again--even if they ultimately succeeded in escaping from their enemies--pass from their possession, if not from their remembrance. barton continued, in answer to singing-bird: "and my power to repay him, is gone. i am now an old man, deprived of everything but my daughter and my life. but i cannot complain. the lord's will be done." "let us not think about our loss," said ruth earnestly, "since we have saved so much. we truly have need to be thankful to a kind providence, that we and all our friends have escaped with our lives." at this moment, a rifle was heard, at a few rods distance apparently on the western shore; and at the same instant, there was a sound as of a heavy body falling into the water. the idea occurred to each in the boat, that this might be the tuscarora, and the boat was instantly moved in that direction. as they approached the shore, they heard some of the enemy talking, and evidently laboring under a great excitement; and it was easy to believe that it was owing to the escape of eagle's-wing. they had reached, in perfect silence, within eight or ten rods of the shore, when ichabod discovered an indian swimming towards the boat. it was the tuscarora, and he was lifted in, panting with fatigue. "long run had this time," said he, "they almost catch me--they shoot me a little; but better have arm shot, than lose scalp though." it was found, on examination, that the ball had merely penetrated the fleshy part of his arm, without having done any very serious injury. it was immediately bandaged by ralph, with as much care as their means would permit; while ichabod and the negro paddled the boat towards the northern shore. it has been mentioned before, in the brief description which we gave of the pond, that on the north was a low marshy flat, and that the edge of the pond was thickly bordered with willows and other bushes; but back a short distance from the shore, the bushes were few and stinted in growth, while the marsh was so soft, that it was impassable to one unacquainted with it, even by the aid of day-light. ichabod and the tuscarora were both confident that the senecas had no canoes upon the pond; and that there was only one upon the river in the possession of the senecas, and that this one was only capable of carrying three or four persons. there were no materials at hand with which a raft could be constructed; and it was with a feeling of security that the boat was made fast among the willows for the night. the fire about the cottage, for a time, had been gradually diminishing; and thicker and thicker fell the darkness upon forest and water. gradually the shrieks and cries of the indians subsided, and silence at length fell upon the scene. chapter xx. "hence, strangers, to your native shore! far from our indian shades retire." freneau. when the morning light had rendered objects sufficiently visible, the party in the boat endeavored to get a view of their precise situation. the place where the cottage had stood, could be distinctly seen; but instead of the dwelling, there appeared nothing but a mass of black and smoking ruins. but not an indian was to be seen. the party partook of a very frugal breakfast; for previous to their flight, they had secured a few articles of food--sufficient, if sparingly used, to last them for three or four days. "the question now seems to be," said ichabod, "what we're going to do next. here we are--the cottage is burnt down--that factory project is blowed up, for a while, at least; and providing--i say, _providing_, we _can_ get away from these villainous reptiles, i'm for steering for the settlements." "i think that will be the course that we must adopt," said ralph. "it will be a tedious undertaking, in the face of all our difficulties, as we shall be obliged to walk the whole distance the horses will undoubtedly either be destroyed or captured by the indians. could they be saved, so that miss barton and singing-bird could ride, it would not be so difficult." barton assented with a melancholy look. "there's no use," he said, "in my attempting to rebuild the cottage, even if the senecas abandon the country. i am getting old, and cannot labor as i once could. yes--we shall have to go to the settlements." ruth assured them that she could walk the distance necessary with perfect ease. as for singing-bird, she laughed at the idea of riding. as all assented to this proposal, the next thing was to find the means of escape from their present difficulties. it would not be safe to leave their cover in the willows, so long as the senecas remained; and it was hoped, that not discovering them upon the pond, they would, after searching for them in the woods, for a day or two, finally abandon the hope of capturing them, and either set out on their return to their own country, or remove farther down the valley. a feeling of joyful excitement pervaded the party. the extreme danger of their situation on the previous night, their fortunate flight, and the hope of an early escape, served to awaken this feeling, which, even barton and ruth, who were so much the greatest sufferers by recent events, shared with the others. "i suppose," said barton, "that jenkins will most seriously feel the consequences of our removal to the settlements. first, he loses a fortune by the failure of that city-lot and factory speculation; and next, he runs the risk of escape from the senecas, to be captured and imprisoned by his pale-faced friends." "now, that's rather too hard, squire," said ichabod. "that factory business will keep for some years, at least: and as for that other matter, i hope that fellow parsons will discover from the fate of his two officers, who took up the business on speculation, that there's a special providence agin his collecting it. but if he don't see reason, we'll try and manage it." the tuscarora, who had taken no part in the conversation but who had simply exchanged a few words, at intervals, with singing-bird, which seemed to cloud her face with anxiety, now arose, and stretching his arm towards the south, merely uttered the common indian ejaculation of surprise. "ugh!" the others immediately arose, and after a few moments, their eyes became fastened upon a sight, which attracted their attention. on the opposite shore of the pond, some half-a-dozen indians were seen, busily at work, partially hidden behind bushes that grew to the water's edge. it was evident that they were engaged in the construction of a raft, with which they probably intended to search the northern shore. though this afforded some cause for alarm, yet, as a raft large enough to convey a sufficiently numerous party to attack them with any chance of success, would be too unwieldy to be moved through the water, except with the greatest labor--they had no fear but that, if their landing-place should be discovered, they would be able, by the greater ease with which their boat could be managed, to escape from its pursuit. so long as they could remain near the northern shore, they would be comparatively safe, as they had no fear of any attack in that quarter, by land. no force sufficiently large could penetrate in that direction, to give them any uneasiness; but should they be driven by the raft from their present position, they might be compelled, in escaping from it, to pass between it and the shore, at some point where they might be exposed to an attack from either. but for the present, they maintained their position, and awaited the movements of the enemy. it was probable that their precise position was unknown, although the sagacity of the indians would convince them that the fugitives must be concealed somewhere on the northern shore. the woods had been thoroughly searched, and no traces of the fugitives had been found, while the disappearance of the boat, together with the fact that they could not observe it upon the pond, was sufficient to induce them to believe that the fugitives were yet in their power, had they any means to reach them. they could not, without days of labor, construct canoes by which they would be able to compete in speed with the boat in the possession of the fugitives; but by building a large raft, which could be accomplished in two or three hours, they might man it with sufficient numbers to move it readily from place to place, as well as to capture the fugitives, should they overtake them. an hour or two had elapsed since eagle's-wing discovered the employment of the senecas, when they saw a large number of indians collected together at the place where the raft was being constructed. soon they saw the unwieldy structure moved into the pond; when about fifteen of the senecas, some with poles for urging the raft along the shore, and others with paddles for use in the deeper water, got upon it, and forced it into the pond. at first, they kept close to the shore, but soon struck out into the deeper water. their progress was extremely slow; but it was sufficiently rapid to keep pace with the anxiety of the fugitives. the point was earnestly debated between ichabod and his companions, whether they should trust to the cover in which they now were, or whether, on the near approach of the indians, they should push out into the pond. but it was finally agreed, as the safest course, to trust to the water; as, were they to remain where they now were, and should they be discovered, they would be compelled to fight at great odds; and besides, there would be no means of flight; while, should they adopt the other course, they might keep out of reach of the rifles of the indians; or if not, they could, at least, be in a condition to maintain the fight at less odds and with greater chance of escape. the raft had been urged to some distance from the shore into the deep water; it was moved towards the north-east shore, with the intention, evidently, of carrying it thence, along the whole southern side of the pond. it finally reached the shore, at which point, it was from thirty to forty rods from the spot where the boat was concealed. as the indians began to move along the shore, partly by the use of poles, and partly by pulling upon the willows, the boat shot out from its cove into the pond. the indians witnessed it with loud yells of joy both from the raft and the shore; and three or four rifles from the raft were discharged, but the bullets struck in the water, their force being spent before reaching the boat. the fugitives moved leisurely towards the centre of the pond, while the indians who manned the raft, resumed the use of their paddles, and endeavored to follow them. the boat kept its distance from the raft, moving towards the south-west shore, until it had reached a position just out of range of the fire of the senecas from the land. as the indians upon the raft came up almost near enough to use their rifles effectively, the boat, urged by five paddles, passed between it and the south shore. it took no little time and labor to check the motion of the raft, and when that had been accomplished, the boat was again approaching the northern shore, and had nearly reached the point from which it started. it was evident to the indians upon the raft, that they might thus be evaded during the whole day and they now ceased their attempt to follow the fugitives. it was now nearly noon; and both the raft and boat lay motionless upon the water. "there's deviltry in this business, somewhere," said ichabod. "injins done what they should have done this morning," said eagle's-wing. "they gone after canoe." "that's it, eagle's-wing; and i reckon that when they've got it launched, we shall have our hands full." "i am not certain," said ralph, "but that we may hold out until night; and then, perhaps, we should take to the shore, and run our chance in the woods." "i'm of your opinion, captin," said ichabod, "provided we _can_ hold out until night. but i reckon--and i ain't use to giving up a speculation, while there's a chance of making anything out of it--that if we stay _here_, we shall lose our scalps, and if we go _there_ it will be just about the same thing. i'm blamed if i see my way out of it." "you must not despair, ichabod," said ruth--"if _you_ do that; we shall lose heart altogether." "lord bless you, girl, i shouldn't _despair_ till them villainous reptiles have got my scalp beyond the hope of redemption; and when that thing happens, i shall _have_ to give it up. but what do _you_ say, eagle's-wing?" "guess we lose our scalps. that's what i say," sententiously replied the tuscarora. "but not without a fight for 'em, though," said ichabod. "has any one ever explored this swamp?" suddenly asked ralph. "is it not possible that we may find some tolerably safe cover in it?" "i do not know that it has ever been thoroughly explored," answered barton; "but any place where we can go, those senecas can follow." "i am not so certain about that," replied ralph. "if you will put me ashore, i will reconnoiter it." the boat again entered the cover, and ralph stepped out upon the turf, and instantly sank to his knees in the mud. but, clinging to the willows, he extricated himself, and, assisted by the roots, which furnished a sure footing, he passed some twenty rods from the shore, when he discovered a little island of hard soil, not more than twenty feet across in either direction, and which could only be reached, as he ascertained on examination, by one path, part of which was formed by the trunk of a fallen tree, some forty or fifty feet in length. he returned with a heart relieved of half its load, to the boat; and he had but just reached it, when the indians upon the raft set up a loud yell of joy. the cause was soon ascertained; for immediately afterwards, four senecas were seen approaching with a canoe, which they had brought from the river. no time was to be lost, as the canoe and raft together would, undoubtedly, be able to outmatch the boat, and either compel them to a fight against great odds, or drive them to the shore. ralph hastily communicated the result of his reconnoisance, and their resolution was instantly formed. the party immediately left the boat; and in a few minutes, although with great difficulty, they reached the little island which had been discovered by ralph. as soon as it was reached, they saw its capabilities as a place of defence. it was surrounded upon all sides by the swamp, and was approachable from no point, except from that at which they reached it. upon the island were two large trees, behind which ruth and singing-bird could remain in safety, in case of an attempt to dislodge them from the only practicable point. there were also thick clumps of willows around it, behind which they could remain concealed, except upon a near approach of the enemy, against which they thought themselves able to guard. ichabod was highly delighted with this new place of defence. "we're safe here, captin. i'll risk all the injins this side of the infarnal legions, as long as our ammunition holds out. i'd like to see them red devils poking their heads over them bushes, yonder." "you'll see them soon enough," answered ralph; "but i think we shall escape captivity to-night, at least." preparations were now made for the effectual concealment of the women; and when this was done, the rifles were all examined and put in readiness. scarcely had their preparations been concluded, when a loud shout from the indians announced that they had discovered the empty boat. the path of the fugitives could easily be traced; and the latter did not doubt but that a few moments would bring one or more of their enemies in sight. not more than ten minutes had elapsed, ere ichabod discovered a seneca cautiously making his way along the path which they had taken, clinging to the willows. "i'll give that fellow a taste of what his companions will get by calling on us," said ichabod. "it wouldn't be civil to refuse him what he's come so far to get." taking aim, he discharged his rifle, and the seneca fell lifeless, vainly grasping at the willows for support. the indians who were behind, endeavored to press forward; but again and again the rifles of the defenders were discharged, and five or six dead or wounded indians testified to ichabod and his companions, that the place could be successfully defended. the indians themselves saw the hopelessness of approaching the fugitives directly in the face, and rapidly retreated towards the boats. but to the astonishment of the little party on the island, scarcely had the senecas regained their boat, ere they heard a rapid discharge of rifles on their left, with loud shrieks and yells, testifying the arrival of another party of indians. were they friends or foes? the tuscarora rapidly swung himself into one of the trees upon the island, when with a yell of exultation which was answered from fifty throats he shouted, "the oneidas,--the tuscaroras!" rapidly eagle's-wing, ichabod and ralph retraced their way to the place where they had left the boat; when they beheld the senecas moving as swiftly across the pond towards the south-west shore, as the nature of their cumbrous raft would allow. the four senecas in the canoe had already nearly reached the shore. on the left they beheld a large band of oneidas and tuscaroras, forty or fifty in number, who were following the retreating senecas. in a few moments more the released party had re-entered their boat, and were following the senecas upon the raft. they had come within fair rifle-shot, as the raft touched the shore; their rifles were discharged, and the senecas plunged hastily into the forest. chapter xxi. "how would you be, if he, who is the top of judgment, should but judge you as you are? o, think on that! and mercy then will breathe within your lips like man new made." measure for measure the now liberated party left the boat, and with mingled feelings of joyfulness for their delivery, and of sadness for the waste and desolation caused by the unmerciful savages, proceeded towards the spot where had once stood the dwelling of barton. scarcely a trace was left of the cottage, and nothing but a mass of half-consumed and charred and blackened timbers indicated that here had once been the habitation of a happy family. on the north, the trees had been stripped of their leaves, their trunks and boughs blackened and partially consumed, while the ground appeared to have been covered with a carpet of fire. the lawn about the cottage had been made desolate, and the shrubbery and flowers that had began to gladden the wilderness with new and unaccustomed beauties, had been trodden down and broken as with a wanton and malicious desire on the part of the indians to destroy every vestige of civilization. a portion of the friendly oneidas and tuscaroras had followed in pursuit of the senecas, accompanied by eagle's-wing, who, on reaching the land, had rushed with frantic haste to join and lead the pursuers, over whom he was an acknowledged chief. another portion, after going around the south shore of the pond, with feelings of curiosity, sought this scene of desolation, where they arrived a little before the party from the boat. the savages moved about the mass of smoking ruins with excited countenances and flashing eyes, and at every discovery of some blackened and despoiled article of domestic use, gave vent to ejaculations, either, of surprise or pleasure. as barton, and the party from the boat approached, the oneidas, with a courtesy and delicate appreciation of the feelings of barton and his daughter, retired from the ruins towards the grove, where, gathered in knots, or lying lazily upon the ground, they gazed upon the pale-faces with mingled looks of curiosity and sympathy. the cattle enclosure, which had stood by the side of the cottage, had also been mostly destroyed; that portion of it, however farthest from the dwelling, being least injured. the few cattle which had been shut up in it, had perished, and their bodies more or less consumed, were found among the ruins; but no traces were seen of the horses. the door of the enclosure seemed, from the fact that a portion of it was found on one side, unharmed, to have been broken open, and it was presumed, that the indians had taken possession of them. the barn, however, which was at a few rods distance, on the west, was wholly uninjured; and ichabod and the negro, assisted by two or three of the oneidas, began, at once, to put a portion of it in readiness for the temporary occupation of barton and his daughter. it would, at least, afford a shelter; and however rude and uncomfortable it might be, it was a happy exchange for the mode of life to which they had been compelled on the previous night. tears came into the eyes of ruth, as she surveyed the desolation by which she was surrounded. scarcely a vestige could be found of those delicate and womanly labors by which she had adorned her dwelling; and it was with a feeling of momentary anguish that her eyes ran over the familiar places, and found nothing upon which to rest but the marks of violence and brutality. the whole party shared this feeling, and they surveyed the scene, for a few moments, with a melancholy silence. ichabod was the first who gave voice to his feelings: "don't be cast down, miss ruth; and you, squire, keep up a good courage. i've seen many an unfortunate speculation in my day; but somehow or other, there is always a kind of philosophy in these things. the first feeling is a hard one; it swells up the heart, and is apt to provoke rebellious and unnatural thoughts; but it comes round all right in the end. you'll yet be happy in another home, and then all these things will be forgotten, except that _one_ lesson, that they teach, and that is, that all speculations are in the hand of providence." "you are right, ichabod, you are right," said barton. "in our own escape, the loss shall be forgotten. but the severest reflection is, that we must now leave this valley forever; but we shall carry away with us, the recollection of many happy days." ruth smiled with a look of joy, that momentarily lit up the melancholy of her countenance, at this feeling on the part of her father. it was for him that she felt the most deeply. youth, with the prospect of many years, may rise renewed and hopeful from desolation; but, age, without the means of reparation, is apt to sink beneath the load of misfortune. seeing, then, that her father bore his loss with resignation, and with a happy idea of conforming to his altered circumstances, she assumed a cheerfulness which she did not, perhaps, wholly feel. scarcely an hour had elapsed, after the flight of the senecas, when a yell of exultation from beyond the grove, announced the return of the party who had gone in pursuit of them. words were heard in the iroquois tongue, which produced an unusual excitement in the savages, who were wandering about the ruined dwelling. then could be seen the returning warriors advancing leisurely towards the ruins, while guarded among them, they led an indian bound as a prisoner. eagle's-wing came in advance, with a quiet look of triumph upon his countenance, but illy disguised beneath the usual immobility of face of the indian. mingled with this look, was a glow of satisfied revenge, and savage exultation. he came up to the party at the ruins, while the rest of the indians remained in the grove. "well, eagle's-wing, what news from the senecas?" asked ralph. "ask panther," answered the tuscarora. "he yonder." "such is the fortune of war," said ichabod: "now a victor--now a prisoner. but i am glad to see, eagle's-wing, that you're ra'ally improving under my instructions. it's a great step towards civilization, that you didn't take the fellow's scalp at once." wild and fiendish was the glance that shot from the dark eye of the indian; but no words were given to its terrible significance. turning leisurely about, he moved slowly towards the grove. in the meantime, barton and ruth, together with singing-bird, took possession of the temporary dwelling that had been fitted up for them. sambo, who had gone up through the clearing, towards the forest, soon was seen returning with the horses, which he was leading with the most frantic exclamations of joy. he had discovered the marks of their hoofs upon the ground, and had followed on their track, until he found them on the edge of the forest. it was with scarcely less joy than that which sambo displayed, that barton beheld them--the only remains of his little property. they had been abandoned by the senecas in their sudden surprise, and thus the most serious difficulty in the removal of barton and his family to the settlements, was obviated. but we will follow eagle's-wing to the grove where the indians were now collected. panther had been securely confined to a tree, and the change which had come over him, under his reverse of fortune, was most wonderful and striking. when in command of his party, he had preserved a quiet dignity of demeanor--the natural consequence, to a manly mind, of the power of command. his face had worn an expression of solemn gravity, and there was, in all he said and did, an air of courtesy and sincerity, which had struck his prisoners as inconsistent with his reputation for cunning and cruelty. but now, deprived of his freedom, and in the power of his enemies, his whole manner was changed. with head erect--with flashing eyes, and nostrils that quivered with untameable ferocity, he glared upon the indians by whom he was surrounded. as eagle's-wing approached, his glance fell upon him with a look of savage malice. the tuscarora came up directly before him, and with folded arms, gazed into the eyes of his prisoner. "seneca," said he, "you are a lying chief of a lying nation. you must die. i have been told that the senecas have the hearts of girls. i wish to see the tears in your eyes." "the tuscaroras are women," began the seneca, in a quiet voice, and with a look of contempt. "they once dwelt in the land of the sun, where the snows of the winter never come, and their hearts became soft, and the pale-faces made them slaves. that was all they were fit for. they did not know how to fight their enemies, and the pale-faces took the hatchets and the bows from their hands, and made them work in the fields. then the iroquois took pity on them, and wrapped them in their blankets, as the squaws do the pappooses; and they brought them up into the land of braves, and gave them villages and hunting-grounds; but they could do nothing but sit shivering by the fire. they were afraid of the rifles of the colony men, and they deserted the iroquois. they are worse than women--they are dogs! they are _little_ dogs, that run barking at our heels, and dare not bite! it is a shame for a warrior to fall into their hands. the death of the brave warrior, in the midst of his enemies, is the triumph of his glory. the great spirit smiles, as the warrior endures the torture, and lifts him up to the happy hunting-grounds with the hand of a father; while his name goes down in the traditions of his enemies, as a brave who died without fear! but i am ashamed. the tuscaroras have no traditions! they are dogs! and however so brave i may be, my name will be forgotten, as though i died in the midst of dogs! "the oneidas are liars! they have forgotten how to be brave. they live with the dogs of the tuscaroras, and think they are men. they smile in the faces of the red-men, and throw their hatchets at their backs. they sit down and listen to the medicine-men, (missionaries,) of the pale-faces, and learn new traditions. they forget that they are indians, and try to worship the great spirit of the pale-faces. they are liars; and i am ashamed to die in the midst of liars and dogs!" these contemptuous words excited the anger of the oneidas and tuscaroras to the highest degree; and with a shout of rage, tomahawks were brandished, and knives drawn from their belts, while three or four of them darted forward with the determination of at once terminating the life of the insulting seneca; but at a gesture from eagle's-wing, they retired. "poor thief of a seneca!" said eagle's-wing, "whose sharpest weapon is that of a woman; he can only hurt his enemies with his tongue. if we had him in our villages, we would put on him the dress of a squaw, that he might scold, while the warriors stood around and laughed! it is a pity that an iroquois can only hurt his enemies with his tongue. i have killed a great many senecas; they all die like women, and scream when they feel the knife on their scalps. i have got some of them here," throwing back his blanket, and displaying to the passionate eyes of the seneca three or four gory scalps. "they are not fit for a warrior to wear; and i will not hang them in the council-room of my nation. i will give them to the pappooses to play with," and turning with a gesture of contempt he walked back into the crowd of indians. but while the preparations were being made for the torture of panther, barton and his friends had concluded their arrangements for their return on the next day to the settlements. but little preparation was necessary, and the possession of the horses had obviated the greatest difficulty in their removal. there was little or nothing to be transported, as the senecas had destroyed nearly every valuable upon the premises. their arrangements were all made, and that peculiar and natural solemnity of feeling, which attends the abandonment of a cherished home, laid waste and desolate, prevented any continued conversation. "the friendly indians will accompany us a portion of the way, i suppose," said barton; "but only for a few miles, as their path lies northward, while ours is more to the eastward. they will, doubtless, take their prisoner with them." "that would be an useless trouble, i should think," said ralph. "it would be better for them to let him go at once. but perhaps, as a matter of pride, they wish to display a seneca chief in their villages, as a prisoner." it was at this moment, that the shout was heard, which attended the ebullition of anger on the part of the indians at the contemptuous language of panther. each individual of the party, excepting ichabod and singing-bird, started;--it recalled, for a moment, with vivid distinctness, the memory of the perils from which they had just escaped. "what is the meaning of that shout?" asked barton. "it is, perhaps, an attempt to terrify their prisoner," said ralph, "or perhaps it may be," and he started at the sudden conjecture, rising hastily upon his feet, "that they are about to put him to torture." "oh! they will not do that!" exclaimed ralph. "it cannot be, that eagle's-wing can imitate the cold-blooded cruelty of panther. say it is not so, singing-bird." "eagle's-wing great chief," said the indian, quietly, "he know how to punish enemy." ruth seemed astonished by this unlooked-for confirmation of her fears. "ralph! ichabod!" said she, "prevent this murder, if possible. do not let such a horrid act sully our last recollections of this place." ichabod bowed his head for a moment with a shudder, and then said: "miss ruth, all people have their customs; an englishman shuts up his prisoners in old hulks, where they die of foul air, and filthiness, and starvation; and the most civilized people, will punish their prisoners in some way; and an injin can't be expected to be better than those that have some other light than the light of natur' to walk by. it's their way, miss ruth--it's their way; and there's no use trying to prevent it." "i will go," she answered; "i will beg for his life; perhaps i may not plead in vain." "don't do so, miss ruth--it's no use. their blood is up; and there is no power in this world strong enough to control them, but force, and that we haven't got." "but there is a power above us and them, which may touch their hearts. i will go." seeing that she was determined to venture among the savages, on this--as ichabod, as well as the others also, thought--bootless errand, the whole party accompanied her, and they proceeded hastily towards the grove. as they reached the place where the indians were gathered, they found them busy in their preparations. a large number of pine knots had been collected, and a pile of pointed splinters, the object of which was apparent to them all. the seneca, fastened to the tree, was surveying the preparations with a look of indifference or contempt; but as barton and his party came in sight, his eyes rolled over them with glances of uncontrollable hatred. eagle's-wing was quietly directing the preparations. barton approached the tuscarora. "for heaven's sake, eagle's-wing, what do all these arrangements mean? it cannot be that you will torture this seneca. let him go, eagle's-wing. you have done me many a friendly deed, lately--add this to the number." "the hearts of the pale-faces are soft," said eagle's-wing. "let my father and his friends go back to their dwelling. the seneca must die." ralph, in turn, besought the tuscarora to desist from his purpose. he used all the arguments which he could summon to his aid, growing out of the present condition of the colonies, and their desire to keep on peaceful terms with the hostile indians of the six nations; but to no purpose. eagle's-wing listened with courtesy, but declared that the seneca must die. "old friend," said ichabod, "you'll give me credit for understanding injin natur' pretty well, and that i never make it a point to interfere in their lawful customs and amusements; but i can't help saying, now, that this _is_ a risky speculation. i never meant to call on you for payment of any balance of account between us; but there's no disguising that you do owe a little to me on the score of having saved your scalp-lock, ere now; but give me that seneca, and i will balance the books." "i owe my brother my life, and it is his," said eagle's-wing. "let my brother take it, if he will; it is just. but the seneca shall go with me into the happy hunting-grounds of my nation. he shall go before me as my prisoner." "let us go back, miss ruth," said ichabod. "these injins are perfectly set in their way. i knowed it was of no use. they won't imitate white people in their conduct, any more than they will in their clothes." at these repeated failures, it must be confessed that ruth almost despaired of success. yet she could not suffer the seneca thus to be murdered, without making one appeal in his behalf. tears filled her eyes as she approached the tuscarora. "eagle's-wing," said she, smiling through her tears, "you have refused panther to my friends, that you might give him to me. is it not so?" this pertinacity on the part of the pale-faces seemed partially to irritate the tuscarora; but he subdued the momentary flash of anger, and answered quietly: "the hearts of the pale-face women are soft; they cannot look on the death of a warrior in the midst of his enemies. let the pale-face girl go back with her friends." "you cannot mean to do this, eagle's-wing--you, who have been so gentle and kind to us--_cannot_ do this murder." "the seneca must die," was the answer. "is it right, eagle's-wing, to kill panther thus, in cold blood? it is a great crime, both by the laws of men and of god." "our traditions have not told us so," answered the tuscarora. "they tell us that we must do so, if we wish to please the great spirit." "but have you never heard of any other tradition? have you not heard the story of the life and death of the redeemer of the world, and of the truths that he taught?" the indian seemed struck with a sort of consternation, for a moment. he evidently recollected the teaching of the pious missionary of the oneidas and tuscaroras, who had done so much to give the minds of the indians of those nations a proper direction, just previous to the revolutionary struggle. after a short pause, he answered: "the good missionary from the pale-faces has told us the story; but it was a long while ago; it was before the war between the colony men and the yengeese. i have almost forgotten it. if i was a pale-face, i should love it very much. but an indian must follow the traditions of his fathers." "i know who you mean, eagle's-wing. it was kirtland who taught you that story. i am sorry that you should so soon have forgotten it. he was a good man and told you the truth. he told you that you must not persecute your enemies; but that you must forgive them, and that the great spirit will like you better for it." "how know that?" asked eagle's-wing abruptly, and with a kind of superstitious feeling, that ruth should be able to repeat the instructions which, in his ignorance, he supposed she could not have understood, without having listened to the missionary, herself. "how know that! that was great many years ago, when the pale-face girl was a child." "i know that he told you so," replied ruth, "because he must have told you what the new tradition was. he told you that the redeemer came down from heaven, and how he died because he loved all the nations and people of the world; and how he told them that they must all love one another like brothers. would it not be better, eagle's-wing, if all the pale-faces and all the indians thought so?" the tuscarora cast down his eyes, while he answered: "it _would_ be better, if they would think so; but they do not. if the pale-faces do not, how can the indians think so?" "it is only the bad men among the pale-faces who think otherwise. there are a great many good men who always act upon this truth. if it would be better for everybody to follow this teaching, it is a good thing for those who do, even if a great many do not. is it not so, eagle's-wing?" eagle's-wing turned away--his savage heart evidently touched by this re-awakening of old recollections; but in the act of doing so, his eyes fell upon the seneca, who was surveying him and ruth, with a look of curious interest. the bitter taunt of panther occurred to him, and those cruel instincts which had been nearly overcome, were kindled again with renewed force. turning towards ruth, he coldly answered: "it is a good tradition. i will not deny it; but it is a pale-face tradition. the great-teacher was not a red man; he was a pale-face. the pale-face girl must go back with her friends. the seneca shall die." the color fled from the face of ruth, and for a moment she looked as if she would have fallen to the ground. ralph was springing forward to assist her, when a new and more heroic strength seemed to sustain and inspire her. advancing towards eagle's-wing, she laid her hand upon his arm and exclaimed-- "you shall not do this murder, eagle's-wing. your own heart tells you that it is wrong. the seneca is a bloody, guilty man; but god--the same god who looks down on the pale-face and the indian--shall punish you. you shall not do it. i will keep this great crime from your soul, and you will thank me for it, some day. see here, you shall see what i will do;" and she ran to the tree where panther was confined. the indians hastened forward, yet seemingly without the intent to resist her purpose. the daring energy which inspired her, and the lofty look of innocent boldness, awed them into silence. with a rapidity she could not have equalled at another time, she unfastened the withes with which the seneca was bound, and as rapidly returned to the side of eagle's-wing. "see," she said, "he is free!" again she laid her hand upon the arm of the tuscarora, while all eyes were watching the motions of panther, who seemed stupefied with the curious scene. as the withes fell at his feet, he straightened his form, and glared slowly around on the assembled warriors. for a moment his eyes fell upon ruth, with a look of awe, such as a debased human creature might be supposed to cast upon a more exalted being: then slowly, and as if he expected his attempt to be resisted, he moved from the tree, yet with his eyes firmly fastened upon the face of eagle's-wing. the latter stood erect, his nostrils dilated, and his eyes flashing, as if about to spring upon the escaping prisoner, yet restrained by the gentle hand upon his arm, which, without the exertion of physical strength, seemed to bind him to the ground. creeping as stealthily as the animal from which he derived his name, the seneca still moved away, but with his face partially turned towards the group which he was leaving. a few moments, and he had disappeared in the forest. a spasmodic shudder passed over the frame of the tuscarora chief; then he turned towards ruth, with a smile upon his face and a tear in his eye, as he said. "it is well--let the seneca go." conclusion. we have brought this narrative, relating to the early history of an interesting portion of new york, nearly to a close; and all that remains, is to give the reader a brief account of the fortunes of some of the personages in whom he is supposed to have taken some interest. after the defeat of the senecas, barton and his daughter, together with ralph, ichabod and the negro, returned to the settlements, where barton finally concluded to remain. his advanced age prevented him from again undertaking to build himself a house in the wilderness, while another reason, perhaps still more powerful, forced him to the same conclusion. he discovered that ruth, provided he would give his consent to the arrangement, which, under the circumstances, he could not refuse, had decided upon becoming mrs. ralph weston. that event happened not long after their return to the settlements; and the old gentleman found, after the lapse of a very few years, that he could not again seek the wilderness without abandoning two little grand-children of whom he had become very fond. sambo remained with the family; but in the course of a short time, he was offered his freedom, which he refused. ichabod, also, returned to the settlements; and through the assistance of his friend, the captain, he was enabled to satisfy the rapacious mr. parsons for his demand of _£ s. d._. he finally embarked in some speculation in what were then deemed western lands, in which it is believed that he came very near making his fortune. but he never mentioned his adventures of the year , without a sigh over the heavy losses which he sustained in his factory and city-lot projects. as for the tuscarora and his squaw, they returned to their village, and there remained, until the removal of the tuscaroras to the west, a few years afterwards. of guthrie--whose fate has been left in some little doubt--nothing certain was ever known. but a few years after, some adventurer, who supposed himself a pioneer in this new country, discovered a human skeleton by the stump of a tree, to which it had been apparently bound, judging from the remnant of a strong cord, which was found by its side. as some portions of the skeleton were found at some distance from the tree, it was supposed that the unfortunate man, whoever he was, after having been confined to the tree, had been devoured by wolves. our tale is told; and seventy years have passed over its scenes and actors. the forests have fallen; broad, green meadows, enriched with labor and enriching the husbandman, are in their place; an active, bustling village has effaced all signs of early hardship and suffering; and, as if changed like the pictures in a magic glass, the old scenes about which we have lingered are no more. occasionally, the children in the village gaze, with a mixture of fear and wonder, upon a wandering oneida, as he loiters in the streets, idle and drunken--a vagabond where his fathers were lords and rulers. but, with all the changes which seventy years have produced and notwithstanding ichabod's city lots have been laid out and sold, and succeeding speculators are still busy in the same short-handed means of getting money, the woollen factory has never been built. in that respect, his dreams have never been realized. occasionally some speculative ichabod has broached the old scheme anew; but obstacle upon obstacle has conspired to prevent its realization; and although the sheep dot our hills, their wool seeks a foreign market. the pond, too, remains; but that which was once a sylvan lake, surrounded with forests and crystalline in the purity of its waters, has yielded all of its romantic associations to the practical spirit of the age. it has become a portion of a canal, and a touring-path has been constructed along its eastern and southern shores. so pass our dreams; the infancy of nature has reached its age; old fashioned modes of life, with their simplicity of manners, are passing away with our forests. the valley is still, as of old, shut out from the world. great thoroughfares of travel are at its either extremity; but neither across it nor through it is heard the rushing of the "iron horse;" still, as of old, come trotting and jogging along, at morning and at night, the lumbering coaches, rocking like cradles, while the weary traveler curses the fortune which compels him to take this antiquated mode of travel. four miles an hour--_five_, perchance, in great emergencies--_rush_ these ancient vehicles; and therein only, perhaps, we have not degenerated from the sober steadiness of our ancestors. but a newly-directed energy is now exulting over the prospect of levelling our hills and elevating our valleys, and building a path upon which shall be heard the scream of the locomotive, and the sweep of travel. city lots are up; new york is small potatoes--half-acre landholders, issuing like the youth in cole's "voyage of life," from the wilderness of long sleepy years, and guided by an angel with money-bags under his wings, and with a voice like the ring of dollars, see castles in the air, in the shape of depots and engine-houses, settling down upon their premises! ichabod is alive again! online distributed proofreading canada team at http://www.pgdpcanada.net [illustration: _a map of the country of the five nations, belonging to the province of new york; and of the lakes near which the nations of far indians live, with part of canada._ _n.b. the tuscaroras are now reckon'd a sixth nation, & live between the onondagues & oneidas; & the necariages of misilimakinac were received to be the seventh nation at albany, may .th ; at their own desire, men of that nation being present besides women & children. the chief trade with the far indians is at the onondagues rivers mouth where they must all pass to go towards canada._] the h i s t o r y of the five indian nations of _c a n a d a_, which are dependent on the province of new-york in america, and are the barrier between the english and french in that part of the world. with accounts of their religion, manners, customs, laws, and forms of government; their several battles and treaties with the _european_ nations; particular relations of their several wars with the other _indians_; and a true account of the present state of our trade with them. in which are shewn the great advantage of their trade and alliance to the _british_ nation, and the intrigues and attempts of the french to engage them from us; a subject nearly concerning all our _american_ plantations, and highly meriting the consideration of the _british_ nation at this juncture. * * * * * _by the honourable_ c a d w a l l a d e r c o l d e n, _esq_; _one of his majesty's counsel, and surveyor-general of_ new-york. * * * * * to which are added, accounts of the several other nations of _indians_ in _north-america_, their numbers, strength, &c. and the treaties which have been lately made with them. a work highly entertaining to all, and particularly useful to the persons who have any trade or concern in that part of the world. * * * * * l o n d o n: printed for t. osborne, in _gray's-inn_. mdccxlvii. to the honourable g e n e r a l _o g l e t h o r p e._ _sir,_ the _indian_ affairs have ever appeared to your judgment of such importance to the welfare of our own people, that you have ever carefully applied your thoughts to them; and that with such success, that not only the present generation will enjoy the benefit of your care, but our latest posterity bless your memory for that happiness the foundation of which was laid under your care, provided that the people here, whose duty and interest is chiefly concerned, do on their own parts second your endeavours, towards securing the peace, and advancing the prosperity of their country. the following account of the _five indian nations_ will shew what dangerous neighbours the _indians_ have once been; what pains a neighbouring colony (whose interest is opposite to ours) has taken to withdraw their affections from us; and how much we ought to be on our guard. if we only consider the riches which our enemies receive from the _indian trade_ (though we were under no apprehensions from the _indians_ themselves) it would be highly imprudent in us to suffer such people to grow rich and powerful, while it is in our power to prevent it, with much less charge and trouble, than it is in theirs to accomplish their designs. these considerations alone are sufficient to make the _indian affairs_ deserve the most serious thoughts of every governor in _america_. but i well know, besides; that your excellency's views are not confined to the interest of one country only. the _five nations_ are a poor and, generally called, barbarous people, bred under the darkest ignorance; and yet a bright and noble genius shines through these black clouds. none of the greatest _roman_ heroes have discovered a greater love to their country, or a greater contempt of death, than these people called barbarians have done, when liberty came in competition. indeed, i think our _indians_ have outdone the _romans_ in this particular; some of the greatest of those have we know murdered themselves to avoid shame or torments; but our _indians_ have refused to die meanly, or with but little pain, when they thought their country's honour would be at stake by it[ ]; but have given their bodies, willingly, to the most cruel torments of their enemies, to shew, as they said, that the _five nations_ consisted of men, whose courage and resolution could not be shaken. they greatly sully, however, those noble virtues, by that cruel passion, revenge; this they think is not only lawful, but honourable, to exert without mercy on their country's enemies, and for this only it is that they can deserve the name of barbarians. but what, alas! sir, have we christians done to make them better? we have indeed reason to be ashamed, that these infidels, by our conversation and neighbourhood, are become worse than they were before they knew us. instead of virtues we have only taught them vices, that they were intirely free from before that time. the narrow views of private interest have occasioned this, and will occasion greater, even publick mischiefs, if the governors of the people do not, like true patriots, exert themselves, and put a stop to these growing evils. if these practices be winked at, instead of faithful friends, that have manfully fought our battles for us, the _five nations_ will become faithless thieves and robbers, and join with every enemy that can give them any hopes of plunder. if care were taken to plant and cultivate in them that general benevolence to mankind, which is the true first principle of virtue, it would effectually eradicate those horrid vices, occasioned by their unbounded revenge; and then they would no longer deserve the name of barbarians, but would become a people, whose friendship might add honour to the _british_ nation. the _greeks_ and _romans_, sir, once as much barbarians as our _indians_ now are, deified the heroes that first taught them those virtues, from whence the grandeur of those renowned nations wholly proceeded; a good man, however, will feel more real satisfaction and pleasure, from the sense of having any way forwarded the civilizing of a barbarous nation, or of having multiplied the number of good men, than from the fondest hopes of such extravagant honours. these considerations, i believe, will induce you, sir, to think a history of the _five nations_ not unworthy of your patronage; and on these only it is that i presume to offer my best endeavours in this, who am, with the greatest respect, _s i r,_ _your most obedient,_ _and most humble servant,_ cadwallader colden. [footnote : this will appear by several instances in the second part of this history.] the p r e f a c e to the f i r s t p a r t. _though every one that is in the least acquainted with the affairs of_ north-america, _knows of what consequence the_ indians, _commonly known to the people of_ new-york _by the name of the_ five nations, _are, both in peace and war; i know of no accounts of them, published in_ english, _but what are very imperfect, and indeed meer translations of_ french _authors, who themselves know little of the truth. this seems to throw some reflections on the inhabitants of our province, as if we wanted curiosity to enquire into our own affairs, and were willing to rest satisfied with the accounts the_ french _give us of our own_ indians, _notwithstanding that the_ french _in_ canada _are always in a different interest, and sometimes in open hostility with us. this consideration, i hope, will justify my attempting to write an history of the_ five nations _at this time; and having had the perusal of the minutes of the commissioners for_ indian affairs, _i have been enabled to collect many materials for this history, which are not to be found any where else; and cannot but think, that a history of this kind will be of great use to all the_ british _colonies in_ north-america, _since it may enable them to learn experience at the expence of others: and if i can contribute any thing to so good a purpose, i shall not think my labour lost._ _it will be necessary for me here to say something in excuse of two things in the following performance, which, i am afraid, will naturally be found fault with in it. the first is, the filling up so great part of the work with the adventures of small parties, and sometimes with those of one single man: and the second is, the inserting so many speeches at length._ _as to the first, the history of_ indians _would be very lame, without an account of these private adventures; for their warlike expeditions are almost always carried on by surprising each other, and their whole art of war consists in managing small parties. the whole country being one continued forest, gives great advantages to those skulking parties, and has obliged the christians to imitate the_ indians _in this method of making war among them. and some would, doubtless, be desirous to know the manners and customs of the_ indians, _in their publick treaties especially, who could not be satisfied without taking notice of several minute circumstances, and things otherwise of no consequence. we are fond of searching into remote antiquity, to know the manners of our earliest progenitors; and, if i am not mistaken, the_ indians _are living images of them._ _my design therefore in the second was, that thereby the genius of the_ indians _might appear. an historian may paint mens actions in lively colours, or in faint shades, as he likes best, and in both cases preserve a perfect likeness; but it will be a difficult task to shew the wit, judgment, art, simplicity, and ignorance of the several parties, managing a_ treaty, _in other words than their own. as to my part, i thought myself incapable of doing it, without depriving the judicious observer of the opportunity of discovering much of the_ indian genius, _by my contracting or paraphrasing their harangues, and without committing often gross mistakes. for, on these occasions, a skilful manager often talks confusedly, and obscurely, with design; which if an historian should endeavour to amend, the reader would receive the history in a false light._ _the reader will find a great difference between some of the speeches here given of those made at_ albany, _and those taken from the_ french authors. _ours are genuine and truly related, as delivered by the sworn interpreters, of whom truth only is required; a rough stile, with truth, is preferable to eloquence without it: this may be said in justification of the_ indian _expression, though i must own, that i suspect our interpreters may not have done justice to the_ indian _eloquence. for the_ indians _having but few words, and few complex ideas, use many metaphors in their discourse, which interpreted by an unskilful tongue, may appear mean, and strike our imagination faintly; but under the pen of a skilful representer, might strongly move our passions by their lively images. i have heard an old_ indian sachem _speak with much vivacity and elocution, so that the speaker pleased and moved the auditors with the manner of delivering his discourse; which however, as it afterwards came from the interpreter, disappointed us in our expectations. after the speaker had employed a considerable time in haranguing with much elocution, the interpreter often explained the whole by one single sentence. i believe the speaker, in that time, embellished and adorned his figures, that they might have their full force on the imagination, while the interpreter contented himself with the sense, in as few words as it could be expressed._ _he that first writes the history of things, which are not generally known, ought to avoid, as much as possible, to make the evidence of the truth depend intirely on his own veracity and judgment; and for this reason i have related several transactions in the words of the registers, when this is once done, he that shall write afterwards, need not act with so much caution._ _the history of these_ indians, _i promise myself, will give an agreeable amusement to many; almost every one will find something in it suited to his own palate; but every line will not please every man; on the contrary, one will naturally approve what another condemns, as one desires to know what another thinks not worth the trouble of reading; for which reason, i think, it is better to run the risque of being sometimes tedious to certain readers, than to omit any thing that may be useful to the world._ _i have sometimes thought, that histories wrote with all the delicacy of a fine romance, are like_ french _dishes, more agreeable to the palate than the stomach, and less wholesome than more common and coarser diet._ _an historian's views must be curious and extensive, and the history of different people and different ages requires different rules, and often different abilities to write it; i hope therefore the reader will, from those considerations, receive this first attempt of this kind, with more than usual allowances._ _the inhabitants of_ new-york _have been much more concerned in the transactions, which followed the year_ , _than in those which preceded it. and as it requires uncommon courage and resolution to engage willingly in the wars against a cruel and barbarous enemy, i should be sorry to forget any that might deserve to be remembered by their country, with gratitude on that occasion._ a v o c a b u l a r y of _some words and names used by the_ french _authors, who treat of the_ indian affairs, _which are different from the names of the same people or places, used or understood by the_ english, _and may therefore be useful to those who intend to read the_ french _accounts, or compare them with the accounts now published._ * * * * * _names used by the_ _the same are called by the_ english, french. _or by the_ five nations. abenaguies. owenagungas, _or_ new-england indians, _and_ _are sometimes called the_ eastern indians. algonkins. adirondacks. amihouis. dionondadies, _or_ tuinondadeks, _a branch or tribe of_ _the_ quatoghies. aniez. mohawks, _called likewise_ maquas. bay des puans. enitajiche. chigagou. caneraghik. corlaer, _or_ corlard. schenectady. _but the_ five nations _commonly call the_ _governor of_ new-york _by_ _this name, and often the_ _people of the province of_ new-york _in general._ detroit. teuchsagrondie. hurons. quatoghie. hinois. chictaghicks. iroquois. _the_ five nations. lac huron. caniatare, _or_ quatoghe lake. loups. scahkook indians. manhattan. new-york city. mascoutecs. odislastagheks. mourigan. mahikander, _or_ river indians, _living on_ hudson'_s river,_ _below_ albany. miamies. twightwies. missilimakinak. teiodondoraghie. missisakies. achsisaghecks. oneyouts. oneydoes. ontario lac. cadarackui lake. orange. albany. outagamies. quacksies, _and_ scunksiks. outawas. utawawas, _or_ dewagunhas. renards. quaksies. sauiteurs. estiaghicks. shaouonons. satanas. tateras. toderiks. terre rouge. scunksik. tongorias. erighecks. tsonontouans. senekas. the c o n t e n t s. _the introduction, being a short view of the form of government of the_ five nations, _and of their laws and customs._ pag. part i. chap. i. _of the wars of the_ five nations, _with the_ adirondacks _and_ quatoghies. chap. ii. _the wars and treaties of peace of the_ indians _of the_ five nations _with the_ french, _from_ _to_ , _and their affairs with_ new-york _in that time._ chap. iii. _of the transactions of the_ indians _of the_ five nations _with the neighbouring_ english _colonies._ chap. iv. _mons._ de la barre's _expedition, and some remarkable transactions in_ . chap. v. _the_ english _attempt to trade in the lakes, and the_ french _attack the_ senekas. chap. vi. _colonel_ dongan's _advice to the_ indians. adario's _enterprize, and_ montreal _sacked by the_ five nations. part ii. chap. i. _the state of affairs in_ new-york _and_ canada _at the time of the_ revolution _in_ great-britain. chap. ii. _a treaty between the agents of_ massachusets-bay, new-plymouth, _and_ connecticut, _and the_ sachems _of the_ five nations _at_ albany, _in the year_ . chap. iii. _an account of a general council of the_ five nations _at_ onondaga, _to consider of the count_ de frontenac's _message._ chap. iv. _the_ french _surprize_ schenectady. _the_ mohawks _speech of condolance on that occasion._ chap. v. _the_ five nations _continue the war with the_ french. _the_ mohawks _encline to peace. their conferences with the_ governor _of_ new-york. chap. vi. _the_ english _attack_ montreal _by land, in conjunction with the_ indians, _and_ quebeck _by sea._ chap. vii. _the_ french, _and the_ five nations, _continue the war all winter with various success. the_ french _burn a captain of the_ five nations _alive._ chap. viii. _the_ five nations _treat with capt._ ingoldsby. chap. ix. _the_ french _surprize, and take three_ mohawk _castles._ chap. x. _the treaties and negotiations the_ five nations _had with the_ english _and_ french _in the years_ , _and_ . chap. xi. _the war continued. the_ french _repossess themselves of_ cadarackui fort; _and find means to break off the treaty between the_ five nations _and_ dionondadies. chap. xii. _the count_ de frontenac _attacks_ onondaga _in person with the whole force of_ canada. _the_ five nations _continue the war with the_ french, _and make peace with the_ dionondadies. chap. xiii. _the conduct which the_ english _and_ french _observed in regard to the_ five nations, _immediately after the peace of_ ryswick. _treaties, charters, publick acts_ &c. _from_ pag. , _to the end._ [illustration] the i n t r o d u c t i o n, being _a short view of the form of government of the_ five nations, _and of their laws, customs_, &c. it is necessary to know something of the form of government of the people, whose history one is about to know, and a few words will be sufficient to give the reader a conception of that of the _five nations_, because it still remains under original simplicity, and free from those complicated contrivances, which have become necessary to the nations, where deceit and cunning have increased as much as their knowledge and wisdom. the _five nations_ (as their name denotes) consist of so many tribes or nations, joined together by a league or confederacy, like the _united provinces_, and without any superiority of the one over the other. this union has continued so long, that the christians know nothing of the original of it: the people in it are known by the _english_ under the names of _mohawks, oneydoes, onondagas, cayugas,_ and _sennekas._ each of these nations is again divided into three tribes or families, who distinguish themselves by three different arms or ensigns, the _tortoise_, the _bear_, and the _wolf_; and the _sachems_, or old men of these families, put this ensign, or mark of their family, to every publick paper, when they sign it. each of these nations is an absolute republick by itself, and every castle in each nation makes an independent republick, and is govern'd in all publick affairs by its own _sachems_ or old men. the authority of these rulers is gain'd by, and consists wholly in the opinion the rest of the nation have of their wisdom and integrity. they never execute their resolutions by force upon any of their people. honour and esteem are their principal rewards; as shame, and being despised, their punishments. they have certain customs, which they observe in their publick transactions with other nations, and in their private affairs among themselves; which it is scandalous for any one among them not to observe, and these always draw after them either publick or private resentment, whenever they are broke. their leaders and captains, in like manner, obtain their authority, by the general opinion of their courage and conduct, and lose it by a failure in those virtues. their great men, both sachems and captains, are generally poorer than the common people; for they affect to give away and distribute all the presents or plunder they get in their treaties or in war, so as to leave nothing to themselves. there is not a man in the ministry of the _five nations_, who has gain'd his office, otherwise than by merit; there is not the least salary, or any sort of profit, annexed to any office, to tempt the covetous or sordid; but, on the contrary, every unworthy action is unavoidably attended with the forfeiture of their commission; for their authority is only the esteem of the people, and ceases the moment that esteem is lost. here we see the natural origin of all power and authority among a free people, and whatever artificial power or sovereignty any man may have acquired, by the laws and constitution of a country, his real power will be ever much greater or less, in proportion to the esteem the people have of him. the _five nations_ think themselves by nature superior to the rest of mankind, and call themselves _ongue-honwe_; that is, men surpassing all others. this opinion, which they take care to cultivate into their children, gives them that courage, which has been so terrible to all the nations of _north america_; and they have taken such care to impress the same opinion of their people on all their neighbours, that they, on all occasions, yield the most submissive obedience to them. i have been told by old men in _new england_, who remembered the time when the _mohawks_ made war on their _indians_, that as soon as a single _mohawk_ was discover'd in the country, their _indians_ raised a cry from hill to hill, _a mohawk! a mohawk!_ upon which they all fled like sheep before wolves, without attempting to make the least resistance, whatever odds were on their side. the poor _new england indians_ immediately ran to the christian houses, and the _mohawks_ often pursued them so closely, that they entered along with them, and knocked their brains out in the presence of the people of the house; but if the family had time to shut the door, they never attempted to force it, and on no occasion did any injury to the christians. all the nations round them have, for many years, intirely submitted to them, and pay a yearly tribute to them in _wampum_[ ]; they dare neither make war nor peace, without the consent of the _mohawks_. two old men commonly go about every year or two, to receive this tribute; and i have often had opportunity to observe what anxiety the poor _indians_ were under, while these two old men remained in that part of the country where i was. an old _mohawk sachem_, in a poor blanket and a dirty shirt, may be seen issuing his orders with as arbitrary an authority, as a _roman_ dictator. it is not for the sake of tribute however, that they make war, but from the notions of glory, which they have ever most strongly imprinted on their minds; and the farther they go to seek an enemy, the greater glory they think they gain; there cannot, i think, be a greater or stronger instance than this, how much the sentiments, impressed upon a people's mind, conduce to their grandeur, or one that more verifies a saying often to be met with, though but too little minded, that it is in the power of the rulers of a people to make them either great or little; for by inculcating only the notions of honour and virtue, or those of luxury and riches, the people, in a little time, will become such as their rulers desire. the _five nations_, in their love of liberty, and of their country, in their bravery in battle, and their constancy in enduring torments, equal the fortitude of the most renowned _romans_. i shall finish their general character by what an enemy, a _frenchman_, says of them, _monsieur de la poterie_, in his history of _north america_. "when we speak (says he) of the _five nations_ in _france_, they are thought, by a common mistake, to be mere barbarians, always thirsting after human blood; but their true character is very different. they are indeed the fiercest and most formidable people in _north america_, and, at the same time, are as politick and judicious, as well can be conceived; and this appears from the management of all the affairs which they transact, not only with the _french_ and _english_, but likewise with almost all the _indian_ nations of this vast continent." their matters of consequence, which concern all the nations, are transacted in a general meeting of the _sachems_ of each nation. these conventions are commonly held at _onnondaga_, which is nearly the center of their country; but they have fixed on _albany_ for the place of treating with the _british colonies_. they strictly follow one maxim, formerly used by the _romans_ to increase their strength, that is, they encourage the people of other nations to incorporate with them; and when they have subdued any people, after they have satiated their revenge by some cruel examples, they adopt the rest of their captives; who, if they behave well, become equally esteemed with their own people; so that some of their captives have afterwards become their greatest _sachems_ and _captains_. the _tuskaroras_, after the war they had with the people of _carolina_, fled to the _five nations_, and are now incorporated with them; so that they now properly indeed consist of six nations, though they still retain the old name of the _five nations_ among the _english_. the _cowetas_ also, or _creek-indians_, are in the same friendship with them. the _tuskaroras_, since they came under the province of _new york_, behave themselves well, and remain peaceable and quiet; and by this may be seen the advantage of using the _indians_ well, and i believe, if they were still better used (as there is room enough to do it) they would be proportionably more useful to us. the cruelty the _indians_ use in their wars, towards those that do not or cannot resist, such as women and children, and to their prisoners, after they have them in their power, is deservedly indeed held in abhorrence: but whoever reads the history of the so famed ancient heroes, will find them, i'm afraid, not much better in this respect. does _achilles_'s behaviour to _hector_'s dead body, in _homer_, appear less savage? this cruelty is also not peculiar to the _five nations_, but equally practised by all other _indians_. it is wonderful, how custom and education are able to soften the most horrid actions, even among a polite and learned people; witness the _carthaginians_ and _phoenicians_ burning their own children alive in sacrifice; and several passages in the _jewish history_; and witness, in later times, the christians burning one another alive, for god's sake. when any of the young men of these nations have a mind to signalize themselves, and to gain a reputation among their countrymen, by some notable enterprize against their enemy, they at first communicate their design to two or three of their most intimate friends; and if they come into it, an invitation is made, in their names, to all the young men of the castle, to feast on dog's flesh; but whether this be, because dog's flesh is most agreeable to _indian_ palates, or whether it be as an emblem of fidelity, for which the dog is distinguished by all nations, that it is always used on this occasion, i have not sufficient information to determine. when the company is met, the promoters of the enterprize set forth the undertaking in the best colours they can; they boast of what they intend to do, and incite others to join, from the glory there is to be obtained; and all who eat of the dog's flesh, thereby inlist themselves. the night before they set out, they make a grand feast, to this all the noted warriors of the nation are invited; and here they have their war dance, to the beat of a kind of a kettle-drum. the warriors are seated in two rows in the house, and each rises up in his turn, and sings the great acts he has himself performed, and the deeds of his ancestors; and this is always accompanied with a kind of a dance, or rather action, representing the manner in which they were performed; and from time to time, all present join in a chorus, applauding every notable act. they exaggerate the injuries they have at any time received from their enemies, and extol the glory which any of their ancestors have gained by their bravery and courage; so that they work up their spirits to a high degree of warlike enthusiasm. i have sometimes persuaded some of their young _indians_ to act these dances, for our diversion, and to shew us the manner of them; and even, on these occasions, they have work'd themselves up to such a pitch, that they have made all present uneasy. is it not probable, that such designs as these have given the first rise to tragedy? they come to these dances with their faces painted in a frightful manner, as they always are when they go to war, to make themselves terrible to their enemies; and in this manner the night is spent. next day they march out with much formality, dressed in their finest apparel, and, in their march, observe a profound silence. an officer of the regular troops told me, that while he was commandant of _fort-hunter_, the _mohawks_, on one of these occasions, told him, that they expected the usual military honours as they passed the garison. accordingly he drew out his garison, the men presented their pieces as the _indians_ passed, and the drum beat a march; and with less respect, the officer said, they would have been dissatisfied. the _indians_ passed in a single row, one after another, with great gravity and profound silence; and every one of them, as he passed the officer, took his gun from his shoulder, and fired into the ground near the officer's foot: they marched in this manner three or four miles from their castle. the women, on these occasions, always follow them with their old clothes, and they send back by them their finery in which they marched from the castle. but before they go from this place, where they exchange their clothes, they always peel a large piece of the bark from some great tree; they commonly chuse an oak, as most lasting; upon the smooth side of this wood they, with their red paint, draw one or more canoes, going from home, with the number of men in them padling, which go upon the expedition; and some animal, as a deer or fox, an emblem of the nation against which the expedition is designed, is painted at the head of the canoes; for they always travel in canoes along the rivers, which lead to the country against which the expedition is designed, as far as they can. after the expedition is over, they stop at the same place in their return, and send to their castle, to inform their friends of their arrival; that they may be prepared to give them a solemn reception, suited to the success they have had. in the mean time, they represent on the same, or some tree near it, the event of the enterprize, and now the canoes are painted with their heads turned towards the castle; the number of the enemy killed, is represented by scalps painted black, and the number of prisoners by as many withs, (in their painting not unlike pothooks) with which they usually pinion their captives. these trees are the annals, or rather trophies of the _five nations_: i have seen many of them; and by them, and their war songs, they preserve the history of their great achievements. the solemn reception of these warriors, and the acclamations of applause, which they receive at their return, cannot but have in the hearers the same effect, in raising an emulation for glory, that a triumph had on the old _romans_. after their prisoners are secured, they never offer them the least male-treatment, but, on the contrary, will rather starve themselves, than suffer them to want; and i have been always assured, that there is not one instance, of their offering the least violence to the chastity of any woman that was their captive. but notwithstanding this, the poor prisoners afterwards undergo severe punishments before they receive the last doom of life or death. the warriors think it for their glory, to lead them through all the villages of the nations subject to them, which lie near the road; and these, to shew their affection to the _five nations_, and their abhorrence of their enemies, draw up in two lines, through which the poor prisoners, stark naked, must run the gauntlet; and on this occasion, it is always observed, the women are much more cruel than the men. the prisoners meet with the same sad reception when they reach their journey's end; and after this, they are presented to those that have lost any relation in that or any former enterprize. if the captives be accepted, there is an end to their sorrow from that moment; they are dressed as fine as they can make them; they are absolutely free (except to return to their own country) and enjoy all the privileges the person had, in whose place they are accepted; but if otherwise they die in torments, to satiate the revenge of those that refuse them. if a young man or boy be received in place of a husband that was killed, all the children of the deceased call that boy father; so that one may sometimes hear a man of thirty say, that such a boy of fifteen or twenty is his father. their castles are generally a square surrounded with palisadoes, without any bastions or out-works; for, since the general peace, their villages lie all open. their only instruments of war are musquets, hatchets, and long sharp pointed knives; these they always carry about with them: their hatchet, in war-time, is stuck in their girdle behind them; and besides what use they make of this weapon in their hand, they have a dexterous way of throwing it, which i have seen them often practise in their exercise, by throwing it into a tree at a distance: they have, in this, the art of directing and regulating the motion, so that though the hatchet turns round as it flies, the edge always sticks in the tree, and near the place at which they aim it. the use of bows and arrows are now intirely laid aside, except among the boys, who are still very dexterous in killing fowls and other animals with them. they use neither drum nor trumpet, nor any kind of musical instrument in their wars; their throats serve them on all occasions, where such are necessary. many of them have a surprising faculty of raising their voice, not only in inarticulate sounds, but likewise to make their words understood at a great distance; and we find the same was practised by _homer_'s heroes, _thrice to its pitch his lofty voice he rears,---- o friend!_ ulysses _shouts invade my ears._ the _five nations_ have such absolute notions of liberty, that they allow of no kind of superiority of one over another, and banish all servitude from their territories. they never make any prisoner a slave; but it is customary among them to make a compliment of naturalization into the _five nations_; and, considering how highly they value themselves above all others, this must be no small compliment. this is not done by any general act of the nation, but every single person has a right to do it, by a kind of adoption. the first time i was among the _mohawks_, i had this compliment from one of their old _sachems_, which he did, by giving me his own name, _cayenderongue_. he had been a notable warrior; and he told me, that now i had a right to assume to myself all the acts of valour he had performed, and that now my name would echo from hill to hill all over the _five nations_. as for my part, i thought no more of it at that time, than as an artifice to draw a belly full of strong liquor from me, for himself and his companions; but when about ten or twelve years afterwards, my business led me again among them, i directed the interpreter to say something from me to the _sachems_; he was for some time at a loss to understand their answer, till he had asked me whether i had any name among them: i then found that i was really known to them by that name, and that the old _sachem_, from the time he had given me his name, had assumed another to himself. i was adopted, at that time, into the tribe of the _bear_, and, for that reason, i often afterwards had the kind compliment of _brother bear_. the hospitality of these _indians_ is no less remarkable, than their other virtues; as soon as any stranger comes, they are sure to offer him victuals. if there be several in company, and come from a-far, one of their best houses is cleaned and given up for their entertainment. their complaisance, on these occasions, goes even farther than christian civility allows of, as they have no other rule for it, than the furnishing their guest with every thing they think will be agreeable to him; for this reason, some of their prettiest girls are always ordered to wash themselves, and dress in their best apparel, in order to be presented to the stranger, for his choice; and the young lady, who has the honour to be preferred on these occasions, performs all the duties of a fond wife, during the stranger's stay: but this last piece of hospitality is now either laid aside by the _mohawks_, or, at least, they never offer it to any christian. this nation indeed has laid aside many of its ancient customs, and so likewise have the other nations, with whom we are best acquainted; and have adopted many of ours; so that it is not easy now to distinguish their original and genuine manners, from those which they have lately acquired; and for this reason it is, that they now seldom offer victuals to persons of any distinction, because they know, that their food and cookery is not agreeable to our delicate palates. their men value themselves, in having all kind of food in equal esteem. a _mohawk sachem_ told me with a kind of pride, that a man eats every thing without distinction, _bears, cats, dogs, snakes, frogs_, &c. intimating, that it is womanish, to have any delicacy in the choice of food. i can however give two strong instances of the hospitality of the _mohawks_, which fell under my own observation; and which shew, that they have the very same notion of hospitality, which we find in the ancient poets. when i was last in the _mohawks_ country, the _sachems_ told me, that they had an _englishman_ among their people, a servant who had run from his master in _new york_. i immediately told them, that they must deliver him up. no, they answered, we never serve any man so, who puts himself under our protection. on this i insisted on the injury they did thereby to his master; and they allowed it might be an injury, and replied, though we never will deliver him up, we are willing to pay the value of the servant to the master. another man made his escape from the goal of _albany_, where he was in prison on an execution for debt; the _mohawks_ received him, and, as they protected him against the sheriff and his officers, they not only paid the debt for him, but gave him land, over and above sufficient for a good farm, whereon he lived when i was last there. to this it may be added, all their extraordinary visits are accompanied with giving and receiving presents of some value; as we learn likewise from _homer_ was the practice in old times. _polygamy_ is not usual among them; and indeed, in any nation, where all are on a par, as to riches and power, plurality of wives cannot well be introduced. as all kind of slavery is banished from the countries of the _five nations_, so they keep themselves free also from the bondage of wedlock; and when either of the parties becomes disgusted, they separate without formality or ignominy to either, unless it be occasioned by some scandalous offence in one of them. and in case of divorce, the children, according to the natural course of all animals, follow the mother. the women here bring forth their children with as much ease as other animals, and without the help of a midwife, and, soon after their delivery, return to their usual employment. they alone also perform all the drudgery about their houses, they plant their corn, and labour it, in every respect, till it is brought to the table: they likewise cut all their fire-wood, and bring it home on their backs, and in their marches bear the burdens. the men disdain all kind of labour, and employ themselves alone in hunting, as the only proper business for soldiers. at times, when it is not proper to hunt, one finds the _old men_ in companies, in conversation; the young men at their exercises, shooting at marks, throwing the hatchet, wrestling, or running, and the women all busy at labour in the fields. on these occasions, the state of _lacedæmon_ ever occurs to my mind, which that of the _five nations_, in many respects, resembles; their laws, or customs, being, in both, form'd to render the minds and bodies of the people fit for war. theft is very scandalous among them; and it is necessary it should be so among all _indians_, since they have no locks, but those of their minds, to preserve their goods. there is one vice which the _indians_ have all fallen into, since their acquaintance with the _christians_, and of which they could not be guilty before that time, that is, drunkenness: it is strange, how all the _indian_ nations, and almost every person among them, male and female, are infatuated with the love of strong drink; they know no bounds to their desire, while they can swallow it down, and then indeed the greatest man among them scarcely deserves the name of a brute. they never have been taught to conquer any passion, but by some contrary passion; and the traders, with whom they chiefly converse, are so far from giving them any abhorrence of this vice, that they encourage it all they can, not only for the profit of the liquor they sell, but that they may have an opportunity to impose upon them. and this, as they chiefly drink spirits, has destroyed greater numbers, than all their wars and diseases put together. the people of the _five nations_ are much given to _speech-making_, ever the natural consequence of a perfect republican government: where no single person has a power to compel, the arts of persuasion alone must prevail. as their best speakers distinguish themselves in their publick councils and treaties with other nations, and thereby gain the esteem and applause of their countrymen, (the only superiority which any one of them has over the others) it is probable they apply themselves to this art, by some kind of study and exercise, in a great measure. it is impossible for me to judge how far they excel, as i am ignorant of their language; but the speakers whom i have heard, had all a great fluency of words, and much more grace in their manner, than any man could expect, among a people intirely ignorant of all the liberal arts and sciences. i am inform'd, that they are very nice in the turn of their expressions, and that few of themselves are so far masters of their language, as never to offend the ears of their _indian_ auditory, by an unpolite expression. they have, it seems, a certain _urbanitas_, or _atticism_, in their language, of which the common ears are ever sensible, though only their great speakers attain to it. they are so much given to speech-making, that their common complements, to any person they respect, at meeting and parting, are made in harangues. they have some kind of elegancy in varying and compounding their words, to which, not many of themselves attain, and this principally distinguishes their best speakers. i have endeavoured to get some account of this, as a thing that might be acceptable to the curious; but, as i have not met with any one person who understands their language, and also knows any thing of grammar, or of the learned languages, i have not been able to attain the least satisfaction. their present minister tells me, that their verbs are varied, but in a manner so different from the _greek_ or _latin_, that he cannot discover by what rule it was done; and even suspects, that every verb has a peculiar mode: they have but few radical words, but they compound their words without end; by this their language becomes sufficiently copious, and leaves room for a good deal of art to please a delicate ear. sometimes one word among them includes an entire definition of the thing; for example, they call _wine oneharadeseboengtseragberie_, as much as to say, a _liquor made of the juice of the grape_. the words expressing things lately come to their knowledge are all compounds: they have no labeals in their language, nor can they pronounce perfectly any word wherein there is a labeal; and when one endeavours to teach them to pronounce these words, they tell one, they think it ridiculous that they must shut their lips to speak. their language abounds with gutturals and strong aspirations, these make it very sonorous and bold; and their speeches abound with metaphors, after the manner of the eastern nations, as will best appear by the speeches that i have copied. as to what _religious notions_ they have, it is difficult to judge of them; because the _indians_, that speak any _english_, and live near us, have learned many things of us; and it is not easy to distinguish the notions they had originally among themselves, from those they have learned of the _christians_. it is certain they have no kind of publick worship, and i am told that they have no radical word to express _god_, but use a compound word, signifying the preserver, sustainer, or master of the universe; neither could i ever learn what sentiments they have of a future existence. their funeral rites seem to be formed upon a notion of some kind of existence after death: they make a large round hole, in which the body can be placed upright, or upon its haunches, which after the body is placed in it, is covered with timber, to support the earth which they lay over, and thereby keep the body free from being pressed; they then raise the earth in a round hill over it. they always dress the corps in all its finery, and put wampum and other things into the grave with it; and the relations suffer not grass or any weed to grow on the grave, and frequently visit it with lamentations: but whether these things be done only as marks of respect to the deceased, or from a notion of some kind of existence after death, must be left to the judgment of the reader. they are very superstitious in observing omens and dreams; i have observed them shew a superstitious awe of the owl, and be highly displeased with some that mimicked the cry of that bird in the night. an officer of the regular troops has informed me also, that while he had the command of the garrison at _oswego_, a boy of one of the far westward nations died there; the parents made a regular pile of split wood, laid the corps upon it, and burnt it; while the pile was burning, they stood gravely looking on, without any lamentation, but when it was burnt down, they gathered up the bones with many tears, put them into a box, and carried them away with them; and this inclination, which all ignorant people have to superstition and amusing ceremonies, gives the popish priests a great advantage in recommending their religion, beyond what the regularity of the protestant doctrine allows of. queen _anne_ sent over a missionary to reside among the _mohawks_, and allowed him a sufficient subsistence from the privy purse; she sent furniture for a chappel, and a valuable set of plate for the communion table; and (if i am not mistaken) the like furniture and plate for each of the other nations, though that of the _mohawks_ was only applied to the use designed. the common prayer, or at least a considerable part of it, was translated also into their language and printed; some other pieces were likewise translated for the minister's use, _viz_. an exposition of the creed, decalogue, lord's prayer, and church catechism, and a discourse on the sacraments. but as that minister was never able to attain any tolerable knowledge of their language, and was naturally a heavy man, he had but small success; and his allowance failing, by the queen's death, he left them. these nations had no teacher, from that time, till within these few years, that a young gentleman, out of pious zeal, went voluntarily among the _mohawks_. he was at first intirely ignorant of their language, and had no interpreter, except one of the _indians_, who understood a little _english_, and had, in the late missionary's time, learn'd to read and write in his own language. he learned from him how to pronounce the words in the translations, which had been made for the late missionary's use. he set up a school, to teach their children to read and write their own language; and they made surprizing proficiency, considering their master did not understand their language. i happened to be in the _mohawk_ country, and saw several of their performances; i was present at their worship, where they went through some part of the common prayer with great decency. i was likewise present, several times, at their private devotions, which some of them performed duly, morning and evening. i had also many opportunities of observing the great regard they had for this young man; so far, that the fear of his leaving them made the greatest restraint on them, with which he threatened them, after they had been guilty of any offence. soon after that time, this gentleman went to _england_, received orders, and was sent by the society, missionary to _albany_, with liberty to spend some part of his time among the _mohawks_. i had lately a letter from him, dated the seventh of _december_, , in which he writes as follows: "drunkenness was so common among them, that i doubt, whether there was one grown person of either sex free from it; seldom a day passed, without some, and very often forty or fifty being drunk at a time. but i found they were very fond of keeping me among them, and afraid i should leave them, which i made use of to good purpose; daily threatning them with my departure, in case they did not forsake that vice, and frequently requiring a particular promise from them singly; by which means (through god's blessing) there was a gradual reformation; and i know not that i have seen above ten or twelve persons drunk among them this summer. the women are almost all entirely reformed, and the men very much. they have intirely left off divorces, and are legally married. they are very constant and devout at church and family devotions. they have not been known to exercise cruelty to prisoners, and have, in a great measure, left off going a fighting, which i find the most difficult, of all things, to dissuade them from. they seem also persuaded of the truths of christianity. the greatest inconveniency i labour under, is the want of an interpreter, which could i obtain, for two or three years, i should hope to be tolerably master of their language, and be able to render it easier to my successor." this gentleman's uncommon zeal deserves, i think, this publick testimony, that it may be a means of his receiving such encouragement, as may enable him to pursue the pious purposes he has in view. the _mohawks_, were they civilized, may be useful to us many ways, and, on many occasions, more than any of our own people can be; and this well deserves to be considered. there is one custom their men constantly observe, which i must not forget to mention; that if they be sent with any message, though it demand the greatest dispatch, or though they bring intelligence of any imminent danger, they never tell it at their first approach; but sit down for a minute or two, at least, in silence, to recollect themselves, before they speak, that they may not shew any degree of fear or surprize, by an indecent expression. every sudden repartee, in a publick treaty, leaves with them an impression of a light inconsiderate mind; but, in private conversation, they use, and are delighted with brisk witty answers, as we can be. by this they shew the great difference they place between the conversations of man and man, and of nation and nation; and in this, and a thousand other things, might well be an example to the _european_ nations. [footnote : _wampum_ is the current money among the _indians:_ it is of two sorts, white and purple; the white is worked out of the inside of the great conques into the form of a bead, and perforated, to string on leather; the purple is worked out of the inside of the muscle shell; they are wove as broad as one's hand, and about two feet long; these they call belts, and give and receive at their treaties as the seals of friendship; for lesser matters a single string is given. every bead is of a known value, and a belt of a less number, is made to equal one of a greater, by so many as is wanting fastened to the belt by a string.] the h i s t o r y of the five _indian_ nations, depending on the province of _new-york_. * * * * * part i. _the history of the_ five nations, _from the time the christians first knew any thing of them, to that of the revolution in_ great-britain. * * * * * chap. i. _of the wars of the_ five nations _with the_ adirondacks _and_ quatoghies. the first settlers of _new-york_ having been little curious in inquiring into the _indian affairs_, further than what related to trade; or, at least, having neglected to transmit their discoveries to posterity, it is much more difficult to give a just history of these nations before, than since the time of their being under the _crown of england_. what we can learn of certainty, however, is this. the _french_ settled at _canada_ in the year , six years before the _dutch_ possessed themselves of _new-netherlands_, now called _new-york_, and found the _five nations_ at war with the _adirondacks_, which, they tell us, was occasioned in the following manner. the _adirondacks_ formerly lived three-hundred miles above _trois rivieres_, where now the _utawawas_ are situated; at that time they employ'd themselves wholly in hunting, and the _five nations_ made planting of corn their business. by this means they became useful to each other, by exchanging corn for venison. the _adirondacks_, however, valued themselves, as delighting in a more manly employment, and despised the _five nations_, in following business, which they thought only fit for women. but it once happened, that the game failed the _adirondacks_, which made them desire some of the young men of the _five nations_ to assist them in hunting. these young men soon became much more expert in hunting, and able to endure fatigues, than the _adirondacks_ expected or desired; in short, they became jealous of them, and, one night, murdered all the young men they had with them. the _five nations_ complained to the chiefs of the _adirondacks_, of the inhumanity of this action; but they contented themselves with blaming the murderers, and ordered them to make some small[ ] presents to the relations of the murdered persons, without being apprehensive of the resentment of the _five nations_; for they looked upon them, as men not capable of taking any great revenge. this however provoked the _five nations_ to that degree, that they soon resolved, by some means, to be revenged; and the _adirondacks_ being informed of their designs, thought to prevent them, by reducing them with force to their obedience. the _five nations_ then lived near where _mont real_ now stands; they defended themselves at first but faintly against the vigorous attacks of the _adirondacks_, and were forced to leave their own country, and fly to the banks of the lakes where they live now. as they were hitherto losers by the war, it obliged them to apply themselves to the exercise of arms, in which they became daily more and more expert. their _sachems_, in order to raise their people's spirits, turned them against the _satanas_[ ], a less warlike nation, who then lived on the banks of the lakes; for they found it was difficult to remove the dread their people had of the valour of the _adirondacks_. the _five nations_ soon subdued the _satanas_, and drove them out of their country; and their people's courage being thus elevated, they, from this time, not only defended themselves bravely against the whole force of the _adirondacks_, but often carried the war into the heart of the _adirondacks_'s country, and, at last, forced them to leave it, and to fly into that part of the country, where _quebeck_ is now built. there are more instances than one in history, of poor dispirited nations, that by some signal affront or abuse have had their spirits so raised, that they have not only performed notable things on a sudden, but, if they happened, at the same time, to be led and governed by wise men, have so far kept up, and improved that spirit, that they have become, in a manner, a different people. let us examine history, and we shall find, that the different figure every country has made in the world, has been ever principally owing to the principles which were inculcated into, and carefully cultivated in the people. in this chiefly consists the art of making a nation glorious, or the crime of debasing them into servitude or slavery. it was from the notions of liberty, honour, and glory, and such wise and generous principles, which the meanest citizen among the old _romans_ entertained, that they became so great and powerful, and a terror to all nations; as the sordid, timorous, cunning artifices, and the love of wealth and sensual pleasures, cultivated among the present _romans_, has debased them now into the meanest and least feared nation on the earth. the history of the _five nations_ will readily shew, how far the ancient _roman_ principles have been cultivated among them. soon after this change of the people of these nations, the _french_ arrived at _canada_, and settled at _quebeck_; and they thinking it adviseable to gain the esteem and friendship of the _adirondacks_, in whose country they settled, _monsieur champlain_, the first governor of _canada_, joined the _adirondacks_ in an expedition against the _five nations_. they met a party of two-hundred men of the _five nations_ in _corlar's lake_, which the _french_, on this occasion called by _monsieur champlain's_ name, and both sides went ashore to prepare for battle, which proved to the disadvantage of the _five nations_. the _french_, in short, kept themselves undiscover'd, till the moment they began to join battle; and their fire-arms surprised the _five nations_ so much, that they were immediately put into confusion; for, before that time, they had never seen such weapons. the trade with the _french_, soon after this, drew most of the neighbouring nations to _quebeck_, and they all joined in the war against the _five nations_. the _adirondacks_ having their numbers thus increased, and their fire-arms giving them new confidence, proposed nothing less to themselves, than the intire destruction of the _five nations_. upon this, their young warriors became fierce and insolent, and would not be kept under any discipline or subjection to their captains; but, upon all occasions, rashly attacked the enemy, who were obliged to keep themselves upon the defensive; and to make up what they wanted in force, by stratagems, and a skilful management of the war. the young men of the _five nations_ soon perceived the advantages they gained by this conduct, and every day grew more submissive to their captains, and diligent in executing any enterprize. the _five nations_ sent out small parties only, who meeting with great numbers of the _adirondacks_, retired before them with seeming terror, while the _adirondacks_ pursued them with fury, and without thought, till they were cunningly drawn into ambuscades, where most of their men were killed or taken prisoners, with little or no loss to the _five nations_. the _adirondacks_, by this means, wasted away, and their boldest soldiers were almost intirely destroy'd, while the number of the _five nations_ were increased, by the addition of the prisoners, which they took from the _satanas_. the wisest and best soldiers of the _adirondacks_, when it was too late, now at length discovered, that they must learn the art of war from those enemies that they at first despised; and now five of their captains endeavoured to perform by themselves singly, with art and by stratagem, what they could not do by force at the head of their armies; they had however no longer any hopes of conquering, their thoughts were only set on revenge. it is not improper to observe here, once for all, that in writing the history of _indians_, it is often necessary to give an account of the enterprizes of single persons, otherwise the _indian_ genius can never be known, or their manner of making war understood. an _indian_ named _piskaret_ was at this time one of the captains of greatest fame among the _adirondacks:_ this bold man, with four other captains, set out for _trois-rivieres_ in one canoe, each of them being provided with three musquets, which they loaded with two bullets apiece, joined with a small chain ten inches long; they met with five canoes in _sorel river_, each having ten men of the _five nations_ on board. _piskaret_ and his captains, as soon as those of the _five nations_ drew near, pretended to give themselves up for lost, and sung their death song,[ ] then suddenly fired upon the canoes, which they repeated with the arms that lay ready loaded, and tore those birch vessels betwixt wind and water. the men of the _five nations_ were so surprized, that they tumbled out of their canoes, and gave _piskaret_ and his companions the opportunity of knocking as many of them on the head as they pleased, and saving the others, to feed their revenge, which they did, by burning them alive with the most cruel torments. this however was so far from glutting _piskaret_'s revenge, that it seemed rather to give a keener edge to it; for he soon after undertook another enterprize, in which none of his countrymen durst accompany him: he was well acquainted with the country of the _five nations_, and set out about the time the snow began to melt, with the precaution of putting the hinder part of his snow shoes forward, that if any should happen upon his footsteps, they might think he was gone the contrary way; and, for further security, went along the ridges and high grounds, where the snow was melted, that his track might be often lost; when he came near one of the villages of the _five nations_, he hid himself till night, and then entered a cabin, while every body was fast asleep, murdered the whole family, and carried their scalps into his lurking place. the next day the people of the village searched for the murderer in vain. the following night he murdered all he found in another cabin. the inhabitants next day searched likewise in vain for the murderer; but the third night a watch was kept in every house. _piskaret_ in the night bundled up the scalps he had taken the two former nights, to carry, as the proof of his victory, and then stole privately from house to house, till at last he found an _indian_ nodding, who was upon the watch in one of the houses; he knockt this man on the head; but as this alarmed the rest, he was forced immediately to fly. he was however under no great concern from the pursuit, being more swift of foot than any _indian_ then living. he let his pursuers come near him from time to time, and then would dart from them. this he did with design to tire them out with the hopes of overtaking him. as it began to grow dark, he hid himself, and his pursuers stop'd to rest. they not being apprehensive of any danger from a single man, soon fell asleep, and the bold _piskaret_ observing this, knock'd them all on the head, and carried away their scalps with the rest. such stories as these are told among the _indians_, as extraordinary instances of the courage and conduct of their captains. the _indians_ will often travel thus three or four hundred miles singly, or two or three in company, and lurk about their enemy's borders for several weeks, in hopes to revenge the death of a near relation or dear friend. indeed they give themselves so very much up to revenge, that this passion seems to gnaw their souls, and gives them no rest till they satisfy it. it is this delight in revenge, that makes all barbarous nations cruel; and the curbing such passions is one of the happy effects of being civilized. the _five nations_ are so much delighted with stratagems in war, that no superiority of their forces ever make them neglect them. they amused the _adirondacks_ and their allies the _quatoghies_ (called by the _french hurons_) by sending to the _french_, and desiring peace. the _french_ desired them to receive some priests among them, in hopes that those prudent fathers would, by some art, reconcile them to their interest, and engage their affections. the _five nations_ readily accepted the offer, and some _jesuits_ went along with them: but after they had the jesuits in their power, they used them only as hostages, and thereby obliged the _french_ to stand neuter, while they prepared to attack the _adirondacks_ and _quatoghies_, and they defeated the _quatoghies_ in a dreadful battle fought within two leagues of _quebeck_. the _french_ own, that if the _five nations_ had known their weakness at that time, they might have easily destroyed the whole colony. this defeat, in sight of the _french_ settlements, struck terror into all their allies, who were at that time very numerous, because of the trade with the _french_, which furnished them with many the most useful conveniences; for before that time the _indians_ had no iron tool among them. the _nipeceriniens_, who then lived on the banks of _st. laurence river_, fled upon this to the northward, believing that the extreme coldness of the climate, and a barren soil, would be the securest defence against the ambition of the _five nations_. the remainder of the _quatoghies_ fled with the _utawawas_ southwestward; and for the greater security, settled in an island, which being further than the name of the _five nations_ had then reached, they trusted to the distance of the place, and the advantage of its situation. their last expedition having succeeded so well, the _five nations_ gave out, that they intended next winter to visit _yonnendio_, (the name they give to the governor of _canada_;) these visits are always made with much shew. under this pretence they gathered together or men. their out scouts met with _piskaret_ near _niccolet river_, and still pretending a friendly visit to the governor of _canada_, as their only design, he told them, that the _adirondacks_ were divided into two bodies, one of which hunted on the north side of _st. laurence river_ at _wabmake_, three leagues above _trois rivieres_, and the other at _nicolet_. as soon as they had gained this information, they killed him, and returned with his head to the army. the _five nations_ divided likewise into two bodies; they surprized the _adirondacks_ in both places, and in both cut them in pieces. thus the most warlike and polite nation of all the _indians_ in _north america_, was almost intirely destroyed by a people they at first despised, and by a war which their pride and injustice brought upon them; and we here see, that all the advantages of numbers, courage and weapons, is not equal to good discipline in an army. a very few _adirondacks_ only now remain in some villages near _quebeck_, who still waste away and decay, by their drinking strong waters, tho' when the _french_ first settled at _quebeck_, fighting men of them lived between that place and _sillerie_, which are only a league distant, besides those that lived at _saquenay, trois rivieres_, and some other places. and since this decisive battle, the _adirondacks_ have never been considered as of any consequence, either in peace or war. the _quatoghies_ and _atawawas_ now soon began to be in want of the _european_ commodities, which had made them considerable among their new friends. in order therefore to supply themselves anew, they returned to trade at _quebeck_; and by this means the place of their retreat was discovered to the _five nations_; and they not having their revenge satiated, while the _quatoghies_ had a being, soon convinced them, that no extent of country could set bounds to that passion, when it rages in the hearts of the _five nations_, for they soon after attack'd them in their new settlement. the _quatoghies_ had the good fortune to discover the _five nations_ time enough to make their escape, and fled to the _putewatemies_, who lived a day's journey further, where they, and all the neighbouring nations, secured themselves in a large fort. the _five nations_ followed, but, being in want of provision, they could not attempt a siege, and therefore proposed a treaty with the _putewatemies_, which was accepted. the _putewatemies_ acknowledged the _five nations_ as masters of all the nations round them, applauded their valour, and promised them their friendship, and to supply them with provisions; they would not however trust themselves out of their fort, but sent out a supply; and even this they did, only with design to do that by treachery, which they durst not attempt by force; for the provisions were poisoned. the treachery was discovered however to the _five nations_, by an old _quatoghie_, who had a son prisoner among them; his affection for his son overcoming even his hatred to his country's enemies. this treachery highly enraged the _five nations_ against the _putewatemies_, and the neighbouring people; but famine obliging them to retire at this time, they divided their armies into parties, the better to provide for their subsistence, by hunting; one of these parties in their chace fell in with a village of the _chicktaghicks_ (called by the _french hinois_) and surprized the old men, women and children, when the young men were abroad hunting; but the young men, upon their return, gathering together all the rest of the villages, pursued this party of the _five nations_, and recovered the prisoners. this was the first time that the _five nations_ had been seen in those parts, but their name was become so terrible, that the _chictaghicks_, notwithstanding this advantage, left their country, and fled to the nations that lived westward, till the general peace was settled by the _french_, and not till on that occasion returned to their own country. [footnote : it is still a custom among the _indians_, to expiate murder by presents to the relations of the person killed.] [footnote : they are called _shaouonons_, by the _french_, and live now on one of the banks of the misissipi.] [footnote : it is a custom among the _indian_ prisoners of war, when led to death, to sing an account of their own exploits; and this they are hardy enough to continue even in the midst of tortures.] chap. ii. _the wars and treaties of peace of the_ indians _of the_ five nations _with the_ french, _from_ _to_ , _and their affairs with_ new-york _in that time_. in _june_ _monsieur de trasi_ appointed _vice-roy_ of _america_ by the _french king_, arrived at _quebeck_, after he had visited the _french islands_ in the _west indies_, and brought with him four companies of foot; and in _september_ of the same year, _mr. coursel_ arrived governor general of _canada_; he brought with him a regiment and several families, with all things necessary for establishing of a colony. their force being now thus considerably augmented, the _french_ governor resolved to chastise the insolence of the _five nations_; and for that purpose, in the winter, sent out a party against the _mohawks_, but these by the cold, and their not knowing the use of snow shoes, suffered very much, without doing any thing against the enemy. this party however fell in with _skenectady_[ ], a small town which _corlear_ (a considerable man among the _dutch_) had then newly settled. when they appeared near _shenectady_, they were almost dead with cold and hunger; and the _indians_, who were then in that village, had intirely destroyed them, if _corlear_, (in compassion to his fellow christians) had not contriv'd their escape. he had a mighty influence over the _indians_; and it is from him, and in remembrance of his merit, that all governors of _new-york_ are called _corlear_ by the _indians_ to this day, tho' he himself was never governor. he persuaded the _indians_, that this was a small party of the _french_ army come to amuse them, that the great body was gone directly towards their castles, and that it was necessary for them immediately to go in defence of their wives and children. this they believed, and readily obeyed; and as soon as the _indians_ were gone, he sent to the _french_, and supplied them with provisions and other necessaries to carry them back. the _french_ governor, in order to reward so signal a service, invited _corlear_ to _canada_; but as he went through the great lake, which lies to the northward of _albany_, his canoe was overset, and he was drowned; and from this accident that lake has ever since been called _corlear_'s _lake_, by the people of _new-york_. there is a rock in this lake, on which the waves dash and fly up to a great height; when the wind blows hard, the _indians_ believe, that an old _indian_ lives under this rock, who has the power of the winds; and therefore, as they pass it in their voyages over, they always throw a pipe, or some other small present to this old _indian_, and pray a favourable wind. the _english_ that pass with them sometimes laugh at them, but they are sure to be told of _corlear_'s death. your great countryman _corlear_ (say they) as he passed by this rock, jested at our fathers making presents to this _old indian_, and in derision turned up his backside, but this affront cost him his life. in the following spring the _vice-roy_ and the _governor of canada_, with twenty eight companies of foot, and all the militia of the colony, marched into the country of the _mohawks_, with a design to destroy this nation, which by their wars not only prevented their commerce with the western _indians_, but likewise often put their colony in danger. it certainly was a bold attempt, to march above miles from _quebeck_ through vast unknown forests. the _mohawks_ however, on their approach, men, women, and children, retired into the woods, and all that the _french_ were able to do, was to burn some villages, and to murder some old _sachems_ that (like the old roman senators,) chose rather to dye than to desert their houses. the _french_ were so conceited before, of their superiority over the _indians_ in their skill of war, and their weapons, that they thought they could not escape, but the little honour or advantage they got by this expedition lessened their vanity, and made them desirous of peace; and the _five nations_ remaining fearful of the _french fire arms_, it was without much difficulty concluded in the year . the _five nations_ however being naturally very enterprizing and haughty, one of their parties some time after met with some _french_ in their hunting, and quarrelled with them. the _indians_ had the advantage, they killed several of the _french_, and carried one prisoner into their own country. _monsieur de coursel_ sent on this to threaten the _five nations_ with war, if they did not deliver up these murderers; and the _five nations_, to shew their publick displeasure at this breach of peace, sent _agariata_, the captain of the company that did the mischief, with forty others, to beg pardon; but _monsieur coursel_ was resolved to make an example of _agariata_, and ordered him to be hanged in sight of his countrymen; and the _french_ think that this severity was a great means of preserving the peace till the year . the _dutch_, who settled in the _new netherlands_, now called _new-york_, in , entered into an alliance with the five nations, which continued without any breach on either side, till the _english_ gained this country. the _dutch_ gained the hearts of the _five nations_ by their kind usage, and were frequently useful to the _french_, in saving those of them that were prisoners from the cruelty of the _indians_. in , _new-york_ being taken by the _english_, they likewise immediately entered into a friendship with the _five nations_, which has continued without the least breach to this day; and history, i believe, cannot give an instance of the most christian or most catholick kings observing a treaty so strictly, and for so long a time as these barbarians, as they are called, have done. the _english_ and _french_ (peace being every where settled) now endeavoured to extend their commerce and alliances among the _indian nations_, that live to the westward of _new-york_. the _french_ however, in their measures, discovered always a design of conquering and commanding; for with this view _mr. de frontenac_, who had succeeded in the government of _canada_, in the year , persuaded the _five nations_ to allow him to build a fort on the north side of _cadarackui lake_, under pretence of a store for _merchandise_, and the security of his traders, and under the same pretence built several other forts at some other considerable places far in the country. the _english_ and _dutch_, on the contrary, prosecuted their measures only with the arts of peace, by sending people among the _indians_ to gain their affections, and to persuade them to come to _albany_ to trade; but the war with the _dutch_, which happened about this time, prevented even these honest designs from having the success they otherwise might have had; for in the year , _new-york_ being surprised by the _dutch_, and restored the next year to the _english_, the alterations of government, and of masters, obstructed very much any measures that could have been taken for the publick good. their trade was likewise considerably hindered by the war which the _five nations_ had at that time with the river indians[ ], which forced many of those _indians_ to seek shelter among the _utawawas_, who fell under the _french_ government at last; however, the _english_, _dutch_ and _french_ having all made peace in _europe_, and the government of _new-york_ likewise having obtained a peace between the _five nations_ and _mahikandars_ or _river indians_, both the _english_ and _french_ were at full liberty to prosecute their designs of extending their commerce among the _indians_, which both did with very considerable success and advantage to the inhabitants of their respective colonies. but this justice must be done to the _french_, that they far exceeded the _english_ in the daring attempts of some of their inhabitants, in travelling very far among unknown _indians_, discovering new countries, and every where spreading the fame of the _french_ name and grandeur. the _sieur perot_ travelled in the year as far as _the fall st. mary_ beyond _missilimakinak_, and having learned those _indians_ language, gained them over to his country's interest. the courage and resolution of many of these adventurers are deservedly recorded by the _french_; but the _english_ give it another turn, and say it is the barrenness and poverty of _canada_ that pushes the men of spirit there, upon enterprizes, that they would not have attempted, if they had lived in the province of _new-york_. the chief reason, in my opinion, however, of the _french_ having so far succeeded beyond the _english_ is, that the _indian affairs_ are the particular care of the governor and other principal officers in _canada_, who have the greatest knowledge and authority; whereas those affairs in _new-york_ are chiefly left to the management of a few traders with the _indians_, who have no care for, or skill in publick affairs, and only mind their private interest. [footnote : the _french_ call this town _corlear_, from the persons name who first settled there. it is situate on the _mohawks_ river sixteen miles from _albany_.] [footnote : the _indians_ living on the branches of _hudson_'s river, within or near the _english_ settlements at that time.] chap. iii. _of the transactions of the_ indians _of the_ five nations _with the neighbouring_ english _colonies_. the _five nations_ being now amply supplied by the _english_ with fire-arms and ammunition, give full swing to their warlike genius, and soon resolved to revenge the affronts they had at any time received from the _indian_ nations that lived at a greater distance from them. the nearest nations, as they were attack'd, commonly fled to those that were further off, and the _five nations_ pursued them. this, together with a desire they had of conquering, or ambition of making all the nations round them their tributaries, or to acknowledge the _five nations_ to be so far their masters, as to be absolutely directed by them in all affairs of peace and war with their neighbours, made them overrun great part of _north-america_. they carried their arms as far south as _carolina_, to the northward of _new-england_, and as far west as the river _mississipi_, over a vast country, which extends twelve hundred miles in length, from north to south, and about six hundred miles in breadth; where they intirely destroyed many nations, of whom there are now no accounts remaining among the _english_. these warlike expeditions often proved troublesome to the colonies of _virginia_ and _maryland_; for not only the _indians_ that were friends to those colonies became victims to the fury of the _five nations_, but the christian inhabitants likewise were frequently involved in the same calamity. the _french_ having a long time felt the inconveniencies and dangers they were in from this restless warlike spirit of the _five nations_, made use of this time of peace to guard against it for the future, and were very diligent in pursuing the most prudent measures. they sent some of their wisest priests and jesuits to reside among them, and the governors of _new-york_ were ordered, by the _duke of york_, to give these priests all the incouragement in their power. the chief view of these priests was, to give the _indians_ the highest opinion of the _french power_ and wisdom, and to render the _english_ as suspected and as mean as possible in their eyes. they waited likewise for every opportunity to breed a quarrel between the _english_ and the _indians_, and to withdraw the _five nations_ from fighting with those nations that traded to _canada_. for these purposes these priests were instrumental in turning the resentment of the _five nations_ against the _indians_, that were in friendship with _virginia_ and _maryland_. the governor of _maryland_, on the other hand, to prevent the ill consequences, that might happen by wars between nations that were in friendship with the _english_, and lived in their neighbourhood, sent _colonel coursey_, in the year , to _albany_, to increase the friendship between _virginia_ and _maryland_ on the one part, and the _five nations_ on the other; and, accordingly, both sides gave mutual promises at _albany_: but this good understanding was soon shaken by some parties of the _oneydoes_, _onondagas_, and _senekas_, who were out when this treaty was made, and were ignorant of it. one of them met with the _susguehana indians_, who were in friendship with _maryland_, and fell upon them; they killed four of the _susguehanas_, and took six prisoners. five of these prisoners fell to the share of the _senekas_, who, as soon as they arrived in their own country, sent them back with presents, to shew that they kept their promises with _maryland_; but the _oneydoes_ detained the prisoner they had. another party, that went against the _canagesse indians_ (friends of _virginia_) were surprised by a troop of horse, who killed one man, and took a woman prisoner: the _indians_, in revenge, killed four of the inhabitants, and carried away their scalps, with six christian prisoners. the _mohawks_, all this while, kept strictly to their words, and suffered none of their men to go towards _virginia_ and _maryland_. there is reason to think that the _dutch_, who lived about _albany_ at that time, spirited up the _indians_ against the _english_; the national differences, that were then recent, bred a rancour in their spirits. some _dutchmen_ persuaded the _oneydoes_, that the _english_ at _new-york_ were resolved to destroy them, and put them into a terrible disturbance; for here the _dutch_ and the _french_ priests joined in the same measures. the commandant at _albany_ hearing of this, sent two interpreters of the _indian_ language, to persuade the _oneydoes_ to come to _albany_, in order to be assured of the _english_ friendship, and to have their jealousy removed; which being done, _swerise_, one of the chief _sachems_ of the _oneydoes_, excused his countrymen at _albany_ the fifteenth of _february_ / , by laying the blame on the people of _schenectady_, who had informed not one, but several of their people, and at several times, that the _english_ designed to cut them all off; and said, had they not reason to believe the people of _schenectady_, who are friends and neighbours to the _english_? they brought with them a christian woman and her child, that had been taken prisoners, and restored them, praying the governor to use his interest to have their people restored, that had been taken by the people of _virginia_; but they kept another christian woman and her two children, which they said they did only till such time as their prisoners should be restored, or some _canastoga indians_ given in their place. when the _five nations_ make peace with another nation, that has taken some of the _five nations_ prisoners, if these prisoners be dead, or cannot be restored, they usually demand some _indians_, in friendship with the _five nations_, in their stead; who either are adopted in place of their dead friends, or restored to their own nation; and sometimes they desire some of their enemies to be given to them, and even those frequently are adopted by a father in place of a son, or by a sister in place of a brother, and, most frequently, by a wife in place of a husband lost in the wars; but if they chance not to be agreeable to the relations, then they are certainly made sacrifices to their revenge. governor _andross_, being acquainted by letter with this last proposal of the _oneydoes_, required the immediate delivery of the christian prisoners, and promised to write to _virginia_ to have the _indian_ prisoners sav'd. some presents being given to the _oneydoes_, and they promised to bring them in a month's time. they, at the same time, informed the commandant at _albany_, that eight of their men were then out against the people of _virginia_; that they knew nothing of what was now promised; and therefore, in case they should do any harm, they desired that it might not be taken as a breach of their promises they now made. they promised likewise to inform the governor of every thing these parties shou'd happen to do. in the last place they said, we shall be very sorry if any thing should happen to the prisoners that we have promised to restore, lest it should create some jealousies of us, we hope that you will consider that they are mortal. accordingly, in _may_ following, the _oneydoes_ brought the other three prisoners to _albany_, and, on the twenty-fourth of that month, _swerise_, when he delivered them to the commandant at _albany_, and the commissioners for _indian_ affairs, said, "_brethren_, "we are come to this place with much trouble, as we did last winter, and renew the request we then made, that six _indians_ be delivered to us in the room of these six christians, in case our people, who are prisoners, be dead. none of us have gone out against the christians since we were last here; but we told you then that some were then out, who knew nothing of the governor's orders, and we desired, that if any thing happened it might not be taken ill. now thirteen of our people, who went out against our _indian_ enemies, met eighteen men on horseback, as far from any of the _english_ plantations as _cahnuaga_ is from _albany_, they fired upon our people; our men, being soldiers, returned their fire, and killed two men and two horses, and brought away their scalps. "it would be convenient that the governor tell the people of _virginia_, not to send their men so far from home; for if they should meet our parties in their way against our enemies, the _cahnowas_, whom the _english_ call _arogisti_, we cannot answer for the consequences. "we have now observed the governor's orders, in bringing the three other christian prisoners; and we trust the affair of our prisoners wholly to the governor. "we have now performed our promises: but where are our prisoners; or, if they be dead, the others in their room, now when it is so late in the spring? however, we will still trust this to the governor." then delivering the prisoners one by one, said, "we have, we say, now performed our promises, and are not ashamed. we hope _corlaer_, who governs the whole country, will likewise do that, of which he need not be ashamed. "_corlaer_ governs the whole land, from _new-york_ to _albany_, and from thence to the _senekas land_; we, who are his inferiors, shall faithfully keep the chain: let him perform his promise, as we have ours, that the chain be not broken on his side, who governs the whole country." then the commissioners gave them presents for their kind usage of the prisoners. after which _swerise_ stood up again and said; "let _corlaer_ take care, that the _indian_ woman, that is wanting, be restored, and, for those that are killed, others in their room. if _corlaer_ will not give ear to us in this affair, we will not hereafter give ear to him in any thing." hearing afterwards, that these last words were ill taken, _swerise_, with two more of the chief _oneydoe sachems_, excused it, saying; "what we said, of not hearkening any more to _corlaer_, did not proceed from the heart, but was spoken by way of argument, to make _corlaer_ more careful to release our people that are prisoners; and you may be convinced it was so, when you consider that it was said after your answer, and without laying down either bever, or any belt or wampum, as we always do, when we make propositions[ ]; therefore we desire, that, if it be noted, it may be blotted out, and not made known to _corlaer_, for we hold firmly to our covenant, as we said in our propositions." they, at the same time, told them, that the _sinondowans_[ ] came to them with eight belts, desiring them no longer to prosecute the war with the _virginia indians_, but to go to war against the _dewaganas_[ ], a nation lying to the north-westward; and that the _sennekas_ did desire them to set these christians at liberty, and to carry them to _albany_; all which we promised to do. the _five nations_ continuing however still to be troublesome to _virginia_, that government, in _september_ following, sent colonel _william kendall_, and colonel _southley littleton_, to _albany_, to renew and confirm the friendship between _virginia_ and the _five nations_. colonel _littleton_ died at _albany_, before the _indians_ arrived; and colonel _kendall_ spoke first to the _oneydoes_, and told them in a set speech, "that their people had taken away and destroyed their goods and people, and brought some of the women and children of _virginia_ captives into their castles, contrary to that faith and promise, and in breach of the peace made with colonel _coursey_, without any the least provocation, or injury done, by the people of _virginia_. however, through the great respect _virginia_ has to their nations, and by the persuasions of the governor of _new-york_, and the information he has given the government of _virginia_, that they had quietly and peaceably delivered to him the prisoners taken from _virginia_, who were returned safely; and their excusing the same, and inclination to live peaceably, without injuring _virginia_ for the future; the government of _virginia_ did forgive all the damages the _five nations_ have done to the people of _virginia_, though very great; provided that they, or any living among them, for the future, do not offend, or molest the people of _virginia_, or _indians_ living among them." he spoke to the _mohawks_ and _sennekas_, separately from the _oneydoes_, because they had not done any mischief, and promised them kind and neighbourly usage when they came to _virginia_, and gave them presents; they returned the compliment, with an assurance of their friendship, and condoled colonel _littleton_'s death, after the _indian_ manner, by a =present of a belt of black wampum=, besides the belt given, on renewal of the friendship. the _onnondagas_ did not come till _november_; on the fifth of which month the _virginia_ agent spoke to them, in the same words he did to the _oneydoes_. it does not appear, by the register of _indian_ affairs, what answer the _oneydoes_ and _onnondagas_ made, but it is certain they did not observe friendship with _virginia_, but molested them with reiterated incursions of their parties. it is observable, however, that these two nations, and the _cayugas_, only had _french_ priests among them at that time, and that none of the rest ever molested the _english_; for which reason, colonel _dongan_, notwithstanding the orders he had received from his master, and that he himself was a papist, complained of the ill offices these priests did to the _english_ interest, and forbid the _five nations_ to entertain any of them; though the _english_ and _french_ crowns, while he was governor of _new-york_, seemed to be more than ever in strict friendship. the _french_ had no hopes of persuading the _five nations_ to break with _new-york_ directly, but they were in hopes, that, by the _indian_ parties doing frequent mischief in _virginia_, the government of _new-york_ would be forced to join, in resenting the injury, and thereby that union, between the government of _new-york_ and the _five nations_, would be broke, which always obstructed, and often defeated, the design the _french_ had, of subjecting all _north america_ to the crown of _france_. for this reason, the governors of _new-york_ have always, with the greatest caution, avoided a breach with these nations, on account of the little differences they had with the neighbouring colonies. these new incursions of these two nations were so troublesome to the people of _virginia_, that their governor, the lord _howard of effingham_, thought it necessary, for their security, to undertake a journey to _new-york_. i shall give a particular account of this affair, which was thought of such consequence, that a peer of _england_ left his government, and travelled four-hundred miles, to treat with the _five nations_; and shall take this opportunity of describing some ceremonies they use, in making peace. the _sachems_ of the _five nations_ being called to _albany_, eight _mohawks_, three _oneydoes_, three _onnondagas_, and three _cayuga sachems_, met his lordship there; and, on the thirteenth of _july_, , he, accompanied by two of the council of _virginia_, spoke to the _sachems_ as follows, in the presence of colonel _thomas dongan_, governor of _new-york_, and the magistrates of _albany_. the _senekas_ being far off, were not then arrived. _proposals made by the right honourable_ francis _lord_ howard of effingham, _governor-general of his majesty's dominion of_ virginia. _to_ _the_ mohawks, oneydoes, onnondagas, _and_ cayugas. "it is now about seven years, said he, since you (unprovoked) came into _virginia_, a country belonging to the great king of _england_, and committed several murders and robberies, carrying away our christian women and children prisoners into your castles. all which injuries we designed to have revenged on you, but at the desire of sir _edmond andross_, then governor-general of this country, we desisted from destroying you, and sent our agents, colonel _william kendal_, and colonel _southley littleton_, to confirm and make sure the peace, that colonel _coursey_ of _maryland_ included us in, when he first treated with you. we find, that as you quickly forgot what you promised colonel _coursey_, so you have wilfully broke the covenant-chain which you promised our agent, colonel _kendal_, should be kept more strong and bright, if we of _virginia_ would bury, in the pit of oblivion, the injury then done us; which, upon governor _andross_'s intercession, and your submission, we were willing to forget: but you not at all minding the covenant then made, have every year since, come into our country in a war-like manner, under pretence of fighting with our _indians_, our friends and neighbours, which you ought not to have done, our agent having included them likewise in the peace. you not only destroyed, and took several of them prisoners, but you have also killed and burnt our christian people, destroying corn and tobacco, more than you made use of, killed our horses, hogs, and cattle; not to eat, but to let them lie in the woods and stink: this you did, when you were not denied any thing you said you wanted. "i must also tell you, that, under the pretence of friendship, you have come to houses at the heads of our rivers (when they have been fortified) with a white sheet on a pole, and have laid down your guns before the fort; upon which, our people taking you for friends, have admitted your great men into their forts, and have given them meat and drink, what they desired. after the great men had refreshed themselves, and desiring to return, as they were let out of the fort-gates, the young men commonly rushed into the fort, and plundered the houses, taking away, and destroying all the corn, tobacco, and bedding, and what else was in the houses. when they went away, they generally also took several sheep with them, and killed several cows big with calf, and left them behind them cut to pieces, and flung about, as if it were in defiance of us, and in derision of our friendship. these, and many more injuries that you have done us, have caused me to raise forces, to send to the heads of our rivers, to defend our people from these outrages, till i came to _new-york_, to colonel _thomas dongan_, your governor-general, to desire him, as we are all one king's subjects, to assist me in warring against you, to revenge the christian blood that you have shed, and to make you give full satisfaction for all the goods that you have destroyed: but by the mediation of your governor, i am now come to _albany_ to speak with you, and to know the reason of your breaking the covenant-chain, not only with us and our neighbour _indians_, but with _maryland_, who are great king _charles_'s subjects; for our _indians_ have given king _charles_ their land; therefore i, the governor of _virginia_, will protect them, as your governor, under the great _duke of york_ and _albany_, will henceforth you, when the chain of friendship is made between us all. "now i have let you know, that i am sensible of all the injuries you have done us, and by the desire of your governor-general, i am willing to make a new chain with you for _virginia_, _maryland_, and our _indians_, that may be more strong and lasting, even to the word's end; so that we may be brethren, and great king _charles_'s children. "i propose to you, _first_, that you call out of our countries of _virginia_ and _maryland_, all your young men or soldiers that are now there. "_secondly_, that you do not hinder or molest our friendly _indians_ from hunting in our mountains, it having been their country, and none of yours; they never go into your country to disturb any of you. "_thirdly_, though the damages you have done our country be very great, and would require a great deal of satisfaction, which you are bound to give; yet we assure you, that only by the persuasions of your governor, who is at a vast deal of trouble and charge for your welfare, which you ever ought to acknowledge, i have pass'd it by and forgiven you; upon this condition, that your people, nor any living among you, for the future, ever commit any incursions upon our christians or _indians_ living among us, or in _maryland_. "for the better confirmation of the same, and that the peace now concluded may be lasting, i propose to have two [ ] hatchets buried, as a final determination of all wars and jarrings between us; one on behalf of us and our _indians_, and the other for all your _nations_ united together, that ever did us any injury, or pretended to war against our _indian_ friends, or those of _maryland_. "and that nothing may be wanting for confirmation thereof (if you desire it) we are willing to send some of our _indian sachems_, with an agent, next summer, about this time, that they may ratify the covenant with you here, in this prefixed house, where you may see and speak together as friends. "that the covenant now made between us, in this prefixed house, in the presence of your governor, may be firmly kept and performed on your parts, as it always has been on ours; and that you do not break any one link of the covenant-chain for the future, by your people's coming near our plantations; when you march to the southward, keep to the feet of the mountains, and do not come nigh the heads of our rivers, there being no bever-hunting there; for we shall not for the future, though you lay down your arms as friends, ever trust you more, you have so often deceived us." the next day the _mohawks_ answer'd first by their speaker, saying: "we must, in the first place, say something to the other three nations, by way of reproof, for their not keeping the former chain, as they ought; and therefore we desire you, great _sachem of virginia_, and you _corlaer_, and all here present to give ear, for we will conceal nothing of the evil they have done." [then turning to the other nations.] "you have heard yesterday all that has been said; as for our parts, we are free of the blame laid on us; we have always been obedient to _corlaer_, and have steadily kept our chain with _virginia_, _maryland_, and _boston_; but ye are stupid and brutish, and have no understanding, we must stamp understanding into you. let the new chain made yesterday be carefully preserved for the future. this we earnestly recommend to you, for we are ready to cry for shame of you; let us be no more ashamed on your account, but be obedient, and =take this belt=, to keep what we say in your memory. "hear now, now is the time to hearken; the covenant-chain had very near slipt, by your not keeping it firmly. hold it fast now, when all former evils are buried in the pit. "you _oneydoes_, i speak to you as children; be no longer childish, or void of understanding. "you _onondagas_, our brethren, you are like deaf people, that cannot hear, your senses are covered with dirt and filth. "you _cayugas_, do not return into your former ways. there are three things we must all observe. "_first_, the covenant with _corlear_. _secondly_, the covenant with _virginia_ and _maryland_. _thirdly_, with _boston_. we must stamp understanding into you, that you may be obedient; and =take this belt= for a remembrancer." then _cadianne_, the same _mohawk_ speaker, turning to my lord, said: "we are very thankful to you, great _sachem_ of _virginia_, that you are persuaded by _corlear_, our governor, to forgive all former faults. we are very glad to hear you, and see your heart softened. =take these three bevers= as a token. "we thank the great _sachem_ of _virginia_ for saying, that the axe shall be thrown into the pit. =take these two bevers=, as a token of our joy and thankfulness. "we are glad that _assarigoa_[ ] will bury in the pit what is past. let the earth be trod hard over it; or rather, let a strong stream run under the pit, to wash the evil away out of our sight and remembrance, and that it may never be digged up again. "_assarigoa_, you are a man of knowledge and understanding, thus to keep the covenant-chain bright as silver; and now again to renew it, and make it stronger. (then pointing to the three other nations, said,) but they are chain-breakers. i lay down this as a token, that we _mohawks_ have preserved the chain intire on our parts. =gives two bevers and a racoon.= "the covenant must be kept; for the fire of love of _virginia_ and _maryland_ burns in this place, as well as ours, and this house of peace must be kept clean. =gives two bevers.= "we now plant a tree[ ], whose top will reach the sun, and its branches spread far abroad, so that it shall be seen afar off; and we shall shelter ourselves under it, and live in peace without molestation. here he =gave two bevers=. "you proposed yesterday, that if we were desirous to see the _indians_ of _virginia_, you are willing to send some of their _sachems_ next summer, about this time, to this place. this proposal pleases me very much, the sooner they come the better, that we may speak with them in this house, which is appointed for our speaking with our friends; and =give two belts= to confirm it. "you have now heard what exhortation we have made to the other three nations; we have taken the hatchet out of their hands; we now therefore pray, that both your hatchets may likewise be buried in a deep pit. =giving two bevers.= "_assarigoa_, some of us _mohawks_ are out against our enemies, that lie afar off, they will do you no harm, nor plunder, as the others do. be kind to them, if they shall happen to come to any of your plantations; give them some tobacco and some victuals; for they will neither rob nor steal, as the _oneydoes_, _onnondagas_, and _cayugas_ have done. "the _oneydoes_ particularly thank you, great _sachem_ of _virginia_, for consenting to lay down the axe. the hatchet is taken out of all their hands. =gives a belt.= "we again thank _assarigoa_, that he has made a new chain. let it be kept bright and clean, and held fast on all sides; let not any one pull his arm from it. we include all the _four nations_, in giving this belt. "we again pray _assarigoa_, to take the _oneydoes_ into his favour, and keep the chain strong with them; for they are our children. =gives a belt.= "the _oneydoes_ =give twenty bevers=, as a satisfaction for what they promised the lord _baltimore_, and desire that they may be discharged of that debt." the two governors told them, that they would use their endeavours with the lord _baltimore_, to persuade him to forgive what remained. then the _indians_ desired that the hole might be dug, to bury the axes, _viz._ one in behalf of _virginia_ and their _indians_, another in behalf of _maryland_ and theirs, and three for the _onnondagas_, _oneydoes_, and _cayugas_. the _mohawks_ said, there was no need of burying any on their account, for the first chain had never been broke by them. then the three nations spoke by an _onnondaga_, called _thanohjanihta_, who said: "we thank the great _sachem of virginia_, that he has so readily forgiven and forgot the injuries that have been done; and we, for our parts, gladly catch at, and lay hold of the new chain. then each of them delivered an axe to be buried, and =gave a belt=. "i speak in the name of all three nations, and include them in this chain, which we desire may be kept clean and bright like silver. =gives a belt.= "we desire that the path may be open for the _indians_ under _assarigoa_'s protection, to come safely and freely to this place, in order to confirm the peace." =gives six fathom of wampum.= then the axes were buried in the south-east end of the court-yard, and the _indians_ threw the earth upon them; after which the lord _howard_ told them, since now a firm peace is concluded, we shall hereafter remain friends, and _virginia_ and _maryland_ will send once in two or three years to renew it, and some of our _sachems_ shall come, according to your desire, to confirm it. last of all the _oneydoes_, the _onnondagas_, and _cayugas_, jointly sang the peace-song, with demonstrations of much joy; and thanked the governor of _new-york_ for his effectual mediation with the governor of _virginia_ in their favour. colonel _dungan_ had gained the affections of the _five nations_, and they esteemed him much. they desired the _duke of york_'s arms to put upon their _castles_, which, from the sequel of their story, we may suppose they were told would save them from the _french_. colonel _dungan_ desired them to call home those of their nations that had settled in _canada_[ ]. to which they answered, _corlear_ keeps a correspondence and friendship with _canada_, and therefore he can prevail more than we can. let _corlear_ use his endeavours to draw our _indians_ home to their own country. the government of the _massachusets bay_ had appointed colonel _stephanus cortland_, one of the council of _new-york_, their agent at this time, to renew their friendship likewise with the _five nations_, and to give them some small presents; which was accordingly done. the governor of _new-york_, colonel _dungan_, concluded with this advice to them: keep a good understanding among yourselves; if any difference happen, acquaint me with it, and i will compose it. make no agreement with the _french_, or any other nation, without my knowledge and approbation. then he gave the duke's arms to be put up at each of their castles, in hopes it might deter the _french_ from attacking them, (as they were threatened from _canada_) by this so manifest a declaration of their being under the protection of the crown of _england_, when the two crowns were in the strictest friendship; but it is probable the _french_ chose this very time to attack them, to bring them off from that confidence they seemed to have in the _english_. it may be proper, before i proceed, to insert here also a remarkable speech made by the _onnondagas_ and _cayugas_ to the two governors, on the second day of _august_, _viz._ "_brother_ corlear, "your _sachem_ is a great _sachem_, and we are but a small people; but when the _english_ came first to _manhatan_,[ ] to _aragiske_[ ] and to _yakokranagary_[ ], they were then but a small people, and we were great. then, because we found you a good people, we treated you kindly, and gave you land; we hope therefore, now that you are great, and we small, you will protect us from the _french_. if you do not, we shall lose all our hunting and bevers: the _french_ will get all the bevers. the reason they are now angry with us is, because we carry our bever to our brethren. "we have put our lands and ourselves under the protection of the great _duke of york_, the brother of your great _sachem_, who is likewise a great _sachem_. "we have annexed the _susquehana_ river, which we won with the sword, to this government; and we desire it may be a branch of the great tree that grows in this place, the top of which reaches the sun, and its branches shelter us from the _french_, and all other nations. our fire burns in your houses, and your fire burns with us; we desire it may be so always. but we will not that any of the great _penn_'s people settle upon the _susquehana_ river, for we have no other land to leave to our children. "our young men are soldiers, and when they are provoked, they are like wolves in the woods, as you, _sachem_ of _virginia_, very well know. "we have put ourselves under the great _sachem charles_, that lives on the other side the great lake. we =give you these two white dressed deer-skins=, to send to the great _sachem_, that he may write on them, and put a great red seal to them, to confirm what we now do; and put the _susquehana_ river above the falls, and all the rest of our land under the great _duke of york_, and give that land to none else. our brethren, his people, have been like fathers to our wives and children, and have given us bread when we were in need of it; we will not therefore join ourselves, or our land, to any other government but this. we desire _corlear_, our governor, may send this our proposition to the great _sachem charles_, who dwells on the other side the great lake, with this =belt of wampum=, and this other =smaller belt= to the _duke of york_ his brother: and =we give you, _corlear_, this bever=, that you may send over this proposition. "you great man of _virginia_, we let you know, that great _penn_ did speak to us here in _corlear_'s house by his agents, and desired to buy the _susquehana_ river of us, but we would not hearken to him, for we had fastened it to this government. "we desire you therefore to bear witness of what we now do, and that we now confirm what we have done before. let your friend, that lives on the other side the great lake, know this, that we being a free people, though united to the _english_, may give our lands, and be joined to the _sachem_ we like best. we =give this bever= to remember what we say." the _senekas_ arrived soon after, and, on the fifth of _august_, spoke to the lord _howard_ in the following manner: "we have heard and understood what mischief hath been done in _virginia_; we have it as perfect as if it were upon our fingers ends. o _corlear_! we thank you for having been our intercessor, so that the axe has not fallen upon us. "and you _assarigoa_, great _sachem of virginia_, we thank you for burying all evil in the pit. we are informed, that the _mohawks_, _oneydoes_, _onnondagas_, and _cayugas_, have buried the axe already; now we that live remotest off, are come to do the same, and to include in this chain the _cahnawaas_, your friends. we desire therefore, that an axe, on our part, may be buried with one of _assarigoa_'s. o _corlear! corlear!_ we thank you for laying hold of one end of the axe; and we thank you, great governor of _virginia_, not only for throwing aside the axe, but more especially for your putting all evil from your heart. now we have a new chain, a strong and a straight chain, that cannot be broken. the tree of peace is planted so firmly, that it cannot be moved, let us on both sides hold the chain fast. "we understand what you said of the great _sachem_, that lives on the other side the great water. "you tell us, that the _cahnawaas_ will come hither, to strengthen the chain. let them not make any excuse, that they are old and feeble, or that their feet are sore. if the old _sachems_ cannot, let the young men come. we shall not fail to come hither, tho' we live farthest off, and then the new chain will be stronger and brighter. "we understand, that because of the mischief that has been done to the people and castles of _virginia_ and _maryland_, we must not come near the heads of your rivers, nor near your plantations, but keep at the foot of the mountains; for tho' we lay down our arms, as friends, we shall not be trusted for the future, but looked on as robbers. we agree however to this proposition, and shall wholly stay away from _virginia_: and this we do in gratitude to _corlear_, who has been at so great pains to persuade you, great governor of _virginia_, to forget what is past. you are wise in giving ear to _corlear_'s good advice, for we shall now go a path which was never trod before. "we have now done speaking to _corlear_, and the governor of _virginia_; let the chain be for ever kept clean and bright by him, and we shall do the same. "the other nations from the _mohawks_ country to the _cayugas_, have delivered up the _susquehana_ river, and all that country, to _corlear_'s government. we confirm what they have done by =giving this belt=." coll. _bird_, one of the council of _virginia_, and _edmond jennings esq_; attorney general of that province, came with four _indian sachems_, (according to the lord _howard_'s promise) to renew and confirm the peace, and met the _five nations_ at _albany_ in _september_ . coll. _bird_ accused them of having again broke their promise, by taking an _indian_ girl from an _english_ man's house, and four _indian_ boys prisoners. they excused this, by its being done by the parties that were out when the peace was concluded, who knew nothing of it; which accident they had provided against in their articles. they said, the four boys were given to the relations of those men that were lost; and it would be difficult to obtain their restoration: but they at last promised to deliver them up. the _senakas_ and _mohawks_ declared themselves free of any blame, and chid the other nations. so that we may still observe the influence which the _french_ priests had obtained over those other nations, and to what christian like purpose they used it. the _mohawks_ speaker said, "where shall i seek the chain of peace? where shall i find it but upon our path[ ]? and whither doth our path lead us, but into this house? this is a house of peace;" after this he sang all the links of the chain over. he afterwards sang by way of admonition to the _onondagas_, _oneydoes_, and _cayugas_, and concluded all with a song to the _virginia indians_. the _french priests_ however still employed their influence over the _onnondagas_, _cayugas_, and _oneydoes_; and it was easy for them to spirit up the _indians_ (naturally revengeful) against their old enemies. a party of the _oneydoes_ went out two years after this against the _wayanoak indians_, friends of _virginia_, and killed some of the people of _virginia_, who assisted those _indians_. they took six prisoners, but restored them at _albany_, with an excuse, that they did not know they were friends of _virginia_. but coll. _dungan_ on this occasion told them, that he only had kept all the _english_ in _north-america_ from joining together to destroy them; that if ever he should hear of the like complaint, he would dig up the hatchet, and join with the rest of the _english_ to cut them off root and branch; for there were many complaints made of him to the king by the _english_, as well as by the governor of _canada_, for his favouring of them. we have now gone through the material transactions which the _five nations_ had with the _english_, in which we find the _english_ pursuing nothing but peaceable and christian-like measures; and the _five nations_ (tho' barbarians) living with the people of _new-york_, like good neighbours and faithful friends, and generally with all the _english_ also, except when they were influenced by the _jesuites_; at the same time, one cannot but admire the zeal, courage, and resolution of these jesuites, that would adventure to live among _indians_ at war with their nation; and the better to carry their purposes, to comply with all the humours and manners of such a wild people, so as not to be distinguished by strangers from meer _indians_. one of them, named _milet_, remained with the _oneydoes_ till after the year ; he was advanced to the degree of a _sachem_, and had so great an influence over them, that the other nations could not prevail with them to part with him. while he lived with them, the _oneydoes_ were frequently turned against the southern _indians_ (friends of the _english_ southern colonies) and were always wavering in their resolutions against the _french_ at _canada_. we shall now see what effect the policy of the _french_ had, who pursued very different measures from the _english_. chap. iv. _mr_. de la barre'_s expedition, and some remarkable transactions in_ . the _french_, in the time they were at peace with the _five nations_, built their forts at _taidonderaghi_ and _missilimakinak_, and made a settlement there. they carried on their commerce among the numerous nations that live on the banks of the great lakes, and the banks of the _mississipi_; they not only prosecuted their trade among these nations, but did all they could to secure their obedience, and to make them absolutely subject to the crown of _france_, by building forts at the considerable passes, and placing small garisons in them. they took in short all the precautions in their power, not only to restrain the _indians_ by force, but likewise to gain their affections, by sending _missionaries_ among them. the only obstruction they met with was from the _five nations_, who introduced the _english_ of _new-york_ into the lakes to trade with the _indians_ that lived round them. this gave the _french_ much uneasiness, because they foresaw, that the _english_ would not only prove dangerous rivals, but that the advantages which they had in trade, beyond what it was possible for the inhabitants of _canada_ to have, would enable the people of _new-york_ so far to undersel them, that their trade would soon be ruined, and all the interest lost which they had gained with so much labour and expence. the _five nations_ likewise continued in war with many of the nations, with the _chictaghicks_ particularly, who yielded the most profitable trade to the _french_; and as often as they discovered any of the _french_ carrying ammunition towards these nations, they fell upon them, and took all their powder, lead and arms from them. this made the _french_ traders afraid of travelling, and prevented their _indians_ from hunting, and also lessened the opinion they had of the _french_ power, when they found that the _french_ were not able to protect them against the insults of the _five nations_. the _senakas_ lie next to the lakes, and nearest to the nations with whom the _french_ carried on the greatest trade, these people were so averse to that nation, that they would never receive any priests among them, and of consequence were most firmly attach'd to the _english_ interest, who supplied them with arms and powder (the means to be revenged of their enemies.) for these reasons mr. _de la barre_ (governor of _canada_) sent a messenger to coll. _dungan_, to complain of the injuries the _senakas_ had done to the _french_, and to shew the necessity he was under to bring the _five nations_ to reason by force of arms. this messenger happening to arrive at the time the _indians_ met the lord _howard_ at _albany_, coll. _dungan_ told the _senakas_ the complaints that the _french_ governor made of them. to which they gave him the following answer, in presence of mr. _de la barre_'s messenger, on the th of _august_ . "we were sent for, and are come, and have heard what you have said to us, that _corlear_ hath great complaints of us, both from _virginia_ and _canada_. what they complain of from _canada_ may possibly be true, that some of our young men have taken some of their goods, but _yonnendio_ the governor of _canada_, is the cause of it. he not only permits his people to carry ammunition, guns, powder, lead, and axes to the _tuihtuih-ronoons_[ ] our enemies, but sends them thither on purpose. these guns which he sends knock our bever hunters on the head, and our enemies carry the bevers to _canada_ that we would have brought to our brethren. our bever hunters are soldiers, and could bear this no longer. they met some _french_ in their way to our enemies, and very near them, carrying ammunition, which our men took from them. this is agreeable to our customs in war; and we may therefore openly own it, tho' we know not whether it be practised by the christians in such like cases. "when the governor of _canada_ speaks to us of the chain, he calls us children, and saith, i am your father, you must hold fast the chain, and i will do the same: i will protect you as a father doth his children. is this protection, to speak thus with his lips, and at the same time to knock us on the head, by assisting our enemies with ammunition? "he always says, i am your father, and you are my children; and yet he is angry with his children, for taking these goods. "but, o _corlear_! o _assarigoa_! we must complain to you; you _corlear_ are a lord, and govern this country; is it just that our father is going to fight with us for these things, or is it well done? we rejoiced when _la sal_ was sent over the great water; and when _perot_ was removed, because they had furnished our enemies with ammunition; but we are disappointed in our hopes, for we find our enemies are still supplied. is this well done? yea, he often forbids us to make war on any of the nations with whom he trades; and at the same time furnishes them with all sorts of ammunition, to enable them to destroy us. "thus far in answer to the complaint the governor of _canada_ hath made of us to _corlear_. _corlear_ said to us, that satisfaction must be made to the _french_ for the mischief we have done them. this he said before he heard our answer. now let him that hath inspection over all our countries, on whom our eyes are fixed, let him, even _corlear_, judge and determine. if you say that it must be paid, we shall pay it, but we cannot live without free bever hunting. "_corlear_, hear what we say, we thank you for the duke's arms, which you have given us to be put in our castles, as a defence to them. you command them. have we wandered out of the way, as the governor of _canada_ says? we do not threaten him with war, as he threatens us. what shall we do? shall we run away, or shall we sit still in our houses? what shall we do? we speek to him that governs and commands us. "now _corlear_, and _assarigoa_, and all people here present, remember what we have answered to the complaints of the governor of _canada_; yea, we wish that what we here said may come to his ears." then they =gave a belt=. monsieur _de la barre_ at this time was gone, with all the force of _canada_, to _cadarackui fort_, and ordered the three vessels to be repaired which the _french_ had built on _cadarackui lake_: his design was to frighten the _five nations_ into his own terms, by the appearance of the _french_ army, which consisted of soldiers of the regular troops, _indians_, and men that carried provisions, besides men that he left to secure _cadarackui fort_, and the western _indians_, that he expected would join him. but while he was at this fort, the fatigue of travelling in the month of _august_, together with the unhealthiness of that place (the country thereabout being very marshy) where he tarried six weeks, occasioned so great a sickness in his army, that he found himself unable to perform any thing but by treaty; and therefore sent orders to monsr. _dulhut_, who was come from _missilimakinak_ with men, _french_ and _indians_, to stop. monsr. _de la barre_ passed across the lake, with as many men as were able to travel, and arrived at the river which the _french_ call _la famine_, by the _indians_ called _kaihohage_, which falls into the south side of _cadarackui lake_, about thirty miles from _onnondago_. there were two villages of the _five nations_ on the north side of the lake, about fifteen miles from the _french_ fort, consisting of those _indians_ that had the most inclination to the _french_: they provided the _french_ army with provisions, while they remained at the fort; but it is probable, sent an account to their own nations of every thing that happened; and that this was the reason of the usage they afterwards met with from the _french_. when monsr. _de la barre_ sent to coll. _dungan_, he was in hopes, from the strict alliance that was then between the crowns of _england_ and _france_, and from coll. _dungan_'s being a papist, that he would at least sit still till he had reduced the _five nations_. but none of these reasons permitted that gentleman to be easy, while the _french_ attempted such things, as in their consequences would be of the highest degree prejudicial to the _english_ interest, and might put all the _english_ colonies in _america_ in danger. wherefore he dispatched the publick interpreter, with orders to do every thing in his power to prevent the _five nations_ going to treat with monsr. _de la barre_. the interpreter succeeded in his design with the _mohawks_, and with the _senakas_, who promised that they would not go near the _french_ governor: but he had not the like success with the _onnondagas, oneydoes_, and _cayugas_, who had received the _french_ priests, for they would not hear the interpreter, but in presence of the _french_ priests, and monsr. _la main_, and three other _frenchmen_ that monsr. _de la barre_ had sent to persuade them to meet him at _kaihohage_; they gave the following answer to the interpreter. "_arie_, you are _corlear's messenger_, _ohquesse_[ ] (monsr. _la maine_) is the governor of _canada_'s; and there[ ] sits our father; _yonnondio_ acquainted us some time ago, that he would speak with us, before he would undertake any thing against the _senakas_. now he hath sent for all the nations to speak with him in friendship, and that at a place not far from _onnondaga_, even at _kaihohage_. but our brother _corlear_ tells us, that we must not meet the governor of _canada_ without his permission; and that if _yonnondio_ have any thing to say to us, he must first send to _corlear_ for leave to speak with us. _yonnondio_ has sent long ago to us to speak with him, and he has lately repeated that desire by _onnissantie_ the brother of our father _twirhaersira_[ ] that sits there; he has not only entreated us by our father, but by two praying _indians_, one an _onnondaga_, the other the son of an old _mohawk sachem_, _connondowe_. they brought five great belts of wampum, not a fathom or two only, as you bring. now _ohquesse_ has been sent with three _frenchmen_; _yonnondio_ not being content with all this, has likewise sent _dennehoct_, and two other _mohawks_, to persuade us to meet him, and to speak with him of good things. should we not go to him after all this intreaty, when he is come so far, and so near to us? certainly if we do not, we shall provoke his wrath, and not deserve his goodness. you say we are subjects to the king of _england_ and _duke of york_, but we say we are brethren. we must take care of ourselves. those arms fixed upon the posts, without the gate, cannot defend us against the arms of _la barre_. brother _corlear_, we tell you, that we shall bind a covenant chain to our arm, and to his, as thick as that post, (pointing to a post of the house) be not dissatisfied; should we not embrace this happiness offered us, _viz_. peace, in the place of war; yea, we shall take the evil doers, the _senekas_, by the hand, and _la barre_ likewise, and their ax and his sword shall be thrown into a deep water. we wish our brother _corlear_ were present, but it seems the time will not permit of it." accordingly _garangula_, one of the chief _sachems_ of the _onondaga's_, with thirty warriors, went with mr. _le maine_, to meet the governor of _canada_ at _kaihohage_. after he had been two days in the _french_ camp, monsr. _la barre_ spoke to him as follows, (the _french_ officers making a semi-circle on one side, while _garangula_, with his warriors, compleated the circle on the other.) _monsr_. de la barre's _speech to_ garangula.[ ] "the king, my master, being informed that the _five nations_ have often infringed the peace, has ordered me to come hither with a guard, and to send _ohguesse_ to the _onondagas_, to bring the chief _sachem_ to my camp. the intention of the great king is, that you and i may smoke the _calumet_[ ] of peace together, but on this condition, that you promise me, in the name of the _senekas, cayugas, onondagas_, and _mohawks_, to give intire satisfaction and reparation to his subjects; and for the future never to molest them. "the _senekas, cayugas, onondagas, oneydoes_, and _mohawks_ have robbed and abused all the traders that were passing to the _illinois_ and _umamies_, and other _indian_ nations, the children of my king. they have acted, on these occasions, contrary to the treaty of peace with my predecessor. i am ordered therefore to demand satisfaction, and to tell them, that in case of refusal, or their plundering us any more, that i have express orders to declare war. this belt confirms my words. the warriors of the _five nations_ have conducted the _english_ into the lakes, which belong to the king, my master, and brought the _english_ among the nations that are his children, to destroy the trade of his subjects, and to withdraw these nations from him. they have carried the _english_ thither, notwithstanding the prohibition of the late governor of _new-york_, who foresaw the risque that both they and you would run. i am willing to forget these things, but if ever the like shall happen for the future, i have express orders to declare war against you. this belt confirms my words. your warriors have made several barbarous incursions on the _illinois_ and _umamies_; they have massacred men, women, and children, and have made many of these nations prisoners, who thought themselves safe in their villages in time of peace. these people, who are my king's children, must not be your slaves; you must give them their liberty, and send them back into their own country. if the _five nations_ shall refuse to do this, i have express orders to declare war against them. this belt confirms my words. "this is what i have to say to _garangula_, that he may carry to the _senekas, onondagas, oneydoes, cayugas_, and _mohawks_ the declaration which the king, my master, has commanded me to make. he doth not wish them to force him to send a great army to _cadarackui_ fort, to begin a war which must be fatal to them. he would be sorry that this fort, that was the work of peace, should become the prison of your warriors. we must endeavour, on both sides, to prevent such misfortunes. the _french_, who are the brethren and friends of the _five nations_, will never trouble their repose, provided that the satisfaction which i demand be given, and that the treaties of peace be hereafter observed. i shall be extremely grieved if my words do not produce the effect which i expect from them; for then i shall be obliged to join with the governor of _new-york_, who is commanded by his master to assist me, and burn the castles of the _five nations_, and destroy you. this belt confirms my words." _garangala_ was very much surprised to find the soft words of the _jesuit_, and of the governor's messengers, turned to such threatening language. this was designed to strike terror into the _indians_; but _garangula_ having good information from those of the _five nations_ living near _cadarackui_ fort, of all the sickness and other misfortunes which afflicted the _french_ army, it was far from producing the designed effect. all the time that _monsieur de la barre_ spoke, _garangula_ kept his eyes fixed on the end of his pipe; as soon as the governor had done speaking, he rose up, and having walked five or six times round the circle, he returned to his place, where he spoke standing, while _monsieur de la barre_ kept his elbow-chair. garangula's _answer_. "_yonnondio_, "i honour you, and the warriors that are with me all likewise honour you. your interpreter has finished your speech; i now begin mine. my words make haste to reach your ears, hearken to them. "_yonnondio_, you must have believed, when you left _quebeck_, that the sun had burnt up all the forests which render our country inaccessible to the _french_, or that the lakes had so far overflown their banks, that they had surrounded our castles, and that it was impossible for us to get out of them. yes, _yonnondio_, surely you must have dreamt so, and the curiosity of seeing so great a wonder has brought you so far. now you are undeceived, since that i and the warriors here present are come to assure you, that the _senekas, cayugas, onondagas, oneydoes_, and _mohawks_ are yet alive. i thank you, in their name, for bringing back into their country the _calumet_, which your predecessor received from their hands. it was happy for you, that you left underground that murdering hatchet, that has been so often dyed in the blood of the _french_. hear, _yonnondio_, i do not sleep, i have my eyes open, and the sun, which enlightens me, discovers to me a great captain at the head of a company of soldiers, who speaks as if he were dreaming. he says, that he only came to the lake to smoke on the great _calumet_ with the _onondagas_. but _garangula_ says, that he sees the contrary, that it was to knock them on the head, if sickness had not weakened the arms of the _french_. "i see _yonnondio_ raving in a camp of sick men, whose lives the great spirit has saved, by inflicting this sickness on them. hear, _yonnondio_, our women had taken their clubs, our children and old men had carried their bows and arrows into the heart of your camp, if our warriors had not disarmed them, and kept them back, when your messenger, _ohguesse_, came to our castles. it is done, and i have said it. hear, _yonnondio_, we plundered none of the _french_, but those that carried guns, powder, and ball to the _iwikties_ and _chictaghicks_, because those arms might have cost us our lives. herein we follow the example of the jesuits, who stave all the caggs of rum brought to our castles, lest the drunken _indians_ should knock them on the head. our warriors have not bevers enough to pay for all these arms, that they have taken, and our old men are not afraid of the war. this belt preserves my words. "we carried the _english_ into our lakes, to trade there with the _utawawas_ and _quatoghies_, as the _adirondacks_ brought the _french_ to our castles, to carry on a trade which the _english_ say is theirs. we are born free, we neither depend on _yonnondio_ nor _corlear_. "we may go where we please, and carry with us whom we please, and buy and sell what we please: if your allies be your slaves, use them as such, command them to receive no other but your people. this belt preserves my words. "we knock'd the _twihtwies_ and _chictaghicks_ on the head, because they had cut down the trees of peace, which were the limits of our country. they have hunted bevers on our lands: they have acted contrary to the customs of all _indians_; for they left none of the bevers alive, they killed both male and female. they brought the _satanas_[ ] into their country, to take part with them, after they had concerted ill designs against us. we have done less than either the _english_ or _french_, that have usurped the lands of so many _indian_ nations, and chased them from their own country. this belt preserves my words. hear, _yonnondio_, what i say is the voice of all the _five nations_; hear what they answer, open your ears to what they speak: the _senekas, cayugas, onondagas, oneydoes_, and _mohawks_ say, that when they buried the hatchet at _cadarackui_ (in the presence of your predecessor) in the middle of the fort, they planted the tree of peace in the same place, to be there carefully preserved, that, in place of a retreat for soldiers, that fort might be a rendezvous for merchants; that, in place of arms and ammunition of war, bevers and merchandise should only enter there. "hear, _yonnondio_, take care for the future, that so great a number of soldiers, as appear there, do not choak the tree of peace planted in so small a fort. it will be a great loss, if after it had so easily taken root, you should stop its growth, and prevent its covering your country and ours with its branches. i assure you, in the name of the _five nations_, that our warriors shall dance to the _calumet_ of peace under its leaves, and shall remain quiet on their matts, and shall never dig up the hatchet, till their brethren, _yonnondio_ or _corlear_, shall either jointly or separately endeavour to attack the country, which the great spirit has given to our ancestors. this belt preserves my words, and this other, the authority which the _five nations_ has given me." then _garangula_ addressing himself to monsieur _le maine_, said: "take courage, _ohguesse_, you have spirit, speak, explain my words, forget nothing, tell all that your brethren and friends say to _yonnondio_, your governor, by the mouth of _garangula_, who loves you, and desires you to accept of =this present of bever=, and take part with me in my feast, to which i invite you. this present of bever is sent to _yonnondio_ on the part of the _five nations_." when _garangula_'s harangue was explained to monsieur _de la barre_, he returned to his tent, much inraged at what he had heard. _garangula_ feasted the _french_ officers, and then went home, and monsieur _de la barre_ set out in his way towards _montreal_; and as soon as the general was imbarked, with the few soldiers that remained in health, the militia made the best of their way to their own habitations, without any order or discipline. thus a very chargeable and fatiguing expedition (which was to strike the terror of the _french_ name into the stubborn hearts of the _five nations_) ended in a scold between the _french_ general and an old _indian_. chap. v. _the_ english _attempt to trade in the lakes_, _and the_ french _attack the_ senekas. the _marquis de nonville_ having now succeeded monsieur _de la barre_, in the year , and having brought a considerable reinforcement of soldiers with him, resolved to recover the honour the _french_ had lost in the last expedition, and revenge the slaughter the _five nations_ continued to make of the _twihtwies_ and _chictaghicks_, who had put themselves under the _french_ protection; for the _five nations_ having intirely subdued the _chictaghicks_[ ], after a six years war, they resolved next to fall upon the _twihtwies_, and to call them to an account for the disturbance they had given some of their people in their bever hunting. the _five nations_ have few or no bever in their own country, and for that reason are obliged to hunt at a great distance, which often occasions disputes with their neighbours about the property of the bever. the bever is the most valuable branch of the _indian_ trade, and as the _twihtwies_ carried their bevers to the _french_, the _english_ encouraged the _five nations_ in these expeditions, and particularly, in the beginning of the year , made the _five nations_ a present of a barrel of powder, when their whole force was preparing to go against the _twihtwies_. the _english_ were the better pleased with this war, because they thought that it would divert the _five nations_ from the _virginia indians_: but the _french_ were resolved to support their friends more effectually by a powerful diversion, and to change the seat of the war. for this purpose mr. _de nonville_ sent, in _may_ , great quantities of provision to _cadarackui_ fort, and gathered the whole force of _canada_ to _montreal_. his army consisted of fifteen hundred _french_ of the regular troops and militia, and five hundred _indians_ that lived near _montreal_ and _quebeck_. he sent likewise orders to the commandant at _missilimakinak_ to assemble all the nations living round him, and to march them to _oniagara_, in order to join the forces of _canada_ designed against the _senekas_, and the other officers posted among the _indians_ westward had the like orders. the _twihtwies_ received the hatchet with joy from the hands of the _french_ officer. the _outagamies_, _kikabous_, and _maskuticks_, who were not used to canoes, were at first persuaded to join the _twihtwies_, who were to march by land to _teuchsagrondie_, where there was a _french_ fort, at which they were to be supplied with ammunition. but after the _french_ officer left them, the _utagamies_ and _maskuticks_ were dissuaded by some of the _mahikander indians_, who happened to be with a neighbouring nation at that time. the _putewatemies, malhominies_, and _puans_ offered themselves willingly, and went to the rendezvous at _missilimakinak_; where they were received by the _utawawas_ with all the marks of honour usually paid to soldiers. though the _utawawas_ had no inclination to the present enterprize; they could not tell however how to appear against it, otherwise than by inventing what delays they could, to prevent their march. in the mean while a canoe arrived, which was sent by mr. _de nonville_, with his orders to the officers. this canoe, in her passage, discovered some _english_, commanded by major _mac gergory_, in their way to _teiodonderaghie_. the _english_ thought (after they had an account of the new alliance their king had entered into with the _french_) that the _french_ would not disturb them in prosecuting a trade with the _indians_ every where, and that the trade would be equally free and open to both nations. with these hopes a considerable number of adventurers went out, under the conduct of major _mac gergory_, to trade with the _indians_ that lived on the banks of the lakes; and that they might be the more welcome, persuaded the _five nations_ to set all the _dionondadie_ prisoners at liberty, who went along with the _english_, and conducted them towards _missilimakinak_, or _teiodonderaghie_; but the _english_ found themselves mistaken, for the _french_ commandant at _teiodonderaghie_, as soon as he had notice of this, sent three-hundred _french_ to intercept the _english_. [ ] the _utawawas_ and _dionondadies_ having likewise an account of the _english_, designed to support their own independency, and to incourage the _english_ trade. the return of the _dionondadie_ prisoners made that nation very hearty in favouring the _english_, they therefore marched immediately off, with design to join major _mac gergory_; but the _utawawas_ were divided in their inclinations, their chief, with about thirty more, joined the _french_, the rest remained in suspence, and stood neuter. the _utawawas_ thus wavering, disconcerted the measures of the _dionondadies_, for they began to suspect the _utawawas_, and therefore immediately returned to secure their wives and children that they had left near the _french_ fort with the _utawawas_. the _english_ and their effects were seized without any opposition, and were carried to the _french_ fort at _teiodonderaghie_. the _english_ brought great quantities of rum with them, (which the _indians_ love more than their lives) and the _french_ being afraid, that if the _indians_ took to drinking, they would grow ungovernable, did what they could to keep them from it. they were most concerned that the _putewatemies_ (who had no knowledge of the _english_, or of that bewitching liquor, and were firmly attached to the _french_) should not taste it. the _utawawas_ still contrived delays to the march, and having got some of the _putewatemies_ privately by themselves, they offered them a cag of rum, and said: "we are all brethren, we ought to make one body, and to have one soul. the _french_ invite us to war against the _five nations_, with design to make us slaves, and that we should make ourselves the tools to effect it. as soon as they shall have destroyed the _five nations_, they will no longer observe any measures with us, but use us like those beasts they tie to their ploughs. let us leave them to themselves, and they will never be able to accomplish any thing against the _five nations_." but the _putewatemies_ had entertained such notions of the _french_, as made them deaf to the politicks of the _utawawas_. the _french_ however grew jealous of these caballings, and therefore resolved to delay their march no longer, and would not stay one day more for the _utawawas_, who desired only so much time to pitch their canoes, and went away without them. mr. _tonti_, commandant among the _chictaghicks_, met with another party of the _english_ of about thirty men, in lake _erie_, as he marched with the _chicktaghicks_ and _twihtwies_, and other neighbouring nations, to the general rendezvous. he fell upon the _english_, plundered them, and took them prisoners. the _french_ divided all the merchandize among the _indians_, but kept the rum to themselves, and got all drunk. the _deonondadie_ prisoners, that conducted the _english_, joined with the _mahikander_ _indians_ that were among mr. _tonti_'s _indians_ (who had privately dissuaded about twenty of the neighbouring nations from going with _tonti_) and endeavoured to persuade all the _indians_ to fall upon the _french_, while they were drunk, and destroy them; saying, the _french_ are a proud, imperious, covetous people, that sell their goods at an extravagant price; the _english_ are a good natured honest people, and will furnish you with every thing at reasonable rates. but these arguments were to no purpose, for these far _indians_ had entertained an extraordinary opinion of the _french_ power, and knew nothing of the _english_. the _french_ and _putewatemies_ being gone from _teiodonderaghie_, the _utawawas_ began to be afraid of the _french_ resentment, and therefore, the better to keep up the colour they had put on their delays, marched over land, with all possible expedition, to the general rendezvous near _oniagara_, where all the _french_ force, both christians and _indians_, was to meet. the _five nations_ being informed of the _french_ preparations, laid aside their design against the _twihtwies_, and prepared to give the _french_ a warm reception. upon this the priest at _onondaga_ left them, but the priest at _oneydo_ had the courage to stay. the _senekas_ came to _albany_ to provide ammunition, and the commissioners made them a present of a considerable quantity of powder and lead, besides what they purchased. they were under a great deal of concern when they took leave of the commissioners, and said, "since we are to expect no other assistance from our brethren, we must recommend our wives and children to you, who will fly to you, if any misfortune shall happen to us. it may be we shall never see you again; for we are resolved to behave so, as our brethren shall have no reason to be ashamed of us." we must now return to monsieur _de nonville_'s army. monsieur _campagnie_ marched eight or ten days before the rest of the army, with between two and three hundred _cannadians_. as soon as they arrived at _cadarackui_, they surprised two villages of the _five nations_, that were settled about eight leagues from that place, to prevent their giving any intelligence to their own nation of the _french_ preparations, or of the state of their army, as it was supposed they did in the last expedition under monsieur _de la barre_. these people were surprised when they least expected it, and by them from whom they feared no harm, because they had settled there at the invitation, and on the faith of the _french_. they were carried in cold blood to the fort, and tied to stakes, to be tormented by the _french indians_, (christians, as they call them) while they continued singing in their country manner, and upbraiding the _french_ with their perfidy and ingratitude. while monsieur _de nonville_ was at _cadarackui_ fort, he had an account, that the _chicktaghicks_ and _twihtwies_ waited for the _quatoghies_ and _utawawas_ at lake _st. clair_[ ], with whom they designed to march to the general rendezvous, at the mouth of the _senekas_ river. for this expedition was chiefly designed against the _senekas_, who had absolutely refused to meet monsieur _de la barre_, and were most firmly attached to the _english_. the _senekas_, for this reason, were designed to be made examples of the _french_ resentment to all the other nations of _indians_. the messenger having assured the general, that it was time to depart, in order to meet with the western _indians_, that came to his assistance, he set out the twenty-third of _june_, and sent one part of his army in canoes, along the north shore of the lake, while he, with the other part, passed along the south, that no accidents of wind might prevent the one or the other reaching, within the time appointed, at the place the _indians_ were to meet him. it happened, by reason of the good weather, that both arrived on the same day, and joined the western _indians_ at _trondequat_, as soon as the men were put on shore, they hawled up the canoes, and began a fort, where four hundred men were left to guard the canoes, and the baggage. here a young _cannadian_ was shot to death, as a deserter, for conducting the _english_ into the lakes, though the two nations were not only at peace, but their kings in stricter friendship than usual. but this piece of severity is not to be wondered at, when this war was undertaken, chiefly to put a stop to the _english_ trade, which now began to extend itself far into the continent, and would in its consequence ruin theirs. the next day the army began to march towards the chief village of the _senekas_, which was only seven leagues distant, every man carrying ten biskets for his provision. the _indian_ traders made the van with part of the _indians_, the other part marched in the rear, while the regular troops and militia composed the main body. the army marched four leagues the first day without discovering any thing; the next day the scouts advanced before the army, as far as the corn of the villages, without seeing any body, though they passed within pistol-shot of five-hundred _senekas_, that lay on their bellies, and let them pass and repass without disturbing them. on the report which they made, the _french_ hastened their march, in hopes to overtake the women, children, and old men; for they no longer doubted of all being fled. but as soon as the _french_ reached the foot of a hill, about a quarter of a league from the village, the _senekas_ suddenly raised the warshout, with a discharge of their fire-arms. this put the regular troops, as well as the militia, into such a fright, as they marched through the woods, that the battalions immediately divided, and run to the right and left, and, in the confusion, fired upon one another. when the _senekas_ perceived their disorder, they fell in among them pell-mell, till the _french indians_, more used to such way of fighting, gathered together and repulsed the _senekas_. there were (according to the _french_ accounts) a hundred _frenchmen_, ten _french indians_, and about fourscore _senekas_ killed, in this rencounter. monsieur _de nonville_ was so dispirited with the fright that his men had been put into, that his _indians_ could not persuade him to pursue. he halted the remainder of that day. the next day he marched on with design to burn the village, but when he came there, he found that the _senekas_ had saved him the trouble; for they had laid all in ashes before they retired. two old men only were found in the castle, who were cut into pieces and boiled to make soup for the _french_ allies. the _french_ staid five or six days to destroy their corn, and then marched to two other villages, at two or three leagues distance. after they had performed the like exploits in those places, they returned to the banks of the lake. before the _french_ left the lakes, they built a fort of four bastions at _oniagara_, on the south-side of the straights, between lake _erie_ and _cadarackui_ lake, and left a hundred men, with eight months provisions in it. but this garison was so closely blocked up by the _five nations_, that they all died of hunger, except seven or eight, who were accidentally relieved by a party of _french indians_. the western _indians_, when they parted from the _french_ general, made their harangues, as usual, in which they told him, with what pleasure they saw a fort so well placed to favour their designs against the _five nations_, and that they relied on his never finishing the war, but with the destruction of the _five nations_, or forcing them to abandon their country. he assured them, that he would act with such vigour, that they would soon see the _five nations_ driven into the sea. he sent a detachment of soldiers to _teiodonderaghie_, and in his return to _canada_, which was by the north side of the lake, he left a sufficient number of men, and a quantity of provisions, at _cadarackui_ fort. the _french_ having got nothing but dry blows by this expedition, sent thirteen of the _indians_, that they surprised at _cadarackui_, to _france_, as trophies of their victory, where they were put into the galleys, as rebels to their king. chap. vi. _colonel_ dongan's _advice to the_ indians. adario's _enterprize_, _and_ montreal _sacked by the_ five nations. colonel _dongan_, who had the _indian_ affairs very much at heart, met the _five nations_ at _albany_ as soon as possible after the _french_ expedition, and spoke to them on the fifth of _august_, in the following words, _viz_. "_brethren_, "i am very glad to see you here in this house, and am heartily glad that you have sustained no greater loss by the _french_, though i believe it was their intention to destroy you all, if they could have surprised you in your castles. "as soon as i heard their design to war with you, i gave you notice, and came up hither myself, that i might be ready to give all the assistance and advice that so short a time would allow me. "i am now about sending a gentleman to _england_, to the king, my master, to let him know, that the _french_ have invaded his territories on this side of the great lake, and warred upon the brethren his subjects. i therefore would willingly know, whether the brethren have given the governor of _canada_ any provocation or not; and if they have, how, and in what manner; because i am obliged to give a true account of this matter. this business may cause a war between the king of _england_ and the _french_ king, both in _europe_ and here, and therefore i must know the truth. "i know the governor of _canada_ dare not enter into the king of _england_'s territories, in a hostile manner, without provocation, if he thought the brethren were the king of _england_'s subjects; but you have, two or three years ago, made a covenant-chain with the _french_, contrary to my command, (which i knew could not hold long) being void of itself among the christians; for as much as subjects (as you are) ought not to treat with any foreign nation, it not lying in your power, you have brought this trouble on your selves, and, as i believe, this is the only reason of their falling on you at this time. "brethren, i took it very ill, that after you had put yourselves into the number of the great king of _england_'s subjects, you should ever offer to make peace or war without my consent. you know that we can live without you, but you cannot live without us. you never found that i told you a lye, and i offered you the assistance you wanted, provided that you would be advised by me; for i know the _french_ better than any of you do. "now since there is a war begun upon you by the governor of _canada_, i hope without any provocation by you given, i desire and command you, that you hearken to no treaty but by my advice; which if you follow, you shall have the benefit of the great chain of friendship between the great king of _england_ and the king of _france_, which came out of _england_ the other day, and which i have sent to _canada_ by _anthony le junard_. in the mean time, i will give you such advice as will be for your good; and will supply you with such necessaries, as you will have need of. "_first_, my advice is, as to what prisoners of the _french_ you shall take, that you draw not their blood, but bring them home, and keep them to exchange for your people, which they have prisoners already, or may take hereafter. "_ dly_, that if it be possible, that you can order it so, i would have you take one or two of your wisest _sachems_, and one or two of your _chief captains_, of each nation, to be a council to manage all affairs of the war. they to give orders to the rest of the officers what they are to do, that your designs may be kept private; for after it comes among so many people, it is blazed abroad, and your designs are often frustrated; and those chief men should keep a correspondence with me by a trusty messenger. "_ dly_, the great matter under consideration with the brethren is, how to strengthen themselves, and weaken their enemy. my opinion is, that the brethren should send messengers to the _utawawas_, _twihtwies_, and the _farther indians_, and to send back likewise some of the prisoners of these nations, if you have any left, to bury the hatchet, and to make a covenant-chain, that they may put away all the _french_ that are among them, and that you will open a path for them this way, they being the king of _england_'s subjects likewise, tho' the french have been admitted to trade with them; for all that the _french_ have in _canada_, they had it of the great king of _england_; that by that means they may come hither freely, where they may have every thing cheaper than among the _french_: that you and they may join together against the _french_, and make so firm a league, that whoever is an enemy to one, must be to both. "_ thly_, another thing of concern is, that you ought to do what you can to open a path for all the _north indians_ and _mahikanders_, that are among the _utawawas_ and further nations: i will endeavour to do the same to bring them home; for, they not daring to return home your way, the _french_ keep them there on purpose to join with the other nations against you, for your destruction; for you know, that one of them is worse than six of the others; therefore all means must be used to bring them home, and use them kindly as they pass through your country. "_ thly_, my advice further is, that messengers go, in behalf of all the _five nations_, to the _christian indians_ at _canada_, to persuade them to come home to their native country. this will be another great means to weaken your enemy; but if they will not be advised, you know what to do with them. "_ thly_, i think it very necessary, for the brethren's security and assistance, and to the endamaging the _french_, to build a fort upon the lake, where i may keep stores and provisions, in case of necessity; and therefore i would have the brethren let me know what place will be most convenient for it. "_ thly_, i would not have the brethren keep their corn in their castles, as i hear the _onondagas_ do, but bury it a great way in the woods, where few people may know where it is, for fear of such an accident as has happened to the _senekas_. "_ thly_, i have given my advice in your general assembly by mr. _dirk wessels_, and _akus_ the interpreter, how you are to manage your parties, and how necessary it is to get prisoners, to exchange for your own men that are prisoners with the _french_; and i am glad to hear that the brethren are so united, as mr. _dirk wessels_ tells me you are, and that there are no rotten members nor _french_ spies among you. "_ thly_, the brethren may remember my advice, which i sent you this spring, not to go to _cadarackui_; if you had, they would have served you as they did your people that came from hunting thither; for i told you then, that i knew the _french_ better than you did. "_ thly_, there was no advice or proposition that i made to the brethren, all the time that the priest lived at _onondaga_, but what he wrote to _canada_, as i found by one of his letters, which he gave to an _indian_ to carry to _canada_, but which was brought hither; therefore i desire the brethren not to receive him or any _french priest_ any more, having sent for _english priests_, with whom you may be supplied to your content. "_ thly_, i would have the brethren look out sharp, for fear of being surprized. i believe all the strength of the _french_ will be at their frontier places, _viz_. at _cadarackui_ and _oniagara_, where they have built a fort now, and at _trois rivieres_, _montreal_, and _chambly_. "_ thly_, let me put you in mind again, not to make any treaties without my means, which will be more advantageous for you, than your doing it by yourselves, for then you will be looked upon as the king of _england_'s subjects, and let me know, from time to time, every thing that is done. "thus far i have spoken to you relating to the war." then he chid them for their breach of faith with _virginia_. he told them, that he was informed, that last spring they had killed a fine gentleman, with some others; and that a party of the _oneydoes_ was now there at the head of _tames river_, with intention to destroy all the _indians_ thereabout. they had taken six prisoners, whom he ordered them to bring to him, to be restored; and that for the future they should desist from doing any injury to the people of _virginia_, or their _indians_, otherwise all the _english_ would unite to destroy them. but at the same time he freed the _senekas_ from any blame, and commended them as a brave and honest people, who never had done any thing contrary to his orders, except in making that unlucky peace with the _french_, three years ago. _lastly_, he recommended to them, not to suffer their people to be drunk during the war: a soldier thereby (he said) loses his reputation, because of the advantages it will give the enemy over him. this honest gentleman earnestly pursued the interest of his country; but it seems his measures were not agreeable to those his master had taken with the _french_ king; for he had orders to procure a peace for the _french_ on their own terms, and was soon after this removed from his government. indeed such an active, as well as prudent governor of _new-york_, could not be acceptable to the _french_, who had the universal monarchy in view, in _america_ as well as in _europe_. the great dispute between coll. _dungan_ and the _french_ was in this, that coll. _dungan_ would force the _french_ to apply to him, in all affairs relating to the _five nations_, and the _french_ would treat with them independently of the _english_. for this reason coll. _dungan_ refused any assistance to the _french_, till they, by such application, should acknowledge the dependance of the _five nations_ on the crown of _england_. but king _james_ ordered him to give up this point; and that he should persuade the _five nations_ to send to _canada_, to receive proposals from the _french governor_; and for this purpose, forced them to agree to a cessation of arms, till their deputies should go and return from _canada_; and that they should, in the mean time, deliver up all the prisoners they had taken from the _french_; and that no accident might prevent this, and blast so favourable an opportunity of making peace to the best advantage, monsr. _de nonville_ sent his orders to all his officers in the _indian_ countries, to observe a cessation of arms, till the ambassador of the _five nations_ should meet him at _montreal_, as they had given him reason to expect they would in a little time, to conclude the peace in the usual form. in the mean time, _adario_, the chief of the _deonondadies_, finding that his nation was become suspected by the _french_, since the time they had shewn so much inclination to the _english_, when they attempted to trade at _missilimakinak_, resolved, by some notable action against the _five nations_, to recover the good graces of the _french_. for this purpose, he marched from _missilimakinak_, at the head of a hundred men; and that he might act with the more security, he took _cadarackui_ fort in his way for intelligence: the commandant informed him, that monsr. _de nonville_ was in hopes of concluding a peace with the _five nations_, and expected their ambassadors in eight or ten days at _montreal_ for that purpose, and therefore desired him to return to _missilimakinak_, without attempting any thing that might obstruct so good a design. the _indian_ being surprised with this news, was under great concern for his nation, which he was afraid would be sacrificed to the _french_ interest, but dissembled his concern before the _french_ officer. he went from _cadarackui_, not to return home as the commandant thought, but to wait for the ambassadors of the _five nations_, near one of the falls of _cadarackui_ river, by which he knew they must pass. he did not lurk there above four or five days, before the deputies came guarded by forty young soldiers, who were all surprised, and killed or taken prisoners. as soon as the prisoners were all secured, the cunning _deonondadi_ told them, "that he having been informed, by the governor of _canada_, that fifty warriors of their nation were to pass this way about this time, he had secured this pass, not doubting of intercepting them." the ambassadors being much surprised at the _french_ perfidy, told _adario_ the design of their journey, who, the better to play his part, seemed to grow mad and furious, declaring against monsr. _de nonville_, and said he would, some time or other, be revenged of him, for making a tool of him, to commit such horrid treachery. then looking stedfastly on the prisoners (among whom _dekanefora_ was the principal ambassador) _adario_ said to them, go, my brethren, i unty your bonds, and send you home again, tho' our nations be at war: the _french_ governor has made me commit so black an action, that i shall never be easy after it, till the _five nations_ shall have taken full revenge. this was sufficient to persuade the ambassadors of the truth of what he said, who assured him, that he and his nation might make their peace when they pleased. _adario_ lost only one man on this occasion, and would keep a _satana_ prisoner (adopted into the _five nations_) to fill up his place. then he gave arms, powder and ball to the rest of the prisoners, to enable them to return. the ambassadors were chiefly, if not all, _onondagas_, and _oneydoes_, who had been long under the influence of the _french_ priests, and still retained an affection to them; but this adventure thoroughly changed their thoughts, and irritated them so heartily against the _french_, that all the _five nations_ prosecuted the war unanimously. _adario_ delivered the slave (his prisoner) to the _french_ at _missilimakinak_, who to keep up the enmity between the _deonondadies_ and the _five nations_, ordered him to be shot to death. _adario_ called one of the _five nations_, who had been long a prisoner, to be an eye witness of his countryman's death, then bid him make his escape to his own country, to give an account of the _french_ cruelty, from which it was not in his power to save a prisoner, he himself had taken. this heightned the rage of the _five nations_ so, that monsr. _de nonville_'s sending to disown _adario_ in this action, had no effect upon them; their breasts admitted of no thoughts but that of revenge. it was not long before the _french_ felt the bloody effects of this cruel passion, for men of the _five nations_ invaded the island of _montreal_, when the _french_ had no suspicion of any such attempt, while monsr. _de nonville_ and his lady were in that town. they landed on the south side of the island, at _la chine_, on the th of _july_ , where they burnt and sacked all the plantations, and made a terrible massacre of men, women, and children. the _french_ were under apprehension of the town's being attack'd, for which reason, they durst not send out any considerable party to the relief of the country, only once, when the _indians_ had blocked up two forts, monsr. _de nonville_ sent out a hundred soldiers, and fifty _indians_, to try to bring off the men in those forts. the _french_ of this party were all either taken or cut to pieces, except one soldier, and the commanding officer, who, after he had his thighs broke, was carried off by twelve _indians_ that made their escape. there were above a thousand of the _french_ killed at this time, and twenty-six were carried away prisoners, the greatest part of which were burnt alive. the _five nations_ only lost three men on this expedition, that got drunk and were left behind. this, however, did not satiate their thirst after blood, for, in _october_ following, they destroyed likewise all the lower part of the island, and carried away many prisoners. the consequence of these expeditions were very dismal to the _french_, for they were forced to burn their two barks, which they had on _cadarackui_ lake, and to abandon their fort there; they designed to have blown up their works, when they left that place; and for that end left a lighted match where the powder lay, but were in such a fright, that they durst not stay to see what effect it had. they went down _cadarackui_ river in seven birch canoes; and for greater security, travelled in the night. one of the canoes, with all the men in it, were lost, by their precipitation, as they passed one of the falls in that river. the _five nations_ hearing the _french_ had deserted _cadarackui_ fort, fifty _indians_ went and took possession of it, who found the match the _french_ had left, which had gone out, and twenty eight barrels of powder in the same place, together with several other stores. the news of the success the _five nations_ had over the _french_ soon spread itself among all the _indians_, and put the _french_ affairs every where into the greatest disorder. the _utawawas_ had always shewn an inclination to the _english_, and they therefore immediately sent openly four _sachems_, with three prisoners of the _senekas_, which they had, to assure them, that they would for ever renounce all friendship with the _french_, and promised to restore the rest of the prisoners. they also included seven nations, that lived near _missilimakinak_, in this peace. this put the _french_ commandant there under the greatest difficulty to maintain his post; but there was no choice, he must stand his ground, for the _five nations_ had cut off all hopes of retiring. the _nepairinians_ and _kikabous_, of all their numerous allies, only remained firm to the _french_; every one of the others endeavoured to gain the friendship of the _five nations_; and would certainly have done it, by murdering all the _french_ among them, had not the sieur _perot_, with wonderful sagacity and eminent hazard to his own person, diverted them. _canada_ was now in a most miserable condition, for while the greatest number of their men had been employed in the expedition against the _five nations_, and in trading among the far nations, and making new discoveries and settlements, tillage and husbandry had been neglected; and they lost several thousands of their inhabitants, by the continual incursions of small parties, so that none durst hazard themselves out of fortified places; indeed, it is hard to conceive what distress the _french_ were then under, for tho' they were every where almost starving, they could not plant nor sow, or go from one village to another for relief, but with imminent danger of having their scalps carried away by the sculking _indians_; at last the whole country being laid waste, famine began to rage, and was like to have put a miserable end to that colony. if the _indians_ had understood the method of attacking forts, nothing could have preserved the _french_ from an entire destruction at this time; for whoever considers the state of the _indian_ affairs during this period, how the _five nations_ were divided in their sentiments and measures; that the _onondagas_, _cayugas_, and _oneydoes_, under the influence of the _french_ jesuites, were diverted from prosecuting the war against _canada_, by the jesuites cunningly spiriting up those three nations against the _virginia indians_, and persuading them to send out their parties that way: that the _senekas_ had a war at the same time upon their hands with three numerous _indian_ nations, the _utawawas_, _chicktaghicks_, and _twihtwies_; and that the measures the _english_ observed all king _james_'s reign, gave the _indians_ rather grounds of jealousy than assistance: i say, whoever considers all these things, and what the _five nations_ did actually perform, under all these disadvantages against the _french_, will hardly doubt, that the _five nations_ by themselves were at that time an overmatch for the _french_ of _canada_. [footnote : the word proposition has been always used by the commissioners for _indian affairs_ at _albany_, to signify proposals or articles in the treaties or agreements made with the _indians_.] [footnote : a castle of the _sennekas_, from whence the _french_ call the _sennekas tonontouan_.] [footnote : comprehended under the general name of _utawawas_.] [footnote : all _indians_ make use of a hatchet or axe, as an emblem to express war.] [footnote : the name the _five nations_ always give the governor of _virginia_.] [footnote : the _five nations_ always express peace by the metaphor of a tree.] [footnote : the _french priests_ had, from time to time, persuaded several of the _five nations_ to leave their own country, and to settle near _montreal_; where the _french_ are very industrious in encouraging them. their numbers have been likewise increased by the prisoners the _french_ have taken in war, and by others that have run from their own country; because of some mischief that they had done, or debts which they owed the christians. these _indians_ are all profess'd papists, and for that reason are commonly called the _praying indians_ by their countrymen, and they are called _cahnuagas_ by the people of _albany_, from the place where they live; the _french_ value them on account of the intelligence they give in time of war, and their knowledge of the countries.] [footnote : _new-york._] [footnote : _virginia._] [footnote : _maryland._] [footnote : the _mohawks_ country is situated between the other nations and _albany_.] [footnote : _ronoon_ signifies nation or people, in the language of the _five nations_; they say _tuihtuih-ronoons, chichighik-ronoon, deonondadik-ronoon_, &c.] [footnote : that is, the _partridge_.] [footnote : pointing to the _jesuite_.] [footnote : the _indians_ commonly gave a new name to any person they receive or adapt into their nation. this is the _jesuites indian_ name, the interpretation whereof i know not.] [footnote : voyages du _baron de la hontan_, tome . letter .] [footnote : the _calumet_ is a large smoaking pipe made of marble, most commonly of a dark red, well polished, shaped somewhat in the form of a hatchet, and adorned with large feathers of several colours. it is used in all the _indian_ treaties with strangers, and as a flag of truce between contending parties, which all the _indians_ think a very high crime to violate. these _calumets_ are generally of nice workmanship, and were in use before the _indians_ knew any thing of the christians; for which reason we are at a loss to conceive by what means they pierced these pipes, and shaped them so finely, before they had the use of iron.] [footnote : called _sawanons_ by the _french_.] [footnote : called _illinois_ by the _french_.] [footnote : history de le amerique septentrionale, par mr. de la poterie, tome ii. cap. .] [footnote : in the straights between lake _erie_ and _quatoghie_ lake.] the h i s t o r y of the five indian nations dependent on the province of new-york. part ii. the p r e f a c e to the second part. _the former part of this history was written at_ new-york _in the year_ , _on occasion of a dispute which then happened, between the government of_ new-york _and some_ merchants. _the_ french _of_ canada _had the whole fur trade with the_ western indians _in their hands, and were supplied with their woollen goods from_ new-york. _mr._ burnet, _who took more pains to be informed of the interest of the people he was set over, and of making them useful to their mother country, than plantation governors usually do, took the trouble of perusing all the registers of the_ indian _affairs on this occasion. he from thence conceived of what consequence the fur trade with the_ western indians _was of to_ great-britain; _that as the_ english _had the fur trade to_ hudson's bay _given up to them, by the treaty of_ utrecht, _so, by the advantages which the province of_ new-york _has in its situation, they might be able to draw the whole fur trade in the other parts of_ america _to themselves, and thereby the_ english _engross that trade, and the manufactories depending on it_. _for this purpose he thought it necessary to put a stop to the trade between_ new-york _and_ canada, _by which the_ french _supplied themselves with the most valuable and necessary commodities for the_ indian _market, and to set the inhabitants of this province on trading directly with the_ indians. _besides the consideration of profit and gain, he considered what influence this trade had on the numerous nations of_ indians _living on the vast continent of_ north-america, _and who surround the_ british _colonies; of what advantage it might be of, if they were influenced by the_ english _in case of a war with_ france; _and how prejudicial, on the other hand, if they were directed by_ french _counsels_. _the legislature of_ new-york _was soon convinced of the justness of his reasoning, and passed an act, prohibiting the trade to_ canada, _and for encouraging the trade directly with the_ indians. _they were likewise at the charge of building a fortified trading house at_ oswego, _on_ cadarackui lake, _and have ever since maintained a garison there. as this act did in its consequence take a large profit from one or two considerable merchants, who had the trade to_ canada, _intirely in their hands, they endeavoured to raise a clamour against it in the province, and presented likewise petitions to the king, in order to get the act repealed. upon this occasion mr._ burnet _gave me the perusal of the publick register of_ indian _affairs, and it was thought the publication of the history of the_ five nations _might be of use at that time_. _i shall only add, that mr._ burnet's _scheme has had its desired effect: the_ english _have gained the trade which the_ french, _before that, had with the_ indians _to the westward of_ new-york; _and whereas, before that time, a very inconsiderable number of men were employed in the_ indian _trade abroad, now above three hundred men are employed at the trading house at_ oswego _alone; and the_ indian _trade has since that time yearly increased so far, that several_ indian _nations come now every summer to trade there, whose names were not so much as known by the_ english _before_. _this history, from_ new-york, _soon went to_ england, _and i have been informed, that a publication, with a continuance of that work, would be acceptable there. i have the more chearfully complied with this notice, because of the war threatened from_ france, _believing that a publication of this kind may be useful, whether the present inquietudes between the two nations end in a war or in a treaty. the_ french _have encouraged several publications of this sort at_ paris, _and certainly such may be more useful in a_ british _government, where the people have so great a share in it, than it can be in a_ french _government, intirely directed by the will of their prince_. _i now continue this history to the peace of_ reswick, _and if i find this acceptable, and that a farther continuation of it be desired, i shall, if my life and health be preserved, carry it down farther; but as i have too much reason to doubt my own ability, to give that pleasure and satisfaction which the publick may expect in things thus submitted to their view, i think it not justifiable to trouble them with too much at once_. the h i s t o r y of the five _indian_ nations, depending on the province of _new-york_. * * * * * part ii. _the history of the_ five indian nations _of_ canada, _from the time of the revolution to the peace of_ reswick. * * * * * chap. i. _the state of affairs in_ new-york _and_ canada, _at the time of the_ revolution _in_ great-britain. we left the _five nations_ triumphing over the _french_ in _canada_, and they almost reduced to despair. the revolution, which happened at this time in _england_, seemed to be a favourable conjunction for the _five nations_; the _english_ colonies, by the war at that time declared against _france_, becoming parties in their quarrel: for one will be ready to think, that the _five nations_ being by themselves too powerful for the _french_, as appears by the preceding chapter, when these were assisted by the _utawawas_, _quatoghies_, _twihtwies_, _chictaghicks_, _putewatemies_, and all the _western indian nations_, and when the _english_ stood neuter; now certainly, when not only all these _indian nations_ had made peace with the _five nations_, but the _english_ joined with them in the war, the _french_ would not be able to stand one campaign. but we shall find what a turn affairs took, contrary to all reasonable expectations, from the general appearance of things, and of what importance a resolute wise governor is to the well-being of a people, and how prejudicial divisions and parties are. for this reason, it will be necessary to take a view of the publick affairs in the province of _new-york_, and in _canada_, at that time, in order to understand the true causes of the alterations, which afterwards happened in favour of the _french_. the revolution occasioned as great divisions and parties in the province of _new-york_, in proportion to the number of people, as it did in _britain_, if not greater. the governor and all the officers either fled or absconded; the gentlemen of the king's council, and some of the most considerable or richest people, either out of love, or what they thought duty, to king _james_, or rather from an opinion they had that the _prince of orange_ could not succeed, refused to join in the declaration the people made in favour of that prince, and suffered the administration to fall into different hands, who were more zealous for the protestant interest, and who were joined by the far greatest number of the inhabitants. after the revolution was established, they that had appeared so warmly for it, thought that they deserved best of the government, and expected to be continued in the publick offices; the others were zealous to recover the authority they had lost, and used the most persuasive means with the governors for that purpose, while the former trusted to their merit. this begat great animosities, which continued many years. each party, as they were at different times favoured by several governors, opposed all the measures taken by the other, while each of them were by turns in credit with the people or the governor, and sometimes even prosecuted each other to death. the publick measures were by these means perpetually fluctuating, and often one day contradictory to what they were the day before. the succeeding governors, finding their private account in favouring sometimes the one party, and at other times the other, kept up the animosities all king _william_'s reign, though very much to the publick prejudice; for each party was this while so eager in resenting private injuries, that they intirely neglected the publick good. the constitution of government in the _english plantations_, where the governors have no salary, but what they can attain with the consent of the assemblies or representatives of the people, gave occasion to imprudent governors to fall upon these expedients, as they sometimes call them, for getting of money. and a prevailing faction, knowing for what purpose the governments in _america_ were chiefly desired by the _english_ gentlemen, used this great privilege to tempt a governor to be the head of a party, when he ought to have been the head of the government. indeed _new-york_ has had the misfortune, too frequently, to be under such as could not keep their passion for money secret, though none found it so profitable a government, as they did who followed strictly the true maxims of governing, without making money the only rule of their actions. the frequent changes of governors were likewise prejudicial to the publick affairs. colonel _slaughter_, the first governor after the revolution, happened to die soon after his arrival, when steady, as well as resolute measures, were most necessary. but some think, that the occasion of all the misfortunes lay in the want of care in the choice of governors, when the affairs of _america_ wanted able hands to manage them; they think that the ministry had the saving of money chiefly in view, when, to gratify some small services, they gave employments in _america_ to those that were not capable of much meaner offices at home. the opinion the people had of colonel _slaughter_'s capacity gave ground to these surmises; but, if it was so, it happened to be very ill saved money; for the mismanagements in this country occasioned far greater expence to the crown afterwards, than would have bought such gentlemen handsome estates, besides the great losses they occasioned to the subjects. the greatest number of the inhabitants of the province of _new-york_ being _dutch_, still retained an affection to their mother country, and by their aversion to the _english_ weakened the administration. the common people of _albany_, who are all _dutch_, could not forbear giving the _indians_ some ill impressions of the _english_; for the _mohawks_, in one of their publick speeches, expressed themselves thus: "we hear a _dutch prince_ reigns now in _england_, why do you suffer the _english_ soldiers to remain in the fort? put all the _english_ out of the town. when the _dutch_ held this country long ago, we lay in their houses; but the _english_ have always made us lie without doors." it is true, that the plantations were first settled by the meanest people of every nation, and such as had the least sense of any honour. the _dutch_ first settlers, many of them i may say, had none of the virtues of their countrymen, except their industry in getting money, and they sacrificed every thing, other people think honourable or most sacred, to their gain: but i do not think it proper to give particular instances of this. the people of _new-england_ were engaged in a bloody war at this time with the _owenagungas_, _ouragies_, and _ponacoks_, the _indians_ that lie between them and the _french_ settlements. the _scahkooks_ were originally part of these _indians_. they left their country about the year , and settled above _albany_, on the branch of _hudson's river_ that runs towards _canada_. the people of _new-england_ were jealous of the _scahkook indians_, that they remembering the old difference they had with the people of _new england_, and the relation they bore to the _eastern indians_, did countenance and assist these _indians_ in the war against _new england_. they had reason for these jealousies, for the _scahkook indians_ received privately some _owenagunga_ messengers, and kept their coming among them secret from the people of _albany_; and some _scahkooks_ had gone privately to the _owenagungas_. they were afraid likewise, that the _mohawks_ might have some inclination to favour those _indians_, because some of the _eastern indians_ had fled to the _mohawks_, and were kindly received by them, and lived among them. notwithstanding all these failures of good policy, in the government of _new-york_, the _french_ had not gained so great advantages, if they had not carefully observed a different conduct, which it is now necessary to consider. _canada_ was at this time in a very distressed condition, the country and out plantations burnt and destroyed, their trade intirely at a stand, great numbers of their people slain, and the remainder in danger of perishing by famine, as well as by the sword of inveterate cruel enemies. when such misfortunes happen to a country, under any administration, though in truth the conduct of affairs be not to be blamed, it is often prudent to change the ministers; for the common people never fail to blame them, notwithstanding their having acted with the greatest wisdom, and therefore cannot so soon recover their spirits, that are sunk by misfortunes, as by putting their affairs into different hands. for these reasons, it is probable, the _french_ king recalled mr. _de nonville_, but rewarded him for his services, by an honourable employment in the houshold. the count _de frontenac_ was sent in his place. this gentleman had been formerly governor of that country, and was perfectly acquainted with its interest; of a temper of mind fitted to such desperate times, of undaunted courage, and indefatigable, though in the sixty-eighth year of his age. the count _de frontenac_ arrived the second of _october_ . the country immediately received new life by the arrival of a person, of whose courage and conduct every one had entertained a high opinion. care was taken to increase this impression on the minds of the people, by making publick rejoicings with as much noise as possible. he wisely improved this new life, by immediately entering upon action, without suffering their hopes to grow cold. he staid no longer at _quebeck_, than was necessary to be informed of the present state of affairs, and in four or five days after his arrival set out in a canoe for _montreal_, where his presence was most necessary; and the winter was already so far advanced, that the ice made it impracticable to go in a larger vessel. by this the old gentleman increased the opinion and hopes the people entertained of him, that, without staying to refresh himself after a fatiguing sea-voyage, he would immediately undertake another, that required all the vigour and heat of youth to withstand the inclemencies of the climate and season, and the difficulty of such a passage. when the count _de frontenac_ came to _montreal_, he increased the admiration the people had of his vigour and zeal, by pretending to go to visit _cadarackui fort_, now abandoned, which he had built in the time he was formerly governor. the clergy and people of _montreal_ came jointly with stretched out arms, representing the danger of such an attempt, and the difficulties and hardships that would necessarily attend it, praying him not to expose a life that was so necessary for their safety. he, with seeming reluctance, yielded to their intreaties; i say with seeming reluctance, for it was inconsistent with his prudence really to have such a design. this shew of the governor's offering to go in person, animated some of the gentlemen of the country, who voluntarily went in the winter, with one hundred _indian_ traders, to visit that fort; and finding it in better condition than they expected, by the report of those who had abandoned it, they staid there, and made some small reparations in the walls, which the _indians_ had thrown down. the count _de frontenac_ brought back with him _tawerahet_, a _capiga sachem_, one of the thirteen prisoners that mr. _de nonville_ took at _cadarackui_, and sent to _france_. he was in hopes this _indian_ would be useful in procuring a treaty of peace with the _five nations_, for they had an extraordinary opinion of _tawerahet_; and the _french_ had found, by sad experience, that they could not be gainers by continuing the war: for this purpose the count used _tawerahet_ with much kindness, during his voyage, and, after he arrived at _quebeck_, lodged him in the castle under his own roof, and took such pains with this _sachem_, that he forgot all the ill usage he had formerly received. the _french_ had the more reason to desire a peace with the _five nations_, because they knew, that they would now certainly have the _english_ colonies likewise upon them; and if the _five nations_ had been able to do so much mischief by themselves alone, they were much more to be feared, when they would be assisted, in all probability, with the force and interest of the _english_ colonies. four _indians_ of less note, who were brought back along with _tawerahet_, were immediately dispatched, in this _sachem_'s name, to the _five nations_, to inform them of his return, and of the kind usage they had received from the count _de frontenac_; and to press them to send some to visit their old friend, who had been so kind to them when he was formerly governor of _canada_, and who still retained an affection to the _five nations_; as appeared by the kindness _tawerahet_ and they had received from him. this was the only method left to the _french_ of making proposals of peace, which it was their interest by all means to procure. the governor of _canada_, as i said, conceived that there was no way so proper to keep up the spirits of the people, who had got new life by his arrival, as by putting them upon action; and indeed their present miserable condition made them forward enough, to undertake the most desperate enterprize, when the frequent incursions of the _indians_ made it as dangerous to be at home, as to attack the enemy abroad. for this purpose he sent out three parties in the winter; one was designed against _new-york_, the other against _connecticut_, and the last against _new-england_. the _five nations_ followed colonel _dungan_'s advice, in endeavouring to bring off the _western indians_ from the _french_, and had all the success that could be expected, before mr. _de frontenac_ arrived. they were overjoyed when they heard, that the _english_ had entered into war with the _french_, and came several times to _albany_ to know the certainty of it, while it was only rumoured about. the people of _albany_ desired them to secure any of the praying _indians_ that should come from _canada_, if they found that they were still ruled by the priests; but to encourage them, if they came with a design to return to their own country. the _senekas, cayugas, onondagas_, and _oneydoes_, the twenty seventh of _june_ , before any governor arrived, renewed the old covenant (as they said) which was first made many years ago with one _tagues_, who came with a ship into their river. "then we first became brethren, said they, and continued so till last fall, that sir _edmond andross_ came and made a new chain, by calling us children; but let us stick to the old chain, which has continued from the first time it was made, by which we became brethren, and have ever since always behaved as such. _virginia, maryland_, and _new-england_, have been taken into this silver chain, with which our friendship is locked fast. we are now come to make the chain clear and bright. here they =gave two bevers=." king _james_, a little before his abdication, sent over sir _edmond andross_ with arbitrary powers, and he, in imitation of the _french_, changed the stile of speaking to the _indians_, of which they were very sensible. they discovered a great concern for their people that were carried to _canada_; they long hoped (they said) that the king of _england_ would have been powerful enough to deliver them, but now they began to lose all hopes of them. chap. ii. _a treaty between the agents of_ massachuset's bay, new-plymouth, _and_ connecticut, _and the_ sachems _of the_ five nations, _at_ albany, _in the year_ . about the beginning of _september_ , colonel _john pynchon_, major _john savage_, and captain _jonathan bull_, agents for the colonies of _massachuset's bay, new-plymouth_, and _connecticut_, arrived at _albany_, to renew the friendship with the _five nations_, and to engage them against the _eastern indians_, who made war on the _english_ of those colonies, and were supported by the _french_. the _five nations_ had received four messengers from the _eastern indians_, which gave the people of _new-england_ some apprehensions, and they were therefore desirous to know what reception these messengers had met with. the _five nations_ answered by _tahajadoris_, a _mohawk sachem_, on the twenty fourth of _september_. he made a long oration, repeating all that the agent from _new-england_ had said, the day before, and desired them to be attentive to the answer now to be made to them. they commonly repeat over all that has been said to them, before they return any answer, and one may be surprized at the exactness of these repetitions. they take the following method to assist their memories: the _sachem_, who presides at these conferences, has a bundle of small sticks in his hand; as soon as the speaker has finished any one article of his speech, this _sachem_ gives a stick to another _sachem_, who is particularly to remember that article; and so when another article is finished, he gives a stick to another to take care of that other, and so on. in like manner when the speaker answers, each of these has the particular care of the answer resolved on to each article, and prompts the orator, when his memory fails him, in the article committed to his charge. _tahajadoris_ addressing himself to the agents, said: "brethren, "you are welcome to this house, which is appointed for our treaties and publick business with the christians; we thank you for renewing the covenant-chain. it is now no longer of iron and subject to rust, as formerly, but of pure silver, and includes in it all the king's subjects, from the _senekas_ country eastward, as far as any of the great king's subjects live, and southward, from _new-england_ to _virginia_. here he =gave a bever=. "we are glad to hear of the good success our great king has had over the _french_ by sea, in taking and sinking so many of their men of war. you tell us in your proposals that we are one people, let us then go hand in hand together, to ruin and destroy the _french_ our common enemy. =gives a bever.= "the covenant-chain between us is ancient (as you tell us) and of long standing, and it has been kept inviolably by us. when you had wars some time ago with the _indians_, you desired us to help you; we did it readily, and to the purpose; for we pursued them closely, by which we prevented the effusion of much of your blood. this was a certain sign that we loved truly and sincerely, and from our hearts. =gives a belt.= "you advise us to pursue our enemies, the _french_, vigorously; this we assure you we are resolved to do to the utmost of our power: but since the _french_ are your enemies likewise, we desire our brethren of the three colonies to send us an hundred men for the security of this place, which is ill provided, in case of an attack from the _french_; the christians have victuals enough for their entertainment. =gives one belt.= "we patiently bore many injuries from the _french_, from one year to another, before we took up the axe against them. our patience made the governor of _canada_ think, that we were afraid of him, and durst not resent the injuries we had so long suffered; but now he is undeceived. we assure you, that we are resolved never to drop the axe, the _french_ never shall see our faces in peace, we shall never be reconciled as long as one _frenchman_ is alive. we shall never make peace, though our nation should be ruined by it, and every one of us cut in pieces. our brethren of the three colonies may depend on this. =gives a bever.= "as to what you told us of the _owenagungas_ and _uragees_, we answer: that we were never so proud and haughty, as to begin a war without just provocation. you tell us that they are treacherous rogues, we believe it, and that they will undoubtedly assist the _french_. if they shall do this, or shall join with any of our enemies, either _french_ or _indians_, then we will kill and destroy them. =gives a bever.=" then the _mohawks_ offered five of their men, to guard the agents home against any of their _indian_ enemies, who they were afraid might be laying in wait for the agents, and =gave a belt=. afterwards the speaker continued his speech, and said: "we have spoke what we had to say of the war, we now come to the affairs of peace: we promise to preserve the chain inviolably, and wish that the sun may always shine in peace over all our heads that are comprehended in this chain. we =give two belts=, one for the sun, the other for its beams." "we make fast the roots of the tree of peace and tranquillity, which is planted in this place. its roots extend as far as the utmost of your colonies; if the _french_ should come to shake this tree, we would feel it by the motion of its roots, which extend into our country: but we trust it will not be in the governor of _canada_'s power to shake this tree, which has been so firmly and so long planted with us. =bevers.=" _lastly_, he desired the magistrates of _albany_ to remember what he had said, and =gave them a bever=. but the agents perceiving, that they had not answered any thing about the _owenagunga_ messengers, and had answered indistinctly about the war with the _eastern indians_, desired them to explain themselves fully on these two points, about which the agents were chiefly concerned. the _five nations_ answered: "we cannot declare war against the _eastern indians_, for they have done us no harm: nevertheless our brethren of _new-england_ may be assured, that we will live and die in friendship with them. when we took up the axe against the _french_ and their confederates, we did it to revenge the injuries they had done us; we did not make war with them at the persuasions of our brethren here; for we did not so much as acquaint them with our intention, till fourteen days after our army had begun their march." after the company had separated, the _sachems_ sent to the _new-england_ agents, desiring to speak with them in private; which being granted, the speaker said, we have something to tell you, which was not proper to be spoken openly, for some of our people have an affection to the _owenagungas_; and we were afraid, that they would discover or hinder our designs. now we assure our brethren, that we are resolved to look on your enemies as ours, and that we will first fall on the _owaragees_[ ]; and then on the _owenagungas_, and lastly on the _french_; and that you may be convinced of our intention, we design to send five of our young men along with our brethren to _new-england_, to guard them, who have orders to view the country of the _owaragees_, to discover in what manner it can be attacked with the most advantage. this we always do before we make an attempt on our enemies. in a word, brethren, your war is our war, for we will live and dye with you. but it is to be observed, that they confirmed nothing relating to these _indians_, by giving belts. it is probable, that the _sachems_ acted with some art on this occasion, for they really had favourable inclinations towards the _owenagungas_; and they had reason not to increase the number of their enemies, by making war on the _eastern indians_, who avoided doing them any injury. the people of _albany_ likewise have always been averse to engage our _indians_ in a war with the _eastern indians_, lest it should change the seat of the war, and bring it to their own doors. on the th the magistrates of _albany_ had a private conference with the _sachems_ of the _five nations_, and desired to know their resolutions as to the war with _canada_, and the measures they resolved to follow. in this conference the _indians_ saw that the people of _albany_ were so much afraid of the _french_, that their spirits were sunk under the apprehensions of the approaching war; and for this reason made the following answer. "we have a hundred and forty men out-skulking about _canada_; it is impossible for the _french_ to attempt any thing, without being discovered and harassed by these parties: if the _french_ shall attempt any thing this way, all the _five nations_ will come to your assistance, for our brethren and we are but one, and we will live and dye together. we have desired a hundred men of our brethren of _boston_ to assist us here, because this place is most exposed; but if the governor of _canada_ is so strong, as to overcome us all united together, then he must be our master, and is not to be resisted; but we have confidence in a good and just cause; for the great god of heaven knows how deceitfully the _french_ have dealt with us, their arms can have no success. the great god hath sent us signs in the sky to confirm this. we have heard uncommon noise in the heavens, and have seen heads fall down upon earth, which we look upon as a certain presage of the destruction of the _french_: take courage! on this they all immediately joined in singing and crying out, courage! courage!" [footnote : called by the people of _new-england panocok indians_.] chap. iii. _an account of a general council of the_ five nations _at_ onondaga, _to consider the count_ de frontenac'_s message_. on the th of _december_ , two _indians_ came to _albany_, being sent by the _onondaga_ and _oneydo sachems_, with seven hands of wampum from each nation, to tell their brethren in _new-york_ and _new-england_, that three of their old friends, who had been carried prisoners to _france_, were come with proposals from _canada_; that there was a council of the _sachems_ appointed to meet at _onondaga_, and that they therefore desired the mayor of _albany_, _peter scheyler_, and some others of their brethren, to come thither, to be present and to advise on an affair of so great consequence; for they were resolved to do nothing without the knowledge and consent of all those that were included in the chain with them. the same messenger told them, that some letters were sent to the jesuit at _oneydo_; and that they would neither burn, nor suffer those letters to be opened, till the brethren should first see them. all that the magistrates of _albany_ did on this important occasion, was to send three _indians_ with instructions in their name, to dissuade the _five nations_ from entertaining any thoughts of peace, or yielding to a cessation of arms. on the th of _january_ one of the chief _mohawk sachems_ came to _albany_, to tell the _magistrates_, that he was to go to _onondaga_, and desired the brethren's advice how to behave there; on which the magistrates thought it necessary to send likewise the publick interpreter, and another person to assist at the general meeting, with written instructions; but no person of note, that had any influence on the _indians_, went. when the messengers arrived at _oneydo_, they discoursed privately with one of the prisoners that had returned from _france_, and found that he had no love for the _french_; but it is impossible but that _indians_, who had seen the _french_ court, and many of their troops, must be surprised at their grandeur: he complained however of the ill usage he had met with. the _french_ chose, on this occasion, to send first to _oneydo_, because of the assistance they expected the jesuit, that resided there, would give to their negotiation. i believe it will not be tedious to the reader, that desires to know the _indian genius_, if i give a circumstantial account of this general council or parliament of the _five nations_, that he may see in what manner a people that we call savages behave on such important occasions. on the d of _january_ the general council was opened at _onondaga_, consisting of eighty _sachems_; in the first place _sadekanaghtie_, an _onondaga sachem_, rising up, addressed himself to the messenger of _albany_, saying, four messengers are come from the governor of _canada_, _viz_. three who had been carried prisoners to _france_, and a _sachem_ of the _praying indians_ that live at _montreal_. the governor of _canada_ notifies his arrival to us, that he is the count _de frontenac_, who had been formerly governor there; that he had brought back with him _tawerahet_ a _cayuga sachem_, and twelve prisoners, that had been carried to _france_; then taking the belt of _wampum_ in his hand, and holding it by the middle, he added, what i have said relates only to one half of the belt, the other half is to let us know, that he intends to kindle again his fire at _cadarackui_ next spring, and therefore invites his children, and _dekanasora_ an _onondaga captain_ in particular, to treat there with him about the old chain. then _adarahta_ the chief _sachem_ of the _praying indians_ stood up, and said, with three belts in his hand, i advise you to meet the governor of _canada_ as he desires; agree to this, if you would live, and =gives one belt of _wampum_=. _tawerahet_ sends you this other belt, to inform you of the miseries, that he and the rest of your countrymen have suffered in their captivity; and to advise you to hearken to _yonondio_, if you desire to live. this third belt is from _thurensera_[ ], _ohguesse_[ ], and _ertel_[ ], who say by it, to their brethren: we have interceded for you with _yonondio_, and therefore advise you to meet him at _cadarackui_ in the spring, because it will be for your advantage. when this _sachem_ had done speaking, the _mohawk_ messenger sent from _albany_ delivered his message word for word, as he had received it, without omitting the least article. the interpreter, while the _indian_ was speaking, read over a paper, on which the message was set down, lest any thing should have been forgot. after this _cannehoot_ a _seneka sachem_ stood up, and gave the general council a particular account of a treaty made last summer, between the _senekas_ and the _wagunha_ messengers, (one of the _utawawa_ nations) who had concluded a peace for themselves, and seven other nations, to which the other four nations were desired to agree, and their brethren of _new-york_ to be included in it. he said the proposals made in several propositions were as follow. . we are come to join two bodies into one. delivering up at the same time two prisoners. . we are come to learn wisdom of you _senekas_, and of the other _five nations_, and of your brethren of _new-york_. =giving a belt.= . we by this belt wipe away the tears from the eyes of your friends, whose relations have been killed in the war, and likewise[ ] the paint from your soldiers faces. =giving another belt.= . we now throw aside the ax, which _yonondio_ put into our hands, by this =third belt=. . let the sun, as long as he shall endure, always shine upon us in friendship. here he =gave a red marble sun= as large as a plate. . let the rain of heaven wash away all hatred, that we may again smoke together in peace, =giving a large pipe= of red marble. . _yonondio_ is drunk, but we wash our hands clean from all his actions. =giving a fourth belt.= . now we are clean washed by the water of heaven, neither of us must defile ourselves by hearkening to _yonondio_. . we have twelve of your nation prisoners, who shall be brought home in the spring; there he =gave a belt=, to confirm the promise. . we will bring your prisoners when the strawberries shall be in blossom,[ ] at which time we intend to visit _corlear_, and see the place where the wampum is made. (_new-york_.) the speaker added, we will also tell our friends the other _utawawa_ nations, and the _dionondadies_, who have eleven of your people prisoners, what we have now done, and invite them to make peace with you. he said further, we have sent three messengers back with the _wagunhas_, in order to confirm this peace with their nation. after the _seneka_ speaker had done, the _wagunha_ presents were hung up in the house, in the sight of the whole assembly, and afterwards distributed among the several nations, and their acceptance was a ratification of the treaty. a =large belt was given= also to the _albany_ messengers as their share. the belt of wampum sent from _albany_ was in like manner hanged up, and afterwards divided. _new-england_, which the _indians_ call _kinshon_ (that is a fish) sent likewise the model of a fish, as a token of their adhering to the general covenant. this fish was handed round among the _sachems_, and then laid aside to be put up. after these ceremonies were over, _sadekanahtie_, an _onondaga_ speaker, stood up, and said, brethren, we must stick to our brother _quider_, and look on _yonondio_ as our enemy, for he is a cheat: by _quider_ they meant _peter schyler_ the mayor of _albany_, who had gained a considerable esteem among them; as they have no labeals in their language, they pronounce _peter_ by the sound _quider_. the messenger from _canada_ had brought letters, and some medicinal powder, for the jesuit _milet_, who resided at _oneydo_. these letters and the powder were delivered to the interpreter from _albany_ to be carried thither, that the contents of them might be made known to the _sachems_ of the several nations. the jesuit was present all this while in their council. then the interpreter was desired to speak what he had to say from their brethren at _albany_. he told them, that a new governor was arrived, who had brought a great many soldiers from _england_. that the king of _england_ had declared war against _france_, and that the people of _new-england_ were fitting out ships against _canada_. he advised them, that they should not hearken to the _french_, for when they talk of peace, said he, war is in their heart, and desired them to enter into no treaty but at _albany_, for the _french_, he said, would mind no agreement made any where else. after this they had consultations for some time together, and then gave the following answer by their speaker. brethren, our fire burns at _albany_. we will not send _dekanasora_ to _cadarackui_. we adhere to our old chain with _corlear_; we will prosecute the war with _yonondio_, and will follow your advice in drawing off our men from _cadarackui_. brethren, we are glad to hear the news you tell us, but tell us no lies. brother _kinshon_, we hear you design to send soldiers to the eastward against the _indians_ there; but we advise you, now so many are united against the _french_, to fall immediately on them. strike at the root, when the trunk shall be cut down, the branches fall of course. _corlear_ and _kinshon_, courage! courage! in the spring to _quebeck_, take that place, and you'll have your feet on the necks of the _french_, and all their friends in _america_. after this they agreed to the following answer to be sent to the governor of _canada_. . _yonondio_, you have notified your return to us, and that you have brought back of our people that were carried to _france_, we are glad of it. you desire us to meet you at _cadarackui_ next spring, to treat of the old chain; but _yonondio_, how can we trust you, after you have acted deceitfully so often? witness what was done at _cadarackui_; the usage our messengers met with at _utawawa_, and what was done to the _senekas_ at _utawawa_. this was their answer; however, they sent a belt with this, which always shews a disposition to treat. . _therhansera, ohguesse_ and _ertel_, do you observe friendship with us, if you have not, how come you to advise us to renew friendship with _yonondio_, they sent them likewise a belt? . _tawerahet_, the whole council is glad to hear, that you are returned with the other twelve. _yonondio_, you must send home _tawerahet_ and the others this very winter, before spring, and we will save all the _french_ that we have prisoners till that time. . _yonondio_, you desire to speak with us at _cadarackui_: don't you know that your fire there is extinguished? it is extinguished with blood, you must send home the prisoners in the first place. . we let you know that we have made peace with the _wagunhas_. . you are not to think, that we have laid down the axe, because we return an answer; we intend no such thing: our fair-fighters shall continue the war till our countrymen return. . when our brother _tawerahet_ is returned, then will we speak to you of peace. as soon as the council broke up, their resolutions were made publick to all their people, by the _sachems_ of their several nations. two _sachems_ were sent to _albany_, by their general council, to inform their brethren there of their resolutions, and to bring back the contents of the letters sent from _canada_ to the jesuit. as soon as they arrived, one of the _mohawks_, that had been sent from _albany_ to the council, delivered the _wagunha_ belt, and repeated over distinctly all the articles agreed to with that nation, and referred to the _onondaga speaker_, being one of those sent by the council of _albany_, to recite the answer to the governor of _canada_. he rising up, repeated over the whole as before set down, and added; the _french_ are full of deceit; but i call god to witness, we have hitherto used no deceit with them, but how we shall act for the future, time only can discover. then he assured the brethren, that the _five nations_ were resolved to prosecute the war, in token whereof he presented _quider_[ ] with a belt, in which three axes were represented. perhaps by this representation only three nations joined in sending it, the _cayugas_ and _oneydoes_ being more under the influence of the jesuit _milet_, who lived among them intirely, according to their manner of life, and was adopted by the _oneydoes_, and made one of their _sachems_. the letters from _canada_ to him were read, they contained nothing but common news and compliments. the _mohawk_ messengers, that had been sent from _albany_, had carried with them goods to sell at the general council. this was taken notice of at the general council, and gave the _indians_ a mean opinion of the people of _albany_, and particularly of _peter schyler_; for it is exceedingly scandalous among the _indians_, to employ a merchant in publick affairs; merchants, (i mean the traders with the _indians_) are looked upon by them as liars, and people not to be trusted, and of no credit, who by their thoughts being continually turned upon profit and loss, consider every thing with that private view. as this made a noise at _albany_, by its giving the jesuit an opportunity of setting the messengers from _albany_ in an ill light, _peter scheyler_ cleared himself by oath, of his having any interest directly or indirectly in those goods, and sent a belt back with his publick justification. the _mohawk_ messengers had refused to take the goods, as being scandalous to the business they went on; but were persuaded, by being told that the goods belonged to _quider_. the magistrates of _albany_ advised the _sachems_, to send the jesuit prisoner to _albany_, where he might be kept securely, without having it in his power to do mischief, but they could not prevail. the _indians_ were resolved to keep all the means of making peace in their own hands. [footnote : _thurensera_ signifies the dawning of the day, and was the name given by the _indians_ to the jesuit _lamberville_, who had formerly resided at _onondaga_.] [footnote : monsr. _le morne_, the word signifies a partridge.] [footnote : _ertel_ signifies a rose, the name of some other _french_ gentleman, for whom the _indians_ had an esteem.] [footnote : the _indians_ always paint their faces when they go to war, to make themselves look more terrible to the enemy. a soldier in the _indian_ language is expressed by a word, which signifies a fair-fighter.] [footnote : the _indians_ in this manner distinguish the seasons of the year, as the time of planting corn, or when it is ripe, when the chesnuts blossom, &c.] [footnote : _peter schyler_, mayor of _albany_.] chap. iv. _the_ french _surprise_ schenectady. _the_ mohawks _speech of condoleance on that occasion_. the _count de frontenac_ being desirous, as before observed, to raise the drooping spirits of the _french_ in _canada_, by keeping them in action, and engaging the most daring of them, in enterprizes that might give courage to the rest, had sent out three parties against the _english_ colonies, in hopes thereby to lessen the confidence which the _five nations_ had in the _english_ assistance, now that _england_ had declared war against _france_. the party sent against _new-york_ was commanded by _monsr. de herville_, and was ordered to attempt the surprising of _schenectady_, the nearest village to the _mohawks_; it consisted of _french bush-lopers_ or _indian_ traders, and of as many _indians_, the most of them _french_ converts from the _mohawks_, commonly called the _praying indians_, settled at a place near _montreal_, called _cahnuaga_. they were well acquainted with all that part of the country round _schenectady_; and came in sight of the place the th of _february_ - . the people of _schenectady_ were at that time in the greatest security, notwithstanding that they had information from the _indians_, of a party of _french_, and _french indians_ being upon their march that way. they did not think it practicable, in that season of the year, while it was extremely cold, and the whole country covered with snow. indeed _europeans_ will hardly think it possible, that men could make such a march through the wilderness in the severest frosts, without any covering from the heavens, or any provision, except what they carried on their backs. tho' the people of _schenectady_ were informed in the evening before the place was surprised, that several sculking _indians_ were seen near the place, they concluded, that they could be only some of the neighbouring _indians_; and as they had no officer of any esteem among them, not a single man could be persuaded to watch in such severe weather, tho', as the _french_ owned afterwards, if they had found the least guard or watch, they would not have attempted the place, but have surrendered themselves prisoners: they were so exceedingly distressed with the length of their march, and with cold, and hunger, but finding the place in fatal security, they marched into the heart of the village, without being discovered by any one person; then they raised their war shout, entered the houses, murdered every person they met, men, women, and children, naked and in cold blood; and at the same time set fire to the houses. a very few escaped, by running out naked into the woods in this terrible weather: and several hid themselves, till the first fury of the attack was over; but these were soon driven from their lurking places by the fire, and were all made prisoners. captain _alexander glen_, at this time, lived at a distance by himself, on the other side of the river, and was the most noted man in the place. he had at several times been kind to the _french_, who had been taken prisoners by the _mohawks_, and had saved several of them from the fire. the _french_ were sensible what horror this cruel sacking of a defenceless place, and murdering people in cold blood, must raise in mens minds; and to lessen this, they resolved to shew their gratitude to captain _glen_. they had passed his house in the night, and observing that he stood on his defence the next morning, some of them went to the river side, and calling to him, assured him, that they designed him no injury. they persuaded him to come to the _french_ officer, who restored to him all his relations that were prisoners. some _mohawks_ being also found in the village, the _french_ dismissed them, with assurance, that they designed them no hurt. this conduct was not only necessary to promote the peace which the _count de frontenac_ with so much earnestness desired, but likewise to secure their retreat, by making the _mohawks_ less eager to pursue them. the _french_ marched back, without reaping any visible advantage from this barbarous enterprize, besides the murdering sixty-three innocent persons in cold blood, and carrying twenty-seven of them away prisoners. the care the _french_ took to sooth the _mohawks_ had not intirely it's effect, for as soon as they heard of this action, a hundred of their readiest young men pursued the _french_, fell upon their rear, and killed and took twenty-five of them. this action frightened the inhabitants in and about _albany_ so much, that many resolved to desert the place, and retire to _new-york_. they were packing up and preparing for this purpose, when the _mohawk sachems_ came to _albany_ to condole, according to their custom, with their friends, when any misfortune befals them. i shall give their speech on this occasion, as it will be of use to the reader, in order to his forming a true notion of the _indian genius_. they spoke the twenty-fifth of _march_ as follows. "brethren, the murder of our brethren at _schenectady_ by the _french_ grieves us as much, as if it had been done to our selves, for we are in the same chain; and no doubt our brethren of _new-england_ will be likewise sadly affected with this cruel action of the _french_. the _french_ on this occasion have not acted like brave men, but like thieves and robbers. be not therefore discouraged. we =give this belt= _to wipe away your tears_. "brethren, we lament the death of so many of our brethren, whose blood has been shed at _schenectady_. we don't think that what the _french_ have done can be called a victory, it is only a farther proof of their cruel deceit. the governor of _canada_ sends to _onondaga_, and talks to us of peace with our whole house, but war was in his heart, as you now see by woful experience. he did the same formerly at _cadarackui_, and in the _senekas_ country. this is the third time he has acted so deceitfully. he has broken open our house at both ends, formerly in the _senekas_ country, and now here. we hope however to be revenged of them. one hundred of our bravest young men are in pursuit of them, they are brisk fellows, and they will follow the _french_ to their doors. we will beset them so closely, that not a man in _canada_ shall dare to step out of doors to cut a stick of wood; but now _we gather up our dead, to bury them_, by =this second belt=. "brethren, we came from our castles with tears in our eyes, to bemoan the bloodshed at _schenectady_ by the perfidious _french_. while we bury our dead murdered at _schenectady_, we know not what may have befallen our own people, that are in pursuit of the enemy, they may be dead; what has befallen you may happen to us; and therefore _we come to bury our brethren at_ schenectady with =this third belt=. "great and sudden is the mischief, as if it had fallen from heaven upon us. our forefathers taught us to go with all speed to bemoan and lament with our brethren, when any disaster or misfortune happens to any in our chain. take this bill of vigilance, that you may be more watchful for the future. _we give our brethren eye-water_ to make them sharp sighted, =giving a fourth belt=. "we are now come to the house where we usually renew the chain; but alas! we find the house polluted, polluted with blood. all the _five nations_ have heard of this, and we are come to wipe away the blood, and clean the house. we come to invite _corlear_, and every one of you, and _quider_ (calling to every one of the principal men present by their names) _to be revenged of the enemy_, by =this fifth belt=. "brethren, be not discouraged, we are strong enough. this is the beginning of your war, and the whole house have their eyes fixed upon you at this time, to observe your behaviour. they wait your motion, and are ready to join in any resolute measures. "our chain is a strong chain, it is a silver chain, it can neither rust nor be broken. we, as to our parts, are resolute to continue the war. "we will never desist, so long as a man of us remains. take heart, do not pack up and go away, [ ] this will give heart to a dastardly enemy. we are of the race of the bear, and a bear you know never yields, while one drop of blood is left. _we must all be bears_; =giving a sixth belt=. "brethren be patient, this disaster is an affliction which has fallen from heaven upon us. the sun, which hath been cloudy, and sent this disaster, will shine again with its pleasant beams. take courage, said he, courage, repeating the word several times as they =gave a seventh belt=. (_to the_ english.) brethren, three years ago we were engaged in a bloody war with the _french_, and you encouraged us to proceed in it. our success answered our expectation; but we were not well begun, when _corlear_ stopt us from going on. had you permitted us to go on, the _french_ would not now have been able to do the mischief, they have done, we would have prevented their sowing, planting or reaping. we would have humbled them effectually, but now we dye. the obstructions you then made now ruin us. let us after this be steady, and take no such false measures for the future, but _prosecute the war vigorously_. =giving a bever skin.= the brethren must keep good watch, and if the enemy come again, send more speedily to us. don't desert _schenectady_. the enemy will glory in seeing it desolate. it will give them courage that had none before, _fortify the place_, it is not well fortified now: the _stockadoes_ are too short, the _indians_ can jump over them. =gave a bever skin.= brethren, the mischief done at _schenectady_ cannot be helped now; but for the future, when the enemy appears any where, let nothing hinder your sending to us by expresses, and fire great guns, that all may be alarmed. we advise you to bring all the _river indians_ under your subjection to live near _albany_, to be ready on all occasions. send to _new-england_, tell them what has happened to you. they will undoubtedly awake and lend us their helping hand. it is their interest, as much as ours, to push the war to a speedy conclusion. be not discouraged, the _french_ are not so numerous as some people talk. if we but heartily unite to push on the war, and mind _our business, the_ french _will soon be subdued_. the magistrates having returned an answer on the twenty seventh, to the satisfaction of the _indians_, they repeated it all over, word by word, to let the magistrates see how carefully they minded it, and then added, brethren, we are glad to find you are not discouraged. the best and wisest men sometimes make mistakes. let us now pursue the war vigorously. we have a hundred men out, they are good scouts. we expect to meet all the _sachems_ of the other nations, as they come to condole with you. you need not fear our being ready, at the first notice. our ax is always in our hands, but take care that you be timely ready. your ships, that must do the principal work, are long a fitting out. we do not design to go out with a small company, or in sculking parties; but as soon as the nations can meet, we shall be ready with our whole force. if you would bring this war to a happy issue, you must begin soon, before the _french_ can recover the losses they have received from us, and get new vigour and life, therefore send in all haste to _new-england_. neither you nor we can continue long in the condition we are now in, we must order matters so, that the _french_ be kept in continual fear and alarm at home; for this is the only way to be secure, and in peace here. the _scahkok indians_, in our opinion, are well placed where they are (to the northward of _albany_); they are a good out-guard; they are our children, and we shall take care that they do their duty: but you must take care of the _indians_ below the town, place them nearer the town, so as they may _be of most service to you_. here we see the _mohawks_ acting like hearty friends, and if the value of the belts given at that time be considered, together with what they said on that occasion, they gave the strongest proofs of their sincerity. each of these belts amount to a large sum in the _indian_ account. the _english_ of _new-york_ and the _french_ of _canada_ were now entering into a war, in which the part the _five nations_ are to take is of the greatest consequence to both; the very being of the _french_ colony depended on it, as well as the safety of the _english_. the _indians_ at this time had the greatest aversion to the _french_, and they desired nothing so much, as that the _english_ might join heartily in this war. we shall see by the sequel how a publick spirit, directed by wise counsels, can overcome all difficulties, while a selfish spirit loses all, even natural advantages. in the present case, the turn things took seems to have been entirely owing to one thing. the french in making the count _de frontenac_ governor of _canada_, chose the man every way the best qualified for this service: the _english_ seemed to have little regard to the qualification of the person they sent, but to gratify a relation or a friend, by giving him an opportunity to make a fortune; and as he knew that he was recommended with this view, his counsels were chiefly employed for this purpose. by this means an _english governor_ generally wants the esteem of the people; while they think that a governor has not the good of the people in view, but his own, they on all occasions are jealous of him; so that even a good governor, with more difficulty, pursues generous purposes and publick benefits, because the people suspect them to be mere pretences to cover a private design. it is for this reason, that any man, opposing a governor, is sure to meet with the favour of the people, almost in every case. on the other hand, the opinion the _french_ had of the count _de frontenac_'s publick spirit, and of his wisdom and diligence, made them enter into all his measures without hesitating, and chearfully obey all his commands. [footnote : this was spoke to the _english_, who were about removing from _albany_.] chap. v. _the_ five nations _continue the war with the_ french; _the_ mohawks _incline to peace_; _their conferences with the_ governor _of_ new-york. the _governor_ of _canada_ received hopes that the _five nations_ inclined to peace, by their returning an answer to _therawaet_'s message, and thought he might now venture to send some _french_ to them with further proposals. the chevalier _d'o_, with an interpreter called _collin_, and some others, went; but they had a much warmer reception than they expected, being forced to run the gauntlet through a long lane of _indians_, as they entered their castle, and were afterwards delivered up prisoners to the _english_. the _five nations_ kept out at this time small parties, that continually harassed the _french_. the count _de frontenac_ sent captain _louvigni_ to _missilimakinak_, to relieve the garison, and he had orders, by all means, to prevent the peace which the _utawawas_ and _quatoghies_ were upon the point of concluding with the _five nations_. he carried with him one hundred forty three _french_, and six _indians_, and was likewise accompanied with a lieutenant and thirty men, till he got one hundred twenty miles from _montreal_. they were met in _cadarackui river_, at a place called the _cats_, by a party of the _five nations_, who fell vigorously on their canoes, killed several of the _french_, and made them give way; but _louvigni_, by putting his men ashore, at last got the better, after a smart engagement, in which the _indians_ had several men killed, and two men, and as many women, taken prisoners. i am obliged to rely on the _french_ account of these skirmishes; they do not mention the number of the _indians_ in this rencounter, but i suspect them to have been much fewer than the _french_; for when the enemy are equal in number, or greater, they seldom forget to tell it. one of the _indian_ prisoners was carried by them to _missilimackinak_, to confirm this victory, and was delivered to the _utawawas_, who eat him. the lieutenant carried the other back with him. he was given to _therawaet_. to revenge this loss, the _five nations_ sent a party against the _island of montreal_, who fell on that part called the _trembling point_; and though they were discovered before they gave their blow, they attacked a party of regular troops, and killed the commanding officer, and twelve of his men: another party carried off fifteen or sixteen prisoners from _riviere puante_, over against _trois rivieres_. this party was pursued, and finding that they were like to be overpowered, murdered their prisoners and made their escape. these incursions kept all the river, from _montreal_ to _quebeck_, in continual alarm, and obliged the governor to send all the soldiers to guard the south side of the river. notwithstanding this, five persons were carried away in sight of _sorel fort_, by a small skulking party, but they were soon afterwards recovered by the soldiers. about the same time another party burnt the plantations at _st. ours_. the _five nations_ had conceived great hopes from the assistance of the _english_, as the magistrates of _albany_ had promised the _mohawks_, when they came to condole, after the surprising of _schenectady_; but the _english_ were so far from performing these promises, that many of the inhabitants retired from _albany_ to _new-york_; and they who had the administration of affairs, were so intent on their party quarrels, that they intirely neglected the _indian_ affairs. indeed the people of _new-york_ have too often made large promises, and have thereby put the _indians_ upon bold enterprizes, when no measures were concerted for supporting them. this made the _indians_ think, that the _english_ were lavish of _indian_ lives and too careful of their own. the _mohawks_, who lived nearest the _english_, were most sensible of these things, and soon entertained notions prejudicial to the opinion they ought to have had of the _english_ prudence and conduct; it is even probable, these _indians_ began to entertain a mean opinion of both the _english_ courage and integrity. it is not strange then, that the _mohawks_ at last gave ear to the assiduous application of their countrymen, the _praying indians_, who, with _french_ arguments, persuaded them to make peace as soon as possible, without trusting longer to the _english_, who had so often disappointed or deceived them. the _mohawks_ sent one of their _sachems_, _odigacege_, to the _praying indians_, who introduced him to the count _de frontenac_. the count made him welcome, and told him, that he was sorry for the injuries his predecessors had done them; but that he would treat them like friends, if their future conduct did not prevent him, and =gave him a belt=, with proposals of peace to his nation. colonel _slaughter_, who was then governor of _new-york_, being informed that the _five nations_ were like to make peace with the _french_, by their having lost much of their confidence in the _english_ assistance, found it necessary to meet them, which he did in the end of _may_ . there were present at that time six _oneydo_, eleven _onondaga_, four _cayuga_, and ten _seneka sachems_. he renewed the covenant with them, and gave them presents. the _mohawks_ having entered into a treaty with the _french_, did not join with the other four nations in their answer. on the second of _june_ the speaker, in name of the other four nations, told him, they were glad to see a governor again in this place; that they had learned from their ancestors, that the first ship which arrived in this country surprized them exceedingly; that they were curious to know what was in its huge belly. they found christians in it, and among them one _jacques_, with whom they made a chain of friendship, which has been preserved to this day. by that chain it was agreed, that whatever injury was done to the one, should be deemed, by both sides, as likewise done to the other. then they mentioned the confusion that had lately been in the government of _new-york_, which had like to have confounded all their affairs, but hoped all would be reduced to their wonted order and quiet. they complained of several of the brethren leaving _albany_ in time of danger, and praised those by name who staid, and then said: our tree of peace, which grows in this place, has of late been much shaken, we must now secure and fasten its roots; we must frequently manure and dress it, that its roots may spread far. they assured the governor, that they were resolved to prosecute the war against the _french_ as long as they lived, and that they would never speak of peace, but with the common consent. they abhor those that do otherwise, and desired that the brethren might not keep a correspondence with _canada_ by letters. you need not (said they) press us to mind the war, we mind it above all things; do you but your parts, lay aside all other thoughts but that of the war, for it is the only thing we have at heart. they =gave bevers= at the end of every distinct part of their answer. on the fourth the _mohawks_ spoke to the governor, in presence of the other four nations: they confessed the negotiations they had with the _praying indians_, and with the governor of _canada_, and that they had received a belt from him. then they restored one of the prisoners taken at _schenectady_, as the fruit of that negotiation. they desired the governor's advice, and the advice of the whole house, what answer to return to the governor of _canada_; and lastly, desired the _senekas_ to release the prisoners they had taken from the _praying indians_. colonel _slaughter_ check'd the _mohawks_ for entering into a separate treaty with the enemy, and said he could admit of no proposals of peace. he told them, that the prisoners taken from the _praying indians_ must not be restored; putting them in mind, that some of them having been formerly released, soon after returned and murdered several people, and burnt several houses. he assured them of his assistance, and then added, you must keep the enemy in perpetual alarm. the _mohawks_ thanked him for his assurance of assistance; but took notice of his saying, _you_ must keep the enemy in perpetual alarm. why don't you say, they replied, we will keep the enemy in perpetual alarm. in the last place, the _mohawks_ renewed their league with all the _english_ colonies; adding, though an angry dog has endeavoured to bite the chain in pieces, we are resolved to keep it firm, both in peace and in war: we now renew the old chain, that so the tree of peace and prosperity may flourish, and spread its roots through all the country. in the last place, the four nations answered the _mohawks_. "_mohawks_, our brethren, in answer to your proposals from the governor of _canada_, we must put you in mind of his deceit and treachery; we need only give one recent instance, how he lately sent to the _senekas_ to treat of peace, and at the same time fell upon _schenectady_, and cut that place off. we tell you, that the belt sent by the _french_ governor is poison; we spew it out of our mouths, we absolutely reject it, and are resolved to prosecute the war as long as we live." then they left the belt lying on the ground. chap. vi. _the_ english _attack_ montreal _by land_, _in conjunction with the_ indians, _and_ quebeck _by sea_. it was now evident that the _indians_ could no longer be amused with words, and that, unless the _english_ entered soon upon action, the _french_ would carry their design of making peace with the _five nations_, and the _english_ be left to carry on the war in _america_ by themselves. certainly a more proper opportunity of doing it with success could not be expected, than at present, while the _french_ in _canada_ had neither recovered their spirits, nor the strength they had lost, by the terrible incursions of the _five nations_. a joint invasion on _canada_ was concerted with _new-england_, they were to attack _quebeck_ by sea, while _new-york_ attacked _montreal_ by land. the governor therefore proposed to the _indians_ to join with him in attacking _canada_, for which purpose he told them, that he designed to send a considerable force this summer. they desired time to consult on it at their general meeting, which was soon to be held at _onondaga_, and to know what number of christians he designed to send, that they might join a suitable number of their men. to this the governor answered, that he must not communicate the particulars of his design to so many, because they could not then be kept secret from the enemy; as he found by the discoveries that were last year made to the _french_ by that means. it was at last agreed, that the _mohawks_ should join with the christians that were to march from _new-york_ directly against _montreal_, and that the other four nations should send a considerable party down _cadarackui lake_, and join them before _montreal_. major _peter schuyler_, the same whom the _indians_ call _quider_, commanded the party sent from _new-york_, which consisted of three hundred men, one half christians, the other _mohawks_ and _scahkook indians_. he set out from _albany_ about midsummer. as he was preparing his canoes to pass _corlear_'s lake, he was discovered by the _french indians_, who immediately returned to _montreal_, to give information of what they had seen. the chevalier _clermont_ was sent out to make further discoveries: he found the _english_ above _chamblie_, and went immediately back with the intelligence he there gained. in the mean while mr. _de callieres_, governor of _montreal_, did all in his power to give major _schuyler_ a proper reception, by drawing the militia and regular troops together for the defence of the place. there happened to be a very considerable number of _utawawas_ trading at that time at _montreal_, mr. _de colliere_, in order to engage them to join him, made a great feast for them, went among them, and, after the _indian_ manner, began the war song, leading up the dance with his axe in his hand, and shouting and hollowing in the same wild manner the _indians_ do. this done, he carried his whole force, which consisted of twelve hundred men, cross the river, and encamped on the south side, at _la prairie de la magdeleine_, together with a great number of _utawawas_, the _praying indians_, and other _french indians_. the famous _therawaet_ being now entirely gained by the caresses of the count _de frontenac_, made one of the number. they encamped round the fort, which stood on a steep rising ground between two meadows. major _schuyler_ having left forty of his men to guard his canoes, which had carried him cross the lake, marched on without stopping. he got into a hollow, which led into the meadow, without being discovered; and marching under that cover, he fell suddenly upon the militia, who were soon put into confusion, and many of them, and of the _utawawas_, who were posted with them, were killed. he pursued them as they fled to the fort, which he attacked briskly, but was obliged to leave it, by the approach of the regular troops who came to relieve it. he received them however bravely, and, after they had lost several officers and many men, they retired. major _schuyler_ finding the number of the enemy much greater than was expected, and being informed that a considerable party of the enemy had marched southward, he began to apprehend, that this party was sent to cut off his retreat, by destroying his canoes. it was resolved therefore immediately to follow this party; he overtook them, and they covering themselves behind some large fallen trees, he attacked them, and made his way through them, but with considerable loss. in this attack the _mohawks_ signalized themselves, but the _scahkook indians_ did not behave themselves well. the _mohawks_, upon no occasion, yielded an inch of ground, till the _english_ first gave way. the _french_, by their own accounts, lost, in the several attacks made by _schuyler_, two captains, six lieutenants, and five ensigns, and, in all, three hundred men, so that their slain were in number more than major _schuyler_ had with him. the _mohawks_ suffered much, having seventeen men killed, and eleven wounded. they returned to _albany_ the eleventh of _august_. after the _english_ under major _schuyler_ had retired, an _owenagunga indian_ came from _new-england_, with an account of the preparations made there against _canada_, and that they had actually sailed. this fleet, which was commanded by _sir william phips_, was discovered in _st. laurence bay_, while the count _de frontenac_ remained at _montreal_; and thereupon he made all possible haste to _quebeck_, and carried three hundred men with him. the fleet, which consisted of thirty sail, did not reach _quebeck_ till the seventh of _october_. sir _william_ spent three days in nothing but consultation, while the _french_ made all possible preparation for a defence, and, by this means, suffered them to get over the fright and consternation, into which the first appearance of the fleet had thrown them; for the place was not in any posture of defence. it gave them time likewise to draw all the country round them into the town. and on the fourth day sir _william_ summoned the _count_ to surrender, who returned him such an answer as his conduct deserved. the _english_ landed four miles below the town, and had thick woods to march through, before they could come at it, in which ambuscades of _french_ and _indians_ were made at proper distances, by whom the _english_ were repulsed with considerable loss. they attempted the wood again the next day with no better success. the _french_, in their account of this action, say, that the men, though they appeared to be as little disciplined as men could be, behaved with great bravery, but that sir _william_'s conduct was such, that, if he had been in concert with them, he could not have done more to ruin the enterprize; yet his fidelity was never suspected. in short, this descent was so ill managed, that the _english_ got on board again in the night, with the loss of all the cannon and baggage which they had landed. the _french_ thought themselves in such great danger at that time, that they attributed their deliverance to the most immediate protection of heaven, in confounding the devices of their enemy, and by depriving them of common sense; and for this reason the people of _quebeck_ make an annual procession, in commemoration of this deliverance. sir _william_ cannonaded the town for some time with little execution, and then returned in hast, winter approaching; indeed that season was already so far advanced, that he lost eight vessels in his return. the _five nations_ continued their incursions all along _st. laurence river_, from _montreal_ to _quebeck_, and carried away many scalps. at one time a _french_ officer, with thirty eight men, surprised some of the _five nations_ in a cabin, which they had built near _lake st. piere_. some of them escaped and informed two other cabins, which the _french_ had not discovered, and they returned with their companions, and killed the captain and lieutenant, and one half of the men. notwithstanding that the _french_ preserved their country, these warlike expeditions, and the necessity they were under of being on their guard, prevented their cultivating the ground, or of reaping the fruit of what they had sowed or planted. this occasioned a famine in _canada_, and, to increase the misery of the poor inhabitants, they were forced to feed the soldiers gratis, while their own children wanted bread. in _october_ the _onondagas_, _cayugas_, and _oneydoes_ came to _albany_, to condole with the _english_, for the men lost in the expedition against _montreal_, as they had already done with the _mohawks_. they said it was ever their custom to condole with their friends when they lost any number of men in battle, though they had the victory. they at the same time, as they had often done before, complained of the dearness of powder: why, say they, do you call us your king's soldiers, when you will not sell us powder at the usual and reasonable rates? and in answer to a complaint, of there not being a sufficient number of _english_ sent against _montreal_, the people of _albany_ upbraided them with a breach of promise, in not sending that party down _cadarackui river_ which they promised, which they said was the chief reason of the want of success in that expedition. chap. vii. _the_ french _and the_ five nations _continue the war all winter with various success_. _the_ french _burn a_ captain _of the_ five nations _alive_. the old _french_ governor kept up his vigour and spirits wonderfully, no fatigue made him ever think of rest. he knew of what use it would be to convince the _five nations_, that the joint attack of the _english_ and _indians_ had neither weakened him, nor frightened him from carrying on the war with as much vigour as before. it was absolutely necessary that the _utawawas_ and other _western indians_, who came to _montreal_ to trade, should return safe to their own country, otherwise there would be an end to the _french_ trade with those nations, upon which the being of _canada_ depends; for it is only by the _fur-trade_ with these nations that they make returns to _europe_; and if these nations did not return in time, all the _western indians_ would look on the _french_ as lost, and consequently would make peace with the _five nations_, and perhaps join in the destruction of _canada_. captain _la forest_, with one hundred and ten men, was sent to conduct the _utawawas_ home; he carried with him considerable presents sent by the king of _france_, to confirm these nations in the _french_ interest. two _indian_ prisoners, taken at _la prairie_, were given to the _utawawas_, and carried with them, to confirm the stories they were to tell of their successes against the _english_ and _five nations_. these poor men were there burnt alive; and if i should add, that it was done by _french_ instigation, what i shall relate by and by will clear me of the want of charity. i believe it was so, in order to rivet the hatred between these people and the _five nations_. the _five nations_ continued their incursions all winter on _canada_. forty of the _mohawks_ fell upon _fort vercheres_, and carried off twenty of the inhabitants; but the alarm reaching _montreal_, mr. _de crizaei_, with one hundred men of the regular troops, was sent in pursuit of them, who recovered most of the prisoners. the count _de frontenac_ being informed, that a considerable party of the _five nations_ hunted bever on the neck of land between _cadarackui lake_ and _lake erie_, with great security, resolved to give them a better opinion of the strength and courage of the _french_. for this purpose he sent three hundred and twelve men to surprise them, under the command of mr. _beaucour_, a young gentleman. the _praying indians_ of _montreal_ were of the party. this expedition being in the winter, they were obliged to undergo cruel fatigues, while they marched on the snow with snow shoes, and carried all their provision on their backs. several of the _french_ had their feet frozen, which obliged fifteen to return, with some old _indians_, that could not bear the fatigue; and it was with much difficulty that _beaucour_ could persuade the rest to continue their march. after a march to a surprizing distance, at that season of the year, they surprised eighty of the _five nations_, who notwithstanding made a brave defence, and did not run before they left most of their men dead on the spot. three women were made prisoners, with whom the _french_ immediately turned back to _montreal_. some stragling parties went towards _albany_, but did no more mischief than killing two or three stragling persons, and alarming the country. the trade to _missilimakinak_ being still intirely stopt, by the parties of the _five nations_ investing _cadarackui river_, by which, and _cadarackui lake_, the passage in canoes is made to the _western indians_, captain _la noue_, with a command of the regular troops, was ordered early in the spring to guard the traders through that passage; but when he reached the _falls de calumette_, he discovered the enemy, and returned faster than he went. _la noue_ had orders a second time to attempt this passage, and went as far as the river _du lievre_ (thirty leagues from _montreal_) without any obstruction; but there discovering several canoes of the _five nations_, he went back as fast as before. the _quatoghies_ and the _bullheads_[ ] having informed the _french_ of another smaller river, which falls into _cadarackui river_, and runs to the northward of it, by which a passage might be made to the lakes, it was resolved to attempt this passage, though it were much farther round, and more dangerous, there being many more rapid falls in that river. three officers, with thirty soldiers, were sent with the traders for this purpose, but a party of the _five nations_ meeting with them in the long fall, before they reached this river, they were all killed or taken, except four that escaped back to _montreal_. a considerable party of the _five nations_, under the command of _blackkettle_, a famous hero, continued a long time on _cadarackui river_, in hopes of meeting with other _french_ parties, in their passage towards _missilimakinak_; but finding that no attempts were made that way, he resolved to make an irruption into the country round _montreal_. the _french_ say he had six hundred men with him; but they usually increase the number of their enemies, in the relation they give of these transactions, either to excuse their fears, or to increase their glory. _blackkettle_ overrun the country (to use the _french_ expression) as a torrent does the low-lands, when it overflows its banks, and there is no withstanding it. the soldiers had orders to stand upon the defensive within their forts. mr. _de vaudreuil_ pursued this party (after they had burnt and ravaged the whole country) at the head of four hundred men; he overtook them and surprised them. the _five nations_ fought desperately, though the same author, at this place, makes them no more than two hundred men. after they had lost twenty men on the spot, they broke through the _french_, and marched off. the _french_ lost four officers and many common soldiers, and they took five men, nine women, and five children prisoners. the _five nations_ in a few days had however some revenge; a captain having had orders to guard the vessels from _montreal_ to _quebeck_, a party of the _five nations_ attacked him in his return, as he passed through the islands in _lake st. pierre_. he himself was killed, and the whole party intirely routed. the _french_ all this summer were obliged to keep upon the defensive within their forts, while the _five nations_, in small parties, ravaged the whole country, so that no man stirred the least distance from a fort, but he was in danger of losing his scalp. the count _de frontenac_ was pierced to the heart, when he found that he could not revenge these terrible incursions of the _five nations_; and his anguish made him guilty of such a piece of monstrous cruelty, in burning a prisoner alive after the _indian_ manner, as though i have frequently mentioned to have been done by the _indians_, yet i forbore giving the particulars of such barbarous acts, suspecting it might be too offensive to christian ears, even in the history of savages. here however i think it useful to give a circumstantial account of this horrid act, to shew on one hand, what courage and resolution, virtue, the love of glory, and the love of one's country can instill into mens minds, even where the knowledge of true religion is wanting; and on the other hand, how far a false policy, under a corrupt religion, can debase even great minds. the count _de frontenac_, i say, condemned two prisoners of the _five nations_ to be burnt publickly alive. the intendant's lady intreated him to moderate the sentence, and the jesuits, it is said, used their endeavours for the same purpose. but the count _de frontenac_ said, there is a necessity of making such an example, to frighten the _five nations_ from approaching the plantations, since the indulgence, that had hitherto been shewn, had incouraged them to advance with the greatest boldness to the very gates of their towns; while they thought they run no other risque, but of being made prisoners, where they live better than at home. he added, that the _five nations_ having burnt so many _french_, justified this method of making reprizals. but with submission to the politeness of the _french_ nation, may i not ask, whether every (or any) horrid action of a barbarous enemy, can justify a civilized nation in doing the like? when the governor could not be moved, the jesuits went to the prison, to instruct the prisoners in the mysteries of our holy religion, _viz_. of the trinity, the incarnation of our saviour, the joys of paradise, and the punishments of hell, to fit their souls for heaven by baptism, while their bodies were condemned to torments. but the _indians_, after they had heard their sentence, refused to hear the jesuits speak, and began to prepare for death in their own country manner, by singing their death song. some charitable person threw a knife into the prison, with which one of them dispatched himself: the other was carried out to the place of execution by the christian _indians_ of _loretto_, to which he walked, seemingly, with as much indifference as ever martyr did to the stake. while they were torturing him, he continued singing, that he was a warrior brave and without fear; that the most cruel death could not shake his courage; that the most cruel torment should not draw an indecent expression from him; that his comrade was a coward, a scandal to the _five nations_, who had killed himself for fear of pain; that he had the comfort to reflect, that he had made many _frenchmen_ suffer as he did now. he fully verified his words, for the most violent torment could not force the least complaint from him, though his executioners tried their utmost skill to do it. they first broiled his feet between two red hot stones; then they put his fingers into red hot pipes, and though he had his arms at liberty, he would not pull his fingers out; they cut his joints, and taking hold of the sinews, twisted them round small bars of iron. all this while he kept singing and recounting his own brave actions against the _french_. at last they flead his scalp from his skull, and poured scalding hot sand upon it; at which time the intendant's lady obtained leave of the governor to have the _coup-de-grace_ given, and i believe she thereby likewise obtained a favour to every reader, in delivering him from a further continuance of this account of _french_ cruelty. notwithstanding this cruelty, which the _french_ governor manifested towards the _five nations_, and thereby his hatred of them, he found peace with them so necessary to _canada_, that he still pursued it by all the means in his power. for this purpose the _praying indians_ (who, as i observed before, are _mohawks_, and have always kept a correspondence with their own nation) were employed to bring it about, and to endeavour a cessation of arms, that the governor might have an opportunity of shewing what kind things he had in his heart towards the _five nations_, but without success. [footnote : the _bullheads_ are said to be cowardly people.] chap. viii. _the_ five nations _treat with captain_ ingoldsby. the governor of _new-york_, colonel _slaughter_'s death, soon after his arrival, was very prejudicial to the affairs of _new-york_; for captain _ingoldsby_, who had no other commission but that of captain of one of the independent companies of foot, took upon himself the government of the province, without any authority; and he having likewise highly offended a great number of the people, by the share he took in the late party quarrels, it was not easy for him to prosecute any vigorous measures. he was reckoned to be much more a soldier than a statesman. captain _ingoldsby_ met the five nations at _albany_, the sixth of _june_ . in his speech, he told them of his vigorous resolutions to prosecute the war, and then blamed them for not sending (according to their promise) a party down _cadarackui river_, to join them that went from _albany_ against _montreal_, and for their carelesness in suffering themselves to be surprised last winter in their hunting. he desired them to keep the enemy in perpetual alarm, by the incursions of their parties into the enemy's country, and to give him timely notice of all their motions. he told them in the next place, that he heard the _french_ were still using their wonted artifice, of amusing them with offers of peace; but the former proceedings of the _french_ sufficiently demonstrates, said he to the brethren, that while peace is in their mouths, war is in their hearts, and the late horrid murder of the brethren, after quarter given, sufficiently shews the perfidy and rancour of their hearts. it is in vain, said he, to think of any cessation of arms, much less of a peace, while the two kings are at war at home. he added, _virginia_ is ready to assist us, and only waits the king's orders, which are daily expected, and then renewed the chain for _virginia_. in the last place he told them, that he heard the _dionondadas_ had sent two prisoners home, with a view thereby to procure peace; and advised them by all means to make peace with that nation. the _five nations_ answered by _cheda_, an _oneydo sachem:_ "_brother_ corlear, the _sachems_ of the _five nations_ have with great attention heard _corlear_ speak; we shall make a short recital, to shew you with what care we have hearkened. after the recital he continued. we heartily thank _corlear_, for his coming to this place to view the strength thereof, for his bringing forces with him, and for his resolution of putting garisons into the frontier places. =giving five bevers and a belt.= brother _corlear_, as to what you blame us for, let us not reproach one another, such words do not favour well among friends. they gave nothing with this article. brother _corlear_, be patient under the loss of your men, as we are of the _mohawks_ our brethren, that were killed at the same time. you take no notice of the great losses we have suffered. we designed to have come to this place to have condoled with you in your loss, but the war took up all our time, and employed all hands. they =gave five bevers, four otters, and one belt=, as a gift of condolence. brother _corlear_, we are all subjects of one great king and queen, we have one head, one heart, one interest, and are all ingaged in the same war. you tell us, that we must expect no peace while the kings are at war on the other side the great water. we thank you for being so plain with us. we assure you we have no thoughts of peace. we are resolved to carry on the war, though we know we only are in danger of being losers. pray do you prosecute the war with the same resolution. you are strong and have many people. you have a great king, who is able to hold out long. we are but a small people, and decline daily, by the men we lose in this war, we do our utmost to destroy the enemy; but how strange does it seem to us! how unaccountable! that while our great king is so inveterate against the _french_, and you are so earnest with us to carry on the war, that powder is now sold dearer to us than ever? we are poor, and not able to buy while we neglect hunting; and we cannot hunt and carry on the war at the same time: we expect, that this evil we so justly complain of be immediately remedied. =giving nine bevers.= brother _corlear_, you desire us to keep the enemy in perpetual alarm, that they may have no rest, till they are in their graves; is it not to secure your own frontiers? why then not one word of your people that are to join us? we assure you we shall continue to carry on the war into the heart of the enemies country. =giving eight bevers.= we the _five nations_, _mohawks_, _oneydoes_, _onondagas_, _cayugas_, and _senekas_, renew the silver chain whereby we are linked fast with our brethren of _assarigoa_ (_virginia_) and we promise to preserve it as long as the sun shall shine in the heavens. =giving ten bevers.= but brother _corlear_, how comes it, that none of our brethren fastened in the same chain with us, offer their helping hand in this general war, in which our great king is engaged against the _french_? pray _corlear_, how come _maryland_, _delaware river_, and _new-england_, to be disengaged from this war? you have always told us, that they are our brethren, subjects of the same great king. has our king sold them? or do they fail in their obedience? or do they draw their arms out of our chain? or has the great king commanded, that the few subjects he has in this place, should make war against the _french_ alone? pray make plain to us this mystery? how can they and we be brethren, and make different families? how can they and we be subjects of the same great king, and not be engaged in the same war? how can they and we have the same heart, the same head, and the same interest, as you tell us, and not have the same thoughts? how comes it, that the enemy burns and destroys the towns in _new-england_, and they make no resistance? how comes our great king to make war, and not to destroy his enemies? when, if he would only command his subjects on this side the great lake to joyn, the destruction of the enemy would not make one summer's work. you need not warn us of the deceit and treachery of the _french_, who would probably insinuate thoughts of peace; but brethren, you need not fear us, we will never hearken to them: tho' at the same time, we must own, that we have not been without thoughts of your being inclined to peace, by reason of the brethren's backwardness in pushing on the war. the _french_ spread reports among us to this purpose, and say, that they had in a manner concluded the matter with you. we rejoice to be now assured of this falshood. we shall never desist fighting the _french_ as long as we shall live. and =gave a belt of wampum=. we now renew the old chain, and here plant the tree of prosperity and peace. may it grow and thrive, and spread its roots even beyond _canada_. =giving a belt.= we make the house clean, where all our affairs of importance are transacted with these five otters. we return you thanks for the powder and lead given us; but what shall we do with them without guns, shall we throw them at the enemy? we doubt they will not hurt them so. before this we always had guns given us. it is no wonder the governor of _canada_ gains upon us, for he supplies his _indians_ with guns as well as powder; he supplies them plentifully with every thing that can hurt us. =giving five otters.= as to the _dionondadas_ setting two of our nation at liberty, we must tell you, that it was not the act of that nation, but the private act of one person: we are desirous to make peace with that nation as soon as we can, upon honourable terms. and =gave a belt=. the _mohawks_, before they left the place, desired a private conference with the governor, and told him, that they were all exceedingly dissatisfied, that the other _english_ colonies gave no assistance, and that it might prove of ill consequence. captain _ingoldsby_ promised to write to them, and hoped it would have a good effect. chap. ix. _the_ french _surprise and take three_ mohawk _castles_. the _praying indians_ promised their endeavours to reconcile their brethren the _mohawks_ to the _french_, on whom the _french_ expected they would have much influence; but their endeavours proving ineffectual, their correspondence began to be suspected. the _french_ thought they did more hurt than good, by the intelligence the enemy by their means received. the _french_ in _canada_ began to lose their spirits, by being obliged to remain so long upon the defensive, as the _five nations_ gained more courage by it. the count _de frontenac_ thought it therefore absolutely necessary to undertake some bold enterprize, to shew the _five nations_, that they had to do with an enemy still able to act offensively: an attack on the _mohawks_ he thought would be most effectual for this purpose, because it would shew, at the same time, that the _english_ would not protect their nearest neighbours. as this was designed to be done by surprize, the winter season was chosen for this purpose, as least to be suspected at such a time; and when the enemy could not, without great hardship, keep scouts abroad, to discover them or the _english_ give any assistance. the body of the _french_ designed for this expedition was put under three captains of the regular troops, and thirty subalterns, and consisted of picked men of the regular troops of the common militia of the country of the _praying indians_, the _quatoghies_ of _loretto_, _adirondacks_, and _sohokies_, who live to the eastward of _boston_, making in all about six or seven hundred men, so that a great part of the force of _canada_ was employed in it. they were well supplied with all sorts of ammunition, provision, snow-shoes, and such conveniencies for carriage, as were practicable upon the snow, and through such great forests as they had to pass. the _french_ at _canada_ have a kind of light sledges made with skins, and are drawn by large dogs on the frozen snow. they set out from _la prairie de magdeleine_ the th of _january_ - , after having endured what might have been thought unsurmountable hardships; they passed by _schenectady_ at some distance from it, on the th of _february_, at which time one that had been taken prisoner, when that place was sacked, made his escape from them, and gave the people of _schenectady_ intelligence of the _french_, who by an express, immediately informed the commandant of _albany_. the millitia was expeditiously raised, and a lieutenant with fifty five horse was immediately dispatched to _schenectady_; but no care was taken to give the _mohawks_ notice, which might have been done without much danger, by sending up the south side of the river, whilst the _french_ marched on the north. the _french_, on the th at night, reached the first _mohawk_ castle, where there were only five men, and some women and children in great security, their other men being all abroad, these were all taken without opposition. the next fort not far from it was in like manner surprized, without any opposition, both of them were very small, and being next the _english_, not fortified. _schenectady_ being the nearest _english_ settlement to the _mohawks_, and but a little way from their nearest castle, many of them are always there. the _mohawks_ then in the town were exceedingly enraged, that none went out to assist their nation; some were sent therefore out the next day, to gain information of the enemy, and to give the _mohawks_ notice; but they returned without doing their duty. the _french_ went on to the next _mohawk_ fort, which was the largest; and coming to that in the night, they heard some noise, and suspected they were discovered: but this noise was only occasioned by a war dance, forty of the _indians_ designing to go next day upon some enterprize. the _french_ approached the castle silently, and finding the _indians_ no way on their guard, opened the gate, and entered before they were discovered; but notwithstanding this, and the confusion the _indians_ must be in, this conquest was not without loss of blood, the _french_ having lost thirty men, before the _indians_ entirely submitted: the _french_ designed to have put them all to the sword, but their own _indians_ would not suffer it, and gave quarter: they took three hundred prisoners, of whom one hundred were fighting men. i have no account of the number of _mohawks_ killed, but no doubt it was very considerable. when the account came to _albany_, how much the _mohawks_, who were at _schenectady_, were enraged, that no assistance was sent to their countrymen; _peter schuyler_ a major of the militia offered himself to go with what force could be got ready for their assistance. he went himself immediately to _schenectady_, and sent out to discover the enemy: his scouts brought him intelligence, first, that the _french_ were in possession of the two smallest forts, afterwards, that they had heard great firing at the largest fort; and at last, that it was taken. having received men, partly regular troops, but most of the militia, he began his march on the th in quest of the enemy; but hearing soon after, that six hundred men of the upper castles were on their march, 'tis probable he did not endeavour to be up with the _french_ so soon as he might; for i find by his journal, that he was nearer them on the fourteenth, than he was two days after. he had not sufficient force to fight them: he sent therefore to the upper _indians_, to hasten their march. on the th he was joined by these _indians_, in all two hundred and ninety men and boys, very ill armed. his body then consisted of two hundred and fifty christians, and two hundred and ninety _indians_, armed fighting men. they had no other provision but some biscuit every man had in his pocket. on the th he was informed by an _indian_, who pretended to be a deserter, that the _french_ had built a fort, where they designed to wait for him, and fight him; whereupon he sent an express to coll. _ingoldesby_, then commandant at _albany_, to hasten more men to join him, with sufficient provision for the whole. he found afterwards, that this _indian_ was sent by the french, on purpose to persuade the _indians_ to give over the pursuit. major _schuyler_ came up to the enemy on the th; when he came near them he did not go on streight towards them, for fear of ambuscades, but marched round. as soon as he came in sight, he was saluted with three loud shouts, which were answered with as much noise. the _indians_ began in their manner to secure themselves, by felling the trees between them, and the enemy sallied out to prevent them, but were soon beat back. the _indians_ fell to work again, and desired the christians to assist them, which was done, but in such confusion, that they themselves were in danger from the falling trees. the _french_ sallied a second time with all their force, crying out, _they run, we'll cut them off, and get their provisions_; but they were warmly received, and beat back into their fort. they sallied a third time, and were beat back with considerable loss, the _indians_ bringing in several heads and scalps. as soon as the skirmishing was over, the major sent back an express, to hasten the men that were to reinforce him, and were to bring provision, some of the men having had no provision for two days. the _major_ then secured himself, under the cover of the fallen trees, and kept out watches to observe the _french_. the th proving a cold stormy day, with snow, he was informed, by a deserter, that the _french_ were upon their march, it not being easy to follow their tracks, or to discover them in such weather. the officers were commanded to pursue and retard their march, till the reinforcement should come up, but the men refused to march without provision. the officers, with about men, and a body of _indians_, followed the enemy till night, when they began to secure themselves, by fortifying their camp. the officers wanting a sufficient number to secure themselves in like manner, or to sight the enemy, returned, leaving about forty christians, and one hundred _indians_, to observe them. on the th the provisions, with about men, arrived, under the command of captain _sims_ of the regular troops. every man, as he was served with provision, marched towards the enemy. the van was commanded by captain _peter matthews_ of the regular troops, who coming up with the enemy's rear, would have attacked them, to retard their march, but the _mohawks_ were averse to fighting. the french dropt on purpose several of their prisoners, who told the _mohawks_, that the _french_ were resolved to put all the prisoners to the sword, if they should be attacked. the enemy passed the north branch of _hudson_'s river upon a cake of ice, which, very opportunely for them, stuck there in one place, while it was open by a late thaw, both above and below. the weather continuing very cold, and the _indians_ averse to fighting, major _schuyler_ gave over the pursuit on the th, having lost only four private men, and as many _indians_, two officers and twelve men christians and _indians_ were wounded. the _french_ lost thirty three men (the bodies of twenty seven were found) of whom four were officers, and twenty-six wounded, as the deserters told him. between forty and fifty prisoners were recovered. i have been told, that captain _matthews_ desired coll. _schuyler_, when he came first up with the _french_, to summon them to surrender; he said, the _french_ are in great distress, and this will give them an opinion of our strength; but coll. _schuyler_ refused, tho' he was brave, he was no soldier; and it is very probable, that the _french_ observing the want of conduct and discipline, were encouraged. it is true, the _english_ were in great want of provisions at that time. the _indians_ eat the bodies of the _french_ that they found. coll. _schuyler_ (as he told me himself) going among the _indians_ at that time, was invited to eat broth with them, which some of them had ready boiled, which he did, till they, putting the ladle into the kettle to take out more, brought out a _french_ man's hand, which put an end to his appetite. the _french_ went home as fast as they could carry their wounded men with them; but coming to a place, where they had hid provisions for their supply in their return, they found it all spoiled. this put them in great distress, so that they were forced to eat their shoes; they sent some of the nimblest men forward to _montreal_, that provision might meet them. as soon as they came near the settlements they dispersed, every man running home to eat, so that they returned to _canada_ like an army routed. the _french_ own they lost eighty men, and had thirty three wounded in this expedition. one may wonder how it is possible for men to march several hundred miles in the wilderness, while the ground is every where covered with snow, two or three feet deep at least; but the foremost march on snow shoes, which beat a firm track for those that follow. at night, when they rest, they dig a hole in the snow, throwing the snow up all round, but highest towards that side from whence the wind blows, so large, as to contain as many men as can lye round a fire: they make the fire in the middle, and cover the frozen ground round it with the small branches of the fir-trees. thus they tell me a man lyes much warmer, than one imagines that never tried it. when the information of the _french_ came to _schenectady_, an express was sent to _new-york_ to coll. _fletcher_ then governor there; the express reached _new-york_, an hundred and fifty miles from _albany_, the th at ten in the night. the governor got the city regiment under arms by eight the next morning. he called out to know who were willing to go with him to the frontiers, they all immediately threw up their hats, and answered one and all. indeed the people of this province have, upon all occasions, shewn their courage and resolution in defence of their country; but the misfortune is, they are under no discipline, and have been seldom led by men that knew their duty. the governor ordered an hundred and fifty voluntiers for this service, and as many more from _long-island_. the river then happened to be open by a sudden thaw, which does not, at that time of the year, happen once in twenty years. he embarked three hundred men in five sloops, by four in the afternoon of the th, and arrived at _albany_ the th at nine in the morning. the same day the governor went to _schenectady_, and ordered the men to follow, but before they could get every thing ready for their march into the woods, they had an account, that major _schuyler_ was upon his return. several gentlemen of _albany_, particularly mr. _lanslear_, a gentleman of the best estate there, went out voluntiers under major _schuyler_, which i ought not to have forgot. coll. _fletcher_ made a speech to the _mohawks_ at _albany_, he blamed their supine negligence, in suffering themselves to be surprised in the manner they were in time of war. he told them that they had reason to be convinced, that the _english_ were their friends heartily, by the number of men he had marched to their assistance in a very little time, upon the first notice. he promised to wipe away their tears in the spring, by considerable presents; and that he would, in the mean while, take care of their subsistence, by providing houses and victuals for them. he told them, he doubted they had some false brethren among them, that gave the _french_ information, and favoured their designs; and in the last place, advised them to convince the _french_, that they had not lost their courage with this misfortune. the _mohawks_, in their answer, called coll. _fletcher_ by the name of _cayenguirago_; and he was called so by the _indians_ always after this. it signifies _a great swift arrow_, as an acknowledgement of the speed he made to their assistance. but they appeared, in their answer, to be quite disheartned; they had not, in the memory of any man, received such a blow. they said their strength was quite broke, by the continuance of the war; but they added, if all the _english_ colonies would join, they could still easily take _canada_: their being so ill armed, was the reason (they said) that the _french_ had now escaped. the _french_, continued they, arm their _indians_ compleatly, and furnish them with every thing necessary for war, as we find every time we meet with them. the _french_ had got a great quantity of furs, and other peltry, at _missilimakinak_, by their trade with the _indians_; but the _five nations_ had so effectually blocked up the passage between that and _canada_, that they had remained there useless to the _french_ for several years. the count _de frontenac_, after his success against the _mohawks_, was in hopes the _five nations_ would keep more at home in defence of their own castles, and with these hopes sent a lieutenant, with eighteen _canadians_, and twenty _praying indians_, to open the passage to _missilimakinak_; but this party fell in with another of the _five nations_, who entirely routed them, so that a few escaped only, to give an account of their misfortune; at last canoes, loaded with furs from _missilimakinak_, arrived at _montreal_, which gave as universal a joy to _canada_, as the arrival of the _galleons_ give in _spain_. chap. x. _the treaties and negotiations the_ five nations _had with the_ english _and_ french, _in the years_ _and_ . as by this time the reader may be tired with the horrid scenes of a barbarous war, it may be some relief to observe the _indian_ genius in the arts of negotiating; and see how a barbarous people, without any of the arts and sciences in which we value our selves, manage their interest with the most learned, most polite, and artificial nation in _europe_. the _five nations_ were informed, that the governor of _canada_ had received from _europe_ a very considerable recruit of soldiers, and of all sorts of ammunition. this, with the great loss the _mohawks_ had lately suffered, while they had been amused by the _english_ with great hopes, and very little real assistance, made the _oneydoes_, at last yield to the solicitations of the jesuit _milet_, to send a message to the _french_ for peace. it is probable he had the art to influence the people at _albany_ to favour his designs, by giving them hopes of being included in the peace, as may be conjectured, from what will appear in the sequel. coll. _fletcher_ being informed, that the _oneydoes_ had sent a messenger to _canada_, sent for the _five nations_ to _albany_. he spoke to them the third of _july_ . he first excused his not meeting them as he had promised, at the time the sap begins to run in the trees, by reason of his having received a commission to be governor of _pensilvania_, to which place he was obliged at that time to go. he put them in mind with what speed he came to their assistance last winter, and how effectual, in all probability, it would have been, had they only retarded the enemy's march till he could have reached them: he advised them to guard against being drunk, and shewed them the ill consequences of it in time of war. then he said, "i have received information, that some of the brethren are wavering, and inclined to peace with the enemy; and am assured, that such thoughts must arise from the instigation of the jesuit _milet_, whom some of the brethren have suffered to live so long among them, and whose only practice is to delude and betray them. let me therefore advise you to remove that ill person from among you." in the end he condoled their dead, and made them a very considerable present of ninety guns, eight hundred and ten pound of powder, eight hundred bars of lead, a thousand flints, eighty seven hatchets, four gross of knives, besides a considerable quantity of cloathing and provisions. this present, he told them, their king and queen had sent them, and renewed the covenant for all the _english_ colonies. the king usually sends them a considerable present with every new governor sent to _new-york_, which is not always applied as it is designed. if this present had been made sooner, it had been of much more use to the _english_, as well as to the _five nations_. the _five nations_ the next day spoke as follows. brother _cayenguirago_, "we are involved in a bloody war, which makes us sit in sorrow and grief; and being about to speak of matters of importance, we, in the first place, clear the mouth and throat of our interpretess, by =giving her these three bever skins=." then they repeated his excellency's speech, in answer to which they said, "brother _cayenguirago_, we rejoice, that the great king and queen of _england_ take such notice of us, as we find, by the large present sent us; we return hearty thanks for the ammunition especially. "we are glad that our brother _cayenguirago_ renews the chain, not only between us and this government, but likewise with _new-england_, _virginia_, _maryland_ and _pensilvania_; it shall be kept inviolable by us the _five nations_, as long as the sun shines. we pray our brother _cayenguirago_ to have a watchful eye, that none of the other colonies keep any correspondence with the enemy, but use their endeavours to destroy them. we heard nothing of what you told us of the priest _milet_, who lives at _oneydo_, till we came to this town. we have enquired the truth of our brethren the _oneydoes_, who confess, that the priest sent an _indian_ to _canada_ with letters, which has surprised us very much. "brother _cayenguirago_, you are our great tree, whose roots extend to the utmost bounds of this government; we desire you may not be disturbed when any of our prisoners misbehave, for they are not countenanced by us; and all proper methods shall be taken, to prevent the like for the future. in like manner we beg you to take care, that none of the prisoners you have correspond with the enemy, as we suspect the chevalier _d'o_. did; and that he was sent with letters to _canada_ by some of our brethren. (he made his escape from _boston_.) "brother _cayenguirago_, in former times our propositions to one another were only discourses of peace and friendship, and in giving presents; but how much is the case altered of late? now we talk of nothing but war, and are continually prompting one another to it. as to our parts, we will keep close to the war to the last drop of our blood; and tho' we be tossed to and fro with storms, we will remain stedfast to the last man, as it was resolved by both in the beginning of the war. "brother _cayenguirago_, we were told in our own country, not only that the king had made you governor of _pensilvania_, but likewise that you were preparing a fleet to take _canada_. o! what joyful news this was to our young men. _sadagarus_, the great _seneka_ captain, was to command them. now they said, we need only make one hearty push, while the fleet is before _quebeck_. now there will be an end to this bloody war, and all our troubles; but alas, now we are come here, we hear not one word of this design. "brother _cayenguirago_, you are that flourishing tree that covers us; you keep the chain bright; we have one request to make to you, that you may stay with us, and not return to _england_; for you know our ways and manners. if you have any thing to tell the king and queen, write it to them, for the king knows you to be a wise man, and will therefore believe you. "brother _cayenguirago_, we are very glad to hear that _pensilvania_ is come under your government, bring their young men here, with their bows and arrows and hatchets in their hands, for this is the place of action. we are pleased that the _showonons_ or _satanas_, who are our enemies, have applied to you for protection; and that you sent them to us to endeavour a peace, and that you sent christians with them, to conduct them back again. we wish they were come to assist us against the common enemy. "brother _cayenguirago_, now we have done, but must tell you again, that we roll and wallow in joy, by reason of the great favour the great king and queen has done us, in sending us arms and ammunition, at a time when we are in the greatest need of them; and because there is such unity among the brethren." they made the governor a considerable present of furs, to shew their respect to his person; but they did not give one belt to confirm any one article; so that the whole of it is, according to their stile, only argumentative. coll. _fletcher_ not being satisfied with their answer, concerning the jesuit _milet_, made this further proposal to them. "as to _milet_ the priest, whom the brethren of _oneydo_ still harbour among them, i must tell you again, that he betrays you, and all your councils; and that you may see i desire not to diminish your number, i am willing to give you a pretty _indian_ boy, in lieu of the old priest; and accordingly the boy was brought and delivered to them." in answer to this the _oneydo sachem_ said, "as soon as the _indian_ messenger returns all his papers shall be taken from him, and be forthwith brought to our brother _cayenguirago_, before the priest shall see any of them: we are willing to take the boy in exchange for the priest, but it is not safe to do it, while our messenger is in the power of the enemy; let the boy stay here till we bring the priest, which shall be as soon as the messenger shall return". but he gave no belt, or other present, to confirm this promise. he added, "brother _cayenguirago_, we now acquaint you that it is proposed by all the _five nations_, to make peace with the _dionondadies_, a nation of _indians_ near in alliance with the _french_ of _canada_. this will both strengthen us and weaken the enemy. the _senekas_, who live nearest them, have undertaken this treaty, and take belts of wampum from the other nations, to confirm the peace. we desire your approbation, that you would send your belt in concurrence, as our eldest brother in our chain." the governor approved of this, and =gave them a belt= to carry in his name. notwithstanding what the speaker of the _five nations_ had promised to the governor, to bring all the papers the _oneydo_ messenger should bring from _canada_, before the jesuit _milet_ should have liberty to see them, it could not be difficult for the jesuit, to persuade them to keep the power of making peace in their own hands, and for that purpose, to call a meeting of the _sachems_ of _onondago_, where all such matters had been formerly transacted among themselves, and there to determine independently, rather than to submit themselves to another nation at _albany_. they only invited the _english_ to assist at the general council. the _english_ used what arguments they could to dissuade this meeting, but rather to observe the promise made to the governor; and it seems used some threatning. the _mohawks_ had so much regard to the _english_, that they refused to assist at the council. the other four, notwithstanding this, met, and resolved on an answer to be sent to the governor of _canada_; but at the same time, to shew their regard to the _mohawks_ and _english_, these resolutions were not to be final, till they should first be communicated to the _english_ and _mohawks_, and their advice received thereon; for which purpose several _sachems_ were sent to _albany_, of whom _decanesora_ was the principal and the speaker. _decanesora_ had for many years the greatest reputation among the _five nations_ for speaking, and was generally employed as their speaker, in their negotiations with both _french_ and _english_: he was grown old when i saw him, and heard him speak; he had a great fluency in speaking, and a graceful elocution, that would have pleased in any part of the world. his person was tall and well made, and his features, to my thinking, resembled much the bustos of _cicero_. i shall give an account of these negotiations from _decanesora_'s mouth, because his narration agrees in the main with the account the _french_ give of them, and carries along with it as strong evidences of truth, as that of the _french_ do: but the chief reason is, that i intend to give the reader as perfect a notion as i can of the _indian_ genius; and here it will appear, what art _decanesora_ had, to make an account of an affair less disagreeable to _english_ ears, which had been undertaken against their advice, and contrary to their interest. _decanesora_ spoke to major _schuyler_ (_quider_) and the magistrates of _albany_, the second of _february_ - as follows. "brother _cayenguirago_[ ], we are come to acquaint you, that our children the _oneydoes_ having of themselves sent a messenger to _canada_, he has brought back with him a belt of peace from the governor of _canada_. "as soon as _tariha_ (the messenger) arrived at _canada_, he was asked, where the six hundred men were that were to attack _canada_, as they had been informed by _cariokese_ a _mohawk_ deserter? he assured them there was no such design. "he was carried to _quebeck_, where he delivered his belt, with the following propositions. _onondio_, if you would have peace go to _albany_, and ask it there, for the _five nations_ will do nothing without _cayenguirago_. the governor of _canada_ was angry at this, and said, he had nothing to do with the governor of _new-york_, he would treat only with the _five nations_; the peace between the christians must be made on the other side the great lake. he added, he was sorry to see the _five nations_ so far degenerated, as to take a sixth nation into their chain, to rule over them. if you had desired me to come and treat in any of your castles, i would have done it; but to tell me i must go to _albany_, is to desire of me what i can by no means do. you have done very ill, to suffer the people of _new-york_ to govern you so far, that you dare do nothing without their consent. i advise you to send two of each nation to me, and let _decanesora_ be one of them. i have orders from the king my master to grant you peace, if you come in your proper persons to ask it. the governor of _canada_ afterwards said, "children of the _five nations_, i have compassion for your little children, therefore come speedily, and speak of peace to me, otherwise i'll stop my ears for the future: by all means let _decanesora_ come; for if the _mohawks_ come alone, i will not hear them, some of all the _five nations_ must come. now _tariha_ return home, and tell the _five nations_, that i will wait for their coming till the trees bud, and the bark can be parted from the trees. i design for _france_ in the spring, and i leave a gentleman to command here, to whom i have given orders to raise soldiers, if you do not come in that time, and then what will become of you? i am truly grieved to see the _five nations_ so debauched and deceived by _cayenguirago_, who is lately come to _new-york_, and by _quider_. formerly the chief men of the _five nations_ used to converse with me; but this governor of _new-york_ has so deluded you, that you hearken to none but him; but take care of what will follow, if you hearken to none but him." then _decanesora_ excused the not sending the letters to _albany_, which came by _tariha_, as they had promised, saying, the other nations trusted this to the _oneydoes_, because the messenger was to return to them, and the _oneydoes_ deceived the others. he likewise excused their not coming to _albany_ as soon as _tariha_ returned, which was in _november_. he said the chief _sachem_ of the _onondagas_, who was entrusted (as their speaker) by the _five nations_ with their general affairs, by the general council of _onondaga_, had a sore leg, and could not travel[ ]. that in such case he (_decanesora_) did all that was in his power, that is, he called a council at _onondaga_, to give directions in this affair; and that he invited _quider_ to this council. he continued, "the four nations that met there resolved to send deputies to _canada_, and that i _decanesora_ was to be one of them; but at the same time ordered me, with some others, to communicate the resolutions of the general council to our brethren at _albany_, and to the _mohawks_, to be farther advised by them. "the resolutions are, to =send three belts= to the governor of _canada_, with the following propositions. * * * * * "i. _onondio_, you have sent for me often, and as often asked, why i am afraid to come? the great kettle of war that you have hung over the fire is the reason of it. then laying down the first belt, i am to ask his consent to the other two belts which i still keep in my hand. "ii. we now not only throw down the kettle, and thereby throw the boiling water out of it, but likewise break it to pieces, that it may never be hanged up again by this second belt. "iii. hearken, _onondio_, you are sent from the _french_ king, your master, as _cayenguirago_ is from the great king and queen of _england_. what i am now about to speak to you, is by inspiration from the great god of heaven. you say that you will have nothing to do with our brethren of _cayenguirago_, but i must tell you, that we are inseparable, we can have no peace with you so long as you are at war with them; we must stand and fall with them; which i am to confirm, by laying down the third belt. * * * * * "when this was concluded the jesuit _milet_, and another _french_ gentleman (who had been taken prisoner, and was taken into the place of the chief _sachem of onondaga_, formerly lost in the war, and thereby became a _sachem_) desired leave to add two belts to the other three. by their being _sachems_ they had a vote in the general council, and a right to propose any thing. they wrote and read to us the purports of their belts, and we have brought their papers with us, to shew to our brethren." to shew the necessity they were under of making peace, speedily he added: "that two women, who were prisoners at _canada_, had made their escape, on purpose to inform them that the _french_ were making great preparations of battoes, and other necessaries for an expedition; one said, she had informed one of the _sachems_ of the _praying indians_ of her design, who sent an _indian_ with her to advise the _five nations_, to prevent the great danger they were threatened with by a speedy conclusion of the peace; and added, that they had sent one of their people back with this _praying indian_, to assure them that deputies would certainly go to _canada_ in the spring to treat of peace." i make no doubt, this was only an article to hasten the _five nations_ to conclude the peace, lest the _english_, if it were delayed, should find means to prevent it. then he shewed the flag which the governor of _canada_ sent them to be carried by their deputies, that the _french_ might know them. upon these resolutions being taken, the _five nations_ recalled six hundred men, that they had placed along _cadarackui river_, to intercept the _french_, as they passed to and from _missilimakinak_. the jesuit's papers being read to them, several things were found in them which he had not read to the general council. to this _decanesora_ answered; "we know that the priest favours his own nation, and deceives us in many things; but it is not in his power to alter our affection to our brethren, we wish you would bury all misunderstandings that you have conceived on his account; and we likewise wish you gave less credit to the rum-carriers than you do." here we see, by this appellation, what a contemptible character the traders have among the _indians_, and yet the government of _new-york_ has almost perpetually trusted the management of the _indian_ affairs to these traders. _decanesora_ ended his conference as follows: "the governor of _canada_'s words, and the resolutions of the four nations are now before you, consult therefore what is to be done, and if it be necessary for the brethren to go to our castles to advise us farther, be not unwilling; and then he laid down a large belt eleven rows deep, and seven fathom of wampum." the next day major _schuyler_ told them that he could consent to no treaty with the _french_; but proposed to them to meet the governor here in seventy days, and that _decanesora_ in particular should return at that time, and gave a belt. they agreed to meet the governor at that time; "but as for myself (says _decanesora_) i cannot promise; i am now the minister of the general council, and cannot dispose of myself, but by their directions; if they order me, i shall willingly return. we did not expect to hear such positive prohibition of keeping any correspondence with the _french_; seventy days must pass before we meet again, if any mischief be done by the enemy in that time, let us not blame one another. consider again what is most for the publick good, and let it be spoken before we part, and laid down a large belt of fourteen deep." major _schuyler_ then asked them again, whether they promised to stop all correspondence with the _french_, either by the jesuit or otherwise, for seventy days, and till they shall have his excellency the governor's answer. _decanesora_ answered to this, "i have no authority to answer this question. i shall lay the belt down in every one of the castles, and tell, that by it all correspondence is desired to stop with the _french_; but i cannot promise that this will be complied with." major _schuyler_ on the sixth called the _indians_ again together: he advised them not to submit to, nor trust such a perfidious nation as the _french_ are, who have upon all occasions proved themselves such. be not discouraged, (says he, =giving a belt=) heaven begins again to favour us. this day the forerunners of the _shawonons_ are come to town, seven nations are on their march following them, one thousand in number, including men, women and children, as you may learn from their own mouths. take courage, and be not afraid, =giving five fathom of wampum=. this seemed a lucky incident, and accordingly it had more influence than all other arguments together. _decanesora_, the next day, called the magistrates together, and told them, you have at last shut up the way to _canada_, but we have one thing to ask, after mature deliberation, which we expect will not be refused us. major _schuyler_ assured them that every thing should be granted, which was either for their safety or honour. we desire then, said he, that you send a messenger along with ours to the _praying indians_ at _canada_, to tell them that the priest is false; that we are to meet _cayenguirago_ in the spring, and therefore cannot go to _canada_ at that time; and that a further cessation of arms be agreed to, till such time as we can go. we desire at least, that if you will not send a messenger, that you put the message in writing, as a token of your assent to it. this last was agreed to, and the message was put in writing in the following words, and translated into _french_. * * * * * the =dispatch of three belts=, which two messengers of the _five nations_ carry to the _caraguists_ and catholick _indians_, according to what was resolved by the _agayandres_ or _sachems_ of the _five nations_, at _albany_, _february_ the ninth . _first belt_. the _agayandres_ of the _five nations_ cannot go to _canada_ in the spring, as they gave reason to expect by the last message from _onondaga_, because _cayenguirago_ has called all the _five nations_, and other _indians_, to meet him at _albany_, in the month of _april_ next, to which the _five nations_ have agreed. _second belt_. if the _caraguists_, or _french_, have any thing to propose to the _five nations_, they may safely come into our country. this belt opens the path, and secures it to them both coming and going. _third belt_. the _five nations_, and their friends, lay down the hatchet till they shall have an answer, which they expect in forty days. provided nevertheless, that the _caraguists_ and _french_ tye their hatchets down at the same time. * * * * * these belts were accordingly presented to the _praying indians_ of _cahnuaga_, who refused to receive them but in the presence of mr. _de callieres_, governor of _montreal_. mr. _de callieres_ acquainted the count _de frontenac_ with the contents. after which the _praying indians_, in presence of mr. _de callieres_, gave the following answer. "we will have no correspondence with the _five nations_, but by order of the governor of _canada_ our father, and unless _decanesora_, and the other deputies, come before the feast of st. _john_, the way will be shut up for ever after, and our father's ears will be stopt. we however assure you, that if the deputies come in that time the path shall be safe both coming and going." whether the accounts given of the coming of the _shawonons_ was only an amusement, or whether they were diverted on their march, i know not, for i find no farther account of them in the register of the _indian_ affairs: however it was, the impression made on the _indians_ by that news, was not sufficient to withstand the force of the resolute answer their messenger received from the _praying indians_. _decanesora_ and the other deputies went early in the spring to _canada_; the other _sachems_ met colonel _fletcher_ at _albany_, the fourth of _may_ . the _indians_ spoke first by _sadakanahtie_, an _onondaga sachem_, as follows: "_brother_ cayenguirago, "some of our _sachems_ agreed last winter that we should keep no correspondence with the _french_; we confess that we have broke that promise, and that we have received a messenger from _canada_, and have sent our deputies likewise thither. the belt is not yet arrived, by which we are to acknowledge our fault in doing this. the reason of our doing it is truly this, we are afraid of the enemy. "when a messenger came last year from _canada_ to _onondaga_, our brother _cayenguirago_ discharged our meeting in general council at _onondaga_, to consult on that message, and ordered us to hold our general council here at _albany_ on that affair. the privilege of meeting in general council, when we please, is a privilege we always have enjoyed; no former governor, of the name of _corlear_, ever obstructed this privilege. we planted a tree of peace in this place with them, its roots and branches extend as far as _virginia_ and _new-england_, and we have reposed with pleasure under its shade. brother, let us keep to that first tree, and let us be united and unanimous; such prohibition of our assemblies will be of ill consequence, and occasion differences between us. "we acknowledge, i say, our sending agents to _canada_ for peace, we were incouraged in doing this, by the knowledge we have of the governor of _canada_. he is an old man, and was formerly governor of that place. he was always esteemed a wise peaceable man, and therefore we trust our message will have a good issue. we did not take it amiss that you sent to the _dewagunhas_, nor that _arnout_ was sent to the _satanas_, both of them our enemies; and, for the same reason, our brother _cayenguirago_ ought not to be displeased with our sending to the _french_ for peace. "we, _onondagas_, acknowledge ourselves to have been the chief promoters of this message, we have sent in all nine _sachems_ with nine belts. it is true we are now under much uneasiness in having trusted so many _sachems_ in the _french_ hands, being almost half the number we have in our nation, but we were in haste to prevent the designs the _french_ had against our countries and yours, by the great warlike preparations they were making in _canada_." then he told all the orders and directions which their ambassadors had received; which agreeing with the account which _decanesora_ gave of his negotiation, i shall here pass over. he finished all by =giving a belt=. colonel _fletcher_ told them, he would give no answer to what they had said, before they discovered to him what reason they had to say, that he had forbid their holding any assembly at _onondaga_, and that he had made peace with the _dewagunhas_ and _satanas_, without their consent and concurrence. to this the speaker the next day answered; "i was sick, and absent when the affairs you mention were transacted, and i was at a loss how to excuse our sending to the _french_ contrary to your advice; but several _sachems_ being arrived since i spoke, i have been better informed by them, who were present at those transactions. we find it, in every circumstance, as our brother _cayenguirago_ says; that you did not obstruct our keeping general councils at _onondaga_, but only cautioned us in hearkening to the fallacies of the _french_, and in holding meetings on that occasion. we assure you we will never separate from you, we still have one head, one blood, one soul, and one heart with you; and as a confirmation of this i =give this belt seven deep=. "as to the _dewagunhas_ and _shawonons_, we are confident _cayenguirago_ will not admit them into his government, till they have made peace with us, which we shall willingly grant. when our enemies are humbled, and beg peace, why should they not have it? let them come and live with us, it will strengthen our country. "brother _cayenguirago_, when the christians first arrived in this country, we received them kindly. when they were but a small people, we entered into a league with them, to guard them from all enemies whatsoever. we were so fond of their society, that we tied the great canoe which brought them, not with a rope made of bark to a tree, but with a strong iron chain fastened to a great mountain. now before the christians arrived, the general council of the _five nations_ was held at _onondaga_, where there has, from the beginning, a continual fire been kept burning; it is made of two great logs, whose fire never extinguishes. as soon as the hatchet-makers (their general name for christians) arrived, this general council at _onondaga_ planted this tree at _albany_, whose roots and branches have since spread as far as _new-england_, _connecticut, pensilvania, maryland_ and _virginia_; and under the shade of this tree all these _english_ colonies have frequently been sheltered. then (=giving seven fathom of wampum=) he renewed the chain, and promised, as they likewise expected, mutual assistance, in case of any attack from any enemy. "the only reason, to be plain with you, continued he, of our sending to make peace with the _french_, is the low condition to which we are reduced, while none of our neighbours send us the least assistance, so that the whole burthen of the war lyes on us alone. our brethren of _new-england, connecticut_, _pensilvania, maryland_ and _virginia_, of their own accord thrust their arms into our chain; but since the war began we have received no assistance from them. we alone cannot continue the war against the _french_, by reason of the recruits they daily receive from the other side the great lake. "brother _cayenguirago_, speak from your heart, are you resolved to prosecute the war vigorously against the _french_, and are your neighbours of _virginia, maryland, pensilvania, connecticut_ and _new-england_, resolved to assist us? if it be so, we assure you, notwithstanding any treaty hitherto entered into, we will prosecute the war as hotly as ever. but if our neighbours will not assist, we must make peace, and we submit it to your consideration, by =giving this great belt fifteen deep=. "brother _cayenguirago_, i have truly told you the reasons which have induced us to offer peace to the _french_; we shall likewise, from the bottom of our hearts, inform you of the design we have in this treaty. when the governor of _canada_ shall have accepted the nine belts, of which i have just now told you, then we shall have something more to say by two large belts, which lye still hid in our bosom. we shall lay down first one and say, we have a brother _cayenguirago_, with whose people we have been united in one chain from the beginning, they must be included in this treaty; we cannot see them involved in bloody war, while we sit in easy peace. if the governor of _canada_ answer, that he has made a separate peace with us, and that he cannot make any peace with _cayenguirago_, because the war is from over the great lake; then we shall lay down the second great broad belt, and tell the governor of _canada_, if you will not include _cayenguirago_'s people, the treaty will become thereby void, as if it had never been made; and if he persists, we will absolutely leave him." while the _sachems_ were at _albany_, _decanesora_ and the other ambassadors arrived at the castle of the _praying indians_, near the falls above _montreal_. they were conducted from thence, by the superior of the jesuits, to _quebeck_. they had their audience of the governor of _canada_ with great solemnity, in the presence of all the ecclesiasticks and officers of distinction, and of the most considerable _indians_ then in the place. they were every day, while they staid in the place, entertained at the governor's table, or at the tables of the most considerable officers. _decanesora_ on his side made a good appearance, being cloathed in scarlet trim'd with gold, and with a laced bever hat on his head, which had been given him by colonel _fletcher_ before he went. the jesuit _milet_ had by letter informed the governor of every thing in their commission, and though he was thereby enabled to have answered them immediately, he consulted three days, after the ambassadors had delivered what they had to say, before he would return an answer, that it might appear with more solemnity. the _indians_ never return a sudden answer on any occasion of importance, however resolved they be beforehand, and despise those that do, though their answer be never so much to the purpose. i choose to give an account of this from _decanesora_'s mouth, as i did of the former, and for the same reason. the account given of it by the _indians_ agrees, in all the material points, with that published by the _french_, and i am confident it is not less genuine. colonel _fletcher_ being sensible of what consequence this treaty between the _french_ and _five nations_ might be of to all the _english_ colonies, gave them notice of it, and informed them of the reasons which had induced the _indians_ to enter into it. he told them, there was no possibility of preventing it, but by the _indians_ being assured of more effectual assistance, than they had hitherto received, and advised them to send commissioners for that purpose to _albany_ in _august_, at which time he intended to meet the _five nations_ there, after the return of their messengers from _canada_. accordingly, _andrew hamilton_, esq; governor of _new-jersey_, colonel _john pinchon_, _samuel sands_, esq; and major _pen townsend_, commissioners from _massachuset's bay_, and colonel _john hauley_ and captain _stanley_, commissioners from _connecticut_, waited on colonel _fletcher_ at _albany_, who carried with him likewise a part of the council of _new-york_. these gentlemen having met the _indians_ at _albany_ the fifteenth of _august_, _decanesora_ rose up first, and desired leave to sing a song or two of peace, before they began on business. then _rode_, a _mohawk sachem_, rose up, and addressing himself to the other _sachems_, said, we have great reason to rejoice, seeing so many of those, who are in our chain, are now met, to consult together on the general weal; after which they sang two or three songs. _sadakanahtie_ being chosen speaker for that day, rose up, spoke much to the same purpose as he had done to colonel _fletcher_ in _may_ last; giving a metaphorical account of their league with the _english_, how it began, and by what steps it had been inlarged and strengthened; how the other colonies had thrust their arms into this chain, but had given little or no assistance against the common enemy. "our brother _cayenguirago_'s arms (says he) and ours are stiff, and tired with holding fast the chain, whilst our neighbours sit still and smoak at their ease. the fat is melted from our flesh, and fallen on our neighbours, who grow fat while we grow lean: they flourish while we decay. "this chain made us the envy of the _french_, and if all had held it as fast as _cayenguirago_, it would have been a terror also. if we would all heartily join and take the hatchet in our hand, our common enemy would soon be destroyed, and we should for ever after live in peace and ease. do you but your parts, and thunder itself cannot break our chain." then he mentioned some jealousies they had entertained of _new-england_, by their suffering the chevalier _d'o_ to escape to _canada_, which they suspected had been concerted between him and the people of _new-england_, in order to treat of peace. "our agents, said he, saw the chevalier _d'o_ at _canada_, who told them that he had been set at liberty by the _english_, and that it was in vain that the _five nations_ warred against the _french_, while the _english_ favoured them." on this occasion he shewed them a fish painted on paper, which the commissioners of _new-england_ had given them, when they first entered into the chain, as a seal to the league. he finished by telling them, that they would next day give all the particulars of their negotiation in _canada_. the next day _decanesora_ proceeded to the account of his negotiation, as follows: "the governor of _canada_ having often sent to us to come to _canada_ to treat with him, we went thither, and told him that we were come to treat of peace. we made the following proposals. "father, if we do not conclude a peace now, it will be your fault; for we have already taken the hatchet out of the hands of the _river indians_ (_hudson_'s river) whom we incited to the war. but we must tell you, that you are an ill man, you are inconstant and not to be trusted; we have had war together a long time, and though you occasioned the war, we never hated the house of _oghessa_, (a gentleman living at _montreal_) let him undertake the toilsome journey to _onondaga_; for if he will he shall be welcome. "father, we are now speaking of peace, and therefore i must speak a word to the _praying indians_, and first to those of _cahnuaga_ (chiefly _mohawks_) you know our customs and manners, therefore make _onondio_ acquainted therewith, and be assisting in the prosecuting of this good work. then to the other castle, called _canassadaga_, (chiefly _onondagas_) you are worse than the _french_ themselves, you deserted from us, and side with our enemies to destroy us; make some amends now, by forwarding peace. "you have almost eat us up, our best men are killed in this bloody war; but we now forget what is past. before this we once threw the hatchet into the river of _kaihohage_[ ], but you fished it up, and treacherously surprised our people at _cadarackui_. after this you sent to us to have our prisoners restored; then the hatchet was thrown up to the sky, but you kept a string fastened to the helve, and pulled it down, and fell upon our people again. this we revenged to some purpose, by the destruction of your people and houses in the island of _montreal_. "now we are come to cover the blood from our sight, which has been shed by both sides during this long war. "_onondio_, we have been at war a long time, we now give you a medicine to drive away all ill thoughts from your heart, to purge it and make it clean, and restore it to its former state. "_onondio_, we will not permit any settlement at _cadarackui_; you have had your fire there thrice extinguished; we will not consent to your rebuilding that fort, but the passage through the river shall be free and clear. we make the sun clean, and drive away all clouds and darkness, that we may see the light without interruption. "_onondio_, we have taken many prisoners from one another, during the war. the prisoners we took have been delivered, according to our custom, to the families that have lost any in the war. they no longer belong to the publick, they may give them back if they please, your people may do the same. we have brought back two prisoners, and restore them to you. "after i had finished what i had to say, continued he, the governor of _canada_ told me, that he would not make peace with _cayenguirago_. to this i answered, these words displease me much, you shall keep peace with him. _onondio_ said again, i must fight with _cayenguirago_, it is not in my power to make peace; this can only be done by my master, who lives over the great water. to this i replied, i cannot bear this discourse; if you should fight him now, and not stay till i get home, all the country will look on me as a traytor; i can treat with you no longer. the argument on this subject lasted three days, at last the governor of _canada_ assured me, that he would not undertake any enterprize against _cayenguirago_ this summer, but would wait to hear what he wou'd say. "the governor of _canada_ insisted three days to have hostages left, which i refused, but two agreeing of their own accord to stay, they were left, _viz_. one an _onondago_, another a _seneka_. "then the governor of _canada_ made the following publick answer: "i. i accept of peace as you offer. "ii. son, bring all the prisoners back that you have taken from me, and yours shall have liberty to return home, if they please. "iii. children, erect my fire again at _cadarackui_, and plant there the tree of peace. "after this the governor of _canada_ delivered me a belt, which i now lay down before you; by it he said, desire _cayenguirago_ to send a wise man to me, and he shall have protection according to the custom of christians; and added, "children of the _five nations_, if _cayenguirago_ shall employ you to do any service for him, do not accept of it, let him send his own people." _decanesora_ added, that the governor of _canada_ had fixed eighty days for a return to this belt. he continued and said, "the _sachems_ of the _dionondadies_ were present; after i had finished my speech, they said; may what you have now said be from your hearts; we suspect you are not sincere; let us no longer feel the smart of the hatchet, and gave this belt which i now lay down. "the _praying indians_ next said, brethren, our father _onondio_ has told you to bring home all the prisoners, do not fail in this; =giving two belts=. "brother _cayenguirago_, you will find what i have now said confirmed by this paper, which the governor of _canada_ gave me. i brought letters likewise for the jesuit _milet_, who was to read the paper to us." the paper contained the articles in _french_, in which the governor of _canada_ was willing to make peace. but besides what _decanesora_ here tells, the _french_ accounts say, that he brought two belts underground (that is privately) from three _onondaga sachems_, to assure the governor of _canada_ of their particular affection, which the governor of _canada_ answered, by a private belt to them. as soon as _decanesora_ had done speaking, colonel _fletcher_ rejected the belt sent by the governor of _canada_, saying; if the governor of _canada_ have any thing to say to me, let him send some of his people to _albany_, and they shall have protection. next day _sadekanahtie_, after he had sung a long song, gave the following account of their negotiations with the _dewagunhas_ and _dionondadies_, which they had undertaken by the governor's advice. "we were afraid, says he, to send messengers of our own people, and therefore we employed two prisoners we had of the _dionondadies_ with the governor's belt. some time after this, some of the _senekas_ hunting near the _dionondadies_, two of them were taken; but when they were carried to the _dionondadie_ castle, they were not treated like prisoners; they were used kindly, and sent back with the following offers of peace. "we are glad to see you face to face to speak to you, since the sun has been so propitious to send home the men that were prisoners with you, giving a few strings of wampum. "we are glad of this opportunity to tell you, that we have been both drunk in making war on one another; we now give you a cordial to ease your hearts, that there be no longer war between us, by =this belt=. "we are glad that you have set the doors open as far as _cayenguirago_'s house, that we may freely go thither. carry him =this second belt=. "brethren, we thank you for having prepared a place for us at your general council of _onondaga_. our country is every where free to you to treat with us, by =this third belt=. "brethren, our whole country rejoiced when you invited us into your country, and from thence to go where _cayenguirago_ dwells; be not afraid to come to our country, you shall meet with no molestation. "brethren, we thank you for putting us in mind of what was formerly agreed to, _viz_. that when any ill accident happens, we were to meet together to compose matters, and not to revenge it with war. we are now together to put an end to all misunderstanding, by =this fourth belt=. "brethren, (we include all the nations from the _senekas_ country to _new-york_ in this name) hearken to us. we rend the clouds asunder, and drive away all darkness from the heavens, that the sun of peace may shine with brightness over us all; =giving a sun= of a round red polished stone. "brethren, we put the hatchet into the hands of the _chightaghies_, _twithtwies_, and _odsirachies_, to war against you; but we shall in three days go to these nations and take the hatchet out of their hands; =giving half a stone pipe=. "you _senekas_ are stupid creatures, we must therefore warn you not to hunt so far from your castles, lest you be hurt by any of these three nations, and then blame us. they then =gave the other half of the pipe=. "but brother _cayenguirago_, says _sadakahnitie_, do not suffer these nations to come nearer than the _senekas_ country, lest they discover our weakness, and to what a low condition the war has reduced us. these nations have been so long in friendship with the _french_, and are so much under their influence, that we cannot trust them yet, or be too much upon our guard against them." colonel _fletcher_ not being able to give the _five nations_ any assurance of a vigorous assistance, he called the principal _sachems_ to a private conference on the twentieth. he asked them, whether they had made peace with the governor of _canada_; they answered, that it only wanted his approbation, and added, that they could no longer carry on the war without assistance. you have the whole negotiations before you, say they, and we submit it to your prudence. he then allowed them to make peace, provided they kept faithful in their chain with the _english_; but told them, that as to his part he could make no peace with the governor of _canada_. they were under great uneasiness to leave their friends in the war, they said, and wished, since neither the governor of _canada_ nor he would receive proposals by their hands, that they might think of some neutral place to treat. the governor answered, that he could neither receive nor send any message on that head; and that peace could be only made between them by the two kings. the governor next asked them, whether they would permit the _french_ to build again at _cadarackui_; they answered, they would never permit it, and were resolved to insist on it, in all the ensuing treaties, that he never shall. then the governor added, if you permit the french to build any where on that lake, there will be an end to your liberty, your posterity will become slaves to the _french_. if ever you should permit them, i will look on it as an absolute breach of the chain with us: if the _french_ attempt it give me notice, and i will march the whole force of my government to your assistance. we shall find afterwards, however, that the government of _new-york_ was far from making good this promise. the governor told them, that they had lost much of their honour in creeping to the _french_, in such an abject manner; for, says he, the governor of _canada_'s paper, which you brought with you, says, that you came in the most humble and penitent manner, and begged peace. to which they answered, the governor of _canada_ has no reason to make such reflexions, we have many of his belts to shew, by which he again and again sued to us for peace, before we would hearken to him. but, replies the governor, how came you to call him father? for no other reason, they replied, but because he calls us children. these names signify nothing. they desired the governor not to say any thing particularly of _cadarackui_, in his publick speech that he was to make next day, for they had, they said, some among them that would tell all to the governor of _canada_; and concluded, with wishing that they had some one, who could write and read all that the governor had said to them, that they might not forget any part of it, when they come to consult and resolve on this weighty affair, at their general council at _onondaga_. here we see these barbarians, these savages, as we call them, acting with the greatest regard to the treaties they had entered into with their allies, and that at a time when the exigences of their own affairs, and when the faint feeble assistance, which their allies had contributed in the common cause, would, among christian potentates, have been thought a sufficient excuse for their taking care of themselves separately, in breach of the most solemn confederacy they could enter into. the _sachems_ of the _five nations_ being met at _onondaga_, to consult on the terms offered by the _french_, they were divided in their opinions; the _cayugas_, and part of the _senekas_, were most favourable to the _french_ proposals; but the major part was absolutely against allowing the _french_ to rebuild a fort at _cadarackui_, nor would they consent to include all the _french_ allies in the treaty, with some of which they had particular causes of animosity. the party that was most for peace obtained leave to go to _canada_, to try whether they could obtain terms less disagreeable. they accordingly went thither, within the time prefixed by the governor of _canada_, for an answer; and to make themselves more acceptable to the _french_, they carried thirteen prisoners with them, and delivered them up. the jesuit _milet_ was of this number, who had been taken in the year , and one _jonscaire_, who had been long a prisoner among the _senekas_: he had been delivered up to a family of the _senekas_, that had lost some considerable relation, and was by them adopted. he ingratiated himself so much with that nation, that he was advanced to the rank of a _sachem_, and preserved their esteem to the day of his death; whereby he became, after the general peace, very useful to the _french_ in all negotiations with the _five nations_, and to this day they shew their regard to his family and children. when the governor of _canada_ came to particulars with these deputies, he could obtain nothing but ambiguous or dubious answers, as to the rebuilding of _cadarackui fort_, and the including of all the _french_ allies in the peace. whereupon he dismissed them with presents, and made them many fair promises, in case of their compliance; but threatened them with utter destruction, in case of their refusing the terms he had offered. many of the _french indian_ allies were present, when the governor of _canada_ refused any agreement without his allies being included in it, and this attached them exceedingly to the _french_ interest. this regard, which the _french_ generally shew for the interest of their allies, is a piece of policy which, upon all occasions, proves useful to them; whereas, the neglect of this piece of natural justice has as often been prejudicial to others, who have not had so tender a sense of it. but it is not so easy for a weak state to keep up its honour in such cases, as it is for a powerful prince. [footnote : when the affair of which they speak concerns the government of _new-york_, the _indians_ always address themselves to the governor, whether he be present or not.] [footnote : this, in the _indian_ idiom, signifies a trifling excuse of an unwilling person.] [footnote : the _french_ call it _la famine_, near oswego. the treaty with mr. _de la bar_ was made there.] chap. xi. _the war renewed_. _the_ french _repossess themselves of_ cadarackui _fort_, _and find means to break off the treaty between the_ five nations _and_ dionondadies. the _five nations_ refusing to come to the governor of _canada_'s terms, he resolved to force them; and as he suspected that they continued obstinate, by the advice of the _english_, and the confidence they had of the _english_ assistance, he thought he would most effectually lessen that confidence, by attacking and destroying the remainder of the _mohawks_, who liv'd adjoining to the _english_ settlements. for this purpose he resolved to march, in the winter, the whole force of _canada_ against that nation; but one of the prisoners learning their design, made his escape, and informed the _mohawks_ of it. this made him alter his measures, knowing well enough, that if the _english_ were prepared to receive them, such an enterprize would only lead those engaged in it to certain destruction. he then sent three hundred men into the neck of land between _lake erie_ and _cadarackui lake_, the usual hunting place of the _five nations_, in hopes of surprising them while they hunted carelessly there, and at the same time to view the old _french_ fort there, to observe in what condition it remained. this party met with three or four men, who defended themselves obstinately, till they all fell dead on the spot. they surprised likewise a cabin, where they took some men and women prisoners; and four of them were publickly burnt alive at _montreal_. so far the count _de frontenac_ thought it more proper to imitate the _indians_ in their most savage cruelties, than to instruct them, by his example, in the compassion of the christian doctrine. a party of one hundred and fifty of the _five nations_ fell upon the _dewagunhas_, in their way to _canada_, and entirely routed them. ten prisoners were taken, nine of which were burnt alive, in revenge of the same fate the four men of the _five nations_ had received at _montreal_. this year also some sculking _french indians_ murdered some people near _albany_ and _schenectady_. the party sent to view _cadarackui fort_ found it in a better condition than they expected, the _indians_ having neglected to demolish and level the bastions, and probably they had not instruments sufficient to do it. the count _de frontenac_ therefore, in the summer of the year , sent a considerable body of men, both _french_ and _indians_, thither, to repair the fortifications, and to cover those that should be at work. the _five nations_, in _august_, sent messengers to _albany_, to acquaint the _english_ that the _french_ had taken possession of _cadarackui_, and were repairing of it. they demanded, in consequence of the promise colonel _fletcher_ had given them, the assistance of five hundred men and some cannon, which they promised they would draw over land, where they could not be carried by water. at the same time they desired, that the people of _new-england_ might be told, that many of the _owenagungas_ were gone with the _french_ to _cadarackui_, and that this was a proper time to fall upon those that remained, and to destroy them, and the women and children. coll. _fletcher_ came to _albany_ in _september_; there, in a speech to the _five nations_, he blamed them for being asleep, when they suffered the _french_ to take possession of _cadarackui_; it would have been much easier, he said, to have prevented their getting the possession, than to drive them out, now they are in it, especially as now you yourselves are convinced, that it is impossible to carry cannon thither from this place. all, says he, i can now do, is to advise you to invest the place with your parties, so as to prevent their receiving any supply of provisions: by this means you may force them to desert it. then he gave them pound of powder, two thousand pound of lead, fusees, one hundred hatchets, three hundred and forty eight knives, and two thousand flints, besides cloathing, &c. but in my opinion, the government of _new-york_ have, on all occasions, been exceedingly to be blamed, in not having some men of experience among the _five nations_ to advise and direct them on all emergencies of importance. the _french_ are very careful of this, and the _officers_ of the regular troops are obliged to take their tours among their _indians_, while the captains of the independent companies of fusiliers at _new-york_ live like military monks, in idleness and luxury. the _french_ gained a great advantage, by possessing this place, as it is of great security to their traders, in their passing between _montreal_ and _missilimakinak_. it served likewise as a place of stores, and retreat in all their enterprizes against the _five nations_, that place being nearly about half way between _montreal_ and the country of the _five nations_. it likewise exposed the _five nations_ in their hunting, to the incursions of that garison, by its being in the neighbourhood of their principal hunting place for bever. the _french_ grew exceedingly uneasy, when they found, that the _dionondadies_, who live near _missilimakinak_, had almost concluded a peace with the _five nations_, and that the rest of their allies were like to follow their example: some of these nations had been at _montreal_, and at their return forwarded the peace, that thereby they might be at liberty to go to _albany_; for they informed their neighbours, that the _five nations_ had intirely shut up the path to _montreal_; and besides that, the _french_ were not in a condition to supply them, for they had nothing for themselves, not so much as a drop of strong spirits. if these nations had, at that time, deserted the _french_, it might probably have put an end to the _french_ colony; for as the lands of _canada_ barely produce sufficient for the subsistence of its inhabitants, the only means they have of purchasing cloathing and other necessaries is by their trade with the _indians_. the _french_ likewise had been in danger of greater mischief by the peace, for these nations being at war with the _five nations_, and lying on the back of them, obliged the _five nations_ to keep always a very considerable part of their force at home, to defend themselves against these nations, and to revenge the injuries they received from them; but if the peace had been concluded with these nations, the _five nations_ could have turned their whole force against _canada_, and probably might have persuaded these nations to have joined with them in warring on the _french_. the _french_ commandant at _missilimakinak_ had his hands full at this time; and if he had not been a man of great abilities, he must have sunk under the difficulties he had to go through; in the first place, to contradict the stories brought from _montreal_, he ordered the stores of his fort to be sold to the _indians_ at the cheapest rate, and assured them, that great quantities were every day expected from _france_, which were only detained by contrary winds; and after these goods shall arrive, said he, they will be sold cheaper than ever they have been. he told them likewise, that the count _de frontenac_ would never make peace with the _five nations_, but was resolved to extirpate them; for which purpose he was now rebuilding _cadarackui fort_. at the same time he took all possible methods to extinguish the beginnings of friendship, which appeared between the _five nations_ and _dionondadies_. the _dionondadies_ durst not avow their treating with the _five nations_ to the _french_, neither durst the _five nations_ trust their agents in a place where they knew the _french_ had so great influence; both sides therefore agreed to carry on their treaty by means of prisoners which they took from one another. the civility with which the _dionondadies_ treated these prisoners, their dismissing them, and their receiving again prisoners which had been taken by the _five nations_, gave the commandant sufficient ground to suspect what was doing. the _dionondadies_ at last took seven men of the _five nations_ prisoners, and carried them to _missilimakinak_. the _french_ perceiving, by their manner of bringing them in, that the _dionondadies_ intended to treat them with the civility they had lately used to others, murdered two of them with their knives as they stept ashore. on this the _dionondadies_ immediately took to their arms, saved the other five, and carried them safe to their castle; and continuing in arms, threatened revenge for the insult they had received. the _french_ were forced in like manner to stand to their arms, and as there are always many different nations at _missilimakinak_ trading, some of which were inveterate enemies of the _five nations_, they joined with the _french_. the _utawawas_ stood neuter. this gave the commandant means of ending the dispute by composition. he in the first place assured them, that the christians abhorred all manner of cruelty, and then told them, that as the _french_ shared with the _dionondadies_ in all the dangers and losses sustained by the war, they ought in like manner to partake with them in any advantage. the _dionondadies_ on this were persuaded to deliver up one of the prisoners. what i am about to relate, i think, gives room to charge the _french_ with a piece of policy, not only inconsistent with the christian religion, but likewise with the character of a polite people; and that all considerations from religion, honour, and virtue, must give way to the present exigencies of their affairs. that an end might be put to the beginnings of a reconciliation between these people and the _five nations_, the _french_ gave a publick invitation to feast on the soup to be made on this prisoner, and, in a more particular manner, invited the _utawawas_ to the entertainment. the prisoner being first made fast to a stake, so as to have room to move round it, a _frenchman_ began the horrid tragedy, by broiling the flesh of the prisoner's legs, from his toes to his knees, with the red hot barrel of a gun; his example was followed by an _utawawa_, and they relieved one another as they grew tired. the prisoner all this while continued his death song, till they clapt a red hot frying-pan on his buttocks, when he cried out, fire is strong and too powerful; then all their _indians_ mocked him, as wanting courage and resolution. you, they said, a soldier and a captain, as you say, and afraid of fire; you are not a man. they continued their torments for two hours without ceasing. an _utawawa_ being desirous to outdo the _french_ in their refined cruelty, split a furrow from the prisoner's shoulder to his garter, and filling it with gunpowder, set fire to it. this gave him exquisite pain, and raised excessive laughter in his tormenters. when they found his throat so much parched, that he was no longer able to gratify their ears with his howling, they gave him water, to enable him to continue their pleasure longer. but at last his strength failing, an _utawawa_ flead off his scalp, and threw burning hot coals on his scull. then they untied him, and bid him run for his life: he began to run, tumbling like a drunken man; they shut up the way to the east, and made him run westward, the country, as they think, of departed (miserable) souls. he had still force left to throw stones, till they put an end to his misery by knocking him on the head with a stone. after this every one cut a slice from his body, to conclude the tragedy with a feast. it is doing no injury, i think, to these _frenchmen_, who thus glory in this horrid cruelty, to ask them, whether they did not likewise regale their revengeful appetites with a share of this inhuman feast? though i have had frequent occasions to mention these barbarous inhuman cruelties, transacted by the _indians_, yet i have avoided to relate the particular circumstances of them, because i believe few civilized ears can bear the reading of them without horror. but when they are perpetrated by christians, and so far gloried in, as to be recorded in their own history, i am willing to shew it to my countrymen in its proper colours. this last piece of _french_ history is taken from _histoire de l'amerique septentrionale, par monsr. de la poterie_, published at _paris_ with the royal licence, and recommended to the publick by mons. _fontenelle_, vol. ii. page . though this cruel act had its designed effect, in breaking off this method of negotiating between the _five nations_ and _dionondadies_, it did not prevent the peace; and it had very near raised a civil war with their own _indians_, which was only prevented by the dextrous conduct of the _french_ officers, who, in all kind of artifice, have always been superior to the _indians_. but let me observe on this occasion, that the avoiding any misfortune, by any base or wicked action, is commonly the cause of greater mischiefs than what is thereby avoided; and of this numerous examples may be given. chap. xii. _the count_ de frontenac _attacks_ onondaga _in person_, _with the whole force of_ canada. _the_ five nations _continue the war with the_ french, _and make peace with the_ dionondadies. the count _de frontenac_ having secured _cadarackui fort_, which was called by his name, as a place of arms and provisions, and for a retreat to the men that should happen to be sick or wounded, resolved to make the _five nations_ feel his resentment of their refusing his terms of peace. for this purpose he assembled all the regular troops of _canada_, the militia, the _owenagungas_, the _quatoghies_ of _loretto_, the _adirondacks_, _sokokies_, _nepiciriniens_, the _praying indians_ of the _five nations_, and a few _utawawas_, at _montreal_, in _june_ . the other western _indians_ near _missilimakinak_, by their late correspondence with the _five nations_, and the dissatisfaction they had manifested, were not trusted. the manner of making war with the _indians_ in a country wholly covered with woods, must be so much different from the methods used in _europe_, that i believe the reader will be pleased to have a particular account of the count _de frontenac_'s conduct in this, who was an old experienced general, in the seventy fourth year of his age. it is to be observed, that it is impossible to pass the vast forests between the countries of the _five nations_ with waggons, or other carriages, or on horseback, or even on foot, in the summer time, by reason of many impassible thick swamps and morasses. for this reason, the only method of travelling is in bark canoes, or very light battoes, along the rivers, which may be easily carried on men's shoulders, where the stream of the river becomes too rapid, and from one river to another; for which purpose the shortest passes are always chosen, and are called, for this reason, carrying places. the count _de frontenac_ marched from _la chine_, in the south end of the island of _montreal_, the fourth of _july_. he divided five hundred _indians_ so, that the greatest number of them should always be in the van, which consisted of two battalions of the regular troops. they were followed by the canoes which carried the provisions. the van was commanded by the chevalier _de callieres_, governor of _montreal_; he had with him two large battoes, which carried two small pieces of cannon, small mortars, granadoes, and the utensils of the artillery. the count _de frontenac_ was at the head of the main body, accompanied by the engineer and several gentlemen voluntiers. the body consisted of four battalions of the militia, who, in war with _indians_, were then more depended on than the regular troops; these were commanded by monsieur _ramsay_, governor of _trois rivieres_. the rear, which consisted of two battalions of regular troops, and of the rest of the _indians_, was under the command of the chevalier _de vaudreuil_. all the _indians_ had _french_ officers set over them. in this order the army marched, only those that were in the van one day, were in the rear the next; and they always kept a number of _indians_ on the scout, to discover the tracks of the enemy, for fear of ambuscades. and when they were obliged to carry the canoes, and drag the large battoes, several parties were detached to cover the men that worked. after twelve days march they arrived at _cadarackui fort_, one hundred eighty miles from _montreal_. here they waited for the _utawawas_, who disappointed them; and in the mean time raised a bark, which had remained sunk since _cadarackui fort_ was deserted. they crossed over _cadarackui_ lake to _onondaga_ river (now _ohswega_). this river being narrow and rapid, they ordered fifty men to march on each side of it, to prevent their being surprised, and the army moved slowly along the river, according to the intelligence they received from their scouts. they found a tree, as they passed along, on which the _indians_ had, in their manner, painted the _french_ army, and had laid by it two bundles of cut rushes. this was a defiance in the _indian_ manner, and to tell them by the number of rushes, that fourteen hundred thirty four men would meet them. the _french_ passed the little lake, between _ohswega_ and _onondaga_, in order of battle; and the two wings, to prevent their being surprised, and to make the place of their landing more uncertain to the enemy, took a circuit along the coast. as soon as they had landed they raised a fort. a _seneka_, who had been some time a prisoner in _canada_, and pretended an attachment to the _french_, was sent out to make a discovery. he deserted to the _onondagas_. he found them waiting for the _french_, with a resolution to defend their castle, and to fight the _french_; for which purpose they had sent away their women and children. the _seneka_ told them that the _french_ army was as numerous as the leaves on the trees; that they had machines which threw balls up in the air, and which falling on their castle burst to pieces, and spread fire and death every where, against which their stockadoes could be of no defence. this was confirmed by another _seneka_, who deserted. upon which the _onondagas_ thought it most adviseable to retire, leaving their poor fort and bark cottages all in flames. after the general had an account of this, he marched to their village in order of battle. the army was divided into two lines: the first commanded by the chevalier _de callieres_, who placed himself on the left, consisted of two battalions of the inhabitants in the center, and a battalion of the regular troops on each wing. the artillery followed them. most of the _indians_ of this division were upon the right, who continually sent out scouts. the second line was commanded by the chevalier _de vaudreuel_, composed of the same number of battalions, and in the same order. the count _de frontenac_ was carried in a chair directly after the artillery. but it was impossible for them to keep their order, in passing through thick woods, and in passing brooks. in this formidable manner the aged general marched up to the ashes of the village, and his army exerted their fury on the _indian_ corn, which covered a large field in thick ranks. an _indian sachem_, about one hundred years old, would not retire with the rest, but chose this time to end his days. the _french indians_ had the pleasure of tormenting him, which he bore with surprising evenness of mind, and with that resolution which becomes a _sachem_ of the _five nations_. he told his tormentors to remember well his death, when his countrymen should come to take terrible vengeance of them. upon which, one stabbing him several times with his knife, he thanked him but said, you had better make me die by fire, that these dogs of _frenchmen_ may learn how to suffer like men. you _indians_, their allies, you dogs of dogs, think of me when you shall be in the like state. thus this old _sachem_, under all the weakness of old age, preserved a greatness of soul, and a due regard for the honour of his country, to the last moment of his breath. the chevalier _de vaudreuil_ was sent with a detachment of six or seven hundred men to destroy the _oneydoes_ corn, who liv'd but a small distance from _onondaga_, which he performed without any resistance. the jesuit _milet_ had lived for the most part with the _oneydoes_; he had infused into them the most favourable sentiments of the _french_, and they had been the most inclined to peace on the _french_ terms. thirty five of them staid in their castle to make the _french_ welcome; but the only favour they obtained, was to be made prisoners, and carried to _montreal_. the _french_ governor declared his resolutions to extirpate the _onondagas_, and for that reason gave orders to give no quarter. the difficulty of supporting so many men in these deserts, made it necessary for the count _de frontenac_ to return as speedily as possible. though the _french_ army was much an overmatch for the _onondagas_, both in number of men and in their arms, the _onondagas_ were not so far dispirited, as not to follow them in their return. they found opportunities to revenge themselves in some measure, by cutting off every canoe that happened at any time to be at a distance from the main body. this obliged the count to hasten his march, so that he returned to _montreal_ the tenth of _august_. the _onondagas_ suffered nothing by this chargeable expedition, but the loss of their corn, and their bark cottages. they lost not one man, but the old _sachem_, who resolved to die a martyr to his country's honour. the _french_ suffered considerably by its consequences; for all the planters being taken off from their labour, either in this expedition, or in watching and securing their forts and country, a famine ensued; and this i find has often happened in _canada_, where all the men, fit to bear arms, have been employed in such like expeditions. if the _oneydoes_ had not timely surrendered themselves, the count had not been able to have carried home the least token of a victory. and all that can be said for this enterprize is, that it was a kind of heroick dotage. the influence that the jesuit _milet_ had obtained over the _oneydoes_ was such, that some time after this, thirty of them deserted to the _french_, and desired that he might be appointed their pastor. in the following winter the _mohawks_, with the governor of _new york_'s privacy, =sent one to the _praying indians_ with two belts=, and he carried two prisoners with him. by the first belt he asked, whether the path was entirely shut up between their two countries; and, by the second, demanded the restitution of a prisoner the _praying indians_ had taken: but his real design was, to learn the state of their country, and what designs were forming. notwithstanding the influence and artifice of the _french_ priests over these converts, they still retained an affection to their countrymen; for which reason the count _de frontenac_ entertained a jealousy of these intercourses, and threatened to put to death any that should come in that manner again; but the messenger had the satisfaction of discovering the distressed condition of _canada_ by famine. a party of the _french_ was sent out in the winter, to make some attempt upon the _english_ settlements near _albany_; but some _mohawks_ and _scahkook indians_ meeting with them, before they reached the settlements, they were intirely routed. the commanding officer, one _du bau_, and two others, saved themselves from the fury of the _indians_, by running to _albany_; the rest were either killed or perished in the woods, so that not one man of this party got back to _canada_. it was much easier for the _french_ to set the _praying indians_ upon the _english_, against whom it is possible many of them had personal animosities, that made them go over to the _french_, than to fight their countrymen. several of them came this winter skulking about _schenectady_ and _albany_; and being well acquainted with the country, and speaking likewise the _mohawk_'s language, by which they sometimes deceived the inhabitants, they surprised some of the inhabitants, and carried away their scalps. the _five nations_, to shew that the count _de frontenac_'s expedition had no way discouraged them, sent out several parties against _canada_. one of them met with a party of _french_ upon _st. laurence river_, near _montreal_. the _french_ were routed, and their captain killed. as soon as this was heard at _montreal_, _repentigni_ was sent out after them with a considerable party of _french_, _nepicirinien indians_ and _praying indians_; but this party was likewise defeated, and the captain, with many of his men, killed. thus the war was continued till the peace of _reswick_, by small parties of _indians_, on both sides, harassing, surprising, and scalping the inhabitants near _montreal_ and _albany_. some time this year the chief _sachem_ of the _dionondadies_ (whom the _french_ call the _baron_) went to _quebeck_, pretending a strong attachment to the _french_, but really to conceal the treaty of peace that he was on the point of concluding with the _five nations_; for which purpose he had =sent his son with nineteen belts= to the _senekas_. the substance of whose commission was as follows: the _french_ have for many years confounded our resolutions, and deceived us, but now we are resolved to break all their artifices, by stopping our ears. we come now to unite with you, while the _french_ know nothing of the matter. the commandant at _missilimakinak_ has told us many lies, he has betrayed us, and made us kill one another, but we are firmly resolved never to hearken to him any more. the peace was accordingly firmly concluded, notwithstanding all the opposition the _french_ could make. the _french_ authors say, the only reason that induced the _dionondadies_ was, that the _english_ sold them goods cheaper than the _french_ could. some time before the news of the peace arrived, the _french_ at _montreal_ being informed that a party of the _five nations_ were discovered near _corlear's lake_, sent out a captain with a party of soldiers and _indians_, who being well experienced in the manner of making war with _indians_, marched through the thickest woods, and by the least frequented places, so that he discovered the enemy, without being discovered. he surprised that party, killed several, and took one prisoner. the _utawawas_ being then trading at _montreal_, the count _de frontenac_ invited them to a feast to be made of this prisoner, and caused him to be burnt publickly alive at _montreal_, in the manner of which i have already given two accounts from the _french_ authors. chap. xiii. _the conduct which the_ english _and_ french _observed_, _in regard to the_ five nations, _immediately after the peace of_ reswick. soon after the news of the peace of _reswick_ reached _new-york_, the governor sent an express to _canada_, to inform the governor there of it, that hostilities might cease. the _five nations_ having an account of the peace earlier than they had it in _canada_, took advantage of it, in hunting bever near _cadarackui fort_. the governor of _canada_ being informed of this, and believing that the _five nations_ thought themselves secure by the general peace, resolved to take his last revenge of them. for this purpose he sent a considerable party of _adirondacks_ to surprise them, which they did, and killed several, but not without loss of many of their own men. the loss of one of their greatest captains at that time gave the _five nations_ the greatest affliction. after he was mortally wounded, he cried out: "must i, who have made the whole earth tremble before me, now die by the hands of children?" for he despised the _adirondacks_. a dispute at this time arose, between the government of _new-york_ and _canada_, about the _french_ prisoners which the _five nations_ had in their hands. the earl of _bellamont_, then governor of _new-york_, would have the _french_ receive those prisoners from him, and directed the _five nations_ to bring them to _albany_ for that purpose. the _french_, on the other hand, refused to own the _five nations_ as subject to the crown of _great-britain_, and threatened to continue the war against the _five nations_, if they did not bring the prisoners to _montreal_, and deliver them there. the count _de frontenac_ sent some of the _praying indians_ with a message to this purpose, and to have all the _french_ allies included in the general peace. the messenger on his return told the count, publickly in presence of several _utawawas_, that the _five nations_ refused to include several of his allies, but were resolved to revenge the injuries they had received. the _utawawas_ were exceedingly discomposed at hearing this, and the count, to recover their spirits, assured them, that he never would make peace without including all his allies in it, and without having all their prisoners restored. at the same time he made preparations to attack the _five nations_ with the whole force of _canada_. the earl of _bellamont_ being informed of this, sent captain _john schuyler_ (of the militia) to tell the count, that he had the interest of the king his master too much at heart, to suffer the _french_ to treat the _five nations_ like enemies, after the conclusion of the general peace; for which reason he had ordered them to be on their guard, and had furnished them with arms and ammunition; that he had ordered the lieutenant-governor, in case they were attacked, either by the _french_ or their allies, to join them with the regular troops; and that, if he found it necessary, he would raise the whole force of his government in their defence. this put a stop to the _french_ threatening, and both sides made complaint to their masters. the two kings ordered their respective governors to be assisting to each other, in making the peace effectual to both nations, and to leave the disputes, as to the dependency of the _indian nations_, to be determined by commissioners, to be appointed pursuant to the treaty of _reswick_. it is exceedingly impolitick, when weaker potentates, ingaged in a confederacy against one powerful prince, leave any points to be determined after the conclusion of a peace; for if they cannot obtain a concession, while the confederacy stands and their force is united, how can a weaker prince hope to obtain it, when he is left alone to himself, after the confederacy is dissolved? the _french_ have so often found the benefit of this piece of imprudence, that in all their treaties they use all the cajoling, and every artifice in their power, to obtain this advantage, and they seldom miss it. about the time of the conclusion of the peace at _reswick_, the noted _therouet_ died at _montreal_. the _french_ gave him christian burial in a pompous manner, the priest, that attended him at his death, having declared that he died a true christian; for, said the priest, while i explained to him the passion of our saviour, whom the _jews_ crucified, he cried out; "oh! had i been there, i would have revenged his death, and brought away their scalps." soon after the peace was known at _montreal_, three considerable men of the _praying indians_ came to _albany_; they had fine laced coats given them, and were invited to return to their own country. they answered, that they were young men, and had not skill to make a suitable answer, and had not their ancient men to consult with; but promised to communicate the proposals to their old men, and would bring back an answer in the fall. i find nothing more of this in the register of _indian affairs_, though it might have been of great consequence had it been pursued to purpose; but such matters, where there is not an immediate private profit, are seldom pursued by the _english_ with that care and assiduity, with which they are by the _french_. while captain _schuyler_ was in _canada_, he entered into some indiscreet discourse with monsieur _maricour_, for whom the _five nations_ had a particular esteem, and call _stowtowisse_. captain _schuyler_, in asserting the dependency of the _five nations_ on _new-york_, said, that those nations were their slaves. mr. _maricour_ told this discourse to an _onondaga_, with all the aggravations he could, and added, that it was intirely owing to the _english_ that the peace was not absolutely concluded, and that captain _schuyler_ prevented their prisoners being restored, because he would have them sent to _albany_, as being slaves to the _english_. that the _french_ had no dispute with the _english_, but for the independency of the _five nations_. this indiscreet conduct of captain _schuyler_ was so much resented by the _five nations_, that a deputation of the most considerable _sachems_ was sent to _albany_ in _june_ , to complain of it; and they sent at the same time deputies to _canada_ to conclude the peace, independently of the _english_. these deputies that came to _albany_ were so far convinced that the _french_ had abused them, and how much more it was for their security to be included in the general peace with the _english_, than to have only the _french_ faith for their security, that they immediately dispatched a messenger after their deputies that were gone to _canada_. though this messenger reached them too late to stop their proceeding, it convinced the deputies so far of its being for their interest to be joined with the _english_ in the peace, as they had been in the war, that they insisted that the exchange of prisoners be made at _albany_. at the same time the messenger was sent after their deputies to _canada_, colonel _peter schuyler_ was sent with others to _onondaga_, to remove the prejudices they had received there. the count _de frontenac_ died while these disputes continued. monsieur _de callieres_, who succeeded him, put an end to them, by agreeing to send to _onondaga_ to regulate the exchange of prisoners there; for which purpose monsieur _maricour_, _ioncaire_, and the jesuit _bruyas_, were sent. when the _french_ commissioners were come within less than a mile of _onondaga_ castle, they put themselves in order and marched with the _french_ colours carried before them, and with as much show as they could make. _decanesora_ met them without the gate, and =complimented them with three strings of wampum=. by the first he wiped away their tears for the _french_ that had been slain in the war. by the second he opened their mouths, that they might speak freely; that is, promised them freedom of speech. by the third he cleaned the matt, on which they were to sit, from the blood that had been spilt on both sides: the compliment was returned by the jesuit, then they entered the fort, and were saluted with a general discharge of all the fire arms. they were carried to the best cabin in the fort, and there entertained with a feast. the deputies of the several nations not being all arrived, the jesuit, and monsieur _maricour_, passed the time in visiting and conversing with the _french_ prisoners. the general council being at last met, the jesuit made the following speech, which i take from the relation the _five nations_ afterwards made of it to the earl of _bellamont_. " . i am glad to see the _five nations_, and that some of them went to _canada_, notwithstanding _corlear_ forbid them: i am sorry for the loss of your people killed by the remote _indians_; i condole their death, and wipe away the blood by this belt. " . the war kettle boiled so long, that it would have scalded all the _five nations_ had it continued; but now it is overset, and turned upside down, and a firm peace made. " . i now plant the tree of peace and welfare at _onondaga_. " . keep fast the chain you have made with _corlear_, for now we have one heart and one interest with them; but why is _corlear_ against your corresponding with us, ought we not to converse together when we are at peace and in friendship? " . deliver up the _french_ prisoners you have, and we shall deliver not only those of your nation we have, but all those likewise taken by any of our allies; and gave a belt. " . i offer myself to you to live with you at _onondaga_, to instruct you in the christian religion, and to drive away all sickness, plagues and diseases out of your country, and gave a third belt. " . this last belt, he said, is from the _rondaxe_, or _french indians_, to desire restitution of the prisoners taken from them." the jesuit in the conclusion said; "why does not _corlear_ tell you what passes between the governor of _canada_ and him? he keeps you in the dark, while the governor of _canada_ conceals nothing from his children. nor does the governor of _canada_ claim your land, as _corlear_ does." the general council immediately rejected the belt by which the jesuit offered to stay with them, saying, we have already accepted _corlear's_ belt, by which he offers us pastors to instruct us. _decanesora_ added, the jesuits have always deceived us, for while they preached peace, the _french_ came and knocked us on the head. to this the jesuit replied, that if he had known that _corlear_ intended to send them pastors, he would not have offered this belt. it is to be observed that the _indian_ council refused to hear the _french_, or to give them an answer, but in presence of the commissioners from _albany_. the _french_ commissioners having assured the peace with the _five nations_, the inhabitants of _canada_ esteemed it the greatest blessing that could be procured for them from heaven; for nothing could be more terrible than this last war with the _five nations_. while this war lasted, the inhabitants eat their bread in continual fear and trembling. no man was sure, when out of his house, of ever returning to it again. while they laboured in the fields, they were under perpetual apprehensions of being killed or seized, and carried to the _indian_ country, there to end their days in cruel torments. they many times were forced to neglect both their seed time and harvest. the landlord often saw all his land plundered, his houses burnt, and the whole country ruined, while they thought their persons not safe in their fortifications. in short, all trade and business was often at an intire stand, while fear, despair, and misery appeared in the faces of the poor inhabitants. the _french_ commissioners carried several of the principal _sachems_ of the _five nations_ back with them, who were received at _montreal_ with great joy. they were saluted by a discharge of all the great guns round the place, as they entered. the _french_ allies took this amiss, and asked if their governor was entering. they were told, that it was a compliment paid to the _five nations_, whose _sachems_ were then entering the town. we perceive, they replied, that fear makes the _french_ shew more respect to their enemies, than love can make them do to their friends. monsieur _de callieres_ assembled all the _french_ allies, (who were then very numerous at _montreal_) to make the exchange of prisoners, and they delivered the prisoners they had taken, though the _five nations_ had sent none to be exchanged for them. thus we see a brave people struggle with every difficulty, till they can get out of it with honour; and such people always gain respect, even from their most inveterate enemies. i shall finish this part by observing, that notwithstanding the _french_ commissioners took all the pains possible to carry home the _french_, that were prisoners with the _five nations_, and they had full liberty from the _indians_, few of them could be persuaded to return. it may be thought that this was occasioned from the hardships they had endured in their own country, under a tyrannical government and a barren soil: but this certainly was not the only reason; for the _english_ had as much difficulty to persuade the people, that had been taken prisoners by the _french indians_, to leave the _indian_ manner of living, though no people enjoy more liberty, and live in greater plenty, than the common inhabitants of _new-york_ do. no arguments, no intreaties, nor tears of their friends and relations, could persuade many of them to leave their new _indian_ friends and acquaintance; several of them that were by the caressings of their relations persuaded to come home, in a little time grew tired of our manner of living, and run away again to the _indians_, and ended their days with them. on the other hand, _indian_ children have been carefully educated among the _english_, cloathed and taught, yet, i think, there is not one instance, that any of these, after they had liberty to go among their own people, and were come to age, would remain with the _english_, but returned to their own nations, and became as fond of the _indian_ manner of life as those that knew nothing of a civilized manner of living. what i now tell of christian prisoners among _indians_, relates not only to what happened at the conclusion of this war, but has been found true on many other occasions. _the end of the_ second part. [illustration] =transcriber's notes:= hyphenation, spelling and grammar have been preserved as in the original page ii, extra word to removed page , who remembred the ==> who remembered the page , i immmediately told ==> i immediately told page , to exereise cruelty ==> to exercise cruelty page , that the chigtaghcicks ==> that the chictaghicks page , and mahikindars or ==> and mahikandars or page , desire may may be ==> desire may be page , the peace. gives ==> the peace." gives page , on the other. ==> on the other.) page , be extreamly grieved ==> be extremely grieved page , confirms my words. ==> confirms my words. page , way towards monreal ==> way towards montreal page , the begining of ==> the beginning of page , the mihikander indians ==> the mahikander indians page , which he gave to to an _indian_ ==> which he gave to an _indian_ page , troies rivieres ==> trois rivieres page , to the war. ==> to the war. page , intercepting them. ==> intercepting them. page , belt of wampum ==> belt of wampum. page footnote, ersel signifies ==> ertel signifies page , therhansera, oghuesse and ==> therhansera, ohguesse and page , our far-fighters shall ==> our fair-fighters shall page , we are but ==> we are but page , the brethrens backwardness ==> the brethren's backwardness page , de magdaleine the ==> de magdeleine the page , three bever skins. ==> three bever skins. page , delivered to them. ==> delivered to them. page , those of cahnaaga ==> those of cahnuaga page footnote, near ohswego. ==> near oswego. page , most favorable to ==> most favourable to page , an enterprise would ==> an enterprize would page , and some canon ==> and some cannon page , their enterprises against ==> their enterprizes against an address, delivered before the was-ah ho-de-no-son-ne or new confederacy of the iroquois, by henry r. schoolcraft, a member: at its third annual council, august , . also, genundewah, a poem, by w. h. c. hosmer, a member: pronounced on the same occasion. published by the confederacy. rochester: printed by jerome & brother, talman block, sign of the american eagle, buffalo-street. . address. gentlemen: in a country like ours, whose institutions rest on the popular will, we must rely for our social and literary means and honors, exclusively on personal exertions, springing from the bosom of society. we have no external helps and reliances, sealed in expectations of public patronage, held by the hands of executive, or ministerial power. our ancestors, it is true, were accustomed to such stimulants to literary exertions. titles and honors were the prerogatives of kings, who sometimes stooped from their political eminences, to bestow the reward upon the brows of men, who had rendered their names conspicuous in the fields of science and letters. such is still the hope of men of letters in england, germany and france. but if a bold and hardy ancestry, who had learned the art of thought in the bitter school of experience, were accustomed to such dispensations of royal favors, while they remained in europe, they feel but little benefit from them here; and made no provision for their exercise, as one of the immunities of powers, when they came to set up the frame of a government for themselves. no ruler, under our system, is invested with authority to tap, his kneeling fellow subject on the crown of his head, and exclaim, "arise, sir, knight!" the cast of our institutions is all the other way, and the tendency of things, as the public mind becomes settled and compacted, is, to take away from men the prestige of names and titles; to award but little, on the score of antiquarian merit, and to weigh every man's powers and abilities, political and literary, in the scale of absolute individual capacity, to be judged of, by the community at large. if there are to be any "orders," in america, let us hope they will be like that, whose institution we are met to celebrate, which is founded on the principle of intellectual emulation, in the fields of history, science and letters. such are, indeed, the objects which bring us together on the present occasion, favored as we are in assembling around the light of this emblematic council fire. honored by your notice, as an honorary member, in your young institution, i may speak of it, as if i were myself a fellow laborer, in your circle: and, at least, as one, understanding somewhat of its plan, who feels a deep interest in its success. adopting one of the seats of the aboriginal powers, which once cast the spell of its simple, yet complicated, government, over the territory, a central point has been established here. to this central point, symbolizing the whole scheme of the iroquois system, other points of subcentralization tend, as so many converging lines. you come from the east and the west, the north and the south. you have obeyed one impulse--followed one principle--come to unite your energies in one object. that object is the cultivation of letters. to give it force and distinctness, by which it may be known and distinguished among the efforts made to improve and employ the leisure hours of the young men of western new york, you have adopted a name derived from the ancient confederacy of the iroquois, who once occupied this soil. with the name, you have taken the general system of organization of society, within a society, held together by one bond. that bond, as existing in the totemic tie, reaches, with a peculiar force, each individual, in such society. it is an idea noble in itself, and worthy of the thought and care, by which it has been nurtured and moulded into its present auspicious form.--the union you thus form, is a union of minds. it is a band of brotherhood, but a brotherhood of letters. it is a confederacy of tribes, but a literary confederacy. it is an assemblage of warriors, but the labor to be pursued is exclusively of an intellectual character. the plumes with which you aim to pledge your literary arrows, are to be plucked from the wings of science. it is a council of clans, not to consult on the best means of advancing historical research; of promoting antiquarian knowledge; and of cultivating polite literature. the field of inquiry is broad, and it is to be trodden in various ways. you seek to advance in the paths of useful knowledge, but neglect not the flowers that bedeck the way. you aim at general objects and results, but pursue them, through the theme and story of that proud and noble race of the sons of the forest, whose name, whose costume and whose principles of association you assume. symbolically, you re-create the race. thus aiming, and thus symbolizing your labors, your objects to resuscitate and exhume from the dust of by-gone years, some of those deeds of valor and renown which marked this hardy and vigorous race. there is in the idea of your association, one of the elements of a peculiar and national literature. and whatever may be the degree of success, which characterizes your labors, it is hoped they will bear the impress of american heads and american hearts. we have drawn our intellectual sustenance, it is true, from noble fountains and crystal streams. we have all england, and all europe for our fountain head. but when this has been said, we must add, that they have been off-sets from foreign fountains and foreign streams. and nurtured as we have been, from such ample sources, it is time, in the course of our national developments, that we begin to produce something characteristic of the land that gave us birth. no people can bear a true nationality, which does not exfoliate, as it were, from its bosom, something that expresses the peculiarities of its own soil and climate. in building its intellectual edifice, we must have not only suitable decorations, but there must come from the broad and deep quarries of its own mountains, foundation stones, and columns and capitals, which bear the impress of an indigenous mental geognosy. and where! when we survey the length and breadth of the land, can a more suitable element, for the work be found, than is furnished by the history and antiquities and institutions and love, of the free, bold, wild, independent, native hunter race? they are, relatively to us, what the ancient pict and celt were to britain, or the teuton, goth and magyar to continental europe. looking around, over the wide forests, and transcendent lakes of new york, the founders of this association, have beheld the footprints of the ancient race. they saw here, as it were, in vision, the lordly iroquois, crowned by the feathers of the eagle, bearing in his hand the bow and arrows, and scorning, as it were, by the keen glances of his black eye, and the loftiness of his tread, the very earth that bore him up. history and tradition speak of the story of this ancient race.--they paint him as a man of war--of endurance--of indomitable courage--of capacity to endure tortures without complaint--of a heroic and noble independence. they tell us that these precincts, now waving with yellow corn, and smiling with villages, and glittering with spires, were once vocal with their war songs, and resounded with the chorusses of their corn feasts. we descry, as we plough the plain, the well chipped darts which pointed their arrows, and the elongated pestles, that crushed their maize. we exhume from their obliterated and simple graves, the pipe of steatite, in which they smoked, and offered incense to these deities, and the fragments of the culinary vases, around which, the lodge circle gathered to their forest meal. mounds and trenches and ditches, speak of the movement of tribe against tribe, and dimly shadow forth the overthrow of nations. there are no plated columns of marble; no tablets of inscribed stone--no gates of rust-coated brass. but the man himself survives, in his generation. he is a walking statue before us. his looks and his gestures and his language remain. and he is himself, an attractive _monument_ to be studied. shall we neglect him, and his antiquarian vestiges, to run after foreign sources of intellectual study? shall we toil amid the ruins of thebes and palmyra, while we have before us the monumental enigma of an unknown race? shall philosophical ardor expend itself, in searching after the buried sites of nineveh, and babylon and troy, while we have not attempted, with decent research, to collect, arrange and determine, the leading data of our aboriginal history and antiquities?--these are inquiries, which you, at least, may aim to answer. no branch of the human family is an object unworthy of high philosophic inquiry. their food, their language, their arts, their physical peculiarities, and their mental traits, are each topics of deep interest, and susceptible of being converted into evidences of high importance. mistaken our red men clearly were, in their theories and opinions on many points. they were wretched theologists, and poor casuists. but not more so, in three-fourths of their dogmas, than the disciples of zoroaster, or confucius. they were polytheists from their very position. and yet, there is a general idea, that under every form, they acknowledged but one divine intelligence under the name of the great spirit. they paid their sacrifices, or at least, respects, to the imaginary and phantastic gods of the air, the woods and water, as greece and rome had done, and done as blindly before them. but they were a vigorous, hardy and brave off-shoot of the original race of man. they were full of humanities. they had many qualities to command admiration. they were wise in council, they were eloquent in the defence of their rights. they were kind and humane to the weak, bewildered and friendless. their lodge-board was ever ready for the way farer. they were constant to a proverb, in their _professed_ friendships. they never forgot a kind act. nor can it be recorded, to their dispraise, that they were a terror to their enemies. their character was formed on the military principle, and to acquire distinction in this line, they roved over half the continent. they literally carried their conquests from the gulf of st. lawrence to the gulf of mexico. few nations have ever existed, who have evinced more indomitable courage or hardihood, or shown more devotion to the spirit of independence than the iroquois. but all their efforts would have ended in disappointment, had it not been for that principle of confederation, which, at an early day, pervaded their councils, and converted them into a phalanx, which no other tribe could successfully penetrate, or resist. it is this trait, by which they are most distinguished from the other hunter nations of north america; and it is to their rigid adherence to the verbal compact, which bound them together, as tribes and clans, that they owe their present celebrity, and owed their former power. it is proposed to inquire into the principles of this confederacy, and to make a few brief suggestions on its origin and history. in the time that has been given me, i have had but little opportunity for research, and even this little, other engagements, have not permitted me, fully to employ. the little that i have to offer, would indeed have been confined to the reminiscence of former reading, had i not been called, the present season, to make a personal visit to the reservation still occupied by the principal tribes. . prominent in its effects on the rise and progress of nations, in the geographical diameter of the country they occupy. and in this respect, the iroquois were singularly favored. they lived under an atmosphere the most genial of any in the temperate latitude. equally free from the extremes of heat, and humidity, it has been found eminently favorable to human life. inquiries into the statistics of vitality will abundantly denote this. many of the civil sachems lived to a great age. and the same may be said of those warriors who escaped the dart and club, until they came to the period, not a very advanced one, when they ceased to follow the war path. they possessed a country, unsurpassed for its various advantages, not only on this continent, but on the globe.--it afforded a soil of the most fruitful kind, where they could, with ease and certainty, always cultivate their maize. its forests abounded in the deer, elk, bear and other animals, whose flesh supplied their lodges. it was irrigated by some of the sublimest rivers of the continent, whose waters ran south and north, east, and by the alleghanies, west, till they all found their level, at distant points, either in the gulfs of st. lawrence and mexico, or in the intermediate shores of the atlantic. lakes of an amazing size, compared to those of europe, bounded this territory on the north and north east. its own bosom, was spotted, with secondary sheets of water, like that of the cayuga, upon whose banks we are assembled. these added freshness and beauty to the thick, and almost unbroken continuity of these forests. nations doubtless owe some of their characteristics to the natural scenes of their country, and if we grant the same influence to the red sons of the forest, they had sources of animating and elevating thoughts around them.--men who habitually cast their views to the genesee and the niagara--who crossed in their light canoe, the ontario and erie, wending their way into the sublime vista of the upper lakes: men, who threaded these broad forests in search of the deer, or who descended the powerful and rapid channels of the alleghany, the susquehanna, the delaware and the st. lawrence, in quest of their foes, must have felt the influence of magnitude and creative grandeur, and could not but originate ideas favorable to liberty and personal independence. their very position, became thus the initiatory step in their assent to power. . such was the country occupied, at the era of the discovery, by the iroquois. they lived, to employ their own symbolic language, in a long lodge extending east and west, from the waters of the ca-ho-ha-ta-tea[a] to those of erie. their most easterly tribe, the mohawks, extended their occupancy to a point which they still call, with dialectic variations, skan-ek-ta-tea, being the present site of albany. to this place, or, as is more generally thought, to this geographical vicinity, the commercial enterprize of holland, sent an exploring ship in . here begins the certain and recorded history of the iroquois. we have only known them years. all beyond this, is a field of antiquarian inquiry. [a] hudson. from the historical documents recently obtained by the state from france, and deposited in the public offices at the capitol, it is seen that this people are sometimes called the nine nations of the iroquois. algonquin tradition, which i have recently published, denotes that they originally consisted of eight tribes. (oneota.) whatever of truth or error, there may be in these terms, it is certain that, at the period of the dutch discovery and settlement referred to, they uniformly described themselves as the five nations, or united people, under the title of akonoshioni.[b] the term ongwe honwee, which colden mentions as peculiarly applied to themselves, as proudly contradistinguished from others, is a mere equivalent, in the several dialects, at this day, for the term indian, and applies equally to other tribes, throughout the continent, as well as to themselves. by the admission of the tuscaroras into the confederacy, they became known as the six nations. the principles of their compact, were such as to admit of any extension. they might as well, for aught that is known, have consisted of sixteen as six tribes, and like our own union, they would have been stronger and firmer in their power, with each admission. [b] or ho-de-no-son-ne. i have directed some few inquiries to their plan of union. it appears to have originated in a proposal to act in concert, by means of a central council, in questions of peace and war. in other respects, each tribe was an independency. it had no right to receive ambassadors from other tribes.--messages delivered to a frontier tribe, were immediately transmitted to the next tribe in position, and by them passed on, to the central councils. they affirm that these messages were forwarded, with extraordinary celerity, by runners who rested not, night or day. the power to convene the general council, for despatch of public business, was in the presiding or executive chief of the central tribe. this power to make war or peace, or cession of sovereignty, was given up, on the principle of an equal union in all respects, without regard to numbers. it was strictly federative, or a union of tribes. the assent to a measure, was given by tribes. whether all were required to assent, or a majority was sufficient, is not known. it is believed they _required_ entire unanimity. . but another principle, of the deepest importance, ran throughout the organization of all the tribes, more remote in its origin, and still more influential, it may be thought, in forming a more perfect union, and giving strength and compactness to the government. it was the plan of the totemic bond. this bond was a fraternity of separate clans in each tribe. it was based on original consanguinity, and marked by a heraldic device, as the figure of a quadruped, or bird. this appears to be an ancient feature in their organization, and is also found among other north american tribes. the algonquin tribes, who possess the same organization, and from whose vocabulary we take the name, call it the totem. the institution of the totem, or inter-fraternity of clans, existed, and is also found, with well marked features, among the iroquois. it had, however, one characteristic, which was peculiar, to these nations.--it was employed to mark the descent of the chiefs, which ran exclusively by the female. the law of marriage, interdicting connexions within the clan, and limiting them to another, was probably established in ancient times, among the other nations who adhere to this institution, but, if so, it has dropped, or dwindled into mere tradition. totem, is a term denoting the device, or pictorial sign, which is used by each individual, to determine his family identity. as many as have the same totem are admitted to be of the same family or clan. in this respect, it is analogous to coats of arms. it differs from them in this, that no person can marry another of the same arms and totem. they are related. the reason for keeping up this interdict, in cases where the degree of relationship must often be very small, or is entirely lost, appears to be one of policy, and will be, as far as possible, explained. originally, there appears to have been three leading families or clans, among all the north american indians, whose devices were, respectively, the turtle, the wolf, and the bear. this triad of honored clans, existed and still exists among nations diverse in their languages, and remote in position, and may be considered as a proof of their common origin. these totems were regarded as of the highest authority--a fact which may denote either original paternity in these clans, or some distinguished action or services, analogous, perhaps, to the well known events of the curatii and horatii. it is certain, at least, that amongst each of the iroquois tribes, as well as the great algonquin family, there existed the totem or clan of the turtle, the wolf, and the bear. i will take, however, as an illustration of the totemic organization of the tribes, the instance of the nun-do-wa-ga, or senecas. the facts here employed have recently been communicated to me by their distinguished chief de-o-ne-ho-ga-wa. the tribe consists of eight clans. they are, in the order communicated, the wolf, the turtle, the bear, the beaver, the snipe or plover, the falcon or hawk, the deer and the cranes. the present reigning clan is the wolf, the clan to which the noted orator, red jacket, and my informant, both belonged. we may assume, that what appear to have been fundamental principles, were actually so, and are to be regarded as the constitutional basis. each clan is entitled to a chief. each chief has a seat in council. the chiefs are hereditary, counting by the female line. by this law of descent, no chief could beget an immediate successor. and herein consisted one of the marked points of political wisdom in their system. it is this law of descent which best distinguishes it from the system of government of other nations on this continent, and in asia. no such rule is known to exist, but may exist, among the mongol race, or other asiatic stocks, to whom these people have usually been traced. if so, the law of descent, in this regard, is indigenous and original. what disquisitions have we not seen, that a certain iroquois chief was in the regular line of the chieftainship, by the father? whereas, it is clear, that the son of a chief could never, in any case, succeed his father. the descent ran, so to say, in the line of the queen-mother. if a chief die, his brother, next in age, would succeed him. these failing, his daughter's male children, if connected with the reigning totem, would succeed. her children constituted the chain of transmission; but the heir to the chieftainship, whether by acknowledged succession, or by choice in case of dispute or uncertainty, had his claims uniformly submitted to a called council, and if approved, the sachem was regularly installed to the office. councils had this right from an early day, and are known to have ever been very scrupulous and jealous in its exercise, and continue to be so, at this time. by the establishment of this law of descent, the evils of a hereditary chieftainship were obviated. and the succession was kept in healthy channels, by the right of the council to decide, in all cases, and to set aside incompetent claimants. this right was so exercised, as to give the nation the advantages of the elective power, and to avail itself of all its talent. we perceive in this system, an effective provision for breaking dynasties, and securing at each mutation of the chieftainship, a fresh line of chiefs, who were subject to a life limit. each clan having the same right to one chief, a perpetual, yet constantly changing body of sachems, was kept up, which must necessarily change the body entirely in one generation. yet, like the classes in our senatorial organization, the change was effected so slowly and gradually, that the body of chiefs constituted a political perpetuity. in contemplating this system, there is more than one point to admire. history gives us no example of a confederacy in which the principle of political and domestic union, were so intimately bound together. by the establishment of the totemic bond, the clans were separated on the principle of near kindred, between which all marriage was inhibited. every marriage between these separated clans, therefore, bound them closer together, and the consequence soon must have been, their entire amalgamation, had it not been provided, that each clan, through the female line, should preserve inviolate forever, its own totemic independency. in other words, the female was never so incorporated into a new relation by the matrimonial tie, as to lose her family name, and her mother's ancestral rights. if, for example, a deer totem female, married a wolf or hawk male, she was still counted in the clan of the deer, and never gave up her political rights, to the wolf or hawk clans, which had provided for her a husband. her position may, perhaps, be better understood, by observing that the married woman, still retained her maiden name--the sir name of her family. by this means she preserved the identity of her clan, and with it, its heraldic and political rights. not only so, the property of a female, never vested in, or belonged to the husband. this trait is still in full vogue, among each of the tribes. its operation has been witnessed the present year. matrons had also the right to attend and sit in council, and there were occasions, in which they were permitted to speak. for this purpose, a speaker was assigned to them, and this person became a standing officer in the council.--it might pertain to the nations to bring in propositions of peace. such propositions might prejudice the character of a warrior, but they were appropriate to the female, and the wise men knew how to avail themselves of this stroke of policy. we speak of the general and burdensome subjection of the female, among our red men--a condition, indeed, inseparable from the hunter state, but here is a trait of power and consideration, which has not yet been reached by refined nations. with respect to the cause of descent through the female line, it is believed there are sound and politic reasons for such a custom, in the nomadic state; but we have not time to examine them. the whole subject of the separation of the tribes into a fixed member of original clans; the connexion of these clans, preserved by the totems, and the selection of the female as the preserver of these totemic ties, is one of deep interest, and worthy of your inquiries. so far as the investigation has been carried, it appears, that the primary object of this organization was to preserve the names of the original founders of the nation.--these founders are said to have been the children of two brothers, and were cousin-germans. but why preserve their names? what object was to result from it? were the persons who bore the names of the wolf, and the turtle and the falcon and other species, famed as hunters or warriors? had they delivered their people, from imminent peril, or performed any noble act? had they conducted their people across the sea, from other countries? did they expect to return, and was _this_ the object of preserving their names, in the line of their descendants? or was the institution, as it does not appear to have been, mere caprice? nothing could give more interest to your enquiries than a search into these obscure matters. they are, in fact, at the foundation of their system of government, and will enable you, with more clearness, to ascertain and fix its principles. . of this government itself, we know very little, beyond the fact, that it had attained great celebrity among the other tribes. it was evidently founded on the overthrow of that of the ancient alleghans. it appears to have been full of intricacies, yet simple. a republic, yet embracing aristocratic features. a mere government of opinion; yet fixed, effective, and powerful. it would be well to sift it, by the best lights yet within reach. these are verbal and traditionary. there is little to be had from books. if we look at the political theory of this government it had traits both peculiar and prescient. their councils were not constituted, primarily, by elective representation. yet they secured the chief benefits of it. the chiefs, had a life office, and were incapable of transmitting it to their descendants. the organic council was a representation of tribes, not of members. this aristocratic feature, was balanced and its tendency to absorb authority prevented, by permitting the warriors to sit in these primary councils. in these councils, there was free discussion and full deliberation. but there was no formal vote taken, nor any measure carried by counting persons, or ascertaining a majority or plurality. tradition declares against any such test. the popular sense appears to have been secured alone by the scope and tenor of the debates. i cannot learn that there ever was any formal expression, equivalent to the modern practice of taking of the sense of the council on a measure. perhaps something of this kind is to be found in the approbatory response, from which the french are said to have made up the word iroquois. if the aristocratic feature of life-sachemship, was counteracted by the influence of the warriors in council, at the council fire of the tribes; this feature was shorn still more of its objectionable tendencies in the general or central council of the confederacy. chiefs attended this national assemblage, as delegates or representatives, although not elected representatives, of their tribes. the number depended on circumstances; and varied with the occasion. they were sent, or went, to deliberate on a specific question, or questions, for which, the tribe was summoned, by the executive sachem of the nation holding the high office of attotarho,[c] or convener of the council. this central council, headed by this kind of a presidency, was in fact, more purely democratic in its structure, than the home councils. it consisted essentially of a congress of chiefs, having a right as chiefs to attend, or delegated for the purpose, and aided also, by the warriors. it had the character of being a representative national body, delegated for a single session; and of a local body of life chiefs constituting the home sachemry, or a limited senate. [c] the corresponding word in the seneca dialect is tod-o-dah-hoh. such i apprehend to have been the structure of the iroquois government. it was strong, efficient and popular.--it had its fixity in the life tenure of the chiefs and the customs of proceeding. the voice of the warriors constituted a counterbalance, or species of second estate. but practically, whatever the theory, the chief and warriors, acted as one body. they came, generally, to advocate, or announce what had already been decided on, in the body of the tribe. it is evident, in viewing this scheme of a native federative government, that its tendencies were always in favor of the power of the separate tribes. no people ever existed, who watched more narrowly the existence of power, and its innate tendency to centralize, and usurp. suspicious to a fault, their eyes and ears were ever open to the least tone or gesture of alarm. they had only confided, to the central council, the power to make war or peace, and to regulate public policy. this central council, received embassies, not only from the numerous nations with whom they warred; but the delegates of the crowns of france and england, often stood in their presence. the assent of each tribe is believed to have been requisite to an alliance, or rupture. when this had been given at the central council, it was explained before the local council, and the concurrence of the body of the tribe, was essential to make it binding and effective. in case of war, there was no fixed scale by which men were to be raised. it was deemed obligatory for each tribe to raise men according to its strength. but each was left free to its own action, being responsible for such action, to public opinion. all warriors were volunteers, and were raised for specific expeditions, and were bound no longer. to take up the war club, and join in the war dance, was to enlist. there was no other enlistment--no bounties--no pay--no standing force--no public provisions--no public arms--no clothing--no public hospital. the martial impulse of the people was sufficient. all was left to personal effort and provision. self dependence was never carried to such height. the thirst for glory--the honor of the confederacy--the strife for personal distinction, filled their ranks; and led them, through desert paths, to the st. lawrence, the illinois, the atlantic seaboard and the southern alleghanies. nor did they need the roll of the river to animate their courage, or regulate their steps. theirs was a high energetic devotion, equal or superior to even that of ancient sparta and lacedæmon. they conquered wherever they went. they subdued nations in their immediate vicinity. they exterminated others. they adopted the fragments of subjugated tribes into their confederacy, sunk their national homes into oblivion, and thus repaired the irresistable losses of war. they had eloquence, as well as courage. their speakers maintained a high rank along side of the best generals and negotiators of france, england and america. we owe this tribute to their valor and talents. one thousand such men, equipped for war as _they_ were, and led by _their_ spirit, would have effected more in battle, than the tens of thousands of effeminate aztecks and peruvians who shouted, but often did no more than _shout_, around the piratical bands of cortez and pizarro. . i have left myself but little time to speak of the origin and early history of this people--topics which are of deep interest in themselves, but which are involved in great obscurity. they are subjects which commend themselves to your attention, and offer a wide field for your future research. there are three periods in our indian history: . the allegoric and fabulous age. this includes the creation, the deluge, the creation of holiness and evil, and some analogous points, in the general and shadowy traditions of men, which our hunter race, have almost universally concealed under the allegoric figures, of a creative bird or beast, or the exploits of some potent personage, endowed with supernatural courage or power. in this era, the earth was also covered with monsters and giants, who waged war, and drove men into caves and recesses; until the interposition of the original creative power, for their relief. . the ante-historical period, in which tradition begins to assume the character of truth, but is still obscured by fable. this period includes the early discoveries by the northmen, the reputed voyage of prince madoc, &c. . the period of actual history, dating from the earliest voyage of columbus and his companions. i have alluded, in a preceding part of this address, to the mode of studying their early history. where little or nothing is to be obtained from books, it requires a cautious investigation of these traditions and antiquities. ethnology, in all its branches, has a direct and practical bearing on this subject. the physical type of man, the means of his subsistence, the state of his arts, the language he speaks, the hieroglyphics he carves, the mounds he builds--the fortifications he erects,--his religion, his superstitions, his legendary lore--the very geography of the country he inhabits, are so many direct and palpable means of acquiring historical evidence. it is from the investigation of these, that tribes and nations are grouped and classified, and the original stocks of mankind denoted, and the track of their dispersion over the globe traced. and they constitute so many topics of study and investigation. in relating their traditions, our red men are prone, to connect, (as if these were portions of a continuous and consistent narrative) the most _recent_ and most _remote_ events, which dwell in their memory. and from their present residence and recent history, to run back, by a few sentences, into purely fabulous and allegoric periods. fiction and fact, are mingled in the same strain. in listening to those relations, it is important to establish in the mind, historical periods, and to separate that which is grotesque or imaginative from the narration of real events. the latter, may be sometimes distorted by this juxtaposition, but it is, in general, easy to separate the two, and to re-adopt them, on their own principles. the early nations of europe and asia, pursued the same system. their men were soon traced into gods, and their gods, soon ended in sensualists, or demons. greek and roman history, before the period of herodotus, must have been little better than a jargon of such incongruities, and nearly all the earlier part of it, is no better now. to teach our children these nonsensical fables, is to vitiate their imagination, and the thing would never have been dreamt of, in a moral age, were not the ancient mythology, inseparably mixed up with the present state of ancient history, poetry and letters. we must teach it as a fable, and rely on truth to counteract its effects. the iroquois have their full share in the fabulous and allegoric periods, and an examination of their tales and traditions will be found, i apprehend, to give ample scope to poetry and imagination. in their fabulous age, as recorded by cusick, they have their war, with flying heads, the stone giants, the great serpent, the gigantic musquito, the spirit of witchcraft, and several other eras, which afford curious evidences of the way-farings and wanderings of the human intellect, unaided by letters, or the spirit of truth. actual history plants its standard close on the confines of these benighted regions of fable and allegory. it is not proposed to enter into much detail on this topic. the modern facts are pretty well known, but have never been thoroughly investigated or arranged. of the earlier facts in their origin and history, we know very little. the first writers on the subject of the indians generally, after the settlement of america, dealt in wild speculations, and were carried away with preconceived theories, which destroy their value. colden, who directed his attention to the iroquois, scarcely attempted any thing beyond a specific relation of transactions, which are intended for the information of the board of trade and plantations, and these do not come down beyond the peace of ryswick. there is a large amount of printed information, adequate for the completion of their history in the th and th centuries, but most of the works are of rare occurrence, and are only to be found in large libraries at home and abroad. other facts exist in manuscript official documents, numbers of which, have recently been obtained by the state, from foreign offices, and are now deposited in the secretary's office at albany. the lost correspondence on indian affairs, of sir william johnson, may yet come to light, and would necessarily be important. private manuscripts and the traditions of aged indians, still living, would further contribute to their history. they are a people worthy the separate pen of a historian, and it may be hoped that an elaborate and full work, may be produced. where the iroquois originated? is a question, which involves the prior and general one, of the origin of the red race. so far as relates to their proximate origin, on this continent, i am inclined to think, that it was in the tropical latitudes extending west from the gulf of mexico.--facts indicate the great tide of our migration, to have been from that general race. the zea maize which is a southern plant, came from that quarter, and was spread, as the tribes moved from the south to the north, the east, and northeast, and north west. which of the ancient indian stocks came first we know not. the iroquois, if we follow one of their own authors, have strong claims to antiquity, but we cannot accept this in full. that they migrated up the valley of the mississippi, and the ohio to its extreme head (they call the alleghany oheo) is probable. our actual knowledge on this subject, historically speaking, is very small, and we must grope our way through dark and shadowy traditions. these, however, sustain the general fact stated, which is helped out by other accessions. that they had crossed the great artery of the continent, (the mississippi river) prior to the algonquin race, but after the alleghans, is shown by the traditions of the latter. [p.w.][d] with this race, tradition asserts, that they formed an alliance, at a remote era, and maintained a bloody war, for many years, against the ancient alleghans, who are supposed, in these wars, to have erected the fortifications and mounds, of the mississippi valley. that this ancient alleghanic empire of the west, so to call it, fell before the combined courage and energy of the iroquois and algonquins, and that the defeated tribes either retired down the waters of the mississippi, or were in part incorporated with themselves, or yet exist in the far west, under other names, we have various traditions for asserting or believing. [d] indian picture writing. thus far we are speaking of the ante-historical period. when the colonies came to be planted, and our ancestors spread themselves along the atlantic coast, from the initial points of settlement in virginia, nova belgica, and new england, the iroquois were already well seated, and spoke and acted, whenever they desired to make allusion to the matter, as if they had been _forever_ seated on the soil they then occupied. to conceal the fact of their title being held by right of conquest, or to supply the actual want of history, one tribe, the oneidas, asserted that they had sprung from a rock. another, the wyandots, alleged that they came out of the ground by the fiat of the great spirit. [oneota.] none of them acknowledged a _foreign origin_ beyond seas. none of them acknowledged, at first, that they knew aught of the ancient mound-builders and people who built the old fortifications in the west, or in their own country; but they subsequently connected, or accommodated these mounds, to their war with the alleghans. this is in accordance with indian policy, and suspicious foresight. when closely questioned, they told gov. clinton that these old works were by an _earlier_ people, and that their oldest traditions related to their wars with the cherokees, and the people of the extreme south. that they originally dwelt in those latitudes--that they migrated north through the ohio valley, around the alleghanies, and came into western new-york from the borders of the lakes and the st. lawrence, are points very well denoted by their languages, vestiges of arts, geographical nomenclature and history, so far as we have had the means of recording it. cartier, in , found them seated at hochelaga, the present site of montreal. they had an ancient station, as low down the connecticut at least, as northfield. towards the north of lakes ontario and erie, they extended to the chain of lakes which stretches through from the northern shores of the former to lake huron. it is seen from le jeune, that they ordered the wyandots of the ancient hochelaga canton, who had formed an alliance with the french and with the algonquins, to quit that spot, and remove into the territory south of the lakes. and in default of this, they warred against them, and drove them west, through the great chain of lakes to michilimackinac, and even to the western extremity of lake superior. the period of the settlement of canada, ripened causes of hostility to the entire algonquin, or as they called them, adirondak race, into maturity. the wyandot alliance with the french gave an edge to this contest, and having soon been supplied with guns and ammunition by the dutch, they defeated this race in several sanguinary battles between montreal and quebec, and drove them out of this valley, by the way of the ontario river, and pursued them to their villages and hunting grounds in area of lakes huron, michigan and algoma. they defeated the kah kwahes or eries. they pushed their war parties, from the lakes, through to the miami, the wabash, and the illinois, on the latter of which they were encountered by la salle and his people, in his early expedition, in the seventeenth century. their great avenue to the west, the avenue by which, in part at least, they appear to have migrated at an early day, was the alleghany river, through which, they continued to exercise their ancient or acquired authority in the ohio valley, and the alleghanian range. back on this route, they continued their war expeditions against the tribes of the southern alleghanies _at_ and, for some time, _after_ the era of the first settlement of the country. the point of their hostility, was directed against the catawbas, the cherokees, and their allies, the abiecas, hutchees and others. smith encountered them on these wars, in the interior of virginia, in . and it is well known, that they brought off their brothers, the tuscaroras, after the settlement of north carolina, and gave them a location among themselves, and a seat at their council fire, in western new-york. launching their war canoes on the delaware and the susquehanna, they extended their sway over the present area of new-jersey, pennsylvania, delaware and maryland, bringing under their sovereign power, that member of the great algonic family of america, who call themselves lenni lenapees, but who are better known in our history as delawares. go which way the traveler will, even at this day, for a thousand miles west, southwest and northwest of their great council fire at onondaga, and the inquirer will find that the name of a nadowa, which is the algonquin term for iroquois, was a word of terror to the remotest tribes. writers tell us it was the same throughout new england. by the peaceful and wise policy of the dutch prior to , and of the english subsequent to that date, this confederacy was kept in our interest; and he must be a careless reader of our history, who does not know, that they formed a perfect wall of defence against the encroachments of the french crown upon our territories. it was to curb this power, and gain some permanent foot-hold on the soil, that la salle built fort niagara in . vaudruiel, the governor general of new france, could give no stronger reason to his king, for taking post on the straits of detroit, and fortifying that point, in , than that it would enable him to "curb the iroquois." [oneota.] but, i do not stand before you to enter into a critical history of the iroquois' powers. who has not heard of their fame and prowess--of their indomitable courage in war,--of their admirable policy in peace: of their eloquence in council: of the noble fire of patriotic independence, which led them to defend the integrity of their soil against all invaders; and of the triumphs they achieved, throughout aboriginal america, by the wisdom of their principles of confederation. the history of their rise and early progress, we shall probably never satisfactorily know. it is said by early writers, that the origin of their confederation was not very remote. but so much as we know of them--so much of their career as has passed while we have been their neighbors, proves that they had well established claims to antiquity--that they were a free, bold and valorous stock of the human race--that they had thought to plan, language to express, and energy to execute.--compared to other races north of the tropics, there were two principles, apparent in their history, which give them the palm, as statesmen and warriors, although in some other departments of intellectual attainment, they were probably excelled by certain of the algonquins. i allude to the principles of political union; and the wise and humane policy, which led them to adopt, into their body, the remnants of the nations whom they conquered. here were two elements of political power, in which they were not only a century in advance of _all_ the other stocks of the north; but they were in advance of the most prominent examples of the semi-civilized indian tribes of _this_ day.--neither the choctaws, the cherokees, or other expatriated tribes now assembled on the neosho territory, west of the mississippi, although they adopted governments for themselves, have had the wisdom to adopt a general union.--the worst and most discouraging fact to the friends of the aboriginal race, in these tribes, is, that they will not confederate. discord, internal and external, has assailed them with great power, in late years, and threaten even to defeat the humane policy of the government, in their colonization. so superior were the iroquois, in this particular, so deeply imbued were their minds with the wisdom of union; that had the discovery of the continent, been postponed half a century longer, they would have presented a compact representative empire in north america, far more stable, energetic and sound, if not so brilliant as that of mexico. they were a people of physically better nerve and mould. of ample stature and great personal activity and courage, they were capable of offering a more efficient resistance to their invaders. the climate itself was more favorable to energetic action; and it can scarcely be deemed fanciful to assert, that had hernando cortez, in , entered the mohawk valley, instead of that of mexico, with the force he actually had, his ranks would have gone down under the skillfulness of the iroquois' ambuscades, and himself perished ingloriously at the stake. the number of warriors they could bring into the field, was large, although it has probably been over-rated. let it not be overlooked, in estimating the ancient vigor and military power of this race, that in , one year after the _final_ transfer of political power, in new-york, from the stadtholder of holland to the british crown, the iroquois wielded more than hatches. [clint's dis. n. y. col. vol. , p. .] sixteen hundred of these warriors, are estimated to have ranged themselves on the side of great britain, in the memorable contest of the revolution. misled in this contest, they certainly were--doubting long which of two branches of the same white race, they should side with, but overpowered by external pomp, by specious promises, and by false appearances, they committed a fatal mistake. they fought, in fact, against the very principles of republican confederation, which they had so long upheld in their own body, and which, i may add, had so long upheld them. they perilled all upon the issue; and the issue went against them. their great and eloquent leader thayendanegea, better known as joseph brant, had been educated in british schools, he could speak two tongues, and his counsels prevailed. he was not in the old line of the chieftainship, but had placed himself at the head of the confederacy by his brilliant talents, and by favorable circumstances. that line fell with the great mohawk sachem hendrick, at the battle of lake george, in , and with the wise civilian little abraham, who in right of his mother, succeeded him, and died at his castle at dionderoga. brant was, however, a man of great energy of character, of shrewd principles of policy, and of great personal, as well as moral courage. as a war captain and a civil leader, the red race of america has produced no superior. he led tomahawks against the armies of the revolution--at his war cry , arrows were launched from their fatal bows. the voice of kirkland--the voice of schuyler--the voice of washington were exerted in vain. had he hearkened to these friendly voices, the iroquois confederacy would now have stood in the plenitude of power, and we should not have assembled to-day to light the fires of this young institution from its dying embers. these things are past. the contest of the revolution was one, which our fathers waged. many of you may have heard the graphic recitals of those days of peril, as i have, from the lips of actors, who now rest from their toils.--they were days of high and sanguinary import. the deeds of daring which they brought forth, came like a mighty tempest over the face of this fair land. it prostrated many a noble trunk. it swept for seven long years, over the beauteous lakes and forests, which now constitute our homes. it left them almost denuded and desolate. but the mild airs and gentle summer winds of peace succeeded. the hoarse voice of the iroquois, o-way-ne-o, has been transformed into the soft and silver tones of god. flowers and fruits, and fields of waving grain, soon rose up in every valley, and shed their fragrance along every sylvan shore. joy and prosperity succeeded the arrowy storm of war. and it has been given to us, to carry out scenes of improvement, and of moral and intellectual progress, which providence, in its profound workings, has deemed it best for the prosperity of man, that _we_, and not _they_, should be entrusted with. we have succeeded to their inheritance: but we regard them as brothers. we cherish their memory: we admire their virtues; and we aim to rescue from oblivion their noble deeds. i have merely alluded to the importance of the iroquois decision at the critical period, . the erroneous policy they adopted, with some exceptions, is among the events of past times, which wiser and more learned and resplendent nations, than they professed to be, have committed. we regret the error of the decision, but we hold fellowship with the man. he is our brother; and we meet this day to consecrate a literary institution in the land, more enduring, we trust, than deeds of strife and battle, and better suited to elicit studies to exalt the heart and dignify the understanding. your weapons are not spears and clubs, but letters. your means are the quiet and peaceful paths of inquiry. if these paths are often obscured by the foot of time and tangled by the interlacings of history and antiquity, be it yours to put the branches aside, and lead the right way. truth is your aim, and justice and benevolence your guides. they hold before you the lamp of science so clearly, that you cannot mistake your way. while you essay, with modesty and diligence to tread in this path, and render justice to a proud and noble branch of the aboriginal race, your ultimate ends are moral improvement, the accumulation of useful facts, and the general advancement of historical letters. you have selected, out of a wide field of aboriginal nations, the history and ethnography of the iroquois, as the theme of your particular inquiries. to us, at least, these tribes, stand in the most interesting relations. they occupied our soil; they gave names to our rivers and mountains. they figure in the foreground of our history. the very names of the minor streams and lakes we dwell beside, bring up, by association, the free and bold race, who once claimed them as their patrimony. before columbus set out, on his solitary mule, to solicit the patronage of ferdinand and isabella, they were here. before hudson dropped anchor north of the, to him, wonderful peaks of the ontiora, or highlands, they were here. other indian races have left their names on other portions of the continent. the names of the missouri and mississippi, the alleghany and the oregon, we trace to other stocks of red men. but the akonoshioni, or iroquois, has consecrated the early history of western new-york. their history is, to some extent, our history; and we turn, with intellectual refreshment from the thread-bare themes of europe and the europeans, to trace the humble sepulchres where the iroquois buried his dead--the mounds, which entombed his rulers or his battle slain,--or lifted on high, his sacrificial lights--the long and half obliterated trenches of embankments which encompassed his ancient towns--the heaps of stone that lie at the angles and sally ports of his simple fortresses, on the circular trenches, which enclosed his beacon fires on the mountain tops. it is in localities of this kind, that the ploughman turns up fragments of the red man's time wasted and broken pottery--his stone pestles, his carved pipes, and his skilfully chipped arrow heads, and spear heads, and tomahawks of stone. these, and analogous remains, are the objects of our antiquarian researches. prouder monuments he had none. there was neither column, nor arch, statue nor inscription. but we may trace, by a careful inspection of the objects, the state and progress of his ancient and rude arts. we may denote, by their occurrence, in the same localities, the era of the arrival of the white man. we may establish other eras, from geological changes,--the growth of forest trees, and other inductive means. there are three eras in american antiquity. . vestiges of their primary migration and origin. . vestiges of their international changes and intestine wars, prior to the discovery of the continent by columbus. . evidences of wars, migrations and remains of occupancy, subsequent to the arrival of europeans. these are to be studied in the inverse order of their being stated. we must proceed from the known to the unknown--from the recent, to the remote. ethnography offers a species of proof, to determine the migrations and divisions in the original family of man, which is to be drawn from geographical considerations--the relative position of islands, seas and continents--the means of subsistence as governed and limited by climate, and soil; the state of ancient arts, agriculture, languages, &c. philology denotes the affinities of nations, by the analogies of words, and forms of syntax, and the place of expressing ideas. the remains of arts, monuments, inscriptions, hieroglyphics, picture writing, and architecture, constitute so many means of comparing one nation with another, and thus determining their affinities; and although most of our aboriginal nations had made but little progress in these departments, the state of ruins in mexico, central mexico and yucatan; the mounds and fortifications of the west; and even the remains of forts and barrows in western new-york, entitle them to consideration. there is another department of observation on our aborigines, which, from the light it has shed on the mental characteristics of the algic, and some other stocks, offers a new field for investigation. i allude to the subject of the imaginative legends and tales of the red race. such tales have been found abundantly in the lodge circles of the tribes about the upper lakes and the source of the mississippi. they reveal the sources of many of their peculiar opinions on life, death, and immortality, and open, if i may so say, a vista to the philosophy of the indian mind, and the theory of his religion. an ample field for investigation is thus before you. and it is one full of attractions alike for the man of science, research, learned leisure and philosophy. but it is not alone to these, that the red man and his associations, present a field for study and contemplation. his history and existence on this continent, is blended with the richest sources of poetry and imagination. his beautiful and sonorous geographical nomenclature alone, has clothed our hills and lakes and streams, with the charms of poetic numbers.--the red man himself, who once roved these attractive scenes, with his bow and arrows, and his brow crowned with the highest honors of the war path and the chase, was a being of noble mould. he felt the true sentiment of independence. he was capable of high deeds of courage, disinterestedness and virtue. his generosity and hospitality were unbounded. his constancy in professed friendship was universal, and his memory of a good deed, done to him, or his kindred, never faded. his breast was animated with a noble thirst of fame. to acquire this, he trod the war path, he submitted to long and severe privations. neither fatigue, hunger or thirst were permitted to gain the mastery over him. a stoic in endurance he was above complaint, and when a prisoner at the stake, he triumphed over his enemy in his death song. the history of such a people must be full of deep tragic and poetic incidents; and their antiquities, cannot fail to illustrate it.--the tomb that holds a man, derives all its moral interest _from_ the man, and would be destitute of it, without him. america is the tomb of the red man. a single objection, to the plan of the institution, remains to be answered. it may be deemed too intricate and complex to secure unity in action. the inquiries are admitted to be interesting and capable of furnishing intellectual aliment for a literary society; but why not establish it on plain principles, in the ordinary mode? all that is sought, it may be said, could be accomplished without such a weight of associated machinery. by organizing it on the basis of the several tribes, and the several clans of each tribe; spreading over so wide an area of territory, and adopting so many of the aboriginal peculiarities, in terms, form of admission, and you have exposed the institution to serious objections, and to the danger of an early decline. but, are not these traits, rather the guarantees of its success and perpetuity? it addresses itself, particularly to the young. to them, it brings the attractions of novelty. much of the ardor of association and desire of action, peculiar to this age, may find its gratification in these co-fraternal, and ceremonial observances; and be supposed to act as stimulants to the higher, and ulterior objects of the association. these objects are, both in their nature, and associations, of an inspiring cast. they bring before you, a new world, with its ancient inhabitants, as themes of contemplation. and these themes spring up, with a freshness and vigor, well suited to attract the pen and pencil.--tired with poring over the dusty volumes, which detail the ruins of the temples and cities of the eastern hemisphere, the spirit of research asks, whether, in the very magnificence of the continent, there be not now a temple, whose history is worth study? cloyed with the accounts handed down of the renowned places and renowned men of antiquity, it is inquired, whether these broad forests and far-spread vistas of woods and waters, do not conceal something of the foot-prints of past time, which is worth labor and learning to investigate, and reveal? nature is found here, in some of her sublimest moods. she is still in her questive youth, but it is a youth of gigantic proportions. her largest rivers occupy thousands of miles in displaying their winding channels, between these sources and their outlets, in the sea. her broad forests still wave with their leafy honors unshorn. her lakes occupy a length and breadth and depth, which give them far more the aspect of seas. ships, bear a heavy commerce on their bosoms, and navies have battled for supremacy upon their ample breasts. it is a region destined for the human race to develope itself and expand in. it is a seat prepared for the re-union of the different stocks of mankind. it is an area of magnificent extent. higher mountains fill other parts of the world, and other parts of _this_ continent. the alps, the atlas, the andes and the cordilleras reach into the skies, but they encumber the earth with their vast proportions, and render the surface sterile. they take away from the area of tillable soil, and add it to waste and unprofitable districts. if our greatest elevations, are humble compared to these, they are clothed with verdure, and break into countless valleys, which afford a habitation to man. no country on the globe abounds with so many beautiful lakes of every size, and our rivers display a succession of cataracts and falls, alike attractive to the eye of taste and art. is all this profusion designed to employ the pens of naturalists and statesmen only? is there no field in the mighty past, for the philosopher and the historian? for the ethnologist and the antiquarian? is civilized man alone the only object, wanting in the consideration of its former history? we answer, no. centuries on centuries have passed away, since first the red man planted his foot on this continent. the very paucity of his knowledge and simplicity of his arts, tell a story of great antiquity. the diversities of language answer to the same end. and, for aught that is known, long before the eras of socrates and pythagoras, plato and confucius, the mongol and the persian. the tartar and the mesopotamean, the chinese and japanese, and we know not how many other shades of the red man of asia, were in awoneo[e] or america. of their wonderful histories and wars and overturnings, by land and sea, of their mixtures and intermixtures of blood and language and lineage and nationality, we know little, or nothing. but, after all the centuries of separation, we find in his physiological characteristics and conformation of visage and expression, the same asiatic type of man--whom the first adventurers to these shores, did not hesitate to pronounce the man of india. use, has perpetuated the term, and if the discoveries of geography, have, ages since, shown the appellation of indians, in the sense then employed, to be incorrect, physiologists and ethnographers, have but found stronger and stronger proofs, that asia, in preference to every other quarter of the globe, was the true land of his origin. [e] onondaga. * * * * * preface. in indian mythology may be found the richest poetic materials. an american author is unworthy of the land that gave him birth if he passes by with indifference this well-spring of inspiration, sending liberally forth a thousand enchanted streams. it has given spiritual inhabitants to our valleys, rivers, hills and inland seas; it has peopled the dim and awful depths of our forests with spectres, and, by the power of association, given our scenery a charm that will make it attractive forever. the material eye is gratified by a passing glimpse of nature's external features, but a beauty, unseen, unknown before, invests them if linked to stories of the past, in the creation of which fabling fancy has been a diligent co-worker with memory. the red man was a being who delighted in the mystical and the wild--it was a part of his woodland inheritance. good and evil genii performed for him their allotted tasks. joyous tidings, freedom from disease and disaster--success in the chase, and on the war path were traceable to the master of life and his subordinate ministers:--blight that fell upon the corn was attributed, on the contrary, to demoniac agency, and the shaft that missed its mark was turned aside by the invisible hand of some mischievous sprite. deities presided over the elements. the chippewas have their little wild men of the woods, that remind us of puck and his frolicsome brotherhood, and the dark son of the wilderness, like our first parents --"from the steep of echoing hill or thicket often heard celestial voices." my tent is pitched on the hunting grounds of the senecas, (or so-non-ton-ons) and i deem it not inappropriate to select for my theme the legend of their origin. different versions of the story are in circulation, but i have been guided mainly, in the narrative part of my poem, by notes taken down after an interview with the late captain horatio jones, the indian interpreter of the six nations. the great hill at the head of canandaigua lake, from whence the senecas sprung, is called genundewah. tradition says that it was crowned by a fort to which the braves of the tribe resorted at night-fall, after waging war with a race of giants. these giants were worshippers of ut-co, or the evil spirit, who sent, after their extermination, a great serpent to destroy the conquerors. quitting its watery lair in canandaigua lake, the monster encircled their fortification. the head and tail completed a horrid _ring_ at the gateway, and, when half famished, the wretched inmates vainly attempted to escape. all were destroyed with the exception of a pair, whose miraculous preservation is related in the poem that follows. ever after genundewah was a chosen seat of iroquois council, and wrinkled seers were in the habit of climbing its sides for the purpose of offering up prayers to the great spirit. genundewah, [a legend of canandaigua lake.] by william h. c. hosmer. written at the request of the "new confederation of the iroquois," and pronounced before them in general council, at aurora, august th, . i. why, chieftain, linger on this barren hill that overbrows yon azure sheet below? red sunset glimmers on the leaping rill, dark night is near, and we have far to go. this scene--replied he leaning on big bow-- is hallowed by tradition--wondrous birth here to my tribe was given long ago; we stand where rose they from disparting earth to light a deathless blaze on fame's unmouldering hearth. ii. a fort they reared upon this summit bleak guided by counsel from the spirit land, and clad in dart-proof panoply would seek the plains beneath each morn, a valiant band, and warfare wage with giants hand to hand: they conquered in the struggle, and the bones of their dead foemen on the echoing strand of the clear lake lay blent with wave-washed stones, and pale, unbodied ghosts filled air with hollow moans. iii. ut-co, the scowling king of evil, heard the voice of lamentation, and wild ire the depths of his remorseless bosom stirr'd; of that gigantic brood he was the sire, and flying from his cavern, arched with fire, he hovered o'er these, waters--at his call up rushed a hideous monster, spire on spire;-- _call_ so astounding that the rocky wall of this blue chain of hills seemed tott'ring to its fall! iv. with his infernal parent for a guide, the hungry serpent left his watery lair, dragging his scaly terrors up the side of this tall hill, now desolate and bare: filled with alarm the senecas espied his dread approach, and launched a whizzing shower of arrows on the foe, whose iron hide repelled their flinty points--and in that hour the boldest warrior fled from strife with fiendish power. v. the loathsome messenger of wo and death true to his dark and awful mission wound, polluting air with his envenom'd breath, huge folds the palisadoed camp around: crouched at his master's feet the faithful hound, and raised a piteous and despairing cry; no outlet of escape the mother found for her imploring infants, and on high lifted her trembling hands in voiceless agony. vi. forming a hideous circle at the gate the reptile's head and tail together lay; distended were the fang-set jaws in wait for victims, thus beleaguered, night and day; and not unlike the red and angry ray shot by the bearded comet was the light of his unslumbering eye that watched for prey; his burnished mail flashed back the sunshine bright, and round him pale the woods grew with untimely blight. vii. when famine raged within their guarded hold, and wan distemper thinn'd their numbers fast, crowding the narrow gateway young and old with the fixed look of desperation passed from life to dreadful death--a charnel vast-- the reptile's yawning throat entombed the strong, and lovely of the tribe:--remained at last two lovers only of that mighty throng to chaunt with feeble voice a nation's funeral song. viii. comely to look on was the youthful pair:-- one, like the mountain pine erect and tall, was of imposing presence;--his dark hair had caught its hue from night's descending pall; light was his tread--his port majestical, and well his kingly brow became a form of matchless beauty:--like the rise and fall of a strong billow in the hour of storm beat his undaunted heart with glory's impulse warm. ix. graced was his belt by beads of dazzling sheen and painted quills--the handiwork of one dearer than life to him;--though he had seen from the gray hills, beneath a wasting sun, only the snows of twenty winters run, the warrior's right his scalp lock to adorn with eagle plumes in battle he had won: o'erjoyed were prophets old when he was born, and hailed him with one voice "_first sunbeam of the morn_." x. the other!--what of her?--bright shapes beyond this darkened earth wear looks like those she wore; graceful her mien as lilly of the pond that nods to every wind that passes o'er its fragrant head a welcome:--never more by loveliness so rare will earth be blest; softer than ripple breaking on the shore by moonlight was her voice, and in her breast pure thought a dwelling found--the bird of love a nest. xi. round her would hop unscared the sinless bird, and court the lustre of her gentle glance, hushing each wood-note wild whene'er it heard her song of joy:--her countenance inspired beholders with a thought that chance had borne her hither from some better land:-- to deck her tresses for the festive dance girls of the tribe would bring, with liberal hand, blossoms and rose-lipped shells from bower and reedy strand. xii. a thing of beauty is the slender vine that wreaths its verdant arm around the oak as if it there could safely intertwine shielded from ringing axe--the lightning stroke-- and like that vine the girl of whom i spoke clung to her companion:--scalding tears rained from her elk-like eyes, and sobs outbroke from her o'er-labored bosom, while her ears were filled with soothing tones that did not hush her fears. xiii. mourner! the hour of rescue is at hand! this hill will tremble to its rocky base when ou-wee ne-you utters stern command; joy ere another fleeting moon the trace of clouding sorrow from thy brow will chase:-- fear not!--for i am left to guard thee yet last of the daughters of a luckless race! we must not in the time of grief forget that light breaks forth anew from orbs that darkly set. xiv. thus, day by day, would o-wen-do-skah strive to cheer the drooping spirits of the maid, and keep one glimmering spark of hope alive; in the deep midnight for celestial aid, while cowered the trembler at his knee, he prayed in tones that might have touched a heart of rock: one morn exclaimed he--"be no more afraid bright, peerless scion of a broken stock, for heaven the monster's coil is arming to unlock. xv. "reserved for some high destiny despite the downfall of our people we live on-- my dreams were of deliverance last night, and peril of impending death withdrawn: a light, my weeping one, begins to dawn on the thick gloom by sorrow round us cast; the lead-like pressure of despair is gone, and rides a viewless courier on the blast who whispers--lo! the hour of vengeance comes at last. xvi. "gorged with his meal of gore unstirring sleeps in his tremendous ring our mortal foe: film-veiled his savage eye no longer keeps grim watch for victims--warily and slow! follow thy lover arrived with bended bow of timber shaped, in many a battle tried-- some guardian spirit will before me throw a shield by human vision undescried should he awake in wrath, and hence our footsteps guide." xvii. it was i ween a sight to freeze each vein that courses through our perishable clay when sallied forth with muffled tread the twain; a look of wild, unutterable dismay convulsed te-yos-yu's[f] visage while the way, a spear-length in advance, her lover led: reaching the portal paused he to survey the dangerous pass through which a grisly head deprest to earth he saw, its mouth with murder red. [f] bright eye. xviii. "on! on!"--he whispered--"and the sightless mole our footfall must not hear, or we are lost:" nerved to high purpose was his war-like soul as the dark threshold of the gate he cross'd; but fear that instant chilled his limbs with frost, for high its swollen neck the monster raised gore dripping from its jaws with foam embossed, and rimmed with fire, and circling eye-ball blazed as light unwounding dart its horrid armor grazed. xix. sick by a foul and fetid odor made recoiled the champion from unequal fray; cut off all hope of rescue, he surveyed fiercely the danger like a stag at bay: where was te-yos-yu?--she had swooned away, and hoof-crushed wild-flower of the forest brown resembled her as soiled with mould she lay; long on the _seeming corpse_ the chief looked down, for 'twas a sight the cup of his despair to crown. xx. kneeling at length, upheld he with strong arm her beauteous head, but in the temples beat no pulse of life:--tears gushing fast and warm refresh a heart, of transcient ill the seat, as raindrops cool the summer's midday heat; but when descends some desolating blow that makes this world a desert, how unmeet is outward symbol!--and far, far below the water-mark of grief was oh-wen-do-skah's wo! xxi. in broken tones he murmured--"must the name of a great people be revived no more, and like an echo pass away their fame, or moccasin's faint impress on the shore of the salt lake when billows foam and roar? black night enwraps my soul, for she is dead who was its light--desire to live is o'er!" scarce were these words in mournful accent said, when peals of thunder shook low vale and mountain-head. xxii. up sprang the chief;--and on a throne of cloud, robed in a snowy mantle fringed with light, the lord of life beheld:--the forest bowed its head in awe before that presence bright, and a wild shudder at the dazzling sight ran through the mighty monster's knotted ring shaking the hill from base to rocky height; rose from her trance the maid with fawn-like spring, and balanced in mid-air the bird on trembling wing. xxiii. "notch on the twisted sinew of thy bow this fatal weapon"--ou-wee-ne-you[g] cried, dropping a golden shaft--"and pierce the foe under the rounded scale that wall his side!" then vanished, while again the valley wide and mountain quaked with thunder:--from the ground the warrior raised the gift of heaven, and hied on his heroic mission while around the hill with closer clasp his train the serpent wound. [g] great spirit. xxiv. flame-hued and hissing played its nimble tongue between thick, ghastly rows of pointed bone round which commingled gore and venom clung: raging its flattened head like copper shone, and flinty earth returned a heavy groan lashed by quick strokes of its resounding tail; heard is like uproar when the hills bleak cone is wildly beat by winter's icy flail, but in that moment dire the archer did not quail. xxv. firm in one hand his trusty bow he held, and with the other to its glittering head drew the long shaft while full each muscle swell'd; a twanging sound!--and on its errand sped the messenger of vengeance:--warm and red gushed from a gaping wound the vital tide-- wrenched was the granite from its ancient bed, and pines were broken in their leafy pride, when throes of mortal pain the monster's coil untied. xxvi. down the steep hill outstretched and dead he rolled disgorging human heads in his descent; oaks that in earth had deeply fixed their hold like reeds by that revolving mass were bent, splintered their boughs as if by thunder rent: high flung the troubled lake its glittering spray, and far the beach with flakes of foam besprent, when the huge carcass disappeared for aye in depths from whence it rose to curse the beams of day. xxvii. when winds its murmuring bosom cease to wake through bright transparent waves you may discern on the hard, pebbled bottom of the lake skulls changed to stone:--when fires no longer burn kindled by sunset, and the glistening urn of night o'erflows with dew the phantoms pale of matron, maid, child, seer and chieftain stern their ghastly faces to the moon unveil, and raise upon the shore a low heart-broken wail. xxviii. the lovers of genundewah were blest by the great spirit, and their lodge became the nursery of a nation:--when the west opened its gates of parti-colored flame to give their souls free passage loud acclaim rang through the spirit land, and voices cried "welcome! ye builders of eternal fame! ye royal founders of an empire wide the stream of joy flows by, quaff ever from its tide!" xxix. at onondaga burned the sacred fire a thousand winters with unwasting blaze; in guarding it son emulated sire, and far abroad were flung its dazzling rays: followed were happy years by evil days-- blue-eyed and pale came children of the dawn tall spires on site of bark-built town to raise; change groves of beauty to a naked lawn, and whirl their chariot wheels where led the doe her fawn. xxx. where are the mighty?--morning finds them not! i call--and echo gives response alone; the fiery bolt of ruin hath been shot, the blow is struck--the winds of death have blown! cold are the hearths--their altars overthrown: for them with smoking venison the board, reward of toilsome chase, no more will groan; sharper than hatchet proved the conqueror's sword, and blood, in fruitless strife, like water they outpoured. xxxi. the spotted demon of contagion came ere the sacred bird of peace could find a nest, and vanished tribes like summer grass when flame reddens the level prairie of the west, or wasting dew drops when the rocky crest of this enchanted hill is tipped with gold; and ere the genii of the wild-wood drest with flowers and moss the grave mound's hollowed mould, before the ringing axe went down the forest old. xxxii. oh! where is gar-an-gu-la--sachem wise? who was the father of his people?--where king hendrick, cay-en-guac-to?--_who replies?_ and sken-an-do-ah, was thy silver hair brought to the dust in sorrow and despair by pale oppression, though thy bow was strong to guard their thirteen fires?--they did not spare e'en thee, old chieftain, and thy tuneful tongue the death-dirge of thy race in measured cadence sung. xxxiii. thea-an-de-nea-gua[h] of the martial brow, gy-ant-wa,[i] hon-ne-ya-was[j] where are they? sa-go-ye-wat-hah![k] is _he silent_ now? no more will listening throngs his voice obey. like visions have the mighty passed away! their tears descend in rain-drops, and their sighs are heard in wailing winds when evening gray shadows the landscape, and their mournful eyes gleam in the misty light of moon-illumin'd skies. [h] brunt. [i] corn planter. [j] farmer's brother. [k] red jacket. xxxiv. gone are my tribesmen, and another race, _born of the foam_, disclose with plough and spade secrets of battle-field and burial-place; and hunting grounds, once dark with pleasant shade, bask in the golden light:--but i have made a pilgrimage from far to look once more on scenes through which in childhood's hour i strayed, though robbed of might my limbs, my locks all hoar, and on this holy mount mourn for the days of yore, xxxv. our house is broken open at both ends though deeply set the posts, its timber strong-- from ruthless foes, and traitors masked as friends, tutored to sing a false but pleasant song the seneca and mohawk guarded long its blood-stained doors:--the _former_ faced the sun in his decline--the _latter_ watched a throng clouding the eastern hills--their tasks are done; a game for life was played, and prize the white man won. xxxvi. around me soon will bloom unfading flowers ye glorious spirit islands of the just! no fatal axe will hew away your bowers, or lay the green-robed forest king in dust: far from the spoiler's fury, and his lust of boundless power will i my fathers meet tiaras wearing never dimm'd by rust, and they, while airs waft music passing sweet, to blest abodes will guide my silver-sandal'd feet. notes. _the warrior's right his scalp lock to adorn with eagle plumes in battle he had won._--stanza ix. no one but a brave who has slain an enemy in battle, is allowed the distinguished honor of wearing eagle feathers. _rained from her elk-like eyes._--stanza xii. objects clear and bright are often compared by the indian to the elk's eye. the definition of muskingum is--"clear as an elk's eye." _born of the foam._--stanza xxxiv. the red man believes that the whites sprang from the foam of the salt water. * * * * * transcriber's note: inconsistent capitalization (e.g. gulf vs. gulf), spacing (e.g. north east vs. northeast), and hyphenation (e.g. foot-prints vs. footprints) have been left as in the original. the following changes were made to the text: p. : worty to worthy (worthy of the thought and care) p. : expreses to expresses (expresses the peculiarities of its own soil) p. : tueton to teuton (the teuton, goth and magyar) p. : maze to maize (crushed their maize) p. : ninevah to nineveh (buried sites of nineveh) p. : deciples to disciples (disciples of zoroaster) p. : progres to progress (progress of nations) p. : alleghany's to alleghanies (by the alleghanies) p. : distatant to distant (at distant points) p. : susquehannah to susquehanna (the susquehanna, the delaware and the st. lawrence) p. : acient to ancient (an ancient feature) p. : entititled to entitled (each clan is entitled to a chief.) p. : heriditary to hereditary (a hereditary chieftainship) p. : eminent to imminent (from imminent peril) p. : heredotus to herodotus (the period of herodotus) p. : amunition to ammunition (guns and ammunition) p. : ioroquois' to iroquois' (the iroquois' powers) p. : vandruiel to vaudruiel (vaudruiel, the governor general of new france) p. : beautious to beauteous (beauteous lakes and forests) p. : resplendant to resplendent (more learned and resplendent nations) p. : oblitered to obliterated (half obliterated trenches) p. : subsistance to subsistence (means of subsistence) p. : alterior to ulterior (ulterior objects) p. : pouring to poring (poring over the dusty volumes) p. : vallies to valleys (countless valleys) p. : centures to centuries (centuries on centuries) p. : muflled to muffled (with muffled tread) p. : is to in (head in awe) p. : hilll to hill (shaking the hill) p. : single quotes to double quotes ("notch on ... fatal weapon") p. : side"! to side!" (that wall his side!") p. : missing close quote added (quaff ever from its tide!") p. : worn to won, and period at end of first line removed to match quoted passage in poem (note for stanza ix.) p. : missing period added (stanza xxxiv.) the story of hiawatha [illustration: "from the full moon fell nokomis"--_page _] the story of hiawatha adapted from longfellow _by_ winston stokes with the original poem [illustration] _illustrated by_ m · l · kirk new york frederick · a · stokes company publishers copyright, , by frederick a. stokes company _all rights reserved_ _september, _ preface in this land of change it is important that we may learn a little of the childlike people who preceded us; who hunted, fished and worshipped long ago where we now make our homes and lead our lives. no other legends have so strange a charm, or such appealing local interest, as legends of the wildwood, and nowhere are these so well expressed as in longfellow's poem of hiawatha. to furnish a simple medium through which both younger and older people of today may be brought closer, by longfellow, to the mystery of the forest, this prose rendering of "hiawatha" has been written. it follows closely the narrative of the poem, and in many places longfellow's own words have been introduced into its pages, for the purpose of this volume is to awaken interest and pleasure in the poem itself. contents the story of hiawatha page preface vii chapter i. the peace-pipe ii. the four winds iii. hiawatha's childhood iv. hiawatha and mudjekeewis v. hiawatha's fasting vi. hiawatha's friends vii. hiawatha's sailing viii. hiawatha's fishing ix. hiawatha and the pearl-feather x. hiawatha's wooing xi. hiawatha's wedding feast xii. the son of the evening star xiii. blessing the cornfields xiv. picture writing xv. hiawatha's lamentation xvi. pau-puk-keewis xvii. the hunting of pau-puk-keewis xviii. the death of kwasind xix. the ghosts xx. the famine xxi. the white man's foot xxii. hiawatha's departure contents the song of hiawatha page introduction canto i. the peace-pipe ii. the four winds iii. hiawatha's childhood iv. hiawatha and mudjekeewis v. hiawatha's fasting vi. hiawatha's friends vii. hiawatha's sailing viii. hiawatha's fishing ix. hiawatha and the pearl-feather x. hiawatha's wooing xi. hiawatha's wedding feast xii. the son of the evening star xiii. blessing the cornfields xiv. picture writing xv. hiawatha's lamentation xvi. pau-puk-keewis xvii. the hunting of pau-puk-keewis xviii. the death of kwasind xix. the ghosts xx. the famine xxi. the white man's foot xxii. hiawatha's departure illustrations "of all beasts he learned the language" _cover_ "from the full moon fell nokomis" _frontispiece_ facing page "dead he lay there in the sunset" "pleasant was the journey homeward" "seven long days and nights he sat there" "give me of your roots, o tamarack" "take my bait, o king of fishes" he began his mystic dances "held by unseen hands but sinking" "and each figure had a meaning" "hurled the pine cones down upon him" "westward, westward hiawatha sailed into the fiery sunset" the story of hiawatha i the peace-pipe long ago, when our cities were pleasant woodlands and the white man was far beyond the seas, the great manito, god of all the indians, descended to the earth. from the red crags of the great red pipestone quarry he gazed upon the country that he ruled, and a silver river gushed from his footprints and turned to gold as it met the morning sun. the great manito stooped to gather some of the red stone of the quarry, and molded it with giant fingers into a mighty pipe-bowl; he plucked a reed from the river bank for a pipe-stem, filled the pipe with the bark of the willow, breathed upon the forest until the great boughs chafed together into flame, and there alone upon the mountains he smoked the pipe of peace. the smoke rose high and slowly in the air. far above the tops of the tallest pine-trees it rose in a thin blue line, so that all the nations might see and hasten at the summons of the great manito; and the smoke as it rose grew thicker and purer and whiter, rolling and unfolding in the air until it glistened like a great white fleecy cloud that touched the top of heaven. the indians saw it from the valley of wyoming, and from tuscaloosa and the far-off rocky mountains, and their prophets said: "come and obey the summons of the great manito, who calls the tribes of men to council!" over the prairies, down the rivers, through the forests, from north and south and east and west, the red men hastened to approach the smoke-cloud. there were delawares and dacotahs and choctaws and comanches and pawnees and blackfeet and shoshonies,--all the tribes of indians in the world, and one and all they gathered at the pipestone quarry, where the great manito stood and waited for them. and the great manito saw that they glared at one another angrily, and he stretched his right hand over them and said: "my children, i have given you a happy land, where you may fish and hunt. i have filled the rivers with the trout and sturgeon. there are wild fowl in the lakes and marshes; there are bears in the forest and bison on the prairie. now listen to my warning, for i am weary of your endless quarrels: i will send a prophet to you, who shall guide you and teach you and share your sufferings. obey him, and all will be well with you. disobey him, and you shall be scattered like the autumn leaves. wash the war-paint and the bloodstains from your bodies; mould the red stone of the quarry into peace-pipes, and smoke with me the pipe of peace and brotherhood that shall last forever." the tones of his deep voice died away, and the indians broke their weapons and bathed in the sparkling river. they took the red stone of the quarry and made peace-pipes and gathered in a circle; and while they smoked the great manito grew taller and mightier and lighter until he drifted on the smoke high above the clouds into the heavens. ii the four winds in the far-off kingdom of wabasso, the country of the north-wind, where the fierce blasts howl among the gorges and the mountains are like flint the year round, mishe mokwa, the huge bear, had his cave. years had passed since the great manito had spoken to the tribes of men, and his words of warning were forgotten by the indians; the smoke of his peace-pipe had been blown away by the four winds, and the red men smeared their bodies with new war-paint, as they had done in days of old. but, brave as they were, none of them dared to hunt the monster bear, who was the terror of the nations of the earth. he would rise from his winter sleep and bring the fear of death into the villages, and he would come like a great shadow in the night to kill and to destroy. year by year the great bear became bolder, and year by year the number of his victims had increased until the mighty mudjekeewis, bravest of all the early indians, grew into manhood. although mudjekeewis was so strong that all his enemies were afraid of him, he did not love the war-path, for he alone remembered the warning of the great manito; and as he wished to be a hero, and yet to do no harm to his fellow men, he decided to hunt and kill the great bear of the mountains, and to take the magic belt of shining shells called wampum that the great bear wore about his neck. mudjekeewis told this to the indians, and one and all they shouted: "honor be to mudjekeewis!" for a weapon he took a huge war-club, made of rock and the trunk of a tough young pine, and all alone he went into the northland to the home of mishe mokwa. many days he hunted, for the great bear knew of his coming, and the monster's savage heart felt fear for the first time; but at last, after a long search, mudjekeewis heard a sound like far-off thunder, that rose and fell and rose again until the echoes all around were rumbling, and he knew the sound to be the heavy breathing of the giant bear, who slept. softly mudjekeewis stole upon him. the great bear was sprawled upon the mountain, so huge that his fore-quarters rose above the tallest boulders, and on his rough and wrinkled hide the belt of wampum shone like a string of jewels. still he slept; and mudjekeewis, almost frightened by the long red talons and the mighty arms and fore-paws of the monster, drew the shining wampum softly over the closed eyes and over the grim muzzle of the bear, whose heavy breathing was hot upon his hands. then mudjekeewis gripped his club and swung it high above his head, shouting his war-cry in a terrible voice, and he struck the great bear on the forehead a blow that would have split the rocks on which the monster slept. the great bear rose and staggered forward, but his senses reeled and his legs trembled beneath him. stunned, he sat upon his haunches, and from his mighty chest and throat came a little whimpering cry like the crying of a woman. mudjekeewis laughed at the great bear, and raising his war-club once again, he broke the great bear's skull as ice is broken in winter. he put on the belt of wampum and returned to his own people, who were proud of him and cried out with one voice that the west-wind should be given him to rule. thenceforth he was known as kabeyun, father of the winds and ruler of the air. kabeyun had three sons, to whom he gave the three remaining winds of heaven. to wabun he gave the steady east-wind, fresh and damp with the air of the ocean; to the lazy shawondasee he gave the scented breezes of the south, and to the cruel kabibonokka he gave the icy gusts and storm-blasts of the northland. wabun, the young and beautiful, ruled the morning, and would fly from hill to hill and plain to plain awakening the world. when he came with the dew of early dawn upon his shoulders the wild fowl would splash amid the marshes and the lakes and rivers wrinkle into life. the squirrels would begin to chatter in the tree-tops, the moose would crash through the thicket, and the smoke would rise from a thousand wigwams. and yet, although the birds never sang so gayly as when wabun was in the air, and the flowers never smelled so sweet as when wabun blew upon their petals, he was not happy, for he lived alone in heaven. but one morning, when he sprang from the cloud bank where he had lain through the night, and when he was passing over a yet unawakened village, wabun saw a maiden picking rushes from the brink of a river, and as he passed above her she looked up with eyes as blue as two blue lakes. every morning she waited for him by the river bank, and wabun loved the beautiful maiden. so he came down to earth and he wooed her, wrapped her in his robe of crimson till he changed her to a star and he bore her high into the heavens. there they may be seen always together, wabun and the pure, bright star he loves--the star of morning. but his brother, the fierce and cruel kabibonokka, lived among the eternal ice caves and the snowdrifts of the north. he would whisk away the leaves in autumn and send the sleet through the naked forest; he would drive the wild fowl swiftly to the south and rush through the woods after them, roaring and rattling the branches. he would bind the lakes and rivers in the keenest, hardest ice, and make them hum and sing beneath him as he whirled along beneath the stars, and he would cause great floes and icebergs to creak and groan and grind together in agony of cold. once kabibonokka was rushing southward after the departing wild fowl, when he saw a figure on the frozen moorland. it was shingebis, the diver, who had stayed in the country of the north-wind long after his tribe had gone away, and shingebis was making ready to pass the winter there in spite of kabibonokka and his gusty anger. he was dragging strings of fish to his winter lodge--enough to last him until spring should set the rivers free and fill the air once more with wild fowl and the waters with returning salmon. what did shingebis care for the anger of kabibonokka? he had four great logs to burn as firewood (one for each moon of the winter), and he stretched himself before the blazing fire and ate and laughed and sang as merrily as if the sun were warm and bright without his cheery wigwam. "ho," cried kabibonokka, "i will rush upon him! i will shake his lodge to pieces! i will scatter his bright fire and drive him far to the south!" and in the night kabibonokka piled the snowdrifts high about the lodge of shingebis, and shook the lodge-pole and wailed around the smoke-flue until the flames flared and the ashes were scattered on the floor. but shingebis cared not at all. he merely turned the log until it burned more brightly, and laughed and sang as he had done before, only a little louder: "o kabibonokka, you are but my fellow-mortal!" "i will freeze him with my bitter breath!" roared kabibonokka; "i will turn him to a block of ice," and he burst into the lodge of shingebis. but although shingebis knew by the sudden coldness on his back that kabibonokka stood beside him, he did not even turn his head, but blew upon the embers, struck the coals and made the sparks flicker up the smoke-flue, while he laughed and sang over and over again: "o kabibonokka, you are but my fellow-mortal!" drops of sweat trickled down kabibonokka's forehead, and his limbs grew hot and moist and commenced to melt away. from his snow-sprinkled locks the water dripped as from the melting icicles in spring, and the steam rose from his shoulders. he rushed from the lodge and howled upon the moorland; for he could not bear the heat and the merry laughter and the singing of shingebis, the diver. "come out and wrestle with me!" cried kabibonokka. "come and meet me face to face upon the moorland!" and he stamped upon the ice and made it thicker; breathed upon the snow and made it harder; raged upon the frozen marshes against shingebis, and the warm, merry fire that had driven him away. then shingebis, the diver, left his lodge and all the warmth and light that was in it, and he wrestled all night long on the marshes with kabibonokka, until the north-wind's frozen grasp became more feeble and his strength was gone. and kabibonokka rose from the fight and fled from shingebis far away into the very heart of his frozen kingdom in the north. shawondasee, the lazy one, ruler of the south-wind, had his kingdom in the land of warmth and pleasure of the sunlit tropics. the smoke of his pipe would fill the air with a dreamy haze that caused the grapes and melons to swell into delicious ripeness. he breathed upon the fields until they yielded rich tobacco; he dropped soft and starry blossoms on the meadows and filled the shaded woods with the singing of a hundred different birds. how the wild rose and the shy arbutus and the lily, sweet and languid, loved the idle shawondasee! how the frost-weary and withered earth would melt and mellow at his sunny touch! happy shawondasee! in all his life he had a single sorrow--just one sleepy little sting of pain. he had seen a maiden clad in purest green, with hair as yellow as the bright breast of the oriole, and she stood and nodded at him from the prairie toward the north. but shawondasee, although he loved the bright-haired maiden and longed for her until he filled the air with sighs of tenderness, was so lazy and listless that he never sought to win her love. never did he rouse himself and tell her of his passion, but he stayed far to the southward, and murmured half asleep among the palm-trees as he dreamed of the bright maiden. one morning, when he awoke and gazed as usual toward the north, he saw that the beautiful golden hair of the maiden had become as white as snow, and shawondasee cried out in his sorrow: "ah, my brother of the north-wind, you have robbed me of my treasure! you have stolen the bright-haired maiden, and have wooed her with your stories of the northland!" and shawondasee wandered through the air, sighing with passion until, lo and behold! the maiden disappeared. foolish shawondasee! it was no maiden that you longed for. it was the prairie dandelion, and you puffed her away forever with your useless sighing. iii hiawatha's childhood no doubt you will wonder what the stories of the four winds have to do with hiawatha, and why he has not been spoken of before; but soon you will see that if you had not read these stories, you could not understand how the life of hiawatha was different from that of any other indian. and hiawatha had been chosen by the great manito to be the leader of the red men, to share their troubles and to teach them; so of course there were a great many things that took place before he was born that have to be remembered when we think of him. in the full moon, long ago, the beautiful nokomis was swinging in a swing of grape-vines and playing with her women, when one of them, who had always wished to do her harm, cut the swing and let nokomis fall to earth. as she fell, she was so fair and bright that she seemed to be a star flashing downward through the air, and the indians all cried out: "see, a star is dropping to the meadow!" there on the meadow, among the blossoms and the grasses, a daughter was born to nokomis, and she called her daughter wenonah. and her daughter, who was born beneath the clear moon and the bright stars of heaven, grew into a maiden sweeter than the lilies of the prairie, lovelier than the moonlight and purer than the light of any star. wenonah was so beautiful that the west-wind, the mighty west-wind, mudjekeewis, came and whispered tenderly into her ear until she loved him. but the west-wind did not love wenonah long. he went away to his kingdom on the mountains, and after he had gone wenonah had a son whom she named hiawatha, the child of the west-wind. but wenonah was so sad because the west-wind had deserted her that she died soon after hiawatha was born, and the infant hiawatha, without father or mother, was taken to nokomis' wigwam, which stood beside a broad and shining lake called "the big-sea-water." there he lived and was nursed by his grandmother, nokomis, who sang to him and rocked him in his cradle. when he cried nokomis would say to him: "hush, or the naked bear will get thee," and when he awoke in the night she taught him all about the stars, and showed him the spirits that we call the northern lights dance the death-dance far in the north. on the summer evenings, little hiawatha would hear the pine-trees whisper to one another and the water lapping in the lake, and he would see the fire-flies twinkle in the twilight; and when he saw the moon and all the dark spots on it he asked nokomis what they were, and she told him that a very angry warrior had once seized his grandmother and thrown her up into the sky at midnight, "right up to the moon," said nokomis, "and that is her body that you see there." when hiawatha saw the rainbow, with the sun shining on it, he said: "what is that, nokomis?" and nokomis answered, saying: "that is the heaven of the flowers, where all the flowers that fade on the earth blossom once again." and when hiawatha heard the owls hooting through the night he asked nokomis: "what are those?" and nokomis answered: "those are the owls and the owlets, talking to each other in their native language." then hiawatha learned the language of all the birds of the air, all about their nests, how they learned to fly and where they went in winter; and he learned so much that he could talk to them just as if he were a bird himself. he learned the language of all the beasts of the forest, and they told him all their secrets. the beavers showed him how they built their houses, the squirrels took him to the places where they hid their acorns, and the rabbits told him why they were so timid. hiawatha talked with all the animals that he met, and he called them "hiawatha's brothers." nokomis had a friend called iagoo the boaster, because he told so many stories about great deeds that he had never done, and this iagoo once made a bow for hiawatha, and said to him: "take this bow, and go into the forest hunting. kill a fine roebuck and bring us back his horns." so hiawatha went into the forest all alone with his bow and arrows, and because he knew the language of the wild things he could tell what all the birds and animals were saying to him. "do not shoot us, hiawatha!" said the robins; and the squirrels scrambled in fright up the trunks of the trees, coughing and chattering: "do not shoot us, hiawatha!" but for once hiawatha did not care or even hear what the birds and beasts were saying to him. at last he saw the tracks of the red deer, and he followed them to the river bank, where he hid among the bushes and waited until two antlers rose above the thicket and a fine buck stepped out into the path and snuffed the wind. hiawatha's heart beat quickly and he rose to one knee and aimed his arrow. "twang!" went the bowstring, and the buck leaped high into the air and fell down dead, with the arrow in his heart. hiawatha dragged the buck that he had killed back to the wigwam of nokomis, and nokomis and iagoo were much pleased. from the buck-skin they made a fine cloak for hiawatha; they hung up the antlers in the wigwam, and invited everybody in the village to a feast of deer's flesh. and the indians all came and feasted, and called hiawatha "strong heart." iv hiawatha and mudjekeewis the years passed, and hiawatha grew from a child into a strong and active man. he was so wise that the old men knew far less than he, and often asked him for advice, and he was such a fine hunter that he never missed his aim. he was so swift of foot that he could shoot an arrow and catch it in its flight or let it fall behind him; he was so strong that he could shoot ten arrows up into the air, and the last of them would leave his bow before the first had fallen to the ground. he had magic mittens made of deer-skin, and when he wore them on his hands he could break the rocks with them and grind the pieces into powder; he had magic moccasins also--shoes made of deer-skin that he tied about his feet, and when he put on these he could take a mile at every step. hiawatha thought a great deal about his father, mudjekeewis, and often plagued nokomis with questions about him, until at last she told hiawatha how his mother had loved mudjekeewis, who left her to die of sorrow; and hiawatha was so angry when he heard the story that his heart felt like a coal of fire. he said to nokomis: "i will talk with mudjekeewis, my father, and to find him i will go to the land of the sunset, where he has his kingdom." so hiawatha dressed himself for travel and armed himself with bow and a war-club, took his magic mittens and his magic moccasins, and set out all alone to travel to the kingdom of the west-wind. and although nokomis called after him and begged him to turn back, he would not listen to her, but went away into the forest. for days and days he traveled. he passed the mississippi river; he crossed the prairies where the buffaloes were herding, and when he came to the rocky mountains, where the panther and the grizzly bear have their homes, he reached the land of the sunset, and the kingdom of the west-wind. there he found his father, mudjekeewis. when hiawatha saw his father he was as nearly afraid as he had ever been in his life, for his father's cloudy hair tossed and waved in the air and flashed like the star we call the comet, trailing long streams of fire through the sky. but when mudjekeewis saw what a strong and handsome man his son had grown to be, he was proud and happy; for he knew that hiawatha had all of his own early strength and all the beauty of the dead wenonah. "welcome, my son," said mudjekeewis, "to the kingdom of the west-wind. i have waited for you many years, and have grown very lonely." and mudjekeewis and hiawatha talked long together; but all the while hiawatha was thinking of his dead mother and the wrong that had been done to her, and he became more and more angry. he hid his anger, however, and listened to what mudjekeewis told him, and mudjekeewis boasted of his own early bravery and of his body that was so tough that nobody could do him any harm. "can nothing hurt you?" asked hiawatha, and mudjekeewis said: "nothing but the black rock yonder." then he smiled at hiawatha and said: "is there anything that can harm you, my son?" and hiawatha, who did not wish mudjekeewis to know that nothing in the world could do him injury, told him that only the bulrush had such power. then they talked about other things--of hiawatha's brothers who ruled the winds, wabun and shawondasee and kabibonokka, and about the beautiful wenonah, hiawatha's mother. and hiawatha cried out then in fury: "father though you be, you killed wenonah!" and he struck with his magic mittens the black rock, broke it into pieces, and threw them at mudjekeewis; but mudjekeewis blew them back with his breath, and remembering what hiawatha had said about the bulrushes he tore them up from the mud, roots and all, and used them as a whip to lash his son. thus began the fearful fight between hiawatha and his father, mudjekeewis. the eagle left his nest and circled in the air above them as they fought; the bulrush bent and waved like a tall tree in a storm, and great pieces of the black rock crashed upon the earth. three days the fight continued, and mudjekeewis was driven back--back to the end of the world, where the sun drops down into the empty places every evening. "stop!" cried mudjekeewis, "stop, hiawatha! you cannot kill me. i have put you to this trial to learn how brave you are. now i will give you a great prize. go back to your home and people, and kill all the monsters, and all the giants and the serpents, as i killed the great bear when i was young. and at last when death draws near you, and his awful eyes glare on you from the darkness, i will give you a part of my kingdom and you shall be ruler of the north-west wind." then the battle ended long ago among the mountains; and if you do not believe this story, go there and see for yourself that the bulrush grows by the ponds and rivers, and that the pieces of the black rock are scattered all through the valleys, where they fell after hiawatha had thrown them at his father. hiawatha started homeward, with all the anger taken from his heart. only once upon his way he stopped and bought the heads of arrows from an old arrow-maker who lived in the land of the indians called dacotahs. the old arrow-maker had a daughter, whose laugh was as musical as the voice of the waterfall by which she lived, and hiawatha named her by the name of the rushing waterfall--"minnehaha"--laughing water. when he reached his native village, all he told to nokomis was of the battle with his father. of the arrows and the lovely maiden, minnehaha, he did not say a word. v hiawatha's fasting the time came when hiawatha felt that he must show the tribes of indians that he would do them some great service, and he went alone into the forest to fast and pray, and see if he could not learn how to help his fellow-men and make them happy. in the forest he built a wigwam, where nobody might disturb him, and he went without food for seven nights and seven days. the first day, he walked in the forest; and when he saw the hare leap into the thicket and the deer dart away at his approach he was very sad, because he knew that if the animals of the forest should die, or go and hide where the indians could not hunt them, the indians would starve for want of food. "must our lives depend on the hare and on the red deer?" asked hiawatha, and he prayed to the great manito to tell him of some food that the indians might always be able to find when they were hungry. the next day, hiawatha walked by the bank of the river, and saw the wild rice growing and the blueberries and the wild strawberries and the grape-vine that filled the air with pleasant odors; and he knew that when cold winter came, all this fruit would wither and the indians would have no more of it to eat. again he prayed to the great manito to tell him of some food that the indians might enjoy in winter and summer, in autumn and in spring. the third day that hiawatha fasted, he was too weak to walk about the forest, and he sat by the shore of the lake and watched the yellow perch darting about in the sunny water. far out in the middle of the lake he saw nahma, the big sturgeon, leap into the air with a shower of spray and fall back into the water with a crash; and every now and then the pike would chase a school of minnows into the shallow water at the edges of the lake and dart among them like an arrow. and hiawatha thought of how a hot summer might dry up the lakes and rivers and kill the fish, or drive them into such deep water that nobody could catch them; and he called out to the great manito, asking a third time for some food that the indians could store away and use when there was no game in the forest, and no fruit on the river banks or in the fields, and no fish in any of the lakes and rivers. on the fourth day that hiawatha fasted, he was so weak from hunger that he could not even go out and sit beside the lake, but lay on his back in his wigwam and watched the rising sun burn away the mist, and he looked up into the blue sky, wondering if the great manito had heard his prayers and would tell him of this food that he wished so much to find. and just as the sun was sinking down behind the hills, hiawatha saw a young man with golden hair coming through the forest toward his wigwam, and the young man wore a wonderful dress of the brightest green, with silky yellow fringes and gay tassels that waved behind him in the wind. the young man walked right into hiawatha's wigwam and said: "hiawatha, my name is mondamin, and i have been sent by the great manito to tell you that he has heard your prayers and will give you the food that you wish to find. but you must work hard and suffer a great deal before this food is given you, and you must now come out of your wigwam and wrestle with me in the forest." then hiawatha rose from his bed of leaves and branches, but he was so weak that it was all he could do to follow mondamin from the wigwam. he wrestled with mondamin, and as soon as he touched him his strength began to return. they wrestled for a long time and at last mondamin said: "it is enough. you have wrestled bravely, hiawatha. to-morrow i will come again and wrestle with you." he vanished, and hiawatha could not tell whether he had sunk into the ground or disappeared into the air. [illustration: "dead he lay there in the sunset"--_page _] on the next day, when the sun was setting, mondamin came again to wrestle with hiawatha, and the day after that he came also and they wrestled even longer than before. then mondamin smiled at hiawatha and said to him: "three times, o hiawatha, you have bravely wrestled with me. to-morrow i shall wrestle with you once again, and you will overcome me and throw me to the earth and i shall seem to be dead. then, when i am lying still and limp on the ground, do you take off my gay clothes and bury me where we have wrestled. and you must make the ground above the place where i am buried soft and light, and take good care that weeds do not grow there and that ravens do not come there to disturb me, until at last i rise again from the ground more beautiful than ever." true to his word, mondamin came at sunset of the next day, and he and hiawatha wrestled together for the last time. they wrestled after evening had come upon them, until at last hiawatha threw mondamin to the ground, who lay there as if dead. then hiawatha took off all the gay green clothes that mondamin wore, and he buried mondamin and made the ground soft and light above the grave, just as he had been told to do. he kept the weeds from growing in the ground, and kept the ravens from coming to the place, until at last he saw a tiny little green leaf sticking up out of the grave. the little leaf grew into a large plant, taller than hiawatha himself, and the plant had wonderful green leaves and silky yellow fringes and gay tassels that waved behind it in the wind. "it is mondamin!" cried out hiawatha, and he called nokomis and iagoo to see the wonderful plant that was to be the food that he had prayed for to the great manito. they waited until autumn had turned the leaves to yellow, and made the tender kernels hard and shiny, and then they stripped the husks and gathered the ears of the wonderful indian corn. all the indians for miles around had a great feast and were happy, because they knew that with a little care they would have corn to eat in winter and in summer, in autumn and in spring. vi hiawatha's friends hiawatha had two good friends, whom he had chosen from all other indians to be with him always, and whom he loved more than any living men. they were chibiabos, the sweetest singer, and kwasind, the strongest man in the world; and they told to hiawatha all their secrets as he told his to them. best of all hiawatha loved the brave and beautiful chibiabos, who was such a wonderful musician that when he sang people flocked from villages far and near to listen to him, and even the animals and birds left their dens and nests to hear. chibiabos sang so sweetly that the brook would pause in its course and murmur to him, asking him to teach its waves to sing his songs and to flow as softly as his words flowed when he was singing. the envious bluebird begged chibiabos to teach it songs as wild and wonderful as his own; the robin tried to learn his notes of gladness, and the lonely bird of night, the whippoorwill, longed to sing as chibiabos sang when he was sad. he could imitate all the noises of the woodland, and make them sound even sweeter than they really were, and by his singing he could force the indians to laugh or cry or dance, just as he chose. the mighty kwasind was also much beloved by hiawatha, who believed that next to wonderful songs and love and wisdom great strength was the finest thing in the world and the closest to perfect goodness; and never, in all the years that men have lived upon the earth, has there been another man so strong as kwasind. when he was a boy, kwasind did not fish or play with other children, but seemed very dull and dreamy, and his father and mother thought that they were bringing up a fool. "lazy kwasind!" his mother said to him, "you never help me with my work. in the summer you roam through the fields and forests, doing nothing; and now that it is winter you sit beside the fire like an old woman, and leave me to break the ice for fishing and to draw the nets alone. go out and wring them now, where they are freezing with the water that is in them; hang them up to dry in the sunshine, and show that you are worth the food that you eat and the clothes you wear on your back." without a word kwasind rose from the ashes where he was sitting, left the lodge and found the nets dripping and freezing fast. he wrung them like a wisp of straw, but his fingers were so strong that he broke them in a hundred different places, and his strength was so great that he could not help breaking the nets any more than if they were tender cobwebs. "lazy kwasind!" his father said to him, "you never help me in my hunting, as other young men help their fathers. you break every bow you touch, and you snap every arrow that you draw. yet you shall come with me and bring home from the forest what i kill." they went down to a deep and narrow valley by the side of a little brook, where the tracks of bison and of deer showed plainly in the mud; and at last they came to a place where the trunks of heavy trees were piled like a stone wall across the valley. "we must go back," said kwasind's father; "we can never scale those logs. they are packed so tightly that no woodchuck could get through them, and not even a squirrel could climb over the top," and the old man sat down to smoke and rest and wonder what they were going to do; but before he had finished his pipe the way lay clear, for the strong kwasind had lifted the logs as if they were light lances, and had hurled them crashing into the depths of the forest. "lazy kwasind!" shouted the young men, as they ran their races and played their games upon the meadows, "why do you stay idle while we strive with one another? leave the rock that you are leaning on and join us. come and wrestle with us, and see who can pitch the quoit the farthest." kwasind did not say a word in answer to them, but rose and slowly turned to the huge rock on which he had been leaning. he gripped it with both hands, tore it from the ground and pitched it right into the swift pauwating river, where you can still see it in the summer months, as it towers high above the current. once as kwasind with his companions was sailing down the foaming rapids of the pauwating he saw a beaver in the water--ahmeek, the king of beavers--who was struggling against the savage current. without a word, kwasind leaped into the water and chased the beaver in and out among the whirlpools. he followed the beaver among the islands, dove after him to the bottom of the river and stayed under water so long that his companions believed him dead and cried out: "alas, we shall see kwasind no more! he is drowned in the whirlpool!" but kwasind's head showed at last above the water and he swam ashore, carrying the king of beavers dead upon his shoulders. these were the sort of men that hiawatha chose to be his friends. vii hiawatha's sailing once hiawatha was sitting alone beside the swift and mighty river taquamenaw, and he longed for a canoe with which he might explore the river from bank to bank, and learn to know all its rapids and its shallows. and hiawatha set about building himself a canoe such as he needed, and he called upon the forest to give him aid: "give me your bark, o birch tree!" cried hiawatha; "i will build me a light canoe for sailing that shall float upon the river like a yellow leaf in autumn. lay aside your cloak, o birch tree, for the summer time is coming." and the birch tree sighed and rustled in the breeze, murmuring sadly: "take my cloak, o hiawatha!" with his knife hiawatha cut around the trunk of the birch-tree just beneath the branches until the sap came oozing forth; and he also cut the bark around the tree-trunk just above the roots. he slashed the bark from top to bottom, raised it with wooden wedges and stripped it from the trunk of the tree without a crack in all its golden surface. "give me your boughs, o cedar!" cried hiawatha. "give me your strong and pliant branches, to make my canoe firmer and tougher beneath me." through all the branches of the cedar there swept a noise as if somebody were crying with horror, but the tree at last bent downward and whispered: "take my boughs, o hiawatha." he cut down the boughs of the cedar and made them into a framework with the shape of two bows bent together, and he covered this framework with the rich and yellow bark. "give me your roots, o larch tree!" cried hiawatha, "to bind the ends of my canoe together, that the water may not enter and the river may not wet me!" the larch-tree shivered in the air and touched hiawatha's forehead with its tassels, sighing: "take them, take them!" as he tore the fibres from the earth. with the tough roots he sewed the ends of his canoe together and bound the bark tightly to the framework, and his canoe became light and graceful in shape. he took the balsam and pitch of the fir-tree and smeared the seams so that no water might ooze in, and he asked for the quills of kagh, the hedgehog, to make a necklace and two stars for his canoe. thus did hiawatha build his birch canoe, and all the life and magic of the forest was held in it; for it had all the lightness of the bark of the birch-tree, all the toughness of the boughs of the cedar, and it danced and floated on the river as lightly as a yellow leaf. hiawatha did not have any paddles for his canoe, and he needed none, for he could guide it by merely wishing that it should turn to the right or to the left. the canoe would move in whatever direction he chose, and would glide over the water swiftly or slowly just as he desired. all hiawatha had to do was to sit still and think where he cared to have it take him. never was there such a wonderful craft before. then hiawatha called to kwasind, and asked for help in clearing away all the sunken logs and all the rocks, and sandbars in the river-bed, and he and kwasind traveled down the whole length of the river. kwasind swam and dove like a beaver, tugging at sunken logs, scooping out the sandbars with his hands, kicking the boulders out of the stream and digging away all the snags and tangles. they went back and forth and up and down the river, kwasind working just as hard as he was able, and hiawatha showing him where he could find new logs and rocks, and sandbars to remove, until together they made the channel safe and regular all the way from where the river rose among the mountains in little springs to where it emptied a wide and rolling sheet of water into the bay of taquamenaw. viii hiawatha's fishing in his wonderful canoe, hiawatha sailed over the shining big-sea-water to go fishing and to catch with his fishing-line made of cedar no other than the very king of fishes--nahma, the big sturgeon. all alone hiawatha sailed over the lake, but on the bow of his canoe sat a squirrel, frisking and chattering at the thought of all the wonderful sport that he was going to see. through the calm, clear water hiawatha saw the fishes swimming to and fro. first he saw the yellow perch that shone like a sunbeam; then he saw the crawfish moving along the sandy bottom of the lake, and at last he saw a great blue shape that swept the sand floor with its mighty tail and waved its huge fins lazily backward and forward, and hiawatha knew that this monster was nahma, the sturgeon, king of all the fishes. "take my bait!" shouted hiawatha, dropping his line of cedar into the calm water. "come up and take my bait, o nahma, king of fishes!" but the great fish did not move, although hiawatha shouted to him over and over again. at last, however, nahma began to grow tired of the endless shouting, and he said to maskenozha, the pike: "take the bait of this rude fellow, hiawatha, and break his line." hiawatha felt the fishing-line tighten with a snap, and as he pulled it in, maskenozha, the pike, tugged so hard that the canoe stood almost on end, with the squirrel perched on the top; but when hiawatha saw what fish it was that had taken his bait he was full of scorn and shouted: "shame upon you! you are not the king of fishes; you are only the pike, maskenozha!" and the pike let go of hiawatha's line and sank back to the bottom, very much ashamed. then nahma said to the sunfish, ugudwash: "take hiawatha's bait, and break his line! i am tired of his shouting and his boasting," and the sunfish rose up through the water like a great white moon. it seized hiawatha's line and struggled so that the canoe made a whirlpool in the water and rocked until the waves it made splashed upon the beaches at the rim of the lake; but when hiawatha saw the fish he was very angry and shouted out again: "oh shame upon you! you are the sunfish, ugudwash, and you come when i call for nahma, king of fishes!" and the sunfish let go of hiawatha's line and sank to the bottom, where he hid among the lily stems. then nahma, the great sturgeon, heard hiawatha shouting at him once again, and furious he rose with a swirl to the top of the water; leaped in the air, scattering the spray on every side, and opening his huge jaws he made a rush at the canoe and swallowed hiawatha, canoe and all. into the dark cave of nahma's giant maw, hiawatha in his canoe plunged headlong, as a log rushes down a roaring river in the springtime. at first he was frightened, for it was so inky black that he could not see his hand before his face; but at last he felt a great heart beating in the darkness, and he clenched his fist and struck the giant heart with all his strength. as he struck it, he felt nahma tremble all over, and he heard the water gurgle as the great fish rushed through it trying to breathe, and hiawatha struck the mighty heart yet another heavy blow. then he dragged his canoe crosswise, so that he might not be thrown from the belly of the great fish and be drowned in the swirling water where nahma was fighting for life, and the little squirrel helped hiawatha drag his canoe into safety and tugged and pulled bravely at hiawatha's side. hiawatha was grateful to the little squirrel, and told him that for a reward the boys should always call him adjidaumo, which means "tail-in-the-air," and the little squirrel was much pleased. at last everything became quiet, and nahma, the great sturgeon, lay dead and drifted on the surface of the water to the shore, where hiawatha heard him grate upon the pebbles. there was a great screaming and flapping of wings outside, and finally a gleam of light shone to the place where hiawatha was sitting, and he could see the glittering eyes of the sea-gulls, who had crawled into the open mouth of nahma and were peering down his gullet. hiawatha called out to them: "o my brothers, the sea-gulls, i have killed the great king of fishes, nahma, the sturgeon. scratch and tear with your beaks and claws until the opening becomes wider and you can set me free from this dark prison! do this, and men shall always call you kayoshk, the sea-gulls, the noble scratchers." the sea-gulls set to work with a will, and scratched and tore at nahma's ribs until there was an opening wide enough for hiawatha and the squirrel to step through and to drag the canoe out after them. hiawatha called nokomis, pointed to the body of the sturgeon and said: "see, nokomis, i have killed nahma, the king of fishes, and the sea-gulls feed upon him. you must not drive them away, for they saved me from great danger; but when they fly back to their nests at sunset, do you bring your pots and kettles and make from nahma's flesh enough oil to last us through the winter." nokomis waited until sunset, when the sea-gulls had flown back to their homes in the marshes, and she set to work with all her pots and kettles to make yellow oil from the flesh of nahma. she worked all night long until the sun rose again and the sea-gulls came back screeching and screaming for their breakfast; and for three days and three nights the sea-gulls and nokomis took turns in stripping the greasy flesh of nahma from his ribs, until nothing was left. then the sea-gulls flew away for good and all, nokomis poured her oil into great jars, and on the sand was only the bare skeleton of nahma, who had once been the biggest and the strongest fish that ever swam. ix hiawatha and the pearl-feather once nokomis was standing with hiawatha beside her upon the shore of the big-sea-water, watching the sunset, and she pointed to the west, and said to hiawatha: "there is the dwelling of the pearl-feather, the great wizard who is guarded by the fiery snakes that coil and play together in the black pitch-water. you can see them now." and hiawatha beheld the fiery snakes twist and wriggle in the black water and coil and uncoil themselves in play. nokomis went on: "the great wizard killed my father, who had come down from the moon to find me. he killed him by wicked spells and by sly cunning, and now he sends the rank mist of marshes and the deadly fog that brings sickness and death among our people. take your bow, hiawatha," said nokomis, "and your war-club and your magic mittens. take the oil of the sturgeon, nahma, so that your canoe may glide easily through the sticky black pitch-water, and go and kill this great wizard. save our people from the fever that he breathes at them across the marshes, and punish him for my father's death." swiftly hiawatha took his war-club and his arrows and his magic mittens, launched his birch canoe upon the water and cried: "o birch canoe, leap forward where you see the snakes that play in the black pitch-water. leap forward swiftly, o my birch canoe, while i sing my war-song," and the canoe darted forward like a live thing until it reached the spot where the fiery serpents were sporting in the water. "out of my way, o serpents!" cried hiawatha, "out of my way and let me go to fight with pearl-feather, the awful wizard!" but the serpents only hissed and answered: "go back, coward; go back to old nokomis, faint-heart!" then hiawatha took his bow and sent his arrows singing among the serpents, and at every shot one of them was killed, until they all lay dead upon the water. "onward, my birch canoe!" cried hiawatha; "onward to the home of the great wizard!" and the canoe darted forward once again. it was a strange, strange place that hiawatha had entered with his birch canoe! the water was as black as ink, and on the shores of the lake dead men lit fires that twinkled in the darkness like the eyes of a wicked old witch. awful shrieks and whistling echoed over the water, and the heron flapped about the marshes to tell all the evil beings who lived there that hiawatha was coming to fight with the great wizard. hiawatha sailed over this dismal lake all night long, and at last, when the sun rose, he saw on the shore in front of him the wigwam of the great magician, pearl-feather. the canoe darted ahead faster and faster until it grated on the beach, and hiawatha fitted an arrow to his bowstring and sent it hissing into the open doorway of the wigwam. "come out and fight me, pearl-feather!" cried hiawatha; "come out and fight me if you dare!" then pearl-feather stepped out of his wigwam and stood in the open before hiawatha. he was painted red and yellow and blue and was terrible to see. in his hand was a heavy war-club, and he wore a shirt of shining wampum that would keep out an arrow and break the force of any blow. "well do i know you, hiawatha!" shouted pearl-feather in a deep and awful voice. "go back to nokomis, coward that you are; for if you stay here, i will kill you as i killed her father." "words are not as sharp as arrows," answered hiawatha, bending his bow. then began a battle even more terrible than the one among the mountains when hiawatha fought with mudjekeewis, and it lasted all one summer's day. for hiawatha's arrows could not pierce pearl-feather's shirt of wampum, and he could not break it with the blows of his magic mittens. at sunset hiawatha was so weary that he leaned on his bow to rest. his heavy war-club was broken, his magic mittens were torn to pieces, and he had only three arrows left. "alas," sighed hiawatha, "the great magician is too strong for me!" suddenly, from the branches of the tree nearest him, he heard the woodpecker calling to him: "hiawatha, hiawatha," said the woodpecker, "aim your arrows at the tuft of hair on pearl-feather's head. aim them at the roots of his long black hair, for there alone can you do him any harm." just then pearl-feather stooped to pick up a big stone to throw at hiawatha, who bent his bow and struck pearl-feather with an arrow right on the top of the head. pearl-feather staggered forward like a wounded buffalo. "twang!" went the bowstring again, and the wizard's knees trembled beneath him, for the second arrow had struck in the same spot as the first and had made the wound much deeper. a third arrow followed swiftly, and pearl-feather saw the eyes of death glare at him from the darkness, and he fell forward on his face right at the feet of hiawatha and lay there dead. then hiawatha called the woodpecker to him, and as a mark of gratitude he stained the tuft of feathers on the woodpecker's head with the blood of the dead pearl-feather, and the woodpecker wears his tuft of blood-red feathers to this day. hiawatha took the shirt of wampum from the dead wizard as a sign of victory, and from pearl-feather's wigwam he carried all the skins and furs and arrows that he could find, and they were many. he loaded his canoe with them and sped homeward over the pitch-water, past the dead bodies of the fiery serpents until he saw chibiabos and kwasind and nokomis waiting for him on the shore. all the indians assembled and gave a feast in hiawatha's honor, and they sang and danced for joy because the great wizard would never again send sickness and death among them. and hiawatha took the red crest of the woodpecker to decorate his pipe, for he knew that to the woodpecker his victory was due. x hiawatha's wooing "woman is to man as the cord is to the bow," thought hiawatha. "she bends him, yet obeys him; she draws him, yet she follows. each is useless without the other." hiawatha was dreaming of the lovely maiden, minnehaha, whom he had seen in the country of the dacotahs. "do not wed a stranger, hiawatha," warned the old nokomis; "do not search in the east or in the west to win a bride. take a maid of your own people, for the homely daughter of a neighbor is like the pleasant fire on the hearth-stone, while the stranger is cold and distant, like the starlight or the light of the pale moon." but hiawatha only smiled and answered: "dear nokomis, the fire on the hearth-stone is indeed pleasant and warm, but i love the starlight and the moonlight better." "do not bring home an idle woman," said old nokomis, "bring not home a maiden who is unskilled with the needle and will neither cook nor sew!" and hiawatha answered: "good nokomis, in the land of the dacotahs lives the daughter of an arrow-maker, and she is the most beautiful of all the women in the world. her name is minnehaha, and i will bring her home to do your bidding and to be your firelight, your moonlight, and your starlight, all in one." "ah, hiawatha," warned nokomis, "bring not home a maid of the dacotahs! the dacotahs are fierce and cruel and there is often war between our tribe and theirs." hiawatha laughed and answered: "i will wed a maid of the dacotahs, and old wars shall be forgotten in a new and lasting peace that shall make the two tribes friends forevermore. for this alone would i wed the lovely laughing water if there were no other reason." hiawatha left his wigwam for the home of the old arrow-maker, and he ran through the forest as lightly as the wind, until he heard the clear voice of the falls of minnehaha. at the sunny edges of the forest a herd of deer were feeding, and they did not see the swift-footed runner until he sent a hissing arrow among them that killed a roebuck. without pausing, hiawatha caught up the deer and swung it to his shoulder, running forward until he came to the home of the aged arrow-maker. the old man was sitting in the doorway of his wigwam, and at his side were all his tools and all the arrows he was making. at his side, also, was the lovely minnehaha, weaving mats of reeds and water-rushes, and the old man and the young maiden sat together in the pleasant contrast of age and youth, the one thinking of the past, the other dreaming of the future. the old man was thinking of the days when with such arrows as he now was making he had killed deer and bison, and had shot the wild goose on the wing. he remembered the great war-parties that came to buy his arrows, and how they could not fight unless he had arrow-heads to sell. alas, such days were over, he thought sadly, and no such splendid warriors were left on earth. the maiden was dreaming of a tall, handsome hunter, who had come one morning when the year was young to purchase arrows of her father. he had rested in their wigwam, lingered and looked back as he was leaving, and her father had praised his courage and his wisdom. would the hunter ever come again in search of arrows, thought the lovely minnehaha, and the rushes she was weaving lay unfingered in her lap. just then they heard a rustle and swift footsteps in the thicket, and hiawatha with the deer upon his shoulders and a glow upon his cheek and forehead stood before them in the sunlight. "welcome, hiawatha," said the old arrow-maker in a grave but friendly tone, and minnehaha's light voice echoed the deep one of her father, saying: "welcome, hiawatha." together the old arrow-maker and hiawatha entered the wigwam, and minnehaha laid aside her mat of rushes and brought them food and drink in vessels of earth and bowls of basswood. yet she did not say a word while she was serving them, but listened as if in a dream to what hiawatha told her father about nokomis and chibiabos and the strong man, kwasind, and the happiness and peace of his own people, the ojibways. hiawatha finished his words by saying very slowly: "that this peace may always be among us and our tribes become as brothers to each other, give me the hand of your daughter, minnehaha, the loveliest of women." [illustration: "pleasant was the journey homeward"--_page _] the aged arrow-maker paused before he answered, looked proudly at hiawatha and lovingly at his daughter, and then said: "you may have her if she wishes it. speak, minnehaha, and let us know your will." the lovely minnehaha seemed more beautiful than ever as she looked first at hiawatha and then at her old father. softly she took the seat beside hiawatha, blushing as she answered: "i will follow you, my husband." thus did hiawatha win the daughter of the ancient arrow-maker. together he and his bride left the wigwam hand in hand and went away over the meadows, while the old arrow-maker with shaded eyes gazed after them and called out sadly: "good-bye, minnehaha! good-bye my lovely daughter!" they walked together through the sunlit forest, and all the birds and animals gazed at them from among the leaves and branches. when they came to swift rivers, hiawatha lifted minnehaha and carried her across, and in his strong arms she seemed lighter than a willow-leaf or the plume upon his headgear. at night he cleared away the thicket and built a lodge of branches; he made a bed of hemlock boughs and kindled a fire of pine-cones before the doorway, and adjidaumo, the squirrel, climbed down from his nest and kept watch, while the two lovers slept in their lodge beneath the stars. xi hiawatha's wedding feast a great feast was prepared by hiawatha to celebrate his wedding. that the feast might be one of joy and gladness, the sweet singer chibiabos sang his love-songs; that it might be merry, the handsome pau-puk-keewis danced his liveliest dances; and to make the wedding guests even more content, iagoo, the great boaster, told them a wonderful story. oh, but it was a splendid feast that nokomis prepared at the bidding of hiawatha! she sent messengers with willow-wands through all the village as a sign that all ojibways were invited, and the wedding guests wore their very brightest garments--rich fur robes and wampum-belts, beads of many colors, paint and feathers and gay tassels. all the bowls at the feast were made of white and shining basswood; all the spoons were made of bison horn, as black as ink and polished until the black was as bright as silver, and the indians feasted on the flesh of the sturgeon and the pike, on buffalo marrow and the hump of the bison and the haunch of the red deer. they ate pounded meat called pemican and the wild rice that grew by the river-bank and golden-yellow cakes of indian corn. it was a feast indeed! but the kind host hiawatha did not take a mouthful of all this tempting food. neither did minnehaha nor nokomis, but all three waited on their guests and served them carefully until their wants were generously satisfied. when all had finished, old nokomis filled from an ample otter pouch the red stone pipes with fragrant tobacco of the south, and when the blue smoke was rising freely she said: "o pau-puk-keewis, dance your merry beggar's dance to please us, so the time may pass more pleasantly and our guests may be more gay." pau-puk-keewis rose and stood amid the guests. he wore a white shirt of doeskin, fringed with ermine and covered with beads of wampum. he wore deerskin leggings, also fringed with ermine and with quills of kagh, the hedgehog. on his feet were buck-skin moccasins, richly embroidered, and red foxes' tails to flourish while he danced were fastened to the heels. a snowy plume of swan's down floated over his head, and he carried a gay fan in one hand and a pipe with tassels in the other. all the warriors disliked pau-puk-keewis, and called him coward and idler; but he cared not at all, because he was so handsome that all the women and the maidens loved him. to the sound of drums and flutes and singing voices pau-puk-keewis now began the dance of beggars. first he danced with slow steps and stately motion in and out of the shadows and the sunshine, gliding like a panther among the pine-trees; but his steps became faster and faster and wilder and wilder, until the wind and dust swept around him as he danced. time after time he leaped over the heads of the assembled guests and rushed around the wigwam, and at last he sped along the shore of the big-sea-water, stamping on the sand and tossing it furiously in the air, until the wind had become a whirlwind and the sand was blown in great drifts like snowdrifts all over the shore. there they have stayed until this day, the great sand hills of the nagow wudjoo. when the beggar's dance was over, pau-puk-keewis returned and sat down laughing among the guests and fanned himself as calmly as if he had not stirred from his seat, while all the guests cried out: "sing to us, chibiabos, sing your love songs!" and hiawatha and nokomis said: "yes, sing, chibiabos, that our guests may enjoy themselves all the more, and our feast may pass more gayly!" chibiabos rose, and his wonderful voice swelled all the echoes of the forest, until the streams paused in their courses, and the listening beavers came to the surface of the water so that they might hear. he sang so sweetly that his voice caused the pine-trees to quiver as if a wind were passing through them, and strange sounds seemed to run along the earth. all the indians were spellbound by his singing, and sat as if they had been turned to stone. even the smoke ceased to rise from their pipes while chibiabos sang, but when he had ended they shouted with joy and praised him in loud voices. iagoo, the mighty boaster, alone did not join in the roar of praise, for he was jealous of chibiabos, and longed to tell one of his great stories to the indians. when iagoo heard of any adventure he always told of a greater one that had happened to himself, and to listen to him, you would think that nobody was such a mighty hunter and nobody was such a valiant fighter as he. if you would only believe him, you would learn nobody had ever shot an arrow half so far as he had, that nobody could run so fast, or dive so deep, or leap so high, and that nobody in the wide world had ever seen so many wonders as the brave, great, and wonderful iagoo. this was the reason that his name had become a byword among the indians; and whenever a hunter spoke too highly of his own deeds, or a warrior talked too much of what he had done in battle, his hearers shouted: "see, iagoo is among us!" but it was iagoo who had carved the cradle of hiawatha long ago, and who had taught him how to make his bow and arrows. and as he sat at the feast, old and ugly but very eager to tell of his adventures, nokomis said to him: "good iagoo, tell us some wonderful story, so that our feast may be more merry," and iagoo answered like a flash: "you shall hear the most wonderful story that has ever been heard since men have lived upon the earth. you shall hear the strange and marvelous tale of osseo and his father, king of the evening star." xii the son of the evening star "see the star of evening!" cried iagoo; "see how it shines like a bead of wampum on the robes of the great spirit! gaze on it, and listen to the story of osseo! "long ago, in the days when the heavens were nearer to the earth than they are now, and when the spirits and gods were better known to all men, there lived a hunter in the northland who had ten daughters, young and beautiful, and as tall as willow-wands. oweenee, the youngest of these, was proud and wayward, but even fairer than her sisters. when the brave and wealthy warriors came as suitors, each of the ten sisters had many offers, and all except oweenee were quickly married; but oweenee laughed at her handsome lovers and sent them all away. then she married poor, ugly old osseo, who was bowed down with age, weak with coughing, and twisted and wrinkled like the roots of an oak-tree. for she saw that the spirit of osseo was far more beautiful than were the painted figures of her handsome lovers. "all the suitors whom she had refused to marry, and they were many, came and pointed at her with jeers and laughter, and made fun of her and of her husband; but she said to them: 'i care not for your feathers and your wampum; i am happy with osseo.' "it happened that the sisters were all invited to a great feast, and they were walking together through the forest, followed by old osseo and the fair oweenee; but while all the others chatted gayly, these two walked in silence. osseo often stopped to gaze at the star of evening, and at last the others heard him murmur: 'oh, pity me, pity me, my father!' 'he is praying to his father,' said the eldest sister. 'what a shame that the old man does not stumble in the path and break his neck!' and the others all laughed so heartily at the wicked joke that the forest rang with merriment. "on their way through the thicket, lay a hollow oak that had been uprooted by a storm, and when osseo saw it he gave a cry of anguish, and leaped into the mighty tree. he went in an old man, ugly and bent and hideous with wrinkles. he came out a splendid youth, straight as an arrow, handsome and very strong. but osseo was not happy in the change that had come over him. indeed, he was more sorrowful than ever before, because at the same instant that he recovered his lost youth, oweenee was changed into a tottering old woman, wasted and worn and ugly as a witch. and her nine hard-hearted sisters and their husbands laughed long and loud, until the forest echoed once again with their wicked merriment. "osseo, however, did not turn from oweenee in her trouble, but took her brown and withered hand, called her sweetheart and soothed her with kind words, until they came to the lodge in the forest where the feast was being given. they sat down to the feast, and all were joyous except osseo, who would taste neither food nor drink, but sat as if in a dream, looking first at the changed oweenee, then upward at the sky. all at once he heard a voice come out of the empty air and say to him: 'osseo, my son, the spells that bound you are now broken, and the evil charms that made you old and withered before your time have all been wished away. taste the food before you, for it is blessed and will change you to a spirit. your bowls and your kettles shall be changed to silver and to wampum, and shine like scarlet shells and gleam like the firelight; and all the men and women but oweenee shall be changed to birds.' "the voice osseo heard was taken by the others for the voice of the whippoorwill, singing far off in the lonely forest, and they did not hear a word of what was said. but a sudden tremor ran through the lodge where they sat feasting, and they felt it rise in the air high up above the tree-tops into the starlight. the wooden dishes were changed into scarlet shells, the earthen kettles were changed into silver bowls, and the bark of the roof glittered like the backs of gorgeous beetles. "then osseo saw that the nine beautiful sisters of oweenee and their husbands, were changed into all sorts of different birds. there were jays and thrushes and magpies and blackbirds, and they flew about the lodge and sang and twittered in many different keys. only oweenee was not changed, but remained as wrinkled and old and ugly as before; and osseo, in his disappointment, gave a cry of anguish such as he had uttered by the oak tree when lo and behold! all oweenee's former youth and loveliness returned to her. the old woman's staff on which she had been leaning became a glittering silver feather, and her tattered dress was changed into a snowy robe of softest ermine. "the wigwam trembled once again and floated through the sky until at last it alighted on the evening star as gently as thistledown drops to the water, and the ruler of the evening star, the father of osseo, came forward to greet his son. "'my son,' he said, 'hang the cage of birds that you bring with you at the doorway of my wigwam, and then do you and oweenee enter,' and osseo and oweenee did as they were told, entered the wigwam and listened to the words of osseo's father. "'i have had pity on you, my osseo,' he began. 'i have given back to you your youth and beauty; and i have changed into birds the sisters of oweenee and their husbands, because they laughed at you and could not see that your spirit was beautiful. when you were an ugly old man, only oweenee knew your heart. but you must take heed, for in the little star that you see yonder lives an evil spirit, the wabeno; and it is he who has brought all this sorrow upon you. take care that you never stand in the light of that evil star. its gleams are used by the wabeno as his arrows, and he sits there hating all the world and darting forth his poisonous beams of baleful light to injure all who stray within his reach.' "for many years osseo and his father and oweenee lived happily together upon the evening star. oweenee bore a son to osseo, and the boy had beauty and courage. osseo, to please his son, made little bows and arrows for him, and when the boy had learned to shoot, osseo opened the door of the silver bird-cage and let out all the birds. they darted through the air, singing for joy at their freedom, until the boy bent his bow and struck one of them with a fatal arrow, so that the bird fell wounded at his feet. but when it touched the ground the bird underwent a great change; and there lay at the boy's feet a beautiful young woman with the arrow in her breast. "as soon as her blood dripped upon the sacred evening star, all the magical charms that osseo's father had used to keep his son and oweenee with him in the happy dwelling far above the earth were broken, and the boy hunter with his bow and arrow felt himself held by unseen hands, but sinking downward through the blue sky and the empty air until he rested on a green and grassy island in the big-sea-water. falling and fluttering after him came all the bright birds; and the lodge, with osseo and oweenee in it, sailed lightly downward and landed on the island. "when the bright birds touched the earth, another change came over them, and they became men and women once again as they were before; only they remained so small in size--so tiny, that they were called the little people, the puk-wudjies. and on summer nights, when the stars shone brightly above them, they would dance hand in hand about the island, and sometimes in the starlight they dance there even now." when the story was finished, iagoo looked about him at the assembled guests, and added very solemnly: "there are many great men at whom their own people often scoff and jeer. let these people take warning from the story of osseo, so that they too may not be changed to birds for laughing at their betters;" and the wedding guests all whispered to each other, "i wonder if he means himself and us." then chibiabos sang another sweet and tender love-song, and the guests all went away, leaving hiawatha alone and happy with minnehaha. xiii blessing the cornfields many were the pleasant days that followed the wedding of minnehaha and hiawatha. all the tribes were at peace with one another, and the hunters roved wherever they chose, built their birch canoes, hunted and fished and trapped the beaver without once hearing the war-cry or the hiss of a hostile arrow. the women made sugar from the sap of the maple-trees, gathered the wild rice and dressed the skins of the deer and beaver, while all around the peaceful village waved green and sunny fields of corn. once, when the corn was being planted by the women, the wise and thoughtful hiawatha said to minnehaha: "to-night you shall bless the cornfields, and draw around them a magic circle to keep out the mildew and the insects. in the night, when everybody is asleep and none can hear you or see you, rise from your bed, lay aside your clothes and walk in the darkness around the fields of corn that you have planted. do this and the fields shall be more fruitful and the magic circle of your footsteps cannot be crossed by either worm or insect; for the dragon-fly and the spider, and the grasshopper and the caterpillar all will know that you have walked around the cornfields, and they will not dare to enter." while hiawatha spoke, kahgahgee, king of the ravens, sat with his band of black robbers in the tree-tops near at hand, and they laughed so loud at the words of hiawatha that the tree-tops shook and rattled. "kaw!" shouted the ravens. "listen to the wise man! hear the plots of hiawatha! we will fly over the magic circle and eat just as much corn as we can hold." when night had fallen dark and black over the fields and woodlands, and when all the indians were sleeping fast, minnehaha rose from her bed of branches, laid aside her garments and walked safely among the cornfields, drawing the magic circle of her light footsteps closely around them. no one but the midnight saw her, and no one but the whippoorwill heard the panting of her bosom, for the darkness wrapped its cloak closely about her as she walked. and the dragon-fly and the grasshopper, the spider and the caterpillar, all knew that they could not cross the magic circle of minnehaha's footsteps. when the morning came, however, kahgahgee gathered about him all his black and rascally crew of ravens and jays and crows and blackbirds, shrieking with laughter, and with harsh cries and raucous clamor they all left the tree-tops and flapped eagerly down upon the cornfields. "kaw! kaw!" they shrieked, "we will dig up the corn from the soft earth, and we will eat all we can hold, in spite of minnehaha and her foolish circle!" but hiawatha had overheard the ravens as they laughed at him from among the tree-tops. he had risen before daybreak and had covered the cornfields with snares, and at that moment he was hiding in the woods until all the evil birds should alight on the fields and begin their wicked feast. they came with a rush of wings and hungry cries, settled down upon the cornfields and began to dig and delve and scratch in the earth for the corn that had been planted there, and with all their skill and cunning, they did not see that anything was amiss until their claws were caught in hiawatha's snares and they were helpless. then hiawatha left his hiding-place among the bushes and strode toward the captive ravens, and his appearance was so awful that the bravest of them hopped and shrieked and flapped their wings in terror. he walked among them, and killed them to the right and left in tens and twenties without mercy; and he hung their dead bodies on poles, to serve as scarecrows and to frighten away all other thieves and robbers from the sacred fields of corn. only one of the ravens was spared by hiawatha and that was kahgahgee, the ruler of them all. hiawatha tied him with a string and fastened him to the ridge-pole of his wigwam, saying: "kahgahgee, you are the cause of all this mischief, and i am going to hold you as a warning to all the ravens left alive. if they light upon the cornfields and begin again their wicked thieving, i will kill you and hang your body on a pole as an example." and hiawatha left kahgahgee tied fast to the ridge-pole of the wigwam, hopping and tugging angrily at his string and croaking in vain for his friends to come and set him free. the summer passed, and all the air became warm and soft with the haze of early autumn. the corn had grown tall and yellow, and the ears were almost bursting from their sheaths, when old nokomis said to minnehaha: "let us gather the harvest and strip the ripe ears of all their husks and tassels," and minnehaha and nokomis went through the village, calling on the women and the maidens and the young men to come forth and help them with the husking of the corn. all together they went to the cornfields, and the old men and the warriors sat in the shade at the edges of the forest and smoked and looked on in approval, while the young men and maidens stripped the ears of corn and laughed and sang merrily over their labor. whenever a youth or a maiden found a crooked ear, they all laughed even louder, and crept about the cornfields like weak old men bent almost double with age. but when some lucky maiden found a blood-red ear in the husking, they all cried out: "ah, nushka! you shall have a sweetheart!" and the old men nodded in approval as they smoked beneath the pine-trees. xiv picture-writing in those days, the indians had no way of writing down what they thought, and could only tell each other their messages and their dreams and wisdom, by spoken words. the deeds of hunters and the thoughts of wise men were remembered for a little while, but soon were talked about less often, and when the old men died there were none left who could tell about what had happened in the past. the grave-posts had no marks on them, nor were the indians able to tell who were buried in the graves. all they knew was that some one of their own tribe, some former wise man or hunter, or some beautiful maiden of other days lay buried there. and hiawatha was much troubled that the indians did not know the graves of their own fathers, and could not tell the men who should come after them about the wonderful things that had taken place long before they were born. hiawatha spent many days alone in the deep forest, trying to invent some way by which the indians could always know what had happened in the past, and thereby tell secrets to each other and send messages without the risk of having them forgotten by the messenger. and after a great deal of thought, hiawatha discovered one of the finest things in all the wide world--a secret that has changed the lives of all indians since his time. he took his different colored paints, and began to draw strange figures on the bark of the birch-tree, and every figure had some meaning that the red men would always remember. for the great manito, god of all the indians, hiawatha painted the picture of an egg with different colored points toward the north and the south, the east and the west, to show that the great spirit was watching over all the world, and could be found everywhere at once. for the evil spirit, hiawatha painted the picture of a great serpent to show that the evil spirit was as deadly and wicked and treacherous as any snake that crawled in the green marsh grass. for life and death, hiawatha drew two round spots, and painted one of them white and the other black. the white one was meant for life, because white is clear and fair to look upon; the black was meant for death, because black is hideous and dark. and hiawatha painted the sun and the moon and all the stars of heaven, and he painted forests and mountains, lakes and rivers, animals and birds. for the earth he drew a straight line, like the line of the horizon, and for the sky he drew a curved line like a bow. he filled in the space between with white paint that was to mean the white light of day; he painted a point at each side, one for sunrise and the other for sunset, and he drew a number of little stars to represent the night. and hiawatha drew all sorts of pictures of men and wigwams and bows and arrows and canoes, each with its own meaning, until he had drawn different figures for the different thoughts of men. he called the indians to come and see what he had painted, and he said to them: "look and learn the meaning of these different figures; go and paint upon the graves of those whom you remember, some mark that will always show who it is that lies there buried;" and the indians painted on the grave-posts of the graves they had not yet forgotten, figures of bear and reindeer, and turtles, and cranes, and beavers. each one of them invented some sign by which he might always know his dead, and from these signs many of the indians have been remembered to this day. on their birch canoes the indians drew many different shapes, and the brightest of them all was the figure of love. it was painted in deep scarlet, because scarlet is the strongest of all colors, and the color meant: "i am greater than all others;" for the indians believed that love was mightier than life or death, and more dangerous than either war or hunting. other figures were also painted there, and by looking at the pictures drawn by an indian you could tell who he was, and what family he came from, and whether he was stern and cruel or loving and kind-hearted. for the indians were apt to paint the things they thought about the most. many were the gifts that hiawatha gave his people; but when he taught them how to paint their thoughts, he gave them a better gift than any other. xv hiawatha's lamentation when hiawatha lived, there were many evil spirits on the earth; and these evil spirits were very jealous of the friendship between hiawatha and chibiabos. "if we can only get this chibiabos in our power," they plotted, "we will kill him, and when he is dead, hiawatha cannot do so much good to all the tribes of men; for chibiabos helps him like a brother, and together they are much too strong for us." the evil spirits joined to destroy both chibiabos and hiawatha, and they laid many traps and thought of many schemes to catch the two friends off their guard. hiawatha was so wise that he knew of all this plotting, and he often said to chibiabos: "o my brother, stay with me always, for together the evil spirits cannot do us any harm." but chibiabos was young and heedless and he did not fear the evil spirits. he laughed at hiawatha, and said to him: "harm and evil never come near me, my hiawatha; have no fear on my account." but hiawatha only shook his head, and feared all the more because chibiabos feared so little. once in the winter time, when the big-sea-water was covered with ice and snow, chibiabos was hunting a buck with antlers, and the buck ran right across the frozen lake. wild with excitement of hunting, chibiabos followed him and ran far out from shore upon the treacherous ice, where the evil spirits were waiting for him. when they saw that he was far enough from land, they broke the ice and chibiabos fell with a crash and a splash into the freezing water of the lake. even then he might have saved himself and climbed out upon the ice but the strong, cruel water-god, the god of the dacotahs, wrapped his cold wet arms around the body of chibiabos and dragged him down, down through the dark black water to the bottom. there the water-god buried him beneath the mud and sand, so that his dead body might not rise to the surface; and the evil spirits danced for joy at the death of chibiabos. "we have killed him," they shouted gleefully to one another; "we have killed the sweetest singer in the world and the dearest friend of hiawatha!" from the headlands on the shore, hiawatha had seen chibiabos plunge into the lake, and he heard the wicked shouting of the evil spirits. he gave such a cry of sorrow that the forest trembled, and the wolves on the prairie raised their heads to listen and then howled in answer, while the hoarse thunder stirred itself among the mountains and awakened all the echoes to his cry. then hiawatha smeared his face with black paint, the color of sorrow and of death; he covered his head with his robe and sat for seven long weeks in his wigwam, grieving for the murdered chibiabos. and the fir-trees sadly waved their dark green branches to and fro above his head and sighed as mournfully as hiawatha. spring came, and all the birds and animals, and even the rivulets, and flowers and grasses, looked in vain for the dead chibiabos. the bluebird sang a song of sorrow from the tree-tops; the robin echoed it from the silence of the thicket, and the whippoorwill took up the sad refrain at night and wailed it far and wide through all the woodland. "chibiabos! chibiabos!" murmured every living thing, and all the echoes sighed in answer until the whole world seemed to mourn for the lost singer. then the wise men of the tribes--the medicine-men, the men of magic--came to hiawatha as he sat in sorrow in his hut, and they walked before him in a grave procession to drive the sadness from his heart. each of them carried a pouch of healing, made of beaver-skin or lynx or otter, and filled with roots and herbs of wonderful power to cure all diseases and to drive the evil spirits of grief from the heart and from the mind. to and fro they walked, until hiawatha uncovered his head, washed the black paint from his face, and followed the wise men to the sacred lodge that they had built beside his own wigwam. there they gave to hiawatha a marvelous drink made of spearmint and yarrow and all sorts of strange and different roots, and when he had drunk of this they began a wild and mystic dance, beating on the small drums that they carried, and shaking their pouches of healing in the face of hiawatha. "_hi-au-ha!_" they shouted in strange voices, "_way-ha-way!_ we can cure you, hiawatha; we can make you strong." and they shook their medicine pouches over hiawatha's head, and continued beating on their hollow drums, as they circled wildly around him again and again. all at once the sorrow left hiawatha's heart, as the ice is swept from a river in the springtime, and like a man awakening from evil dreams he felt that he was healed, and he gazed about him where the medicine-men were still dancing. they were trying to summon chibiabos from his grave deep down in the sandy bottom of the big-sea-water, for the water-god had buried him so deep that his spirit could not go into the land of dead men, but was still in his drowned body, struggling to free itself. and the magic of the wise men was so strong that chibiabos rose body and all, and stood on the bottom of the lake, listening to them. then the dead man floated to the shore, climbed out upon the bank and made his way swiftly and silently through the forest to the doorway of the wigwam where the medicine-men were singing. when he shook the curtain of the doorway and peered in upon them they would not let him enter, but gave him through an opening in the door a burning torch and told him to light a fire in the land of spirits, so that all who died might see it and find their way thither; and they made chibiabos ruler in the kingdom of the dead. he left the doorway of the wigwam and vanished in the forest, and the wise men watched the twinkling of his torch until it disappeared. they saw that the branches did not move as he passed, and that the dead leaves and the grass did not even bend or rustle beneath his footsteps, and they looked at one another much afraid, because such sights are not good for living men to see. four days chibiabos traveled down the pathway of the dead, and for his food he ate the dead man's strawberry. he saw many other dead men struggling under heavy burdens of food and skins and wampum that their friends had given them to use in the land of spirits, and they groaned beneath their burdens. he passed them all, crossed the sad, dark river of death upon the swinging log that floats there; and at last he came to the lake of silver, and was carried in the stone canoe over the water to the islands of the blessed, where he rules all ghosts and shadows. when he had disappeared in the dark forest, hiawatha left the sacred lodge and wandered eastward and westward teaching men the use of roots and herbs and the cure of all disorders; and thus was first made known to the indians the sacred knowledge of caring for the sick. xvi pau-puk-keewis you remember how pau-puk-keewis danced the beggar's dance at hiawatha's wedding, and how, in his wild leaping and whirling at the edges of the big-sea-water, he tossed up the mighty sand dunes of the nagow wudjoo. and you remember also, how the warriors all disliked pau-puk-keewis, and called him an idler and coward, for they knew his heart was bad within him. only the women cared for pau-puk-keewis, and the women were deceived by his handsome face and his costly dresses. one morning pau-puk-keewis came in search of adventures to the village, and found all the young men gathered in the wigwam of iagoo, listening to the wonderful stories that old iagoo always told when any one would hear him. he was telling how ojeeg, the summer-maker, climbed up to the sky and made a hole in heaven that let out all the warm and pleasant weather of the summer months. he was describing how the otter tried it first, and how the beaver and the lynx and badger also tried it, all of them climbing to the top of the highest mountain and hitting their heads against the sky. "they cracked it but they could not break it," said iagoo, "and then ojeeg the weasel came and the wolverine helped him to make ready for the trial. ojeeg climbed to the top of the mountain, and the wolverine went with him. the wolverine crouched down like a grasshopper on the mountain top, with his legs all drawn up beneath him like a squirrel or a cricket, and he leaped as hard as he was able at the sky. "the first time he leaped," said iagoo, "the sky bent above him as the ice in rivers when the water rises beneath it in the springtime. the second time he leaped, the sky cracked open, and he could see the light of heaven shining through. and the third time he leaped--crash! the sky broke into bits above him and he disappeared in heaven, followed closely by the valiant weasel, who tumbled into heaven after him and has been called 'the summer-maker' ever since." "hark you," cried pau-puk-keewis, bursting through the open doorway of the wigwam. "i am tired of all this talk, and i am tired of hiawatha's endless wisdom. listen to me, and you shall learn something more interesting than old iagoo's stories. watch, and i will teach you all a splendid game." from his pouch he drew forth all the pieces used in the game of bowl and counters. there were thirteen in all, and nine were painted white on one side and red on the other; while four were made of brass, one side polished and the other painted black. on nine of the thirteen pieces were painted pictures of men, or ducks, or serpents, and pau-puk-keewis shook them all together in a wooden bowl and tossed them out, explaining that the score was counted great or little according to the way the pictures and the colors fell upon the ground. curious eyes stared at him as he shook and tossed and counted up the pieces, until the indians were drawn into the game one after one, and they sat there playing for prizes of weapons and fur robes and wampum through the rest of the day and through the night until the sun rose once again. by that time the clever, lucky pau-puk-keewis had won everything they owned--deerskin shirts, wampum, pipes, ermine robes and all sorts of weapons, and he chuckled to himself. then the crafty pau-puk-keewis said to them: "my wigwam is lonely, and i want a companion in my wanderings. i want a slave. i will risk all the wampum and the fur robes, everything that i have won, against the nephew of iagoo--that young man who is standing yonder. but if i win again, he shall be my slave for life." "done!" cried iagoo, his eyes glowing like coals beneath his shaggy brows, and he seized the bowl and shook it fiercely, throwing out the pieces on the ground. pau-puk-keewis counted, took the bowl and threw in his turn, and his throw was far more lucky than that of old iagoo. "the game is mine!" cried pau-puk-keewis, smiling as he rose and looked about him, and heaped all the robes and feathers and wampum and weapons in the arms of iagoo's nephew, now a slave. "carry them to my wigwam yonder," said pau-puk-keewis, "and wait there until i have need of you;" and he left the tent, followed by the angry glances of all the other players, who had lost all their fine furs and wampum belts and even the pipes they had been smoking. pau-puk-keewis strolled through the sunny morning singing to himself, for his new wealth made him very happy, and he soon reached the farthest wigwam of the village, which was the home of hiawatha. nobody was there. only kahgahgee, the raven, tied to the ridge-pole, screamed and flapped his wings, watching pau-puk-keewis with glaring eyes. "all are gone," said pau-puk-keewis, thinking of new mischief as he spoke; "all are gone, and they have left the lodge for me to do with as i choose." he seized the raven by the neck and whirled him around in the air like a rattle, until the bird was strangled, and he left kahgahgee's dead body dangling from the ridge-pole as an insult to hiawatha. then he went inside and threw everything into the wildest disorder, piling together all the kettles and bowls, and all the skins and buffalo-robes that he could find as an insult to minnehaha and to nokomis; and he ran off through the forest, whistling and singing, much pleased with what he had done. he climbed the rocks that overlooked the big-sea-water, and rested lazily upon his back, gazing up into the sky and listening to the splash of the waves on the beaches far beneath. the sea-gulls fluttered about him in great flocks, very curious to know what he was doing, and before they could get out of his way he had killed them by tens and twenties and had thrown the dead bodies over the cliff down to the beaches. one of the sea-gulls, who was perched on a crag above, shouted out: "it is pau-puk-keewis, and he is killing us by the hundred. fly quickly and send a message to our brother! hasten and bring the news to hiawatha!" xvii the hunting of pau-puk-keewis when hiawatha heard of the mischief that pau-puk-keewis had worked among the gulls he was very angry indeed; but when he discovered the wrecked wigwam and the dead body of the raven, and heard how pau-puk-keewis had despoiled iagoo and his friends of their robes and pipes and wampum, he swore that he would kill pau-puk-keewis with his own hand. "the world is not so wide but i will find him!" cried out hiawatha; "the way is not so rough but i will reach him with my anger!" and with several hunters hiawatha set out upon the trail of pau-puk-keewis. they followed it to the crags where he had killed the gulls, but by that time pau-puk-keewis was far away among the lowlands, and turning back he saw his pursuers on the mountain and waved his arms to mock them. hiawatha shouted at him from the mountain top: "the world is not so rough and wide but i shall catch you, pau-puk-keewis. hide where you will, but i shall find you out," and pau-puk-keewis sped forward like an antelope for hiawatha's words had made him suddenly afraid. he rushed through the forest until he came to a little stream that had overflowed its banks, and there he saw a dam made by the beavers. pau-puk-keewis stood on the dam and called, and the king of beavers, ahmeek, rose to the surface of the water to find out who the stranger might be. "ahmeek, my friend," said pau-puk-keewis, "the water is very cool and pleasant. let me dive in and stay with you awhile! change me into a beaver like yourself, so that i may rest with you in your lodge beneath the water." "wait awhile," said ahmeek, looking at him cautiously. "i must ask the other beavers," and he sank beneath the water like a stone. pau-puk-keewis thought he could hear hiawatha and the hunters crashing through the forest, and he waded out upon the dam, calling to the beavers until one head after another popped up out of the water, and all the beavers in the pond were looking at him. "your dwelling is very pleasant, my friends," said pau-puk-keewis in an entreating voice; "cannot you change me also into a beaver?" "yes," said ahmeek, "let yourself slide down into the water and you shall become as we are." pau-puk-keewis slid down into the water and his deer-skin shirt and moccasins and leggings became black and shiny. his fringes drew together into a clump, and became a broad black tail; his teeth became sharp, and long whiskers sprouted out from his cheeks. he was changed into a beaver. "make me large," he said, as he swam about the pond; "make me ten times larger than the other beavers," and ahmeek said: "yes, when you enter our lodge beneath the water you shall be ten times as large as any one of us." they sank down through the water, and pau-puk-keewis saw great stores of food upon the bottom. they entered the lodge and came up inside of it above the surface of the water, and the lodge was divided into large rooms, with ledges on which the beavers slept. there they made pau-puk-keewis ten times larger than any other beaver, and they said to him: "thenceforth you shall rule over all the rest of us and be our king." but pau-puk-keewis had not been sitting long upon the throne of the beavers, when he heard the voice of the beaver watchman call out from among the water-lilies: "hiawatha, hiawatha!" there was a shout and a noise of rending branches, and the water sucked out of the beavers' lodge and left it high and dry; their dam was broken. the hunters jumped on the roof of the lodge and broke a great hole in it, through which the sunlight streamed as the beavers scuttled away through their doorway to seek safety in deeper water. but pau-puk-keewis was so big, and so puffed up with heavy feeding and the pride of being a king, that he could not crawl through the doorway with the others, but was helpless before the hunters. hiawatha looked through the roof and cried: "ah, pau-puk-keewis, i know you in spite of your disguise. i said that you could not escape me," and hiawatha and his hunters beat pau-puk-keewis with their heavy clubs until the beaver's skull was broken into pieces. six tall hunters bore the body of the beaver homeward, and it was so heavy that they had to carry it slung from poles and branches that rested on their shoulders. but within the dead body pau-puk-keewis still lived, and thought and felt exactly as a man; and at last, with great effort he gathered himself together, left the beaver's body and, assuming once more his own form, he vanished in the forest. hiawatha saw the figure as it stole away amid the shadows of the pine-trees, and with a shout he leaped to his feet and gave chase with all his hunters, who followed the flying pau-puk-keewis as the rain follows the wind. the hunted man, all breathless and worn out, came to a large lake in the middle of the forest, and there he saw the wild geese that we call the brant, swimming and diving among the water-lilies and enjoying themselves upon the water. "o my brothers," called pau-puk-keewis, "change me to a brant with shining feathers and two strong wings to carry me wherever i will go, and make me ten times larger than any of you!" at once they changed him into a huge brant, ten times larger than the others, and with loud cries and a clamor of wings they rose in the air and flew high up into the sunlight. as they flew they said to pau-puk-keewis: "take care that you do not look downward as you fly, or something strange and terrible will happen to you." but suddenly they heard a sound of shouting far beneath them, and pau-puk-keewis, who recognized the voice of iagoo and the tones of hiawatha, forgot the warning about looking downward, and drew in his long black neck to gaze upon the distant village. the swift wind that was blowing behind him caught his mighty tail-feathers, tipped him over, and pau-puk-keewis, struggling in vain to get his balance, fell through the clear air like a heavy stone. he heard the shouting of the people grow louder and louder; he saw the brant become little specks in the air above him, and plunging downward the great goose struck the ground with a heavy, sullen thud and lay there dead. but pau-puk-keewis still lived in the crushed body of the giant bird, and he swiftly took his own form again and rushed along the shore of the big-sea-water, with hiawatha close upon his heels. and hiawatha shouted at him as they ran: "the world is not so rough and wide but i shall catch you, pau-puk-keewis. hide where you will, but i shall reach you with my anger!" and he was so close to pau-puk-keewis that he shot out his right hand to seize him by the shoulder. pau-puk-keewis spun around in a circle, whirled the dust into the air and leaped into a hollow oak tree, where he changed himself into a serpent and came gliding out among the roots. hiawatha broke the tree to pieces with a blow of his magic mittens; but there was no pau-puk-keewis inside of it, and hiawatha saw him once again in his own form, running like the wind along the beach. they ran until they came to the painted sand-stone rocks where the old man of the mountain has his home, and the old man opened the doorway of the rocks and gave pau-puk-keewis a hiding-place in the gloomy caverns underneath the mountains, shutting the rock doorway with a heavy crash as hiawatha threw himself upon it. with his magic mittens hiawatha knocked great holes in the rocks, crying out in tones of thunder: "open! open! i am hiawatha!" but the old man of the mountain did not answer. then hiawatha raised his hands to the heavens and implored the lightning and the thunder to come to his aid and break the rocks of sand-stone into fragments, and the lightning and the thunder came snarling and rumbling over the big-sea-water at the call of hiawatha. together hiawatha and the lightning split the rock doorway into fragments, and the thunder boomed among the caverns, shouting: "where is pau-puk-keewis!" pau-puk-keewis lay dead among the caves of sandstone, killed by hiawatha and the lightning and thunder. this time he was dead indeed, crushed by the rocks that had fallen upon him, and killed in his own form so he might never rise again. hiawatha took the ghost of pau-puk-keewis and changed it into a great eagle that wheels and circles in the air to this day, screaming from the mountain peaks and gliding in great slants over deep and empty valleys. in winter, when the wind whirled the snow in drifts and eddies around the wigwams, the indians would say to one another: "there is pau-puk-keewis, come from the mountains to dance once more among the villages," and when we see great hills of sifted snow, heaped high and white by winter wind, we may think of pau-puk-keewis and his dance among the sand dunes. xviii the death of kwasind the name and fame of kwasind, the strong man, had spread among all tribes of indians, and in all the world there was nobody who dared to wrestle or to strive with this mighty friend of hiawatha. but the little pigmy people, the mischievous puk-wudjies, plotted against kwasind, for they were very much afraid of him, and thought he would destroy them. "if this great fellow goes on breaking whatever he touches, tearing things to pieces and filling the whole world with wonder at his deeds, what will happen to us?" cried the little people; "what will become of the puk-wudjies? he will step on us as if we were mushrooms; he will drive us into the water, and give our bodies to the wicked _nee-ba-naw-baigs_ to be eaten." and all the little people plotted to murder the cruel and wicked, dangerous, heartless kwasind. there was one secret about kwasind that nobody on earth knew, except himself and the clever little people. all his strength and all his weakness came from the crown of his head. nowhere but on the crown of his head could any weapon do him harm, and even there nothing would hurt him except the blue seed-cone that grows upon the fir-tree. the little people had discovered this by their great skill in magic, and they gathered together the blue cones of the fir-tree and piled them in great heaps upon the red rock ledges that overhung the river taquamenaw. there they sat and waited until kwasind should pass by in his canoe. it was a hot summer afternoon when kwasind, the strong man, in his birch canoe came floating slowly down the taquamenaw. the air was very still and very warm; the insects buzzed and hummed above the silent water, and the locust sang from the dry, sweet-smelling bushes on the shore. in kwasind's ears there was a drowsy murmur, and he felt the spirits of sleep beat upon his forehead with their soft little war-clubs. at the first blow his head nodded with slumber; at the second blow his paddle trailed motionless in the water, and at the third his eyes closed and he went fast asleep, sitting bolt upright in his canoe. the warm air quivered on the water, the midges and the gnats sang in tiny voices, and the locust once more struck up his shrill tune from the river bank, when the sentinels of the little people went scampering down the beach, calling out shrilly that kwasind was sound asleep in his canoe and drifting nearer and nearer to the fatal red rocks that overhung the river. and all the little people climbed the rocks and peered down upon the water, waiting until kwasind should pass beneath. at last the canoe swung sideways around a bend in the river and came drifting down the slow-moving current as lightly as an alder-leaf, and the little people moved the fir-cones nearer to the edge and crouched there waiting. "death to kwasind!" they shouted in little voices as the canoe glided underneath the rocks, "death to kwasind!" and they rained down showers of blue fir-cones right on the defenseless head of the sleeping giant. as a great boulder is tipped into a stream, kwasind tottered sideways from his canoe, struck the water with a sullen plunge that tossed the spray high in the air, and the waters closed above him with a mighty sob. bottom upward his canoe drifted down the river, and nothing was seen or heard of kwasind from that day to this. but his memory lived long among the indians, who would tell their children of his great feats of strength, and show to them the boulder that kwasind had pitched into the swift pauwating river when he was little more than a boy. when the gales of winter tossed the pine-trees and roared among the branches until they groaned and split with a terrible noise of rending wood, the indians would say to one another, as they sat in their warm wigwams and listened to the wind shake the forest to its roots: "there goes kwasind, gathering his firewood!" and in the country where he lived near the big-sea-water there are still many marks of his great strength that will show, to any who care to see, what a mighty man this kwasind was. xix the ghosts the vulture never drops from the heavens to seize his prey upon the desert but some other vulture views his plunge and follows swiftly. other vultures see the second, and in a few minutes their victim finds a row of them before him and the air dark with their wings. just so do troubles come upon human beings, not one at a time but together, until the unhappy man or woman finds the air as black as midnight with their shadows, and in this way did troubles pursue the unfortunate hiawatha. first chibiabos died--murdered by the evil spirits. then kwasind was killed as he drifted down the stream asleep in his canoe; and then in the dark winter, when the ice had bound the rivers and the trees were naked in the bitter air, another sorrow came upon hiawatha. but before it came he had a strange adventure, and from this he knew that he would be forced to undergo some mighty trial. one black, wintry evening after the sun had set, nokomis and minnehaha were sitting together in their wigwam waiting for hiawatha to return from the hunt, when they heard light and measured footsteps on the snow, and the curtain that hung in the doorway of their lodge was slowly lifted. two shadowy figures entered--two women, who seemed strangers in the village; and, without a word, they took their seats in the darkest corner of the wigwam and crouched there silently and sadly, shivering with cold. their faces were very white, their clothes were thin and torn, and they would not answer anything that nokomis or minnehaha said to them. was it the wind blowing down the smoke-flue, or was it the hooting of the owl that made both minnehaha and nokomis think that they heard a voice come out of the darkness and say to them: "these are dead people that sit before you and share your fire! they are ghosts from the land of the hereafter, who have come to haunt you!" at all events they thought that such a voice cried out to them, and they were very much afraid when hiawatha entered, fresh from hunting, and laid the red deer he had been carrying at the feet of minnehaha. never before did hiawatha appear so handsome, and minnehaha thought him even nobler than when he came to woo her by the waterfall in the land of the dacotahs. turning hiawatha saw the two strange guests who had not said a word when he had entered, but crouched silently in the darkest corner of the wigwam, with their hoods drawn over their white faces. only their eyes gleamed like dull coals as they gazed upon the firelight. but hiawatha did not ask a single question, although he wondered greatly, and he set about preparing the deer for their evening meal. when the meat was ready, the two guests, still without saying a word, sprang like wolves from their corners, seized upon the choicest parts, the white fat that hiawatha had saved for minnehaha, and retreated with their portions back to the shadow of their corner. and although hiawatha and minnehaha and nokomis were amazed by the strange actions of their guests, they did not show it by word or look, but acted as if nothing had happened. only minnehaha found time to whisper to hiawatha: "they are famished; let them eat of what they will." many days passed, and the two strange women still sat cowering in their corner of the wigwam; but at night, when everybody slept, they went out into the gloomy forest and brought back wood and pine-cones for the fire. whenever hiawatha returned from hunting or fishing, and the evening meal had been prepared, they would leap from their dark corner, seize the very choicest portions that had been set aside for minnehaha, and without any question being asked them, or any blame for their strange conduct, they would flit back into the darkest shadow and devour their food like hungry wolves. never once did nokomis or minnehaha or hiawatha reprove them by a single word or look, preferring to endure the insult rather than to break in any way the law of hospitality and the sacred custom of free-giving; and through it all the pale, sad women never said a word. one night, however, hiawatha lay awake, watching the embers of the fire, when he heard loud groans and sobbing, and saw the two strange guests sitting bolt upright on their couches, weeping bitterly. and hiawatha asked them: "o my guests, why is it that you are so unhappy and weep together in the middle of the night? has old nokomis or minnehaha wronged you in any way or failed to treat you with proper courtesy?" the two women left off weeping, and answered in low and gentle voices: "hiawatha, we are spirits. we are the souls of those who once lived here on earth, and we have come from the kingdom of chibiabos to warn you. "every cry of sorrow for the dead is heard in the land of spirits, and calls back those of us for whom you mourn. we are much saddened by this useless sorrow, and we have come from the blessed islands to ask you to tell all your people what we say. do not vex our ears with weeping, and do not lay upon our graves so many robes, and kettles, and wampum-belts, for the spirits find these a heavy burden. only give us food to carry with us on our journey, and see that a fire is lighted for us on the four nights following our death. for the journey to the land of spirits takes four days and four nights, and the cheerful firelight saves us from groping in the darkness. now farewell, hiawatha. we have put you to a great trial and have found you brave and noble. do not fail in the greater trial and the harder struggle that you will shortly have to suffer." their voices died away, and sudden darkness filled the wigwam. hiawatha heard the rustle of their garments as they passed him, saw a gleam of starlight as they lifted the curtain from the doorway; and when he rekindled the fire he found that the pale, sad women, his strange guests, had disappeared. xx the famine oh, the cruel and bitter winter that followed! the ice on the rivers and lakes became thicker and harder than ever before; the snow on the fields and in the forests was so deep that the indians could hardly force their way out of their buried wigwams. no game ran through the frozen thickets, no birds flew among the trees. in the level snow the starving hunters could not find a single track of deer or rabbit, and the corn in the village became less and less until it was all gone. then the children began to cry with hunger, the women went about with faces pinched and drawn, and the men drew their belts tighter day by day. at night the stars in the heavens seemed to glare like the eyes of famished wolves, and the cold wind moaned among the trees as if the very air were suffering from want. it was an evil time. when the famine was at its worst, two more strange guests came to the wigwam of hiawatha; nor did they linger at the doorway and wait to be invited in. they entered without a word, and with sunken eyes they gazed at minnehaha, and one of them said in a hollow voice: "look on me! my name is famine," and the other one cried out: "i am fever!" the lovely minnehaha shivered when she saw them, and a great chill came over her. she lay down on her bed and hid her face, and as the wicked guests continued to gaze she felt first burning heat, then icy coldness dart like arrows through her body. hiawatha rushed into the forest to find some food for minnehaha and to drive away the awful visitors; but the forest was bleak and empty, and there was no food to be had. "ah great manito!" cried out hiawatha, "give me food for my dying minnehaha, before the fever and famine tear her from me forever!" but the great manito did not answer, and the silent forest only murmured dully, echoing the words of hiawatha. with his bow and arrows he strode for miles through the deserted woods where he had once led his young bride homeward from the land of the dacotahs. but now no animals peeped at him from amid the tree trunks, and there was no cheerful fluttering and singing from the branches; everything was deathly silent, muffled in a mighty cloak of snow. [illustration: "seven long days and nights he sat there"--_page _] while he was searching in vain for food, the two dark figures in the wigwam drew closer and closer to minnehaha, until they crouched at either side of her bed of branches, and one of them said in hollow tones: "my name is famine," and the other cried out: "i am fever!" and they leaned over the bed and fixed their sunken eyes on minnehaha, and nokomis could not frighten them away. "hark!" said minnehaha as the fever gazed upon her, "i hear a rushing and a roaring. i hear the falls of minnehaha calling to me from the land of the dacotahs!" "no, my child," said nokomis, "it is nothing but the wind of night that blows amid the pine trees." "look!" said minnehaha, as the fever drew still closer to her bed. "i see my father standing in his doorway. i see him beckoning to me from his wigwam!" "ah no, my child," said nokomis sadly; "it is nothing but the smoke of our fire curling upward to the smoke-flue." "oh," said minnehaha, "i see the eyes of death glaring at me in the darkness! i feel his icy fingers clasping mine! hiawatha! hiawatha!" the wretched hiawatha, miles away in the dark forest, heard minnehaha cry to him and he hurried homeward with a sinking heart, but before he reached his wigwam he heard the voice of nokomis wailing through the night. what a sight met his eyes as he burst into his dreary lodge! nokomis was rocking sadly to and fro, moaning and weeping; and minnehaha lay, cold and dead, upon her bed of branches! hiawatha gave such a cry of sorrow that the forest shuddered and groaned, and even the stars in heaven trembled. then he sat down at the feet of minnehaha, and covered his face with both his hands. seven days and nights he sat there without moving or speaking, and he did not know whether it was night or day. at last he rose and wrapped minnehaha in her softest robes of ermine, and they made a grave for her in the snow beneath the hemlock trees. four nights they kindled a fire on her grave, so that her soul might have cheerful light upon its journey to the blessed islands, and hiawatha watched from the doorway of his wigwam to see that the fire was burning brightly so she might never be left in darkness, and he said: "farewell, my minnehaha! my heart is buried with you, and before long my task here will be finished and i will join you in the blessed islands. soon i shall follow in your footsteps to the land of hereafter!" xxi the white man's foot in a lodge built close beside a frozen river sat an old man, whose hair was whiter than the whitest snow, and he shook and trembled as he sat there, hearing nothing but the gale that raged outside and seeing nothing but the flakes of snow that leaped and whirled about his chilly wigwam. all the coals of his fire were covered with white ashes and the fire itself was dying away unheeded, when a bright youth with red blood in his cheeks walked lightly through the open doorway. on his head was a crown of fresh and sweet-smelling grasses; his lips were curved in a beautiful smile, and he carried in his hand a bunch of flowers that filled the lodge with the fragrance of the wildwood. "ah, my son," said the old man, "it does my old eyes good to gaze upon you! take a seat beside my fire, and we will pass the night together! tell me of your travels and your strange adventures, and let me tell you of all the wonderful deeds that i have done." the old man drew a peace-pipe from his pouch, filled it with willow-bark and handed it to the beautiful young stranger, who smoked in silence while he listened to the old man's words. "when i blow my breath about me," said the old man, "the water becomes as hard as stone and the rivers cannot move." "when i breathe upon the meadows and the woodlands," answered the young stranger with a sunny smile, "the flowers rise like magic, and the rivers, with a song, go rushing on again." "when i shake my long white hair," said the old man scowling, "the land is buried with snow and the leaves all fade away and fall to earth. when i raise my voice the ground becomes like flint, the wild fowl fly away and the wild beasts of the forest hide for fear." "when i shake my flowing ringlets," said the young man with a light laugh, "the warm rain falls on the hills and fields, and the wild geese and the heron come back to the marshes. homeward flies the swallow, and the robin and the bluebird sing for joy. wherever i go the woodlands ring with music, and the meadows become blue with violets." while they were speaking, the great sun leaped up above the horizon and shot his beams of orange gold through the doorway of the wigwam. the air became warm and pleasant, and in the light of morning the young stranger saw the icy face of the old man and knew that he had spent the night with peboan, the winter. from the old man's eyes the tears were running in two streams, the water was dripping from his hair, and his body shrank until it vanished into the ground. and on the hearth-stone where the old man's fire had been smoking, blossomed the earliest flower of springtime. thus did the young stranger, spring, come back again and drive away the icy chill of that dreadful winter of famine and death. to the northward passed the wild swans, calling to one another, and the bluebirds and the pigeons and the robins sang in the thicket, until the grieving hiawatha heard their voices and went forth from his gloomy wigwam to gaze up into the warm, blue sky. from his wanderings in the east returned iagoo, the great boaster, full of stories more wonderful than any that he had ever told, and the people laughed as they listened to him, saying: "cold and famine have not harmed iagoo; he is just the same as ever, and has seen more wonders in his travels than the great manito himself." "i have seen a water greater than the big-sea-water," cried iagoo, "much greater! and over it came a huge canoe, with large white wings that carried it along!" "it can't be true!" cried all the indians, laughing at iagoo; "we don't believe one word of what you say." "from the canoe," went on iagoo, "came thunder and lightning, and a hundred warriors landed on the beach. their faces were painted white, and there was hair upon their chins." "what lies you tell us!" shouted all the people. "do not think that we believe you!" hiawatha only did not join in the roar of laughter that iagoo's words called forth from all the men and women and children who were listening. "what he tells is true," said hiawatha, "i have seen it all in a dream. i have seen the great canoe of the white-faced people come sailing from the land of sunrise. i have seen these people moving swiftly westward under the guidance of the great manito, until the fires of their wigwams smoked in all the valleys, while their canoes rushed over all the lakes and rivers. let us welcome them," said hiawatha; "let us give them of our best and call them brothers, for the great manito has sent them and they come to do his bidding. "then i had another vision," hiawatha went on sadly. "i saw our people fighting with one another, forgetful of the warning of the great manito. and the forests where we hunted, and the rivers where we fished and trapped the beaver, knew our faces and our voices no more; for our people were scattered like the autumn leaves, until no indians were left upon the earth." and when his voice died away, the indians all sat in silence and looked at one another with a sudden fear. xxii hiawatha's departure on the shore of the big-sea-water, in the sunny morning, hiawatha stood in the doorway of his wigwam, gazing out over the shining lake. the sky was bright and blue above him, the pebbles sparkled on the beaches, and the still water reflected the great pine-trees of the forest. every trace of sorrow was gone from hiawatha's face, and with a smile of joy he lifted his open hands toward the blazing sun to shade his eyes. he was watching something that floated far out on the water--some image which he could not plainly see, but which was drawing nearer and nearer to the village. at last he saw that it was a birch canoe, with paddles flashing as they rose and fell; and in it came the white-faced people from the land of sunrise, led by a bearded chief in a black robe, who wore a cross upon his breast. the canoe grated on the pebbles, and hiawatha, with his hands stretched outward as a sign of friendship, called to them in welcome. "the sun is fair to look upon, o strangers," cried out hiawatha. "our town waits for you in peace, and the doors of all our wigwams stand open to receive you. our tobacco never was so sweet and pleasant, and our waving cornfields never seemed so beautiful to behold as this morning, when you visit us from far-off lands." and the chief of the strange people, the bearded man in the black robe, answered, stammering a little, for the language of the indians was strange to him: "may the peace of christ be with you and your people, hiawatha!" then the noble-hearted hiawatha led them to his wigwam, where he seated them on skins of bison and ermine, while nokomis brought them water in cups of birch-bark and food in bowls of polished basswood; and when they were done with eating, peace-pipes were filled with willow-bark and lighted for them to smoke. all the warriors, and old men, and the magicians of the village came to welcome the great strangers, and they sat around the doorway of hiawatha's wigwam in a large circle, smoking their pipes and waiting for the strangers to come forth and to speak to them. the black-robed chief went out of the wigwam and greeted all the indians, while they said to him: "o brother, it is well that you have come so far to see us!" then the bearded man in the black robe commenced to speak, showing them the cross that he wore upon his breast, and he told them about christ and the virgin mary and how the wicked tribe, the jews, had taken christ and crucified him long ago, and the indians smoked on in silence, listening to his words. "it is well," they said when he had finished; "we will think upon your words of wisdom. we are pleased." then they rose and went home to their wigwams, where they told the young men and women all about the strangers who had been sent by the great manito; and in hiawatha's lodge the strangers, weary from their journey and the summer heat, stretched themselves upon the robes of ermine and went fast asleep. slowly a coolness fell upon the air, and the rays of sunset gilded every thicket of the forest, when hiawatha rose from his seat and whispered to nokomis, saying: "o nokomis, i am going on a long journey to the land of sunset and the home of the north-west wind. see that no harm comes to these guests, whom i leave here in your care. see that fear and danger or want of food and shelter never come near them in the lodge of hiawatha." forth went hiawatha into the village, and he bade farewell to all the warriors and to all the young men, saying to them: "my people, i am going on a distant journey, and many winters will have passed before i come once more among you. listen to the truth my guests will tell you, for the great manito has sent them, and i leave them in your care. and now, farewell!" cried hiawatha. on the shore of the big-sea-water for the last time hiawatha launched his birch canoe, pushed it out from among the rushes and whispered to it, "westward! westward!" it darted forward like an arrow, and the rays of the setting sun shot a long and fiery pathway over the smooth waters of the lake. down this path of light sailed hiawatha in his birch canoe right into the flaming sunset, and the indians on the shore saw him moving on and on until he became a tiny speck against the splendor of the clouds. with a final lift and fall his canoe rose upon a sunbeam, and as it disappeared within the crimson sky the indians all cried out: "farewell, farewell, o hiawatha!" and the trees in the forest, the waves on the edges of the lake and every living creature that ran or swam or flew took up the cry: "farewell, hiawatha!" for hiawatha had disappeared forever in the kingdom of the north-west wind and the islands of the blessed. the song of hiawatha introduction should you ask me, whence these stories? whence these legends and traditions, with the odors of the forest, with the dew and damp of meadows, with the curling smoke of wigwams, with the rushing of great rivers, with their frequent repetitions, and their wild reverberations, as of thunder in the mountains? i should answer, i should tell you, "from the forests and the prairies, from the great lakes of the northland, from the land of the ojibways, from the land of the dacotahs, from the mountains, moors, and fen-lands, where the heron, the shuh-shuh-gah, feeds among the reeds and rushes. i repeat them as i heard them from the lips of nawadaha, the musician, the sweet-singer." should you ask where nawadaha found these songs, so wild and wayward, found these legends and traditions, i should answer, i should tell you, "in the bird's-nests of the forest, in the lodges of the beaver, in the hoof-prints of the bison, in the eyry of the eagle! "all the wild-fowl sang them to him, in the moorlands and the fen-lands, in the melancholy marshes; chetowaik, the plover, sang them, mahng, the loon, the wild-goose, wawa, the blue heron, the shuh-shuh-gah, and the grouse, the mushkodasa!" if still further you should ask me, saying, "who was nawadaha? tell us of this nawadaha," i should answer your inquiries straightway in such words as follow. "in the vale of tawasentha, in the green and silent valley, by the pleasant water-courses, dwelt the singer nawadaha. round about the indian village spread the meadows and the cornfields, and beyond them stood the forest, stood the groves of singing pine-trees, green in summer, white in winter, ever sighing, ever singing. "and the pleasant water-courses, you could trace them through the valley, by the rushing in the spring-time, by the alders in the summer, by the white fog in the autumn, by the black line in the winter; and beside them dwelt the singer, in the vale of tawasentha, in the green and silent valley. "there he sang of hiawatha, sang the song of hiawatha, sang his wondrous birth and being, how he prayed and how he fasted, how he lived, and toiled, and suffered, that the tribes of men might prosper, that he might advance his people!" ye who love the haunts of nature, love the sunshine of the meadow, love the shadow of the forest, love the wind among the branches, and the rain-shower and the snow-storm, and the rushing of great rivers through their palisades of pine-trees, and the thunder in the mountains, whose innumerable echoes flap like eagles in their eyries;-- listen to these wild traditions, to this song of hiawatha! ye who love a nation's legends, love the ballads of a people, that like voices from afar off call to us to pause and listen, speak in tones so plain and childlike scarcely can the ear distinguish whether they are sung or spoken;-- listen to this indian legend, to this song of hiawatha! ye whose hearts are fresh and simple, who have faith in god and nature, who believe, that in all ages every human heart is human, that in even savage bosoms there are longings, yearnings, strivings for the good they comprehend not, that the feeble hands and helpless, groping blindly in the darkness, touch god's right hand in that darkness and are lifted up and strengthened;-- listen to this simple story, to this song of hiawatha! ye, who sometimes in your rambles through the green lanes of the country, where the tangled barberry-bushes hang their tufts of crimson berries over stone walls gray with mosses, pause by some neglected graveyard, for a while to muse, and ponder on a half-effaced inscription, written with little skill of song-craft, homely phrases, but each letter full of hope, and yet of heart-break, full of all the tender pathos of the here and the hereafter;-- stay and read this rude inscription, read this song of hiawatha! the song of hiawatha i the peace-pipe on the mountains of the prairie, on the great red pipe-stone quarry, gitche manito, the mighty, he the master of life, descending, on the red crags of the quarry stood erect, and called the nations, called the tribes of men together. from his footprints flowed a river, leaped into the light of morning, o'er the precipice plunging downward gleamed like ishkoodah, the comet. and the spirit, stooping earthward, with his finger on the meadow traced a winding pathway for it, saying to it, "run in this way!" from the red stone of the quarry with his hand he broke a fragment, molded it into a pipe-head, shaped and fashioned it with figures; from the margin of the river took a long reed for a pipe-stem, with its dark green leaves upon it; filled the pipe with bark of willow, with the bark of the red willow; breathed upon the neighboring forest, made its great boughs chafe together, till in flame they burst and kindled; and erect upon the mountains, gitche manito, the mighty, smoked the calumet, the peace-pipe, as a signal to the nations. and the smoke rose slowly, slowly, through the tranquil air of morning, first a single line of darkness, then a denser, bluer vapor, then a snow-white cloud unfolding, like the tree-tops of the forest, ever rising, rising, rising, till it touched the top of heaven, till it broke against the heaven, and rolled outward all around it. from the vale of tawasentha, from the valley of wyoming, from the groves of tuscaloosa, from the far-off rocky mountains, from the northern lakes and rivers all the tribes beheld the signal, saw the distant smoke ascending the pukwana of the peace-pipe. and the prophets of the nations said: "behold it, the pukwana, by this signal from afar off, bending like a wand of willow, waving like a hand that beckons, gitche manito, the mighty, calls the tribes of men together, calls the warriors to his council!" down the rivers, o'er the prairies, came the warriors of the nations, came the delawares and mohawks, came the choctaws and comanches, came the shoshonies and blackfeet, came the pawnees and omahas, came the mandans and dacotahs, came the hurons and ojibways, all the warriors drawn together by the signal of the peace-pipe, to the mountains of the prairie, to the great red pipe-stone quarry. and they stood there on the meadow with their weapons and their war-gear painted like the leaves of autumn, painted like the sky of morning, wildly glaring at each other; in their faces stern defiance, in their hearts the feuds of ages, the hereditary hatred, the ancestral thirst of vengeance. gitche manito, the mighty, the creator of the nations, looked upon them with compassion, with paternal love and pity; looked upon their wrath and wrangling, but as quarrels among children, but as feuds and fights of children! over them he stretched his right hand, to subdue their stubborn natures, to allay their thirst and fever, by the shadow of his right hand; spake to them with voice majestic as the sound of far-off waters, falling into deep abysses, warning, chiding, spake in this wise:-- "o my children! my poor children! listen to the words of wisdom, listen to the words of warning, from the lips of the great spirit, from the master of life, who made you: "i have given you lands to hunt in, i have given you streams to fish in, i have given you bear and bison, i have given you roe and reindeer, i have given you brant and beaver, filled the marshes full of wild-fowl, filled the rivers full of fishes; why then are you not contented? why then will you hunt each other? "i am weary of your quarrels, weary of your wars and bloodshed. weary of your prayers for vengeance, of your wranglings and dissensions; all your strength is in your union, all your danger is in discord; therefore be at peace henceforward, and as brothers live together. "i will send a prophet to you, a deliverer of the nations, who shall guide you and shall teach you, who shall toil and suffer with you. if you listen to his counsels, you will multiply and prosper; if his warnings pass unheeded, you will fade away and perish! "bathe now in the stream before you, wash the war-paint from your faces, wash the blood-stains from your fingers, bury your war-clubs and your weapons, break the red stone from this quarry, mold and make it into peace-pipes, take the reeds that grow beside you, deck them with your brightest feathers, smoke the calumet together, and as brothers live henceforward!" then upon the ground the warriors threw their cloaks and shirts of deerskin, threw their weapons and their war-gear, leaped into the rushing river, washed the war-paint from their faces clear above them flowed the water, clear and limpid from the footprints of the master of life descending; dark below them flowed the water, soiled and stained with streaks of crimson, as if blood were mingled with it! from the river came the warriors, clean and washed from all their war-paint; on the banks their clubs they buried, buried all their warlike weapons. gitche manito, the mighty, the great spirit, the creator, smiled upon his helpless children! and in silence all the warriors broke the red stone of the quarry, smoothed and formed it into peace-pipes, broke the long reeds by the river, decked them with their brightest feathers, and departed each one homeward, while the master of life, ascending, through the opening of cloud-curtains, through the doorways of the heaven, vanished from before their faces, in the smoke that rolled around him, the pukwana of the peace-pipe! ii the four winds "honor be to mudjekeewis!" cried the warriors, cried the old men, when he came in triumph homeward with the sacred belt of wampum, from the regions of the north-wind, from the kingdom of wabasso, from the land of the white rabbit. he had stolen the belt of wampum from the neck of mishe-mokwa, from the great bear of the mountains, from the terror of the nations, as he lay asleep and cumbrous on the summit of the mountains, like a rock with mosses on it, spotted brown and gray with mosses. silently he stole upon him, till the red nails of the monster almost touched him, almost scared him, till the hot breath of his nostrils warmed the hands of mudjekeewis, as he drew the belt of wampum over the round ears, that heard not, over the small eyes, that saw not, over the long nose and nostrils, the black muzzle of the nostrils, out of which the heavy breathing warmed the hands of mudjekeewis. then he swung aloft his war-club, shouted loud and long his war-cry, smote the mighty mishe-mokwa in the middle of the forehead, right between the eyes he smote him. with the heavy blow bewildered, rose the great bear of the mountains; but his knees beneath him trembled, and he whimpered like a woman, as he reeled and staggered forward, as he sat upon his haunches; and the mighty mudjekeewis, standing fearlessly before him, taunted him in loud derision, spake disdainfully in this wise:-- "hark you, bear! you are a coward, and no brave, as you pretended; else you would not cry and whimper like a miserable woman! bear! you know our tribes are hostile, long have been at war together; now you find that we are strongest, you go sneaking in the forest, you go hiding in the mountains! had you conquered me in battle not a groan would i have uttered; but you, bear! sit here and whimper, and disgrace your tribe by crying, like a wretched shaugodaya, like a cowardly old woman!" then again he raised his war-club, smote again the mishe-mokwa in the middle of his forehead, broke his skull as ice is broken when one goes to fish in winter. thus was slain the mishe-mokwa, he the great bear of the mountains, he the terror of the nations. "honor be to mudjekeewis!" with a shout exclaimed the people, "honor be to mudjekeewis! henceforth he shall be the west-wind, and hereafter and forever shall he hold supreme dominion over all the winds of heaven, call him no more mudjekeewis, call him kabeyun, the west-wind!" thus was mudjekeewis chosen father of the winds of heaven. for himself he kept the west-wind, gave the others to his children; unto wabun gave the east-wind, gave the south to shawondasee, and the north-wind, wild and cruel, to the fierce kabibonokka. young and beautiful was wabun; he it was who brought the morning, he it was whose silver arrows chased the dark o'er hill and valley; he it was whose cheeks were painted with the brightest streaks of crimson, and whose voice awoke the village, called the deer and called the hunter. lonely in the sky was wabun; though the birds sang gayly to him, though the wild-flowers of the meadow filled the air with odors for him, though the forests and the rivers sang and shouted at his coming, still his heart was sad within him, for he was alone in heaven. but one morning, gazing earthward, while the village still was sleeping, and the fog lay on the river, like a ghost, that goes at sunrise, he beheld a maiden walking all alone upon a meadow, gathering water-flags and rushes by a river in the meadow. every morning gazing earthward, still the first thing he beheld there was her blue eyes looking at him, two blue lakes among the rushes. and he loved the lonely maiden, who thus waited for his coming; for they both were solitary, she on earth and he in heaven. and he wooed her with caresses, wooed her with his smile of sunshine, with his flattering words he wooed her with his sighing and his singing, gentlest whispers in the branches, softest music, sweetest odors, till he drew her to his bosom, folded in his robes of crimson, till into a star he changed her, trembling still upon his bosom; and forever in the heavens they are seen together walking, wabun and the wabun-annung, wabun and the star of morning. but the fierce kabibonokka had his dwelling among icebergs, in the everlasting snow-drifts, in the kingdom of wabasso, in the land of the white rabbit. he it was whose hand in autumn painted all the trees with scarlet, stained the leaves with red and yellow; he it was who sent the snow-flakes, sifting, hissing through the forest, froze the ponds, the lakes, the rivers, drove the loon and sea-gull southward, drove the cormorant and curlew to their nests of sedge and sea-tang in the realms of shawondasee. once the fierce kabibonokka issued from his lodge of snow-drifts, from his home among the icebergs, and his hair, with snow besprinkled, streamed behind him like a river, like a black and wintry river, as he howled and hurried southward, over frozen lakes and moorlands. there among the reeds and rushes found he shingebis, the diver, trailing strings of fish behind him, o'er the frozen fens and moorlands, lingering still among the moorlands, though his tribe had long departed to the land of shawondasee. cried the fierce kabibonokka, "who is this that dares to brave me? dares to stay in my dominions, when the wawa has departed, when the wild-goose has gone southward, and the heron, the shuh-shuh-gah, long ago departed southward? i will go into his wigwam, i will put his smouldering fire out!" and at night kabibonokka to the lodge came wild and wailing, heaped the snow in drifts about it, shouted down into the smoke-flue, shook the lodge-poles in his fury, flapped the curtain of the doorway. shingebis, the diver, feared not, shingebis, the diver, cared not; four great logs had he for firewood, one for each moon of the winter, and for food the fishes served him. by his blazing fire he sat there, warm and merry, eating, laughing, singing "o kabibonokka, you are but my fellow-mortal!" then kabibonokka entered, and though shingebis, the diver, felt his presence by the coldness, felt his icy breath upon him, still he did not cease his singing, still he did not leave his laughing, only turned the log a little, only made the fire burn brighter, made the sparks fly up the smoke-flue. from kabibonokka's forehead, from his snow-besprinkled tresses, drops of sweat fell fast and heavy, making dints upon the ashes, as along the eves of lodges, as from drooping boughs of hemlock, drips the melting snow in springtime, making hollows in the snow-drifts. till at last he rose defeated, could not bear the heat and laughter, could not bear the merry singing, but rushed headlong through the doorway, stamped upon the crusted snow-drifts, stamped upon the lakes and rivers, made the snow upon them harder, made the ice upon them thicker, challenged shingebis, the diver, to come forth and wrestle with him, to come forth and wrestle naked on the frozen fens and moorlands. forth went shingebis, the diver, wrestled all night with the north-wind, wrestled naked on the moorlands with the fierce kabibonokka, till his panting breath grew fainter, till his frozen grasp grew feebler, till he reeled and staggered backward, and retreated, baffled, beaten, to the kingdom of wabasso, to the land of the white rabbit, hearing still the gusty laughter, hearing shingebis, the diver, singing, "o kabibonokka, you are but my fellow-mortal!" shawondasee, fat and lazy, had his dwelling far to southward, in the drowsy, dreamy sunshine, in the never-ending summer. he it was who sent the wood-birds, sent the opechee, the robin, sent the blue bird, the owaissa, sent the shawshaw, sent the swallow, sent the wild-goose, wawa, northward, sent the melons and tobacco, and the grapes in purple clusters. from his pipe the smoke ascending filled the sky with haze and vapor, filled the air with dreamy softness, gave a twinkle to the water, touched the rugged hills with smoothness, brought the tender indian summer to the melancholy north-land, in the dreary moon of snow-shoes. listless, careless shawondasee! in his life he had one shadow, in his heart one sorrow had he. once, as he was gazing northward, far away upon a prairie he beheld a maiden standing, saw a tall and slender maiden all alone upon a prairie; brightest green were all her garments and her hair was like the sunshine. day by day he gazed upon her, day by day he sighed with passion, day by day his heart within him grew more hot with love and longing for the maid with yellow tresses. but he was too fat and lazy to bestir himself and woo her; yes, too indolent and easy to pursue her and persuade her, so he only gazed upon her, only sat and sighed with passion for the maiden of the prairie. till one morning, looking northward, he beheld her yellow tresses changed and covered o'er with whiteness, covered as with whitest snow-flakes. "ah! my brother from the north-land, from the kingdom of wabasso, from the land of the white rabbit! you have stolen the maiden from me, you have laid your hand upon her, you have wooed and won my maiden, with your stories of the north-land!" thus the wretched shawondasee breathed into the air his sorrow; and the south-wind o'er the prairie wandered warm with sighs of passion with the sighs of shawondasee, till the air seemed full of snow-flakes, full of thistle-down the prairie, and the maid with hair like sunshine vanished from his sight forever; never more did shawondasee see the maid with yellow tresses! poor, deluded shawondasee! 'twas no woman that you gazed at, 'twas no maiden that you sighed for, 'twas the prairie dandelion that through all the dreamy summer you had gazed at with such longing, you had sighed for with such passion, and had puffed away forever, blown into the air with sighing. ah! deluded shawondasee! thus the four winds were divided; thus the sons of mudjekeewis had their stations in the heavens, at the corners of the heavens; for himself the west-wind only kept the mighty mudjekeewis. iii hiawatha's childhood downward through the evening twilight, in the days that are forgotten, in the unremembered ages, from the full moon fell nokomis, fell the beautiful nokomis. she a wife, but not a mother. she was sporting with her women, swinging in a swing of grape-vines, when her rival, the rejected, full of jealousy and hatred, cut the leafy swing asunder, cut in twain the twisted grape-vines, and nokomis fell affrighted downward through the evening twilight, on the muskoday, the meadow, on the prairie full of blossoms. "see! a star falls!" said the people; "from the sky a star is falling!" there among the ferns and mosses, there among the prairie lilies, on the muskoday, the meadow, in the moonlight, and the starlight, fair nokomis bore a daughter. and she called her name wenonah, as the first-born of her daughters. and the daughter of nokomis grew up like the prairie lilies, grew a tall and slender maiden, with the beauty of the moonlight, with the beauty of the starlight. and nokomis warned her often, saying oft, and oft repeating, "o, beware of mudjekeewis, of the west-wind, mudjekeewis; listen not to what he tells you; lie not down upon the meadow, stoop not down among the lilies, lest the west-wind come and harm you!" but she heeded not the warning, heeded not those words of wisdom, and the west-wind came at evening, walking lightly o'er the prairie, whispering to the leaves and blossoms, bending low the flowers and grasses, found the beautiful wenonah, lying there among the lilies, wooed her with his words of sweetness, wooed her with his soft caresses, till she bore a son in sorrow, bore a son of love and sorrow. thus was born my hiawatha, thus was born the child of wonder; but the daughter of nokomis, hiawatha's gentle mother, in her anguish died deserted by the west-wind, false and faithless, by the heartless mudjekeewis. for her daughter, long and loudly wailed and wept the sad nokomis; "o that i were dead!" she murmured, "o that i were dead, as thou art! no more work, and no more weeping, wahonowin! wahonowin!" by the shores of gitche gumee, by the shining big-sea-water, stood the wigwam of nokomis, daughter of the moon, nokomis. dark behind it rose the forest, rose the black and gloomy pine-trees, rose the firs with cones upon them; bright before it beat the water, beat the clear and sunny water, beat the shining big-sea-water. there the wrinkled, old nokomis nursed the little hiawatha, rocked him in his linden cradle, bedded soft in moss and rushes, safely bound with reindeer sinews; stilled his fretful wail by saying, "hush! the naked bear will get thee!" lulled him into slumber, singing, "ewa-yea! my little owlet! who is this, that lights the wigwam? with his great eyes lights the wigwam? ewa-yea! my little owlet!" many things nokomis taught him of the stars that shine in heaven; showed him ishkoodah, the comet, ishkoodah, with fiery tresses; showed the death-dance of the spirits, warriors with their plumes and war-clubs, flaring far away to northward in the frosty nights of winter; showed the broad, white road in heaven, pathway of the ghosts, the shadows, running straight across the heavens, crowded with the ghosts, the shadows. at the door on summer evenings sat the little hiawatha; heard the whispering of the pine-trees, heard the lapping of the water, sounds of music, words of wonder; "minne-wawa!" said the pine-trees, "mudway aushka!" said the water. saw the fire-fly, wah-wah-taysee, flitting through the dusk of evening, with the twinkle of its candle lighting up the brakes and bushes, and he sang the song of children, sang the song nokomis taught him; "wah-wah-taysee, little fire-fly, little, flitting, white-fire insect, little, dancing, white-fire creature, light me with your little candle, ere upon my bed i lay me, ere in sleep i close my eyelids!" saw the moon rise from the water rippling, rounding from the water, saw the flecks and shadows on it, whispered, "what is that, nokomis?' and the good nokomis answered: "once a warrior, very angry, seized his grandmother, and threw her up into the sky at midnight; right against the moon he threw her; 'tis her body that you see there." saw the rainbow in the heaven, in the eastern sky, the rainbow, whispered, "what is that, nokomis?" and the good nokomis answered: "'tis the heaven of flowers you see there; all the wild-flowers of the forest, all the lilies of the prairie, when on earth they fade and perish, blossom in that heaven above us." when he heard the owls at midnight, hooting, laughing in the forest, "what is that?" he cried in terror; "what is that?" he said, "nokomis?" and the good nokomis answered: "that is but the owl and owlet, talking in their native language, talking, scolding at each other." then the little hiawatha learned of every bird its language, learned their names and all their secrets, how they built their nests in summer, where they hid themselves in winter, talked with them whene'er he met them, called them "hiawatha's chickens." of all beasts he learned the language, learned their names and all their secrets, how the beavers built their lodges, where the squirrels hid their acorns, how the reindeer ran so swiftly, why the rabbit was so timid, talked with them whene'er he met them, called them "hiawatha's brothers." then iagoo, the great boaster, he the marvellous story-teller, he the traveller and the talker, he the friend of old nokomis, made a bow for hiawatha; from a branch of ash he made it, from an oak-bough made the arrows, tipped with flint, and winged with feathers, and the cord he made of deer-skin. then he said to hiawatha: "go, my son, into the forest, where the red deer herd together, kill for us a famous roebuck, kill for us a deer with antlers!" forth into the forest straightway all alone walked hiawatha proudly, with his bow and arrows; and the birds sang round him, o'er him, "do not shoot us, hiawatha!" sang the opechee, the robin, sang the bluebird, the owaissa, "do not shoot us, hiawatha!" up the oak-tree, close beside him, sprang the squirrel, adjidaumo, in and out among the branches, coughed and chattered from the oak-tree, laughed, and said between his laughing, "do not shoot me, hiawatha!" and the rabbit from his pathway leaped aside, and at a distance sat erect upon his haunches, half in fear and half in frolic, saying to the little hunter, "do not shoot me, hiawatha!" but he heeded not, nor heard them, for his thoughts were with the red deer; on their tracks his eyes were fastened, leading downward to the river, to the ford across the river, and as one in slumber walked he. hidden in the alder-bushes, there he waited till the deer came, till he saw two antlers lifted, saw two eyes look from the thicket, saw two nostrils point to windward, and a deer came down the pathway, flecked with leafy light and shadow. and his heart within him fluttered, trembled like the leaves above him, like the birch-leaf palpitated, as the deer came down the pathway. then upon one knee uprising, hiawatha aimed an arrow; scarce a twig moved with his motion, scarce a leaf was stirred or rustled, but the wary roebuck started, stamped with all his hoofs together, listened with one foot uplifted, leaped as if to meet the arrow; ah! the singing, fatal arrow, like a wasp it buzzed and stung him! dead he lay there in the forest, by the ford across the river; beat his timid heart no longer, but the heart of hiawatha throbbed and shouted and exulted, as he bore the red deer homeward, and iagoo and nokomis hailed his coming with applauses. from the red deer's hide nokomis made a cloak for hiawatha, from the red deer's flesh nokomis made a banquet in his honor. all the village came and feasted, all the guests praised hiawatha, called him strong-heart, soan-ge-taha! called him loon-heart, mahn-go-taysee! iv hiawatha and mudjekeewis out of childhood into manhood now had grown my hiawatha, skilled in all the craft of hunters, learned in all the lore of old men, in all youthful sports and pastimes, in all manly arts and labors. swift of foot was hiawatha; he could shoot an arrow from him, and run forward with such fleetness that the arrow fell behind him! strong of arm was hiawatha; he could shoot ten arrows upward, shoot them with such strength and swiftness, that the tenth had left the bow-string ere the first to earth had fallen! he had mittens, minjekahwun, magic mittens made of deer-skin; when upon his hands he wore them, he could smite the rocks asunder, he could grind them into powder. he had moccasins enchanted, magic moccasins of deer-skin; when he bound them round his ankles, when upon his feet he tied them, at each stride a mile he measured! much he questioned old nokomis of his father mudjekeewis; learned from her the fatal secret of the beauty of his mother, of the falsehood of his father; and his heart was hot within him, like a living coal his heart was. then he said to old nokomis, "i will go to mudjekeewis, see how fares it with my father, at the door-ways of the west-wind, at the portals of the sunset!" from his lodge went hiawatha, dressed for travel, armed for hunting; dressed in deer-skin shirt and leggings, richly wrought with quills and wampum; on his head his eagle feathers, round his waist his belt of wampum, in his hand his bow of ash-wood, strung with sinews of the reindeer; in his quiver oaken arrows, tipped with jasper, winged with feathers; with his mittens minjekahwun, with his moccasins enchanted. warning said the old nokomis, "go not forth, o hiawatha! to the kingdom of the west-wind, to the realms of mudjekeewis, lest he harm you with his magic, lest he kill you with his cunning!" but the fearless hiawatha heeded not her woman's warning; forth he strode into the forest, at each stride a mile he measured; lurid seemed the sky above him, lurid seemed the earth beneath him, hot and close the air around him, filled with smoke and fiery vapors, as of burning woods and prairies, for his heart was hot within him, like a living coal his heart was. so he journeyed westward, westward, left the fleetest deer behind him, left the antelope and bison; crossed the rushing escanaba, crossed the mighty mississippi, passed the mountains of the prairie, passed the land of crows and foxes, passed the dwellings of the blackfeet, came unto the rocky mountains, to the kingdom of the west-wind, where upon the gusty summits sat the ancient mudjekeewis, ruler of the winds of heaven. filled with awe was hiawatha at the aspect of his father on the air about him wildly tossed and streamed the cloudy tresses, gleamed like drifting snow his tresses, glared like ishkoodah, the comet, like the star with fiery tresses. filled with joy was mudjekeewis when he looked on hiawatha, saw his youth rise up before him in the face of hiawatha, saw the beauty of wenonah from the grave rise up before him. "welcome!" said he, "hiawatha, to the kingdom of the west-wind! long have i been waiting for you! youth is lovely, age is lonely, youth is fiery, age is frosty; you bring back the days departed, you bring back my youth of passion, and the beautiful wenonah!" many days they talked together, questioned, listened, waited, answered; much the mighty mudjekeewis boasted of his ancient prowess, of his perilous adventures, his indomitable courage, his invulnerable body. patiently sat hiawatha, listening to his father's boasting; with a smile he sat and listened, uttered neither threat nor menace, neither word nor look betrayed him, but his heart was hot within him, like a living coal his heart was. then he said, "o mudjekeewis, is there nothing that can harm you? nothing that you are afraid of?" and the mighty mudjekeewis, grand and gracious in his boasting, answered saying, "there is nothing, nothing but the black rock yonder, nothing but the fatal wawbeek?" and he looked at hiawatha with a wise look and benignant, with a countenance paternal, looked with pride upon the beauty of his tall and graceful figure, saying, "o my hiawatha! is there anything can harm you? anything you are afraid of?" but the wary hiawatha paused awhile, as if uncertain, held his peace, as if resolving, and then answered, "there is nothing, nothing but the bulrush yonder, nothing but the great apukwa!" and as mudjekeewis, rising, stretched his hand to pluck the bulrush, hiawatha cried in terror, cried in well-dissembled terror, "kago! kago! do not touch it!" "ah, kaween!" said mudjekeewis, "no indeed, i will not touch it!" then they talked of other matters; first of hiawatha's brothers, first of wabun, of the east-wind, of the south-wind, shawondasee, of the north kabibonokka; then of hiawatha's mother, of the beautiful wenonah, of her birth upon the meadow, of her death, as old nokomis had remembered and related. and he cried, "o mudjekeewis, it was you who killed wenonah, took her young life and her beauty, broke the lily of the prairie, trampled it beneath your footsteps; you confess it! you confess it!" and the mighty mudjekeewis tossed his gray hairs to the west-wind, bowed his hoary head in anguish, with a silent nod assented. then up started hiawatha, and with threatening look and gesture laid his hand upon the black rock, on the fatal wawbeek laid it, with his mittens, minjekahwun, rent the jutting crag asunder, smote and crushed it into fragments, hurled them madly at his father, the remorseful mudjekeewis, for his heart was hot within him, like a living coal his heart was. but the ruler of the west-wind blew the fragments backward from him, with the breathing of his nostrils, with the tempest of his anger, blew them back at his assailant; seized the bulrush, the apukwa, dragged it with its roots and fibres from the margin of the meadow, from its ooze, the giant bulrush; long and loud laughed hiawatha! then began the deadly conflict, hand to hand among the mountains from his eyry screamed the eagle, the keneu, the great war-eagle, sat upon the crags around them, wheeling flapped his wings above them. like a tall tree in the tempest bent and lashed the giant bulrush; and in masses huge and heavy crashing fell the fatal wawbeek; till the earth shook with the tumult and confusion of the battle, and the air was full of shoutings, and the thunder of the mountains, starting, answered, "baim-wawa!" back retreated mudjekeewis, rushing westward o'er the mountains, stumbling westward down the mountains, three whole days retreated fighting, still pursued by hiawatha to the door-ways of the west-wind, to the portals of the sunset, to the earth's remotest border, where into the empty spaces sinks the sun, as a flamingo drops into her nest at nightfall, in the melancholy marshes. "hold!" at length cried mudjekeewis, "hold, my son, my hiawatha! 'tis impossible to kill me, for you cannot kill the immortal. i have put you to this trial, but to know and prove your courage; now receive the prize of valor! "go back to your home and people, live among them, toil among them, cleanse the earth from all that harms it, clear the fishing-grounds and rivers, slay all monsters and magicians, all the giants, the wendigoes, all the serpents, the kenabeeks, as i slew the mishe-mokwa. slew the great bear of the mountains. "and at last when death draws near you, when the awful eyes of pauguk glare upon you in the darkness, i will share my kingdom with you, ruler shall you be henceforward of the northwest-wind, keewaydin, of the home-wind, the keewaydin." thus was fought that famous battle in the dreadful days of shah-shah, in the days long since departed, in the kingdom of the west-wind. still the hunter sees its traces scattered far o'er hill and valley; sees the giant bulrush growing by the ponds and water-courses, sees the masses of the wawbeek lying still in every valley. homeward now went hiawatha; pleasant was the landscape round him, pleasant was the air above him, for the bitterness of anger had departed wholly from him, from his brain the thought of vengeance, from his heart the burning fever. only once his pace he slackened, only once he paused or halted, paused to purchase heads of arrows of the ancient arrow-maker, in the land of the dacotahs, where the falls of minnehaha flash and gleam among the oak-trees, laugh and leap into the valley. there the ancient arrow-maker made his arrow-heads of sandstone, arrow-heads of chalcedony, arrow-heads of flint and jasper, smoothed and sharpened at the edges, hard and polished, keen and costly. with him dwelt his dark-eyed daughter, wayward as the minnehaha, with her moods of shade and sunshine, eyes that smiled and frowned alternate, feet as rapid as the river, tresses flowing like the water, and as musical a laughter; and he named her from the river, from the water-fall he named her, minnehaha, laughing water. was it then for heads of arrows, arrow-heads of chalcedony, arrow-heads of flint and jasper, that my hiawatha halted in the land of the dacotahs? was it not to see the maiden, see the face of laughing water, peeping from behind the curtain, hear the rustling of her garments from behind the waving curtain, as one sees the minnehaha gleaming, glancing through the branches, as one hears the laughing water from behind its screen of branches? who shall say what thoughts and visions fill the fiery brains of young men? who shall say what dreams of beauty filled the heart of hiawatha? all he told to old nokomis, when he reached the lodge at sunset, was the meeting with his father, was the fight with mudjekeewis; not a word he said of arrows, not a word of laughing water. v hiawatha's fasting you shall hear how hiawatha prayed and fasted in the forest, not for greater skill in hunting, not for greater craft in fishing, not for triumphs in the battle, and renown among the warriors but for profit of the people, for advantage of the nations. first he built a lodge for fasting, built a wigwam in the forest, by the shining big-sea-water, in the blithe and pleasant spring-time, in the moon of leaves he built it, and, with dreams and visions many, seven whole days and nights he fasted. on the first day of his fasting through the leafy woods he wandered; saw the deer start from the thicket, saw the rabbit in his burrow, heard the pheasant, bena, drumming, heard the squirrel, adjidaumo, rattling in his hoard of acorns, saw the pigeon, the omeme, building nests among the pine-trees, and in flocks the wild goose, wawa, flying to the fen-lands northward, whirring, wailing far above him. "master of life!" he cried, desponding, "must our lives depend on these things?" on the next day of his fasting by the river's brink he wandered, through the muskoday, the meadow, saw the wild rice, mahnomonee, saw the blueberry, meenahga, and the strawberry, odahmin, and the gooseberry, shahbomin, and the grape-vine, bemahgut, trailing o'er the alder-branches, filling all the air with fragrance! "master of life!" he cried, desponding, "must our lives depend on these things?" on the third day of his fasting by the lake he sat and pondered, by the still, transparent water; saw the sturgeon, nahma, leaping, scattering drops like beads of wampum saw the yellow perch, the sahwa, like a sunbeam in the water, saw the pike, the maskenozha, and the herring, okahahwis, and the shawgashee, the craw-fish! "master of life!" he cried, desponding, "must our lives depend on these things?" on the fourth day of his fasting in his lodge he lay exhausted; from his couch of leaves and branches, gazing with half-open eyelids, full of shadowy dreams and visions, on the dizzy, swimming landscape, on the gleaming of the water, on the splendor of the sunset. and he saw a youth approaching, dressed in garments green and yellow coming through the purple twilight, through the splendor of the sunset; plumes of green bent o'er his forehead, and his hair was soft and golden. standing at the open doorway, long he looked at hiawatha, looked with pity and compassion on his wasted form and features, and, in accents like the sighing of the south-wind in the tree-tops, said he, "o my hiawatha! all your prayers are heard in heaven, for you pray not like the others; not for greater skill in hunting, not for greater craft in fishing, not for triumph in the battle, nor renown among the warriors, but for profit of the people, for advantage of the nations. "from the master of life descending, i, the friend of man, mondamin, come to warn you and instruct you, how by struggle and by labor you shall gain what you have prayed for. rise up from your bed of branches, rise, o youth, and wrestle with me!" faint with famine, hiawatha started from his bed of branches, from the twilight of his wigwam forth into the bush of sunset came, and wrestled with mondamin; at his touch he felt new courage throbbing in his brain and bosom, felt new life and hope and vigor run through every nerve and fibre. so they wrestled there together in the glory of the sunset, and the more they strove and struggled, stronger still grew hiawatha; till the darkness fell around them, and the heron, the shuh-shuh-gah, from her haunts among the fen-lands, gave a cry of lamentation, gave a scream of pain and famine. "'tis enough!" then said mondamin, smiling upon hiawatha, "but to-morrow, when the sun sets, i will come again to try you." and he vanished, and was seen not; whether sinking as the rain sinks, whether rising as the mists rise, hiawatha saw not, knew not, only saw that he had vanished, leaving him alone and fainting, with the misty lake below him, and the reeling stars above him. on the morrow and the next day, when the sun through heaven descending, like a red and burning cinder from the hearth of the great spirit, fell into the western waters, came mondamin for the trial, for the strife with hiawatha; came as silent as the dew comes, from the empty air appearing, into empty air returning, taking shape when earth it touches, but invisible to all men in its coming and its going. thrice they wrestled there together in the glory of the sunset, till the darkness fell around them, till the heron, the shuh-shuh-gah, from her haunts among the fen-lands, uttered her loud cry of famine, and mondamin paused to listen. tall and beautiful he stood there, in his garments green and yellow; to and fro his plumes above him waved and nodded with his breathing, and the sweat of the encounter stood like drops of dew upon him. and he cried, "o hiawatha! bravely have you wrestled with me, thrice have wrestled stoutly with me, and the master of life who sees us, he will give to you the triumph!" then he smiled and said: "to-morrow is the last day of your conflict, is the last day of your fasting. you will conquer and o'ercome me; make a bed for me to lie in, where the rain may fall upon me, where the sun may come and warm me; strip these garments, green and yellow, strip this nodding plumage from me, lay me in the earth, and make it soft and loose and light above me. "let no hand disturb my slumber, let no weed nor worm molest me, let not kahgahgee, the raven, come to haunt me and molest me, only come yourself to watch me, till i wake, and start, and quicken, till i leap into the sunshine." and thus saying, he departed; peacefully slept hiawatha, but he heard the wawonaissa, heard the whippoorwill complaining, perched upon his lonely wigwam; heard the rushing sebowisha, heard the rivulet rippling near him, talking to the darksome forest; heard the sighing of the branches, as they lifted and subsided at the passing of the night-wind, heard them, as one hears in slumber far-off murmurs, dreamy whispers: peacefully slept hiawatha. on the morrow came nokomis, on the seventh day of his fasting, came with food for hiawatha, came imploring and bewailing, lest his hunger should o'ercome him, lest his fasting should be fatal. but he tasted not and touched not, only said to her, "nokomis, wait until the sun is setting, till the darkness falls around us, till the heron, the shuh-shuh-gah, crying from the desolate marshes, tells us that the day is ended." homeward weeping went nokomis, sorrowing for her hiawatha, fearing lest his strength should fail him, lest his fasting should be fatal. he meanwhile sat weary waiting for the coming of mondamin, till the shadows, pointing eastward, lengthened over field and forest, till the sun dropped from the heaven, floating on the waters westward, as a red leaf in the autumn falls and floats upon the water, falls and sinks into its bosom. and behold! the young mondamin, with his soft and shining tresses, with his garments green and yellow, with his long and glossy plumage, stood and beckoned at the doorway. and as one in slumber walking, pale and haggard, but undaunted, from the wigwam hiawatha came and wrestled with mondamin. round about him spun the landscape, sky and forest reeled together, and his strong heart leaped within him, as the sturgeon leaps and struggles in a net to break its meshes. like a ring of fire around him blazed and flared the red horizon, and a hundred suns seemed looking at the combat of the wrestlers. suddenly upon the greensward all alone stood hiawatha, panting with his wild exertion, palpitating with the struggle; and before him, breathless, lifeless, lay the youth, with hair disheveled, plumage torn, and garments tattered, dead he lay there in the sunset. and victorious hiawatha made the grave as he commanded, stripped the garments from mondamin, stripped his tattered plumage from him, laid him in the earth, and made it soft and loose and light above him; and the heron, the shuh-shuh-gah, from the melancholy moorlands, gave a cry of lamentation, gave a cry of pain and anguish! homeward then went hiawatha to the lodge of old nokomis, and the seven days of his fasting were accomplished and completed. but the place was not forgotten where he wrestled with mondamin; nor forgotten nor neglected was the grave where lay mondamin, sleeping in the rain and sunshine, where his scattered plumes and garments faded in the rain and sunshine. day by day did hiawatha go to wait and watch beside it; kept the dark mold soft above it, kept it clean from weeds and insects, drove away, with scoffs and shoutings, kahgahgee, the king of ravens. till at length a small green feather from the earth shot slowly upward, then another and another, and before the summer ended stood the maize in all its beauty, with its shining robes about it, and its long, soft, yellow tresses; and in rapture hiawatha cried aloud, "it is mondamin! yes, the friend of man, mondamin!" then he called to old nokomis and iagoo, the great boaster, showed them where the maize was growing, told them of his wondrous vision, of his wrestling and his triumph, of this new gift to the nations, which should be their food forever. and still later, when the autumn changed the long, green leaves to yellow, and the soft and juicy kernels grew like wampum hard and yellow, then the ripened ears he gathered, stripped the withered husks from off them, as he once had stripped the wrestler, gave the first feast of mondamin, and made known unto the people this new gift of the great spirit. vi hiawatha's friends two good friends had hiawatha singled out from all the others, bound to him in closest union, and to whom he gave the right hand of his heart, in joy and sorrow; chibiabos, the musician, and the very strong man, kwasind. straight between them ran the pathway, never grew the grass upon it; singing birds, that utter falsehoods, story-tellers, mischief-makers, found no eager ear to listen, could not breed ill-will between them, for they kept each other's counsel, spake with naked hearts together, pondering much and much contriving how the tribes of men might prosper. most beloved by hiawatha was the gentle chibiabos, he the best of all musicians, he the sweetest of all singers. beautiful and childlike was he, brave as man is, soft as woman, pliant as a wand of willow, stately as a deer with antlers. when he sang, the village listened; all the warriors gathered round him, all the women came to hear him; now he stirred their souls to passion, now he melted them to pity. from the hollow reeds he fashioned flutes so musical and mellow, that the brook, the sebowisha, ceased to murmur in the woodland, that the wood-birds ceased from singing, and the squirrel, adjidaumo, ceased his chatter in the oak-tree, and the rabbit, the wabasso, sat upright to look and listen. yes, the brook, the sebowisha, pausing, said, "o chibiabos, teach my waves to flow in music, softly as your words in singing!" yes, the bluebird, the owaissa, envious, said, "o chibiabos, teach me tones as wild and wayward, teach me songs as full of frenzy!" yes, the opechee, the robin, joyous, said, "o chibiabos, teach me songs as full of gladness!" and the whippoorwill, wawonaissa, sobbing, said, "o chibiabos, teach me tones as melancholy, teach me songs as full of sadness!" all the many sounds of nature borrowed sweetness from his singing; all the hearts of men were softened by the pathos of his music; for he sang of peace and freedom, sang of beauty, love, and longing; sang of death, and life undying in the islands of the blessed, in the kingdom of ponemah, in the land of the hereafter. very dear to hiawatha was the gentle chibiabos, he the best of all musicians, he the sweetest of all singers; for his gentleness he loved him, and the magic of his singing. dear, too, unto hiawatha was the very strong man, kwasind, he the strongest of all mortals, he the mightiest among many; for his very strength he loved him, for his strength allied to goodness. idle in his youth was kwasind, very listless, dull, and dreamy, never played with other children, never fished and never hunted, not like other children was he; but they saw that much he fasted, much his manito entreated, much besought his guardian spirit. "lazy kwasind!" said his mother, "in my work you never help me! in the summer you are roaming idly in the fields and forests; in the winter you are cowering o'er the firebrands in the wigwam! in the coldest days of winter i must break the ice for fishing; with my nets you never help me! at the door my nets are hanging, dripping, freezing with the water: go and wring them, yenadizze! go and dry them in the sunshine!" slowly, from the ashes, kwasind rose, but made no angry answer; from the lodge went forth in silence, took the nets, that hung together, dripping, freezing at the doorway, like a wisp of straw he wrung them, like a wisp of straw he broke them, could not wring them without breaking, such the strength was in his fingers. "lazy kwasind!" said his father, "in the hunt you never help me; every bow you touch is broken, snapped asunder every arrow; yet come with me to the forest, you shall bring the hunting homeward." down a narrow pass they wandered, where a brooklet led them onward, where the trail of deer and bison marked the soft mud on the margin, till they found all further passage shut against them, barred securely by the trunks of trees uprooted, lying lengthwise, lying crosswise, and forbidding further passage. "we must go back," said the old man, "o'er these logs we cannot clamber; not a woodchuck could get through them, not a squirrel clamber o'er them!" and straightway his pipe he lighted, and sat down to smoke and ponder. but before his pipe was finished, lo! the path was cleared before him; all the trunks had kwasind lifted, to the right hand, to the left hand, shot the pine-trees swift as arrows, hurled the cedars light as lances. "lazy kwasind!" said the young men, as they sported in the meadow; "why stand idly looking at us, leaning on the rock behind you? come and wrestle with the others, let us pitch the quoit together!" lazy kwasind made no answer, to their challenge made no answer, only rose, and, slowly turning, seized the huge rock in his fingers, tore it from its deep foundation, poised it in the air a moment, pitched it sheer into the river, sheer into the swift pauwating, where it still is seen in summer. once as down that foaming river, down the rapids of pauwating, kwasind sailed with his companions, in the stream he saw a beaver, saw ahmeek, the king of beavers, struggling with the rushing currents, rising, sinking in the water. without speaking, without pausing, kwasind leaped into the river, plunged beneath the bubbling surface, through the whirlpools chased the beaver, followed him among the islands, stayed so long beneath the water, that his terrified companions cried, "alas! good-bye to kwasind! we shall never more see kwasind!" but he reappeared triumphant, and upon his shining shoulders brought the beaver, dead and dripping brought the king of all the beavers. and these two, as i have told you, were the friends of hiawatha, chibiabos, the musician, and the very strong man, kwasind. long they lived in peace together, spake with naked hearts together, pondering much and much contriving how the tribes of men might prosper. vii hiawatha's sailing "give me of your bark, o birch-tree! of your yellow bark, o birch-tree! growing by the rushing river, tall and stately in the valley! i a light canoe will build me, build a swift cheemaun for sailing, that shall float upon the river, like a yellow leaf in autumn, like a yellow water-lily! "lay aside your cloak, o birch-tree! lay aside your white-skin wrapper, for the summer-time is coming, and the sun is warm in heaven, and you need no white-skin wrapper!" thus aloud cried hiawatha in the solitary forest, by the rushing taquamenaw, when the birds were singing gayly, in the moon of leaves were singing, and the sun, from sleep awaking, started up and said, "behold me! gheezis, the great sun, behold me!" [illustration: "'give me of your roots, o tamarack!'"--_page _] and the tree with all its branches rustled in the breeze of morning, saying with a sigh of patience, "take my cloak, o hiawatha!" with his knife the tree he girdled; just beneath its lowest branches, just above the roots, he cut it, till the sap came oozing outward; down the trunk from top to bottom, sheer he cleft the bark asunder, with a wooden wedge he raised it, stripped it from the trunk unbroken. "give me of your boughs, o cedar! of your strong and pliant branches, my canoe to make more steady, make more strong and firm beneath me!" through the summit of the cedar, went a sound, a cry of horror, went a murmur of resistance; but it whispered, bending downward, "take my boughs, o hiawatha!" down he hewed the boughs of cedar, shaped them straightway to a framework, like two bows he formed and shaped them, like two bended bows together. "give me of your roots, o tamarack! of your fibrous roots, o larch-tree! my canoe to bind together. so to bind the ends together, that the water may not enter, that the river may not wet me!" and the larch, with all its fibres, shivered in the air of morning, touched his forehead with its tassels, said, with one long sigh of sorrow, "take them all, o hiawatha!" from the earth he tore the fibres, tore the tough roots of the larch-tree, closely sewed the bark together, bound it closely to the framework. give me of your balm, o fir-tree! of your balsam and your resin, so to close the seams together that the water may not enter that the river may not wet me!" and the fir-tree, tall and sombre, sobbed through all its robes of darkness, rattled like a shore with pebbles, answered wailing, answered weeping, "take my balm, o hiawatha!" and he took the tears of balsam, took the resin of the fir-tree, smeared therewith each seam and fissure, made each crevice safe from water. "give me of your quills, o hedgehog! all your quills, o kagh, the hedgehog! i will make a necklace of them, make a girdle for my beauty, and two stars to deck her bosom!" from a hollow tree the hedgehog with his sleepy eyes looked at him, shot his shining quills, like arrows, saying, with a drowsy murmur, through the tangle of his whiskers, "take my quills, o hiawatha!" from the ground the quills he gathered, all the little shining arrows, stained them red and blue and yellow, with the juice of roots and berries; into his canoe he wrought them, round its waist a shining girdle, round its bows a gleaming necklace, on its breast two stars resplendent. thus the birch canoe was builded in the valley, by the river, in the bosom of the forest; and the forest's life was in it, all its mystery and its magic, all the lightness of the birch-tree, all the toughness of the cedar, all the larch's supple sinews, and it floated on the river like a yellow leaf in autumn like a yellow water-lily. paddles none had hiawatha, paddles none he had or needed, for his thoughts as paddles served him, and his wishes served to guide him; swift or slow at will he glided, veered to right or left at pleasure. then he called aloud to kwasind, to his friend, the strong man, kwasind, saying, "help me clear this river of its sunken logs and sand-bars." straight into the river kwasind plunged as if he were an otter, dived as if he were a beaver, stood up to his waist in water, to his arm-pits in the river, swam and shouted in the river, tugged at sunken logs and branches, with his hands he scooped the sand-bars, with his feet the ooze and tangle. and thus sailed my hiawatha down the rushing taquamenaw, sailed through all its bends and windings, sailed through all its deeps and shallows, while his friend, the strong man, kwasind, swam the deeps, the shallows waded. up and down the river went they, in and out among its islands, cleared its bed of root and sand-bar, dragged the dead trees from its channel, made its passage safe and certain, made a pathway for the people, from its springs among the mountains, to the water of pauwating, to the bay of taquamenaw. viii hiawatha's fishing forth upon the gitche gumee, on the shining big-sea-water, with his fishing-line of cedar, of the twisted bark of cedar, forth to catch the sturgeon nahma, mishe-nahma, king of fishes, in his birch canoe exulting all alone went hiawatha. through the clear, transparent water he could see the fishes swimming far down in the depths below him; see the yellow perch, the sahwa, like a sunbeam in the water, see the shawgashee, the craw-fish, like a spider on the bottom, on the white and sandy bottom. at the stern sat hiawatha, with his fishing-line of cedar; in his plumes the breeze of morning played as in the hemlock branches; on the bows, with tail erected, sat the squirrel, adjidaumo; in his fur the breeze of morning played as in the prairie grasses. on the white sand of the bottom lay the monster mishe-nahma, lay the sturgeon, king of fishes; through his gills he breathed the water with his fins he fanned and winnowed, with his tail he swept the sand-floor. there he lay in all his armor; on each side a shield to guard him, plates of bone upon his forehead, down his sides and back and shoulders [illustration: "'take my bait, o king of fishes!'"--_page _] plates of bone with spines projecting! painted was he with his war-paints, stripes of yellow, red, and azure, spots of brown and spots of sable; and he lay there on the bottom, fanning with his fins of purple, as above him hiawatha in his birch canoe came sailing, with his fishing-line of cedar. "take my bait," cried hiawatha, down into the depths beneath him, "take my bait, o sturgeon, nahma! come up from below the water, let us see which is the stronger!" and he dropped his line of cedar through the clear, transparent water, waited vainly for an answer, long sat waiting for an answer, and repeating loud and louder, "take my bait, o king of fishes!" quiet lay the sturgeon, nahma, fanning slowly in the water, looking up at hiawatha, listening to his call and clamor, his unnecessary tumult, till he wearied of the shouting; and he said to the kenozha, to the pike, the maskenozha, "take the bait of this rude fellow, break the line of hiawatha!" in his fingers hiawatha felt the loose line jerk and tighten; as he drew it in, it tugged so that the birch canoe stood endwise, like a birch log in the water, with the squirrel, adjidaumo, perched and frisking on the summit. full of scorn was hiawatha when he saw the fish rise upward, saw the pike, the maskenozha, coming nearer, nearer to him, and he shouted through the water, "esa! esa! shame upon you! you are but the pike, kenozha, you are not the fish i wanted, you are not the king of fishes!" reeling downward to the bottom sank the pike in great confusion, and the mighty sturgeon, nahma, said to ugudwash, the sun-fish, "take the bait of this great boaster, break the line of hiawatha!" slowly upward, wavering, gleaming like a white moon in the water, rose the ugudwash, the sun-fish, seized the line of hiawatha, swung with all his weight upon it, made a whirlpool in the water, whirled the birch canoe in circles, round and round in gurgling eddies, till the circles in the water reached the far-off sandy beaches, till the water-flags and rushes nodded on the distant margins. but when hiawatha saw him slowly rising through the water, lifting his great disc of whiteness, loud he shouted in derision, "esa, esa! shame upon you! you are ugudwash, the sun-fish, you are not the fish i wanted; you are not the king of fishes!" wavering downward, white and ghastly, sank the ugudwash, the sun-fish, and again the sturgeon, nahma, heard the shout of hiawatha, heard his challenge of defiance, the unnecessary tumult, ringing far across the water. from the white sand of the bottom up he rose with angry gesture, quivering in each nerve and fibre, clashing all his plates of armor, gleaming bright with all his war-paint; in his wrath he darted upward, flashing leaped into the sunshine, opened his great jaws, and swallowed both canoe and hiawatha. down into that darksome cavern plunged the headlong hiawatha, as a log on some black river shoots and plunges down the rapids, found himself in utter darkness, groped about in helpless wonder, till he felt a great heart beating, throbbing in that utter darkness. and he smote it in his anger, with his fist, the heart of nahma, felt the mighty king of fishes shudder through each nerve and fibre, heard the water gurgle round him as he leaped and staggered through it, sick at heart, and faint and weary. crosswise then did hiawatha, drag his birch-canoe for safety, lest from out the jaws of nahma, in the turmoil and confusion, forth he might be hurled and perish. and the squirrel, adjidaumo, frisked and chattered very gayly, toiled and tugged with hiawatha till the labor was completed. then said hiawatha to him, "o my little friend, the squirrel, bravely have you toiled to help me; take the thanks of hiawatha, and the name which now he gives you; for hereafter and forever boys shall call you adjidaumo, tail-in-air the boys shall call you!" and again the sturgeon, nahma, gasped and quivered in the water, then was still, and drifted landward till he grated on the pebbles, till the listening hiawatha heard him grate upon the margin, felt him strand upon the pebbles, knew that nahma, king of fishes, lay there dead upon the margin. then he heard a clang and flapping, as of many wings assembling, heard a screaming and confusion, as of birds of prey contending, saw a gleam of light above him, shining through the ribs of nahma, saw the glittering eyes of sea-gulls, of kayoshk, the sea-gulls, peering, gazing at him through the opening, heard them saying to each other, "'tis our brother, hiawatha!" and he shouted from below them, cried exulting from the caverns: "o ye sea-gulls! o my brothers! i have slain the sturgeon, nahma; make the rifts a little larger, with your claws the openings widen, set me free from this dark prison, and henceforward and forever men shall speak of your achievements, calling you kayoshk, the sea-gulls, yes, kayoshk, the noble scratchers!" and the wild and clamorous sea-gulls toiled with beak and claws together, made the rifts and openings wider in the mighty ribs of nahma, and from peril and from prison, from the body of the sturgeon, from the peril of the water, was released my hiawatha. he was standing near his wigwam, on the margin of the water, and he called to old nokomis, called and beckoned to nokomis, pointed to the sturgeon, nahma, lying lifeless on the pebbles, with the sea-gulls feeding on him. "i have slain the mishe-nahma, slain the king of fishes!" said he; "look! the sea-gulls feed upon him, yes, my friends kayoshk, the sea-gulls; drive them not away, nokomis, they have saved me from great peril in the body of the sturgeon, wait until their meal is ended, till their craws are full with feasting, till they homeward fly, at sunset, to their nests among the marshes; then bring all your pots and kettles, and make oil for us in winter." and she waited till the sun set, till the pallid moon, the night-sun, rose above the tranquil water, till kayoshk, the sated sea-gulls, from their banquet rose with clamor, and across the fiery sunset winged their way to far-off islands, to their nests among the rushes. to his sleep went hiawatha, and nokomis to her labor, toiling patient in the moonlight, till the sun and moon changed places, till the sky was red with sunrise, and kayoshk, the hungry sea-gulls, came back from the reedy islands, clamorous for their morning banquet. three whole days and nights alternate old nokomis and the sea-gulls stripped the oily flesh of nahma, till the waves washed through the rib-bones, till the sea-gulls came no longer, and upon the sands lay nothing but the skeleton of nahma. ix hiawatha and the pearl-feather on the shores of gitche gumee, of the shining big-sea-water, stood nokomis, the old woman, pointing with her finger westward, o'er the water pointing westward, to the purple clouds of sunset. fiercely the red sun descending burned his way along the heavens, set the sky on fire behind him, as war-parties, when retreating, burn the prairies on their war-trail; and the moon, the night-sun, eastward, suddenly starting from his ambush, followed fast those bloody footprints, followed in that fiery war-trail, with its glare upon his features. and nokomis, the old woman, pointing with her finger westward, spake these words to hiawatha: "yonder dwells the great pearl-feather, megissogwon, the magician, manito of wealth and wampum, guarded by his fiery serpents, guarded by the black pitch-water. you can see his fiery serpents, the kenabeek, the great serpents, coiling, playing in the water; you can see the black pitch-water stretching far away beyond them, to the purple clouds of sunset! "he it was who slew my father, by his wicked wiles and cunning, when he from the moon descended, when he came on earth to seek me he, the mightiest of magicians, sends the fever from the marshes, sends the pestilential vapors, sends the poisonous exhalations, sends the white fog from the fen-lands, sends disease and death among us! "take your bow, o hiawatha, take your arrows, jasper-headed, take your war-club, puggawaugun, and your mittens, minjekahwun, and your birch-canoe for sailing, and the oil of mishe-nahma, so to smear its sides, that swiftly you may pass the black pitch-water; slay this merciless magician, save the people from the fever that he breathes across the fen-lands, and avenge my father's murder!" straightway then my hiawatha armed himself with all his war-gear, launched his birch-canoe for sailing; with his palm its sides he patted, said with glee, "cheemaun, my darling, o my birch-canoe! leap forward, where you see the fiery serpents, where you see the black pitch-water!" forward leaped cheemaun exulting, and the noble hiawatha sang his war-song wild and woeful, and above him the war-eagle, the keneu, the great war-eagle, master of all fowls with feathers, screamed and hurtled through the heavens. soon he reached the fiery serpents, the kenabeek, the great serpents, lying huge upon the water, sparkling, rippling in the water, lying coiled across the passage, with their blazing crests uplifted, breathing fiery fogs and vapors, so that none could pass beyond them. but the fearless hiawatha cried aloud, and spake in this wise: "let me pass my way, kenabeek, let me go upon my journey!" and they answered, hissing fiercely, with their fiery breath made answer, "back, go back! o shaugodaya! back to old nokomis, faint-heart!" then the angry hiawatha raised his mighty bow of ash-tree, seized his arrows, jasper-headed, shot them fast among the serpents; every twanging of the bow-string was a war-cry and a death-cry, every whizzing of an arrow was a death-song of kenabeek. weltering in the bloody water, dead lay all the fiery serpents, and among them hiawatha harmless sailed, and cried exulting: "onward, o cheemaun, my darling! onward to the black pitch-water!" then he took the oil of nahma, and the bows and sides anointed, smeared them well with oil, that swiftly he might pass the black pitch-water, all night long he sailed upon it, sailed upon that sluggish water, covered with its mould of ages, black with rotting water-rushes, rank with flags and leaves of lilies, stagnant, lifeless, dreary, dismal, lighted by the shimmering moonlight, and by will-o'-the-wisps illumined, fires by ghosts of dead men kindled, in their weary night-encampments. all the air was white with moonlight, all the water black with shadow, and around him the suggema, the mosquito, sang their war-song, and the fire-flies, wah-wah-taysee, waved their torches to mislead him; and the bull-frog, the dahinda, thrust his head into the moonlight, fixed his yellow eyes upon him, sobbed and sank beneath the surface; and anon a thousand whistles, answered over all the fen-lands, and the heron, the shuh-shuh-gah, far off on the reedy margin, heralded the hero's coming. westward thus fared hiawatha, toward the realm of megissogwon, towards the land of the pearl-feather, till the level moon stared at him, in his face stared pale and haggard, till the sun was hot behind him, till it burned upon his shoulders, and before him on the upland he could see the shining wigwam of the manito of wampum, of the mightiest of magicians. then once more cheemaun he patted, to his birch-canoe said, "onward!" and it stirred in all its fibres, and with one great bound of triumph leaped across the water lilies, leaped through tangled flags and rushes, and upon the beach beyond them dry-shod landed hiawatha. straight he took his bow of ash-tree, one end on the sand he rested, with his knee he pressed the middle, stretched the faithful bow-string tighter. took an arrow, jasper-headed, shot it at the shining wigwam, sent it singing as a herald, as a bearer of his message, of his challenge loud and lofty: "come forth from your lodge, pearl-feather! hiawatha waits your coming!" straightway from the shining wigwam came the mighty megissogwon, tall of stature, broad of shoulder, dark and terrible in aspect, clad from head to foot in wampum, armed with all his warlike weapons, painted like the sky of morning, streaked with crimson, blue, and yellow, crested with great eagle-feathers, streaming upward, streaming outward. "well i know you, hiawatha!" cried he in a voice of thunder, in a tone of loud derision. "hasten back, o shaugodaya! hasten back among the women, back to old nokomis, faint-heart, i will slay you as you stand there, as of old i slew her father!" but my hiawatha answered, nothing daunted, fearing nothing: "big words do not smite like war clubs, boastful breath is not a bow-string, taunts are not so sharp as arrows, deeds are better things than words are, actions mightier than boastings!" then began the greatest battle that the sun had ever looked on, that the war-birds ever witnessed. all a summer's day it lasted, from the sunrise to the sunset; for the shafts of hiawatha, harmless hit the shirt of wampum, harmless fell the blows he dealt it with his mittens, minjekahwun, harmless fell the heavy war-club; it could dash the rocks asunder, but it could not break the meshes of that magic shirt of wampum. till at sunset hiawatha, leaning on his bow of ash-tree, wounded, weary, and desponding, with his mighty war-club broken, with his mittens torn and tattered, and three useless arrows only, paused to rest beneath a pine-tree, from whose branches trailed the mosses, and whose trunk was coated over with the dead-man's moccasin-leather, with the fungus white and yellow. suddenly from the boughs above him sang the mama, the woodpecker: "aim your arrows, hiawatha, at the head of megissogwon, strike the tuft of hair upon it, at their roots the long black tresses; there alone can he be wounded!" winged with feathers, tipped with jasper, swift flew hiawatha's arrow, just as megissogwon, stooping, raised a heavy stone to throw it. full upon the crown it struck him, at the roots of his long tresses, and he reeled and staggered forward, plunging like a wounded bison, yes, like pezhekee, the bison, when the snow is on the prairie. swifter flew the second arrow, in the pathway of the other, piercing deeper than the other, wounding sorer than the other, and the knees of megissogwon shook like windy reeds beneath him, bent and trembled like the rushes. but the third and latest arrow swiftest flew, and wounded sorest, and the mighty megissogwon saw the fiery eyes of pauguk, saw the eyes of death glare at him, heard his voice call in the darkness; at the feet of hiawatha lifeless lay the great pearl-feather, lay the mightiest of magicians. then the grateful hiawatha called the mama, the woodpecker, from his perch among the branches of the melancholy pine-tree, and, in honor of his service, stained with blood the tuft of feathers on the little head of mama; even to this day he wears it, wears the tuft of crimson feathers, as a symbol of his service. then he stripped the shirt of wampum from the back of megissogwon, as a trophy of the battle, as a signal of his conquest. on the shore he left the body, half on land and half in water, in the sand his feet were buried, and his face was in the water. and above him, wheeled and clamored the keneu, the great war-eagle, sailing round in narrower circles, hovering nearer, nearer, nearer. from the wigwam hiawatha bore the wealth of megissogwon, all his wealth of skins and wampum, furs of bison and of beaver, furs of sable and of ermine, wampum belts and strings and pouches, quivers wrought with beads of wampum, filled with arrows, silver-headed. homeward then he sailed exulting, homeward through the black pitch-water, homeward through the weltering serpents, with the trophies of the battle, with a shout and song of triumph. on the shore stood old nokomis, on the shore stood chibiabos, and the very strong man, kwasind, waiting for the hero's coming, listening to his song of triumph. and the people of the village welcomed him with songs and dances, made a joyous feast, and shouted, "honor be to hiawatha! he has slain the great pearl-feather, slain the mightiest of magicians, him, who sent the fiery fever, sent the white fog from the fen-lands, sent disease and death among us!" ever dear to hiawatha was the memory of mama! and in token of his friendship, as a mark of his remembrance, he adorned and decked his pipe-stem with the crimson tuft of feathers, with the blood-red crest of mama. but the wealth of megissogwon, all the trophies of the battle, he divided with his people, shared it equally among them. x hiawatha's wooing "as unto the bow the cord is, so unto the man is woman, though she bends him, she obeys him, though she draws him, yet she follows, useless each without the other!" thus the youthful hiawatha said within himself and pondered, much perplexed by various feelings, listless, longing, hoping, fearing, dreaming still of minnehaha, of the lovely laughing water, in the land of the dacotahs. "wed a maiden of your people," warning said the old nokomis; "go not eastward, go not westward, for a stranger, whom we know not! like a fire upon the hearth-stone is a neighbor's homely daughter, like the starlight or the moonlight is the handsomest of strangers!" thus dissuading spake nokomis, and my hiawatha answered only this: "dear old nokomis, very pleasant is the firelight, but i like the starlight better, better do i like the moonlight!" gravely then said old nokomis: "bring not here an idle maiden, bring not here a useless woman, hands unskilful, feet unwilling; bring a wife with nimble fingers, heart and hand that move together, feet that run on willing errands!" smiling answered hiawatha: "in the land of the dacotahs lives the arrow-maker's daughter, minnehaha, laughing water, handsomest of all the women. i will bring her to your wigwam, she shall run upon your errands, be your starlight, moonlight, firelight, be the sunlight of my people!" still dissuading said nokomis: "bring not to my lodge a stranger from the land of the dacotahs! very fierce are the dacotahs, often is there war between us, there are feuds yet unforgotten, wounds that ache and still may open!" laughing answered hiawatha: "for that reason, if no other, would i wed the fair dacotah, that our tribes might be united, that old feuds might be forgotten, and old wounds be healed forever!" thus departed hiawatha to the land of the dacotahs, to the land of handsome women; striding over moor and meadow, through interminable forests, through uninterrupted silence. with his moccasins of magic, at each stride a mile he measured; yet the way seemed long before him, and his heart outran his footsteps; and he journeyed without resting, till he heard the cataract's thunder, heard the falls of minnehaha, calling to him through the silence. "pleasant is the sound!" he murmured, "pleasant is the voice that calls me!" on the outskirts of the forest, 'twixt the shadow and the sunshine, herds of fallow deer were feeding, but they saw not hiawatha; to his bow he whispered, "fail not!" to his arrow whispered, "swerve not!" sent it singing on its errand, to the red heart of the roebuck; threw the deer across his shoulder, and sped forward without pausing. at the doorway of his wigwam sat the ancient arrow-maker, in the land of the dacotahs, making arrow-heads of jasper, arrow-heads of chalcedony. at his side, in all her beauty, sat the lovely minnehaha, sat his daughter, laughing water, plaiting mats of flags and rushes; of the past the old man's thoughts were, and the maiden's of the future. he was thinking, as he sat there, of the days when with such arrows, he had struck the deer and bison, on the muskoday, the meadow; shot the wild goose, flying southward on the wing, the clamorous wawa; thinking of the great war-parties, how they came to buy his arrows, could not fight without his arrows. ah, no more such noble warriors could be found on earth as they were! now the men were all like women, only used their tongues for weapons! she was thinking of a hunter, from another tribe and country, young and tall and very handsome, who one morning, in the spring-time, came to buy her father's arrows, sat and rested in the wigwam, lingered long about the doorway, looking back as he departed. she had heard her father praise him, praise his courage and his wisdom; would he come again for arrows to the falls of minnehaha? on the mat her hands lay idle, and her eyes were very dreamy. through their thoughts they heard a footstep, heard a rustling in the branches, and with glowing cheek and forehead, with the deer upon his shoulders, suddenly from out the woodlands hiawatha stood before them. straight the ancient arrow-maker looked up gravely from his labor, laid aside the unfinished arrow, bade him enter at the doorway, saying, as he rose to meet him, "hiawatha, you are welcome!" at the feet of laughing water hiawatha laid his burden, threw the red deer from his shoulders; and the maiden looked up at him, looked up from her mat of rushes, said with gentle look and accent, "you are welcome, hiawatha!" very spacious was the wigwam, made of deer-skin dressed and whitened, with the gods of the dacotahs drawn and painted on its curtains and so tall the doorway, hardly hiawatha stooped to enter, hardly touched his eagle-feathers as he entered at the doorway. then uprose the laughing water, from the ground fair minnehaha laid aside her mat unfinished, brought forth food and set before them, water brought them from the brooklet, gave them food in earthen vessels, gave them drink in bowls of basswood, listened while the guest was speaking, listened while her father answered but not once her lips she opened, not a single word she uttered. yes, as in a dream she listened to the words of hiawatha, as he talked of old nokomis, who had nursed him in his childhood, as he told of his companions, chibiabos, the musician, and the very strong man, kwasind, and of happiness and plenty in the land of the ojibways, in the pleasant land and peaceful. "after many years of warfare, many years of strife and bloodshed, there is peace between the ojibways and the tribes of the dacotahs." thus continued hiawatha, and then added, speaking slowly, "that this peace may last forever and our hands be clasped more closely, and our hearts be more united, give me as my wife this maiden, minnehaha, laughing water, loveliest of dacotah women!" and the ancient arrow-maker paused a moment ere he answered, smoked a little while in silence, looked at hiawatha proudly, fondly looked at laughing water, and made answer very gravely: "yes, if minnehaha wishes; let your heart speak, minnehaha!" and the lovely laughing water seemed more lovely, as she stood there, neither willing nor reluctant, as she went to hiawatha, softly took the seat beside him, while she said, and blushed to say it, "i will follow you, my husband!" this was hiawatha's wooing! thus it was he won the daughter of the ancient arrow-maker, in the land of the dacotahs! from the wigwam he departed, leading with him laughing water; hand in hand they went together, through the woodland and the meadow, left the old man standing lonely at the doorway of his wigwam, heard the falls of minnehaha calling to them from the distance, crying to them from afar off, "fare thee well, o minnehaha!" and the ancient arrow-maker turned again unto his labor, sat down by his sunny doorway, murmuring to himself, and saying: "thus it is our daughters leave us, those we love, and those who love us! just when they have learned to help us, when we are old and lean upon them, comes a youth with flaunting feathers, with his flute of reeds, a stranger wanders piping through the village, beckons to the fairest maiden, and she follows where he leads her, leaving all things for the stranger!" pleasant was the journey homeward, through interminable forests, over meadow, over mountain, over river, hill, and hollow. short it seemed to hiawatha, though they journeyed very slowly, though his pace he checked and slackened to the steps of laughing water. over wide and rushing rivers in his arms he bore the maiden; light he thought her as a feather, as the plume upon his head-gear; cleared the tangled pathway for her, bent aside the swaying branches, made at night a lodge of branches, and a bed with boughs of hemlock, and a fire before the doorway with the dry cones of the pine-tree. all the traveling winds went with them, o'er the meadow, through the forest; all the stars of night looked at them, watched with sleepless eyes their slumber; from his ambush in the oak-tree peeped the squirrel, adjidaumo, watched with eager eyes the lovers; and the rabbit, the wabasso, scampered from the path before them, peering, peeping from his burrow, sat erect upon his haunches, watched with curious eyes the lovers. pleasant was the journey homeward! all the birds sang loud and sweetly songs of happiness and heart's-ease; sang the bluebird, the owaissa, "happy are you, hiawatha, having such a wife to love you!" sang the opechee, the robin, "happy are you, laughing water, having such a noble husband!" from the sky the sun benignant looked upon them through the branches, saying to them, "o my children, love is sunshine, hate is shadow, life is checkered shade and sunshine, rule by love, o hiawatha!" from the sky the moon looked at them, filled the lodge with mystic splendors, whispered to them, "o my children, day is restless, night is quiet, man imperious, woman feeble; half is mine, although i follow; rule by patience, laughing water!" thus it was they journeyed homeward; thus it was that hiawatha to the lodge of old nokomis brought the moonlight, starlight, firelight, brought the sunshine of his people, minnehaha, laughing water, handsomest of all the women in the land of the dacotahs, in the land of handsome women. xi hiawatha's wedding feast you shall hear how pau-puk-keewis, how the handsome yenadizze danced at hiawatha's wedding; how the gentle chibiabos, he the sweetest of musicians, sang his songs of love and longing; how iagoo, the great boaster, he the marvelous story-teller, told his tales of strange adventure, that the feast might be more joyous, that the time might pass more gayly, and the guests be more contented. sumptuous was the feast nokomis made at hiawatha's wedding; all the bowls were made of basswood, white and polished very smoothly, all the spoons of horn of bison, black and polished very smoothly. she had sent through all the village messengers with wands of willow, as a sign of invitation, as a token of the feasting; and the wedding guests assembled, clad in all their richest raiment, robes of fur and belts of wampum, splendid with their paint and plumage, beautiful with beads and tassels. first they ate the sturgeon, nahma, and the pike, the maskenozha, caught and cooked by old nokomis; then on pemican they feasted, pemican and buffalo marrow, haunch of deer and hump of bison, yellow cakes of the mondamin, and the wild rice of the river. but the gracious hiawatha, and the lovely laughing water, and the careful old nokomis, tasted not the food before them, only waited on the others, only served their guests in silence. and when all the guests had finished, old nokomis, brisk and busy, from an ample pouch of otter, filled the red-stone pipes for smoking with tobacco from the south-land, mixed with bark of the red willow, and with herbs and leaves of fragrance. then she said, "o pau-puk-keewis, dance for us your merry dances, dance the beggar's dance to please us, that the feast may be more joyous, that the time may pass more gayly, and our guests be more contented!" then the handsome pau-puk-keewis, he the idle yenadizze, he the merry mischief-maker, whom the people called the storm-fool, rose among the guests assembled. skilled was he in sports and pastimes, in the merry dance of snow-shoes, in the play of quoits and ball-play; skilled was he in games of hazard, in all games of skill and hazard, pugasaing, the bowl and counters, kuntassoo, the game of plum-stones. though the warriors called him faint-heart, called him coward, shaugodaya, idler, gambler, yenadizze, little heeded he their jesting, little cared he for their insults, for the women and the maidens loved the handsome pau-puk-keewis. he was dressed in shirt of doeskin, white and soft, and fringed with ermine, all inwrought with beads of wampum; he was dressed in deer-skin leggings, fringed with hedgehog quills and ermine, and in moccasins of buck-skin, thick with quills and beads embroidered. on his head were plumes of swan's down, on his heels were tails of foxes, in one hand a fan of feathers, [illustration: he began his mystic dances--_page _] and a pipe was in the other. barred with streaks of red and yellow, streaks of blue and bright vermilion, shone the face of pau-puk-keewis. from his forehead fell his tresses, smooth, and parted like a woman's, shining bright with oil, and plaited, hung with braids of scented grasses, as among the guests assembled, to the sound of flutes and singing, to the sound of drums and voices, rose the handsome pau-puk-keewis, and began his mystic dances. first he danced a solemn measure, very slow in step and gesture, in and out among the pine-trees, through the shadows and the sunshine, treading softly like a panther. then more swiftly and still swifter, whirling, spinning round in circles, leaping o'er the guests assembled, eddying round and round the wigwam, till the leaves went whirling with him, till the dust and wind together swept in eddies round about him. then along the sandy margin of the lake, the big-sea-water, on he sped with frenzied gestures, stamped upon the sand, and tossed it wildly in the air around him; till the wind became a whirlwind, till the sand was blown and sifted like great snowdrifts o'er the landscape, heaping all the shores with sand dunes, sand hills of the nagow wudjoo! thus the merry pau-puk-keewis danced his beggar's dance to please them, and, returning, sat down laughing there among the guests assembled, sat and fanned himself serenely with his fan of turkey-feathers. then they said to chibiabos, to the friend of hiawatha, to the sweetest of all singers, to the best of all musicians, "sing to us, o chibiabos! songs of love and songs of longing, that the feast may be more joyous, that the time may pass more gayly, and our guests be more contented!" and the gentle chibiabos sang in accents sweet and tender, sang in tones of deep emotion, songs of love and songs of longing; looking still at hiawatha, looking at fair laughing water, sang he softly, sang in this wise: "onaway! awake, beloved! thou the wild-flower of the forest! thou the wild-bird of the prairie! thou with eyes so soft and fawn-like! "if thou only lookest at me, i am happy, i am happy, as the lilies of the prairie, when they feel the dew upon them! "sweet thy breath is as the fragrance of the wild-flowers in the morning, as their fragrance is at evening, in the moon when leaves are falling. "does not all the blood within me leap to meet thee, leap to meet thee, as the springs to meet the sunshine, in the moon when nights are brightest? "onaway! my heart sings to thee, sings with joy when thou art near me, as the sighing, singing branches in the pleasant moon of strawberries! "when thou art not pleased, beloved, then my heart is sad and darkened, as the shining river darkens when the clouds drop shadows on it. "when thou smilest, my beloved, then my troubled heart is brightened, as in sunshine gleam the ripples that the cold wind makes in rivers. "smiles the earth, and smile the waters, smile the cloudless skies above us, but i lose the way of smiling when thou art no longer near me! "i myself, myself! behold me! blood of my beating heart, behold me! o awake, awake, beloved! onaway! awake, beloved!" thus the gentle chibiabos sang his song of love and longing and iagoo, the great boaster, he the marvelous story-teller, he the friend of old nokomis, jealous of the sweet musician, jealous of the applause they gave him, saw in all the eyes around him, saw in all their looks and gestures, that the wedding guests assembled longed to hear his pleasant stories, his immeasurable falsehoods. very boastful was iagoo; never heard he an adventure but himself had met a greater; never any deed of daring but himself had done a bolder; never any marvelous story but himself could tell a stranger. would you listen to his boasting, would you only give him credence, no one ever shot an arrow half so far and high as he had; ever caught so many fishes, ever killed so many reindeer, ever trapped so many beavers! none could run so fast as he could, none could dive so deep as he could, none could swim so far as he could; none had made so many journeys, none had seen so many wonders, as this wonderful iagoo, as this marvelous story-teller! thus his name became a by-word and a jest among the people; and whene'er a boastful hunter praised his own address too highly, or a warrior, home returning, talked too much of his achievements, all his hearers cried, "iagoo! here's iagoo come among us!" he it was who carved the cradle of the little hiawatha, carved its framework out of linden, bound it strong with reindeer sinew; he it was who taught him later how to make his bows and arrows, how to make the bows of ash-tree, and the arrows of the oak-tree. so among the guests assembled at my hiawatha's wedding sat iagoo, old and ugly, sat the marvelous story-teller. and they said, "o good iagoo, tell us now a tale of wonder, tell us of some strange adventure, that the feast may be more joyous, that the time may pass more gayly, and our guests be more contented!" and iagoo answered straightway, "you shall hear a tale of wonder. you shall hear the strange adventures of osseo, the magician, from the evening star descended." xii the son of the evening star can it be the sun descending o'er the level plain of water? or the red swan floating, flying, wounded by the magic arrow, staining all the waves with crimson, with the crimson of its life-blood, filling all the air with splendor, with the splendor of its plumage? yes; it is the sun descending, sinking down into the water; all the sky is stained with purple, all the water flushed with crimson! no; it is the red swan floating, diving down beneath the water; to the sky its wings are lifted, with its blood the waves are reddened! over it the star of evening melts and trembles through the purple, hangs suspended in the twilight. no; it is a bead of wampum on the robes of the great spirit, as he passes through the twilight, walks in silence through the heavens. this with joy beheld iagoo and he said in haste: "behold it! see the sacred star of evening! you shall hear a tale of wonder, hear the story of osseo, son of the evening star, osseo! "once, in days no more remembered, ages nearer the beginning, when the heavens were closer to us, and the gods were more familiar, in the north-land lived a hunter, with ten young and comely daughters, tall and lithe as wands of willow; only oweenee, the youngest, she the willful and the wayward, she the silent, dreamy maiden, was the fairest of the sisters. "all these women married warriors, married brave and haughty husbands; only oweenee, the youngest, laughed and flouted all her lovers, all her young and handsome suitors, and then married old osseo, old osseo, poor and ugly, broken with age and weak with coughing, always coughing like a squirrel. "ah, but beautiful within him was the spirit of osseo, from the evening star descended, star of evening, star of woman, star of tenderness and passion! all its fire was in his bosom, all its beauty in his spirit, all its mystery in his being, all its splendor in his language! "and her lovers, the rejected, handsome men with belts of wampum, handsome men with paint and feathers, pointed at her in derision, followed her with jest and laughter. but she said: 'i care not for you, care not for your belts of wampum, care not for your paint and feathers, i am happy with osseo!' "once to some great feast invited, through the damp and dusk of evening walked together the ten sisters, walked together with their husbands; slowly followed old osseo, with fair oweenee beside him; all the others chatted gayly, these two only walked in silence. "at the western sky osseo gazed intent, as if imploring, often stopped and gazed imploring at the trembling star of evening, at the tender star of woman; and they heard him murmur softly, '_ah, showain nemeshin, nosa!_ pity, pity me, my father!' "'listen!' said the eldest sister, 'he is praying to his father! what a pity that the old man does not stumble in the pathway, does not break his neck by falling!' and they laughed till all the forest rang with their unseemly laughter. "on their pathway through the woodlands lay an oak, by storms uprooted, lay the great trunk of an oak-tree, buried half in leaves and mosses, mouldering, crumbling, huge and hollow, and osseo when he saw it, gave a shout, a cry of anguish, leaped into its yawning cavern, at one end went in an old man, wasted, wrinkled, old, and ugly; from the other came a young man, tall and straight and strong and handsome. "thus osseo was transfigured, thus restored to youth and beauty; but alas for good osseo, and for oweenee, the faithful! strangely, too, was she transfigured. changed into a weak old woman, with a staff she tottered onward, wasted, wrinkled, old, and ugly! and the sisters and their husbands laughed until the echoing forest rang with their unseemly laughter. "but osseo turned not from her, walked with slower step beside her, took her hand, as brown and withered as an oak-leaf is in winter, called her sweetheart, nenemoosha, soothed her with soft words of kindness, till they reached the lodge of feasting, till they sat down in the wigwam, sacred to the star of evening, to the tender star of woman. "wrapt in visions, lost in dreaming, at the banquet sat osseo; all were merry, all were happy, all were joyous but osseo, neither food nor drink he tasted, neither did he speak nor listen, but as one bewildered sat he, looking dreamily and sadly, first at oweenee, then upward at the gleaming sky above them. "then a voice was heard, a whisper. coming from the starry distance, coming from the empty vastness, low, and musical and tender; and the voice said: 'o osseo! o my son, my best beloved! broken are the spells that bound you, all the charms of the magicians, all the magic powers of evil; come to me; ascend, osseo! "'taste the food that stands before you; it is blessed and enchanted, it has magic virtues in it, it will change you to a spirit. all your bowls and all your kettles shall be wood and clay no longer; but the bowls be changed to wampum, and the kettles shall be silver; they shall shine like shells of scarlet, like the fire shall gleam and glimmer. "'and the women shall no longer bear the dreary doom of labor, but be changed to birds, and glisten with the beauty of the starlight, painted with the dusky splendors of the skies and clouds of evening!' "what osseo heard as whispers, what as words he comprehended, was but music to the others, music as of birds afar off, of the whippoorwill afar off, of the lonely wawonaissa singing in the darksome forest. "then the lodge began to tremble, straight began to shake and tremble, and they felt it rising, rising, slowly through the air ascending, from the darkness of the tree-tops forth into the dewy starlight, till it passed the topmost branches; and behold! the wooden dishes all were changed to shells of scarlet! and behold! the earthen kettles all were changed to bowls of silver! and the roof-poles of the wigwam were as glittering rods of silver, and the roof of bark upon them as the shining shards of beetles. "then osseo gazed around him, and he saw the nine fair sisters, all the sisters and their husbands, changed to birds of various plumage. some were jays and some were magpies, others thrushes, others blackbirds; and they hopped, and sang, and twittered, pecked and fluttered all their feathers, strutted in their shining plumage, and their tails like fans unfolded. "only oweenee, the youngest, was not changed, but sat in silence, wasted, wrinkled, old, and ugly, looking sadly at the others; till osseo, gazing upward, gave another cry of anguish, such a cry as he had uttered by the oak-tree in the forest. "then returned her youth and beauty, and her soiled and tattered garments were transformed to robes of ermine, and her staff became a feather, yes, a shining silver feather! "and again the wigwam trembled, swayed and rushed through airy currents, through transparent cloud and vapor, and amid celestial splendors on the evening star alighted, as a snow-flake falls on snow-flake, as a leaf drops on a river, as the thistle-down on water. "forth with cheerful words of welcome came the father of osseo, he with radiant locks of silver, he with eyes serene and tender. and he said: 'my son, osseo, hang the cage of birds you bring there, hang the cage with rods of silver, and the birds with glistening feathers, at the doorway of my wigwam.' "at the door he hung the bird-cage, and they entered in and gladly listened to osseo's father, ruler of the star of evening, as he said: 'o my osseo! i have had compassion on you, given you back your youth and beauty, into birds of various plumage changed your sisters and their husbands; changed them thus because they mocked you in the figure of the old man, in that aspect sad and wrinkled, could not see your heart of passion, could not see your youth immortal; only oweenee, the faithful, saw your naked heart and loved you. "'in the lodge that glimmers yonder, in the little star that twinkles through the vapors, on the left hand, lives the envious evil spirit, the wabeno, the magician, who transformed you to an old man. take heed lest his beams fall on you, for the rays he darts around him are the power of his enchantment, are the arrows that he uses.' "many years, in peace and quiet, on the peaceful star of evening dwelt osseo with his father; many years, in song and flutter, at the doorway of the wigwam, hung the cage with rods of silver, and fair oweenee, the faithful, bore a son unto osseo, with the beauty of his mother, with the courage of his father. "and the boy grew up and prospered, and osseo, to delight him, made him little bows and arrows, opened the great cage of silver, and let loose his aunts and uncles, all those birds with glossy feathers for his little son to shoot at. "round and round they wheeled and darted, filled the evening star with music, with their songs of joy and freedom; filled the evening star with splendor, with the fluttering of their plumage; till the boy, the little hunter, bent his bow and shot an arrow, shot a swift and fatal arrow, and a bird, with shining feathers, at his feet fell wounded sorely. "but, o wondrous transformation! 'twas no bird he saw before him, 'twas a beautiful young woman, with the arrow in her bosom! "when her blood fell on the planet, on the sacred star of evening, broken was the spell of magic, powerless was the strange enchantment, and the youth, the fearless bowman, suddenly felt himself descending, held by unseen hands, but sinking downward through the empty spaces, downward through the clouds and vapors, till he rested on an island, on an island, green and grassy, yonder in the big-sea-water. "after him he saw descending all the birds with shining feathers, fluttering, falling, wafted downward, like the painted leaves of autumn; and the lodge with poles of silver, with its roof like wings of beetles, like the shining shards of beetles, by the winds of heaven uplifted, slowly sank upon the island, bringing back the good osseo, bringing oweenee, the faithful. [illustration: he was held by unseen hands, but sinking--_page _] "then the birds, again transfigured, reassumed the shape of mortals, took their shape, but not their stature; they remained as little people, like the pygmies, the puk-wudjies, and on pleasant nights of summer, when the evening star was shining, hand in hand they danced together, on the island's craggy headlands, on the sand-beach low and level. "still their glittering lodge is seen there, on the tranquil summer evenings, and upon the shore the fisher sometimes hears their happy voices, sees them dancing in the starlight!" when the story was completed, when the wondrous tale was ended, looking round upon his listeners, solemnly iagoo added: "there are great men, i have known such, whom their people understand not, whom they even make a jest of, scoff and jeer at in derision. from the story of osseo let them learn the fate of jesters!" all the wedding guests delighted listened to the marvelous story, listened laughing and applauding, and they whispered to each other: "does he mean himself, i wonder? and are we the aunts and uncles?" then again sang chibiabos, sang a song of love and longing, in those accents sweet and tender, in those tones of pensive sadness, sang a maiden's lamentation for her lover, her algonquin. "when i think of my beloved, ah me! think of my beloved, when my heart is thinking of him, o my sweetheart, my algonquin! "ah me! when i parted from him, round my neck he hung the wampum, as a pledge, the snow-white wampum, o my sweetheart, my algonquin! "i will go with you, he whispered, ah me! to your native country; let me go with you, he whispered, o my sweetheart, my algonquin! "far away, away, i answered, very far away, i answered, ah me! is my native country, o my sweetheart, my algonquin! "when i looked back to behold him, where we parted, to behold him, after me he still was gazing, o my sweetheart, my algonquin! "by the tree he still was standing, by the fallen tree was standing, that had dropped into the water, o my sweetheart, my algonquin! "when i think of my beloved, ah me! think of my beloved, when my heart is thinking of him, o my sweetheart, my algonquin!" such was hiawatha's wedding, such the dance of pau-puk-keewis, such the story of iagoo, such the songs of chibiabos; thus the wedding banquet ended, and the wedding guests departed, leaving hiawatha happy with the night and minnehaha. xiii blessing the cornfields sing, o song of hiawatha, of the happy days that followed, in the land of the ojibways, in the pleasant land and peaceful! sing the mysteries of mondamin, sing the blessings of the cornfields! buried was the bloody hatchet, buried was the dreadful war-club, buried were all warlike weapons, and the war-cry was forgotten. there was peace among the nations; unmolested roved the hunters, built the birch canoe for sailing, caught the fish in lake and river, shot the deer and trapped the beaver, unmolested worked the women, made their sugar from the maple, gathered wild rice in the meadows, dressed the skins of deer and beaver. all around the happy village stood the maize-fields, green and shining, waved the green plumes of mondamin, waved his soft and sunny tresses, filling all the land with plenty. 'twas the women who in springtime, planted the broad fields and fruitful, buried in the earth mondamin; 'twas the women who in autumn stripped the yellow husks of harvest, stripped the garments from mondamin, even as hiawatha taught them. once, when all the maize was planted, hiawatha, wise and thoughtful, spake and said to minnehaha, to his wife, the laughing water: "you shall bless to-night the cornfields, draw a magic circle round them, to protect them from destruction, blast of mildew, blight of insect, wagemin, the thief of cornfields, paimosaid, who steals the maize-ear! "in the night, when all is silence, in the night when all is darkness, when the spirit of sleep, nepahwin, shuts the doors of all the wigwams, so that not an ear can hear you, so that not an eye can see you, rise up from your bed in silence, lay aside your garments wholly, walk around the fields you planted, round the borders of the cornfields, covered by your tresses only, robed with darkness as a garment. "thus the fields shall be more fruitful, and the passing of your footsteps draw a magic circle round them, so that neither blight nor mildew, neither burrowing worm nor insect, shall pass o'er the magic circle; not the dragon-fly, kwo-ne-she, nor the spider, subbekashe, nor the grasshopper, pah-puk-keena nor the mighty caterpillar, way-muk-kwana, with the bearskin, king of all the caterpillars!" on the tree-tops near the cornfields sat the hungry crows and ravens, kahgahgee, the king of ravens, with his band of black marauders, and they laughed at hiawatha, till the tree-tops shook with laughter, with their melancholy laughter, at the words of hiawatha, "hear him!" said they; "hear the wise man, hear the plots of hiawatha!" when the noiseless night descended broad and dark o'er field and forest, when the mournful wawonaissa, sorrowing sang among the hemlocks, and the spirit of sleep, nepahwin, shut the doors of all the wigwams, from her bed rose laughing water, laid aside her garments wholly, and with darkness clothed and guarded, unashamed and unaffrighted, walked securely round the cornfields, drew the sacred, magic circle of her footprints round the cornfields. no one but the midnight only saw her beauty in the darkness, no one but the wawonaissa heard the panting of her bosom; guskewau, the darkness, wrapped her closely in his sacred mantle, so that none might see her beauty, so that none might boast, "i saw her!" on the morrow, as the day dawned, kahgahgee, the king of ravens, gathered all his black marauders, crows and blackbirds, jays, and ravens, clamorous on the dusky tree-tops, and descended, fast and fearless, on the fields of hiawatha, on the grave of the mondamin. "we will drag mondamin," said they, "from the grave where he is buried, spite of all the magic circles laughing water draws around it, spite of all the sacred footprints minnehaha stamps upon it!" but the wary hiawatha, ever thoughtful, careful, watchful, had o'erheard the scornful laughter when they mocked him from the tree-tops. "kaw!" he said, "my friends the ravens! kahgahgee, my king of ravens! i will teach you all a lesson that shall not be soon forgotten!" he had risen before the daybreak, he had spread o'er all the cornfields snares to catch the black marauders, and was lying now in ambush in the neighboring grove of pine-trees, waiting for the crows and blackbirds, waiting for the jays and ravens. soon they came with caw and clamor, rush of wings and cry of voices, to their work of devastation, settling down upon the cornfields, delving deep with beak and talon, for the body of mondamin. and with all their craft and cunning, all their skill in wiles of warfare, they perceived no danger near them, till their claws became entangled, till they found themselves imprisoned in the snares of hiawatha. from his place of ambush came he, striding terrible among them, and so awful was his aspect that the bravest quailed with terror, without mercy he destroyed them right and left, by tens and twenties, and their wretched, lifeless bodies hung aloft on poles for scarecrows round the consecrated cornfields, as a signal of his vengeance, as a warning to marauders. only kahgahgee, the leader. kahgahgee, the king of ravens, he alone was spared among them as a hostage for his people. with his prisoner-string he bound him, led him captive to his wigwam, tied him fast with cords of elm-bark to the ridge-pole of his wigwam. "kahgahgee, my raven!" said he, "you the leader of the robbers, you the plotter of this mischief, the contriver of this outrage, i will keep you, i will hold you, as a hostage for your people, as a pledge of good behavior!" and he left him, grim and sulky, sitting in the morning sunshine on the summit of the wigwam, croaking fiercely his displeasure, flapping his great sable pinions, vainly struggling for his freedom, vainly calling on his people! summer passed, and shawondasee breathed his sighs o'er all the landscape, from the south-land sent his ardors, wafted kisses warm and tender; and the maize-field grew and ripened, till it stood in all the splendor of its garments green and yellow, of its tassels and its plumage, and the maize-ears full and shining gleamed from bursting sheaths of verdure. then nokomis, the old woman, spake, and said to minnehaha: "'tis the moon when leaves are falling: all the wild-rice has been gathered, and the maize is ripe and ready; let us gather in the harvest, let us wrestle with mondamin, strip him of his plumes and tassels, of his garments green and yellow!" and the merry laughing water went rejoicing from the wigwam, with nokomis, old and wrinkled, and they called the women round them, called the young men and the maidens, to the harvest of the cornfields, to the husking of the maize-ear. on the border of the forest, underneath the fragrant pine-trees, sat the old men and the warriors smoking in the pleasant shadow. in uninterrupted silence looked they at the gamesome labor of the young men and the women; listened to their noisy talking, to their laughter and their singing, heard them chattering like the magpies, heard them laughing like the blue-jays, heard them singing like the robins. and whene'er some lucky maiden found a red ear in the husking, found a maize-ear red as blood is, "nushka!" cried they all together, "nushka! you shall have a sweetheart, you shall have a handsome husband!" "ugh!" the old men all responded from their seats beneath the pine-trees. and whene'er a youth or maiden found a crooked ear in husking, found a maize-ear in the husking, blighted, mildewed, or misshapen, then they laughed and sang together, crept and limped about the cornfields mimicked in their gait and gestures some old man, bent almost double, singing singly or together: "wagemin, the thief of cornfields! paimosaid, the skulking robber!" till the cornfields rang with laughter, till from hiawatha's wigwam kahgahgee, the king of ravens, screamed and quivered in his anger, and from all the neighboring tree-tops cawed and croaked the black marauders. "ugh!" the old men all responded, from their seats beneath the pine-trees! xiv picture-writing in those days said hiawatha, "lo! how all things fade and perish! from the memory of the old men fade away the great traditions, the achievements of the warriors, the adventures of the hunters, all the wisdom of the medas, all the craft of the wabenos, all the marvelous dreams and visions of the jossakeeds, the prophets! "great men die and are forgotten, wise men speak; their words of wisdom perish in the ears that hear them, do not reach the generations that, as yet unborn, are waiting in the great, mysterious darkness of the speechless days that shall be! "on the grave-posts of our fathers are no signs, no figures painted; who are in those graves we know not, only know they are our fathers. of what kith they are and kindred, from what old, ancestral totem, be it eagle, bear, or beaver, they descended, this we know not, only know they are our fathers. "face to face we speak together, but we cannot speak when absent, cannot send our voices from us to the friends that dwell afar off; cannot send a secret message, but the bearer learns our secret, may pervert it, may betray it, may reveal it unto others." thus said hiawatha, walking in the solitary forest, pondering, musing in the forest, on the welfare of his people. from his pouch he took his colors, took his paints of different colors, on the smooth bark of a birch-tree painted many shapes and figures, wonderful and mystic figures, [illustration: "and each figure had a meaning"--_page _] and each figure had a meaning, each some word or thought suggested. gitche manito the mighty, he, the master of life, was painted as an egg, with points projecting to the four winds of the heavens. everywhere is the great spirit, was the meaning of this symbol. mitche manito the mighty, he the dreadful spirit of evil, as a serpent was depicted, as kenabeek, the great serpent. very crafty, very cunning, is the creeping spirit of evil, was the meaning of this symbol. life and death he drew as circles, life was white, but death was darkened; sun and moon and stars he painted, man and beast, and fish and reptile, forests, mountains, lakes, and rivers. for the earth he drew a straight line, for the sky a bow above it; white the space between for day-time, filled with little stars for night-time; on the left a point for sunrise, on the right a point for sunset, on the top a point for noontide, and for rain and cloudy weather waving lines descending from it. footprints pointing towards a wigwam were a sign of invitation, were a sign of guests assembling: bloody hands with palms uplifted were a symbol of destruction, were a hostile sign and symbol. all these things did hiawatha show unto his wondering people, and interpreted their meaning, and he said: "behold, your graveposts have no mark, no sign, nor symbol. go and paint them all with figures; each one with its household symbol, with its own ancestral totem, so that those who follow after may distinguish them and know them." and they painted on the graveposts of the graves yet unforgotten, each his own ancestral totem, each the symbol of his household; figures of the bear and reindeer, of the turtle, crane, and beaver, each inverted as a token that the owner was departed, that the chief who bore the symbol lay beneath in dust and ashes. and the jossakeeds, the prophets, the wabenos, the magicians, and the medicine-men, the medas, painted upon bark and deer-skin figures for the songs they chanted, for each song a separate symbol, figures mystical and awful, figures strange and brightly colored; and each figure had its meaning, each some magic song suggested. the great spirit, the creator, flashing light through all the heaven; the great serpent, the kenabeek, with his bloody crest erected, creeping, looking into heaven; in the sky the sun, that listens, and the moon eclipsed and dying; owl and eagle, crane and hen-hawk, and the cormorant, bird of magic; headless men, that walk the heavens, bodies lying pierced with arrows, bloody hands of death uplifted, flags on graves, and great war-captains grasping both the earth and heaven! such as these the shapes they painted on the birch-bark and the deer-skin; songs of war and songs of hunting, songs of medicine and of magic, all were written in these figures, for each figure had its meaning, each its separate song recorded. nor forgotten was the love-song, the most subtle of all medicines, the most potent spell of magic, dangerous more than war or hunting! thus the love-song was recorded, symbol and interpretation. first a human figure standing, painted in the brightest scarlet; 'tis the lover, the musician, and the meaning is, "my painting makes me powerful over others." then the figure seated, singing, playing on a drum of magic, and the interpretation, "listen! 'tis my voice you hear, my singing!" then the same red figure seated in the shelter of a wigwam, and the meaning of the symbol, "i will come and sit beside you in the mystery of my passion!" then two figures, man and woman, standing hand in hand together with their hands so clasped together that they seem in one united, and the words thus represented are, "i see your heart within you, and your cheeks are red with blushes!" next the maiden on an island, in the centre of an island; and the song this shape suggested was, "though you were at a distance, were upon some far-off island, such the spell i cast upon you, such the magic power of passion, i could straightway draw you to me!" then the figure of the maiden sleeping, and the lover near her, whispering to her in her slumbers, saying, "though you were far from me in the land of sleep and silence, still the voice of love would reach you!" and the last of all the figures was a heart within a circle, drawn within a magic circle; and the image had this meaning: "naked lies your heart before me, to your naked heart i whisper!" thus it was that hiawatha, in his wisdom, taught the people all the mysteries of painting, all the art of picture-writing, on the smooth bark of the birch-tree, on the white skin of the reindeer, on the grave-posts of the village. xv hiawatha's lamentation in those days the evil spirits, all the manitos of mischief, fearing hiawatha's wisdom, and his love for chibiabos, jealous of their faithful friendship, and their noble words and actions, made at length a league against them, to molest them and destroy them. hiawatha, wise and wary, often said to chibiabos, "o my brother! do not leave me, lest the evil spirits harm you!" chibiabos, young and heedless, laughing shook his coal-black tresses, answered ever sweet and childlike, "do not fear for me, o brother! harm and evil come not near me!" once when peboan, the winter, roofed with ice the big-sea-water, when the snow-flakes, whirling downward, hissed among the withered oak-leaves, changed the pine-trees into wigwams, covered all the earth with silence,-- armed with arrows, shod with snow-shoes, heeding not his brother's warning, fearing not the evil spirits, forth to hunt the deer with antlers all alone went chibiabos. right across the big-sea-water sprang with speed the deer before him. with the wind and snow he followed, o'er the treacherous ice he followed, wild with all the fierce commotion and the rapture of the hunting. but beneath, the evil spirits lay in ambush, waiting for him, broke the treacherous ice beneath him, dragged him downward to the bottom, buried in the sand his body, unktahee, the god of water, he, the god of the dacotahs, drowned him in the deep abysses of the lake of gitche gumee. from the headlands hiawatha sent forth such a wail of anguish, such a fearful lamentation, that the bison paused to listen, and the wolves howled from the prairies, and the thunder in the distance woke and answered "baim-wawa!" then his face with black he painted, with his robe his head he covered, in his wigwam sat lamenting, seven long weeks he sat lamenting, uttering still this moan of sorrow:-- "he is dead, the sweet musician! he, the sweetest of all singers! he has gone from us forever, he has moved a little nearer to the master of all music, to the master of all singing! o my brother, chibiabos!" and the melancholy fir-trees waved their dark green fans above him, waved their purple cones above him, sighing with him to console him, mingling with his lamentation their complaining, their lamenting. came the spring, and all the forest looked in vain for chibiabos; sighed the rivulet, sebowisha, sighed the rushes in the meadow. from the tree-tops sang the bluebird, sang the bluebird, the owaissa, "chibiabos! chibiabos! he is dead, the sweet musician!" from the wigwam sang the robin, sang the opechee, the robin, "chibiabos! chibiabos! he is dead, the sweetest singer!" and at night, through all the forest went the whippoorwill complaining, wailing went the wawonaissa, "chibiabos! chibiabos! he is dead, the sweet musician! he the sweetest of all singers!" then the medicine-men, the medas, the magicians, the wabenos, and the jossakeeds, the prophets, came to visit hiawatha; built a sacred lodge beside him, to appease him, to console him, walked in silent, grave procession, bearing each a pouch of healing, skin of beaver, lynx, or otter, filled with magic roots and simples, filled with very potent medicines. when he heard their steps approaching, hiawatha ceased lamenting, called no more on chibiabos; naught he questioned, naught he answered, but his mournful head uncovered, from his face the mourning colors washed he slowly and in silence, slowly and in silence followed onward to the sacred wigwam. there a magic drink they gave him, made of nahma-wusk, the spearmint, and wabeno-wusk, the yarrow, roots of power, and herbs of healing; beat their drums, and shook their rattles; chanted singly and in chorus, mystic songs like these, they chanted. "i myself, myself! behold me! 'tis the great gray eagle talking; come, ye white crows, come and hear him! the loud-speaking thunder helps me; all the unseen spirits help me; i can hear their voices calling, all around the sky i hear them! i can blow you strong, my brother, i can heal you, hiawatha!" "hi-au-ha!" replied the chorus, "way-ha-way!" the mystic chorus. "friends of mine are all the serpents! hear me shake my skin of hen-hawk! mahng, the white loon, i can kill him; i can shoot your heart and kill it! i can blow you strong, my brother, i can heal you, hiawatha!" "hi-au-ha!" replied the chorus, "way-ha-way!" the mystic chorus. "i myself, myself! the prophet! when i speak the wigwam trembles, shakes the sacred lodge with terror, hands unseen begin to shake it! when i walk, the sky i tread on bends and makes a noise beneath me! i can blow you strong, my brother! rise and speak, o hiawatha!" "hi-au-ha!" replied the chorus, "way-ha-way!" the mystic chorus. then they shook their medicine-pouches o'er the head of hiawatha, danced their medicine-dance around him; and upstarting wild and haggard, like a man from dreams awakened, he was healed of all his madness. as the clouds are swept from heaven, straightway from his brain departed all his moody melancholy; as the ice is swept from rivers, straightway from his heart departed all his sorrow and affliction. then they summoned chibiabos from his grave beneath the waters, from the sands of gitche gumee summoned hiawatha's brother. and so mighty was the magic of that cry and invocation, that he heard it as he lay there underneath the big-sea-water; from the sand he rose and listened, heard the music and the singing, came, obedient to the summons, to the doorway of the wigwam, but to enter they forbade him. through a chink a coal they gave him, through the door a burning fire-brand; ruler in the land of spirits, ruler o'er the dead, they made him, telling him a fire to kindle for all those that died thereafter, camp-fires for their night encampments on their solitary journey to the kingdom of ponemah, to the land of the hereafter. from the village of his childhood, from the homes of those who knew him, passing silent through the forest, like a smoke-wreath wafted sideways, slowly vanished chibiabos! where he passed, the branches moved not, where he trod the grasses bent not, and the fallen leaves of last year made no sound beneath his footsteps. four whole days he journeyed onward down the pathway of the dead men; on the dead-man's strawberry feasted, crossed the melancholy river, on the swinging log he crossed it, came unto the lake of silver. in the stone canoe was carried to the islands of the blessed, to the land of ghosts and shadows. on that journey, moving slowly, many weary spirits saw he, panting under heavy burdens, laden with war-clubs, bows and arrows, robes of fur, and pots and kettles, and with food that friends had given for that solitary journey. "aye! why do the living," said they, "lay such heavy burdens on us! better were it to go naked, better were it to go fasting, than to bear such heavy burdens on our long and weary journey!" forth then issued hiawatha, wandered eastward, wandered westward, teaching men the use of simples and the antidotes for poisons, and the cure of all diseases. thus was first made known to mortals all the mystery of medamin, all the sacred art of healing. xvi pau-puk-keewis you shall hear how pau-puk-keewis, he, the handsome yenadizze, whom the people called the storm fool, vexed the village with disturbance; you shall hear of all his mischief, and his flight from hiawatha, and his wondrous transmigrations, and the end of his adventures. on the shores of gitche gumee, on the dunes of nagow wudjoo, by the shining big-sea-water stood the lodge of pau-puk-keewis. it was he who in his frenzy whirled these drifting sands together, on the dunes of nagow wudjoo, when, among the guests assembled, he so merrily and madly danced at hiawatha's wedding, danced the beggars' dance to please them. now, in search of new adventures, from his lodge went pau-puk-keewis, came with speed into the village, found the young men all assembled in the lodge of old iagoo, listening to his monstrous stories, to his wonderful adventures. he was telling them the story of ojeeg, the summer-maker, how he made a hole in heaven, how he climbed up into heaven, and let out the summer-weather, the perpetual, pleasant summer; how the otter first essayed it; how the beaver, lynx, and badger, tried in turn the great achievement, from the summit of the mountain smote their fists against the heavens, smote against the sky their foreheads, cracked the sky, but could not break it, how the wolverine, uprising, made him ready for the encounter, bent his knees down, like a squirrel, drew his arms back, like a cricket. "once he leaped," said old iagoo, "once he leaped, and lo! above him bent the sky, as ice in rivers when the waters rise beneath it; twice he leaped, and lo! above him cracked the sky, as ice in rivers when the freshet is at highest! thrice he leaped, and lo! above him broke the shattered sky asunder, and he disappeared within it, and ojeeg, the fisher weasel, with a bound went in behind him!" "hark you!" shouted pau-puk-keewis as he entered at the doorway; "i am tired of all this talking, tired of old iagoo's stories, tired of hiawatha's wisdom. here is something to amuse you, better than this endless talking." then from out his pouch of wolf-skin forth he drew, with solemn manner, all the game of bowl and counters, pugasaing, with thirteen pieces. white on one side were they painted, and vermilion on the other; two kenabeeks or great serpents, two ininewug or wedge-men, one great war-club, pugamaugun, and one slender fish, the keego, four round pieces, ozawabeeks, and three sheshebwug or ducklings. all were made of bone and painted, all except the ozawabeeks; these were brass, on one side burnished, and were black upon the other. in a wooden bowl he placed them, shook and jostled them together, threw them on the ground before him. thus exclaiming and explaining: "red side up are all the pieces, and one great kenabeek standing on the bright side of a brass piece, on a burnished ozawabeek; thirteen tens and eight are counted." then again he shook the pieces, shook and jostled them together, threw them on the ground before him, still exclaiming and explaining: "white are both the great kenabeeks, white the ininewug, the wedge-men, red are all the other pieces; five tens and an eight are counted." thus he taught the game of hazard, thus displayed it and explained it, running through its various chances, various changes, various meanings: twenty curious eyes stared at him, full of eagerness stared at him. "many games," said old iagoo, "many games of skill and hazard have i seen in different nations, have i played in different countries. he who plays with old iagoo must have very nimble fingers; though you think yourself so skillful i can beat you, pau-puk-keewis, i can even give you lessons in your game of bowl and counters!" so they sat and played together, all the old men and the young men, played for dresses, weapons, wampum, played till midnight, played till morning, played until the yenadizze, till the cunning pau-puk-keewis, of their treasures had despoiled them, of the best of all their dresses, shirts of deer-skin, robes of ermine, belts of wampum, crests of feathers, warlike weapons, pipes and pouches. twenty eyes glared wildly at him, like the eyes of wolves glared at him. said the lucky pau-puk-keewis: "in my wigwam i am lonely, in my wanderings and adventures i have need of a companion, fain would have a meshinauwa, an attendant and pipe-bearer. i will venture all these winnings, all these garments heaped about me, all this wampum, all these feathers, on a single throw will venture all against the young man yonder!" 'twas a youth of sixteen summers, 'twas a nephew of iagoo; face-in-a-mist, the people called him. as the fire burns in a pipe-head dusky red beneath the ashes, so beneath his shaggy eyebrows glowed the eyes of old iagoo. "ugh!" he answered very fiercely: "ugh!" they answered all and each one. seized the wooden bowl the old man, closely in his bony fingers clutched the fatal bowl, onagon, shook it fiercely and with fury, made the pieces ring together as he threw them down before him. red were both the great kenabeeks, red the ininewug, the wedge-men. red the sheshebwug, the ducklings, black the four brass ozawabeeks, white alone the fish, the keego; only five the pieces counted! then the smiling pau-puk-keewis shook the bowl and threw the pieces; lightly in the air he tossed them, and they fell about him scattered; dark and bright the ozawabeeks, red and white the other pieces, and upright among the others one ininewug was standing, even as crafty pau-puk-keewis stood alone among the players, saying, "five tens! mine the game is!" twenty eyes glared at him fiercely, like the eyes of wolves glared at him, as he turned and left the wigwam, followed by his meshinauwa, by the nephew of iagoo, by the tall and graceful stripling, bearing in his arms the winnings, shirts of deer-skin, robes of ermine, belts of wampum, pipes and weapons. "carry them," said pau-puk-keewis, pointing with his fan of feathers, "to my wigwam far to eastward, on the dunes of nagow wudjoo!" hot and red with smoke and gambling were the eyes of pau-puk-keewis as he came forth to the freshness of the pleasant summer morning. all the birds were singing gayly, all the streamlets flowing swiftly, and the heart of pau-puk-keewis sang with pleasure as the birds sing, beat with triumph like the streamlets, as he wandered through the village, in the early gray of morning, with his fan of turkey-feathers, with his plumes and tufts of swan's down, till he reached the farthest wigwam, reached the lodge of hiawatha. silent was it and deserted; no one met him at the doorway, no one came to bid him welcome. but the birds were singing round it, in and out and round the doorway, hopping, singing, fluttering, feeding,-- and aloft upon the ridge-pole kahgahgee, the king of ravens, sat with fiery eyes, and, screaming, flapped his wings at pau-puk-keewis, "all are gone! the lodge is empty!" thus it was spake pau-puk-keewis, in his heart resolving mischief; "gone is wary hiawatha, gone the silly laughing water, gone nokomis, the old woman, and the lodge is left unguarded!" by the neck he seized the raven, whirled it round him like a rattle, like a medicine-pouch he shook it, strangled kahgahgee, the raven, from the ridge-pole of the wigwam left its lifeless body hanging, as an insult to its master, as a taunt to hiawatha. with a stealthy step he entered, round the lodge in wild disorder threw the household things about him, piled together in confusion bowls of wood and earthen kettles, robes of buffalo and beaver, skins of otter, lynx, and ermine, as an insult to nokomis, as a taunt to minnehaha. then departed pau-puk-keewis, whistling, singing through the forest, whistling gayly to the squirrels, who from hollow boughs above him dropped their acorn-shells upon him, singing gayly to the wood birds, who from out the leafy darkness answered with a song as merry. then he climbed the rocky headlands, looking o'er the gitche gumee, perched himself upon their summit, waiting full of mirth and mischief the return of hiawatha. stretched upon his back he lay there; far below him plashed the waters, plashed and washed the dreamy waters; far above him swam the heavens, swam the dizzy, dreamy heavens; round him hovered, fluttered, rustled, hiawatha's mountain chickens, flock-wise swept and wheeled about him, almost brushed him with their pinions. and he killed them as he lay there, slaughtered them by tens and twenties, threw their bodies down the headland, threw them on the beach below him, till at length kayoshk, the sea-gull, perched upon a crag above them, shouted: "it is pau-puk-keewis! he is slaying us by hundreds! send a message to our brother, tidings send to hiawatha!" xvii the hunting of pau-puk-keewis full of wrath was hiawatha when he came into the village, found the people in confusion, heard of all the misdemeanors, all the malice and the mischief, of the cunning pau-puk-keewis. hard his breath came through his nostrils, through his teeth he buzzed and muttered words of anger and resentment, hot and humming like a hornet, "i will slay this pau-puk-keewis, slay this mischief-maker!" said he. "not so long and wide the world is, not so rude and rough the way is, that my wrath shall not attain him, that my vengeance shall not reach him!" then in swift pursuit departed, hiawatha and the hunters on the trail of pau-puk-keewis, through the forest, where he passed it, to the headlands where he rested; but they found not pau-puk-keewis, only in the trampled grasses, in the whortleberry bushes, found the couch where he had rested, found the impress of his body. from the lowlands far beneath them, from the muskoday, the meadow, pau-puk-keewis, turning backward, made a gesture of defiance, made a gesture of derision; and aloud cried hiawatha, from the summit of the mountain: "not so long and wide the world is, not so rude and rough the way is, but my wrath shall overtake you, and my vengeance shall attain you!" over rock and over river, through bush, and break, and forest, ran the cunning pau-puk-keewis; like an antelope he bounded, till he came into a streamlet in the middle of the forest, to a streamlet still and tranquil, that had overflowed its margin, to a dam made by the beavers, to a pond of quiet waters, where knee-deep the trees were standing, where the water-lilies floated, where the rushes waved and whispered. on the dam stood pau-puk-keewis, on the dam of trunks and branches, through whose chinks the water spouted, o'er whose summit flowed the streamlet. from the bottom rose the beaver, looked with two great eyes of wonder, eyes that seemed to ask a question, at the stranger, pau-puk-keewis. on the dam stood pau-puk-keewis, o'er his ankles flowed the streamlet, flowed the bright and silvery water, and he spake unto the beaver, with a smile he spake in this wise: "o my friend ahmeek, the beaver, cool and pleasant is the water; let me dive into the water, let me rest there in your lodges; change me, too, into a beaver!" cautiously replied the beaver, with reserve he thus made answer: "let me first consult the others, let me ask the other beavers." down he sank into the water, heavily sank he, as a stone sinks, down among the leaves and branches, brown and matted at the bottom. on the dam stood pau-puk-keewis, o'er his ankles flowed the streamlet, spouted through the chinks below him, dashed upon the stones beneath him, spread serene and calm before him, and the sunshine and the shadows fell in flecks and gleams upon him, fell in little shining patches, through the waving, rustling branches. from the bottom rose the beavers, silently above the surface rose one head and then another, till the pond seemed full of beavers, full of black and shining faces. to the beavers pau-puk-keewis spake entreating, said in this wise: "very pleasant is your dwelling, o my friends! and safe from danger; can you not with all your cunning, all your wisdom and contrivance, change me, too, into a beaver?" "yes!" replied ahmeek, the beaver, he the king of all the beavers, "let yourself slide down among us, down into the tranquil water." down into the pond among them silently sank pau-puk-keewis; black became his shirt of deer-skin, black his moccasins and leggings, in a broad black tail behind him spread his fox-tail and his fringes; he was changed into a beaver. "make me large," said pau-puk-keewis, "make me large and make me larger, larger than the other beavers." "yes," the beaver chief responded, "when our lodge below you enter, in our wigwam we will make you ten times larger than the others." thus into the clear brown water silently sank pau-puk-keewis; found the bottom covered over with the trunks of trees and branches, hoards of food against the winter, piles and heaps against the famine; found the lodge with arching doorway, leading into spacious chambers. here they made him large and larger, made him largest of the beavers, ten times larger than the others. "you shall be our ruler," said they; "chief and king of all the beavers." but not long had pau-puk-keewis sat in state among the beavers when there came a voice of warning from the watchman at his station in the water-flags and lilies, saying, "here is hiawatha! hiawatha with his hunters!" then they heard a cry above them, heard a shouting and a tramping, heard a crashing and a rushing, and the water round and o'er them sank and sucked away in eddies, and they knew their dam was broken. on the lodge's roof the hunters leaped, and broke it all asunder; streamed the sunshine through the crevice, sprang the beavers through the doorway, hid themselves in deeper water, in the channel of the streamlet; but the mighty pau-puk-keewis could not pass beneath the doorway; he was puffed with pride and feeding, he was swollen like a bladder. through the roof looked hiawatha, cried aloud, "o pau-puk-keewis! vain are all your craft and cunning, vain your manifold disguises! well i know you, pau-puk-keewis!" with their clubs they beat and bruised him, beat to death poor pau-puk-keewis pounded him as maize is pounded, till his skull was crushed to pieces. six tall hunters, lithe and limber, bore him home on poles and branches, bore the body of the beaver; but the ghost, the jeebi in him, thought and felt as pau-puk-keewis, still lived on as pau-puk-keewis. and it fluttered, strove, and struggled, waving hither, waving thither, as the curtains of a wigwam struggle with their thongs of deer-skin, when the wintry wind is blowing; till it drew itself together, till it rose up from the body, till it took the form and features of the cunning pau-puk-keewis vanishing into the forest. but the wary hiawatha saw the figure ere it vanished, saw the form of pau-puk-keewis glide into the soft blue shadow of the pine-trees of the forest; toward the squares of white beyond it, toward an opening in the forest, like a wind it rushed and panted, bending all the boughs before it, and behind it, as the rain comes, came the steps of hiawatha. to a lake with many islands came the breathless pau-puk-keewis, where among the water-lilies pishnekuh, the brant, were sailing; through the tufts of rushes floating, steering through the reedy islands, now their broad black beaks they lifted, now they plunged beneath the water, now they darkened in the shadow, now they brightened in the sunshine. "pishnekuh!" cried pau-puk-keewis, "pishnekuh! my brothers!" said he, "change me to a brant with plumage, with a shining neck and feathers, make me large, and make me larger, ten times larger than the others." straightway to a brant they changed him, with two huge and dusky pinions, with a bosom smooth and rounded, with a bill like two great paddles, made him larger than the others, ten times larger than the largest, just as, shouting from the forest, on the shore stood hiawatha. up they rose with cry and clamor, with a whir and beat of pinions, rose up from the reedy islands, from the water-flags and lilies. and they said to pau-puk-keewis: "in your flying, look not downward, take good heed, and look not downward, lest some strange mischance should happen, lest some great mishap befall you!" fast and far they fled to northward, fast and far through mist and sunshine, fed among the moors and fen-lands, slept among the reeds and rushes. on the morrow as they journeyed, buoyed and lifted by the south-wind, wafted onward by the south-wind, blowing fresh and strong behind them, rose a sound of human voices, rose a clamor from beneath them, from the lodges of a village, from the people miles beneath them. for the people of the village saw the flock of brant with wonder, saw the wings of pau-puk-keewis flapping far up in the ether, broader than two doorway curtains. pau-puk-keewis heard the shouting, knew the voice of hiawatha, knew the outcry of iagoo, and, forgetful of the warning, drew his neck in, and looked downward, and the wind that blew behind him caught his mighty fan of feathers, sent him wheeling, whirling downward. all in vain did pau-puk-keewis struggle to regain his balance; whirling round and round and downward, he beheld in turn the village and in turn the flock above him, saw the village coming nearer, and the flock receding farther, heard the voices growing louder, heard the shouting and the laughter; saw no more the flock above him, only saw the earth beneath him; dead out of the empty heaven, dead among the shouting people, with a heavy sound and sullen, fell the brant with broken pinions. but his soul, his ghost, his shadow, still survived as pau-puk-keewis, took again the form and features of the handsome yenadizze, and again went rushing onward, followed fast by hiawatha, crying: "not so wide the world is, not so long and rough the way is, but my wrath shall overtake you, but my vengeance shall attain you!" and so near he came, so near him, that his hand was stretched to seize him, his right hand to seize and hold him, when the cunning pau-puk-keewis whirled and spun about in circles, fanned the air into a whirlwind, danced the dust and leaves about him, and amid the whirling eddies sprang into a hollow oak-tree, changed himself into a serpent, gliding out through root and rubbish. with his right hand hiawatha smote amain the hollow oak-tree, rent it into shreds and splinters, left it lying there in fragments. but in vain; for pau-puk-keewis, once again in human figure, full in sight ran on before him, sped away in gust and whirlwind, on the shores of gitche gumee, westward by the big-sea-water, came unto the rocky headlands, to the pictured rocks of sand-stone, looking over lake and landscape. and the old man of the mountain, he the manito of mountains, opened wide his rocky doorways, opened wide his deep abysses, giving pau-puk-keewis shelter in his caverns dark and dreary, bidding pau-puk-keewis welcome to his gloomy lodge of sandstone. there without stood hiawatha, found the doorways closed against him, with his mittens, minjekahwun, smote great caverns in the sandstone, cried aloud in tones of thunder, "open! i am hiawatha!" but the old man of the mountain opened not, and made no answer from the silent crags of sandstone, from the gloomy rock abysses. then he raised his hands to heaven, called imploring on the tempest, called waywassimo, the lightning, and the thunder, annemeekee; and they came with night and darkness sweeping down the big-sea-water from the distant thunder mountains; and the trembling pau-puk-keewis heard the footsteps of the thunder, saw the red eyes of the lightning, was afraid, and crouched and trembled. then waywassimo, the lightning, smote the doorways of the caverns, with his war-club smote the doorways, smote the jutting crags of sandstone, and the thunder, annemeekee, shouted down into the caverns, saying, "where is pau-puk-keewis!" and the crags fell, and beneath them dead among the rocky ruins lay the cunning pau-puk-keewis, lay the handsome yenadizze, slain in his own human figure. ended were his wild adventures, ended were his tricks and gambols, ended all his craft and cunning, ended all his mischief-making, all his gambling and his dancing, all his wooing of the maidens. then the noble hiawatha took his soul, his ghost, his shadow, spake and said: "o pau-puk-keewis, never more in human figure shall you search for new adventures; never more with jest and laughter dance the dust and leaves in whirlwinds; but above there in the heavens you shall soar and sail in circles; i will change you to an eagle, to keneu, the great war-eagle, chief of all the fowls with feathers, chief of hiawatha's chickens." and the name of pau-puk-keewis lingers still among the people, lingers still among the singers, and among the story-tellers; and in winter, when the snow-flakes whirl in eddies round the lodges, when the wind in gusty tumult o'er the smoke-flue pipes and whistles, "there," they cry, "comes pau-puk-keewis he is dancing through the village, he is gathering in his harvest!" xviii the death of kwasind far and wide among the nations spread the name and fame of kwasind; no man dared to strive with kwasind, no man could compete with kwasind. but the mischievous puk-wudjies, they the envious little people, they the fairies and the pygmies, plotted and conspired against him. "if the hateful kwasind," said they, "if this great, outrageous fellow goes on thus a little longer, tearing everything he touches, rending everything to pieces, filling all the world with wonder, what becomes of the puk-wudjies! who will care for the puk-wudjies! he will tread us down like mushrooms, drive us all into the water, give our bodies to be eaten by the wicked nee-ba-naw-baigs, by the spirits of the water!" so the angry little people all conspired against the strong man, all conspired to murder kwasind, yes, to rid the world of kwasind, the audacious, overbearing, heartless, haughty, dangerous kwasind! now this wondrous strength of kwasind in his crown alone was seated; in his crown too was his weakness; there alone could he be wounded, nowhere else could weapon pierce him, nowhere else could weapon harm him. even there the only weapon that could wound him, that could slay him, was the seed-cone of the pine-tree, was the blue cone of the fir-tree. this was kwasind's fatal secret, known to no man among mortals; but the cunning little people, the puk-wudjies, knew the secret, knew the only way to kill him. so they gathered cones together, gathered seed-cones of the pine-tree, gathered blue cones of the fir-tree, in the woods by taquamenaw, brought them to the river's margin, heaped them in great piles together, where the red rocks from the margin jutting overhang the river. there they lay in wait for kwasind, the malicious little people. 'twas an afternoon in summer; very hot and still the air was, very smooth the gliding river, motionless the sleeping shadows; insects glistened in the sunshine, insects skated on the water, filled the drowsy air with buzzing, with a far resounding war-cry. down the river came the strong man, in his birch canoe came kwasind, floating slowly down the current of the sluggish taquamenaw, very languid with the weather, very sleepy with the silence. from the overhanging branches, from the tassels of the birch-trees, soft the spirit of sleep descended; by his airy hosts surrounded, his invisible attendants, came the spirit of sleep, nepahwin; like the burnished dush-kwo-ne-she, like a dragon-fly, he hovered o'er the drowsy head of kwasind. to his ear there came a murmur as of waves upon a sea-shore, as of far-off tumbling waters, as of winds among the pine-trees; and he felt upon his forehead blows of little airy war-clubs, wielded by the slumbrous legions of the spirit of sleep, nepahwin, as of some one breathing on him. at the first blow of their war-clubs, fell a drowsiness on kwasind; at the second blow they smote him, motionless his paddle rested; at the third, before his vision [illustration: "hurled the pine-cones down upon him"--_page _] reeled the landscape into darkness, very sound asleep was kwasind. so he floated down the river, like a blind man seated upright, floated down the taquamenaw. underneath the trembling birch-trees, underneath the wooded headlands. underneath the war encampment of the pygmies, the puk-wudjies. there they stood, all armed and waiting, hurled the pine-cones down upon him, struck him on his brawny shoulders, on his crown defenseless struck him. "death to kwasind!" was the sudden war-cry of the little people. and he sideways swayed and tumbled, sideways fell into the river, plunged beneath the sluggish water headlong, as an otter plunges; and the birch-canoe, abandoned, drifted empty down the river, bottom upward swerved and drifted: nothing more was seen of kwasind. but the memory of the strong man lingered long among the people, and whenever through the forest raged and roared the wintry tempest, and the branches, tossed and troubled, creaked and groaned and split asunder, "kwasind!" cried they; "that is kwasind! he is gathering in his fire-wood!" xix the ghosts never stoops the soaring vulture on his quarry in the desert, on the sick or wounded bison, but another vulture, watching from his high aerial look-out, sees the downward plunge, and follows; and a third pursues the second, coming from the invisible ether, first a speck, and then a vulture, till the air is dark with pinions. so disasters come not singly; but as if they watched and waited, scanning one another's motions, when the first descends, the others follow, follow, gather flock-wise round their victim, sick and wounded, first a shadow, then a sorrow, till the air is dark with anguish. now, o'er all the dreary northland, mighty peboan, the winter, breathing on the lakes and rivers, into stone had changed their waters. from his hair he shook the snowflakes, till the plains were strewn with whiteness, one uninterrupted level, as if, stooping, the creator with his hands had smoothed them over. through the forest, wide and wailing, roamed the hunter on his snow-shoes; in the village worked the women, pounded maize, or dressed the deer-skin; and the young men played together on the ice the noisy ball-play, on the plain the dance of snow-shoes. one dark evening, after sundown, in her wigwam laughing water sat with old nokomis, waiting for the steps of hiawatha homeward from the hunt returning. on their faces gleamed the fire-light, painting them with streaks of crimson, in the eyes of old nokomis glimmered like the watery moonlight, in the eyes of laughing water glistened like the sun in water; and behind them crouched their shadows in the corners of the wigwam, and the smoke in wreaths above them climbed and crowded through the smoke-flue. then the curtain of the doorway from without was slowly lifted; brighter glowed the fire a moment, and a moment swerved the smoke-wreath, as two women entered softly, passed the doorway uninvited, without word of salutation, without sign of recognition, sat down in the farthest corner, crouching low among the shadows. from their aspect and their garments, strangers seemed they in the village; very pale and haggard were they, as they sat there sad and silent, trembling, cowering with the shadows. was it the wind above the smoke-flue, muttering down into the wigwam? was it the owl, the koko-koho, hooting from the dismal forest? sure a voice said in the silence: "these are corpses clad in garments, these are ghosts that come to haunt you, from the kingdom of ponemah, from the land of the hereafter!" homeward now came hiawatha, from his hunting in the forest, with the snow upon his tresses, and the red deer on his shoulders. at the feet of laughing water down he threw his lifeless burden; nobler, handsomer she thought him than when he first came to woo her, first threw down the deer before her, as a token of his wishes, as a promise of the future. then he turned and saw the strangers, cowering, crouching with the shadows, said within himself, "who are they? what strange guests hast minnehaha?" but he questioned not the strangers, only spake to bid them welcome to his lodge, his food, his fireside. when the evening meal was ready, and the deer had been divided, both the pallid guests, the strangers, springing from among the shadows, seized upon the choicest portions, seized the white fat of the roebuck, set apart for laughing water, for the wife of hiawatha; without asking, without thanking, eagerly devoured the morsels, flitted back among the shadows in the corner of the wigwam. not a word spake hiawatha, not a motion made nokomis, not a gesture laughing water; not a change came o'er their features, only minnehaha softly whispered, saying, "they are famished; let them do what best delights them; let them eat, for they are famished." many a daylight dawned and darkened, many a night shook off the daylight as the pine shakes off the snow-flakes from the midnight of its branches; day by day the guests unmoving sat there silent in the wigwam; but by night, in storm or starlight, forth they went into the forest, bringing fire-wood to the wigwam, bringing pine-cones for the burning, always sad and always silent. and whenever hiawatha came from fishing or from hunting, when the evening meal was ready, and the food had been divided, gliding from their darksome corner, came the pallid guests, the strangers, seized upon the choicest portions set aside for laughing water, and without rebuke or question flitted back among the shadows. never once had hiawatha by a word or look reproved them; never once had old nokomis made a gesture of impatience; never once had laughing water shown resentment at the outrage. all had they endured in silence, that the rights of guest and stranger, that the virtue of free-giving, by a look might not be lessened, by a word might not be broken. once at midnight hiawatha, ever wakeful, ever watchful, in the wigwam, dimly lighted by the brands that still were burning, by the glimmering, flickering firelight, heard a sighing, oft repeated, heard a sobbing, as of sorrow. from his couch rose hiawatha, from his shaggy hides of bison, pushed aside the deer-skin curtain, saw the pallid guests, the shadows, sitting upright on their couches, weeping in the silent midnight. and he said: "o guests! why is it that your hearts are so afflicted, that you sob so in the midnight? has perchance the old nokomis, has my wife, my minnehaha, wronged or grieved you by unkindness, failed in hospitable duties?" then the shadows ceased from weeping, ceased from sobbing and lamenting, and they said, with gentle voices "we are ghosts of the departed, souls of those who once were with you. from the realms of chibiabos hither have we come to try you, hither have we come to warn you. "cries of grief and lamentation reach us in the blessed islands; cries of anguish from the living, calling back their friends departed, sadden us with useless sorrow. therefore have we come to try you; no one knows us, no one heeds us. we are but a burden to you, and we see that the departed have no place among the living. "think of this, o hiawatha! speak of it to all the people, that henceforward and forever they no more with lamentations sadden the souls of the departed in the islands of the blessed. "do not lay such heavy burdens in the graves of those you bury, not such weight of furs and wampum, not such weight of pots and kettles, for the spirits faint beneath them. only give them food to carry, only give them fire to light them. "four days is the spirit's journey to the land of ghosts and shadows, four its lonely night encampments; four times must their fires be lighted. therefore, when the dead are buried, let a fire, as night approaches, four times on the grave be kindled, that the soul upon its journey may not lack the cheerful fire-light, may not grope about in darkness. "farewell, noble hiawatha! we have put you to the trial, to the proof have put your patience, by the insult of our presence, by the outrage of our actions. we have found you great and noble. fail not in the greater trial, faint not in the harder struggle." when they ceased, a sudden darkness fell and filled the silent wigwam. hiawatha heard a rustle as of garments trailing by him, heard the curtain of the doorway lifted by a hand he saw not, felt the cold breath of the night air, for a moment saw the starlight; but he saw the ghosts no longer, saw no more the wandering spirits from the kingdom of ponemah, from the land of the hereafter. xx the famine o the long and dreary winter! o the cold and cruel winter! ever thicker, thicker, thicker froze the ice on lake and river, ever deeper, deeper, deeper fell the snow o'er all the landscape, fell the covering snow, and drifted through the forest, round the village. hardly from his buried wigwam could the hunter force a passage; with his mittens and his snow-shoes vainly walked he through the forest, sought for bird or beast and found none, saw no track of deer or rabbit, in the snow beheld no footprints, in the ghastly, gleaming forest fell, and could not rise from weakness. perished there from cold and hunger. o the famine and the fever! o the wasting of the famine! o the blasting of the fever! o the wailing of the children! o the anguish of the women! all the earth was sick and famished; hungry was the air around them, hungry was the sky above them, and the hungry stars in heaven like the eyes of wolves glared at them! into hiawatha's wigwam came two other guests, as silent as the ghosts were, and as gloomy, waited not to be invited, did not parley at the doorway, sat there without word of welcome in the seat of laughing water; looked with haggard eyes and hollow at the face of laughing water. and the foremost said: "behold me! i am famine, bukadawin!" and the other said: "behold me! i am fever, ahkosewin!" and the lovely minnehaha shuddered as they looked upon her, shuddered at the words they uttered, lay down on her bed in silence, hid her face, but made no answer; lay there trembling, freezing, burning at the looks they cast upon her, at the fearful words they uttered. forth into the empty forest rushed the maddened hiawatha; in his heart was deadly sorrow, in his face a stony firmness; on his brow the sweat of anguish started, but it froze and fell not. wrapped in furs and armed for hunting, with his mighty bow of ash-tree, with his quiver full of arrows, with his mittens, minjekahwun, into the vast and vacant forest on his snow-shoes strode he forward. "gitche manito, the mighty!" cried he with his face uplifted in that bitter hour of anguish, "give your children food, o father! give us food, or we must perish! give me food for minnehaha, for my dying minnehaha!" through the far-resounding forest, through the forest vast and vacant rang that cry of desolation, but there came no other answer than the echo of his crying, than the echo of the woodlands, "minnehaha! minnehaha!" all day long roved hiawatha in that melancholy forest, through the shadow of whose thickets, in the pleasant days of summer, of that ne'er forgotten summer, he had brought his young wife homeward from the land of the dacotahs; when the birds sang in the thickets, and the streamlets laughed and glistened, and the air was full of fragrance, and the lovely laughing water said, with voice that did not tremble: "i will follow you, my husband!" in the wigwam with nokomis with those gloomy guests, that watched her, with the famine and the fever, she was lying, the beloved, she the dying minnehaha. "hark!" she said; "i hear a rushing, hear a roaring and a rushing, hear the falls of minnehaha calling to me from a distance!" "no, my child!" said old nokomis, "'tis the night-wind in the pine-trees!" "look!" she said; "i see my father standing lonely at his doorway, beckoning to me from his wigwam in the land of the dacotahs!" "no, my child!" said old nokomis, "'tis the smoke, that waves and beckons!" "ah!" said she, "the eyes of pauguk glare upon me in the darkness, i can feel his icy fingers clasping mine amid the darkness! hiawatha! hiawatha!" and the desolate hiawatha, far away amid the forest, miles away among the mountains, heard that sudden cry of anguish, heard the voice of minnehaha calling to him in the darkness, "hiawatha! hiawatha!" over the snow-fields waste and pathless, under snow-encumbered branches, homeward hurried hiawatha, empty-handed, heavy-hearted, heard nokomis moaning, wailing: "wahonowin! wahonowin! would that i had perished for you, would that i were dead as you are! wahonowin! wahonowin!" and he rushed into the wigwam, saw the old nokomis slowly rocking to and fro and moaning, saw his lovely minnehaha lying dead and cold before him, and his bursting heart within him uttered such a cry of anguish that the forest moaned and shuddered, that the very stars in heaven shook and trembled with his anguish. then he sat down, still and speechless, on the bed of minnehaha, at the feet of laughing water, at those willing feet, that never more would lightly run to meet him, never more would lightly follow. with both hands his face he covered, seven long days and nights he sat there, as if in a swoon he sat there, speechless, motionless, unconscious of the daylight or the darkness. then he buried minnehaha; in the snow a grave they made her, in the forest deep and darksome, underneath the moaning hemlocks; clothed her in her richest garments, wrapped her in her robes of ermine; covered her with snow, like ermine, thus they buried minnehaha. and at night a fire was lighted, on her grave four times was kindled, for her soul upon its journey to the islands of the blessed. from his doorway hiawatha saw it burning in the forest, lighting up the gloomy hemlocks; from his sleepless bed uprising, from the bed of minnehaha, stood and watched it at the doorway, that it might not be extinguished, might not leave her in the darkness. "farewell!" said he, "minnehaha! farewell, o my laughing water! all my heart is buried with you, all my thoughts go onward with you! come not back again to labor, come not back again to suffer, where the famine and the fever wear the heart and waste the body. soon my task will be completed, soon your footsteps i shall follow to the islands of the blessed, to the kingdom of ponemah, to the land of the hereafter!" xxi the white man's foot in his lodge beside a river, close beside a frozen river, sat an old man, sad and lonely. white his hair was as a snow-drift; dull and low his fire was burning, and the old man shook and trembled, folded in his waubewyon, in his tattered white skin-wrapper, hearing nothing but the tempest as it roared along the forest, seeing nothing but the snow-storm, as it whirled and hissed and drifted. all the coals were white with ashes, and the fire was slowly dying, as a young man, walking lightly, at the open doorway entered. red with blood of youth his cheeks were, soft his eyes, as stars in spring-time, bound his forehead was with grasses, bound and plumed with scented grasses; on his lips a smile of beauty, filling all the lodge with sunshine, in his hand a bunch of blossoms filling all the lodge with sweetness. "ah, my son!" exclaimed the old man, "happy are my eyes to see you. sit here on the mat beside me, sit here by the dying embers; let us pass the night together. tell me of your strange adventures, of the lands where you have travelled; i will tell you of my prowess, of my many deeds of wonder." from his pouch he drew his peace-pipe, very old and strangely fashioned, made of red stone was the pipe-head, and the stem a reed with feathers, filled the pipe with bark of willow, placed a burning coal upon it, gave it to his guest, the stranger; and began to speak in this wise: "when i blow my breath about me, when i breathe upon the landscape, motionless are all the rivers, hard as stone becomes the water!" and the young man answered, smiling: "when i blow my breath about me, when i breathe upon the landscape, flowers spring up o'er all the meadows, singing, onward rush the rivers!" "when i shake my hoary tresses," said the old man, darkly frowning, "all the land with snow is covered; all the leaves from all the branches fall and fade and die and wither, for i breathe, and lo! they are not. from the waters and the marshes rise the wild goose and the heron, fly away to distant regions, for i speak, and lo! they are not. and where'er my footsteps wander, all the wild beasts of the forest hide themselves in holes and caverns, and the earth becomes as flint-stone!" "when i shake my flowing ringlets," said the young man, softly laughing, "showers of rain fall warm and welcome, plants lift up their heads rejoicing, back unto their lakes and marshes come the wild goose and the heron, homeward shoots the arrowy swallow, sing the bluebird and the robin, and where'er my footsteps wander, all the meadows wave with blossoms, all the woodlands ring with music, all the trees are dark with foliage!" while they spake, the night departed; from the distant realms of wabun, from his shining lodge of silver, like a warrior robed and painted, came the sun, and said, "behold me! gheezis, the great sun, behold me!" then the old man's tongue was speechless. and the air grew warm and pleasant, and upon the wigwam sweetly sang the bluebird and the robin, and the stream began to murmur, and a scent of growing grasses through the lodge was gently wafted. and segwun, the youthful stranger, more distinctly in the daylight saw the icy face before him: it was peboan, the winter! from his eyes the tears were flowing, as from melting lakes the streamlets, and his body shrank and dwindled as the shouting sun ascended, till into the air it faded, till into the ground it vanished, and the young man saw before him, on the hearth-stone of the wigwam, where the fire had smoked and smouldered, saw the earliest flower of spring-time saw the beauty of the spring-time. saw the miskodeed in blossom. thus it was that in the north-land after that unheard-of coldness, that intolerable winter, came the spring with all its splendor. all its birds and all its blossoms, all its flowers and leaves and grasses. sailing on the wind to northward, flying in great flocks, like arrows, like huge arrows shot through heaven, passed the swan, the mahnahbezee, speaking almost as a man speaks; and in long lines waving, bending like a bow-string snapped asunder, came the white goose, waw-be-wawa: and the pairs or singly flying, mahng the loon, with clangorous pinions, the blue heron, the shuh-shuh-gah, and the grouse, the mushkodasa. in the thickets, and the meadows piped the bluebird, the owaissa, on the summit of the lodges sang the opechee, the robin, in the cover of the pine-trees cooed the pigeon, the omemee, and the sorrowing hiawatha, speechless in his infinite sorrow, heard their voices calling to him, went forth from his gloomy doorway, stood and gazed into the heaven, gazed upon the earth and waters. from his wanderings far to eastward, from the regions of the morning, from the shining land of wabun, homeward now returned iagoo, the great traveller, the great boaster, full of new and strange adventures, marvels many and many wonders. and the people of the village listened to him as he told them of his marvellous adventures, laughing answered him in this wise: "ugh! it is indeed iagoo! no one else beholds such wonders!" he had seen, he said, a water bigger than the big-sea-water, broader than the gitche gumee, bitter so that none could drink it! at each other looked the warriors, looked the women at each other, smiled and said, "it cannot be so! kaw!" they said, "it cannot be so!" o'er it, said he, o'er this water came a great canoe with pinions, a canoe with wings came flying, bigger than a grove of pine-trees, taller than the tallest tree-tops!" and the old men and the women looked and tittered at each other; "kaw!" they said, "we don't believe it!" from its mouth, he said, to greet him, came waywassimo, the lightning, came the thunder, annemeekee! and the warriors and the women laughed aloud at poor iagoo; "kaw!" they said, "what tales you tell us!" in it, said he, came a people, in the great canoe with pinions came, he said, a hundred warriors; painted white were all their faces and with hair their chins were covered!" and the warriors and the women laughed and shouted in derision, like the ravens on the tree-tops, like the crows upon the hemlocks. "kaw!" they said, "what lies you tell us! do not think that we believe them!" only hiawatha laughed not, but he gravely spake and answered to their jeering and their jesting: "true is all iagoo tells us; i have seen it in a vision, seen the great canoe with pinions, seen the people with white faces, seen the coming of this bearded people of the wooden vessel from the regions of the morning, from the shining land of wabun. "gitche manito, the mighty, the great spirit, the creator, sends them hither on his errand, sends them to us with his message. wheresoe'er they move, before them swarms the stinging fly, the ahmo, swarms the bee, the honey-maker; wheresoe'er they tread, beneath them springs a flower unknown among us, springs the white-man's foot in blossom. "let us welcome, then, the strangers, hail them as our friends and brothers, and the heart's right hand of friendship give them when they come to see us. gitche manito, the mighty, said this to me in my vision. "i beheld, too, in that vision all the secrets of the future, of the distant days that shall be. i beheld the westward marches of the unknown, crowded nations. all the land was full of people, restless, struggling, toiling, striving, speaking many tongues, yet feeling but one heart-beat in their bosoms. in the woodlands rang their axes, smoked their towns in all the valleys, over all the lakes and rivers rushed their great canoes of thunder. "then a darker, drearier vision passed before me, vague and cloudlike i beheld our nation scattered, all forgetful of my counsels, weakened, warring with each other; saw the remnants of our people sweeping westward, wild and woeful, like the cloud-rack of a tempest, like the withered leaves of autumn!" xxii hiawatha's departure by the shore of gitche gumee, by the shining big-sea-water, at the doorway of his wigwam, in the pleasant summer morning, hiawatha stood and waited. all the air was full of freshness, all the earth was bright and joyous, and before him, through the sunshine, westward toward the neighboring forest passed in golden swarms the ahmo, passed the bees, the honey-makers, burning, singing in the sunshine. bright above him shone the heavens, level spread the lake before him; from its bosom leaped the sturgeon, sparkling, flashing in the sunshine; on its margin the great forest stood reflected in the water, every tree-top had its shadow, motionless beneath the water. from the brow of hiawatha gone was every trace of sorrow, as the fog from off the water, as the mist from off the meadow. with a smile of joy and triumph, with a look of exultation, as of one who in a vision sees what is to be, but is not, stood and waited hiawatha. toward the sun his hands were lifted, both the palms spread out against it, and between the parted fingers fell the sunshine on his features, flecked with light his naked shoulders, as it falls and flecks an oak-tree through the rifted leaves and branches. o'er the water floating, flying, something in the hazy distance, something in the mists of morning, loomed and lifted from the water, now seemed floating, now seemed flying, coming nearer, nearer, nearer. was it shingebis, the diver? was it the pelican, the shada? or the heron, the shuh-shuh-gah? or the white goose, waw-be-wawa, with the water dripping, flashing, from its glossy neck and feathers? it was neither goose nor diver, neither pelican nor heron, o'er the water floating, flying, through the shining mist of morning, but a birch-canoe with paddles, rising, sinking on the water, dripping, flashing in the sunshine; and within it came a people from the distant land of wabun, from the farthest realms of morning came the black-robe chief, the prophet, he the priest of prayer, the pale-face, with his guides and his companions. and the noble hiawatha, with his hands aloft extended, held aloft in sign of welcome, waited, full of exultation, till the birch-canoe with paddles grated on the shining pebbles, stranded on the sandy margin, till the black-robe chief, the pale-face, with the cross upon his bosom, landed on the sandy margin. then the joyous hiawatha cried aloud and spake in this wise: "beautiful is the sun, o strangers, when you come so far to see us! all our town in peace awaits you, all our doors stand open for you; you shall enter all our wigwams, for the heart's right hand we give you. "never bloomed the earth so gayly, never shone the sun so brightly, as to-day they shine and blossom, when you come so far to see us! never was our lake so tranquil, nor so free from rocks and sand-bars; for your birch-canoe in passing has removed both rock and sand-bar. "never before had our tobacco such a sweet and pleasant flavor, never the broad leaves of our cornfields were so beautiful to look on as they seem to us this morning, when you come so far to see us!" and the black-robe chief made answer, stammered in his speech a little, speaking words yet unfamiliar: "peace be with you, hiawatha, peace be with you and your people, peace of prayer, and peace of pardon, peace of christ, and joy of mary!" then the generous hiawatha led the strangers to his wigwam, seated them on skins of bison, seated them on skins of ermine, and the careful old nokomis brought them food in bowls of bass-wood, water brought in birchen dippers, and the calumet, the peace-pipe, filled and lighted for their smoking. all the old men of the village, all the warriors of the nation, all the jossakeeds, the prophets, the magicians, the wabenos, and the medicine-men, the medas, came to bid the strangers welcome: "it is well," they said, "o brothers, that you come so far to see us!" in a circle round the doorway, with their pipes they sat in silence, waiting to behold the strangers, waiting to receive their message; till the black-robe chief, the pale-face, from the wigwam came to greet them, stammering in his speech a little, speaking words yet unfamiliar; "it is well," they said, "o brother, when you come so far to see us!" then the black-robe chief, the prophet, told his message to the people, told the purport of his mission, told them of the virgin mary, and her blessed son, the saviour, how in distant lands and ages he had lived on earth as we do; how he fasted, prayed, and labored; how the jews, the tribe accursed, mocked him, scourged him, crucified him; how he rose from where they laid him, walked again with his disciples, and ascended into heaven. and the chiefs made answer saying: "we have listened to your message, we have heard your words of wisdom, we will think on what you tell us. it is well for us, o brothers, that you come so far to see us!" [illustration: "westward, westward, hiawatha sailed into the fiery sunset"--_page _] then they rose up and departed each one homeward to his wigwam, to the young men and the women told the story of the strangers whom the master of life had sent them from the shining land of wabun. heavy with the heat and silence grew the afternoon of summer; with a drowsy sound the forest whispered round the sultry wigwam, with a sound of sleep the water rippled on the beach below it; from the cornfields shrill and ceaseless sang the grasshopper, pah-puk-keena; and the guests of hiawatha, weary with the heat of summer, slumbered in the sultry wigwam. slowly o'er the simmering landscape fell the evening's dusk and coolness, and the long and level sunbeams shot their spears into the forest, breaking through its shields of shadow, rushed into each secret ambush, searched each thicket, dingle, hollow; still the guests of hiawatha slumbered in the silent wigwam. from his place rose hiawatha, bade farewell to old nokomis, spake in whispers, spake in this wise, did not wake the guests, that slumbered: "i am going, o nokomis, on a long and distant journey, to the portals of the sunset, to the regions of the home-wind, of the northwest wind, keewaydin. but these guests i leave behind me, in your watch and ward i leave them; see that never harm comes near them, see that never fear molests them, never danger nor suspicion, never want of food or shelter, in the lodge of hiawatha!" forth into the village went he, bade farewell to all the warriors, bade farewell to all the young men, spake persuading, spake in this wise: "i am going, o my people, on a long and distant journey; many moons and many winters will have come and will have vanished. ere i come again to see you. but my guests i leave behind me; listen to their words of wisdom, listen to the truth they tell you, for the master of life has sent them from the land of light and morning!" on the shore stood hiawatha, turned and waved his hand at parting; on the clear and luminous water launched his birch-canoe for sailing, from the pebbles of the margin shoved it forth into the water; whispered to it, "westward! westward!" and with speed it darted forward. and the evening sun descending set the clouds on fire with redness, burned the broad sky, like a prairie, left upon the level water one long track and trail of splendor, down whose stream, as down a river, westward, westward hiawatha sailed into the fiery sunset, sailed into the purple vapors, sailed into the dusk of evening. and the people from the margin watched him floating, rising, sinking, till the birch canoe seemed lifted high into that sea of splendor, till it sank into the vapors like the new moon slowly, slowly sinking in the purple distance. and they said, "farewell forever!" said, "farewell, o hiawatha!" and the forests, dark and lonely, moved through all their depths of darkness, sighed, "farewell, o hiawatha!" and the waves upon the margin rising, rippling on the pebbles, sobbed, "farewell, o hiawatha!" and the heron, the shuh-shuh-gah, from her haunts among the fen-lands screamed, "farewell, o hiawatha!" thus departed hiawatha, hiawatha, the beloved, in the glory of the sunset, in the purple mists of evening, to the regions of the home-wind, of the northwest wind keewaydin, to the islands of the blessed, to the kingdom of ponemah, to the land of the hereafter! the end * * * * * transcriber's notes: obvious punctuation errors repaired. extremely varied hyphenation was retained. transcriber notes text emphasis displayed as _italics_. _this is one of an edition of copies printed october, , of which this is number_ _the legends of the iroquois_ [illustration] +--------------------------------------------------------------+ | +----------------------------------------------------------+ | | | | | | | _the legends of the_ | | | | _iroquois_ | | | | | | | | told by "the cornplanter" | | | | | | | | | | | | ----------- | | | | | | | | | | | | _from authoritative_ | | | | _notes and studies_ | | | | | | | | _by william w. canfield_ | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | [illustration] | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | _york_ | | | | | | | | _a. wessels company_ | | | | | | | | _mcmii_ | | | | | | | +----------------------------------------------------------+ | +--------------------------------------------------------------+ copyright, by a. wessels company new york (published october, ) _contents_ about indian legends the authority the confederation of the iroquois birth of the arbutus a legend of the river legends of the corn the first winter the great mosquito the story of oniata the mirror in the water the buzzard's covering origin of the violet the turtle clan the healing waters the sacrifice of aliquipiso why the animals do not talk the message bearers the wise sachem's gift the flying head the ash tree the hunter hiawatha the peacemaker an unwelcome visitor bits of folk-lore the happy hunting-grounds the sacred stone of the oneidas notes to the legends _about indian legends_ about indian legends the indians neither built monuments nor wrote books. the only records they made were those picture writings known in after years as wampum, which were mere symbols, recording feats of arms. consequently, all that is known of them prior to the coming to america of europeans is traditional or conjectural. not a page of their history has ever been written by any save their foes, and the history thus written is so distorted and marred by prejudice that much of it is misleading. in the veins of the red man ran the wild poetry and imagination of the hunt, the chase, the battle, the capture, the dance, the forests, the valleys, the mountains, the streams, lakes and rivers, for a thousand generations; and yet they were without accomplishment in letters or arts. is it, therefore, strange that they held in great reverence the traditions and legends common in their tribes--revered them as the early christians revered the first copies of the sacred writings? these legends were told over again and again for unknown years. they were transmitted from one to another, as the unwritten work of freemasonry has been transmitted by frequent and careful repetition. they were not bandied about like ordinary stories, but, repeated with something of a religious or sacramental spirit, as though the tales imparted an especial virtue to those who learned them from reliable sources; were held as sacred as we hold the transactions of an honored secret society. the legends common to one clan were known all over the continent wherever indians of that clan lived, and there is little doubt that many of the legends of the iroquois can be found in some form among those of the western indian tribes of the present time. yet the traditions of the iroquois herein contained are known positively to be two hundred years old, and are confidently believed to be the stories told by the red men thousands of years ago. the indians never explained anything by the science of natural philosophy. every effect had to them a mysterious, supernatural cause. they could not comprehend how sound thrown against an obstructing surface would be repeated and form an echo. instead they found supernatural reasons for the phenomenon, and certainly very pretty ones. only the absurdity of their ideas may appear to some, for in the light of present intelligence they are absurd, but, none the less, they are beautiful. if our forefathers had taken more interest in the peoples they found on the western continent, spending less of their energies in devising plans for cheating the indians out of their furs and lands--a policy their descendants have closely followed and admirably succeeded in--our libraries might contain volumes of fairy tales that would delight the youth of many generations. it is not too much to ask the reader to remember that these stories were told in the homes of the red men many centuries ago, long before they learned from the whites the cruel, heartless, treacherous and vindictive characteristics that unfair history has fastened upon them as natural and inherent traits. if this is borne in mind, the perusal and study of these stories will, it is believed, give as much pleasure to the reader as the study of the indian character, made necessary in order to properly clothe their almost forgotten legends with something like their original embellishment, has given the author. _the authority_ the authority it is not the purpose of this volume to deal to any considerable extent with the history of the indians, but simply to present some of the legends of the iroquois. to the reader or student, however, is due a brief statement as to the authority from which the folk-lore contained herein has been drawn, that there may remain no question as to its reliability. a few years after the close of the war of the revolution one of the pioneers of western new york, who was in the service of the holland land company, made the acquaintance and won the friendship of the seneca chief, the cornplanter, (gy-ant-wah-chi, or, as written by some authorities, gar-yan-wah-ga). the friendship continued as long as the two men lived and was marked by its cordiality. in their intercourse they were thrown together many winters, and the cornplanter was led to talk freely of his people, their past, their present condition, and their future, and it was during these confidences that the indian told his white friend many of the iroquois legends. to the recollections of the cornplanter was added the knowledge possessed upon the subject by the nephew (governor blacksnake), who resided upon the same reservation and in the immediate vicinity, and that of "other old men and leaders of these indians." the legends were preserved in outline notes upon the blank pages of some diaries and civil engineer field-books which the white man was accustomed to keep; and these outlines, with full oral explanations came finally into the possession of the present writer. about twenty-five years ago the work of their further verification by means of inquiries made of some of the most intelligent indians in new york state was commenced. many of those consulted had only imperfect knowledge of the legends, others knew one or more of the stories, and, by aid of the outlines referred to above, were able to assist in the work of their restoration. among those who gave most valuable assistance was simon blackchief and his mother. the latter spoke only in the indian tongue, and her version of such of the stories as she had heard in her girlhood was translated by her son. chief john mountpleasant, harrison halftown, elias johnson and john kinjocity also gave valuable assistance. the late b. giles casler, who was the united states indian agent for new york state for a term of years, accompanied the author upon a number of visits to several of the reservations. through these helps, and by a study pursued under the favoring circumstance of former residence in close proximity to the allegany reservation, the present writer believes that he has succeeded in bringing these legends to a point approximating their original beauty. in their elaboration care has been taken not to depart from the simplicity and directness of statement characteristic of the indian, and only such additions that seemed to be warranted have been made. whenever the primary authority for a legend is other than the cornplanter, the fact is mentioned in the appended notes. although the cornplanter was a half-breed, he was more thoroughly acquainted with the traditions of his people than any contemporary chief in the nations comprising the iroquois. he was born in conewangus, on the genesee river, probably in the year , and died on cornplanter island in the allegany river, in the state of pennsylvania, near the new york line, march , , at the age of one hundred and four years. he was the son of john abeel (also written o'bail), a trader among the indians. his mother was an indian princess of the turtle clan. from his earliest recollection the cornplanter had a pronounced hatred of the whites, caused, no doubt, by the remembrance of the cruel treatment to which his mother was subjected by his father, who seems to have taken an indian wife in order that he might gain the friendship of the indians, and thus secure good bargains in trade. the errors of history have led us to believe that love or respect for a mother were sentiments almost foreign to the indian race. these feelings always existed among them, however, to a much greater degree than we are willing to concede, though their respect and love for women and children were greater before their simple natures were blunted and distorted by the vicious practices of the invading europeans. the cornplanter spent his early years at the council-fires, and became one of the most celebrated orators in the confederation of the six nations. he traveled from village to village and sought wisdom from the sages of the iroquois. it was during this portion of his life that he listened to the traditions that had descended from chief to chief over a period of three centuries. when he had acquired a reputation for bravery and woodcraft second to none of his race, he was unanimously chosen chief of the senecas, and came at once into prominence as the leader of the war-parties of that nation in alliance with the french against the english. he was present at the defeat of braddock, and, for a long time, by the most daring and cruel raids on the frontier settlements, spread destruction in the mohawk valley and in western new york. he was at that time an implacable foe to all white people, and the names of cornplanter, brant, and red jacket were synonymous with capture, torture and massacre. they were the chief councilors and leaders of their people and fought against every overture made by the whites. in , near the mouth of redbank creek, in pennsylvania, the cornplanter, with a large force of indians, engaged in battle against a party of whites, led by captain samuel brady. the engagement terminated in favor of the whites, and many of the indians were killed or wounded. the survivors fled to the river, then swollen with the spring rains, and dashed into its current. few succeeded in crossing; one by one they were swept down the stream or sank, pierced by the bullets of brady's men. the cornplanter reached the opposite shore almost alone. from that moment the high spirit of the daring chieftain began to falter and he sought peace, making, in , a treaty with "the great chief of the thirteen fires." the medal and other mementos given him by washington are still preserved by the descendants of the chief. he was put in possession of the island that bears his name, and ever afterwards devoted himself to farming and pursuits of peace. for many years he labored faithfully to eradicate the habits of intemperance into which his people had fallen, and, strange as it may seem, was the first temperance lecturer in the united states. he entertained the highest respect for washington, and visited him several times in philadelphia. it was during the last twenty years of the cornplanter's life that the legends herein contained were recalled and told. he did not speak of them generally, for he held them sacred, but reserved them for the ears of those in full sympathy with the people of which he was one of the last true representatives. he told them with an intensity of feeling that was pitiful, for it was plain he realized that the greatness of his people had disappeared, leaving neither monuments nor achievements to mark their place in the history of the world. the cornplanter died a strong believer in the religion of the red men, and looked forward with an eye of faith towards the happy hunting-grounds, for which countless generations of his people had been taught to hope. _the legends_ the confederation of the iroquois there was peace in the land of the senecas. the red men were away upon the chase, or busied themselves in fashioning the arrow-points and in shaping the mighty bows from which the shafts of death were sent forth when food was needed in the wigwam. the indian women stooped among the blades of growing corn and tilled the soil between the thrifty stalks with sharp-pointed branches from the strong young hickory. the children ran and leaped in the sunshine and their laughter filled the air and mingled with the low, crooning songs of the old men and women who watched them, while dreams of their youth rose like phantoms from the past. under the fresh verdure of a new-born summer, groups of the young men and maidens were plaiting the soft and flexible willows into baskets, mats and coverings. abroad on the hills the medicine men roamed, marking the places where the prized and cherished herbs that drove away the bad spirits of suffering and sickness had put forth their vigorous shoots. there was peace in the land of the senecas, and for many moons they had waged no war against their brothers. their villages were growing in strength; their numbers were increasing in greatness. the young men were taught to follow the chase, but their ears had drunk the stones of wars, and their hearts burned to be upon the trail, seeking conquest over the powerful tribes of the mohawks, onondagas or oneidas. when the soft winds came, some of them said to their elders, "we will go into the country of the mohawks and learn from our brothers there if the manito gave them corn for the winter, and if the venison was sweet to their tongues." five suns they threaded the forests and sported along the pleasant streams. at last they came upon some young men and maidens of the mohawk nation engaged in preparing the ground for the maize. forgetting the counsels of their elders, or heedless of what they had said to them, and eager to show their cunning, they surprised and bound the young mohawks and carried them away as captives toward the land of the senecas. when they had passed the homes of the onondagas, which they did without discovery, they released one of the young men and told him to go back to the mohawks and say to them that they would find their maidens in the wigwams of the senecas, their young men slaves in the villages. the wise men and sachems of the council shook, their heads gravely when the young warriors boasted of their conquest, for they knew that the peace of the senecas was broken. a few days had passed, when, one evening as the fires began to cast their red lights against the rough sides of the great trees, five mohawk warriors appeared at the council village of the senecas. "let the swift runners say to the chiefs of the senecas that the warriors of the mohawks have been long upon the trail and must not sleep. by the light of the council-fire they would tell the message that is sweet to the tongues of the mohawks but which will burn the ears of the senecas who listen." thus spoke orontadeka, the strong chief of the mohawks, as he strode to the council-place of the senecas, followed by the four solemn and determined sachems who accompanied him on the mission. they at once took seats upon the ground and in silence awaited the coming of the senecas. soon the fire-keepers of the tribe came to the council-place, and with due ceremony started three fires. when the last was lighted, the seneca chiefs, sachems and warriors took their stations in silence around the blazing resinous wood. dark forms hurried from the well-beaten paths which led through the forest to the different villages of the senecas, and, without a word or sign of recognition, the warriors who had been notified by the swift runners and had come from their distant homes, took their places by the council-fire. at length, when all had assembled, the seneca chief, kanyego, arose and said: "will the great chiefs of the mohawks eat?" "the mohawks have heavy trouble on their hearts and the food of the senecas would choke their voices," replied orontadeka. "shall the bowl of the pipe be filled, that the mohawks may be happy in its visions?" again asked kanyego. "the mohawks would see clearly, and the clouds from the peacemaker might blind their eyes," was the reply. "the senecas have food for their brothers, the mohawks, and the fire-keepers have in readiness the pipe that the great spirit gave to our fathers," said kanyego. "the senecas also have ears to hear what the mohawks would say. let orontadeka speak." rising suddenly from his crouching position on the ground, orontadeka walked rapidly around the council-fires several times and then addressed the assemblage: "my brothers: when the warm suns came and the death-sheets of snow that covered the ground were turned to leaping streams of laughing water, the mohawks were happy in their homes, where kanyego has many times smoked the pipe of peace and eaten the food given him by his brothers. the plague had not come from its home in the north during the winter, and the wigwams were fat with their store of corn and beans. the swift runners went away to the shining waters beyond the big mountains, and after many suns they returned to say that the enemies of the mohawks had gone beyond the great pine trees and would plant and till new fields and follow the chase in strange forests. "my brothers: the mohawks were happy, for their wigwams had need to be made greater, and there is much work for the men to do. the women and children sang because the warriors went not upon the trail, and the old men turned their thoughts to the passing of peaceful days in the villages. suddenly an alarm came to our ears, and the hopes in our hearts fled in terror. as the red fox steals upon the nest of the partridge and carries her chickens away to his home in the rocks, so came those who should be our friends and took as prisoners three of our young men and their five sisters. when the great light drew within the door of his wigwam, the people in the village looked in vain for the coming of their children. the grief of the lonely parents whose children were lost went out to all our villages. after seven suns a party of our warriors came upon one of the young men wandering alone and without food in the forest. then to our wondering ears came the story that his brothers were slaves in the land of the senecas, and that his sisters had become the wives of the seneca robbers. "my brothers: the council-fire was lighted at night, for the mohawks must talk of war. gwagonsha stood before his people and told them how he had heard the birds and the wind talking together in the tree-tops, and how they agreed between them that the senecas had wandered away toward the warm lands, and the wolves now lived in their deserted lodges. owennogon said that even the fishes knew that the senecas were afraid to seek their slaves in the cat nation beyond the thundering waters, and for that reason they had sent out scouts to steal children. kanentagoura stood before the council-fire and said that the women of the senecas were no longer young, but came into the world with many moons upon their heads, while their backs were bent with age, and wrinkles were upon their faces. if the seneca warriors would have wives they must steal them from the mohawks, the onondagas or the oneidas, for they had no wampum or canoes with which to buy them. kantaga told his people that their arrows must be made ready and the thongs of their bows must be strengthened. if the senecas had gone away to the warm lands, and wolves had taken possession of their villages, the wolves must be killed, for they were dangerous animals. if the senecas had become cowards and were afraid to seek their slaves in the cat nation, they should be killed, for the earth had no room upon it for cowards. or, if the women of the senecas were such monsters that they could not be taken as wives, and the senecas had no wampum or canoes with which to buy maidens for their wigwams, then they must surely be killed, for the great spirit was displeased with them. "my brothers: the warriors of the mohawks set out at once through the forest-paths for the land of the senecas, and when they reached the village of the onondagas they told them the cause of their journey, and the warriors of the onondagas left their lodges to the care of the old men and women and followed the mohawks on the trail. they remain beside the long waters while orontadeka and his friends visit the council-fire of the senecas. we look around us and we find that some of the stories told of the senecas are not true. the senecas still inhabit their own lodges, and have not been driven away by wolves. upon your streams and lakes are plenty of canoes, and in the wigwams hang many strings of wampum. the women of the senecas are not old and ugly, for we see maidens here whose eyes are like the fires lighted by the great spirit when the sun has gone in his wigwam, and whose forms are straight as the ash trees. "but we know that the young men of the mohawks were made slaves in the villages of the senecas, and that the mohawk maidens are now the wives of your young chiefs. we are full of sorrow. we have not sought war, and we know that much suffering must be the result, for the warriors of the mohawks and the onondagas are many and their arrows are long. they will burn your villages and send many of your warriors to their long journey. your wives and little ones will be driven helpless into the forest, and your old men will speak wisdom only to the fishes. the senecas are child-stealers and cowards, and the mohawks and onondagas will drive them to the warm lands, where they can wear the tobacco pouches of the women and become slaves." a murmur of sharp anger ran through the crowd of listening senecas when these bold words were spoken by orontadeka. a sudden gesture of kanyego, chief of the senecas, suppressed it, however, and he rose to make his reply. for a long time he stood silent, with folded arms and bent head, and then he said: "my brothers: when orontadeka, the mohawk, has walked forth in the forest and has watched the young of the bear at play, he has seen that they are never still, but are full of life and daring deeds, even though their parents reprove them with harsh voices. so has my brother seen the fawns run like the wind across the plains, darting back and forth as though they could never tire, until their elders draw in a circle about them and will not let them out. my brother knows that the young men are as full of life as the young animals, and, like the storms, cannot be restrained in their course by those who look upon their destructive ways with fear. "when the young men of the senecas journeyed on the trail they were counseled by their elders to be wise, but their ears were stopped and their eyes were closed to the dangers that lay in their path. they forgot what had been told them, and from the homes of the mohawks they brought maidens for their wigwams. they had fears that the young mohawk braves would be lost in the forest without the maidens to guide them, and so they led them to the land of the senecas, where they might be taught to fashion the bow and be of use to the women in keeping the birds from the corn. the chiefs and sachems of the senecas were not pleased that their young warriors should have done this, but young men should never be punished for deeds of bravery, even when they have forgotten the wise counsel of the old men, lest they become cowards. "my brothers: if the mohawks had come to the council-fire of the senecas and asked that canoes and wampum and the warm furs of the bear and the beaver be given them for their maidens the council would have heeded their request, for have we not plenty? even the young mohawks would have been returned to the care of their fathers, so that they might be kept safe and not become wanderers where the wolves and panthers might harm them. but the mohawks have not thought best to do this, and have come to the council-fire at night, when only war can be talked. they have refused to eat the food offered them by the senecas, and when the fire-keepers would light the peace-pipe, they turned their heads. they come to tell us that the warriors of the mohawks have aroused the warriors of the onondagas, who are now upon the trail, ready and waiting to destroy the homes of the senecas, and anxious to drive us from the land the great spirit gave us. "when the red men of the valley have come to the council-fire of the senecas without threats of war in their mouths they have always been welcome, and when they had talked they departed in peace. but now they come as spies and say that we are cowards, and bring the mohawk and onondaga warriors behind them to destroy our villages. for this reason let the mohawk chiefs remain at our council-fire and the young mohawk men and women will be brought to keep them company. if the warriors of the mohawks and onondagas come too close to the village of the senecas they will see orontadeka and his friends start forth on the long journey, and they will know that many will be sent to follow the same trail." the mohawks were wholly unprepared for this turn of affairs, which must have been agreed upon by the senecas before the council opened. they were quickly bound as prisoners. when the dawn broke the five mohawk chiefs, with the maidens and young men who had been stolen from their homes, were held under a strong guard on a slight eminence near the village, and the order had been given that if the invading warriors approached the village orontadeka and his fellow-prisoners should at once be put to death. scores of seneca scouts were scouring the woods in every direction, and a young seneca, fearless of the dangers to which he was exposed, had long ago started on his way to the camp of the superior force to inform them that the mohawk chiefs were held as hostages. he fulfilled his mission and was at once made a prisoner. in the seneca village all was activity. the women and children were making ready to hurry away under guard, while the warriors were planning ambuscades, in order that they might hold back the attacking force as long as possible and cover the escape of their women and children toward the south. the sun rose higher in the heavens and the scouts of the senecas returned one by one from the forest, telling of the advance of a great war-party of mohawks and onondagas. nearer and nearer they approached, evidently believing that their great numbers rendered caution unnecessary, and that the senecas would either flee in panic or sue for peace at whatever terms the invaders might dictate. a short distance from the village a party of five senecas came forward to meet them, and in loud voices warned their foes to approach no nearer if they would save the lives of their chiefs and of the indian boys and girls held as prisoners with them. a halt was called and the attacking party was upon the point of parleying with the senecas when the voice of orontadeka was heard: "the senecas should be driven away by the warriors of the mohawks and the onondagas," he cried, "for not only are they child-stealers and cowards, but traitors, who have forgotten that the great spirit made the council-fire and commanded that it should not be violated. orontadeka is ready to go on his long journey. let the warriors advance and see the cowards run through the forest. orontadeka and his friends will teach them how to die." the guards over the captive mohawks seized their victims and raised their heavy stone-hatchets to strike the death-blows. the mohawks and onondagas knew that advance on their part meant certain death to their chiefs and the other prisoners, but they prepared to go forward with a rush. then the voice of one of the young mohawk girls rose in a cry that fastened the attention of the warriors of both parties. her gaze was directed toward the sun, and from her lips came words that carried fear and consternation to all their hearts. "see, see, my brothers! the great spirit hides his smiling face and will not look upon the battle of the red men. he will go away and leave them in darkness if they burn the villages and with their poisoned arrows send the hunters and the women and the children on their long journey before they have been called. look thou, my brothers, he has seen the mohawk maidens happy in the lodges of the senecas, and he will not look upon them in misery and death. he hides his face, my brothers! he hides his face!" a moan of terrible fear went up from the warriors men who could meet death on the chase or in the battle with a smile were unnerved by that awful spectacle. they saw a black disc moving forward over the face of an unclouded sun. the guards released their prisoners and fell at their feet. mohawks, senecas and onondagas mingled, imploring each other for pardon and protesting the most profound friendship. the seneca women and children hurried from the woods, where they had been in hiding, and lent their voices to the general clamor of fear. the wild, savage faces, streaked with the various colored earths and pigments, were turned in fearful apprehension toward the fast-darkening heavens, becoming wilder and more savage by the terrible fear that filled them. the sachems and wise men hid their faces in their fur robes, and the warriors groveled in terror upon the ground. the eagle, the hawk and flocks of smaller birds darted blindly among the branches of the trees, while strange cries of alarm and distress came from every side. the panther and the bear ran whimpering and whining with the rabbit; the fox and other denizens of the forest sought the frightened red men for protection, or lay trembling and panting under the cover of some prostrate giant of the forest. on, on crept that fearful black shadow, eating its way into the disc of the beautiful sun, like a mighty demon that had come to blot out of existence the source of light and warmth and life, while over the fresh and budding earth spread the ghostly gloom that never fails to inspire the most careless observer with awe. the flowers that filled the woods with such profusion closed as though night had suddenly fallen upon them; the warmth and fragrance of the day that had opened with such glory gave way to the damps of evening, while the stars and planets appeared again in the heavens. over the whole face of nature was thrown an unearthly, cadaverous hue, and in the sudden chill everything was cold and sodden with the falling dew. at last, through that awful gloom, the frightened and trembling red men saw the once tall and erect, but now bent and tottering, form of sagoyountha, the aged sachem of the senecas, creeping forth from his wigwam. reaching the center of the terror-stricken assemblage, the aged man appeared to be suddenly endowed with the vigor of youth, and stood before them like a mighty warrior, while his scarred and wrinkled face, upon which had beaten the storms of more than a hundred winters, was turned toward the dread spectacle in the heavens, the like of which even sagoyountha had never looked upon. his voice rang once more with the clear tones that had awakened the echoes of the forests long before any of his listeners were born, and it sounded strangely sharp and loud in the awesome silence that prevailed. "my children, sagoyountha speaks to you in the voice of the past, but his eyes are looking into the future. the great spirit is angry with his children, for he would have them live in peace. he has drawn the door of his wigwam before his smiling face, and his children will see him no more, unless they smoke the pipe that he gave their fathers when he sent them forth from the happy hunting-grounds. sagoyountha has spoken. will his children hear his voice?" kanyego sprang from the ground as though stung by an adder, and, crouching low, ran rapidly to the village. he was absent but a few moments, and came running once more to the circle of chiefs, bearing in his hands the sacred pipe, in which was glowing the fragrant tobacco. from one to another it was hastily passed, while the anxious faces were upturned in mute appeal towards the darkened sun. look! ah, look! the aged sagoyountha reaches out his arms in supplication, and the bright and dazzling edge of the beautiful orb of day once more appears! shouts of joy arise from the red men, while the women and children cry aloud with gladness, as hope once more comes to their hearts. the aged sagoyountha sinks to the ground, and, with feeble voice and trembling lips, commences the chanting of his death-song. fainter and fainter are the words borne upon the air as the light of the sun increases, and, finally, the breathless throng lose the tones wafted back from the journeying spirit as it reaches the very portals of the happy hunting-grounds. in the light of the twice-dawned day, and in the presence of the sacred dead, who had pointed out to the red men the path by which to escape the displeasure of their father, the confederacy of the iroquois was formed. birth of the arbutus many, many moons ago there lived an old man alone in his lodge beside a frozen stream in the great forest beyond the wide waters of the northern lakes. his locks were long and white with age and frost. the fur of the bear and cunning beaver covered his body, but none too warmly, for snow and ice were everywhere. over all the earth there was winter. the winds came down the bleak mountain sides and wildly hurried through the branches of the trees and bushes, looking for song-birds that they might chill to the heart. even the evil spirits shivered in the desolation and sought to dig for themselves sheltering caves in the deep snow and ice. lonely and halting the old man went abroad in the forest, looking for the broken branches that had fallen from the trees that he might keep alive the fire in his lodge. few fagots could he find, and in despair he again sought his lodge, where, hovering over the fading embers on his hearth, he cried in anguish to the great spirit that he might not perish. then the wind moaned in the tree-tops and circling through the forests came back and blew aside the skin of the great bear hanging over his lodge door, and, lo! a beautiful maiden entered. her cheeks were red like the leaves of wild roses; her eyes were large and glowed like the eyes of the fawn at night; her hair was black as the wing of the crow, and so long that it brushed the ground as she walked. her hands were clad in willow buds; over her head was a crown of flowers; her mantle was woven with sweet grasses and ferns, and her moccasins were white lilies, laced and embroidered with the petals of honeysuckle. when she breathed, the air of the lodge became warm, and the cold winds rushed back in affright. the old man looked in wonder at his strange visitor, and then opened his lips and said: "my daughter, thou art welcome to the poor shelter of my cheerless lodge. it is lonely and desolate, and the great spirit has covered the fallen branches of the trees with his death-cloth that i may not find them and light again the fire of my lodge. come, sit thou here and tell me whom thou art that thou dost wander like the deer in the forest. tell me also of thy country and what people gave thee such beauty and grace, and then i, the desolate manito, will tell thee of my victories till thou dost weary of my greatness." the maiden smiled, and the sunlight streamed forth and shot its warmth through the roof of the lodge. the desolate manito filled his pipe of friendship, and when he had drawn of the fragrant tobacco, he said: "when i, the manito, blow the breath from my nostrils the waters of the river stand still, the great waves on the lakes rest, and the murmurings of the streams die away in silence." then the maiden said: "the manito is great and strong and the waters know the touch of his breath; but when i, the loved of the birds, smile, the flowers spring up over all the forest and the plains are covered with a carpet of green." then said the manito: "i shake my locks, and lo! the earth is wrapped in the death-cloth of snow." then the maiden replied: "i breathe into the air and the warm rains come and the death-cloth vanishes like the darkness when the great fire awakens from its bed in the morning." then the manito said: "when i walk about, the leaves die on the trees and fall to the ground; the birds desert their nests and fly away beyond the lakes; the animals bury themselves in holes in the earth or in caves in the mountain side, and the winds wail the death-chant over all the land." "ah, great is the manito," said the maiden, "and his mighty name is feared by all living things in the land. 'great is the manito,' says all the world, and his fame has spread among the children of the great spirit till they crouch with fear and say: 'mighty and cruel is the manito! terrible is the manito, and more cruel and cunning in his tortures than the red men. his strength is greater than the strength of the giant trees of the forest, for does he not rend them with his mighty hands?' but when i, the gentle maiden, walk forth, the trees cover with many leaves the nakedness which thou, the great manito, hath caused; the birds sing in the branches and build again the nests from which thou drivest them; the animals seek their mates and rear their young; the wind sings soft and pleasant music to the ears of the red man, while his wives and papooses sport in the warm sunshine near his wigwam." as the maiden spoke, the lodge grew warm and bright, but the boasting manito heeded it not, for his head drooped forward on his breast, and he slept. then the maiden passed her hands above the manito's head and he began to grow small. the blue birds came and filled the trees about the lodge and sang, while the rivers lifted up their waters and boiled with freedom. streams of water poured from the manito's mouth, and the garments that covered his shrunken and vanishing form turned into bright and glistening leaves. then the maiden knelt upon the ground and took from her bosom most precious and beautiful rose-white flowers. she hid them under the leaves all about her, and as she breathed with love upon them, said: "i give to you, oh! precious jewels, all my virtues and my sweetest breath, and men shall pluck thee with bowed head and on bended knee." then the maiden moved over the plains, the hills and the mountains. the birds and the winds sang together in joyous chorus, while the flowers lifted up their heads and greeted her with fragrance. wherever she stepped, and nowhere else, grows the arbutus. a legend of the river many hundred moons ago there dwelt among the senecas a maiden named tonadahwa, whom every young chief coveted to grace his wigwam. one of the young braves of her tribe had won her heart by imperiling his life to save her from impending danger, and to none other would she listen. her smiles were all for her hero, and her eyes lighted like the sunbeams when he was near. one day the maiden was urging her canoe swiftly along the river, little thinking that great danger awaited her and threatened her life and happiness. darting along the bank of the stream, unseen by tonadahwa, was a young seneca warrior, who had been a suitor for her hand, but whom she had spurned and avoided. her light canoe had borne her far from the village of the senecas, when she suddenly heard what she supposed was the call of her lover on the shore. resting on her paddle, tonadahwa listened and again heard the welcome call that deepened the rich color in her rounded cheeks. answering with a cry of joy, she headed the canoe toward the bank, and with a few strokes sent it gliding underneath the overhanging branches. but it was not the form of tonadahwa's lover that sprang suddenly into the canoe. it was that of the dark and angry rival, and she saw in his face a look of evil triumph. the maiden uttered no shriek, gave expression to no surprise, though her eyes darkened and her cheeks assumed a duskier hue. with an exclamation that almost drove hope from tonadahwa's heart, the hated lover caught the paddle from her hands and sent the light craft rapidly towards the middle of the stream. suddenly a bright object cleft the air and an arrow sped from the bank of the river and buried itself between the shoulders of the cowardly abductor as he bent forward to clasp the shrinking maiden in his arms. with a cry, the defeated rival leaped into the river, hurling the paddle from him as he sprang, and with his last remaining effort pushed the canoe and its occupant far out into the rapid current. the whirling, seething rapids caught the helpless craft and bore it onward with terrific speed. tonadahwa waved a farewell to her lover, and, chanting her death-song, which the pines along the shore caught and whispered, the canoe went flying amid the mist and spray of that roaring tide. green as the emerald, save where whipped into white foam or enshrouded in mist, the river rushed on, and the frail canoe, tossed as a plaything at the sport of the current, was whirled onward until lost in the roar and tumult of the impetuous flood. like the wind the despairing lover flew along the shore to the high banks overlooking the falls. there he paused a moment until the canoe and its precious freight were lost to view. then, raising his arms a moment toward the happy hunting-grounds, he leaped into the fearful abyss. but amid the pelting spray and beating flood appeared myriads of shadowy forms--spirits of the mighty braves who long before had found the land of pleasant forests. swiftly, yet gently, they lowered the form of the hero until he stood unharmed beneath the fall of roaring water, and received in his arms the unconscious form of tonadahwa, which was held by the braves to await his coming. clinging to the broken rocks, buffeted and blinded by the awful flood, the daring and triumphant seneca bore his loved burden to a place of safety and watched with thankfulness her return to consciousness and life. the pine trees ever after gently murmured tonadahwa's song, and, mingled with the roar of waters, listening lovers through all succeeding time can often hear the strange, weird cry of tonadahwa's lover as he plunged headlong after the beloved maiden. legends of the corn an old and honored chief went alone to the top of a high mountain to meet the great spirit. the chief told the great spirit that the red men were tired of the roots and herbs which, with the fruits that grew on the trees and the bushes, made up their food, and he asked the father to send them some of the food used in the happy hunting-grounds. the great spirit told the chief to take his wives and papooses and go forth in the moon of rains and stand on one of the plains, not moving from the place where they stopped for the space of three suns. then the great spirit would come and give the indians food. the chief went back to his people and told them what he had heard from the great spirit. when the moon of rains came they did as the chief had been directed. in three suns all had fallen asleep. they were left undisturbed by the indians, for this peculiar manifestation was regarded as a mark of especial favor. in a few weeks the old chief and the members of his family had changed into luxuriant green plants. the council assembled, sent the wise men to visit the field, and what they found there was corn. * * * * * long and earnestly a young brave wooed a beautiful maiden, and at last gained her consent to live with him in his wigwam. but the days and nights were lonely without her and the young brave could not remain away from her lodge. fearing that she might be stolen by one of her many admirers, or that danger might come to her, he slept at night in the forest that he might be near to protect her. one night he was awakened by a light footstep and, starting up, saw his loved one stealing out of her lodge as a sleep-walker. he pursued her, but, as if fleeing in her dreams from a danger that threatened her life, she ran from him, speeding through the paths like the fleet-footed hare. on and on he followed, and finally drew so near that he could hear her quick breath and the rapid beating of her heart. with all his remaining strength the lover sprang forward and clasped the maiden's form to his breast. what was his grief and astonishment when he found that his arms clasped, not the maiden he loved, but a strange plant the like of which he had never seen before. the maiden had awakened just as her lover overtook her, and had been so frightened at her surroundings that she was transformed. she had raised her arms to her head just as her lover caught her, and her uplifted hands were changed into ears of corn, and where her fingers caught her hair the maize bears beautiful silken threads. the first winter there was a time when the days were always of the same length, and it was always summer. the red men lived continually in the smile of the great spirit, and they were happy. but there arose a chief who was so powerful that he at last declared himself mightier than the great spirit, and taught his brothers to go forth to the plains and mock the great spirit. they would call upon the great spirit to come and fight with them, or would challenge him to take away the crop of growing corn, or drive the game from the woods; they would say he was an unkind father to keep to himself and their dead brothers the happy hunting-grounds, where the red men could hunt forever without weariness. they laughed at their old men, who had feared for so many moons to reproach the great spirit for his unfair treatment of the indians, who were compelled to hunt and fish for game for their wives and children, while their women had to plant the corn and harvest it. "in the happy hunting-grounds," they said, "the great spirit feeds our brothers and their wives and does not let any foes or dangers come upon them, but here he lets us go hungry many times. if he is as great as you have said, why does he not take care of his children here?" then the great spirit told them he would turn his smiling face away from them, so that they should have no more light and warmth, and must build fires in the forests if they would see. but the red men laughed and taunted him, telling him that he had followed one trail so long that he could not get out of it, but would have to come every day and give them light and heat. then they would dance and make faces at him and taunt him with his helplessness. in a few days the quick eyes of some of the red men saw in the morning the face of the great spirit appear where it was not wont to appear, but they were silent, fearing the jibes of their brothers. finally duller eyes noticed the change, and alarm and consternation spread among the people. each day brought less and less of the great spirit's smile and his countenance was often hidden by dark clouds, while terrible storms beat upon the frightened faces turned in appeal toward the heavens. the strong braves and warriors became as women; the old men covered their heads with skins and starved in the forests; while the women in their lodges crooned the low, mournful wail of the death-song, and the papooses crawled among the caves in the rocks and mountains and died unheeded. frosts and snows came upon an unsheltered and stricken race, and many of them perished. then the great spirit, who had almost removed his face from the sight of the red men, had pity, and told them he would come back. day after day the few that remained alive watched with joy the return of the sun. they sang in praise of the approaching summer, and once more hailed with thankfulness the first blades of growing corn as it burst from the ground. the great spirit told his children that every year, as a punishment for the insults they had given their father, they should feel for a season the might of the power they had mocked; and they murmured not, but bowed their heads in meekness. from the bodies of those who had perished of cold and hunger sprang all manner of poisonous plants, which spread themselves over the earth to vex and endanger the lives of the indians of all generations; and in after years when any of the indians from any reason "ate of the fatal root," it was said of them that they had "eaten of the bodies of their brothers who had defied the great spirit." the great mosquito an immense bird preyed upon the red men in all parts of the country. their homes were at no time safe from its ravages. often it would carry away children playing beside the wigwams, or, like a bolt of lightning, dart from the sky and strike a woman or man bleeding and dying to the earth. whole fields of corn had been destroyed in a single night by its ravages, and its coming was so swift and terrible that the indians hardly dared stir from the shelter of their houses. a strong party of cayugas and onondagas finally determined upon its death, no matter at what cost to themselves. a young warrior offered himself for the sacrifice. he was provided with a quantity of raw-hide thongs, and repaired to one of the open spaces, where it was believed the dreaded monster would discover and descend upon him. the young brave was to bind one of the thongs upon the bird's feet or upon some portion of its body, if possible, before he killed him, and then his companions, rushing from their place of concealment, would try to slay the enemy that had been snared with such difficulty. the preparations were elaborately made, and the young brave went forth on his dangerous mission. i three days he sat, chanting his death-song and awaiting the coming of his terrible fate. on the morning of the fourth day the sky was suddenly darkened and the watchers saw that the great bird was slowly circling above the heroic young cayuga. he ceased his chanting, and, standing upright, shouted defiance to the almost certain death that awaited him. with a scream that turned the hearts of the waiting indians cold with terror, the bird dropped upon its victim like a panther on his prey. a short and terrible struggle took place and then the concealed warriors rushed forth to finish the work of their brave young companion, who had succeeded in throwing one of the thongs over the great mosquito's neck. they brought willing and ready hands to the battle, and the arrows poured upon the struggling mass like a storm of hail. after a long encounter the bird was killed, and the young cayuga smiled in triumph as his last glance rested upon the dead body of the monster. runners were at once dispatched to the villages to inform the indians of the victory, and soon vast numbers of them came to look upon their long-dreaded enemy that had been slain at such cost. its body was larger than that of the largest bear they had ever seen, and the breadth of its outstretched wings was as great as the height of three men. its talons were as long as arrows, and its monstrous beak was lined with sharp teeth. there was much rejoicing over the great mosquito's death, and for several days feasting and dancing were held in honor of the bravery of those who had rid the country of such a terrible scourge. soon, however, swarms of the poisonous little flies that have been the pests of all nations since that time, infested the woods, and the indians discovered that they came from the body of the dead bird. too late they realized that the body of the great mosquito should have been burned when it was first slain, for fire is ever the destroyer of evil spirits. the story of oniata a maiden more beautiful than had ever before been seen came into the house of a great chief and grew to womanhood by his fireside. all the tribes within a distance of many long journeys paid her homage, for, though her eyes were as dark as the depths of the pool in the rocks, her skin was as fair as that of the palefaces who came thousands of years afterwards, and her hair was borrowed from the rays of the sun. the great chief was honored above all his people on account of his beautiful daughter, for she could work charms that drove away the evil spirits of sickness, and when her father went to battle or followed the chase he was ever successful, for he carried with him the maiden's smiles to daze and blind his enemies, or to aid in his search for the hidden trail. her songs were so full of music that when she sang the wild birds were silent in the branches of the trees, and listened that they might catch the tones of her voice. when she laughed the waters in the mountain streams sought the deep pools and for very shame stopped their noisy clamor. her feet were so small and delicate that only the skins of fawns were used to make her moccasins. the snow that lay over the earth in winter was no whiter than her skin, and her cheeks were like the first coming of the sun on the mornings when the corn is ripe. never before had the indians seen one so beautiful, and the wise men whispered that she had been sent by the great spirit from the happy hunting-grounds to teach the indians what beauties awaited them when they had journeyed to their long home. over all the land spread the story of this wondrous maiden, like the tidings of a bountiful harvest or the boastings of a successful chase. from the villages far away came the young chiefs and warriors, and when they had looked upon this lily of the forest and heard the music of her voice they no longer had hearts for the hunt, but spent their days in trying to win approving glances from the dark eyes of oniata, the daughter of tiogaughwa. they brought for her the most gorgeous and elaborate head-dresses of wampum, in which were woven the quills and feathers of the birds their cunning had been able to ensnare. they performed the most wonderful feats of agility and endurance, often vying with each other until even their rugged natures could not withstand the terrible self-imposed ordeals, and some sank exhausted or dying, while the more fortunate ones shouted cries of triumph and victory, loudly boasting of their own powers and strength. tiogaughwa, the father of oniata, was filled with pride at the attention shown his daughter. his lodge was rich with presents of rare furs and strings of wampum that had been laid at her feet; the medicine of the wisest chiefs was freely placed at his disposal; he could have allied his tribe with the most powerful--for the greatest chiefs and the most renowned warriors sought to wed the beautiful oniata. but there came a change to these happy days of the old chief, tiogaughwa. one day the chiefs and warriors were surprised to see the council-place filled with the women and maidens from all the country around. they deserted their lodges, left the fires to the care of the old men and children, and, without heeding the dark looks of their husbands, sons or brothers, took the places usually occupied by the wise men of the nation. when all were assembled, the wives of five of the principal chiefs were sent to ask tiogaughwa and the chiefs and wise men to come to the council-fires. when the chiefs and wise men were seated a silence fell on the assemblage. at last it was broken by the first faint notes of the mourning song of an indian maiden for a lover who had been slain in battle. others joined the chant and the weird chorus was caught up by the hundreds of women assembled, and filled the forests with notes of sorrow. the song ceased, but its last note had scarcely died away before another took its place. the indian wives commenced chanting the sorrowful story it was the custom of a deserted wife to sing in her lonely lodge when her husband had left her to join another more congenial to his fancy. when their complaint had ended, the women sat a long time with bowed heads. finally the wife of one of the chiefs--a tall, lithe, beautiful young princess--stepped before the chiefs and sachems and said: "we have come to the council-fires, oh! my brothers, that we might together tell the great spirit that the lovers of the indian maidens are dead, and to ask him to meet them at the borders of the happy hunting-grounds. we have come, too, oh! my brothers, to tell the great spirit that the bad spirits have caught the ears of our husbands and have told them tales that have led them from our lodges, and their wives and papooses are sick with hunger. no longer is the smile of the dark maiden sought by the young braves. she plaits her hair with flowers and wampum and sits in the forests to await the coming of her mate; but the young braves come no more to woo her, nor can they be found on the track of the bear or the panther. they loll with the dogs in the shadow of oniata's wigwam and glare like the hard-wounded boar at the dark maidens who approach them. they are dead, and the hearts of the indian maidens are full of sorrow. "the wives cover their heads with wolf skins and tell the great spirit that their husbands have deserted them. day after day they have kept the lodge fires burning, but the hunters come not to sit in the light and tell the stories of the chase. the feeble old men and boys have tried to follow the hunt that they might provide the women with food. the papooses have sickened and died, and the death-song has been raised many times. but the warriors come not. they have forgotten their homes, as they lie in their camps near the lodge of the white lily, where they are held in sleep by the smiles of the oniata. "have the dark maidens lost their beauty, that their glances can never again bring life to the hearts of the young braves? have the dark wives refused to do the bidding of their husbands that they should be deserted like sick and wounded dogs fallen in the chase? "my brothers, waunopeta, the wife of torwauquanda, has spoken, and her sisters have told her to say that if they no longer please the hearts of the red men they ask to be sent on the long journey to the happy hunting-grounds." as waunopeta ceased speaking and took her place among the crouching forms of the women, there was a movement on the outer edge of the circle, and in an instant oniata stood in the centre of the council-place. there was an exclamation of interest as this vision of wonderful beauty burst upon them. many had never seen her, and they were almost blinded by a loveliness that was previous to that time unknown to the race. she was clothed in the richest of skins, and her hair fell like a cloud of sun-kissed mist over her beautiful shoulders. her cheeks burned with tints that betrayed her common ancestry with her dark sisters whom she had unwittingly troubled. "oniata is here!" she cried, as she looked around at the dark faces before her, with eyes like those of the hunted fawn. "oniata is here to say that she has not asked for the smiles of the young braves. they came around her wigwam and drove away the dream-god with their cries and love-songs; but she covered her ears with the skins of the beaver and would not listen to them. when oniata went forth to the forest they appeared before her like the thunder clouds, and she went back to her wigwam and could not look at her father, the sun. the warriors came to the lodge of the white lily and with shouts and cries told the oniata that their wives and children should be the white lily's slaves if she would look out of her lodge upon them. but the oniata called the women of her wigwam about her and they laughed in the faces of the warriors. oniata loves her sisters, but they are angry at the white lily and ask that she be sent away to the long home where she shall be seen no more by the braves and warriors. she will go from the home of the red men and her dark sisters--far away beyond the mountains and the great lakes--and the braves will return to life for the dark maidens and seek them with love-songs in the forests, while the warriors will once more go to their wigwams where their wives and papooses await them. but her people will remember the oniata, for she will kiss the flowers in the forests as she goes. "my sisters, the oniata, daughter of the sun and the great chief tiogaughwa, has spoken." she waved her hand, and the circle of listening men and women parted that she might walk through. the chief, torwauquanda, started forward to follow her, but the dark princess, waunopeta, stood in his pathway, and he knew by the looks of the menacing faces about him that the white lily would go alone. tiogaughwa rose as his daughter moved rapidly away, and said: "oniata has spoken well. she will go in peace. the scalp-lock of the warrior that follows her will hang in tiogaughwa's wigwam." the old chief turned and folded his arms over his breast, watching with pathetic love the fast disappearing form of his daughter. out into the forest went the oniata--the loved of the sunshine, the dream of the indian--and the solemn council sat in silence as the beautiful vision faded forever from their view. far away from her people she wandered, never stopping to look back toward the home she had loved. the sun warmed her pathway for many days, and at night the sister of the sun smiled through the branches of the trees and lighted the forest so the oniata would not miss her lodge-fire as she slept. when she rested beside the clear streams she caught to her bosom the blossoms that covered the banks and breathed into their faces the love she had borne for her dark sisters and her home. the fragrance of her love filled their hearts and from that time they have freely given their love to others, as oniata bade them when she pressed them to her lips and kissed them in her loneliness. when the clouds came and the rain fell, oniata was sheltered by the thick branches of the trees, and when the rain had ceased she pulled the branches down, and pressing her cheeks against them, thanked them for their kindness. the trees learned gentleness from the maiden, and their blossoms have ever since spread their grateful perfume on the air. many moons passed. the dark maidens were again wooed by the young braves, and the wives of the warriors were happy in the return of their husbands. the winter came and cast its white cloud over the land, and the frosts locked the rivers in prison houses of ice. but oniata came not to the home of her people. the great tiogaughwa mourned his daughter in his lonely wigwam, and his heart sang her death-song as he sat before the fire-place, in which no fire was lighted, and bowed his head in mournful silence. the warm winds came again, and the young men and maidens were once more filling the forests with their love-songs, while with laughter they chanted the praises of their mates. tiogaughwa saw all this, but his heart was heavy and he had no words for the council-fire, no strength for the chase. he left his people and walked away in the path that had been taken by oniata. wherever he went the wild flowers raised their heads and told him they had been kissed by oniata, and the great tiogaughwa fell down beside them and caught the fragrance of her breath. when the dew and the rain were upon them he could see once more the beauty of her eyes, and the gentle songs of the soft winds through the trees that had sheltered oniata and had felt the loving touch of her caresses, told the great tiogaughwa that the light of his wigwam awaited his coming in the long home. the mirror in the water when the great spirit made the earth and put the water in the deep valleys to form lakes, and built the springs in the mountains to form streams and rivers, he did not give to the water the power to show within its surface his children's faces or to make the trees appear to grow with their branches pointing deep into the ground. for many thousands of summers the younger sister of the sun was never seen far down in the bosom of the lake at night, and many times young men grew old and died before the sun could see himself in the river, the warriors could put on their war-paint by the deep pool in the woods, or the maidens plait their braids with their smiling faces reflected from the laughing stream that flowed beside the wigwams. the red men lived together peacefully and happily then beside a great river. one day the young hunters came home in haste from the chase and reported the coming of many strange people from beyond the river. they said the strange men carried bows twice the height of the tallest chief known in the peaceful tribes, or held in their hands branches of trees to which were attached sharpened stones of great size. the chiefs and wise men assembled, and scouts and runners were sent forth to see if the young hunters had not been deceived by the evil spirits of the woods. but the young hunters had not looked with double eyes, and the strange warriors were as many as the pebbles on the bank of the river. the hearts of the red men were filled with fear, for they knew not then how to fight against such numbers, and the sachems arose from the council-fire and went forth to the cave in the rocks where the great spirit talked with them. the great spirit told his children that he would care for them and protect them from the strange warriors, and he told the people to fear not, but to obey the three fathers and fire-keepers of the nation. when the night came the fathers told the men and women to build many fires on the shore of the river, and when the fires were built the red men were filled with fear to see burning, deep down in the water, a fire for each fire on the shore. the strange warriors also saw these fires in the water, and they were frightened and dared not cross the river in the night to destroy them. but with the morning the strange warriors once more took courage and plunged into the river to swim to the shore where the children of the great spirit dwelt. then the great spirit loosed the spirits of the storm and they rushed down the mountain and out upon the river, and when he called them back the strange warriors were not to be seen. then the red men went forth in their canoes and the water of the river was clear and white. they looked down and saw first their own faces and above them the smiling face of the great spirit; and then, down deep in the water, they saw the bodies of the strange men who had come to destroy them. the water never changed again, for the great spirit saw it gave his children pleasure, and he loved his children then. the buzzard's covering in the beginning, the birds were created naked, but because of their ill-shaped bodies and long legs they were ashamed and remained in hiding. at that time their throats had not been so arranged that they could sing. a long time afterwards they learned their music from the falling rain and the whistling wind. but they could talk, and with loud voices they bewailed their fate. finally, with one accord, they began to cry and shout as loud as they could, asking that they be provided with coverings. the great spirit thereupon sent them word that their dresses were all ready, but that he did not have time to come and see that they were properly fitted. if they were in need of their raiment they must either go or send to a particular place a long way off, where they would find the coverings. a vote for a messenger was taken and the turkey buzzard was chosen because he was so strong and hardy. he started proudly on his mission, but the distance was so great that he became nearly famished before reaching his destination, and, contrary to his habits in those days, he was compelled to eat carrion to sustain life. at last he came to the appointed place and found the coverings ready. as a reward for making the journey, the buzzard had been given first choice of the garments. he at once selected the most beautiful of the lot, but upon trying it discovered that he could not fly well with so many long feathers to manage, and so he laid the dress aside and tried others. one he feared would soil too easily; another was not warm enough to satisfy his taste; a third was too light-colored and would render him too conspicuous; a fourth was composed of too many pieces and would require too much of his time to care for it. so he went from one to another, finding some fault with each, until there was but one suit left the plainest of all. as the buzzard had been expressly forbidden to try on any of the coverings more than once, he had but one choice left, and must either accept the plain, homely, coarse suit he has since worn or go naked. often when the birds hold councils in the woods they talk quite sharply to the buzzard for his uncleanly habits. he never fails to retort that his ancestor acquired them while doing a great service for others, and he closes the discussion by reminding them that they have no special reason to be vain, as he had choice of all the bird coverings and took the one that pleased him best. origin of the violet there was a brave indian many moons before the white man came to the land of his fathers who was the pride of all the men of the east. though he was young, yet among his people his word was law and his counsels were listened to by the older chiefs with much attention. three times had he done his people service they could never forget. once, the great heron, that had preyed upon the children of the tribe for a long time, had fallen pierced to the heart by the arrow from his bow. he had gone alone and unarmed many days' journey without food to the mountain where dwelt the witches, and brought from the medicine caves the roots that cured his people of the plague. the third great service was when he had led a band of warriors against their enemies over the mountains and returned victorious. but on this journey the young warrior had seen a maiden whom he loved, and he wanted her for his wigwam. the maiden dwelt among the tribe that had felt the weight of the young chief's blow, and the warfare between them prevented his buying her with the quills of the wampum bird, as he could have done had she been one of his own people. and yet, the young chief thought, unless he could light his wigwam with the brightness of the maiden's eyes, his heart would no longer be brave and he could not lead his young men to battle. for many moons he was in hiding in the woods near the village of his foes, patiently watching for the maiden whose eyes had softened his heart. he sang the praises of his loved one so often to the birds as he crouched near their nests in the branches of the trees that they took up his song and bore it with them in their flight over i the plains and valleys. so often did the bear, the fox and the beaver hear the praise of the maiden murmured by the young chief in his sleep that they thought the forests had brought forth a new flower of more radiant beauty than any they had seen. at last the young chief's vigils and waiting were rewarded, for one day the maiden wandered into the forest. with the calls of the song-birds and by singing her praises he lured her far from her home, and then he seized and bore her away toward the hunting-grounds and village of his people. the maiden had been watched by the jealous eyes of a young brave who was her suitor, but he was cowardly, and when he saw her borne swiftly away on the shoulders of the dreaded chief, he dared not follow, but ran swiftly back to the village to give the alarm. the braves placed him in the hands of the women because he was a coward, and started quickly in pursuit of the girl and her captor. all night they followed them over the rugged mountains and through the dark forests. in the morning they overtook them and were filled with rage when they saw that the maiden was a willing captive, for she had given her heart to the strong young chief, knowing that he was brave and loved her. to signify her willingness to go with him she had plaited the braids of her hair about his neck, as was the customary way among them to indicate a marriage. enraged at their foe for his daring and at the girl for deserting her people, the pursuing warriors killed them both on the spot and left their bodies where they fell--the great braids of the maiden's hair encircling her lover's neck. from this spot sprang the violets; and the winds and birds carried the seeds of the little flowers over all the world, into all countries where men dare and maidens love, so that the indians of all ages might know that the great spirit would always raise a monument to true love and bravery. the turtle clan then the great spirit created the turtles he gave them a vast lake in and about which they could reside, and where they would never be molested by either animals or people. but the turtles were not satisfied with the shape of the lake, and found fault with the hard, gravelly bottom and clear water. so they set to work to bring all the mud they could find on the plains surrounding it, and spread the loads of loose soil over the bottom of the lake where they were accustomed to lie. so many of them carried on the work that the lake was finally filled with the mud, and became so shallow that during one particularly hot summer it was entirely dry. then the turtles held council and decided that the only way left to them was to set out to find a place where there was good water. one, a particularly wise and intelligent old fellow, urged his brethren to decide first upon some fixed course to follow and then by all means to remain together. said he: "if we do this we will not only know exactly where we are going, but we can help each other. there are a great many of us, and if any foe attacks us we can together repel the attack, for with our stone backs and sharp jaws we are well equipped for battle. let me tell you, my brothers, that the world is full of dangers, and unless we are banded together and stand by each other, we will be scattered and lose our standing as a nation." to this wise counsel the turtles apparently agreed, but each one wanted the honor of presenting the plan that was to be followed, and each also wanted the distinction of being chosen to lead his fellows. the wise old turtle made every effort at conciliation and proposed several plans, any one of which if accepted would have made the turtles a great and powerful nation, but they could come to no agreement. at last the commotion became so great that the voice of the wise turtle was drowned in the clamor, and he was powerless to counsel his fellows any further. finally each turtle started off by himself, bound to follow his own inclinations, as the turtles have done ever since. at this foolish course the wise turtle became very angry. "fools!" he cried, "i am ashamed to be counted as one of the turtle race, and although in memory of the forefathers whom i honor, i will always bear on my breast the form of a turtle, henceforth i will not be a turtle." with a tremendous effort he threw the shell from his back and leaped forth, a fully armed and painted warrior. the turtles were terribly frightened and made off as fast as they could. from that day they have been wanderers. the wise turtle became the progenitor of the turtle clan. he taught his children to deliberate carefully upon all matters of importance; to give attention and careful consideration to the counsels of their elders; and to work in unity in whatever they undertook. the healing waters nekumonta, the strongest and bravest chief of the mohawks, wandered alone in silence through the primeval forest. the giant pines looked down upon him with frowns; the moss, dark and sodden on the maples with rain, gave only a gloomy greeting; the low beeches brushed against his anxious face, and as he passed beneath them chilling showers fell from their icy branches. across his path the snarling panther crept in sullen anger; the frightened rabbit sped away to its nest under the prostrate log; his brother the bear turned aside and looked with sadness upon the troubled face of nekumonta as he hurried forward in the fast gathering darkness. in all the forest no kindly sight came to comfort the strong and brave chief of the mohawks, whose footsteps were heavy with fatigue and whose heart was burdened with sorrow. through the cheerless, awful moons of snows and frosts the plague had raged in the village of the mohawks. many days and nights had the death-song been chanted for men, and women, and children. few were untouched by the terrible sickness, and the medicine men of the tribe had long since seen the last of hoarded stores of herbs which they used to put to flight the bad spirits. the strong and brave nekumonta and the light of his wigwam, shanewis, had watched the fires of life go out many times. they knew that the happy hunting-grounds rang with the shouts and laughter of their brothers and sisters; they sent them messages by the echoing spirits and told them to watch for their coming; but they were saddened because their brothers and sisters had gone on the long journey. the home of the mohawks was full of pleasure when the hunters and the women, the young men, the maidens and the children worked together in the fields of growing corn, or gathered at night around the lodge-fire and listened to the legends told by the aged. at last the soft winds came, and their mellow songs drove the cold and darkness from the valley. with their first notes came hope--hope that when the awful winter had gone to his home in the north the plague would also take its flight from the village. then nekumonta's heart died, for shanewis, the light of his wigwam, was stricken, and from her couch of furs smiled sadly as she whispered: "shanewis must fight with the bad spirits. she would not leave nekumonta, the strong and brave one of the mohawks, but her brothers and sisters call to her from their long home." for a moment nekumonta stood erect, while upon his face came the shadows of despair. as the weary hunter loses control of his canoe and sees below him the rapids that in terrible fury play with their victim ere they hurl it over the precipice of death; or, as the warrior who with rising hopes has long withstood his foes, would see their reinforcements come when his arm has lost its power, so upon nekumonta came the realization of the struggle yet to come. but his brave heart failed not, and bending over the shivering form of his loved shanewis, he said: "shanewis shall live. let her fight the bad spirits, and tell her brothers and sisters who call to her that she cannot go to her long home for many moons. nekumonta has said it. he will find the healing vines of the great spirit, and shanewis shall live." the robe that covered the entrance of the lodge was pushed aside, and the chief of the mohawks hurried away into the forest. in many places the snows were not melted. the roots were locked in their beds by the frost, and the medicine herbs had not yet awakened from their sleep. running through the open fields, looking anxiously among the rocks, crawling under the fallen trees, hurrying with despair over the barren hills, swimming the swollen streams and rivers, darting along the shores of the half-frozen lakes, penetrating the gloom of the forbidding forests, stopping neither for rest nor for food, nekumonta searched, repeating again and again, until the woods and fields were burdened with the words: "shanewis shall live! nekumonta will find the healing vines of the great spirit, and shanewis shall live!" three suns had passed since he left his lodge, and still his weary quest was in vain. wherever he looked only dead leaves and withered vines were to be found. when darkness came and he could no longer see, the anxious searcher had, on his hands and knees, crept onward all the night, hoping that his keen scent would discover what his sight had failed to disclose during the day. at the decline of the third sun, stumbling forward in the gathering darkness, nekumonta fell exhausted to the earth and the great spirit touched his eyes with sleep. then the dream-god came and nekumonta saw shanewis lying sleepless on her couch of furs and heard her calling his name gently and with tenderness. he saw that the plague ran through her veins like the fires that swept the forest when the rustling leaves lay thick upon the ground. then he saw her creep to the door of the lodge and push aside the robe that shut out the cold winds. long and earnestly she looked into the darkness, calling him to hasten to her side. he reached forward to clasp her in his arms, and the vision faded. now he was in his canoe, which the taunting spirits of the plague were pushing down the river, and they laughed and shouted in derision as he tried to catch the medicine plants that grew in great abundance along the shores. again, he was with his loved shanewis in the cornfields, filling the great baskets with roasting ears to be taken to the fires where danced and sang the red men in honor of the ripening harvest. then the voices of the singers changed into low and murmuring sounds, which finally grew more distinct until nekumonta heard the words: "strong and brave chief of the mohawks, we are the healing waters of the great spirit. take us from our prison and thy loved shanewis shall live." starting from his slumbers like an arrow from the bow, nekumonta cast off the dream-god and stood in the first light of the smiling face of the great spirit as he came from his wigwam to open the new day. swiftly his glance darted from side to side, searching in vain every tree and bush, every rock and stone for evidence of the presence of some one who could have uttered the words that had come so distinctly that they must be more than the echo of a dream. the practiced eye and ear of the hunter could discover nothing unusual in the forest, though every faculty was awake, every nerve strung to its greatest tension. with sadness and loss of hope his attitude relaxed, and with heavy footsteps he turned toward the hills. and yet he could not go away. something sent him back to the little opening in the forest, and when he reached the spot where he had fallen in the darkness the night before he bent suddenly and placed his ear to the ground. what caused nekumonta to leap to his feet with a cry of triumph that rang over the hills like the shout of many warriors? what changed in an instant the hopeless, dejected being who bent to the earth, to a creature alert, with his hardened sinews standing out upon his body in eagerness to expend its stifled strength? faintly, yet distinctly, he had again heard the murmuring voices: "strong and brave chief of the mohawks, here are the healing waters of the great spirit. take us from our prison and thy loved shanewis shall live." with a bound like that of the panther nekumonta sprang to the hillside, and from the trunk of a hardy ash that had been felled by the lightning's bolt he tore the toughened branches, bearing them in triumph to the valley. back he ran like the wind and from the yielding soil dug armfuls of sharp-edged stones, which he bore with hurrying steps to the place where a promise had been opened to him greater than the one of the happy hunting-grounds. not a moment did he pause, but the cry of "shanewis! shanewis! shanewis!" was almost constantly on his lips. the smiling face of the great spirit rose higher in the path it followed for the day, and looked down over the hill tops at the toiling nekumonta. forcing the toughened limbs of the ash tree deep into the ground he wrested from their beds the huge bowlders that impeded his progress and formed the prison of the healing waters. with the sharp-edged stones he cut the hard earth, and with torn and bleeding hands he hurled the rough soil from the excavation. like a very god incarnate the dauntless spirit toiled--never resting, never tiring, never stopping except at long intervals, when he bent his ear to the earth. each time he heard the voices, swelling louder and louder, and repeating over and over again the promise that lent him an energy that could have torn the earth asunder had it refused to yield its life-giving treasure for the light of his wigwam. when the smiling face of the great spirit had reached the middle of its trail and turned once more to the door of his great lodge, the tireless nekumonta leaped to the edge of the excavation with renewed shouts of joy and triumph, and the woods resounded with the laughter and songs proclaiming that the imprisoning barrier had been broken open. the sparkling, healing waters heard the welcome voices in the woods, and rising from their dark prison filled all the place the toiler had torn open in the earth, and then ran merrily down the valley in the sunlight. nekumonta bathed his bruised hands and burning face in the grateful waters and then hurried away in the forest. on and on he ran, with a step so light that the dead leaves scarcely felt its touch, and with a strength that laughed the wind to scorn. his path was straight through the forest to the clay banks where his people came in the moon of the falling leaves and made the vessels in which they cooked their corn and venison. here his energy was born anew, and with a skill that was marvelous in its dexterity he fashioned a jar to contain the healing waters. from its hiding place he brought the fire stone, and the store of branches collected by the old men and children at the last moon of falling leaves furnished him a supply of fuel. when the smiling face of the great spirit entered the door of his wigwam in the west nekumonta took from the dying embers the perfected result of his handiwork. * * * * * the warm winds, laden with hope and comfort, stole gently through the forest and sang with gladness of the death of winter. life came once more to the swaying branches of the trees, and the first notes of the robins and blue birds thrilled the listening air with a sweetness for which it had long hungered. the second day of spring had dawned on the home of the mohawks the village where the gaunt figure of the awful plague had reveled in a dance of death throughout the weary moons of winter. suddenly a triumphant shout filled the air. the hearts of weary watchers stood still with suspense, fearing that the evil witches had once more returned to taunt them of their helplessness. the plague-stricken woke from their fitful sleep and called piteously to the manito. once more the shout arose--louder, clearer, more triumphant--a pealing cry of victory from the strong and brave nekumonta. bearing aloft in his arms the vessel containing the healing waters, nekumonta burst from the deeper gray of the forest like a flood of sunshine and ran with steps as light as the warm winds themselves to the darkened lodge of his loved shanewis. with the soft mosses he had caught from the banks of the streams he soothed her fevered form, and with draughts of the grateful healing waters she was lured to returning health. thus the loved shanewis came back from the very borderland of the happy hunting-grounds to her home with the mohawks. the sacrifice of aliquipiso trouble came to a village of the oneidas. from the north a band of red men who had listened to the bad spirits came upon the peaceful village, and, with murder and plunder in their hearts, spread destruction around them like the wild chase of the forest fires. the homes of the oneidas were deserted and made desolate, and the women and children were hurried away to the rocks and hills for refuge and were guarded by the warriors. for many days and nights the attacking party vainly tried to find the trail of the people they had driven from their homes. the great spirit had passed his hands over the forest and the trail of the oneidas was not discovered by the savage mingoes. but the oneidas were almost without food, and over the tops of the trees and along the face of the almost inaccessible cliff came hunger and death to their hiding place. the warriors and sachems sat long at the council, but their eyes were heavy and they could find no path that would lead them from their trouble. to try to escape from their refuge would expose them to capture and slavery at the hands of their foes. to remain where they were meant starvation and death. then the little maiden, aliquipiso, came to the warriors and sachems and told how the good spirits had come to her sleeping under the trees, and had shown her where from the side of the high bluff on which her people were hiding huge rocks could be rolled into the valley below in such a manner as to strike down the very trees there. the good spirits also told her to lead the foes of the oneidas to the spot and bade her go upon the mission that she might deliver her people from their danger. the warriors and sachems listened to the unfolding of the plan with wonder, and when aliquipiso had finished, the chief brought forth rich strings of white wampum and put them about her neck, saying that she was the princess of all the nation and beloved of the great spirit. when the night came the little maiden left her people quietly and without faltering, and disappeared in the darkness. in the morning watchful scouts of the mingoes found a little girl wandering as if lost in the forest. they hurried away with her to the dismantled village where she had been so happy with her fellows and at once commenced to torture her, hoping to extort the secret of the hiding place of her people. with a fortitude that won the admiration of her captors, aliquipiso resisted the torture for a long time, but finally told the cruel tormentors that when the darkness came she would lead them to the hiding place of the oneidas. night came again, and the exultant mingoes started on the trail they believed would lead them to the camp of the oneidas. aliquipiso led the way, but she was in the grasp of strong warriors who were ready with poised weapons to take her life at the first evidence of a betrayal. through many paths and windings, slowly and craftily, crept the mingoes until they were near the overhanging precipice of granite. then aliquipiso signaled to the warriors to come close around her, as though she were about to roll back the huge mountain wall and disclose to them those whom they pursued. when they had crowded to her side she suddenly lifted her voice in a piercing cry of warning--a signal of death. she knew that above them the sleepless sentries of the starving oneidas were holding great bowlders poised upon the brink of the precipice. her captors had scarcely time to strike her lifeless to the ground before the rocks rushed with terrible force down the side of the mountain, catching and crushing the entrapped warriors like worms under the foot of a mighty giant. aliquipiso, brave maiden of the oneidas, was mourned by her people many suns. the great spirit changed her hair into woodbine, which the red men called "running hairs," and sent it over the earth as a protector to old trees. from her body sprang the honeysuckle, which was known to the indians as "the blood of brave women." why the animals do not talk it was long ago, so long that the books of the white men cannot tell the time, that all the animals in the forest could talk with the red men. there was a time when the animals came to the great council-fires and lent to the indians the knowledge they possessed of the woods and streams. the wise beaver taught the indian women and children where to snare the pike and salmon, and how to build houses that would keep out the rain and frosts. the bear and the wolf led the braves out on the plains and through the forests and imparted to them their skill in following the trail. the dog, by patient example, gave to the red men the tact and power to watch for many suns without weariness. from the raccoon the red men learned to mount the trunks of the largest trees. the horse consorted with the indians on the plains and showed them the secret of swift running. the panther taught them how to conceal themselves in the thicket, on the branches of an overhanging tree or behind the ledge of rocks, and to rush forth upon their enemies like the sudden burst of the whirlwind. thus from every beast of the forest the red men took lessons in the craft of the woods and plains, and when they had finished all the other lessons, the fox led them far away into the forest and taught them the cunning necessary to make use of each. in this way they lived while the summer and the winter came many times, and they were happy. but there came a time when the animals saw that the red man was their master. he had the wisdom of the beaver, the keen scent of the bear and the wolf, the patience and fidelity of the dog, the agility of the raccoon, the speed and endurance of the horse, the spring of the panther and the cunning of the fox. often the beaver would be surprised to find that the indian boys and women had not been content with fishing in the places he had pointed out to them, but had wandered away to streams which he had hoped to keep for himself. furthermore, they were looking with envious eyes upon his warm coat of fur, and he feared that they might want it for a covering. their houses were built with even more skill than his own, and as they had learned to fashion boats out of the trees he had felled for them and had made for their use paddles shaped like his tail, they could dart across the lake or along the river faster than he could ever hope to. and the beaver was saddened because he had taught the indians wisdom. the bear and the wolf, wandering in the woods, often saw the indians following the trail far into the forest. at the same time the indians so cunningly disguised their own trail that the wolf howled with anger when he tried to follow the red men, and the bear grew surly and retired to his den in the rocks. with the keen scent the bear had trained, the indians sought out the trees where the bees stored their honey, and thus he was robbed of much of the food he loved best. the wolf heard a young brave promise a maiden that if she would live in his wigwam she should rest on a couch made of wolf skins and be covered with the warm fur of the bear. so the wolf and the bear took their little ones into dark caves and kept away from the homes of the red men. the dog, too, found that he no longer held first honors for faithfulness at the watch. but he was not angered at the knowledge that his brother could rival him, but lay with him many nights on guard in the wilderness, vying with him in vigilance. when their long vigils were ended the dog and the indian would play together and make merry with each other over the result of their friendly contest. the panther was jealous and raged through the forests with fury. sometimes, to his surprise and wrath, when he had taken every precaution to conceal himself from his brother, the red man, the branches of the young trees would part as silently as if swayed by the breath of summer, and between them would appear his red brother, laughing at him for hiding himself so ill. when the raccoon reached the highest point to which he dared climb, the indian boys would follow him with shouts of laughter, and go still further toward the ends of the swaying and bending branches, hanging from them in such a dangerous and reckless manner that it made the old raccoon's head turn dizzy, and he went away to the hills by himself. the indians learned their lessons so thoroughly of the horse and practiced them with so much patience that finally that animal found he could no longer play when they had races on the plains. but he enjoyed the contests with his red brothers, and when they returned to the village he would follow and the indian maidens would mount his back and ride proudly to the council-fire. the fox was greatly chagrined to find that his cunning and tricks were matched on the part of his red brothers with others equally shrewd. no matter how carefully he concealed his trail--though he walked in the beds of the streams or circled the mountains till he had almost lost his own pathway--the indians would track him through all his windings. when he tried to lead them astray by subtle tales they laughed at his deceptions and put him to shame before his friends and neighbors. so it came to pass that the indians possessed the knowledge of all the animals. they could follow the trail with the scent of the bear or the wolf; build more wisely than the beaver; climb more daringly than the raccoon; watch more faithfully than the dog; crouch more closely and spring more surely than the panther; race the plains as swiftly as the horse, and outwit the cunning of the fox. then the animals held a council, but the fire was not lighted in its accustomed place and the red men were in heavy slumbers while their brothers of the forest talked. the jealous wolf opened the discussion and declared that when he had carefully looked on all sides of the existing state of affairs he saw but one course for the animals to pursue. they ought to rush in upon the villages and kill all the indians and their women and papooses. the bear was more noble, and said that he thought this proposition was unfair. he declared, however, that the animals could not stand still any longer and look without fear upon the dangers which confronted them. it was their duty to challenge the indians to an open war. the beaver argued that the better way would be to wait till the chilling blasts should come and then in the night tear away the houses the indians had built to protect themselves and their little ones from the cold. the storms of winter, the beaver said, would very soon put these smart fellows in a condition that would make them anxious enough to come to some terms advantageous to the animals. the horse said it would not be right to cause the indians pain or death. the indians were not bad neighbors, though perhaps a trifle too apt and smart for the rest of them. for a great many years, said the horse, his ancestors and the red men had been on the best of terms--not so much as a ripple of trouble having disturbed their relations. he could not for a moment think of entering into any plan whereby he would be called upon to help take his brother's life or cause him pain. he had heard that away over beyond the great mountains there was a pleasant country--not as pleasant and fertile as the one in which they now lived, but a fairly good place to live in. he would therefore propose that the animals invite the indians to go there on a great harvest expedition, and when once the red men were safely over the mountains the animals could steal away in the night and return to their loved homes. the panther scoffed at the horse for advancing what he was pleased to call a silly and senseless plan. the beaver, too, the panther said, was much too leniently inclined. the indians were to be feared, and if the animals were to retain any of their freedom and independence they must follow the advice of the wolf. only total extermination of the indian race could be depended upon to warrant them from further molestation from the red men. what good would it do, forsooth, to lure the red men over the mountains and then run away from them? did the horse think the indians sick nurslings or women to lie down on the big plains over the mountains and make no effort to return to their loved streams, lakes and forests? why, the indians would come back as quickly as could the horse himself, and then the very ground would be made red with the blood of those who had decoyed them away from homes that had for generations been held in such high reverence by the indians. he advocated an immediate advance upon the villages and would give quarter to none. all eyes were turned toward the raccoon as he rose to speak, for his was a very old family and had long been held in high respect by all the inhabitants of the forest. he said he could not exactly side with the panther, for the indians had never done him any great harm. he was convinced, however, that the country ought to be rid of them, for they were becoming altogether too well skilled in the craft of the woods. too much power in the hands of one individual, said the raccoon, was apt to make it unpleasant for those with whom he lived. he favored the plan advanced by the beaver. they could lay their plans carefully, and in this manner bring about a treaty that would keep the indians within proper bounds. the fox felt sure that the better plan would be for the animals to put themselves under his training. he would teach them how to cheat and steal while pretending friendship. they could then easily strip the red men's fields of the corn that had been planted for the winter. they could take from their moorings on the river banks the boats and fishing nets of bark and float them far away down the stream where they would be lost in the rapids. in this manner they could soon have the indians at their mercy and bring about a treaty on the plan proposed by the beaver and seconded by the raccoon. the plan, he continued, offered no danger to them, as did the contests proposed by the panther and the wolf; and he thought that mature deliberation would convince all that it was the best one to adopt. the dog said that not until the present time had he ever realized what it was to be a beast. he felt ashamed to think he had been weak enough to be prevailed upon to attend a council to which their red brothers were not bidden. it was contrary to the custom that had existed since the great spirit first sent them to this fair and beautiful country. he expected that they would all be punished for such treachery, and indeed they ought to be. the indians had as yet treated them only with kindness and respect. many times in winter, when the snows lay so deep on the ground that no food could be found the indians had opened their homes to the animals who had not made suitable provision for food, and had fed them and kept them from perishing with hunger. there had never been a time, said the dog, as he looked around the circle of listeners and waited for a denial of his assertion, when any indian had refused shelter, food or aid to a needy, sick or suffering animal. to be sure the indians had acquired all the knowledge that the animals possessed, but their doing this had in no manner impoverished the animals. as they had lost nothing by this, he saw no reason why they should be jealous and fault-finding about it. would it not be far wiser for the animals to profit by the example set by the indians and teach each other the various traits and characteristics each possessed than to be consumed by jealousy and revenge, and in the heat of passion break a peace that had existed for so many years? he could not, and would not be a party to any of the plans proposed, and if the other animals persisted in following out any of those cruel and treacherous schemes he should consider it his duty to leave the council and go to the village to warn his sleeping brothers of their danger. more than that, he would fight on the side of the red men if it became necessary, and help them defend their lives and homes from the attack of any force that might be brought against them. when the dog had ceased speaking the wolf and the panther were in a terrible rage. they accused the dog of cowardice, bad faith, bribe-taking, desertion and treachery. they said he had been made foolish and silly by the praise that had been lavished upon him by the indian maidens. they reviled him and stuck out their tongues at him for being lovesick after the indian women. they said he had turned nurse for the papooses and hereafter would better stay in the villages of his new-found friends and lie in the sun with the old men. they dared him to go to the village and expose the proceedings of the council, saying that if he attempted it they would set upon and kill him. "for a poor and meagre crust of maize-cake, too hard for the teeth of the red men to crush," said the panther; "you have been bought, and you give up all claim to the rights that have been held sacred by the dogs of all times. we should think that the memory of your forefathers and the long line of noble dogs who have lived before you came on earth to disgrace them would stir you to action for the honor of your race." "no," said the wolf; "he can remember nothing but the soft caresses of the indian girls upon his head. i saw him the other day lying at the feet of garewiis, the daughter of the chief teganagen, and when he raised his eyes and looked at her she took his head in her arms and laid her cheek against him, all the time stroking his back and singing to him as she will sing to her papooses when they come to her wigwam. not only has he sold himself to be the friend of the indians and sit quietly by while we are enslaved, but he is lovesick and his head is turned." this warm and intemperate language caused much confusion and something of a sensation, though the dog remained calm and dignified. he showed by no outward sign that the uncivil and untruthful charges of the panther and the wolf had even been heard, much less heeded. the horse instantly sprang into the open place before the fire and hurled at the two false accusers his most powerful eloquence. "i come as a champion of my friend, the dog," he said. "you have insulted and maligned him in a manner that calls for the condemnation of all honorable beasts. he is my brother. because there is some difference in our tastes and i am his superior in size, it makes him none the less my brother. i love him, for he is gentle, affectionate, trustworthy, noble and brave. you, the panther, and you, the wolf, boast of your bravery; yet which of you dared rush into the burning forests as did my brother, the dog, and lead the blind doe to a place of safety? which of you dared plunge into the river, made deep and dangerous by the melting snows as winter died and the warm winds came to bury--him when the waters boiled and foamed to the very tops of the high banks and spread out over the plains like a great lake--and from the midst of that angry flood bring safely to the shore a weak and drowning companion who had stumbled and fallen over the bank? i have heretofore loved you all, but henceforth i shall be ashamed to acknowledge the wolf and panther as my brothers. they seem to think that bravery consists in cruel attack and glistening teeth, but i can tell them that it is more surely found in noble deeds. i will follow the dog to the homes of the red men, and together we will fight against the cruel practices you design to put in force." as the horse ceased speaking the great spirit came suddenly to the council-fire and said that the loud voices of the disputants had been borne to his ears by the message-bearers and he had listened in sorrow to all that had been said. he had therefore left the happy hunting-grounds and come to their council. he was grieved that the pleasant relations heretofore existing between the indians and the animals would now have to be broken and disturbed. when they had been given life the intention was formed that eventually all would dwell together in the happy hunting-grounds. now he would be compelled to alter his plans. he would change the language of his red children so that the beasts could never talk with them again. he would go to his children in the villages and tell them all that had been said at this clandestine council in the woods. for all time the wolf and panther should be hunted and killed by the indians. they should be looked upon and warred against as the most dangerous of foes. the bear might be counted as an honorable antagonist, and the red men would be ready to fight him in open battle whenever the opportunity offered. the red men would not disturb or molest him, but if he should come and demand a battle the indians would not refuse. the beaver and raccoon, on account of the heartless plan they had set forth for the vanquishing of their brethren, should be considered the prey of the indian and should yield their thick furs to keep his children warm. the fox would be looked upon as a thief. he had proposed to steal the food of the indians and bring them to want; now he might practice his desire. but the indians would be warned and would set traps and snares for him. when caught his fur would be used like the fur of the beaver and raccoon. the horse and the dog might still retain their understanding of speech of i the indians, but as they had been guilty of breaking an ancient treaty by attending a council to which all the parties of the treaty had not been bidden, they must receive some punishment, and would no longer be permitted to speak the indian language. but they should always be the champions and friends of the red men; they should live in the indians' homes, be present at the great feasts and festivals, share the products of their hunt, be loved and petted by the maidens and papooses, fight with the indians when they fought and be partakers and sharers in the victories or defeats. in a word, they should be the companions and brothers of the indians forever, here and in the happy hunting-grounds. the message-bearers when the great spirit brought the red men from the happy hunting-grounds and left them upon the earth, they were filled with fear lest they could never make him hear their wants and could not reach his ears when they desired to tell him of their joys and sorrows. the sachems went before him and said: "oh, our father, how will thy children tell thee of the deeds they have performed that will please thine ear? how will they ask thee to their homes to help them drive away the bad spirits; and how will they invite thee to their feasts and dances? oh, our father, thou canst not at all times be awake and watching thy children, and they will not know when thou art sleeping. thy children do not know the trail to the happy hunting-grounds by which to send their wise men and sachems to talk with thee, for thou hast covered it with thy hands and thy children cannot discover it. how will the words of thy children reach thee, oh, our father, the manito; how will what they say come to thine ears?" then the great spirit created for each one of the red men a second self, to whom he gave a home in the air. he provided these beings with wings and swift feet so they could move very rapidly. to them he imparted the secret of the entrance to his home and made them guides to his children whom he had called on the long journey so that they should not lose the paths leading to their future home. finally, the great spirit told these creatures of the air that they should be message-bearers for his children, and convey their words exactly as spoken from one point to another until they reached the ears of his sachems in the big wigwam by the side of the council-fire that never lost its light. they must be ready at all times to answer the calls of the red men, so that none of their words might be lost. messages to the loved ones who had left the earth and gone to the happy hunting-grounds must be transmitted with the same watchful care as were those intended for his ears alone. if any of his children spoke idle and untruthful words they, too, must be repeated that their father might know whether they were worthy to be admitted to the grand council-fire. when he had finished his instructions, the great spirit told the sachems that he would return to his home and that they could go with his children to the bank of a beautiful river near which they dwelt, and there talk to him. slowly and with a loud voice, the chief sachem began to speak. from the opposite bank of the river the waiting message-bearer caught up the sachem's words as they were spoken and with a strong voice shouted them to another dweller of the air who crouched in the tree-tops far down the river, ready and alert to do the great spirit's bidding. on and on, rolling along the ravines and valleys, leaping from hill-top to mountain-side, and from mountain-side to lake, striding over the forests at a bound--fainter and yet fainter, until lost in the blue distance of the plain--the message of thankfulness and love was borne from the lips of the grateful sachem until it reached the ears of the ever listening and loving father, and was told to the chiefs who sat in the light of the council-fire that never grows dim. the wise sachem's gift a long time before the white men came, there lived a wise sachem who was known as the great peacemaker. his life was full of winters and his mind was stored with the teachings of the wisest sachems that had lived before him. he could remember the time when all the red men dwelt in peace, and before troubles came that drove them to wars and dissensions. all his life was spent in going from one village to another, teaching the doctrine of peace among his people. he told the red men how to help each other when the bad spirits came and disturbed them. if the harvest was poor in one village, he taught other villages that they must take food to their brothers; if any were in want, he said that those who had plenty must relieve them. he settled differences and difficulties by his logic, quelled wars and disturbances by his wise counsels and eloquence, and taught gentleness by his example. finally, when he had reached an age beyond that of any of the sachems who had lived before him, he called his people together and told them that he must go away on the long journey, but that they need not mourn for him, as he would return in a form that would live forever. from his grave sprang the tobacco plant, and in honor of his memory was established the custom of smoking the pipe of peace at all peaceful councils. when the curling smoke ascended around the council-fires the red men saw in its fantastic shapes the form and features of the great peacemaker. they opened their ears and he told them that agreements made in his presence were sacred, and if violated would displease the great spirit. they bent their heads and the wise sachem placed his hands upon them as a token that he would aid his children in all peaceful pursuits. his presence was never invoked when there were discussions of wars, for he would frown upon his children and frighten them with his terrible countenance. many generations lived and died, and all respected the agreements made in the presence of the wise sachem's spirit, for not until years after, when the red men had been taught the meaning of a broken treaty through experience with the whites did they ever violate a treaty that had been ratified by "the pipe of peace." the flying head there were many evil spirits and terrible monsters that hid in the mountain caves when the sun shone, but came out to vex and plague the red men when storms swept the earth or when there was darkness in the forest. among them was a flying head which, when it rested upon the ground, was higher than the tallest man. it was covered with a thick coating of hair that shielded it from the stroke of arrows. the face was very dark and angry, filled with great wrinkles and horrid furrows. long black wings came out of its sides, and when it rushed through the air mournful sounds assailed the ears of the frightened men and women. on its under side were two long, sharp claws, with which it tore its food and attacked its victims. the flying head came oftenest to frighten the women and children. it came at night to the homes of the widows and orphans, and beat its angry wings upon the walls of their houses and uttered fearful cries in an unknown tongue. then it went away, and in a few days death followed and took one of the little family with him. the maiden to whom the flying head appeared never heard the words of a husband's wooing or the prattle of a papoose, for a pestilence came upon her and she soon sickened and died. one night a widow sat alone in her cabin. from a little fire burning near the door she frequently drew roasted acorns and ate them for her evening meal. she did not see the flying head grinning at her from the doorway, for her eyes were deep in the coals and her thoughts upon the scenes of happiness in which she dwelt before her husband and children had gone away to the long home. the flying head stealthily reached forth one of its long claws and snatched some of the coals of fire and thrust them into its mouth for it thought that these were what the woman was eating. with a howl of pain it flew away, and the red men were never afterwards troubled by its visits. the ash tree the ash tree, the leaves and bark of which were the universal specific for the poison of the rattlesnake, had its origin in a warrior whose wife and two children died from the bite of a rattlesnake that had found its way into their wigwam. the brave's grief was so violent that the great spirit gave him permission to turn into a tree, the branches of which would make bows and arrows with which his people could kill their deadly enemies; the green leaves placed in a circle around the sleeping warriors would form a barrier through which the reptiles would not crawl; the bruised leaves would act as a poultice to draw the venom from the wound, and from the bark could be brewed a draught that would drive the delirium from the body of the suffering victim. a form of words was pronounced as the indians approached the ash tree to draw on its resources for any of the purposes named. they would say: "oh, my brother, the mighty friend of the indian, your red brother comes to you for help. he has met the forked-tongue whose bite is like the sting of bad arrows. he knows not where to turn except to his noble brother, whose goodness is known to all the indians. help me, my brother, for the sting of the forked-tongue is deep and the eyes of your brother close in sleep if you do not help him. i wound you, my brother, but my fathers have told me of your goodness and of your hatred of the forked-tongue." the hunter kanistagia, the hunter, was loved by all the animals with gentle natures. he never pursued them in wantonness, and he took the life of none except in case of stern necessity. to the wild, fierce monsters that inhabited the forests and preyed upon the weak and timid ones, kanistagia was a constant foe, and so swift was the flight of his arrow, so powerful the blow of his hunting club, so unerring his knowledge of their haunts in the mountains, that they feared him deeply and hid away with low and sullen mutterings when they heard his ringing shout upon the chase. these were the panther, the wolf, the wildcat, and other strange and vicious animals at war with the red men. but it was not so with the bear, the beaver, the raccoon, the elk, the red deer, the moose, the fox, the squirrel and the dog. they were the friends of kanistagia, and when he walked abroad his path was made bright by their greetings, and he often sat a long time in their company and talked with them of curious things found in their haunts. he treated them as friends and neighbors, and when any were sick or wounded he gave them advice about the medicine they should use that they might recover. once when the corn was tasseled there came fierce and warlike men from the north, and kanistagia and his brothers went forth to defend their homes. the great spirit gave their arms strength and the fierce men were driven away. but before they went kanistagia was struck upon the head by the war club of one of the northern men, and when the hunter fell to the ground his victor cut the scalp-lock from his head and bore it away in triumph. the hunters and warriors did not see kanistagia fall and mourned him as one who had been taken a prisoner by the fierce men they had fought. they knew he would meet death bravely and go on his way to the happy hunting-grounds with smiles on his lips, and that the wrinkles of a coward would find no place on his face. but his fall did not escape the keen eyes of the fox, who ran to him when the fighting men had disappeared. "alas! my benefactor and brother," lamented the fox, "the heavy sleep has closed thine eyes forever. thy kindly life has been rudely torn from thy body before the death-song could warn thy brethren of thy coming. woe and sorrow will be many days with thy brothers in the forest if, perchance, none of them know the medicine that shall bring thee from thy sleep." then the fox ran to the top of a high hill and began to sing his death lament, that all might know that trouble had come upon him. through the forest echoed the mournful sounds, and they were caught up and repeated by the listening beasts on hill and in valley until all had heard the tidings and gathered at the place where the body of kanistagia, their brother, lay. when they had mourned over his fate the bear called the council to silence. said the bear: "my brothers, we mourn for a protector with whom we have spent many pleasant seasons. by his wisdom and counsel we have been taught many things that were good for us to know. it is our duty now, if any know a powerful charm that will awaken him, to produce it that we may once more be gladdened by our brother's smiles." then each one ran to and fro in the forest, bringing many curious substances to the side of the hunter, but none was of avail. the bear and the fox, with plaintive whines, stretched themselves by his side and gently licked the wounds of their brother, but their efforts brought forth no sign of life. at last they were forced to believe that kanistagia must surely be lifeless, and a great cry of mourning arose from the hundreds of animals present. this attracted the attention of the long nest (oriole) and he flew to ask its meaning. he was informed by the deer, upon whose horns he alighted, and after asking permission from the bear to invite the birds to the mournful gathering, flew rapidly away on his errand. soon all the birds in the forest had been told and the sky was darkened by their flight to the scene of kanistagia's death--so wide was the fame of the hunter that all knew him. among them was the great eagle of the iroquois, which seldom approached nearer the earth than the tops of the highest mountains. slowly he floated over the assembled birds and animals and finally stilled his mighty wings and stood beside the hunter. then he spoke: "kanistagia will wake from his heavy sleep if the sharp eyes of his friends will discover his scalp-lock and their swift feet or tireless wings will bear it to this place before the moon is round." forth upon their search ran the animals, the bear and elk alone remaining beside their brother to guard his body from foes. long and earnestly they sought the trail of the warrior who had slain their friend, but so carefully had he concealed his path that none could follow it. the beaver sought traces of his footsteps in the beds of streams; the dog and the fox thrust their noses under the leaves and deeply drew in their breaths, hoping to find the scent of the murderer's footsteps; the raccoon climbed to the tops of the highest trees and looked in every direction; the red deer ran in great circles, hoping to come suddenly upon the fugitive; the squirrels, and even gentle rabbits, scampered in all directions, looking in vain for traces of the slayer of kanistagia. but at last all returned, and with heavy hearts told the council that they knew not where to look. the great eagle of the iroquois bade the pigeon-hawk make the first flight for the birds, as he was swift of wing. scarcely had he gone when he returned again, but brought no tidings. the birds murmured that his flight had been so swift that he had not looked carefully, and the eagle sent forth the white heron. but the heron was so slow of wing that the patience of all was exhausted, and soon some small birds came to the council with the news that he had discovered a plain on which wild beans grew in abundance and was now so overladen with feeding on them that he could not rise and fly. then the crow came forward and said that if he were sent he would pledge himself to discover the hiding place of the murderer. so the crow was sent and at once flew to a village where he had many times been to watch for food. he sailed slowly over the wigwams at a great height and finally his keen eyes spied the coveted treasure. watching his chance, the crow dashed down and caught the scalp-lock from the pole upon which it hung, and rapidly winged his way back to the council. but when they attempted to place the scalp-lock upon their brother's head they found that the piece had been dried and would not fit, and they searched long and faithfully for something that would make it pliable. but their search was in vain, and in despair they turned again to the great eagle, who heard their plight and bade them listen to his words: "the wings of the eagle are never furled. for many thousand moons the dews of heaven have fallen on my back as i rose to great heights above the storm and watched my mate on her nest above the clouds. these waters may have a virtue no earthly fountain can possess." then the eagle plucked a feather from his breast and dipped it in the glistening cup of dew that had fallen on his back, and when this was applied to the scalp-lock it at once became as when first removed. again the animals ran into the forest, and from every hidden place, from every deep ravine, from tops of hills and mountains, from knoll and from morass, brought leaves and blossoms and roots from the rarest plants and trees. the birds sought the cliffs and precipices where foot could not rest and added to the collection many curious and rare specimens. with these they made a healing medicine, and when they had placed it upon the hunter's head, his eyes were opened and he lived. then, indeed, there was rejoicing. the birds beat their wings and sang loud choruses, while the animals ran about in wild delight because their brother had been awakened from his heavy slumber. as the eagle of the iroquois soared again to his home on the mountain-top, the round moon, whose coming all had so dreaded, rose over the waving branches of the forest and lent its cheerful light to the happy gathering. hiawatha listen, my children, while the fire burns red and the shadows come and go like mighty giants, and i will tell you the story of ta-ren-ya-wa-gon, the holder of the heavens, who afterwards became a mortal and was called hiawatha, the wise man. there came to his ears one day a great cry of distress, and when he looked from the entrance of the happy hunting-grounds he saw a few men and women in the forest moaning with terror, for all their friends had been slain by mighty giants and fierce monsters. so he went quickly to their aid, and taking a little maiden by the hand, bade all follow whither she led. by paths known only to ta-ren-ya-wa-gon, he conducted them to a cave near the mouth of a river,[ ] and there he brought them food and bade them sleep. [ ] oswego river. when they had remained there many days ta-ren-ya-wa-gon again took the maiden by the hand and led her toward the rising sun, and the few people who had been saved by his mercy followed gladly in the trail he pointed out. at last they came where the great river[ ] they had followed poured over some mighty rocks to the level of another river,[ ] and here he told them to build a house in which they might dwell in peace. many moons they remained there in happiness, and the little children who came to them grew to be strong men and handsome women. then came ta-ren-ya-wa-gon and said to them: [ ] mohawk river. [ ] hudson river. "you, my children, must now go forth and become mighty nations; and i will teach you the mysteries of the forests and make your numbers like the leaves that cover the trees when the warm days have come." then they followed him toward the setting-sun, and when they had gone some distance he told off certain numbers and families that should make their homes and build a village in that place. these he gave corn, beans, squash, potatoes and tobacco, and also dogs with which to hunt game, and named them te-ha-wro-gah.[ ] from that time they could not understand their brothers, and they dwelt henceforward on the banks of the beautiful river. [ ] divided speech; the mohawks. then went he with the others towards the sun-setting till at last they halted in a broad valley where were beautiful streams. and he bade some of his followers remain there, and gave the same good gifts he had given their brothers and told them that they should be called ne-ha-wre-ta-go,[ ] for the trees of the forest were of great size where he bade them dwell, and in a short time these had also learned to speak a new tongue. [ ] the oneidas. then ta-ren-ya-wa-gon led the rest of his people onward toward the sun-setting till they came to a mountain which he called o-nun-da-ga-o-no-ga.[ ] there he again commanded some of his people to remain, and he gave into their possession the same gifts he had confided to the care of his other children, and called them se-uh-no-wah-ah-tah.[ ] to these he gave his own language. [ ] onondaga; on the hills. [ ] carrying the name; the onondagas. many days journey toward the sunset, near the shores of a lake named go-yo-gah,[ ] he selected a dwelling-place for others of his children and bade them build a village and left them provided with all good things. these he called sho-nea-na-we-to-wah;[ ] and their language was also changed. [ ] mountain rising from the water; the cayugas. [ ] people of the great pipe. then with those who remained ta-ren-ya-wa-gon continued toward the sunset until they came to a mountain near the lake called ga-nun-da-gwa,[ ] and here he told them they should dwell. and he gave to them the name te-ho-ne-noy-hent,[ ] and changed their language as he had done that of their brothers and bestowed upon them the same gifts for their food. [ ] canandaigua; the place chosen for settlement. [ ] possessing the door; the senecas. but there were some who were not content to stay where the holder of the heavens had bidden them to live and who ran away toward the setting-sun many days until they came to a great river which they crossed on a wild grape vine. but when the last ones were crossing, the vine broke and none could ever return.[ ] [ ] this refers to the indians beyond the mississippi. then the holder of the heavens gave his time to the instruction of his children, and to each family he imparted some distinctive skill. to the senecas he gave the power of swift feet, and they could soon outrun any animal in the forest. the cayugas became skilled in the use of the canoe, and glided over the waters more rapidly than the skimming birds or darting fish. the onondagas were instructed in all the laws and wishes of the great spirit and had power to speak his mind. the oneidas became skilful in ways of making weapons, of the building of houses and the weaving of baskets. the mohawks were taught to shoot their arrows with surer aim than all the others, and could snare the fish from the streams with wondrous skill. you, my children, must know that ta-ren-ya-wa-gon, the holder of the heavens, had power to assume any shape, and that he could fly from one place to another, far distant, more rapidly than the great eagle. he taught his people the knowledge of hunting and gardening; he fashioned arrow-heads from the flint and guided the hands of his children until they, too, could make them; he gave instruction in the arts of war, that they might defend themselves; he cleared their streams from obstructions and pointed out the water path[ ] from the sun-rising to the sun-setting. he taught them the form of poisonous fruits and plants, giving them to eat of those that were wholesome; he taught them how to kill and dress their game; made the forest free for the tribes to hunt in, and gave them laws and precepts to guide them in the treatment of both the young and the old. [ ] the "water path" was up the mohawk river to rome, over a short portage to wood creek, thence to oneida lake, down the oswegp river to seneca river, and thence westward over the chain of lakes in the interior of the state of new york. if the journey was to be to the far west, the oswego river was taken to lake ontario and thence through the chain of great lakes. then ta-ren-ya-wa-gon determined to reside with his children, and he assumed the form of a man and chose as a wife a maiden from the onondagas. when he had done this he was named hiawatha. his home was on the shores of a beautiful lake,[ ] and to it came many of the red men and their wives and children, that they might learn from the wise hiawatha how their lives should be guided. to his wigwam came also a daughter, whose beauty was as the flowers, glistening with the dews of night and kissed by the light of the great spirit's smiling face. the name of the daughter was minnehaha. [ ] cross lake, cayuga county, new york. a very romantic and beautiful point on the southern shores of this little body of water is pointed out by the indians as the site of hiawatha's home. many seasons passed. under the teachings of hiawatha the onondagas became the greatest of all nations. the wise man came in his magic canoe of dazzling whiteness and sat at all their councils, and by his wisdom and moderation the tribe was preserved from strife and became foremost in the arts and knowledge of the forest. but at last there came an alarm from the north beyond the great lakes, and the story was told with fear at the lodge-fires of a relentless enemy who came to kill and burn. in terror the chiefs told their fears to hiawatha and he advised them to call a council of all the tribes at a place on the borders of a lake where he had once told them to light a great council-fire, that they might make preparations to meet their foes. swift runners went to the villages of all the tribes and the chiefs, and warriors assembled at the appointed place. three days they awaited the coming of hiawatha, and on the morning of the fourth a mighty shout arose as they saw his mystic canoe gliding over the waters of the lake. in its prow sat the beautiful minnehaha, while the wise man, her father, occupied a seat at the stern of the boat and with a light paddle directed the course of the mysterious craft. he was met at the edge of the water by the foremost men of the tribes, and greeting them as brothers, each in their own language, he stepped from the canoe and walked a short distance along the shore. suddenly a rushing noise was heard, as of the coming of an awful storm, and as all eyes turned upwards a great bird was observed coming out of the heavens with the speed of an arrow. hiawatha and his daughter alone stood unmoved and tranquil. the others fled in terror. the celestial visitor alighted at the feet of hiawatha. impelled by some unseen power, minnehaha knelt at her father's feet. he placed his hands on her head for a moment and then she slowly rose, cast one look into his face, murmured gently, "farewell, my father!" and took her place between the wings of the great spirit's messenger. instantly the giant bird stretched its wings for flight over the glistening waters of the lake, and circling over the heads of the appalled multitude, swiftly bore its burden of loveliness to the home of the manito. hiawatha sank to the earth and covered his head with the robe of a panther. three times did the smiling face of the great spirit pass across the heavens before the wise man moved or uttered a sound, and his red brothers feared he had gone on the long journey and could not again give them counsel. finally he rose from his mourning, bathed himself in the lake and asked that the council be called. when all were seated in the place appointed, hiawatha came before them and said: "my children, listen to the words of hiawatha, for they are the last he will speak to you. my heart beats with yours, my children, but i cannot longer remain to make known to you the will of the great spirit. "my children, the voice of strife has brought you from the homes where you have so long dwelt in peace. you tremble for the safety of your wives and little ones; you fear that your happy life will be disturbed. you, the members of many tribes and villages, have one common fear, and you should therefore have one common interest. singly, no tribe can oppose the hordes of the north that threaten to come like the storms of winter, blasting and killing all in their path. divided you can make no progress. you must unite as one common band of brothers. you must have one voice, for many tongues make confusion. you must have one fire, one pipe, one war club. if your warriors unite they can defeat any enemy and protect the safety of their homes. "my children, listen, and hiawatha will tell the wampum of the great spirit." he made a signal and the fire-keepers advanced to the center of the council-place and united the council-fires in one.[ ] then hiawatha threw tobacco upon this and said: [ ] see note on this legend. "onondaga, you are the people of the hills and are warlike and mighty. your strength is like that of the great tree whose branches withstand the storm because its roots sink deep into the ground. you shall be the first nation. "oneida, you are the people who recline your bodies against the everlasting stone that cannot be moved.[ ] you shall be the second nation because you give wise counsel. [ ] evidently an allusion to trenton falls chasm, located within the oneidas' country. "seneca, you are the people who have habitation at the foot of the great mountain and dwell within the shadows of its crags. you shall be the third nation because you are fleet of foot and are greatly gifted in speech. "cayuga, you whose dwelling is in the dark forest and whose home is everywhere because of the swiftness of your canoes, you shall be the fourth nation because of your superior cunning in hunting. "mohawk, you are the people who live in the open country and possess much wisdom. you shall be the fifth nation because you understand best the cultivation of corn and beans and the building of cabins. "like the fingers on the hand of the warrior, each must lend aid to the other and work in unison. then foes shall not disturb or subdue you. "my children, these are the words of the great spirit spoken to you by hiawatha. let them sink deep into your hearts and be remembered. when the sun comes again i will listen to your decision. i have done." on the following day the council again assembled and the wise men agreed that hiawatha had spoken well and that they would follow his teachings. they asked him to be their chief sachem, but he told them he could not as he was going away. then hiawatha approached the spot where the celestial bird had rested and gathered a quantity of white plumes that had fallen from its wings. these he gave to the warriors as emblems that they should wear and by which they should be known as members of the ako-no-shu-ne, who were called the iroquois.[ ] then hiawatha said to them: [ ] succeeding generations wore feathers from the white heron, approaching as nearly as possible the plumage of the celestial bird. "to you, oh! my children, remember well the words of hiawatha. to you, oh! my friends and brothers, be faithful in aiding each other when danger may come. recall the words of the great spirit which have been given to you for many moons. do not admit to your councils the people of other tribes, for they will plant among you the seeds of jealousy and trouble and you will become feeble and enslaved. "friends and brothers, these are the last words you will hear from the lips of hiawatha. choose the wisest maiden[ ] in your tribes, who shall be your peacemaker, and to your sachems shall come wisdom to arrange for the reference to her of dissensions that may arise among you. i have spoken, and will now follow the call of the great spirit." [ ] see legend "the peacemaker," and note on same. at that moment sweet strains of music burst upon the ears of the listening multitude like the gentle voice of summer in the branches of the pine trees; they heard it, but knew not whence it came. the wise man stepped forward, and as he was seated in the mystic canoe the music burst upon the air in tones more beautiful than the red men had ever before heard. but the snow-white canoe did not skim the waters of the lake. slowly it rose as the choral chant pealed forth, and, following the direction taken by the celestial bird, disappeared among the summer clouds as the melody ceased. the peacemaker kienuka, the peace-home, was desolate. the fire of pine knots that for many generations had burned upon its fire-place was dead and sodden. no voice of welcome was heard within its doors. its hangings of skins and robes were torn and loosened by the winds of all seasons. the broad paths leading from the sun-rising, the sun-setting, the guide star and the summer land, which for many hundred moons by night and by day had been pressed by the feet of the red children of the forest when in trouble, in danger, in need of counsel, or in want, were now choked with briars and thistles. the wolf whelped her young in the couch of the peacemaker. birds without song and of black plumage built their nests and muttered hoarse croakings to their nestlings in the roof of the peace-home. blood had been shed in kienuka and the great spirit had made the peace-home desolate. when hiawatha, the wise man, was speaking the last words to his children, he told them to choose from their tribes a maiden possessing wisdom, who should be their peacemaker. so the red men built a home wherein the peacemaker should dwell, and doors were made at each side so that it mattered not whence came the wayfarer he would find a welcome. then the maidens of the tribes were brought together at the council-place and to them were submitted the questions in dispute among their brothers. the wise men decided that she who would decide the greatest number most justly should be the peacemaker queen and dwell within the fortress they had built. thus the queen was chosen, and when the great spirit called her to the long home she was mourned by the people of all the tribes, and none entered the peace-home until her successor had been selected. in this manner came to the peace-home genetaska, the seneca maiden, whose wisdom and kindness were known to all, and whose beauty was like that of the full summer. she was the most famous of all the peacemaker queens, and the red men said that minnehaha, the daughter of hiawatha, came often from the sky on the back of the celestial bird and gave her advice and guidance. whoever went to the doors of the peace-home disputing came from them again, when they had eaten and rested, with no anger in their hearts, for genetaska soothed them by her gentle voice. to the sick and wounded she ministered with the greatest medicine herbs; to those heated by passion she told tales of the great spirit that taught them moderation. disputes among the tribes were so adjusted that the hunters or warriors who would come to kienuka with anger and war in their hearts left its doors as brothers. one day there came to the peace-home two young chiefs--one from the oneidas and the other from the onondagas. each claimed that his arrow had given the death stroke to a mighty buck they had been trailing in the forest. when they had tried their skill with weapons, agreeing that the most skillful should possess the slain animal, neither could gain advantage over the other. then said the onondaga: "i will fight thee, oneida, and he who lives may carry to his village the mighty buck and the scalp-lock of his enemy." but the oneida said: "thou, onondaga, must remember the words that have been spoken in thine ears by the old men who listened to the teachings of hiawatha, that when two hunters of the five nations dispute in the paths of the forest they shall not fight, but tell their dispute to the peacemaker. the oneida will go with thee to kienuka." when they had eaten and rested at the peace-home, the hunters were told that each should take half of the buck back to his village. "for," said the peacemaker, "the animal is large, and with half each hath enough for his wife and little ones." "the oneida is alone in his home," said the chief. "i carry the meat to the old men and to the women who have no sons. the oneida has seen no maiden he would take to his wigwam till he beheld genetaska, the peace queen." then said the onondaga: "the home of the onondaga is desolate since the plague robbed it of the loved ones. he is a great chief and has power in his tribe, for he was never defeated on the chase or in the contest. but the peacemaker has made his heart weak, and he can never be strong again unless she will come to his wigwam." then said genetaska: "go, thou, my brothers, and think no more of the peace queen, who is chosen by the tribes and may not be the wife of any. seek thou other maidens, who will gladly become wives to you." but when they were gone there was no longer peace in the heart of genetaska, for the form of the oneida was before her eyes. when the autumn came--when its first tints had touched the forests and merely tinged the dark green with a hazy brown--the oneida chief came at sun-setting to the peace-home and stood boldly before the peacemaker. he said: "the oneida hath built a wigwam in the summer land where the five tribes do not care to go. he hath filled it with robes and supplied it with food and it awaits the coming of genetaska, the seneca maiden, who loves the oneida. the tribes will choose another peace queen when thou art gone, and thy heart will no longer be heavy with the burdens of all the red children who come to thee with their troubles. will not genetaska go?" the maiden looked boldly into the face of her lover and answered: "genetaska will go." toward the summer land they left kienuka, and when they came to the river they glided rapidly along in the oneida's canoe and were lost to their people forever. * * * * * but the peace-home was desolate, and to its doors in the darkness came running two men whose anger toward each other had long been fed with jealousy and hatred. when no peacemaker was found their rage could no longer be controlled, and they fell upon each other with their hunting clubs and fought till they sank from exhaustion and died before each other's eyes. the peace-home had been desecrated by the shedding of blood. henceforth it was a place shunned by all men. an unwelcome visitor when the frosts were unlocked from the hillsides there came into one of the villages of the red men a mild and quiet old man whom none of them had ever seen before. he stood beside the field where the young men played at their games, and when some of the fathers approached to bid him welcome to their village and wigwams they saw that his body was covered with sores, and they made excuses to turn aside that they might not meet him. when none went to him and called him brother, he turned to the village and walked slowly from door to door of the wigwams. the women saw him and as he approached their doors they covered their children's faces that they might not see his features, and wished in their hearts that he would not enter. when the little man read their thoughts, with saddened eyes and heavy steps he would turn away and seek another habitation, where he would again see that he was not welcome and turn his weary footsteps from the door. when he had visited all the wigwams in the village without finding a welcome in any, he went suddenly to the forest and they saw him no more. the next day he appeared in another village, where the same weary round of the day before brought him no shelter. for many days thereafter he went from village to village, and, though he spoke to no one, he knew that their hearts were not open to him and that they shuddered at his coming. finally there remained but two more villages to visit and he feared that he should find none who would bid him enter their homes that they might minister to his wants. at last, however, as he approached a humble cabin his eyes brightened, for he read in the heart of the woman who saw him coming that she had taken pity on his forlorn condition and that her hospitality would overcome the dread his appearance caused. said the woman: "thou art welcome, my brother, for thou art a stranger." then said the strange man: "peace to my sister's house and happiness to her husband." then the woman spread a couch of soft furs at one side of the wigwam and bade the stranger lie down; and when she had done so she asked him how she should minister to his wants. then the strange man said: "listen, my sister: thou of all thy race hast had in thy heart pity and love for a suffering and friendless creature that have led thee to give him shelter in thy house. know then, my sister, that thy name shall henceforth be great. many wonders shall be taught thee, and thy sons will be made chiefs and thy daughters princesses. i am quarara, and bear messages from the great spirit." then quarara described to the woman a plant which she went forth into the forest and procured. she returned to the hut and prepared it as he bade her, and when it was administered to him he recovered from his sickness and the sores left him. quarara remained at the woman's wigwam many moons and brought upon himself all manner of fevers, plagues and diseases, and for each one he described the medicine root or herb that would perform its cure. these the woman found in the forest and brought to him, and he made it plain how they should be prepared to do the will of the great spirit and defeat the evil spirits and witches that plagued his people. then said the strange man, quarara, to her: "thou, oh! sister, knowest now what the great spirit would have thee teach his children freely. thou hast been patient and kind and thy heart is filled with gentleness. the sons that shall be born to thee shall be called sagawahs, the healers, and thou and thy family shall be remembered throughout all generations." quarara then brought upon himself the fatal disease, for which there is no remedy, and returned to his home with the great spirit. _bits of folk-lore_ bits of folk-lore fire was believed to be a giant that was fed on pygmies or small spirits existing only in the wind. the process of fanning the embers into flame with one's breath was only attempted at the greatest hazard, as it was "very bad medicine." whoever might be engaged in the practice of any mystery should never be disturbed or interfered with except under penalty of the direst misfortunes and the suspicion of all his tribe. they might wonder in their own hearts, but they must never betray the least curiosity to find out what one of their number might be trying to bring about by his experiments, incantations or mysterious performances. the arrows of a curious hunter never hit the mark, and the corn planted and tilled by a curious woman bore only crooked and withered ears. the sun was commonly known as "the smiling face of the great spirit," and when it disappeared at night it was supposed to have entered the door of a great wigwam which was built in the form of a semi-circle. in the morning it reappeared at the other door of the wigwam. their ideas about astronomy were extremely vague and were constantly changing. the moon was believed to be a sister of the sun, and in time would be able to give as much light as her brother. the stars were bright and glowing brands of fire tied with thongs and held by spirits created for that purpose by the great spirit. one star alone, the north star, was held by the great spirit himself because it was always in the same place. it was called the guide. other stars and planets were named, but the names have not been preserved. the springs and the streams they formed were first made for the convenience of the great spirit. he desired to leave the happy hunting-grounds and make a journey over the earth and so he sent a large white bird to carry water from the original spring near the great spirit's wigwam and plant it in the earth at convenient distances. sections of country that were without springs had not been visited by the great spirit. language was looked upon as a sacred gift, and was as much a part of the body as the head or limbs. for this reason an indian never spoke the language of another nation except in the capacity of interpreter. when a council was held between tribes the orators conducted the debate in their own language, and the words were translated, when necessary, as they fell from the lips of the speakers by those who had been trained for that purpose. it was considered the greatest possible affront to their ancestors and to the great spirit for the iroquois to speak any language other than their own. deaf mutes among them were pointed out as people who were not satisfied with the language of their fathers and in consequence had lost the power to speak or hear. difficulties and contentions were spirits of evil that flew about inciting trouble. when disputes and differences were arranged or settled they would arise again unless buried. when terms of a settlement had been agreed upon it was customary to dig a hole in the ground, around which the disputants would gather, and each party to the dispute would talk his grievances into the excavation, absolutely unburdening himself of all he had to say. when the ceremony was concluded, the excavated earth was returned and firmly stamped and pounded down. in this way, it was believed, the quarrel could be forever buried unless one of the parties to the ceremony deliberately removed the earth and again opened the prison of the bad spirits. from this belief grew the custom of "burying the hatchet" when peace was secured, and of digging it up when war was determined upon. the aurora borealis was believed to be the reflection of the light of the camp-fires in the happy hunting-grounds. when its lights were seen it was supposed that the brothers who had passed into the future were rejoicing over the successful termination of some great hunt or participating in a feast. the size of a fire that could cast such wonderful lights was beyond their comprehension, and often the death-song of the warriors and chiefs would refer to their hope of soon standing beside the fire that was greater than the mountains. it was customary for them to stand in the open air and make long speeches to the spirits during the time the aurora was to be seen. they would chide the spirits for wastefulness in building so large a fire and call upon them not to burn all the forests of the great spirit before their friends on the earth were admitted to the charmed circle and permitted to enjoy the pleasures of a camp-fire of such gigantic proportions. it was wrong to complain of pain of any kind or to show by any act that pain was experienced. both pain and suffering were caused by bad spirits, and surely one would not give their enemies the pleasure of knowing that their attempts had in any manner caused discomfort. the great spirit was trying with all his power to relieve those who suffered pain, and to complain when your friend was doing his best to aid you would make him think that his efforts were not appreciated. besides this, after the first shock of a wound, none of the animals betray by their cries the presence of pain. the dog will carry a broken leg for days, wistfully but uncomplainingly. the cat, stricken with club or stone, or caught in some trap from which it gnaws its way to freedom, crawls to some secret place and bears its agony in silence. the wolf or bear, caught in the pitfalls and pierced with scores of stinging arrows, indicate by no outward sign that they suffer. the wounded deer speeds to some thick brake and in pitiful submission waits for death. the eagle, struck by the arrow in mid-air, fights to the last against the fatal summons. there is no moan or sound of pain, and the defiant look never fades from its eyes until the lids close over them never to uncover again. the indians learned many of their lessons from the animals and were taught to be as brave and uncomplaining as their brothers of the forests. _the happy hunting-grounds_ the happy hunting-grounds it is hardly possible to define the creed of the people comprising the iroquois, for it was so intermingled with curious superstitions of every kind that it cannot be traced to a continuous doctrine like the religions of other peoples. they had no special teachers of religion, and the privilege of adding as many superstitions as the mind could conceive was possessed by each individual member. thus their religious belief was encumbered with almost every superstition that could be created in the minds of an ignorant and uncivilized people dwelling in wildernesses filled with numerous wild beasts and given over to the undisputed sway of solitude. in a general way, however, according to the explanations made by cornplanter of the belief entertained by him, their religion saw god as a great and loving spirit whose extended arms bore up and encircled the universe. they believed this great spirit created all the objects, both animate and inanimate, upon the earth; that he smiled upon his people in sunshine and shower, and frowned upon them in fierce storms and whirlwinds. he peopled the air with millions of embodied spirits, some of which were evil, and unless propitiated caused pain, sickness, trouble and death. others were good spirits and aided the hunter in his chase, the lover in his suit, and brought male offspring to the mother's arms. finally, he had prepared for them a "happy hunting-ground," where every one should go after death. there beautiful birds would make resonant the hills and valleys with their enchanting song. the great spirit had covered that vast and magnificent country with plains, and forests, and limpid streams, in which and over which would sport the red deer, bears, buffaloes, wild horses and all animals and fishes useful for clothing and food. the good indian could there reside forever with his wives and papooses, climbing the rugged hills without weariness, sporting in the rivers and lakes that never failed to supply an abundance of fish--always returning from the chase laden with the trophies of his skill. but the bad indian would return from the chase empty-handed; he would lose his way and wander in the labyrinth of beautiful paths that led him beside fields of growing maize which disappeared when he attempted to pluck the glistening ears. then his more fortunate brothers would take pity upon him and lead him to his home, and his punishment would be the chagrin he would feel when of necessity he was compelled to partake of his brother's bounty. in the beginning, the red men dwelt with the great spirit in this delightful country, but they were so boisterous and full of play that the great spirit could get no rest on account of their noise. besides this, there were no evil spirits or dangers there, and they could not learn to be brave and courageous unless they were situated where they came in contact with opposition and trouble. so the great spirit made a large basket in which he placed the red men, carefully covering them so they could not see the trail by which he took them from his home. he brought them to the earth and left them with the promise that when they had acquired bravery and circumspection they should again be carried to his home and there dwell for "so many moons that all the needles on the greatest pine tree would not tell them all." the iroquois held sacred no day on which to perform particular religious exercises, but they had several annual festivals which were observed with regularity for ages, and which are, in a measure, celebrated by the so-called pagans among the senecas, onondagas and tuscaroras at the present time. the first of these was the "maple dance," and exemplified their way of thanking the great spirit for tempering the wind so that the snows would disappear and the sweet waters would flow from the sides of the maple trees that abounded in the wilderness about their homes. previous to holding this, and all other festivals, the inhabitants of each village would meet at the council-place for what might be termed to-day "a confession of sins"--for such it really was. when all had assembled, one of the oldest sachems would stand before his brethren with a string of white wampum in his hands and tell wherein he had sinned according to indian ethics. when he had concluded, the wampum would be passed to another, and so on until all had unburdened themselves. the open declaration of their misdeeds did not relieve them of the consequences of the deeds themselves, but in a measure it tempered the punishment. the moral code may be briefly summed up as follows: it was a sin to neglect the old in any manner, or to refuse to share with them the fruits of the chase or the products of the fields, and it was especially sinful to neglect or disregard aged or infirm parents. to speak in derision or slightingly of anyone who might be lame, blind, idiotic, insane--crippled in any manner or unfortunate in any degree, or to refuse them aid or shelter. to refuse to share food or shelter with anyone who might apply for either, or to fail to care for the sick and for orphan children and widows. to break any treaty or agreement made at the council-fire when the peace-pipe had been smoked, or after the parties making the treaty had partaken of food together. to violate the chastity of any woman. to kill animals for any other purpose than for food and covering, and for the protection of growing crops and human life. to tell a falsehood, even though it might be of the most innocent character. to show cowardice in meeting any kind of danger or to shrink from exposure, pain, suffering, sickness or death. to take human life unless the person killed was a member of a tribe with which the iroquois was at war. there were no punishments prescribed for breaking any of these or other recognized laws, but the person offending by the commission of the greater sins was, by common consent and custom, shunned, scorned, shamed, neglected, pointed at and ostracised from all connection whatever with his tribe and relatives. this generally resulted in the culprit's suicide, which was looked upon as a very brave act, and was full reparation for the wrongs committed. soon after the "maple dance" had been held came the "planting festival," which was conducted as a thank offering to the great spirit for unfolding the buds upon the trees, decking the woods and fields with flowers and warming the earth so that it could receive and nourish the seed. when the seed had been planted, and upon the appearance of the first shoots of corn, the "hope festival" was held. at this time, as the red men circled around the glowing fires, they called upon the great spirit to protect the seeds that he had given life and asked him to bring them to maturity. they sprinkled leaves of tobacco upon the fires and repeated slow, monotonous chants or prayers that had been used by them for unknown generations. they asked the great spirit to give attention to their words arising to him in the smoke and not to let his ears become closed that he might not hear. they said: thy children thank thee for the life thou hast given the dead seeds. give us a good season that our crops may be plentiful. continue to listen for the smoke still rises. preserve our old men among us and protect the young. help us to celebrate this festival as did our fathers. the "green corn festival" was held when the season had so far advanced that the corn was ready to be used as roasting ears. the old women decided when this time had come, and none might partake of the corn until the festival had proceeded to the proper stage. this was a time of returning to the great spirit their thanks for his goodness, and the festivities lasted several days. they were wild and uncouth, of course, but the participants had faith that these ceremonies were pleasing to the great spirit. the revelry was conducted in a prescribed form that probably did not change for centuries. in the midst of one of the dances peculiar to the "green corn festival" the oldest sachem of the tribe gave utterance to a prayer of thanksgiving, which has been translated as follows: great spirit in the happy hunting-grounds, listen to our words. we have assembled to perform a sacred duty as thou hast commanded and which has been performed by our fathers since thou taught them to observe this festival. we salute thee with our thanks that thou hast caused our supporters to yield abundant harvest. great spirit, our words continue to flow towards thee. preserve us from all danger. preserve our aged men. preserve our mothers. preserve our warriors. preserve our children. preserve our old men that they may remember all that thou hast told them. preserve our young men and give them strength to celebrate with pleasure thy sacred festival. great spirit, the council of thy people here assembled, the men and women with many winters on their heads, the strong warriors, the women and children, unite their voices in thanksgiving to thee. the "harvest festival" was held a few weeks afterwards and was similar in character, though not considered of so much importance as the "green corn festival." some time during the winter was held the "white dog dance." this, however, was not of so ancient an origin as the other festivals and was probably a superstition promulgated by some of the great "medicine men" within the last two hundred and fifty years. evil spirits that might have been driven into the houses of the indians by the cold, were induced by various ceremonies to enter the body of a white dog or gray fox that was led from house to house for that purpose. then, with due ceremony, the animal was killed and the bad spirits cremated with the body--the jaws having been tied together so that the spirits could not escape through its mouth, into which they had entered. the indians had numerous other ceremonial dances and any number of social dances--more than any other race of people, for they had few other amusements--but those enumerated above were the only strictly religious festivals. these were in every sense reverential, devotional and inspired by faith. the red men believed that if they observed them according to ancient customs and usages it would please the great spirit and that he would eventually take them all to the happy hunting-grounds. while they clearly believed in an immortal life and in the resurrection of the body, they had no belief whatever in the infliction of future punishment, other than that experienced by the hunter whose arrows could not procure the game he coveted and trailed in the land where game abounded forever. had these people, possessing (as they most certainly did) a religion combining so many of the elements of the christian religion, been discovered by any one of the enlightened nations of the present day instead of by the intolerant and greedy bigots of four hundred years ago, their history would not have been written with so many sad scenes for illustrations. about the year a new religion was revealed to the members of the iroquois then residing in new york state, and as it is what is now known as the pagan belief, it may be well to describe it briefly. at that time there was living on cornplanter island, in the state of pennsylvania, a half-brother of cornplanter and blacksnake by a common father--abeel, the white trader. his name was handsome lake (ga-ne-o-di-yo), and he was born near the site of the village of avon, n. y., in , and died in at onondaga when on a pastoral visit to that nation. his life had been spent mainly in dissipation, and in his old age he fell ill and was not expected to live from day to day. one night he sent his daughter to summon his renowned brothers to his bedside, as he was convinced that his end was drawing near. his brothers reached the house shortly after daylight and found handsome lake at some distance from the hut, apparently dead. they carried him in and had commenced to make preparations for the funeral, when suddenly he revived, sat upright and commenced to talk very strangely. he recovered rapidly and at his urgent request a council of his people was summoned to meet at cornplanter, and to this assembly he revealed all that had befallen him. his revelations soon became the religion of the iroquois and may be considered their creed at the present time. handsome lake journeyed from tribe to tribe and taught the new faith till his death, fifteen years after. he was regarded as a second hiawatha and had wonderful influence. after his death other teachers took his place and continued to expound the new faith as nearly as possible in the exact words of him to whom it was believed to have been first revealed. unlike modern theologians, they made no attempt to put their views and ideas ahead of the original revelation, for they commenced each new section of the long and tedious recital with the words, "thus said handsome lake," and they followed him as closely as possible, both in words and gestures. they did not add to or take away--they simply repeated. the last great follower of handsome lake was his grandson (sase-ha-wa), known to the whites as jimmy johnson, who died about . about the middle of august, , a grand council of the chiefs was held at onondaga, and on that occasion these traditions were revived, several days being spent in the work. stripped of long explanations as to how the message was told and the details of the various provisions and requirements, the creed of handsome lake was as follows: as he lay in his cabin looking out of the window at the stars, momentarily expecting death, three beautiful men came to his couch and gave him some berries to eat, which threw him into a deep sleep. when he awoke he was told by one of the men that he might live if he would throughout the remainder of his life be a teacher of his people and speak to them the words that the great spirit put into his mouth. he promised to do this and immediately became strong. then the men conducted him to the outer air, where he was found by his brothers, and, after showing him many wonderful things concerning the happy hunting-grounds, again threw him into a sleep and disappeared. when he taught he closed his eyes and spoke only the words put into his mouth by the great spirit; therefore, whatever he told them was inspired. the doctrines expounded by him did not displace any of the old ceremonies so dear to the heart of the iroquois. in fact, he urged the observance of all the religious dances, saying they were pleasing to the creator. his first efforts were directed toward the eradication of intemperance, and here entered the first threat of future punishment in the creed of the iroquois. a drunkard was promised boiling hot liquor, which he must drink in great quantities. when he had drunk until he could hold no more, streams of fire would issue from his mouth and he would be commanded to sing as he had done on earth after drinking the fire-water. husbands and wives who had been quarrelsome on earth were to be compelled to rage at each other till their eyes and tongues ran out so far they could neither see nor speak. a wife-beater would be repeatedly led before a red-hot statue which he would be told to strike as he struck his wife upon earth, and when the blow fell, molten sparks would fly from the image and burn his arm to the bone. lazy people were compelled to till cornfields in a burning sun, and as fast as the weeds were struck down they would again spring up with renewed luxuriance. those who sold the lands of their people to the whites were assigned to the task of removing a never-diminishing pile of sand, one grain at a time, over a vast distance. these are but samples of the terrible punishments to be dealt out to evil-doers of all kinds. at the same time he taught that rewards would be freely bestowed to those who kept the laws laid down by the great spirit, and into these laws as revealed by handsome lake, with many fanciful and poetical imaginings that pleased the simple people to whom he taught, he wove the ten commandments. he taught morality, temperance, patience, forbearance, charity, forgiveness, and all the cardinal virtues. handsome lake implicitly believed that the vision he described was a direct visitation from the creator, and he also believed that in his teachings he was simply giving voice to the wishes of that creator. there is little doubt that he exerted a decided influence for good, as did also his followers for many years after his death; but when sects and denominations commenced to tumble over each other in their zeal to "christianize the iroquois," and hair-splitting questions of theology were put forward to confuse and confound the teachings of the prophet of their own blood, the indians began to doubt all that had been told them in the past and their ears were stopped to all that might be preached to them in the future. it may be truthfully stated that few indians have at present any well-grounded religious belief, yet if they were not fearful that it would cause them to be subjected to further legal restrictions they would be well pleased to return once more to the free enjoyment of the teachings of handsome lake, their greatest prophet. _sacred stone of the oneidas_ _the sacred stone of the oneida indians_ [illustration] the sacred stone of the oneidas in forest hill cemetery, at utica, new york, a short distance from the entrance, may be seen what is probably the most interesting historical relic of the iroquois--the sacred stone of the oneida indians. the legend connected with this monument is as strange and poetic as any of those given in the preceding pages, and quite naturally should have a place in this volume. the story was obtained from the indians by the late william tracy before their removal to green bay, wisconsin, and as told by him and by contemporary writers is as follows: two brothers and their families left the onondagas and erected their wigwams on the north shore of the oneida river, at the outlet of the lake bearing that name. they kept the celebrations commanded by the great spirit and he was pleased with their obedience. one morning there appeared at their resting place an oblong stone, unlike any of the rocks in the vicinity, and the indians were told that from it their name should be taken, and that it would for all time be the altar around which their councils and their festive and religious ceremonies should take place, as it would follow them wherever they should go. so they took the name of "the people of the upright stone," and kept their home beside this altar many years. but finally they became so numerous that there was not room for them here, and they builded their chief village upon the south side of the lake, where a creek bearing the same name discharges its waters. true to the promise, and unassisted by human hands, the sacred stone followed and located once more in the midst of them. here the oneidas flourished till the confederation of the iroquois was formed, and they became second in the order of precedence in the confederacy. after many years it was determined by the chief men of the nation to remove their council-fire to the summit of one of a chain of hills about twenty miles distant--a commanding point before which is spread a broad view of the fertile stockbridge valley. and when the council of the nation had selected this new home for its people, the sacred stone once more followed in the train of its children. it rested in a grove of butternut trees, from beneath whose branches the eye could look out upon a landscape not equaled elsewhere in their national domain. here it remained to see the iroquois increase in power and importance until the name struck terror to their foes from the hudson to the father of waters. around this unhewn altar, within its leafy temple was gathered all the wisdom of the nation when measures affecting its welfare were to be considered. their eloquence, as effective and beautiful as ever fell from greek or roman lips, was poured forth upon the ears of the sons and daughters of the forest. logan, the white man's friend, was there trained to utter words that burned, and there sconondoa, the last orator of his race, the warrior chief and lowly christian convert, with matchless power swayed the hearts of his countrymen; there the sacred rites were celebrated at the return of each harvest moon and each new year, when every son and daughter of the stone came up like the jewish tribes of old to join in the national festivities. this was the resting place of the stone when the first news came that the paleface had come from beyond the bitter waters. it remained to see him penetrate the forest and come among its children a stranger; to see him welcomed by the red men to a home, and then to see its red children shrink and wither away until the white man's sons plowed the fields beneath whose forest coverings slept many generations. at length the council-fire of the oneidas was extinguished; its people were scattered, and there was no new resting place for them to which this palladium might betake itself and again become their altar. it was a stranger in the ancient home of its children, an exile upon its own soil. * * * * * it was known to several of the trustees of the forest hill cemetery association that when the oneidas removed to green bay and broke up their tribal relations they were very loath to leave their altar unprotected, and when the association was formed in the spring of , correspondence was had with some of the head men of the nation, and consultations were held with the few remaining in the vicinity of their old home. they were most desirous that the stone should be protected, and were happy in the prospect of its removal to some place where it would remain secure from the contingencies and dangers to which it might be exposed in a private holding, liable to constant change of owners. with the consent of the owner of the farm upon which it was located, the huge boulder was carefully loaded upon a wagon drawn by four horses, and in the autumn of , accompanied by a delegation of oneida indians and two of the trustees of the cemetery association, it was conveyed with considerable difficulty to its present site. it is said by some who remember the occasion, that before the indians departed from the cemetery, they assembled around the stone and betrayed in their leave-taking pitiful manifestations of grief, several of them kneeling beside the boulder and kissing it. here this mass of white granite, which is unlike any of the stones or rocks to be found south of the northern dip of the adirondacks, or the granite hills of vermont and new hampshire, remained on a grassy mound a half century. its weight is estimated to be about four thousand pounds. in the spring of the cemetery authorities caused it to be placed upon a base of westerly marble, upon one side of which is fixed a bronze tablet bearing this inscription: sacred stone of the oneida indians ------ this stone was the national altar of the oneida indians, around which they gathered from year to year to celebrate solemn religious rites and to worship the great spirit. they were known as the tribe of the upright stone. this valuable historical relic was brought here from stockbridge, madison county, n. y., in . many times during the first twenty-five or thirty years after the sacred stone was deposited upon forest hill it was visited by members of its tribe; and even now at occasional intervals the cemetery employees see the figure of an indian passing along the graveled paths to pause beside this sole remaining monument of a broken race. it is pleasing to know that this granite boulder will here forever remain, a memorial to a people celebrated for their savage virtues, and who were once by no means obscure actors in some of the stirring passages of our country's history; a people who were happy in their homes and who loved these fertile hills and valleys as we love them, but of whose ownership and sovereignty, whose teeming life and undisputed sway, there remains only this mute, unembellished monument. truthfully it may be said: "he-o-weh-go-gek"--once a home, now a memory. _notes to the legends_ notes to the legends the confederation of the iroquois, page .--when the europeans discovered north america they found that portion of the continent lying east of a line about as far west as the city of cleveland, ohio, and from the great lakes on the north to the chesapeake bay on the south, practically under the control of a confederacy of tribes, to which the french in after years applied the term iroquois, and which the english called the five nations. this confederacy was composed of the senecas, mohawks, onondagas, oneidas and cayugas. in the year the tuscaroras, a tribe previously located in north carolina, were defeated in a war with their white neighbors, and about one thousand eight hundred of them fled to what is now new york state, then the actual dwelling-place of most of the iroquois, and were adopted into the confederacy. the new tribe did not possess the energy and courage of their associates, and for several years after their coming the men wore the tobacco pouches of the women, thus acknowledging upon all occasions that they were inferior to the other five nations comprising the union which had become their protectors. after the coming of the tuscaroras the confederacy was known as the six nations of indians--a designation which is often used at the present time in law in matters pertaining to the indians of new york state. the date of the formation of this confederacy has never been settled with any degree of certainty, and all attempts have ended in mere conjecture and speculation. the most authentic tradition heretofore published places the date about the year , but there is no positive proof that this date is accurate. the legend of its formation here published is not only based upon what was considered reliable authority by cornplanter, but has also the sanction of that other noted seneca chief, governor blacksnake (the nephew), who was contemporaneous with cornplanter, and who was probably born about the year and died in , at the supposed age of one hundred and twenty-three years. these chiefs both claimed to have seen a string of wampum in their early years that placed the formation of the confederacy at a time when there occurred a total eclipse of the sun--"a darkening of the great spirit's smiling face"--that took place when the corn was receiving its last tillage, long before events that could be reliably ascribed to the year . at this point it will be well to say that the indians possessed strings of wampum which actually recorded historical events. they were made upon the skins of some animal and were formed of small pieces of bone, variously shaped and colored, small stones, and a variety of small shells, quills and sometimes the teeth or claws of animals. these were strung upon the tanned skin by piercing holes through them and tying them securely with sinews. certain ones in the tribe were selected as keepers of the wampum and it was their duty to store all necessary facts in their memory and associate with them the successive lines and arrangement of the stones, shells, quills, etc., so that they could be readily called to mind. at general councils these records were brought before the people and solemnly expounded. as these people possessed remarkable memories, the meaning of the wampum string was accurately carried down from generation to generation. the place of holding the council that formed the confederacy has also been the subject of some dispute, but it is pretty certain that it was near the northern end of either seneca or cayuga lake, and that it took place in that year previous to in which occurred an eclipse of the sun in the month when the corn receives its last tilling. professor lewis swift, of the warner observatory, rochester, kindly furnished the following table of dates: annular eclipse october , annular eclipse may , total eclipse july , total eclipse june , annular eclipse april , the first given, october, , is out of the question, as the corn would have been harvested at that time of year. the second, may, , would have been too early in the season to comply with the conditions of the wampum record, for the corn would hardly have made its appearance above the ground as early as the th of may. the third, the last of july, , will not answer the account given, for the ears of the maize would have been forming at that time and the plant would have passed its period of tillage. the fourth date, june , , must, therefore, have been the one upon which the confederation took place, as at that time of the year the corn in central new york is about ready for its final tilling. upon the authority of these two chiefs it is not difficult to believe that this date is historically correct and that the incident related in the legend was the occasion upon which this wonderful union of republics was formed. considered as a government formed by a savage people, the confederation of the iroquois certainly was a wonderful union. had it not been broken and destroyed by the whites after a series of wars extending over two centuries and culminating in the great village-burning expedition of sullivan in , this confederacy would have made rapid progress in civilization. among the five nations alone can be found the indian of the novelist and poet. the iroquois stand out and above all other aboriginal inhabitants in their intelligence, their oratory, their friendship and their character. had they been treated with fairness; had they not been made the subjects of the most cruel wrongs and deceptions; had they not been driven to retaliation and finally to relentless slaughter, the pages of our histories would doubtless have recorded of this people achievements of which any nation might be proud. a legend of the river, page .--this story was told of the genesee river and falls, and is occasionally heard among the older senecas at the present time. it is said that one family of the senecas were very much opposed to signing the treaty that surrendered the territory surrounding the scene of this legend. they claimed to be descendants of tonadahwa and her brave rescuer, and believed that the spirits of their dead ancestors often visited the scene of their adventure and upon this spot plighted anew their troth. there is little doubt that this story, in the main, is true, and that a young indian and a maiden, whom he was trying to rescue from a warrior of another tribe, were almost miraculously preserved alive after being carried over the genesee falls in a canoe. this legend has been put forth in various ways, one of which was that the indians living near niagara falls were accustomed to sacrifice annually to the spirit of the falls by sending the fairest maiden of the tribe over the precipice in a white birch canoe, decked with fruits and flowers. frequently male relatives or lovers are said to have accompanied or followed victims who were set apart for this sacrifice. if this is so it must have been a practice of some other tribe than those composing the iroquois, for the iroquoian tribes did not practice customs which called for the sacrifice of human life, unless the sacrifice was self-imposed. legends of the corn, page .--corn, or maize, was the chief food of the indians and consequently there were many legends concerning its origin. the two here given were looked upon as the oldest. the indians had a firm belief that it was possible to change one's form, unless the one desiring the change was unfortunate enough to be under the influence of some evil spirit that out of malice prevented the transformation. the indian women were especially proud of the legend attributing the origin of the maize to the frightened maiden fleeing from her lover, and it was told to their daughters very often and with many extravagant embellishments. the first winter, page .--the indians were taught never to speak ill of any of the celestial bodies or of the works of nature. they must never complain of the glare and heat of the sun, lest they be stricken blind; nor must they complain of the clouds for fear that they might be shut up in caves in the mountains where no light could enter. the moon must be treated with the same respect and consideration, for those who said aught against her were in imminent danger of death by a fall of rocks from the sky. the most severe storms of wind, snow, frost or hail must be treated only with great respect. those who complained about them were by this act unarmed and could not resist their attacks and rigors. in fact, they were taught to "take the bitter with the sweet" without making wry faces. this training through long generations rendered the race cold and stoical, apparently indifferent to suffering. they probably suffered the same as others, but they bore it without a sign. this legend was a very common one and was frequently told the young in order that the lesson might be deeply impressed upon them that they should never set themselves up in opposition to the great spirit or complain of the enforcement of his laws. the story of oniata, page .--cornplanter held that there were many traditions among the indians that in one way or another mentioned persons who were described as white; and this, too, long before the coming of the europeans. one tradition was to the effect that thousands of years ago, away off to the southwest, there was a tribe of indians in which were born several children who were made "like the great spirit, with faces as the sun." they were said to be very proud of the distinction and also to have been great warriors. they were believed to have wandered to the south and finally to have been lost in the mountains. after the coming of the europeans this tradition was revived, and the ever-ready imagination of the indians added a sequel to the disappearance of the "white indians." they said the whites had gone across the bitter lake (the ocean) and founded the nations of the palefaces and were now returning to conquer and subdue their forefathers. it was cornplanter's belief that this was the older continent and that the indian was nearest the original creation. he did not believe these traditional white people were as white as the english. they possessed all the indian features, he said, but had light-colored skins and light hair. since this volume was made ready for publication the author found in a western newspaper an account of the return from new mexico of a mr. williamson, who had been spending some months in an out-of-the-way place in that territory among the moqui indians. mr. williamson told an interesting story about a family of that tribe the members of which are white. he saw these people and asserts there is no doubt as to their color. he also says they are without doubt pure indians and that they have none of the characteristics of the albinos often seen among the negroes. the family is known far and wide among the indians themselves, but as their place of residence is some distance from the usual routes traveled by white men, they are rarely seen by others than the race to which they belong. the indians look upon them as something holier than the rest of the tribe, and hence do not talk about them to outsiders. the narrator stated that the head man of the family says that there is a tradition among them that they originally came from the north and settled among the moqui people, where they have been so long that they have lost all knowledge of the northern tribe and were not certain that they now spoke the language of their progenitors. when any of the moqui married into the family, their children were always white. this discovery, if true and there seems no reason for such a statement unless it be true is interesting in this connection and may be looked upon by some as a proof of the claim that about the year a. d. a race of white people occupied the territory bordering the southern shores of the great lakes, and that they were driven away by red men who came from still further north. of course this is speculation and will probably remain a mystery as long as the world stands. the buzzard's covering, page .--this legend regarding the buzzard's plumage was often told by the indians to illustrate the failure of some one of their number to win success in marriage or upon the chase. "we wear the turkey buzzard's feathers," said one of the sioux chiefs a few years ago when making complaint to a congressional committee. few of those who heard him understood the metaphor and the supposition was that he referred to the plainness of his clothing compared with that of the politicians who met him. this expression coming from a sioux chief proves that at least some of the legends common among the iroquois centuries ago can be traced among the tribes of the west at the present time. a white man to convey the same meaning would say, "we have the worst end of the bargain," or, "we have only a crooked stick at last." origin of the violet, page .--the indian term for the violet is "heads entangled." this is not one of the legends told by cornplanter. it was told the author by a seneca indian named simon blackchief. afterwards the authenticity of the legend was confirmed by inquiries among other members of the seneca nation. the turtle clan, page .--of the various clans existing among the iroquois the turtle was probably the most respected. the families belonging to the turtles were in reality the freemasons of those days and to them were accorded the highest honors. at the council-fires the wisdom of the turtles was displayed in counselling unity of action. their opinions were almost always accepted without discussion. the healing waters, page .--the indians possessed for many years a knowledge of the curative properties of the mineral springs of this country and held the waters in the highest veneration. their faith in them was so great that some did not hesitate to declare that the waters would cure all ills. another spring that they held in high reverence was an oil spring situated in allegany county, new york state, near the pennsylvania line. the water of this spring is covered with a thick substance that was formerly collected by the indians by conducting the water into pools and skimming the surface with flat stones or the branches of trees. the oil thus collected was used to mix with various substances to form war-paint, but more especially as a healing salve for various wounds. the indians knew of its existence for many centuries, and there were few days in summer when bands of indians were not in that vicinity gathering the oil, which they evaporated by exposure to the sun and then stored in raw-hide or earthen vessels for future use. years ago the spring and a plot of ground one mile square was set aside as a reservation, and it is still held as such. a curious fact in this connection is that the oil from the spring was vaseline in its crude state, and the same substance is now extensively secured from petroleum oil wells in that vicinity. the message bearers, page .--the belief of the indians that the echoes they heard among the mountains and forests were spirits who repeated from one to another the words spoken by the men and women until the words reached heaven itself, is almost too beautiful to be destroyed by the cold facts of science. there is something about their theory that appeals very strongly to all and makes us wish that we, like the indians of a thousand years ago, could believe that our prayers, if spoken boldly, would be caught from our lips by waiting and listening spirits and carried to "the tent of the great spirit." it was customary for them to frequent rivers with high wooded banks, or to seek ravines with precipitous sides where reverberations could be heard for miles, until they would die away in the distance. here they would stand for hours, shouting and listening as the echoing shouts leaped from shore to shore, or from hill to mountain and from mountain to valley--on and on into silence; always firmly believing that the words were called from one to another of the faithful spirits until they reached the ears of their loved ones and finally the great spirit himself. this custom was practiced among the senecas less than one hundred years ago, and there are now living men who have been present on occasions when nearly the whole tribe participated in an event of this character. this belief was doubtless the origin of the "death shout" that indian warriors are said to make when mortally wounded upon the battle field. the cry is sent forth by the dying warrior to let the friends whom he would meet in heaven know that he has started on the long journey. the hunter, page .--this legend is one of the many relating the origin of the "medicine compound." when the rejoicing over the return to life of kanistagia had ceased, the bear and fox took him aside and imparted the secret of the mysterious compound which had mended his wounded head when once the scalp had been restored. there has always been a great deal of mystery, and something of superstition, concerning, "indian medicines," and quack nostrums have been eagerly sought by people of these later years simply because they were labeled with indian names and ascribed to indian origin. the fact is the indians were poor doctors. they knew the virtue of catnip, peppermint, pennyroyal, and a few simple herbs of like nature. they knew that lobelia would act as an emetic and throw poisons from the stomach. they found that a salve made from the inner bark of the slippery elm and elder would heal wounds. while they had an infinite variety of so-called "medicines," their cures were generally effected through faith and good constitutions, aided by a liberal use of cold water. they lived out of doors during the greater part of their lives, and to this, more than to their knowledge of cures, may be ascribed their longevity. the secret of their "great medicine" was imparted to but few, and the formula here given was told the author by one of the older jimmersons, a resident of the seneca reservation: each year before the coming of the frosts a meeting of the chiefs was held in one of the largest wigwams. those entitled to attend could not enter the wigwam before dark. each one brought with him several of the rarest herbs, roots, branches of trees or fruits of which he had knowledge, and often hundreds of miles had been traversed in the search for some particularly scarce product. these, with a few simple, fragrant herbs and a certain proportion of dry corn and beans, were pounded into a pulpy mass. each one present assumed the character of some bird or animal, and they often masqueraded to carry out the role. no words passed between them, but a continual din was kept up as each one sounded the cries of the bird or animal he represented. one would bark like a fox, another caw like a crow, a third would growl like a bear, the fourth, fifth and sixth chatter like squirrels, raccoons or ground-hogs. another would scream like a hawk, while others would imitate the wild turkey, geese, ducks, etc. they worked rapidly, for they must complete their task before the break of day. if one closed his eyes in sleep, it was a sure sign that the plague would come upon the tribe. at daylight the compound was divided, carefully bestowed in panther skin pouches, and carried away for future use. the manner of administering it was as curious as its manufacture. water was dipped from a running stream in a wooden vessel. care was taken to dip with the current--never against it. when the water in the vessel had become absolutely quiet, three small portions of the powder were carefully dropped on its surface in the form of a triangle. if the powder spread over the surface of the water, as dust often will, the patient hastily gulped down the dose and got well. if the powder sank to the bottom without spreading over the surface, the medicine man quickly departed with his potion and no further effort was made to save the patient's life. hiawatha, page .--this version of hiawatha follows as closely as it is possible to translate into english the legend as told by governor blacksnake (the nephew). this aged seneca chief was contemporaneous with cornplanter, and died december , , at the age of or years. he was a very intelligent man, possessing all the nobler traits of his race and very few, if any, of the baser ones. he possessed the confidence and esteem of washington, and to the day of his death wore upon a thong around his neck a silver medal given him by washington. he also constantly carried a little leathern pouch containing a pass written and signed by washington's own hand. it is believed that many will be pleased to read in prose the beautiful story that longfellow has immortalized in verse, and into which he wove many other curious legends to make the story complete. the form of the tradition here given is believed to be the purest one extant. its narrator repeated it frequently to assemblages of the senecas up to a few months prior to his death, and as here given follows the story precisely as it came from blacksnake's own lips. this legendary account of the formation of the confederacy of the iroquois differs materially from the historical account as given by cornplanter. the story of hiawatha was believed by cornplanter as implicitly as any christian believes the bible. but he said this happened so many years ago, when everything was spiritual and supernatural, that the five nations in time came to look upon it as something that was not binding upon them. by degrees they drifted away and were estranged, and the council-fire combined and lighted by hiawatha at that time was permitted to go out--that is, each tribe held its separate council. after the second reunion of the tribes (see note and legend "the confederation of the iroquois") the council was again established at onondaga, and the great council-fire was relighted on the spot hallowed by the presence of their wisest leader. it is also interesting to note that the councils of the iroquois were held at onondaga until january , . in the war of the revolution the mohawks, onondagas, senecas and cayugas favored the english. the mohawks went to canada and never returned, save as foes, till after peace was declared, and the other tribes named lent the english much assistance. the oneidas and tuscaroras remained neutral, but really aided the colonists. on the th of january, , a delegation of oneida indians visited fort stanwix (now rome), and told the commanding officer that the council-fire of the iroquois at onondaga had the previous day been extinguished for all time. what was probably the oldest confederacy in the world died in the very infancy of american independence. the peacemaker, page .--the location of this "city of refuge" will, of course, never be known, and all that can be said about it must be simply speculation. it seems reasonable to suppose that it was located in a somewhat central position; where it would be most convenient to all the tribes. from the fact that genetaska and her lover went southward to a river and took a canoe to complete their wedding trip, it is believed that kienuka was situated in one of the three valleys in the central part of the state of new york, drained respectively by the tioughnioga, the chenango or the unadilla rivers. the eloping couple are said to have been the progenitors of a very intelligent tribe on chesapeake bay, and probably reached their home by way of the susquehanna river. elias johnson, a tuscarora indian, gives a somewhat different version of this legend, and says that kienuka was located four miles eastward of the inlet of the niagara gorge at lewiston. although mr. johnson is possessed of much information as to the early legends of his people, it is probable that he has erred in the location of the peace-home. the location he points out would have been manifestly unfair to the mohawks and oneidas, and, indeed, it would have been very difficult of access to all the tribes, for even the senecas (the westernmost tribe) would have had to make a journey of nearly a hundred miles to have gotten within the sacred walls. wherever it was, kienuka was a veritable "city of refuge." its queen was chosen as indicated in the legend and her word became law. there was absolutely no appeal from it. with three or four retainers, who must be old women, she was supported by all the tribes, and great quantities of food were stored at the retreat for the relief of those who came there in distress. this must be ready at all times for those who might be in want. disputes were not tolerated in the presence of the peacemaker and would have been punished by death if reported to the council. every one who reached the charmed circle was safe from molestation until the peacemaker had delivered her sentence. if for some offence the refugee should be adjudged guilty of a crime punishable by death, he must be taken far from the peace-home before the sentence could be executed, for the shedding of blood within its pale was strictly forbidden. for this reason, when deserted by genetaska, whose vows were forgotten in the love she bore the young oneida, kienuka became the scene of bloodshed, and it was afterwards shunned, accursed and desolated. six hundred years elapsed after the occurrence of this romantic incident before the office of queen peacemaker was again filled. the shock the indians felt over the betrayal of such a high trust as that imposed in genetaska led them to practically abolish the venerated custom. in they bestowed the honor upon caroline parker, a sister of general eli s. parker, a former member of general grant's staff. she was a resident of the tuscarora reservation, and afterwards became the wife of john mountpleasant. she is possessed of a comfortable home and a fortune of moderate size. she is a woman of education and refinement, and is in all respects an ideal peacemaker. her home is ever open to the poor, distressed and needy; her heart is moved by pity at every sign of suffering; her sound judgment and fine sensibilities render her a most valuable friend and counsellor. an unwelcome visitor, page .--this legend was as common among the indians as are the parables of the prodigal son or the good samaritan among christians. it was told to the young very impressively and often, that they might learn by its teachings never to refuse welcome and shelter to a stranger, no matter what his condition, even though he be covered with the awful pustules of smallpox, with which the visitor in the legend is supposed to have been suffering. if they should refuse shelter, they might be, unawares, turning "good medicine" from the door. this is also one of the legends explaining the origin of the knowledge possessed by the indians of the curative properties of plants and roots. unfortunately the name of the benefactress of their race who figures in the legend has been lost, but in all tribes and clans there have been noted sagawahs who were supposed to be her descendants. as no one could enter the happy hunting-grounds except through the gate of death, the great spirit's messenger, who had gone through much suffering for the welfare of the red men, brought upon himself the "fatal disease"--consumption--for which the indians had no remedy. * * * * * transcriber notes presumed typos were corrected. hyphenation was standardized. [transcriber's note: bold text is surrounded by =equal signs= and italic text is surrounded by _underscores_.] the pioneer boys on the great lakes [illustration] or: on the trail of the iroquois the young pioneer series by harrison adams illustrated [illustration] =the pioneer boys of the ohio=, or: clearing the wilderness $ . =the pioneer boys on the great lakes=, or: on the trail of the iroquois . =the pioneer boys of the mississippi=, or: the homestead in the wilderness . =the pioneer boys of the missouri=, or: in the country of the sioux . =the pioneer boys of the yellowstone=, or: lost in the land of wonders . =the pioneer boys of the columbia=, or: in the wilderness of the great northwest . the page company beacon street boston, mass. [illustration: "'keep against the rock, all!' said kenton, who was in the lead" (_see page _)] the young pioneer series the pioneer boys on the great lakes or: on the trail of the iroquois by harrison adams author of "the pioneer boys of the ohio," etc. [illustration] illustrated and decorated by charles livingston bull the page company boston publishers _copyright, , by_ l. c. page & company. (incorporated) _all rights reserved_ first impression, september, second impression, may, [illustration] the colonial press c. h. simonds & co. boston, u. s. a. preface to my young readers: many of those among you who have read the first volume of "the young pioneer series" may be pleased to again make the acquaintance of the two border lads, bob and sandy, as well as others who figured in the earlier tale. among these might be mentioned the irish trapper, pat o'mara; kate, the pretty little sister of our two heroes; blue jacket, a young shawanee warrior, destined later to become famous in history; and simon kenton, perhaps the best known among the friends of daniel boone. in this new story concerning the adventures of david armstrong's boys i trust that you will find much to interest you. it is my earnest hope that such lads as read these stories of daring deeds along the frontier, in those early days of the history of our country, may not only find them intensely entertaining, but instructive as well. i have tried to show what a sterling type of character, even in young boys, the stern necessities of those perilous days produced. self-reliance was absolutely needed in order to successfully cope with the multitude of dangers by which the pioneers of the ohio and kentucky border were surrounded. and, when you have finished the present volume, i can only hope that you will agree with me in saying that bob and sandy were splendid specimens of undaunted boyhood, and a credit to their scotch ancestry. i also trust that you will be eager to meet them again at no very distant time in other fields of daring, whither the roving spirit of sandy, who has taken simon kenton as his ideal hero, may, in company with his brother, be tempted to rove. harrison adams. _august th, ._ [illustration] [illustration] contents chapter page preface v i. the alarm bell ii. seeking refuge at the blockhouse iii. the bee tree iv. watching for the honey thief v. a strange bear hunt vi. serious news vii. the three french trappers viii. simon kenton, the borderer ix. the moccasin tracks that toed-in x. blue jacket's warning xi. tending their traps xii. the cruel parting xiii. the grand hunt xiv. black beaver strikes xv. on the trail of the iroquois xvi. the bark of the red fox xvii. perils of the wilderness xviii. the big water at last xix. a bitter disappointment xx. pontiac in the council xxi. prisoners xxii. the tables turned xxiii. the cavern of the water spirits xxiv. kenton's life with the indians xxv. a birch-bark message xxvi. the war dance xxvii. pontiac's peril xxviii. when all seemed lost xxix. the word of an indian chief xxx. safe at last [illustration] [illustration] list of illustrations page "'keep against the rock, all!' said kenton, who was in the lead" (_see page _) _frontispiece_ "'whoop! there she goes!'" "the bear all the while kept on creeping out closer and closer" "plainly marked against the face of the harvest moon, they could see the head and shoulders of an indian brave!" "the boys saw the sheen of his satiny sides as he sprang" "dancing as they circled the flames" [illustration] the pioneer boys on the great lakes chapter i the alarm bell "hark! bob, what can all that shouting mean?" "i'm sure i don't know, sandy." "it comes from the other side of the settlement, doesn't it?" "true enough, brother; for you see the wind carries the sounds; and that is now in the west." "oh! i wonder what it can be; and if it means trouble for us, after all these months of peace!" the two armstrong boys, robert and alexander, who usually went by the shorter names of bob and sandy, stood resting on their hoes while listening anxiously to the rapidly increasing clamor. in the clearing close by stood the cabin of the ohio settler, david armstrong. the time was close to early fall, at a time when the strained relations between england and her american colonies had almost reached the breaking-point. but away out here, far removed from civilization, the hardy pioneers were only concerned regarding possible uprisings of the red men; and the widening of their fields, where corn might be cultivated profitably, and tobacco grown. early in the preceding spring the armstrong family, consisting of david, his gentle wife, mary, the two lads, now fifteen and sixteen years of age, and a young sister named kate, had left their virginia home to dare the unknown perils of the wilderness in the hope of bettering their condition.[ ] during the long summer, now drawing to a close, the dozen or more families constituting the little settlement on the bank of the ohio had been joined by a number of new arrivals, so that by degrees they formed a strong colony. some of the fears that had oppressed the more timid of the first settlers now began gradually to vanish, as they saw their numbers increasing, with a corresponding addition to the fighting men of the border post. daniel boone had been an early friend of these ohio settlers. he it was who had really piloted them to this fair site for a town, on the hill which afforded a magnificent view up and down the beautiful river. taking the advice of the famous pioneer, a strong blockhouse had been built as soon as possible. this was completely surrounded by a high and stout palisade, behind which the defenders of the place might find shelter from the enemy in case of an attack. thus, even while peace seemed to be hovering over the section, these cautious settlers were constantly prepared for any indian uprising; and there was even a code of signals arranged, whereby those most remote from the central station were to be warned in case of need. twice during the summer daniel boone had favored them with brief visits, while on his way back and forth between the distant virginia plantations and his own settlement far down in the heart of kentucky. but boone had little time for visiting that particular season. while the armstrongs and their neighbors were enjoying a comparatively peaceful summer, the reverse was the rule around the settlement that had been pushed far out on the frontier line and located at boonesborough. enraged by the boldness of these pioneers, the shawanees, aided by some of the delawares, and even cherokees, made desperate efforts to wipe out the gallant little bands that had been drawn to the outposts of civilization by the prospect of the rich land. rumors reached the ohio settlers from time to time of the serious difficulties their fellow settlers were encountering. these served to keep them on their guard, so that they did not fall into a false sense of security. whenever bob and sandy armstrong went into the great forests to seek game, or discover likely places where their traps might be set to advantage in the approaching autumn, they were always warned before leaving home to keep constantly on the watch for indians. if they met with one or more red men they were never to fully trust any professions of friendship, for the settlers of that day did not have a high opinion of an indian's word. these two lads were fairly well versed in the ways of woodsmen. they had always been accustomed to roaming through the forest after game; and, besides, they had received many a hint concerning the secrets of the wilds from a genial irish trapper, named pat o'mara. this worthy was in a measure possessed of the same unrest that caused daniel boone to keep almost constantly on the move. in the case of o'mara, however, it was simply a desire to see new sights, and encounter novel perils, that caused him to wander through unknown countries, rather than any keen longing to open up rich farming lands to civilization. occasionally the irish trapper dropped in unexpectedly at the armstrong cabin; but after a few days' rest his uneasy spirit would again cause him to disappear. this very morning, while they worked in their little patch of ground, bob and sandy had been talking about their quaint irish friend, and wondering where he might happen to be at that time, since they had not seen him for over a month. when the new settlement was in its infancy the armstrong boys, feeling that conditions had changed, began to alter their dress. it was one thing to be living in virginia, not so very far from the sea coast; and quite another to be hundreds of miles inland, beyond the great chain of mountains that served as a barrier between them and the oppressive tax collectors of the king across the water. the homespun woollen garments gave way to those which nearly all hunters and forest rangers of that day delighted in. thus, while both lads boasted of tanned buckskin tunics, and nether garments, fringed and ornamented with colored porcupine quills, besides real indian moccasins, after the manner of the attire worn by daniel boone, simon kenton and the witty irish trapper, bob also owned a cap made of coonskin, with the tails dangling down behind; while his brother's was fashioned from the cured skins of gray squirrels. they had, of course, left the outer garments at the cabin when starting out, that morning, to accomplish a little hard work in the fields that had been planted earlier in the season, for the day was quite warm. besides the sound of the ax, or it might be the crash of a falling tree, there were not many loud noises heard as a rule about the settlement. sometimes a dog might give tongue as he chased after a rabbit that had ventured too near the borders of the colony; again, a proud rooster, that had been carried so carefully over these hundreds of miles of rough country to his new home, would wake the echoes by his clarion crow. it was a busy time for the settlers, and even the older children were compelled to do their share of labor in these first few months on the ohio. so it can be easily understood that, when the armstrong lads heard that constantly increasing series of loud shouts, they felt the blood leaping through their veins both in curiosity and alarm. sandy, always impulsive, threw his clumsy hoe to the ground, and, jumping over to the adjacent tree, against which their flint-lock muskets leaned, caught up his own weapon with trembling fingers. (note .)[a] bob was the more composed of the two, and it was his voice that now restrained his brother. "wait, sandy," he said, "we are not so far off but that we can reach the cabin quickly." "but, listen to all that noise, bob," returned the other, fingering his gun eagerly. "surely something has happened. perhaps another tree has fallen the wrong way, and this time done worse than what happened to our father." the matter to which sandy referred had been an unfortunate accident whereby david armstrong had barely escaped with his life. a tree he was chopping had by some means twisted around in falling, so that the settler was caught under the heavy limbs. only by what seemed a miracle had his life been spared. as it was, he still had an arm in a sling, and was unable to keep up the work he had planned, so that a double duty devolved upon his sons. "no, i don't think that can be the trouble," continued bob, slowly. "i heard no crash of a tree. besides, i fear that there is a note of alarm in the cries; it is as if men were answering each other. there! that time i could almost hear what was being shouted, only the breeze changed a second too soon." "could it be daniel boone who has come, or perhaps that young ranger, simon kenton, whom you and i liked so much when we saw him long ago?" suggested sandy, with new eagerness; for, to tell the truth, he had greatly admired kenton when the young friend of colonel boone visited the new settlement, and he secretly aspired to follow in his footsteps. "no, i am afraid it cannot be that," bob went on, soberly. "they might shout in that case; but there would be joy, and not fear, expressed. hark! there it rises again! you have keen hearing, sandy; did you not make out what our neighbor, peleg green, was calling then?" sandy turned a pale face toward his companion. these two boys had been through numerous perils in common, and were possessed of a great measure of courage; but, after all, they were only half-grown lads, and the sudden coming of this unknown peril filled them with dread. "i am not sure, bob," he replied, with quivering lips; "but i believe i could catch something that sounded like--_indians_!" his brother nodded his head at these words. "i did not like to say so, for fear i might have been mistaken; but it sounded like that to me," he said, gravely. now it was bob who dropped his hoe, and stooped to possess himself of his gun. carefully he looked to see that the priming was in order, since everything always depended upon a small pinch of powder being in the pan when the time for firing arrived. the flint never failed to strike sparks; but, lacking powder, these would be of no avail. "had we not better run for the house?" suggested sandy, glancing over across the field toward the cabin, where the smoke arose from the clay chimney, the whole forming a peaceful scene in the sunshine of that late summer morning. "they have not heard the sounds yet, i think," said bob, as he failed to note any signs of excitement around the log cabin; "and it would be cruel to frighten mother, if there is no need. let us wait a bit longer, sandy. we can easily cover that little distance if there is necessity." so the boys continued to stand there, gripping their guns, and waiting. meanwhile it can be readily understood that both lads turned anxious eyes in all directions. "it seems to me the shouts are not so loud as before," said bob, presently. "that might be because the running men have reached their homes," quickly remarked his brother. "perhaps we had better go to the cabin. we can say we came in for fresh water, if mother wonders at seeing us. after all it may amount to nothing;" but, hardly had bob armstrong completed this sentence, than a new sound came to their ears that sent them running like mad in the direction of the humble home in the clearing. high above all else came the harsh notes of the alarm bell that had been hung in the blockhouse to give warning of sudden impending danger! footnotes: [ ] see "the pioneer boys of the ohio." [a] the notes will be found at the end of the book. chapter ii seeking refuge at the blockhouse "look! there is father coming out! he has heard it now!" gasped sandy, as he ran. "and with poor little mother close behind him, waving her arms to us to hurry. but where can kate be, do you think?" asked bob, as a sudden suspicion came flashing into his mind. "perhaps at the spring. she often sits there, and plays. surely she could not be in the cabin, and fail to follow mother," his brother declared. "keep straight on, and i'll go to see!" called bob, suddenly turning aside from the straight course they had been pursuing. sandy hesitated, for he wished to accompany his older brother; but, during their many hunts, he had come to look upon bob as the leader, and gradually fallen into the way of obeying any instructions the other might see fit to give. so he continued on to the cabin, where his parents were waiting so anxiously. mary armstrong had darted back into the large front room, and now once more came into view, carrying the settler's trusty gun. though his left arm was still in a sling, david armstrong gripped the weapon with determination written on his sun-browned face. in defence of his loved ones he would forget his injuries for the time being, and, if need be, fight desperately. meanwhile, what of bob? the spring from which the armstrongs secured their drinking water bubbled up from the mossy ground under the trees at some little distance from the cabin. it was reached by a circuitous path, well beaten from frequent pilgrimages to and fro. jumping over bushes that intervened, for he was too eager to follow the winding path even when he struck it, bob quickly came in sight of the spring. his heart was almost in his throat as he discovered the well known sun-bonnet of his pretty sister, kate, hanging to the bush that overspread the spring; but failed to see the slightest sign of the girl. cold with the fear that oppressed him, he continued to advance. what if kate had already been carried off by some wandering red man? with the vast wilderness stretching all around for hundreds of miles, how would they ever know where to look for her? "kate! oh! kate!" he called, stopping short in his suspense to listen. then, to his great delight, a voice answered him; and the girl arose from a shady nook where she was accustomed to amuse herself. apparently she had paid no attention to the brazen sound of the alarm bell, being so wrapped up in her play. but, when bob sprang to her side, and caught one of her hands in his, the girl's face grew white with fear. "oh! what is it, bob?" she cried. "what has happened? the bell--i didn't notice that it was sounding! is there a fire? has any one been hurt like father was?" "it must mean indians!" answered bob, as he hurried her along. after that dreadful word had passed his lips there was no further need of urging. kate's feet seemed shod with fear, and she even led him in the race for the cabin. there she was enfolded in the motherly arms and hurried within, to be hastily burdened with several small packages in case they were compelled to flee for safety to the blockhouse. david armstrong and the two lads stood without, guns in hand, listening. the bell had now stopped its wild clamor; but they knew that if it again burst out it would mean the worst. and thus, with every sense on the alert, they waited. while peace had so long hung over the favored settlement on the ohio, those who composed the little colony knew well what an indian attack must signify. true, few if any of them had had more than the one experience when the pack train had been assailed in the night while they were on the trail; but they were not apt to forget the fierce whoops of the savages, on that occasion, which had been ringing in their ears ever since. david had built his cabin after the most approved fashion known among pioneers of that perilous time. the walls had loopholes between the logs in certain places, where guns could be thrust out and fired into the faces of advancing foes. even the small windows were secured with heavy shutters, fastened from within, so that it would require considerable skill and labor to effect an opening, should the inmates be besieged. but, of course, it was not the plan of david and his fellow settlers to remain thus isolated, if an opportunity came whereby they could gather in the blockhouse, which was always kept prepared for the reception of the colony. mary was now busying herself in closing and fastening these shutters. bob sprang to assist his mother, ever mindful of her comfort, for he was a thoughtful lad at all times. impulsive sandy had just as warm a heart, but was more inclined to be careless and short sighted. then, without warning, once more that fearful sound broke forth! the bell was giving out its second call, which meant that every soul within hearing would do well to hasten without delay to the central point. perhaps, after all, it might prove to be a needless alarm; but, under the circumstances, no one could take the chance of being caught napping. for aught they knew those cruel shawanees had finally overcome the valiant defenders of far distant boonesborough, and, determined to wipe out every settlement west of the alleghanies, were now advancing north to the ohio river region with their victorious bands. "wife, that settles it!" said david armstrong, firmly; "we must go at once to the fort!" each of them knew what was to be done. they had talked this thing over on more than one occasion, and arranged a system that was to be followed out in case of need. the heavy puncheon door was closed, and locked with a ponderous padlock that had been carried into the wilderness when they emigrated from their former virginia home. this being done, the little party started on a run across the open field. how gloomy, and filled with mysterious perils, did that dense forest seem now! it was so easy to people its aisles with creeping, treacherous foes, armed with bows and arrows, with guns sold by the french traders to be used against the english-speaking colonists, together with tomahawks and scalping knives. and, when they had entered among the tall trees that grew so close together, how every slight movement along the trail made them quiver with sudden dread, in the belief that they were about to be confronted by a painted horde of indians, seeking their lives! the blockhouse, fortunately, was not very far distant. when they began to catch glimpses of it through the trees the hopes of the armstrongs once more mounted upward. by now they had overtaken other fugitives, also making for the safety of the central point, and laden with the most precious of their possessions, which consisted for the most part of some family heirloom which they dreaded to have go up in flame and smoke, if the savages put their deserted cabins to the torch, as was their universal custom. when they reached the palisade they found an excited crowd. the women and children were hurried inside as fast as they arrived; while the defenders of the post clustered near the gates, engaged in anxious communion. "who saw the indians?" asked david, always seeking information; and both of his boys hovered near, with ears wide open to catch every word that might be dropped. anthony brady, who exercised something of the characteristics of a commander among the settlers, by virtue of his age and experience, made immediate answer. "old reuben jacks, the forest ranger, spied the bloodthirsty villains," he said. "he came first to my cabin, which is further away than the rest. then, as we ran, we shouted warning, and others, who heard, took it up. here he comes now. ask him how many of the red scoundrels he sighted, neighbors." the man in question was clad in greasy buckskin garments. he had no family; but stopped with different persons whenever he came to the settlement. but, after the manner of the irish trapper, old reuben could not long remain in one place, and thus he spent most of his time roaming. david quickly cornered old reuben. the forest ranger was a quaint fellow, who carried one of those long-barrelled rifles which were so deadly in the hands of a good marksman. he had several rows of nicks on the stock, and the boys had always been curious to know whether these signified the various wild animals, like bears, and panthers, and wildcats, that he had shot with the weapon, or something perhaps more terrible. but old reuben would never tell. "where did you see the indians, reuben?" asked david, as others of the men began to cluster around, filled with curiosity to know the worst. "i reckons as how 'twar 'bout three furlongs t'other side o' cap'n brady's cabin i see 'em," replied the old ranger in a mumbling tone, due to the absence of teeth in his jaws. "how many were there?" continued mr. armstrong. "i see three before i turned and run," reuben answered. "but the bushes was shakin' like they mout 'a' ben a host more a'comin'. they was armed with bows an' arrers, an' i dead sartin saw a scalp hangin' at the belt o' one on 'em." bob and sandy exchanged horrified glances at hearing this. they had themselves passed through quite an experience with the hostile indians early in the season, when one of the brothers was captured and carried away to the village of the shawanees, from which he had finally been rescued, after considerable peril had been encountered. to hear that indians had been seen so close to the settlement caused a thrill to pass through the heart of the boldest man; and the hands that clutched their guns tightened convulsively on the weapons. "were they shawanees, reuben?" david continued to ask. the veteran ranger shook his head, with its straggly gray hair that fell down on his shoulders from under the beaver cap. "delaware, i reckons," he said, simply; and they believed that so experienced a woodsman could not be mistaken, for there were many characteristics that distinguished the different tribes, even among the famous six nations or iroquois. (note .) "are all here?" asked captain brady at this juncture; for they could no longer see any sign of new arrivals hurrying toward the blockhouse. a hurried count assured them that all families had reached the stockade, with one exception. "the bancrofts are missing!" cried one man. "and their clearing is almost as far away as mine! this looks bad, men!" said brady, with a grave expression on his set features. "something ought to be done, it seems to me," remarked david; for the family in question had been among the first dozen seeking new homes on the ohio; and between them and his own little brood there had always existed more or less friendship. "who'll go with me ter look 'em up?" demanded old reuben, hoarsely. every man present signified his readiness to be of the rescue party; but captain brady, of course, would not hear of such a thing. "it would weaken our defence!" he declared. "we must hold this stockade above all things. take four men if you wish, reuben, but no more. and be careful lest you run into an ambush. these savages are treacherous at the best. they would strike you in the back if the chance arose. and if so be you have to shoot, make every bullet tell!" sandy pushed forward. he really hoped that the old ranger would pick him out as one of those who were to make up the rescue party. always reckless, and fairly revelling in excitement, sandy would have gladly hailed a chance to undertake this perilous adventure. "wait!" called out david armstrong just then. "perhaps, after all, it may not be necessary to go. look yonder, captain brady, and you will see that the indians are even now coming out of the woods!" these words created a new spasm of excitement. turning their eyes in the direction david had pointed, the gathered settlers saw that he indeed spoke the truth; for several painted figures had just then issued forth from the shelter of the fringe of forest, and started toward the stockade! chapter iii the bee tree some of the more impetuous among the settlers began immediately to draw back the hammers of their muskets; and one man even threw his gun to his shoulder, as if eager to be the first to fire at the indians. but david armstrong immediately pushed against him, so that his purpose was frustrated. "what would you do, hothead?" demanded mr. armstrong. "they are so far away that your ammunition would only be wasted. look again, and you will see that there are only four in all. besides, they have their hands raised in the air, with the palms extended toward us. that means they would talk. it is the same as if they carried a white flag in token of amity. let no one fire a shot." "but at the same time be on your guard against the treacherous hounds, men!" called out captain brady, himself the most inveterate hater of indians in the entire colony, and never willing to trust one who carried a copper-colored skin. slowly the four red men advanced, continuing to hold up their hands. evidently they wondered at seeing so great a number of armed whites clustered before the stockade. and the clanging of the bell must have bewildered them, since possibly it was the very first time such a sound had ever been heard by any of the quartette. "we should not allow them to come too near," one man suggested, cautiously. "true," called out brady. "and an equal number of our men should advance to meet them. armstrong, do you and reuben, together with brewster and lane, step out. we will cover you with our guns. they have laid their bows and tomahawks down on the ground; but look out for treachery. should you hear me shout, drop down on your faces, for we will sweep them out of existence with one volley!" the two boys watched the little squad meet the four indians, and enter into a powwow with them. much of the conversation had to be carried on through gesture, since only old reuben could understand the indian tongue. but it was evident that the newcomers meant to be friendly, and were not the advance couriers of a band bent on burning the post. presently david beckoned to captain brady, and, as the other approached, he observed: "they do not mean us any harm. on the contrary this young chief, who says his name is black beaver, wishes to trade some skins he has for tobacco. they have been south in kentucky attending a grand council, and are on the way home to their village. he also wished to secure a small amount of meal if we can spare it. and, captain, since we wish peace with all the tribes, i have promised to obtain these things for him." when they heard this the men set up a shout, such was the great relief they experienced after the recent scare. still, the cautious brady warned them against being too positive. "how do we know whether they are deceiving us?" he said, coldly; for he could not bear to be friendly with any indian. "perhaps they are even now carrying the scalps of our neighbors, the bancrofts?" "not so, captain, you wrong them," said david, hastily; "for yonder come those you mention, and apparently none the worse for their delay in starting." after that there was no reasonable excuse for prolonging the matter; and so by degrees the settlers made their way back to their various homes. the indians were treated well, and sent on their way with a supply of tobacco and a measure of meal, which latter david armstrong himself supplied. but little work was done the balance of that day. the result of the fright occasioned by this, the very first ringing of the alarm bell, made every one more or less nervous. mrs. armstrong would not even hear of the two boys starting out to hunt in the afternoon, as they had planned. "we'd better put it off till to-morrow, sandy," remarked bob, when he saw how the recent excitement had affected his mother's nerves. "i suppose so," replied the younger lad, with regret in his voice. "but i had just set my heart on trying to find that bee tree. we saw the little fellows working in kate's flower garden, and flying off with their honey. just think what a fine thing it would be, bob, if we could learn where their storehouse is, and cut down the tree! wouldn't mother's eyes just dance to see the piles of combs full of sweetness, perhaps enough for the whole winter?" "that's a fact," admitted bob, his own eyes shining with eagerness as sandy thus painted such a pleasant picture. "but it will keep, i guess, till to-morrow. we ought to get done with our task early in the day, and then for the woods. you know there is not a great stock of meat handy, except that jerked venison that neither of us like very well. i'd enjoy something like a saddle of fresh venison myself." and so the more impulsive brother found himself compelled to bow to circumstances, always a difficult task with sandy. during the afternoon the young pioneers busied themselves in various ways, for there were always plenty of things to be done--water to be carried from the spring, wood for the fire to be cut and hauled close to the door, some of the first pelts which the boys had taken in their rusty traps to be attended to in the curing; the garden to be weeded; and so it went on until the descending sun gave warning that another night was close at hand. sandy had taken an hour off to go fishing in the near-by river. as usual he brought back enough of the finny prizes to afford the armstrong family a bountiful meal that night. from woods and waters they were accustomed to take daily toll, as their needs arose; nor was there likely to be any scarcity of food so long as hostile indians gave the new settlement a wide berth. bob came upon his brother as he was returning to the cabin with a bucket of water. sandy was almost through cleaning his fish, and the older boy naturally stopped a minute to comment on their fine size. "i was just thinking, bob," remarked the worker, with a shake of his head, "that perhaps we might see those same indians again some fine day." "what makes you say that?" asked the older lad, quickly; for he knew that sandy must have something on his mind to speak in this strain. "i think i feel a little like captain brady does about indians," sandy replied, "and that they are treacherous. somehow, i just can't trust them, and that's the truth of it." "oh! but how about blue jacket? didn't he prove that he was a true friend to us?" demanded bob. the young indian to whom he referred was a shawanee brave who had been wounded in the fight the settlers had had just before arriving at the river. the boys had found him desperately hurt, and had cared for him, even saving his life when the irate captain brady wanted to have the "varment" killed as he would a snake. in return blue jacket had assisted in the rescue of the armstrong boys who had fallen into the hands of the indians. "that's true, bob," responded sandy, readily enough. "blue jacket is our friend, but he's the only wearer of a red skin that i would trust. now, of course, you're wondering what ails me. i'll tell you. i didn't like the way that young delaware chief looked at our pretty little sister, kate!" "what's that you are saying?" demanded bob, frowning. "i saw him, if you didn't," continued sandy, stubbornly. "he kept looking at her every little while even as he talked; for, you know, some of the women and girls came out of the stockade to look at the indians. i tell you plainly that my finger just itched to touch the trigger of my gun when i saw him staring at kate like that." "but--he walked over here with us to get the measure of meal father promised to give him, without accepting any pay?" bob went on, as if hardly able to credit the grave thing his brother was hinting at. "yes, and i kept just behind him all the time," sandy went on, "with my gun in my hands. i think he noticed me after a while, for he stopped looking. but i wouldn't trust that heathen further than i could see him." "well, they have gone away," said bob, as though that settled it. "how do you know that?" questioned sandy. "secretly, acting under orders from captain brady, old reuben followed them for three miles, keeping himself hidden all the while. he reported that they had surely kept straight on, secured a canoe just where they said they had hidden one, and paddled across the river, landing on the other shore, and disappearing in the forest." "but black beaver plans to come back some day," sandy continued, as he arose; "i could see it in his eyes. and i mean to warn mother, so that she can keep kate from wandering away from home so much. if ever i see that delaware chief sneaking around here it will be a bad day for him." "we called them delawares, but old reuben says now he made a mistake, and that they belong to the iroquois. he told me that black beaver was a chief among the senecas, and that his home was far away toward the great lakes." "that may be so," remarked the unconvinced sandy, starting toward the cabin, for evening was not far away, and he already inwardly felt clamorous demands for the appetizing supper that would soon be on the fire. "but even if he lives hundreds of miles away he can come back, can't he? he has made the journey once, why not again?" bob knew that, when once his brother got an idea into his head, argument was next to useless; so he wisely let the matter drop. he himself was not altogether convinced that they had seen the last of the proud young chief, though he hardly anticipated that it would be kate's pretty face that might draw black beaver south again. many of the settlers passed an uneasy night; but there was no alarm. talking the matter over among themselves, some of the men had arrived at the conviction that these representatives of the iroquois may have been attending one of those great meetings which were being engineered by the pottawottomi sachem, pontiac, looking toward a combination of most of the various tribes, by means of which the french in the far north would be assisted, and the english settlements through ohio, kentucky, and along the great lakes be wiped out. if this were indeed the truth, then black beaver had professed a friendship that he really did not feel, since he must have been forming some league with the warlike and merciless shawanees, under such leaders as the detested renegade, simon girty, of whose cruel deeds history has told. when the morning finally arrived without any sign of trouble, even gentle mary armstrong seemed to have recovered from her nervousness. she assented to the wish of the boys to go forth, and see what they could do in the way of securing fresh food. before leaving, sandy cautioned his mother about kate, for he could not forget the covetous looks which the painted young chief had cast toward his pretty little sister, child though she was, being not more than twelve years of age. "be sure and fetch an ax along, sandy," said bob, just as they were ready to start forth, with guns fastened over their shoulders by means of straps. "but, if you can help it, don't let mother see you. she would think it strange that we carried such a thing on a little hunt for a deer." "but what if we succeed in locating the bee tree, and cut it down; how are we to carry the honey home?" asked sandy. "time enough for that when we have won out," replied bob, with a laugh. "besides, i don't think we'll be more than a quarter, or at most a third of a mile away from home, unless the little insects are hunting at a longer distance than they generally do, as pat o'mara told me." "have you got the sugar and everything along?" questioned sandy. "of course. i'd be a pretty chap to go off unprepared, wouldn't i? now, watch your chance, and sneak the ax off. we'll surely need it to chop the tree down,--if we find it," bob concluded. but his sanguine brother never doubted in the least that success was bound to attend their efforts. he went into everything he did with the same enthusiasm and confidence. ten minutes later the boys were in an open glade not a great distance away from the armstrong cabin. here flowers grew in profusion, even at this late day in the season; and kate was in the habit of coming out to pick great bunches of the pretty posies, for she loved to see them around the humble cabin, brightening things with their color, and sweetening the atmosphere with their perfume. even in those days the methods of bee hunters did not differ very much from those which are in vogue in the woods to-day. the irish trapper had posted the armstrong boys as to the way in which a bee tree could be discovered, once busy little workers were found loading up with honey in the flowers or blossoms. first of all the boys hunted until they discovered where some of the wild bees were busily engaged. honey was not so plentiful at this particular season of the year; and, when bob made a little sirup out of some yellow sugar he had been wise enough to fetch along, a bee was quickly attracted to the feast. when he had loaded himself down with the spoils, and was preparing to fly away, bob dextrously caught the little fellow. taking care not to be stung he succeeded in attaching a long white thread to the bee's body, in such a way that it would not interfere with his flying, yet could be seen for quite a distance. then the captive was released. as is universally the case, the bee arose in the air, and made a straight fly for the hive! that is where the phrase "a bee-line" originated. "watch him now, sandy!" called bob, as he liberated the prisoner. "all right," answered his brother, eagerly. "i can see him still; and how he does spin along. there, he has disappeared now, right beyond that big poplar yonder. do we go there next time, bob?" "yes," came the reply; "that gives us a start, and will bring us just so much nearer the hive. then we must catch another bee, and repeat the job. and, as we may not find as many of them, once we enter the woods, we will put several in this little bottle i've brought along with me." this was easily accomplished; after which they walked over to where they had obtained the very last glimpse of the laden worker. "we've got the line now," remarked bob; "and can even go further into the woods, keeping on a straight road. but, for fear that we may overshoot the mark, suppose we make another trial right here." "just as you say, bob," returned sandy. "you got pat to tell you lots of things he wouldn't repeat for me. i wonder could it be that leaning tree through there. seems to me that might be a fine old hive, for it looks hollow enough." "but you remember pat said they don't often select a _dead_ tree. it might blow down, and spoil their stock of honey," his brother went on to say. "but they do find a hollow, don't they?" sandy inquired. "yes; usually the top of a tree that has a hole in it, or a big limb. they are wise enough to know that the rain must be kept out, and also that certain wild animals are mighty fond of honey. now, here goes, sandy. watch close--there!" again bob cast the gorged prisoner free, and the little insect, after several vain efforts, managed to mount upward on sagging wings and make off. this time as before they marked the last appearance of the laden honey bee, and then a third trial was made. when a fourth and a fifth drew them still deeper into the forest sandy began to grow much excited. he kept looking all around him while his brother carried out the important operation of coaxing the bee to accept a cargo of sugar sirup in the place of the scarce nectar in the flowers. all at once bob looked up. "hark!" he exclaimed. sandy at once made a move as though about to sling his gun around from his back. then he saw the smile on his brother's face; and, suspecting the truth, cocked his own head in a listening attitude. "i hear it!" he exclaimed, his whole face lighting up. "nothing but the hum of a hive of bees could make that noise, bob, could it?" "look up into that sycamore tree and tell me if you can't see them flying around? those must be the young ones trying their wings. pat said they came out every fine day, and buzzed about. he told me he had found more than one bee tree just by tracing the sound. once heard in the quiet forest it can never be forgotten." "hurrah! then we've traced the little rascals to their house!" cried sandy, as he threw his gun aside, and, clutching the ax, stepped forward to strike the first blow toward cutting down the big tree in which the bees had their hive. bob did not try to discourage him, for he knew that when some of this enthusiasm had died away his turn at the chopping would arrive. and sure enough it did; for sandy gave out before a quarter of the task had been completed, though later on he would recover his breath and show a willingness to go at it again. both lads knew just how to chop a tree so as to lay it where they wished, and, having chosen the best place to throw the big sycamore, they kept hacking away with steady strokes, making the chips fairly fly in showers. chapter iv watching for the honey thief "whoop! there she goes over with a crash!" shouted sandy, throwing his cap up into the air, as the tall sycamore came down just as they had planned. [illustration: "'whoop! there she goes!'"] he started to dash forward as soon as the tree had struck, eager to ascertain what sort of prize they had drawn in the lottery; but his more careful brother laid hands on him. "don't try it!" he exclaimed. "why, they are so wild just now, they'd sting you to death!" "but how are we going to get at the honey, bob?" demanded the younger lad. "you run to the house, and tell the others the good news. i'll be making veils out of this thin cloth. then we have the gloves we used last winter. bring a lot of pails back with you; for i think we'll need all you can find." sandy hastened back to the cabin, where he electrified his father and mother and little kate with the joyful news. they got together every available vessel for carrying the expected spoils; and then sandy led the way back to where his brother awaited them. on the trail he was compelled to explain just how they had taken pat o'mara's advice with regard to tracing the honey gatherers; and what splendid success had resulted. kate was singing with delight over the anticipated store of sweets that would reward their skill in locating the bee tree, for, in those early pioneer days, as a rule the only sugar the settlers had was obtained through boiling down the sap of the sugar maple tree in the early spring; or in discovering some secret store of honey in the forest. bob had arranged things completely to his satisfaction while his brother was away. both of the young pioneers donned the veils and gloves, so that the bees might not take a terrible revenge on the destroyers of their home. bob had also made a smudge with which he expected to partly stupefy the angry little creatures. smoke always frightens bees, for they seem to think that fire is about to devastate their hive. nature influences them to immediately load up with all the honey they can possibly carry, with the idea of taking it to some new retreat; and while in this condition they are comparatively harmless. presently sandy came back to the spot where the others were standing in safety. he had a bucket almost full of broken combs from which the richness was oozing in a manner that set little kate wild with delight. as for the good mother the sight was undoubtedly a pleasant one for her, since it promised many a delightful treat in the long winter months ahead. david armstrong immediately started home with the bucket, so as to empty it, and once more put it into service. bob was still working there in the midst of the ruined hive. "and he says there are, oh! ever so many more buckets of better honey than this!" sandy had cried, as he brought out a second supply, in which the combs were less broken than before, and seemed newer. "the whole air is filled with the perfume of honey," remarked mary armstrong. "it hardly seems right to rob the poor little workers in this way, after they have stored it up so carefully; though we do need it badly, for there will be little sugar in our home except what we make next spring." "oh! bob says there'll be just oceans of it left, spilled on the ground," sandy went on, "and the bees will get it all, sooner or later. plenty of time for 'em to seal it up for this winter. they always have ten times too much, and that's why some of it is so old and dark looking. bob says he is not taking that if he can help it." "why, i could smell the honey half way to the house," remarked mr. armstrong, as he came up just then. "and, if there happens to be a bear within half a mile of this place, you can depend on it that he'll be prowling around here this very night." "that was just what bob was saying, father!" declared sandy. "he showed me marks on the smooth trunk of the sycamore, where a bear must have climbed up ever so often, as if trying to reach in at the honey that was just too far away for him to steal. and some of the scratches were so fresh bob says they must have been made only last night." after numerous trips to the cabin to empty the buckets the pleasant task was finally completed. bob declared that he had secured about all of the honey that was worth carrying away. there still remained a great store of the sticky stuff; but it was either spilled on the ground, or else so darkened by age that it did not seem worth while carrying it off. "we'll leave it to the poor little fellows," laughed bob; "for they're as busy as beavers right now loading up and flying off to another hollow tree one of 'em has found. and i think we're pretty lucky to get off as easy as we did, eh, sandy?" sandy had removed the thin cloth veil that covered his face, and by this action revealed the fact that at least one angry bee had found a way to pierce his armor; for his left cheek was swollen so that his eye seemed unusually small. some wet clay took the pain out, however, and in due course of time the swelling would go down. it was not the first time sandy had felt a sting from a bee, nor did he expect it would be the last. and, when he looked at the glorious fruits of their raid on that big sycamore hive, he forgot that he had suffered in the good cause. "well, do we try for that bear to-night, bob?" he asked of his brother, later on in the afternoon, when he could see once more fairly well with both eyes. "i think we would be silly not to," replied his brother; "especially since we set the trap ourselves when we cut down that bee tree." "he's just sure to come nosing around, don't you think?" "don't see how any bear could stand back, with all that odor in the air. besides, it looked to me as if the old fellow might have been paying a visit to that tree every single night for a whole month, there were so many scratches on the bark. so you can just depend on it that he's got his mouth set for honey." "and then there's another thing in our favor," sandy went on saying, as he glanced upward toward the heavens, an action that caused his brother to remark: "i'd wager a shilling that you are thinking of the moon being nearly full to-night, which is a fact. that is in our favor, and, on the whole, i'd be inclined to believe that we may be tasting a bear steak by to-morrow." "one good thing leads to another with us, bob. first a prize in the way of gallons and gallons of prime honey, and then, to finish, perhaps a fat bear in the bargain! but, remember, you said i was to have the first shot at the old honey thief, if he does make his appearance?" "all right," answered bob, good naturedly; "and i'll keep my word; but if i were you i would go slow about calling names. please remember that there are some others in the same boat. only, in our case, we succeeded in getting the spoils; and there we have the better of old bruin, who climbed that tree so very many times only to have his trouble for his pains." of course the lads took their parents into their plans, for it might be their absence would worry the little mother, who sometimes still thought of that wild ringing of the alarm bell, and all it might have meant. shortly after they had had their supper, the two lads took their muskets, and passed out into the night. as they had said, it promised to be just a glorious opportunity to carry out such a plan as they had in mind. the moon rode high in the eastern heavens, being not very far from full. not a cloud seemed to dim the bright light, so that, for a short distance around them, things looked almost as plain as in the daytime. as the two boys had done considerable hunting in common there was little necessity for talking things over, or arranging any programme. when the honey-loving bear came along, eager to satisfy his craving for sweets, of course sandy would wait for a favorable chance to get in a fair shot. and, unless his aim were poor, or some accident occurred to otherwise mar the arrangements, that would wind matters up. arriving at the fallen bee tree, the young pioneers quickly decided just where they should secrete themselves. in doing this they exercised their knowledge as woodrangers, for much depended on the direction of the wind. "it seems to be blowing toward the home quarter," remarked bob, as they stood there, fixing certain facts in their minds. "that favors us finely, because the chances are ten to one he will come from the other side of the opening made by our felling the big sycamore. so you see he won't be able to smell us." "how will this place do, bob?" suggested the younger brother, pointing to what in his mind made a splendid hiding-nook, from which they could peer forth, and see anything that took place just beyond. "could hardly be better; and so there is no use for us to look further," bob remarked. "pick out your stand, sandy, where you will be able to shoot best. i'll be satisfied to take what is left." this was soon arranged, and, having once settled down to wait, they tried to keep as still as though made out of marble. talking was forbidden, even in whispers; and a cough would very likely have ruined the whole affair, since the bear, if near-by at the time, must have been warned of his danger, and with a "wuff" would turn to rush away. an hour passed in this way. fortunately the two lads were good waiters, and had proved this on many another occasion in the past. sandy had allowed his thoughts to go out to other scenes, and was even thinking of that fine young frontiersman, simon kenton, whom he admired so much, when he felt his brother touch him softly on the shoulder. the contact thrilled him, since it was the signal agreed on to denote that the lumbering bear was coming! chapter v a strange bear hunt "listen!" said bob, his lips placed as close to the ear of his brother as he could possibly get them. "i hear him! he is over there, just where you said," replied the younger hunter, the words being whispered so low that they could not have been detected six feet away. "get ready then--have your gun up, so he won't see the movement. 'sh!" bob said this because he knew that, with that bright moonlight flooding the opening, there must always be a chance that its rays would glint from the metal barrel of a moving musket. and even such a little thing as this might serve to startle a suspicious bear into making a sudden retreat. the sounds now became more pronounced than before. some heavy body was undoubtedly pushing through the underbrush, and in such haste as to be utterly unmindful of what noise was produced. of course nothing but a clumsy bear could be guilty of such an advance, caution being thrown to the four winds because of that tantalizing odor of honey in the heavy night air,--an odor which was making bruin fairly wild with eagerness to be at the anticipated feast. a panther would have crept slily forward, so that not even the rustle of a leaf might betray its presence, and even a buffalo would have advanced with a certain amount of caution; but a bear depends on its sense of smell to give warning of danger, and seldom moves with any degree of care. presently sandy could hear him sniffling at a great rate as he pushed closer. the animal evidently could not understand why there should be such a pronounced odor of honey in the air. many times had he come to this same spot in the hope of being able to bag some of the bees' store; but always to meet disappointment. but now there must be a great change in the arrangement of things. somewhere amid the foliage covering the bushes across the glade the big beast must have stopped, to look in surprise at the fallen bee tree. perhaps he suspected a trap of some kind, knowing that his mortal enemy, man, had been there lately. but that distracting smell drowned all his caution. unable to hold out against it any longer, the bear suddenly lumbered forward. sandy saw him coming, but held his fire. in the first place the bear was head on, and he wanted to get a chance at the animal's flank, so that he might make sure to plant his bullet back of the shoulder, where he could reach the heart, and so bring his game down with that one shot. then again, it chanced that there was something of a shadow, which served to partly hide the beast as he advanced. straight into the midst of the broken honeycombs did bruin hasten, grunting in evident delight as he commenced to lick up the spilled sweet fluid, so dear to the heart of every bear. sandy managed to repress his excitement to a great extent. he had been hunting so often, boy though he was, that he no longer experienced the same intense thrill that would have almost overwhelmed him a couple of years ago, had he been thrown into such a position as this. slowly his cheek dropped down until it rested against the butt of his faithful old musket. well did he know that the priming was in the pan, and that, when the flint struck the steel sharply, the spark would communicate to the charge, with the result that the bear must be considerably astonished. unfortunately, however, sandy could not see in that deceptive moonlight that a fair-sized twig happened to be just between the muzzle of his gun and the object at which he aimed. had it been daytime he would have detected this fact, and avoided taking the chances of his bullet being slightly deflected in its swift passage. the report of the gun was deafening. with his usual impulsiveness sandy instantly leaped to his feet, giving a boyish shout as he saw the bear kicking on the ground, in the midst of the branches of the fallen tree. then, to his utter astonishment, and not a little to his chagrin as well, the dark, rolling object seemed to scramble once more to its four feet, and, attracted by his movements, immediately started to advance directly toward him, growling in the fiercest possible way. it could no longer be said that bruin was making a clumsy and slow advance, for, inspired by a sudden rage toward the object from which his painful wound had evidently sprang, the animal was rushing furiously forward. bob fired in the hope of checking this advance, that promised to upset all of their fine plans; but just then sandy, in jumping back, chanced to jostle his brother, so that, even if the second bullet struck the bear at all, it certainly did no great damage. at least his swift if lumbering advance was not materially checked. "run, sandy!" shouted bob, as he realized that they were now facing an infuriated and wounded beast, with only their hatchets and knives to use in defence of their lives. sandy was not slow to take the advice thus given. he sprang away in one direction, while bob took the other. just why the bear should have picked out sandy to follow, neither of the brothers could ever say, though they really believed the old fellow was keen enough to understand which of the fleeing lads had sent that first stinging pellet that bored under his skin, and made him so uncomfortable. bob was dismayed when he found that the animal had ignored him, and was chasing sandy. with his usual generous way of taking burdens on his shoulders, bob had really hoped to attract the bear; indeed, with this idea in view, he had even made more noise than was necessary, as he floundered along through the bushes. when, however, he found that he had not been followed, he immediately changed his tactics. from running away he now started to follow after the bear, and, as he thus pushed through the woods, the boy tried to reload his musket, always a difficult task in those days of the primitive powder-horn, when the charge had to be measured out into the palm, poured into the long barrel, and the bullet in its patch of greased cloth pushed down with the ramrod; after which the priming had to be adjusted. bob was not making any particularly good headway in reloading, since he could not stay his hurrying steps long enough to do the right thing. from the noise ahead he judged that sandy must have succeeded in drawing himself up into the friendly branches of a tree, and that the furious bear was following close on his heels. at least this would give the fugitive a little time, and perhaps, meanwhile, he, bob, could come on the scene with his gun, ready to take a hand in the game. "hi! bob, this way!" sandy was shouting, at the top of his voice, as though his situation was rapidly becoming desperate. "all right!" answered the one who was pushing along through the brush as best he could. "i'm coming, sandy! hold on a little longer!" a minute or so later he found himself on the scene. just as he had guessed, sandy, being hotly pursued, and fearing lest he be overtaken by the angry beast, had on the spur of the moment clambered hastily into the branches of a tree. it was the result of sudden impulse, for surely the boy knew that an american black bear is always at home wherever he can dig his sharp claws into the bark of a tree. perhaps sandy would never fully realize how he came to escape the animal's last rush; but it must have been almost by a miracle. once among the branches, the boy did not stop an instant. the bear immediately showed an inclination to follow him aloft, and sandy hardly cared to try conclusions with bruin in his present winded condition, and with only his hatchet to depend on. so he had hastily climbed upward. looking down, he had been dismayed to see that the bear was making quick progress after him. he could hardly go to the top of the tree, and, as a possibility leaped into his mind, the boy started out on a large limb that was some twenty feet or so above the ground. [illustration: "the bear all the while kept on creeping out closer and closer"] bruin did not hesitate a moment when he reached this limb, but started out after the young hunter. it was at that moment sandy had sent out his appeal for help. he realized that he was in a bad fix, since the bear would either follow until he could reach his intended victim with his sharp claws; or else the combined weight of the two must break the limb, sending both to the ground. bob, having arrived under the tree, was making desperate efforts to finish loading his gun, so that he might bring the little drama to a close. but the bear all the while kept on creeping out closer and closer, balancing his bulk with wonderful skill upon the limb. sandy was impulsive in his ways; at the same time that bright mind of his was apt to originate many a clever ruse on the spur of the moment, and when desperation pushed. bob, keeping one eye anxiously turned upward while he pushed the bullet hastily into the chamber of his gun, saw his brother suddenly back still further away, so that the limb began to bend downward with his weight. the bear halted, as if loath to make any further forward move, and watching to see what his human adversary might be contemplating. suddenly sandy let go his hold of the outer branches. he had seen that he might break his fall by passing through the foliage just below, and was willing to accept the chances of receiving sundry scratches in consequence. bob fairly held his breath as he saw this bold action on the part of his brother. the bear crouched closer to the limb above, as though declining to be shaken from his hold. but, when the danger of this had passed, the beast started to back to the trunk of the tree, intent on reaching the ground again as speedily as possible. sandy had come through the lower foliage with a great scramble, very much after the manner of a floundering wildcat that had been shot while perched in a tree. bob waited only long enough to assure himself that his brother had reached the ground, even in a sadly dishevelled condition. then he began to add the necessary priming to his gun, for bruin was already starting to descend to renew hostilities. taking several steps forward, bob arrived at the base of the big beech with its wide-spreading branches. it was evidently his intention to wait for the coming of the bear, and give him a warm reception. bruin, in his ignorance of such things as explosives, since his only adventures up to now had probably been with the arrows of the red men, gave little heed to this suggestive action on the part of the young hunter. he kept backing down with all possible haste, anxious to avenge his injuries upon these human foes. but, after all, bob found himself mistaken when he supposed that it was up to him to end the big beast. while the bear was still at least ten feet above him, the musket was suddenly taken forcibly from his hands. "you promised me, bob, please remember!" cried sandy. with his face bleeding from the scratches he had received in his fall, sandy must certainly have presented a strange appearance just then; but the spirit of the hunter rose superior to any and all discomforts. that bear was his by rights, and he did not mean to be cheated out of his triumph. down came bruin, looking over his shoulder as he dropped, and probably measuring the capacity of these two foes. but he failed to figure on the terrible power that lay in the odd looking stick one of them pointed up at him. there was a sudden flash, a stunning report, for bob in his nervousness had overcharged his gun, and while sandy fell back with a bruised shoulder, the bear dropped like a stone at the foot of the tree. sandy had clapped the muzzle of the musket close to the animal's ear when pulling the trigger, so that the result was never in doubt. "whew!" he exclaimed, as he scrambled to his feet, still clutching bob's gun. "did you empty your powder-horn in that charge, bob? i'll be black and blue for a month after that recoil. but i got him, didn't i? he'll never have a chance to chase a fellow up a tree again. and, bob, we're going to have that bear steak all right to-morrow, i reckon." which they did, sure enough, though, as bruin was no youngster, it probably required pretty sharp teeth to enjoy the meal. chapter vi serious news it was just three days after the strange bear hunt that the boys, on returning from a little trip to see what their traps might contain thus early in the season, found that the home circle had been widened by the coming of the irish trapper, pat o'mara. he was a jovial fellow, with a fiery red beard, and hair of the same hue falling far below his coonskin cap. his blue eyes generally twinkled with humor; but, for all that, he had long since proved himself a fit companion for such woodsmen as daniel boone, simon kenton, james harrod, jo daviess and john hardin, foremost in the list of pioneers who had carved their names on the pages of history by their brave deeds along the disputed border countries. pat was delighted to see the two armstrong boys again, for they had been favorites of his ever since the days when, acting on his advice, david had decided to leave virginia and cast his fortunes with the bold settlers along the upper ohio. but wise bob soon saw that, under all his fun, there was a seriousness about pat that he could not remember noting before. the trapper examined what few pelts the boys had taken up to now, and gave more or less advice about curing them to the best advantage. "as the sa'son grows older the fur wull be thicker," he observed, smoothing the soft pelt of a red fox that had been recently taken. "and, av ye obsarve what i'm tillin' ye, 'tis a better price ye'll recave for the same from the trader, unless by the same token it happens till be a frinchman ye be d'alin' wid. they do be wantin' to gobble the hull airth, i do be thinkin'." this was always a subject upon which pat felt deeply, for he was known to have a bitter prejudice against the french trappers and traders generally. at this time the french were in complete mastery of the valuable fur regions around the great lakes, and, being also located far in the south, at the mouth of the mississippi at new orleans, it was the announced intention of the companies controlling these half-breed trappers to form a chain of trading posts from canada to the distant mexican gulf. daniel boone knew all about this tremendous scheme, and it was partly with the idea of blocking it that he had pushed out so far into the western wilderness, and influenced others to follow his example. dangers without number they must face in so doing; but, surely, if the wonderful wide-reaching valley of the mississippi might be saved for english-speaking people, their efforts would be worth while. while bob watched the face of the irish trapper, he came to the conclusion that pat must have brought some unpleasant news along with him. this turned out to be the exact truth. as the two boys had now reached an age when they were to be depended on as defenders of the home, david armstrong only waited until kate happened to be sent on an errand to a neighbor, when he had pat recount the matter for the benefit of bob and sandy. there was much talk of a big indian uprising all through the country between the ohio and the lakes. pontiac was again endeavoring to form a coalition of the many tribes, from the six nations, or iroquois, in new york and ohio, to the pottawottomies and sacs in the west, and the creeks and shawanees in the south. already, in many places, the red men were said to be on the warpath, and a trail of burning cabins marked their passage. pat had heard of these things, and, thinking of the good friends who had settled on the ohio only the preceding spring, he had lost little time in making his way back again to the settlement that was flourishing so finely. "it wull not be apt till come till ye, right away," he said in conclusion; "but 'tis just as well that ivery sowl be made aware av the danger. niver belave thot ye are safe from attack here. it do be a foine place to defind, located on a hill as ye are; but remimber that the rids are backed up by more or less av thim treacherous frinch trappers and traders; and that they are sworn to wipe out ivery english post wist av the mountains." the news quickly spread until it was known in every home. men got together and talked it over, trying to so arrange their plans that, in the event of an attack, the defence of the blockhouse would be conducted in the best possible manner. scouts were sent out whose business it was to scour the forest many miles around, on both sides of the river. and, should one of these discover that they were threatened with an inroad of the indians, it must be his duty to hasten to send up a signal of warning. this was to be in the shape of certain columns of black smoke, which, seen by the next scout, would be repeated, until in this manner the startling news might be received at the settlement hours in advance of the coming of the fleetest messenger. it was employing the tactics of the indians to a good purpose. these precautions having been taken, the settlers went about their daily duties, confident that they would receive ample warning should danger arise, and also that they would be able to give a good account of themselves in battle, did the reds venture to attack the post. but it was the policy of every man, woman and child, from that time forth, to keep an uneasy eye on the sky line, especially toward the east and west. men, as they worked in their maize fields, would pause every little while to sweep the horizon with anxious gaze; and, should one of them at any time happen to discover any sign of smoke rising, it was apt to be an anxious moment for him until he had assured himself that the column was a single one, and not triple. even such a hovering cloud as this could not keep the two venturesome armstrong boys from going forth every day. sometimes they had business along their trap line, for work grew pretty brisk as the season advanced. then again it might be a hunt that engaged their attention. whenever they had any extra meat on hand it was their provident habit to dry the same for use in the hard winter months ahead. as yet the settlers knew not what awaited them, once the snows of winter closed in, for they had never spent such a season on the ohio. tales of bitter weather had come to them; but they were hardy souls, and believed that, if the indians could come through such a yearly experience unscathed, they ought to be able to do the same. nevertheless, every good housewife started early to lay in all such extra stores as could be procured. the stock of simple herbs, drying in bunches from the beams overhead in the living room of the armstrong cabin, testified to the fact that the careful mother was prepared for any ordinary sickness that might arise. and there, too, could be seen various packages of the tough jerked venison, which would sustain life, when gnawed, as the indians were accustomed to doing when on the trail, though the more civilized settlers preferred to use it in soups or stews. for two days bob and sandy had not been out in the forest save to look after their traps. true, only the preceding day, a fine fat wild turkey had fallen before the gun of sandy, and been greatly enjoyed; but both lads felt an eagerness to once again go forth on a genuine hunt for larger game. the tender-hearted and fearful little mother could not forbid them venturing forth, even though she sighed after they had gone, and wiped a furtive tear from her eye. food was a necessity, and they had no other means for procuring it than in this manner. according to their belief, providence had stocked these woods with game in order to provide sustenance for the pioneers who must blaze the trail of civilization. warned to be unusually careful, bob and his brother once again wended their way through the mysterious aisles of the solemn forest, which had now become so familiar a field to them. did they not know nearly every little animal that had its home there; and were they not on good terms with many that they scorned to injure, since their flesh was not wanted for food, nor their fur for trading purposes? two hours after leaving home the young pioneers came across the tracks of a deer, and, finding that the trail was fresh, they started to follow. the wind was in their faces, so that everything seemed favorable for stalking the quarry, should they find that the animal was browsing in one of the little grassy glades which they knew were close at hand. and, true enough, as they thus advanced cautiously, they sighted a noble buck feeding as though all unconscious of danger. foot by foot the boys crept closer, intent on securing such splendid quarry. this time it was bob's turn to fire first, while sandy held himself in readiness to make sure of the buck if by chance his brother failed. bob was looking along the barrel of his musket when, without warning, a shot rang out from a point further away, followed instantly by a second and a third; but the buck, apparently uninjured, leaped off as though about to speed beyond the danger zone. the instinct of the hunter would not allow bob to hold back his fire, even though he was startled by this unexpected volley. and, after he pulled the trigger, the buck gave one great leap into the air, to fall a quivering mass on the moss-covered ground. both lads hurried forward toward the fallen deer; but bob felt a quiver of apprehension when he discovered three burly figures hastening to arrive there ahead of them. "oh! they are french trappers, bob!" exclaimed sandy, though he betrayed not the least symptom of holding back. "yes, and we must be careful what we do!" remarked bob, uneasily. "but it is your deer, for he fell when you fired!" sandy declared, stubbornly. in another minute the brothers had arrived at the spot, to find the foot of a dark-faced forest ranger planted on the dead buck, and three pairs of snapping black eyes looking at them in defiance. apparently their right to the game was about to be seriously questioned! chapter vii the three french trappers "keep cool, now, sandy!" advised bob, as he felt his brother trembling with indignation because of this bold attitude on the part of the trio of french forest rangers, who evidently believed in the maxim that "might makes right." "but, bob, see, they mean to take our game from us!" exclaimed the impetuous sandy, who could not mistake the intentions of the french trappers. one of the men was a tall, gaunt fellow, with the eye of a hawk. he seemed to be something of a leading spirit among his comrades. bob felt that he possessed a cruel nature, and such a man, he believed, would only too gladly conspire with bloodthirsty indians to surprise the new settlements of the english, and raze them to the ground. this fellow thrust himself forward, and, scowling darkly, demanded in fairly good english: "what for you say zat ze game is yours? haf you not ze eye to see zat aftaire ze first fire ze buck he nevaire run far? and as for zat bullet you send, poof! it haf been waste in ze air!" and with that he snapped his fingers contemptuously, as though that settled the matter beyond dispute. they were only a couple of half-grown boys, after all, and could hardly hold out against three burly men, accustomed to a strenuous life. but sandy was quick to see things; nor did he have the prudence to hold his tongue when he believed he was being wronged. no doubt he had been more or less influenced in his opinion of these french traders and _voyageurs_ by what he had so often heard pat o'mara declare--that they were without exception the "scum of the earth, and fit only for treason, stratagem and spoils." "but see, only one bullet has struck the deer in a place where it would down him--right here behind the shoulder!" he cried, pointing with a trembling hand at the blood on the red hair of the animal. "zat is so, young monsieur," said the frenchman smoothly, and with a mocking bow; "and i assure you it was just zere zat i aim my rifle. sacre! andre, and you, jules, tell me if zis be not one fine shot!" "but," cried the indignant sandy immediately, "i tell you that is impossible!" the tall and ugly frenchman scowled, and then laughed harshly. "say you so, my leetle fire-eater?" he exclaimed. "how it is zat you come to zat conclusion?" "because," said the pioneer boy boldly, "if you look you will see that the bullet that killed the buck entered from the _right_; and we were on that side, not you. so the honor of killing this deer belongs to my brother." the other frenchmen evidently understood the point sandy was making, even though not capable of speaking much english. they grinned, and cast quick glances at the dark-faced leader, as if wondering how he would take this thrust. the tall trapper scowled savagely, and half raised his empty gun menacingly. but sandy never gave way a particle. he knew that his gun was still loaded, while, in all probability, those of the others had not been recharged; three shots had sounded, proving that all had taken a chance at hitting the elusive buck. "zat is a great meestake," the fellow ejaculated, fiercely; "and it vould be well for you nevaire to repeat it to me. it makes me out von liar, and think you i vill stand for zat from a boy like you? my bullet he come _out_ on ze right side, but he go _in_ at ze left!" "prove that, and neither of us will offer any objection to your claiming the game," said sandy, quickly; but the french trapper's scowl grew blacker than ever, for no doubt he caught the chuckling of his companions. "it does not mattaire in ze least," he remarked, with his teeth snapping together. "zis buck is my property. i take it as my right. all ze game in zis country is ours, and ze eenglish steal every time zey shoot even von deer. soon shall zey know who is ze real master here. soon will zey repent zat zey come over ze mountains to zis land of the red men. zey haf not take ze warning, let zem beware!" bob was thrilled by these words; they seemed to contain a threat of coming peril to the settlers. undoubtedly pat o'mara had not brought his warning any too soon, for the crafty french trappers, many of them half-breeds too, had stirred up the indians to the point of declaring actual hostilities. why, perhaps the real purpose of these three men south of the ohio was not to find new trapping fields, but to spy out the settlements, and learn of their weak points, so that later in the season they could lead the hordes of painted savages against them, with torch and tomahawk. sandy was not yet ready to give up his claim to the meat. he knew well it had been the bullet from his brother's musket that had brought this noble buck to the earth. so the boy stepped a pace backward, and raised his musket, covering the form of the tallest french trapper. the fellow was evidently astonished at this show of resistance from those whom he was disposed to treat as helpless, half-grown cubs. "if you want that deer," said sandy, plainly, "you will have to prove your right to ownership. turn him over, and show us the place where your bullet went in! when you have done that i will own up it is your game. but, until you do, we claim it. and i have here a _loaded_ gun to back up my claim, while all of yours are empty! keep your distance, or i will fire!" bob caught his breath. he had known his impetuous brother to do many unwise things in the past; but it seemed that he was now distancing his own record. nevertheless, since the gage of battle had been thrown down, bob was not the one to shrink from accepting his share of its responsibilities. his first act was characteristic of the boy; for it was to slip a charge of powder into the barrel of his gun. if he could succeed in loading before any one of their enemies thought of doing likewise, there would be two guns to oppose any move the french trappers might think of making. the tall man glared at sandy as though he would give considerable to lay hands on the boy who dared threaten him. still, somehow, he did not appear to fancy the way that gun kept pointing in his direction. and the face of the determined lad behind the gun told him that, if he ventured to make a single aggressive movement, sandy would press the trigger his forefinger was touching. the tall trapper muttered some words to his companions, who immediately began to back away, one moving toward the right, and the other toward the left. faster flew bob's fingers in the effort to get that obstinate bullet rammed home before hostilities actually opened. sandy was compelled to keep his eyes fastened on the man directly in front of him, so that he could not watch the others; but all the same he knew how to control the situation. "remember, you sir, that, if either of your friends makes a movement, it will cost you your life, for i shall fire instantly; and at this short distance there is no chance for a miss. tell them to keep back if you want to live!" he said, firmly. the french trapper spluttered in rage, but he saw something in the face of the determined young pioneer that he did not exactly fancy. so he again spoke in his native tongue to his companions. they immediately commenced to hastily recharge their own rifles, taking pattern from the actions of bob. that worthy had, however, by this time succeeded in removing his ramrod, after sending the patched bullet home, and was even priming his gun so as to be in readiness for action. "stop!" he exclaimed, as he menaced first one and then the second of the other frenchmen. "this thing must be settled now and for good! you have forced us to stand up for our rights. prove that the deer belongs to you, and we will not put in a claim." the tall man was once more calling out, and how bob wished that he understood french, so that he could tell what was said, since he feared that it was intended for their undoing. sure enough, as he turned once more toward the third trapper, he discovered that the man had disappeared, having dropped upon his face and rolled behind a neighboring tree. and, while he thus stood, filled with chagrin because he had been in a measure outwitted, the second fellow also made a quick leap that gave him temporary shelter behind another stump. the situation was becoming very much strained, and, with their three enemies thus widely scattered, bob saw that he and his brother could not long hope to hold the whip hand over the situation. it seemed too bad to think that, after all, they must draw off, and allow these rascally allies of the indians to lay hold of the game that by rights belonged to the armstrong larder. but, perhaps it would be best to believe that "the one who fights, and runs away, may live to fight another day." "come, sandy, we must go, and admit defeat," he said, quickly, fearing lest even now he find some trouble in convincing his hotheaded brother that their best policy lay in retreating while they had the chance. sandy shrugged his shoulders as if to show that he did not like to abandon such a fine buck when they had the best right to it. "if we have to fight for it, let us begin by knocking over this rascal here!" he exclaimed, waving his levelled musket menacingly at the dark-faced trapper. "wait, sandy!" cried bob. "see, there are other men coming on the run. if they prove to be frenchmen we must get away! but perhaps they may be friends, and then we shall soon see to whom the deer belongs." he had hardly spoken when sandy let out a yell of delight. "it is simon kenton! that is he waving his cap to us. now hold your own, bob, and do not think of leaving this game. they will see fair play on both sides. and i say again, if the deer belongs to these men i would not claim it for worlds. huzza! what great luck we are having!" bob, too, was thrilled by the sight of kenton, with several other men in buckskin, advancing through the forest, and closing in on the scene of the dispute. the trio of french trappers, unwilling to risk the chances of flight, immediately assumed a different aspect. smiling affably, they waited to greet the newcomers, as though now perfectly willing to submit the question to arbitration. simon kenton, tall and lithe as a sycamore, hastened to shake hands with each of the armstrong boys. they had been favorites of the young woodranger ever since the first day he met them, when, with daniel boone, he had joined the pack-horse caravan headed for the banks of the ohio. "what's going on here?" he asked in his musical voice, as his keen eyes took in the belligerent attitude of the two lads, and the fact that they were confronted by a trio of french trappers; for the other two had now come out from their places of hiding. "oh! only a dispute as to who shot the buck," said sandy, as though such an event were of every day occurrence with him. "we were over yonder, while these men came from that direction," said bob, as he pointed one way and another. "i was just about to fire, when there came a shot. the buck bounded off. then two more guns spoke; but the deer only leaped the harder. i pressed the trigger and the buck dropped. when we came up, these men met us, and claimed the game. we told them that the only fatal bullet had entered from the right, and offered to prove our claim, or hand the prize over to them; but they said they meant to have it anyway. we were just trying to back up our words when you happened to come up. and, sandy, we'll let simon kenton decide whose bullet killed this fine buck." kenton looked toward the three french trappers, whom he seemed to know. "fairer words were never spoken, armand lacroix, and you know it," he said, sternly. "you would follow out the custom of your partner, jacques larue, with whom my young friends are already acquainted, and claim everything in sight because you are french, and they are english. but that sort of game will not go here. bagstock, take a look at the buck, and tell me whether the bullet has gone clear through the body." one of his comrades accordingly stooped, and threw the dead animal over on the other side; when it was plainly seen that there was no mark of a wound in the forequarter. "i knew it!" cried sandy, triumphantly, as he grinned at the baffled frenchman. "there you see, lacroix," observed kenton, with a nod and a smile, "the lead that brought this buck low came from the right; and this lad says he and his brother were on that quarter, while you stood on the left. but thar's a fairer way to decide the truth than that. hand me your gun, lacroix; i promise that you shall have it again." the french trapper looked daggers at the young ranger; but the english were now five to three french, and he knew the temper of daniel boone's friend too well to test it to the breaking point. accordingly he reached out his discharged rifle, one of those long-barrelled affairs that carried so deadly a messenger, when properly aimed. "bagstock, dig for the bullet that killed the buck," kenton went on. sandy's face was wreathed in a huge grin; for he instantly saw what the woodsman had in mind. "now you will learn the truth, m. lacroix," he said, exultantly, as the burly forest ranger, laying his rifle aside, took out his hunting knife, and commenced to hack at the side of the deer, following the course of the bullet. the french trapper did not appear to be at all pleased with the probable outcome. truth to tell, he had already discounted the result in advance, for he knew full well that himself and comrades had not the first claim on the buck. presently bagstock uttered an ejaculation of satisfaction, and, picking something up, handed it to simon kenton. it was the bullet that had brought down the deer, a trifle dented from striking the animal's bones, but apparently in good shape for the purposes of identification. "just as i thought," said kenton, laughingly. "this bullet fits only in a musket such as these boys carry. nobody could ever get it in a smaller calibre rifle like the ones you and your comrades own, lacroix. so, that is settled, and settled the right way. and your road lies yonder. bagstock, you and andrew keep an eye on our friends, and if they so much as turn around within a mile of this, _you know what to do_!" and thus the three baffled french trappers went away. they grumbled not, seeming to accept their defeat as the fortune of war; but the malignant look armand lacroix cast toward the two brothers told what was on his mind. if by chance they ever ran across his path again, and fortune was kind to him, the frenchman would not be apt to forget how he had been baited by a couple of half-grown english-speaking american lads. and perhaps, under such conditions, he might be able to make things rather interesting for bob and sandy, particularly the latter. chapter viii simon kenton, the borderer when the boys returned to the settlement, bringing with them the buck, and accompanied by simon kenton and his two companions, they were warmly greeted. the story of how sandy had braved the three crafty french trappers soon went abroad, and many congratulated the boy on his firm stand. they knew well that it was this secret french influence which was doing so much to make the indians dig up the hatchet that had been buried at the treaty of fort stanwix some years previous; and in every breast existed the same detestation for the cowardly traders who, for the sake of gain, would encourage the savages to resort once more to the torch, and the murderous tomahawk. several men vanished from the post shortly after the boys returned. it was suspected that they had banded together with the idea of pursuing the trio of frenchmen, and putting it out of their power to carry their news to other indian villages; for pat o'mara, who was one of this band, declared it to be his belief that these men were messengers, sent to bear the wampum belt of the great leader, pontiac, to chiefs who were even then hesitating over what to do. the men came back on the next day, and, while none of them would say a word about the result of their mission, it was not believed that success had followed them, for they exhibited no symptoms of satisfaction. simon kenton was a great favorite in this ohio river settlement. as the boon companion of the leading pioneer he would have been warmly welcome; but, besides that, he had such a genial nature that he made friends wherever he went. contact with daniel boone was also doing wonders for this fine young borderer. by slow degrees he was conquering his numerous faults in the line of hasty temper, and quick action, that in the past had brought him so much trouble. his place among the men of the early days along the great river has long been recognized in history. while he lacked some of the wonderful qualities that made boone beloved among the whites, and both feared and respected by the indians, still kenton has always held a strong place in the affection of those who know the wonderful exploits with which his life was crowned. although kenton was possessed of a particularly amiable disposition among his friends, it is likely that his equal for recklessness was never known. history tells us that, during the course of his adventurous life along the border with boone, and alone, he many times fell into the hands of the indians, though they seemed unable to hold so slippery a customer. eight times he was condemned to run the gauntlet, always one of the most cruel of the indian inventions of horror; three times was he tied to the stake, sentenced to be burned alive; and once he was nearly slain by an ax. and yet, in spite of all these things, simon kenton lived to a green old age, dying in within sight of the very spot where the indians, fifty-eight years before, had made preparations to torture him to death. (note .) while at the settlement of our friends kenton and his two comrades made their headquarters in an empty cabin, deserted by a settler who had gone back to the fair fields of virginia because his wife grieved for her family, and was too timid to stay where at any hour they could expect to hear the wild whoops of hostile indians. of course, as soon as it could be done in secret, the head men of the settlement sought to find out from kenton whether the news brought by pat o'mara was founded on facts, or the result of a lively imagination. "i have been in the eastern country," replied the forest ranger, seriously; "and can only say this, that thar are all the signs of a big outbreak. down in kentucky boone has had to be on the defensive all the time, because the shawanees did not feel themselves bound by the fort stanwix treaty. my friends, i regret to say to you that the outlook is dark. be on your guard. if this winter passes without a general war on the part of half a dozen tribes, some of us will believe that we are poor prophets." and, later on, he told in detail what he and his friends had seen and heard. the news was distressing to these people, so many hundreds of miles away from help, and dependent on themselves alone to combat the gathering clouds. but there were brave hearts among those early pioneers. even the women refused to believe that they were to be overwhelmed, and made to perish from the face of the earth. from such stock have our forefathers sprung, and, looking back, we have need of every adjective at our command to express admiration for the valor of these ohio pioneers. david armstrong felt that he had much to be thankful for in those days. his wife and little family were in perfect health; but there was one thing that seemed to be giving the pioneer anxiety. never did any one come from over the distant mountains but that mr. armstrong was eagerly inquiring whether the newcomer carried a letter for him. thus far disappointment had always been his portion; yet, after each period of deep despondency, he would once more pick up fresh hope, and it was usually the brave soul of his gentle wife that put new ambitions in his breast. years ago in richmond, mr. armstrong had been tricked by a cousin, in whom he placed implicit confidence. the result had been that this rascal had virtually stolen all of mr. armstrong's heritage, which he had brought from the old country. david had gone to law about it, but, even in this early day, the delays were most vexatious; and for years had the case been pending. mr. armstrong never lost hope that, in the end, it would be decided in his favor, and that he would be summoned to richmond to take back that which had been fraudulently wrested from his hands. he indulged in many rosy-tinted dreams of what wonderful things he would bring back with him, to add to the happiness of his little brood, should such a wonderful piece of good luck come his way. mary and he had decided that they liked this beautiful country too well to ever return again to virginia. come what would, they belonged here on the river that flowed between forest-clad banks into the golden west. pat o'mara still hung about the settlement, though at any time he was apt to disappear. while present, he made his home with the armstrongs, and there never was a more welcome guest at a pioneer's cabin than the irish trapper with these good friends. bob and sandy took him over the line of their traps, and learned many clever little tricks that would count when the real time came for taking fur-bearing animals. up to now their efforts in that line had been more in the way of experiments, so as to get used to handling traps, and keeping the sly little animals from scenting the presence of human beings around their haunts. kenton and his friends had gone on their way. they were really scouting, in the hope and expectation of learning something about the anticipated indian uprising, so that the weaker settlements could withdraw in time to more secure quarters; for the winter, at least, combining with stronger posts. "i wanted father to let me go with simon kenton," said sandy, despondently, the day after the departure of the frontiersman. "but of course he refused," said bob, quickly; "and rightly, too. you are too young to be wandering around the country as he does, sandy; and think, what would mother do without you? it's all well enough for kenton, who is a man full grown, and has no home. you belong here, sandy, with us. how could i attend to all the traps, and hunt in the bargain, without you? i am glad father said no; glad for my own sake, glad for mother, and glad for you, too." the reference to his mother touched the heart of impulsive sandy. "well," he said, slowly, "i guess it is best i stay for another year or so, anyway; but, some day, i'm going to follow in the footsteps of simon kenton." bob said no more, knowing the nature of his brother only too well, and by another day sandy had apparently quite gotten over his grieving. september was now moving along very fast, and, almost before they would be aware of it, the great forest trees must be taking on the red and gold of autumn hues, as the first frost came down from the north. each time the boys went out they set another trap, until the entire number they owned were in use. the prospect ahead looked rosy, indeed, if only that story in connection with the threatened indian war could be forgotten. sometimes it came to bob in the dead of night, to cause him more or less grave thought, for his was a nature unlike sandy's lighthearted one; and, before pat o'mara departed, he had once more impressed upon the older lad the necessity for unusual care in making their rounds of the traps, or venturing into the surrounding forest in search of game. and, on this night in question, it seemed to bob that he awoke from a very vivid dream, in which the settlement was being attacked by countless painted indians. so startling an effect did the dream have upon him that he even sat up on his cot and listened, as though he half expected to hear the distant yells of dancing red men as they surrounded the stockade. all seemed still, however, and bob was about to drop back again when, glancing in the direction of the little window, he was surprised to find that a flickering glow came and went, as though a fire might be burning without. hastily the boy crept from under his covers, and went over to open the door, in order to thrust his head outside; but, hardly had he done this, than he received a shock that dazed him, for he discovered that the entire side of the cabin was in flames! chapter ix the moccasin tracks that toed-in "fire!" wildly bob gave tongue, as he managed to draw on his garments. the whole of the cabin's inmates appeared on the scene in answer to his cries, and all of them filled with the gravest apprehensions. there was no need to ask questions, for bob had flown out of the door, leaving it open behind him. "get buckets, and dip into the barrel!" shouted mr. armstrong. already had bob started his work against the devouring flames, which were licking up the side of the cabin, as though bent on destroying the weeks of work on the part of the pioneers, in this one dreadful half-hour. even kate helped, finding some sort of pan in which she could carry water, and dash it on the burning logs. bob quickly saw that the barrel would soon be exhausted at this rate. they must have a further supply of water if they hoped to battle successfully with the greedy flames. "come with me to the spring, sandy!" he cried huskily. "we must have more water! this way, mr. brewster, with your bucket! and please run with all your might!" a neighbor had arrived on the scene, for the cries of the family as they fought the devouring element had been heard, and there was no need to ask what had happened, since the flames could be seen for some distance. mr. brewster had come up with his musket in one hand, and an empty bucket gripped in the other. thus he was prepared for almost anything that might arise, for, with all this talk of an indian uprising in the air, it was only natural that he might suspect there would be need for the firearm as well as the wooden pail. the three hastened to the spring, in order to secure a further addition to the supply of water. before they had gone half way another figure showed up, being a second neighbor who, like mr. brewster, had come prepared to cope with any emergency. he joined the procession of runners; and in this order they arrived at the spring, which was located about eighty yards from the armstrong cabin, and used by several families in common. fortunately it was of some depth, so that quite a pool formed at its "run-off." here they filled their buckets, and started back just as fast as they could go without spilling the contents. others began to arrive, for, as the clamor increased, every cabin in the settlement yielded up its quota of eager assistants. in a little community like this, where hundreds of miles separated them from civilization, with untold perils surrounding them, the interest of one must ever be the interest of all. they knew not what terrible danger might be abroad; but, with the bold spirit that marked the early pioneer, they sallied forth to grapple with whatever threatened. and these men did yeoman service. some slapped at the creeping flames with garments that had been saturated with water; others beat frantically with branches and bushes; while the few who had means for carrying water dashed this natural enemy of fire on the flames. thus it was only a short time before they got the fire under control, for many hands made light work. some damage had been done, it is true, and mr. armstrong would have to do more or less repairing to his cabin ere it would be in as good shape as before the fire. still, he and his good wife felt that they had much for which to be grateful. "how did it start?" asked old anthony brady. there was latent suspicion in his voice, for he had seen that the fire had all been on the outside, which would indicate that it certainly could not have started in the interior from a smouldering brand falling beyond the hearth, such as had been the case in one other alarm they had had earlier in the season, before the cool nights had gone. "i think i can make a guess," remarked mr. brewster, who had also been looking about while actively engaged in fighting the devouring element. "you can see that it was on the side where mrs. armstrong has her soap-kettle. she must have left a bed of red ashes after rendering down the bear fat with the lye, and, during the night, the wind swept some of these against the logs. perhaps there was a handful of dead leaves to act as tinder; and the rest came easy." "but," said bob's mother, quickly, "i did not have a fire under the soap-kettle yesterday, nor the day before. indeed, it is a full week now since i used it." the men looked quickly at one another. they realized now that there might be something more about this midnight burning than any of them had ventured to imagine. log cabins do not take fire so easily, in the middle of the night, without some human agency back of the catastrophe. "come," said anthony brady, hoarsely, "this must be looked into. if some wicked person put the torch to this cabin, we ought to find out who he was, and punish him accordingly." by this time there were fully a dozen men around, and nearly all of them carried guns of some pattern, either the long rifles of the day, or muskets that at close quarters were just as deadly. stern faces grew even more set as they heard their leader thus declare himself. if a house-burner were abroad, then he must surely belong to one of two species--for they could not imagine any but a sneaking indian, or a malicious french trapper, doing so mean a deed. several of the most expert trailers began to circle around at some little distance from the cabin. they carried either rude horn lanterns, or else burning torches of fat pine, with which each cabin was usually well supplied, since candles were not plentiful in those days, and had to be made, like the soap, from the surplus fat taken from some bear that had been secured for food. bob and sandy came together while thus employed. "did you hear what old reuben jacks said, bob?" asked the older boy, meaningly. "you mean about that frenchman, armand lacroix?" the other lad replied. "yes," sandy went on, eagerly; "they hunted for him high and low, but without success. reuben believes that he, or one of his men, must have done this out of revenge, because we defied him and took away the buck when he had declared he meant to possess it." "it may be so," bob observed, thoughtfully. "i have heard so much about the treachery and trickery of those traders from the north, that i would not think it beyond one of them to try and burn a cabin in the night. that man hates us both, and you particularly, because of the way you held your gun at his head. i shall never forget how his black eyes glittered as he looked at you on leaving. it was as if he wanted to remember you for years to come." "listen! some one is calling!" exclaimed sandy just then. "it is old reuben jacks, and he has made some sort of discovery; or else he would not lift his cracked voice in that shrill way. come, sandy, let us run thither, and see what it may be." the two boys, both of whom were now carrying their guns, even though but partly dressed, made a dash toward the spot where the shouts went up. they overtook several others; and in another minute quite a group had gathered around the figure of the gaunt old woodranger. "what is it, reuben; what have you found to give tongue that way?" demanded anthony brady, with authority in his heavy voice. "look, neighbors!" said the other, pointing down toward his feet. "footprints leading away from the cabin!" exclaimed one. "and made by an injun, too, for the toes turn in!" came from another. "reuben, you have made a valuable discovery," brady remarked, after he had himself bent over to examine the footprints in the soft soil, which the keen and practised eye of the old man had detected. "an indian has been here after night set in; for you all remember there was just a little rainfall at dark, and this trail has been made fresh since then." "it is the track of the burner! let us follow it, and punish the hand that held the torch!" cried an excitable young man, waving his gun above his head. bob and sandy exchanged a quick glance; and the latter seemed to ask a question of his brother, since bob quickly remarked: "no, this does not prove that we were wrong; for lacroix may have been in league with the indians; and he could easily engage one of the red men to come here to do his work for him. it may be that the torch of a pottawottomi or a shawanee set fire to our cabin; but, sandy, the hand of a frenchman was back of it!" with reuben in the van, half a dozen of the men started following the fresh trail. they could have but little hope of coming upon the culprit, unless the indian might have hidden near by, wishing to enjoy the confusion and wild alarm his wanton act had caused; but, since they were so aroused, it might be just as well to scour the immediate neighborhood in order to give vent to some of their enthusiasm. a few of the settlers had gone home. they could not tell what this midnight burning might signify. perhaps other incendiaries were abroad, and at any moment another fire would call for attention. every man was keyed up to a pitch where it would have gone hard with any indian or half-breed falling into his clutches just then. the entire settlement was astir. women had armed themselves, not knowing but that a general attack might be forthcoming. and the wives and daughters of these early ohio pioneers were well fitted to be the mates of the bold spirits that braved the unknown perils of the great wilderness. many of them could handle a gun almost as well as the men. the tracking party had now entered the dense woods. they had been warned by the older and more cautious members of the community to be careful lest they fall into some cunning ambush. that plain trail may have been left purposely in order to excite their anger, and bring them under the guns of concealed enemies, who would shoot them down without mercy. this was indian nature. treachery went hand-in-hand with the war tactics of the red men. they thought it no wrong to lure their foes into a trap, and then slaughter them as wolves might be cut down. pontiac himself had shown how exceedingly clever and crafty a warfare could be exercised against the white man. at the important trading post of michilimackinac hundreds of his indians, mostly sacs and chippewas, had been loitering around the fort for days. on the king's birthday they had proceeded to celebrate by a great game of ball. the sport had been carried on with all the customary noise and confusion; and the unsuspicious garrison allowed the players to rush within the stockade when the ball, seemingly by accident, was knocked over the high palisade. under their blankets many of the indians carried muskets, with the barrels sawed off short; while all had their tomahawks and knives. at a given signal they fell upon the garrison, and, although a terrible fight ensued, the surprise was complete, so that a massacre had followed. nine other trading posts had fallen in much the same way, and the most important of all, detroit, had a close call, when the sachem pontiac laid siege with his allied tribes. although time had passed since these exciting days, the wily chieftain still lived to plot new schemes for the destruction of the encroaching whites. and never was his dreaded name mentioned in a weak border settlement without a shudder. this was why the older men had warned the more hotheaded to be careful lest they run into an ambuscade; for it was a favorite trick among the indians to lure rash settlers away from the shelter of their stockade by some such stratagem, and then fall upon them in overpowering numbers. clouds hid the moon from sight, but, only for dense foliage of the forest trees, the night would hardly be called dark. there were just seven in the band that pushed through the woods, following that trail. old reuben, at the head, held his blazing and smoking pine torch low, so that his eagle eyes might keep track of the imprint of those moccasins that toed-in. behind him came the others, with guns ready for immediate use, and eyes trying to pierce the gloom that loomed up ahead like a black wall. no doubt after a time, when they had cooled down somewhat, a more sensible view of the situation would come over these eager trailers. finding that the indian had headed straight away from the settlement, they must realize the folly of trying to follow him further in the perilous night time, and retrace their steps back home. once they heard a crash, as some frightened wild animal floundered through the bushes ahead. it must have been a prowling bear, for no other creature would make so great a noise. again their alert ears, that could pick up the faintest sounds, caught the snort of a deer that may have been viewing the advance of these strange fireflies through the woods until they came too near for comfort, and then fled swiftly with tremendous bounds. each time the men had gripped their guns, thinking that something was about to occur; but only once more to relax the nervous strain. "i surely saw something move ahead, bob!" exclaimed sandy, who was alongside his brother in the forward movement. "where?" asked the other, quickly; while the nearest neighbor cocked his head to listen, half raising his musket menacingly. "over there where that tree hangs down across the way," replied sandy, pointing with his gun. "well, we must soon know whether it means anything," replied bob, "for we are headed that way right now." "look! look! it must be a man; and he is waving a white flag to us! he does not want us to fire upon him at sight!" cried sandy, a few seconds later. "yes, you are right," declared his brother. of course the attention of all the members of the tracking party had now been attracted toward the moving object, which every one could see was a piece of white cloth being waved up and down. they changed their course just a little, and headed in a bunch for the spot. "be careful, lads!" said old reuben. "nobody kin tell what the sly critters may be up to. keep yer hands on yer triggers, but don't shoot till i give the word. unless i'm mightily mistaken, that arm is an injun's. spread out a leetle, lads. he wants us to get closer still, afore he gives over wavin' that rag. thar! he's dropped the thing! easy now, and wait! ha!" as the old woodranger gave vent to this last exclamation, the unseen party who had been signalling to them from behind the big oak, suddenly stepped into view, holding both hands above his head in token of amity. both bob and sandy uttered cries of astonishment. "why," cried the latter, "see bob, it's our friend, blue jacket!" chapter x blue jacket's warning "shoot the cabin burner!" "he made the tracks we've been following! a rope would come in handy!" "the sneaking hound, to turn on the boys who saved his life! but it's only what we ought to expect from an injun!" "he ought to be made meat for the crows, men!" these angry exclamations arose from the group of settlers as they saw who was coming from behind the giant oak. both bob and sandy, however, never for a moment dreamed of suspecting the young indian brave of being concerned in the recent outrage. they had found him seriously wounded at the time of the arrival of the emigrants on the ohio. true, his hurts had doubtless been received during the preceding attack upon the camp of the pioneers, but the two boys did not let that influence them. something seemed to draw them to blue jacket, and they had nursed him tenderly in the new cabin, until one night he had vanished. the older settlers, who did not believe that a true heart could beat under a red skin, were loud in their declaration that the boys had only nursed a snake that would come back to sting them. but, when sandy was captured and carried away to the shawanee village, it was by the aid of blue jacket that his release was finally accomplished. since that day they had seen more or less of the young indian. he occasionally turned up at the armstrong cabin, to spend a few days with his white friends, of whom he seemed very fond; then he would vanish in a mysterious way without saying good-bye, to once more reappear, weeks later, always bringing in a deer, or a wild turkey, as a present for the sweet little mother who reigned as queen of the frontier cabin. (note .) sandy, more impetuous than his brother, though not any more fond of the young indian, hearing these hasty and ugly remarks, immediately sprang forward, and, placed himself in front of blue jacket, spread out his arms as he exclaimed with a show of anger: "don't any one of you dare to lift a hand against him! he is our friend, tried and true! why, sooner than try to burn our cabin, blue jacket would put his own hand in the fire and let it be consumed. i stand for him. the one who raises his hand against blue jacket will have to fight sandy armstrong!" after that, of course, the guns that had been half-raised were allowed to drop once more; but the dark scowls did not leave the stern faces of those who gathered around. "see here, sandy, and you, too, bob," said one of their comrades, as he shook his head gravely; "it may look all right to you; but there are some of us who fail to see anything good in indians. we have followed the tracks of the redskin who tried to burn your father's cabin. it led us here. and, from behind a tree, comes this young brave. we believe he is the guilty one, and, unless he can prove his innocence, we think we have a right to punish him, even to the extent of taking his life!" "you shall not harm a hair of his head!" cried sandy. "i tell you it is impossible that he could have done so horrible a thing as try to burn our cabin. it may have been an indian, as the tracks prove; but blue jacket, never!" "listen," said the cooler bob; "why should he wish to attract our attention if he had done this deed? all he had to do was to remain hidden behind that tree, and we would have passed by without seeing him." "but tell us why he came out holding his hands above his head; and for what reason should he wave the white rag?" demanded a fiery, half-grown fellow. "you would have done the same had you seen several men armed, and ready to shoot at a sound, passing through the woods with torches," replied bob, soberly. "blue jacket was wise enough to understand that sometimes people shoot first, and ask questions afterward." the young indian had listened with an impassive face to what was being said. from childhood had he been trained to hide all signs of emotion as unbecoming to a warrior. while he did not fully understand the reason for this hot-tempered action on the part of the young whites, still, doubtless, he could draw certain conclusions. "no burn cabin. blue jacket been way off in hills and think best see white father, sandy, bob. on way when see fire flash through trees. hide so can know what mean--not want get hurt, so wave white flag. ugh! blue jacket talk with straight tongue; no lie!" he held up his right hand, and looked aloft through the branches of the trees, as though calling upon the great spirit to witness that what he so solemnly declared was true. "if he swears that he is innocent, let him prove it!" demanded the same young hothead who had before spoken. "just as you say," returned bob, who had the utmost confidence in his copper-colored friend. "come, let us all go back to where those moccasin tracks are, which we have followed from our cabin. we will soon see if they were made by those blue jacket has on." "but that is foolish," remarked one of the others. "all moccasins are pretty much alike; and they make tracks that are as much the same as peas in a pod." "is that so, reuben?" asked bob, appealing to the old and experienced woodsman, who knew indians like a scholar would the pages of a printed book. "it air not," came the positive reply. "in the fust place, every tribe has its own way o' makin' footwear; and i kin tell at a look jest which belongs ter a shawanee, a sac, a pottawottomi, a delaware or an iroquois. even among the six nations thar's much difference, a seneca's being built different from the moccasin of a mohawk or an oneida." "i thought so," said bob, smiling as though pleased. "and, reuben, tell us if even shawanee moccasins may not be known apart by some peculiar mark?" "a-plenty of times i've seen it. this one might have a patch at the toe; another show some mark whar the skin had been worn; or p'raps a crease straight acrost the foot," the old man replied, frankly. "and did you notice any such mark about the track we have been following--anything you would know again, no matter where you saw it?" bob went on; for his own eyes had told him something far back, that had to do with this very thing. "yes, thar war such a mark, bob," returned the experienced woodsman. "many times i saw it in the track. it looked like the indian's moccasin kept comin' off, and he hed tied a piece of deerskin thong around his foot. besides, it was bigger nor any footprint i've run acrost this many a day." "look down at the feet of blue jacket, reuben; and here is one of the tracks we followed. tell me, did the same foot make both prints?" and bob, as he thus spoke, pointed at the ground where the young warrior stood. the settler was already on his knees. he took a slender stick, and carefully measured the marked track of the moccasin. then he applied the rule to the plainly seen imprint left by blue jacket as he voluntarily moved aside. every eye saw immediately that there were fully two inches difference between the length of the unknown cabin-burner's foot and that of blue jacket. "i knew it!" cried sandy, as he turned with flashing eyes toward the one who had demanded speedy justice on general principles. "you see how foolish you were, abner; to want to do him harm without the least evidence against him, only that he is an indian. blue jacket is a friend to the armstrong family, even if there are others who do not like him." the indian stood with folded arms. he cast a quick glance of affection in the direction of sandy when that impulsive individual spoke so warmly in his defence; but toward the others of the group he maintained a cold reserve. like all of his kind he scorned to show what was in his heart, when the eyes of those who were unfriendly to him watched his every move. "shall we go on?" asked old reuben, looking dubious as he spoke. "it would be useless, i think," bob observed. "we know by now that the man who put the torch to our cabin has fled. he can travel twice as swiftly through the forest as we could follow on his trail. let him go. after all, no great harm has been done; and another time we may catch him at his work, if he comes back." "besides," added reuben, "we stand a chance of runnin' into ambush, if so be he has friends near by. if you ask me, i say return to the settlement." of course, after that, even the impetuous abner could not venture a protest; and he certainly had no desire to continue the useless hunt alone, or with a single companion. accordingly the party turned back, and threaded the dark forest aisles, heading in a direction that would bring them to the settlement. bob and sandy kept blue jacket between them. they had also fallen back a little, so that they could talk undisturbed; for bob had seen something in the manner of the indian to convince him the other had sought the home of the armstrongs with some important message. "it has been long since blue jacket visited his white brothers," remarked bob, who, when holding converse with the other, usually spoke after the manner of the shawanees. "blue jacket has been far away to the land of the rising sun, and the country of the big waters," replied the other, in his low musical voice. "everywhere the war drum is sounding and the dance keeps up night after night. the great chief pontiac has sent the wampum belt to all the tribes, and they thirst for blood. it may come with the new moon; it will not keep long. blue jacket is an indian; but he loves his white brothers, bob and sandy. long distance he come to tell them to be ready. soon along border cabins go up in smoke, and many pale face squaws and papoose mourn for white braves who come not back. i have spoken!" chapter xi tending their traps the manner of blue jacket while saying this was grave. he had no liking for the whites, save the family of david armstrong. his sympathies must be wholly bound up in the interests of his race. and yet, unable to rest easy when he knew these good friends would soon be in peril from another uprising of the allied tribes between the great lakes and the ohio, he had come to give them warning. bob appreciated what a tremendous sacrifice this act must have been to the red brave, for, in bringing his terrible news, blue jacket was in part proving false to his teachings, and the interests of his tribe. "you must come home with us, and see our parents," bob insisted, when he thought he saw an inclination on the part of the other to leave them. "tell no more than that, bob," remarked the young indian. "all can say keep open eyes for bad times along ohio. big chief think now can drive paleface settlers back other side mountains, never return. many tribes send back wampum belt wrap up round tomahawk. know that mean hatchet dug up; and ready to fight. watch out, see storm, get in fort! blue jacket sorry, no can help." when it was known that fresh word had come in connection with the dreaded uprising, the pioneers of the ohio would find new cause for anxiety. but there had never been a time since their arrival that they had not been concerned about the hostile attitude of the indians. despite the protestations of some of the tribes as to their desire for peace, even to smoking the pipe with their white brothers, few believed that they meant it; and hence no man ever went far from his cabin without making sure to have his gun along, and that the priming was in the pan, ready for immediate use. mr. armstrong was indeed glad to see blue jacket, for while at first he had distrusted him as an indian, after the rescue of sandy he could not doubt the loyalty of the young shawanee. in the morning he hoped to find out more particulars concerning the important news the newcomer brought, and which fully corroborated that which pat o'mara and simon kenton had carried, after their trips to the north. but, when morning came, blue jacket could not be found. he had vanished again, after his usual way of leaving the cabin of his friends. "here is some indian picture writing on this piece of white birch bark, that he left behind him," said sandy, when he had looked everywhere without finding the dusky guest, who had slept on the hard floor by the fire, using for a bed only a bearskin thrown on the hard puncheon floor. by this time the two boys had learned to read the sign language of the indians to a fair extent. blue jacket himself had taken pains to teach them many things that had to do with his people, and their odd ways. consequently, between them bob and sandy started to figure out just what the various signs stood for. but this time the friendly young shawanee had confined his efforts to one subject. cabins and wigwams were given over to the flames, for the smoke curled up above each one. the various rude figures in sight they could understand to be indian braves, carrying on the massacre, dancing around fires, and waving objects in the air that must stand for scalps. "it is only the same warning he gave us last night," said bob. "he wants to make us believe that all this is coming, and we must keep on guard, day and night. but there was little need of that, because in anthony brady we have a leader who sleeps with one eye open. whatever comes, this little ohio river settlement will never be caught napping." it was indeed a time that tried men's souls. and even pioneer boys felt the terrible responsibility resting on their young shoulders, for, as soon as a lad could aim and fire a gun, he became one of the defenders of the home, and must face danger bravely, or be branded as a coward by his kind. "when we go out hunting after this we must always be on the watch for sneaking enemies," said sandy, with a tinge of disgust in his voice. "i only hope the scare will die out," ventured bob, though his manner told that he did not have great faith in this direction. "well, we must not pull too long faces about it," remarked sandy; "because poor mother is dreadfully worried even now about what may come to pass. we can't prevent it, do what we will, and there's no use crying till you're hurt." from that time on a feeling of uneasiness rested over the little settlement. men went about their daily tasks as usual; but many suspicious glances were cast upon the heavy forest beyond the clearing, as though they might be wondering how soon it would be before the shrill war cries of the painted foe burst from those gloomy depths, and blazing cabins told that the worst had come to pass. and the women stuck closer than ever to their homes, while children were never allowed to stray away, as had been their habit during the earlier summer. around the humble tables, when the supper was spread, the talk was chiefly concerning such shreds of news as floated in to them from other settlements. as yet, so far as they could learn, no concerted outbreak had occurred, although, further south and west, the shawanees were, as usual, harassing the settlements founded by daniel boone. but these valiant pioneers of kentucky were so quick on the trigger, and so ready to match their cunning against that of the red foe, that the indians had not made any great progress toward wiping out the hardy invaders. the lateness of the season caused some of the more hopeful to believe that the contemplated uprising might be delayed until spring, since winter was seldom a time for indian warfare. as they already had every trap they possessed in use, bob and sandy knew that it was necessary for them to visit the entire line daily, unless they wished to lose what fur had been taken over night. these traps had not been set any great distance from the settlement, for they had found plenty of traces of mink, marten, otter, badger and fox in the ravines and creeks within a couple of miles of home; and while, at one time, they had contemplated going further away, the uneasiness of their mother influenced them to make a shorter circuit. accordingly they started every other day to visit these traps. sandy had also discovered a colony of beaver up a lonely stream, and, as he coveted their glossy pelts, he had made sure to leave several of his best traps hidden just under the surface of the water with the bait, scented with castor, above, so that, when one of the little animals tried to reach up, it would surely step into the open jaws of the trap, and be drowned. one thing the boys had faithfully promised their parents. this was to always keep close together when out in the forest, either in search of fresh meat or visiting their traps to remove the captured fur-bearers. bob was particularly interested in every sort of information which he could secure concerning the indians of this northwest territory. he knew the chief differences between the many tribes, and that, while all the rest were in favor of the wily french traders, most of the iroquois or six nations inclined toward the english. but this did not mean that they would be friendly toward the settlers beyond fort duquesne, later known as fort pitt; for already were the strong signs of rebellion rife in the colonies; and the indians began to take the side of the loyalists against the americans. often, while he and sandy were making the rounds of their traps, bob would relate something of interest that he had managed to pick up; and his brother, though not as deeply concerned as himself, always asked numerous questions. some days passed after the visit of blue jacket, and thus far nothing had come about that might excite new alarm. almost daily some scout or courier belonging in the settlement would come in with news; but the reports all seemed to point to a possibility of the outbreak being postponed, for a while at least. pontiac had not had sufficient time in which to mature his terrible scheme; because it was so difficult to get answers from distant tribes, in the confederacy of treachery. things were drifting on in this fairly satisfactory way when there came a sudden break in the calm, so far as the armstrong family was concerned. as usual, the two boys had been out on their line of traps, and were returning home late in the afternoon. they had been unusually successful, which accounted for their tardiness, for as a rule they were home long before this. sandy had succeeded in shooting a deer, and bore a bountiful supply of fresh meat on his broad shoulders. bob, on the other hand, staggered under a goodly bunch of pelts, consisting of two beaver, a beautiful black fox, three mink, and some muskrat skins that were not worth anything at the time in the market, but were used by the settlers for making warm mitts for winter wear, or snug caps calculated to keep their ears from freezing when the cold winds howled, and the snow fell. the boys had just come in sight of their cabin when sandy saw something that caused him to call to his brother. "look, bob, what do you suppose all those people are doing around our home? i can count five, six, seven women standing, talking; and there's mr. brewster and mr. lane coming out of the cabin. oh! i wonder if that firebrand has been about again, trying to burn us out?" and bob, looking hastily, was also thrilled to see that his brother spoke the truth, in so far as the gathering of neighbors was concerned. he too became immediately deeply concerned, and his boyish face lost every particle of color. "no, it couldn't be that, sandy," he said, in a voice that trembled with new-born anxiety; "but i fear it may be father has hurt himself again. ever since that tree fell on him, and nearly took his life, he has been hardly himself." "but you must surely be wrong, bob," spoke up the other, eagerly; "for see, there is father coming out of the door now, and shaking hands with mr. lane. if there is any one ill it must be our darling mother, because i can see sister kate with the women right now." "but no, that cannot be either, sandy," said bob, as he stared at the group near the cabin. "if our mother were ill you do not believe that both father and kate would leave her alone, while they gossiped with the neighbors outside the doors? it must mean something else! see, kate is dancing about as though she could not quite contain herself. now she looks this way, and i believe she sees us." "which is quite true," sandy observed, still trembling from excitement, "because the little witch is running straight toward us as fast as her dear feet will carry her. listen, she is calling something too; but for the life of me i can't quite make out what she says." "anyhow, sandy," bob said, smilingly, "we need not fear that it can be very terrible, or kate would not be looking so gay. see her wave her hands to us as she dances along! come, why longer hang back, when by meeting her half-way we shall the sooner learn just what has happened to bring the neighbors to our home." "just as you say, bob. i was afraid at first, thinking that something had gone wrong with our loved ones; but--why, there is mother right now, joining the rest at the door. look, they seem to be saluting her, as though there might be some cause for congratulations. bob, i no longer fear that trouble has visited us; but, if i am shaking, it is with eagerness to know what it all means." kate had ceased trying to make them understand; but all the time she was rapidly approaching the heavily laden boy trappers. almost out of breath she came up finally, to throw her arms about the neck of one brother, and then affectionately embrace the other. "come, what ails you, kate?" demanded bob, when the girl had repeated this demonstration twice, as though unable to articulate, owing to her excitement and loss of breath through running. "good news!" she managed to say, beaming at them in turn. "something's happened then," cried sandy; "something good, you say? bob, can you make her stop dancing around like that, and speak? i'm feeling like i was in a dream, and just can't for the life of me understand what could happen out here so far away from everywhere." bob caught his sister, and, having dropped his burden, threw an arm around her. "now, tell us at once," he said, in his commanding way; "was it a letter?" "yes, yes!" she answered, with a happy gasp, and merry eyes that seemed suspiciously moist with tears of very joy. "a letter from the lawyer in richmond, telling father that at last, after these years of waiting, the great case has been decided, and in his favor. he is to come and receive the money of which his wicked cousin robbed him ever so long ago. is it not splendid news, brothers?" chapter xii the cruel parting "oh! i'm so glad--for mother's sake!" exclaimed bob, his first thought being of that beloved, patient little woman, who had stood shoulder to shoulder with her husband through all the hard times of the past. "yes, now she can have some of the things other women own," said sandy, gleefully; "for father will have to go to richmond, and can bring back with him many comforts that we never expected to get here." "if only he does not have to cross the big water!" sighed kate, proving that there was a fly in the ointment, after all, and that this possibility loomed up mountain high even in the midst of her joy. crossing the ocean in those days was a tremendous undertaking, with the sailing craft subject to all whims of the fickle weather for many weeks; and few contemplated such a voyage lightly. "but father often said that if this long postponed case was decided in his favor he would only have to go to richmond to be put in possession of his own!" remarked bob. "so i wouldn't worry about it, kate, dear. but let us go on to the cabin, for i can see mother looking this way, and beckoning." they found a happy group when they reached the log building. the neighbors had come to rejoice with the armstrongs over the glorious news; for only too well did every housewife know the privations that had followed the loss of mr. armstrong's little fortune; and how delightful it was to realize that things were now about to take a decided turn for the better. others came flocking to the scene, and that night was one never to be forgotten. such good news as this seldom came to any of the pioneers. as a rule those hardy men had to build their own fortunes by daily contact with the rough edges of life, clearing first one acre of land, and planting it to crops; and then slowly adding to their holdings, year by year. mr. armstrong knew that it was absolutely necessary that he proceed east at the very earliest day in order to get back before winter had settled in earnest over the mountains, since they would be utterly impassable once this occurred. he consulted with some of his best friends; for since they had been neighbors many months now they had come to know each other fully. his wife was both happy and oppressed. she knew that her little family would be rendered better able to withstand the hardships of pioneer life after david had been to the east, and returned, bringing the many things so needed to make them comfortable; but the thought of the separation gave her much pain, since the pair were very devoted to each other. but it was considerable pleasure to be able to make out a long list of things which the good man was to secure, after he had come into his own. several pack animals would be needed on which to transport all he expected to bring to the ohio. the neighbors, almost to a family, thought of various little things they needed; and mr. armstrong was commissioned to purchase these. "why," he laughed, as another day had passed, with his list growing to a formidable length, as still more of the settlers' wives came, with money and a request that he buy them this article or that; "if this keeps on i'll surely have a regular caravan under my charge, as numerous as the one with which we first crossed the mountains, and found this beautiful spot on the ohio." "but, father," said far-seeing bob, "that will be all the better, for it has been some time since there was a pack train out of virginia headed this way, and i am sure quite a lot of people will want to join you. they have been hearing stories about this golden west a long time now; and we know what that means." "yes," observed the good wife, as she looked up into the bronzed face of the pioneer; "and if the company is large, the better i shall be pleased, david, because it will mean that you are safe. bring them along, all who yearn to come hither. we will stand by them--the men to help build cabins before the winter sets in; the women to assist in fitting their homes up, so as to give the newcomers a start. there is room in plenty here in this glorious country, where people can really breathe without paying taxes to a king three thousand miles away." that evening the neighbors flocked to the armstrong cabin to spend a few hours with those for whom they had come to feel so much respect and affection. if some of them secretly envied the armstrongs their great good fortune, they managed to conceal the fact, for every one seemed bubbling over with happiness. on the morrow the start was to be made. all preparations had been completed looking forward to the event. it happened, fortunately, that several parties were expecting to leave for the fields of virginia about this time; and, since greater safety would follow if they went together, they had managed to set upon this day, close upon the verge of fall, for a start. often during the evening bob caught his father's eyes fastened upon himself and sandy. he knew well what thoughts must be passing through the mind of the pioneer. and again and again did bob promise himself that he would strive to do everything in his power to fill that father's place while the head of the family was absent. there was really little sleep under that humble roof that night. first, the excitement attaching to the visit of so many neighbors broke into the routine of their daily life. then, after these good friends had departed, it was found that a number of things had been neglected that were absolutely necessary for the comfort of the traveller. the party anticipated making an early start in the morning, so none of these could be postponed. besides, it was only natural that every member of the family should be worked up to a high degree of nervous anxiety, and lie awake long after they had sought their cots, thinking of a thousand and one matters. early indeed were they astir. breakfast was prepared as usual; but, on this morning, no one had much heart for merriment. mrs. armstrong indeed kept a smile on her face, but it was forced simply to encourage her husband; since she knew only too well how he must feel at the idea of thus separating himself from all he held dear on earth. bob, sandy and kate tried their best to appear natural, but it was indeed hard work. often kate would make some excuse for darting out of the room, and, when she came back a little later, there was always a suspicious redness about her eyes that told plainly how she had indulged in a cry to ease the numb pain in her girlish heart. and even fun-loving sandy dared not take her to task, for he was on the verge of a breakdown himself. mr. armstrong, seeing how his wife exerted herself to sustain him, and ashamed to let her bear the whole burden, made a great effort, and mastered his feelings. he took bob aside as they left the table, and with a hand on the shoulder of his oldest boy said: "be very careful, son, while i am away. your mother will have no one but you to stand by her, for sandy, though a well-meaning lad, is hardly to be depended on in times of stress. be vigilant and watchful. remember that we have to deal with a cunning and merciless foe, and, should there be an attack on the settlement, see to it that your mother is quickly taken inside the stockade. i depend much on you, robert; and, if it were not so, nothing could induce me to leave home with these ugly rumors of trouble floating to our ears. you promise me to do everything a man could for your sister's and your mother's well-being?" and bob, looking firmly into the face of his father, managed to say in reply: "i promise to try and fill your place, father, as best i may. but oh! we will count the days till your return. if pat o'mara comes in while you are away, perhaps he may agree to stay with us. try and think all is going well. sandy and i have many plans ahead; but we will stick as close to our home as may be. do not fear for us. and, just to think, how happy we will all be when we see you come home again, bringing so many things to make our dearest mother happy." that was all. these two understood one another, so that many words were not necessary. bob had always been a serious lad, and right well did his father know that in trusting him he was not putting his faith in jeopardy. apparently the entire settlement had gathered to witness the departure, as well as wish the travellers godspeed on their way. even little kate brightened up with all this clamor around her, and smiled; though, after the parting had taken place, she would doubtless sob her heart out on her mother's breast. dogs barked, men called, horses neighed, and women chattered. it had indeed been a long time since the new settlement on the river had witnessed such excitement. each of the men had a horse upon which he expected to make the long mountain trip. two of them did not intend to return again to the ohio; but the third man had business at the coast, and was taking advantage of this favorable opportunity to make the double trip in good company. and then, finally, came the moment when, for the last time, david armstrong took his wife and children into his strong arms, to give them a hug and a farewell kiss. tears fell in showers from the blue eyes of kate; and even many of the women could not refrain from weeping, affected by the scene; but, through it all, gentle mrs. armstrong maintained her sweet and encouraging smile, and she looked into the troubled face of her husband, as she put him from her, with the same brave expression. but bob knew only too well how hard it was for her to keep up, and that, once she could be free from all those curious eyes, the wells of her sorely-stricken heart would burst out in silent weeping. but no mortal eyes would witness her sorrow, nor would any of her dear ones be discouraged by seeing her give way. now the four men had mounted. tied to their saddles were numerous packages containing things intended for their comfort on the long and arduous trip. each carried a blanket wrapped in a roll, and, of course, a gun, with plenty of powder in the horn, as well as bullets in the pouch that hung suspended from their shoulders, as was the custom. one last look at his little family, and then, as the word was given, david armstrong dug his heels into the sides of his horse, to follow after his comrades of the trail. a cheer burst forth from the assembled settlers. then some one started a hymn, one of those old-time tunes which had ever been a source of comfort to the pioneer families when peril threatened. every person, old and young, chimed in; and, high above all the rest, the sweet voice of mary armstrong was carried to the ears of the departing adventurers. once mr. armstrong turned in the saddle. this was just before a twist in the trail would hide him from the view of those whom he had left behind. raising his hat he waved it in the air once, twice, thrice. then the trees swallowed the figures of horse and rider from view. he was gone! bob heaved a long sigh, but valiantly repressed the tears that tried to dim his sight. he felt that he must more than ever show himself a man, now that his father depended so on him to look after his little flock during his absence; and it was surely not manly to cry. sandy had no such compunctions, however, though he managed to hide his own emotion in trying to comfort poor little kate. the bitterness would soon wear away with these younger members of the family, for they had the abounding spirits of youth and good health to carry them through; but many times would that good wife sit by herself, engaged in her duties, and tears dim her eyes as her thoughts went out to the absent husband and father. well did she know the nature of the deadly perils that beset that path back to the fertile fields of virginia; how wild beasts lurked in thicket and forest, ready to spring upon unsuspecting travellers; and still more savage indians laid ambuscades and traps, in which to catch their hated paleface foes. in a day or two things had settled down again at the armstrong cabin. bob and sandy took up their duties manfully. the mother might well feel proud of having two such boys upon whom to lean in her necessity. they were determined to keep the family larder plentifully supplied with fresh meat; and at the same time increase the store of pelts that sooner or later would prove so fine a harvest, when they could get them to a market. chapter xiii the grand hunt with a winter approaching, the severity of which none of them could more than guess at, it was the most natural thing in the world for the ohio river settlers to wish to lay in a goodly stock of dried venison and buffalo meat. from the friendly indians they had learned just how this "pemmican" was prepared; and, while it could not be compared to fresh meat, still, to tide over a protracted season, when possibly game could not be had, it promised to prove valuable indeed. already in every cabin could be seen long strips hanging from the rafters of the living-room, or drying before the fire when rainy weather prevented its being cured in the hot sunshine. still, the meagre quantity in hand was a source of considerable anxiety to the serious-minded men of the settlement. should the indians come in sufficient force to harass them to any great extent, their hunting might be stopped. hence, only a day or two after the departure of mr. armstrong and his three companions, a general hunt was proposed. of course it was not intended that all the defenders of the settlement should be away at the same time. they were formed into two companies, one of which would be out for a couple of days; and, upon reaching home laden with spoils, the second detachment might try their luck. in this round-up it was hoped to secure so large a supply of game that the housewives would be able to put away all the pemmican they wanted. of course bob and sandy were heart and soul in the proposed grand hunt. they had already brought in enough meat to enable kate and the mother to store away a vast quantity for winter use; but, being good providers, the boys hardly knew when to stop. besides, both of them loved the chase, since the spirit of the true sportsman flowed with the blood through their veins. and so it chanced that they accompanied the second party that went forth. it was policy for these hunters to seek new fields for their raid on the storehouse of nature, since their comrades must have sadly depleted the number of deer and buffaloes toward the east. accordingly they had turned in the direction of the setting sun. the armstrong boys had possibly done more tramping within ten miles of the settlement than any other white person. most of their time had been spent in the forest, with gun or trap in hand. thus they knew the best places for game, and were able to post the balance of their party when they sallied forth that day. as was always their custom, the boys had kissed both their mother and sister good-bye when starting forth on the hunt, little suspecting what strange vicissitudes of fortune were fated to come upon them ere they four met again. of course it was not the intention of bob and sandy to remain away from their humble cabin home over night. had they dreamed of so doing they would have seen to it that the defenceless ones were safely lodged at the blockhouse within the strong stockade in the centre of the settlement; just as bob had promised his father should be done in case of an indian attack. a scout had come in the day before, bringing news that things seemed to be going on about as before. the indians were indulging in the war dance it was true, and nightly the harsh sound of the war drum might be heard pealing through forest and over plain; but they seemed to be holding back for some final word from that mighty plotter and enemy of the whites, the war-chief of the great lakes, pontiac. as this would be really the last big hunt, and danger did not seem to be imminent, the boys had no serious fears as they went forth. it gave them so much pleasure to know that they were filling the shoes of the absent father, and providing food for the winter that was drawing nearer every passing day, that they departed in high spirits, throwing back kisses to the two who stood at the door of the cabin, watching their going. by noon they were miles away from the cabin in the clearing, and intent on the business that had tempted them to the forest. the various members of the party had arranged a central rendezvous where they were expected to meet after they had secured their supply of fresh meat. there were eight in all, making just four couples, for it was deemed wise that they should not separate entirely. the vast woods that surrounded them on all sides might hide other living things besides the four-footed game which they expected to surprise and secure. for unknown centuries had the red men followed the tortuous buffalo trails in their annual hunts, and frequent spells of warfare between rival tribes. they looked upon the invasion of the palefaces with increasing concern, as meaning the gradual absorption of this fair country; and, as time rolled on, their efforts to stem the tide of emigration by massacre and the torch would become more frantic. at noon the boys had not succeeded in securing their quota of game. they had purposely given their companions the most desirable locations, feeling certain that in good season they would be able to accomplish all they wished, for sandy had ever been a lucky hunter. "come," said bob, as they sat side by side on a log to enjoy the "snack" kate had put up for each of her brothers; "we must do better than this, sandy, unless we want to have them laugh at us. from now on we ought to stir ourselves, and get either a fat deer or a buffalo." "i hope it is a cow then, and not a tough old bull," remarked sandy, who was munching on his hoe cake and cold turkey, the last of a fine gobbler his ready musket had fetched down some days back. "well, that depends pretty much on you," laughed bob. "if you have any choice be sure to pick out a yearling, and leave the old chaps alone." "yes," grumbled the other, shaking his head as he spoke; "that's all very nice, bob; but you know that sometimes the old bull refuses to be let alone." "now you're thinking of that time you were treed by a buffalo you had wounded, and kept up in the branches for hours. only for that bright thought that came to you, and which led you to fish for your gun with some yarn secured from unravelling your stocking, you might have stayed there all night." "but i didn't, you remember, bob!" grinned sandy, looking up archly. "the doubled yarn held first-rate, and brought me my gun. after that it was easy to send a bullet back of the bull's shoulder; and i even had the pleasure of toting some of his carcass home; but mother said it was only good for soup, it was so tough." "well," remarked bob, rising to his feet, and picking up his gun, "i'm ready to make a fresh start, if you say so. and here's hoping that we have better luck than the morning brought us." "i wonder how far he is on his way now?" sighed sandy. they had not been speaking of mr. armstrong at all; but bob could understand readily enough whom his brother meant, for was not that beloved father in their minds pretty much all the time? "oh! he can hardly be a great way off," bob made answer. "you know how slow they must travel when crossing the mountains. still, they have no women and children along to hold them back. however, weeks must pass before we can hope to see him again. why, it will be almost in the winter i fear, though mother refuses to say as much." sandy gulped something down as he strode after his brother. he could not control his feelings as well as the stronger bob, and the thought of that father perhaps never coming home again always unmanned him. presently, however, in the excitement of the hunt, he managed to forget his anxieties; for sandy dearly loved the chase, and everything connected with the great forest appealed to his nature. an hour later they chanced upon the track of a small herd of buffaloes. "it is fresh, too," declared sandy, after he had dropped down on hands and knees to examine the marks of split hoofs. "then here is our meat, if we are lucky enough to get within shooting distance," declared bob, looking carefully to the priming of his flintlock musket, as was the universal habit with the pioneers of the days of boone, since a lack of powder at that point, when the hammer came down, and sparks flew into the pan, would cause a misfire, and that generally meant trouble. carefully the brothers crept along, first one and then the other taking the lead, in order not to miss the tracks of the game. they could only hope that the buffalo might have stopped near by, to lie down during the heat of the day, or lick the salt at one of the known spots frequented by such animals. "hist!" whispered sandy, presently, as he slowly allowed his body to sink down until he was hidden behind the brush that acted as a screen beyond. no words were permissible under such conditions. the wary game was too close by for talking, even in whispers. sandy pointed, and made a few gestures that his companion must have readily understood, for he immediately nodded. they had hunted so often in company that they had a regular code of signals for occasions like this, to take the place of verbal communications. thus bob understood that the buffaloes were within easy gunshot, that several of them were even then in sight, and appeared to be feeding; and the opportunity for a double shot excellent. together they crept forward through the brush, inch by inch. arrived at the further side they found that they could see splendidly. bob bent his head close to sandy's ear, and whispered softly: "you take the mother; leave me the half-grown baby!" a minute later the reports boomed out, starting several other animals up from the long grass of the glade where they had been lying. the young pioneers were gratified to see both buffaloes fall as though mortally wounded; for the boys were good shots, and seldom missed bringing down their quarry. still they knew better than to dash recklessly out in the open, so long as that grand old bull with the wicked-looking black horns ran bellowing about, snorting in his mad desire to do battle with the unseen foe that had brought confusion into his family. presently he, too, galloped after the other buffaloes. then the boys dared stand up, and proceeded to reload their guns; after which they walked over to their game, with the intention of securing all they could carry of the choice portions. an hour later they were headed for the spot agreed on as a general meeting-place for the various couples engaged in the hunt. each of them was loaded down with meat, enclosed in the hides of the animals that had fallen to their guns. "i hope the others have come in," remarked bob as they drew near the spring that bubbled out from under the roots of a giant oak, and, being located on a little rise, was a prominent object for some distance around. "we ought to be starting homeward soon, you know." "yes," replied sandy, "this load is going to fret my shoulders some, i fear, before i get rid of it. but it seems to me we ought to sight the oak spring about now, bob!" "and there it is," remarked his brother, as they suddenly came out of the dense brush into more open ground. "why they're all back but us, it seems," remarked sandy. "four, six--why, bob, look, there's another one along now, seven, i count! perhaps a messenger from the settlement! i hope it doesn't mean bad news. see, they're beckoning to us! oh! hurry, bob, hurry! what if it should be for us--what if--" "there, that will do, sandy; don't be silly enough to think up every awful happening before you know;" but, while bob spoke thus bravely, his own heart was throbbing much faster than usual as he hastened his footsteps, and thus approached the spot where the seven men awaited them. he noted the furtive looks on their faces, and understood that it was sympathy for himself and sandy that caused the lowered eyes, the clinched hands, and the tightly compressed teeth. "what brings you out here, mr. harkness?" bob asked, trying to steady his voice, though with poor success. "surely no one is sick at home--our mother, kate!" sandy gave a groan as he saw the settler nod his head in the affirmative when their sister's name was mentioned. "yes, bob," mr. harkness said, with an intake of his breath; "it is kate! steady now, my poor boys, and be brave! she has been carried off by a prowling band of indians!" chapter xiv black beaver strikes "oh! it must be a terrible mistake; you can't mean it, mr. harkness!" cried sandy, white of face, and trembling like a leaf. bob, however, understood. he knew the settler would never have sought them out simply to carry an idle rumor. and probably, in that moment of acute pain, the young pioneer once again saw those beady black eyes of the seneca chief, black beaver, as they fastened greedily upon the pretty face of little kate. he, too, was thrilled with horror when he heard those terrible words; but, fortunately, he could control himself much better than his younger brother. "tell us, mr. harkness; is kate lost; and do they only believe she has been carried off, or is it proved?" he asked, his voice hoarse with suffering. "i am afraid it is but too true, my lad," replied the settler, as he laid his hand on the shoulder of the armstrong boy. "did any one see it done?" continued bob, between his set teeth; for he could not believe that any neighbor would have stood idly by, and witnessed such an abduction, without doing everything in his power to thwart the evil designs of the prowling red men. "no. kate went to the spring for water. her mother thought once she heard a little cry, and was worried; but, stepping out of doors, she looked that way, and believed she saw kate's shawl moving among the trees, as though she were stooping down to pick some late wild flower. reassured, she returned to her work indoors. an hour passed. then, suddenly she remembered the circumstance and, alarmed, she hurried to the spring." "and kate had disappeared?" exclaimed bob, in dismay. "yes," replied the man. "your mother called aloud again and again, her alarm increasing each moment as no answer came. wildly she ran across to the cabin of mr. brewster, which was the nearest of all the neighbors. he happened to be at home, and, seizing his gun, immediately hurried to aid her, meanwhile sending his boy to sound the alarm." "yes, yes, and when they arrived what did they learn?" demanded sandy. "they had hardly reached the cabin when who should appear from the woods but your old friend, pat o'mara, returned unexpectedly from his last scout." both bob and his brother gave utterance to a cry of joy when the settler uttered these words. "how fortunate we are to have him with us now!" exclaimed bob. "so we all thought," went on mr. harkness. "when he had learned what was the trouble, o'mara immediately made us all keep back until he could closely examine the vicinity of the spring." "he was looking for the tracks of the kidnappers," remarked one of the hunters. "truly, it was a fortunate thing that so clever a trailer should have come into the settlement just when his services were so desperately needed," said another, who knew the irish trapper's worth. "o'mara quickly found the imprint of many moccasins," resumed the settler. "he could tell just how kate had been suddenly seized by an indian, who crept up behind while she was stooping beside the spring. her bucket was found in the bushes, just where the cunning rascals had hidden it, so as to make her mother think she had wandered away in search of butterflies, or to visit some favorite nook where she might be watching a late brood of young quail." "but you said that, after the cry, our mother saw kate moving about?" bob ventured to remark, in puzzled tones. "that was only another of the crafty schemes of the redskins," replied mr. harkness. "o'mara showed us how one of her captors must have taken her shawl, and, throwing it over his head, showed just enough of himself to deceive the mother. they were evidently afraid lest her one cry might have been heard." "please finish," burst out the fretting sandy; "for i am just wild to rush away home, so as to take up the trail. is pat o'mara waiting for us to come in, so that we may all start out together?" "not so," came the quick response. "as soon as he found out positively what had come to pass, the trapper vowed he would himself pursue the fleeing indians, and bring back the child of his friend, david armstrong." "god bless him!" murmured bob, strangely moved by this evidence of the woodranger's devotion. "tired as he was with half a day's tramp," the settler went on, "and hardly waiting to replenish his stock of powder and ball, as well as to secure an extra flint and steel for his tinder bag, pat o'mara rushed away, following the trail." "alone?" gasped sandy. "it could not be otherwise," replied the other, sadly. "here were eight of the defenders of the settlement away on a hunt. one man must be sent out to carry you the terrible news, as well as urge a hasty return. since we thus knew that hostiles were apparently on the warpath, we dared not weaken our fighting force further, much as we felt for your good mother." "then let us hasten home without any further delay," said bob, firmly, while the light of a great resolution shone in his brave eyes. "take courage, sandy; all is not lost! we can follow the wicked thieves; and already our friend pat o'mara is hot on the trail! how many of the indians were there, did he say, mr. harkness?" "i think four in all, counting the one who seized your sister," came the reply. the eyes of the two boys sought each other's face; it was as though the same thought had instantly flashed into both minds. "the young seneca chief, black beaver!" exclaimed sandy. "he had three companions with him," bob went on; "and, instead of continuing on to his far distant village, which he declared was away up on the shore of the great lakes, the treacherous dog has hovered about the settlement ever since that day, waiting for a favorable chance to come when he could steal our little sister away. that time came when he saw us depart with the rest on this big hunt!" it was quickly arranged that bob and sandy should hasten on ahead in the company of the settler. some of the others promised to bring in their share of the fresh buffalo meat. forgotten was their fatigue. love for the sweet little sister, who had been a ray of sunlight in that frontier cabin, urged the boys on, so that they put the hardy settler to his best efforts to keep abreast of them. and, before the afternoon was far spent, they drew near the cabin in the big clearing, where the resolute arms of david armstrong and his two sons had built so comfortable a home. it was now a scene of tremendous commotion. men and women could be seen moving around, looking toward the woods, and shielding their eyes from the fierce sun's rays, while they watched for the coming of the eager brothers of the little maid who had been so strangely abducted by a savage and treacherous enemy. bob remembered the other occasion when, on arriving home, they had found neighbors gathered about their cabin; but how different the conditions were! on that day it had been to rejoice with the armstrongs that the settlers and their wives had gathered; now it was to mourn, to comfort, to advise. mrs. armstrong was prostrated by the dreadful calamity that had befallen her; for, to have her sweet child thus taken away, never again perhaps to be folded in her motherly arms, was a blow that caused her heart to sink with dread. it seemed all the worse because the father was away, heading toward the rising sun, and himself exposed to constant danger from the foes that lurked in the dark recesses of the forest. but, when her two brave boys had taken her in their embrace, and assured her that they would never rest until kate were brought back, the poor mother took fresh courage. she knew that there was still a hope, faint though it might be. the boys were filled with zeal. they knew that an expedition lay before them such as must dwarf all others in which they had engaged. even experienced forest rangers might well pause before attempting to pierce that hostile country, where not a friendly white might be met, those they were apt to run across being the trouble-making french trappers and traders, who had come down from canada in the hope and expectation of arousing the combined tribes against the english-speaking settlers, so that the entire country might be reserved for themselves, from the great lakes down to the town on the gulf, near the mouth of the mississippi river. many hands assisted them in making speedy preparations, for every one was deeply interested in their mission. few expected to ever see the brave brothers again, although all such gloomy beliefs were kept in the background, so that they might not add to the woes of the poor mother. this one brought a supply of bullets; another filled the capacious horns with the necessary powder, without which the adventurers would be next to helpless, once they were far away from the outposts of civilization. still a third looked after a stock of pemmican, which was to sustain them as they pushed ever onward into the unexplored depths of that vast wilderness, teeming with dangers. sandy could think of nothing, he was so eager to be on the move; but bob, besides comforting his mother, made sure that they had plenty of tinder; that an extra pair of moccasins was fastened to each belt, since they knew not when those they wore might give way under the long tramp; and also that both knives were in a condition of sharpness to give a good account of themselves. all these things were done in a comparatively short time. the sun was still two hours high when they announced themselves as ready to start on their perilous journey into the unknown. mr. brewster had assured them that their mother should be taken into his family, and guarded well during their absence. this kindness gave bob new courage, for he felt that he could put out of his mind all anxieties concerning their home, and devote himself entirely to the rescue of kate. several of the men announced that they intended accompanying the young pioneers a short distance on their way, to give them encouragement and a good send-off. nor were the two lads averse to such a proceeding, as it served to soften the painful parting with their mother. the trail was taken up at the spring. no particular effort had been made by the indians to hide their tracks, and it was little trouble for such keen-eyed trackers as bob and sandy to follow the plain marks. the dusky raiders had been careful, apparently, to avoid being seen by any of the settlers as they hurried away, after securing the white girl. since no trace of kate's little moccasins could be found, bob knew that she must have been carried. more than once he stooped low to examine the imprint in the clay of the leading indian's elkskin footwear. it was his purpose to know any peculiarity that attached to those moccasins, so that he might recognize them again at any future time among a dozen similar tracks. a circuit was made so as to pass fully around and below the settlement. then gradually the trail began to near the border of the great river. bob knew what this signified. of course the iroquois must have had a canoe hidden somewhere, in which they had crossed the stream. one of the men was immediately sent back to secure such a boat, and hasten down the stream, so that it might be available should the boys seek to pass over to the opposite shore. half an hour later the little company stood on the bank, waiting for the canoe to reach them, having signalled to the paddler as agreed upon. plain marks could be seen where a canoe had been carried from the bushes and launched, afterward being entered by the red men. there was something more awaiting them here on the bank of the beautiful river. a stick held a scrap of paper, on which were a few lines of crabbed writing. it was a message from pat o'mara; and, though the irish trapper talked rather uncouthly, he could at least frame his thoughts in fairly decent english. this then was what he had written: "indians crossed river here in canoe. will follow, and, when find where landed, leave piece of red cloth in stick. look for it close to water's edge." that was all, but it signified much to the eager boys, who were only waiting for the coming of the dugout to themselves push across the river. trust to their keen eyes to discover that tiny bit of flaming cloth! "but where could he have found a boat?" asked sandy, looking surprised, as this puzzle presented itself before him. bob shook his head. he knew the daring nature of o'mara too well to believe that the other would halt in his pursuit simply because he wanted a canoe. "a log upon which he could fasten his gun and powder-horn would be enough for him," he declared, positively. "this he would push ahead as he battled with the current of the river. landing somewhere below, he could easily hasten up the shore, looking for signs. and long before now, sandy, he is, let us hope, following on the heels of those treacherous wolves." "here is the canoe, bob," said sandy, drawing a long breath of relief; for he had fretted at the delay, counting the minutes while the settler paddled down to where they stood waiting. quickly they jumped aboard. the canoe was to be hidden on the other shore, so as to afford them a means for recrossing the stream when they returned from the chase. and how sincerely both those devoted brothers hoped that, when this time arrived, be it sooner or later, kate would be in their company again. a handshake all around followed, with words of good cheer from those who were compelled to remain behind, despite their desire to be with the brave boys. then the canoe was pushed out upon the waters of the ohio, and the paddles sent it flashing over in the direction of the opposite shore, where unknown perils must await the bold adventurers. "keep your eyes on the watch for any sign, of a red signal!" bob kept saying, as they began to draw near the northern shore. sandy presently gave a cry of delight. "i see it, bob!" he exclaimed. "just below us, there, where that willow hangs over the water. pat o'mara has been there, and found where they landed. now we can take up the trail, and follow the stealers of our little sister, even if the hunt takes us to the big waters of the north. for never will we return while she remains a prisoner of the red men!" chapter xv on the trail of the iroquois "yes, you are right, sandy," said bob, as he, too, discovered the small flaming signal, evidently a part of a large red kerchief he remembered the jovial irish trapper possessed, and which he was not averse to sacrificing in an emergency. they headed the boat straight for the willow that hung over the edge of the water, and a minute later its keel grated on the pebbly beach. both boys instantly jumped ashore, and hastened to reach the signal; for they saw that again had the woodsman left a note in a splintered stick, as though desirous of giving those he knew would surely follow after him such information as he himself had obtained. "the four senecas at cabin--black beaver, young chief--lodges on shore of great lake, far to north, and west of big falls. i push on. we may meet later. hope! remember our signal calls!" every word was to the point, and in that brief communication the trapper had given them much news. first and most important of all he had confirmed the suspicion both boys had entertained as to its being black beaver who had done this cruel and treacherous deed. then he had told them where the village was located to which the seneca belonged, which information might yet prove of great value to them in case they were unfortunate enough to lose the trail, and have to push on at a hazard. they had heard of the mighty cataract, niagara, that lay between two of the lakes, and which was undoubtedly meant. what he wrote about the signals they also understood to signify that if, at any time, they heard the call of a bird, thrice repeated, it would be his method of communicating the fact that he was near by. many times had o'mara amused and interested the armstrong boys with his clever imitations of various feathered and furred inhabitants of the wilderness; and even taught them to copy the same, so that they could read a message in such sounds. "we must first of all conceal the dugout," said bob, when his brother began to exhibit an eagerness to be off. "then let us not waste another minute, bob!" cried sandy, as he laid hold on the bow of the craft, prepared to do his share toward carrying it into the adjacent bushes, where it might remain hidden until such time as they again wanted to cross the river. this duty done, bob was ready to take up the trail. "see how thoughtful o'mara has been," he remarked, immediately. "i see what you mean," replied sandy, quickly. "he has made heavy tracks as he followed after the indians, so that we might have an easier task. that ought to help us greatly, bob, don't you think?" "surely," the older boy remarked, as he led the way into the thickest of the neighboring woods. "but you look unhappy," continued sandy, who was quick to read the face of his brother. "what worries you now, bob? are you positive that kate is with these indians? once or twice a horrible fear has forced itself into my brain that they may have slain her, and hidden her body away somewhere." "no, no, do not think that!" cried bob, instantly, though he could not repress the shudder that his brother's gloomy words brought upon him. "i know she is alive, or was when the indians stepped ashore, for i believe i saw the faint impression of her little moccasin in the earth, almost hidden by the tread of a brave." "then what makes you frown and look so black?" demanded sandy. "you forget that the day is almost done," the other remarked, significantly. "to be sure it is," replied sandy, casting a glance aloft to where glimpses of the sky could be seen through the dense branches of the tall forest trees. "and that when night comes we shall no longer be able to follow the trail, while those we hunt can keep right on, hour after hour, putting mile after mile between us. that is what makes me bitter," bob said, even though he did not pause in his onward movement. "but what is to hinder our securing torches, and continuing on as long as we can put one foot before the other?" demanded his brother. "an excellent idea, and we must try it," declared bob, nodding his head as if pleased over this bright thought. "in that way we may at least cut down some of their long lead, which will count sooner or later in our favor." "yes," continued the other lad, "and if, by chance, pat o'mara should glimpse our moving torch, be sure he will hasten to join us. i will keep an eye out from now on, so as to pick up enough fat pine wood to serve us for torches, once it grows too dark for you to see the trail plainly." bob hastened as well as he was able, and, for another hour, they kept moving on, steadily heading into the deeper forest, where perhaps the foot of a white man had never before been set. then came the darkness which they dreaded. by slow degrees bob was finding his task more and more difficult. time was when he could see the plain trail left by their friend, the irish trapper, as well as the footprints of the savages, without bending over to any extent. then he had to get his face closer to the ground, as twilight came on, until, finally, he declared that he could no longer be positive that he was right. they dared not risk losing the trail. consequently it became necessary to halt for a brief rest, during which they might munch some of the tough pemmican provided for just such an emergency. then, a little later, when they felt refreshed, the tracking could be resumed by the aid of a flare. darkness now surrounded them. the trackless forest stretched ahead, peopled only with enemies, both animal and human. these young pioneers never once faltered in their self-appointed task. if, at any time, such a feeling tried to take possession of their hearts, it was indignantly suppressed. only a thought of kate, or of that almost distracted mother whom they had promised so faithfully to serve as though they were men grown, was needed to inspire them anew with determination. presently sandy took his tinder bag, got to work with flint and steel, and, being somewhat of an expert in this necessary woodsman's accomplishment, soon had a torch blazing merrily. this bob held as he once more took to the trail, gripping his gun in one hand. sandy came close at his heels, with his cocked musket ready to be discharged at a second's warning, and endeavoring to see into the impenetrable walls of darkness that surrounded them. "how does it go, bob?" he asked after a bit, during which they had covered fully fifty yards. "fine!" answered his brother. "i have no difficulty now, in seeing the tracks. if only they would halt for the night, we might come up with them. but indians can keep up a dog-trot for hours, you know; and these thieves are doing that now." "but can one of them be carrying our sister all this time?" asked sandy. "not so. look here, and you will see the print of her moccasin. i know it well, because it is so much smaller than the others," remarked bob, halting a minute to point to the ground at a certain open spot. "yes," cried sandy, eagerly, "and surely i ought to know it, too, since i helped kate make those same moccasins. she is alive and well up to now. but, after all, kate is a girl, and she will not be able to travel long in this fashion." "then they will either have to stop and make camp, or else pick her up and carry her," bob declared, positively. "but which do you think it will be?" asked his brother. "they fear the anger of the whites so much," bob continued, once more moving on, "that they are anxious to get as far away as they can from the settlement. perhaps they know colonel boone to be our friend, and his name is feared in every indian wigwam from fort pitt to the mississippi, and from the great lakes down to the southern border of the dark and bloody ground known as kentucky. they will go on, and carry kate." after that for a long time the brothers did not exchange words, save when something came up to excite their curiosity or their fears that they were about to lose the trail. "i can see signs to tell me they have begun to stop now and then to hide their tracks. only for the help given by o'mara i would perhaps have to stop until we had daylight to show us the trail," bob had declared, much to the distress of his companion; for sandy was easily influenced to extremes by either good or bad fortune. "we must go on just as far as we dare to-night," he said, stubbornly. "every furlong gained will count in the end. as for being tired, i forget all that when i see mother's dear face as she kissed us good-bye, and begged us not to give up until we believed every hope gone." so, for another half hour, they managed to move along. three torches had been consumed thus far, and sandy held only one more. it would probably be sufficient, for human nature has its limit, and the boys could hardly expect to keep up this killing pace all through the long hours of that dreadful night. now and then bob would stop for a brief time to straighten up, and rest his cramped back. at such times it was only natural for him to stare ahead into the black depths of the woods that confronted them, stretching away hundreds of miles to the mysterious north, until finally they ended on the shore of that inland fresh water sea now known as lake erie, but at that time going with the others under the general name of the great lakes, though some called it after the tribe living on its shore. it was on one of these breathing halts that sandy, happening to send a glance back along the hidden path they had come over, gave a low cry, and gripped the arm of his brother convulsively, as he exclaimed in a whisper: "we are followed, bob! i surely saw the figure of an indian flitting from tree to tree, back there! drop the torch and fall flat, before an arrow comes!" chapter xvi the bark of the red fox quick to act in the presence of danger, bob instantly dashed the blazing torch to the ground, and set his foot upon it. then, in company with his brother, he dropped flat to the earth, as they had been taught to do by the irish trapper. they half expected to hear the hiss of a feathered shaft as it whizzed through the air over them, and each boy gripped his musket nervously, as he crouched there among the bushes, waiting for he hardly knew what. "do you hear them coming?" whispered sandy. "no," replied the other; "but we must not stay here. they will try to surround us, and cut us off from flight." "but if we leave here we must lose the trail," objected sandy. "true," replied his brother in the same guarded tone; "but should we be captured or killed what then would become of poor little kate? come!" [illustration: "plainly marked against the face of the harvest moon, they could see the head and shoulders of an indian brave!"] as usual, sandy was ready to give in to the better judgment of his older brother, and hence, when bob began to creep away, he kept as close at his heels as possible. doubtless their hearts beat faster than usual as the two lads thus moved over the ground. they had not gone ten paces when again sandy drew the attention of the one in the lead to something he had discovered. "look to the left!" he whispered, as he poked at bob's foot with the muzzle of his gun. turning his head, bob saw a startling sight. the late moon was just rising in the east. because of a dip in the ground, and also a thinning out of the trees in that quarter, due to some tornado that had made a slash in the timbers, her blood-red disc could be seen just above the horizon. and there, plainly marked against the face of the harvest moon, they could see the head and shoulders of an indian brave! so plain did the picture appear that it was possible to even distinguish the feather that stood up in the hair of the red man. "we must turn the other way," said bob, as his brother crawled up alongside him, so that their heads came close together. "wait!" whispered the other. "somehow that feather seems familiar to me." "do you mean it might be blue jacket?" asked bob, eagerly; for, to tell the truth, he himself had had a similar idea flash through his mind. "nothing more. see, he seems to be looking around calmly, as though in no hurry to make a hostile move. there, he has put his hand up to his mouth. i believe he means to signal. yes, listen, there goes the bark of the red fox, which you remember he always uses to tell us he is near. it must be blue jacket!" bob, however, laid a hand on his reckless brother. "let me try him first, sandy," he said; and immediately there broke out the singular grunting sound which a hedgehog makes when turning over the dead leaves looking for his food. immediately a low voice called out: "bob! sandy!" after that there could no longer be any doubt as to the identity of the indian whose head had been so strangely outlined against the circle of the moon. gaining their feet, the two young pioneers directed the other to where they were standing. and it was with considerable satisfaction they thus made the discovery that it was a friend instead of a foe whose coming had alarmed them. "ugh!" said blue jacket, as he gripped a hand of each, having learned this method of greeting among the whites while an inmate of the armstrong cabin, recovering from his wound. "glad meet bob, sandy. much wonder who carry torch in woods. think paleface boy, no can be sure. what hunt so far away settlement?" "kate has been stolen by four seneca indians, and they are speeding as fast as they can go toward their village away to the far north!" bob explained. had it been a white man he would have shown more or less astonishment at this startling news. blue jacket, being an indian, and schooled to repress his feelings on all occasions, merely grunted, as he replied: "bad! much hard get back. how know?" between them the two boys related how the awful shock had come upon them while they were about to return home after a successful hunt. they also mentioned what the reader already knows about pat o'mara being on the trail in advance, determined to save the daughter of his good friends. "and you, blue jacket, will you not join us?" asked sandy. the young shawanee never hesitated an instant to consider the matter. "me go where bob, sandy go. never forget him mother, what she do. tell much more. no can walk in woods till rest. four iroquois say? who?" he said, in the terse way that was so much a part of his stoical nature. "we believe that she was stolen by a young seneca chief known by the name of black beaver among the settlers. do you know him, blue jacket?" asked bob. he felt the shawanee start, which told him that what he said must have given their red friend a shock. "black beaver sent down by pontiac, visit my people with war arrow. tell that red men all over north ready dig up hatchet, and go on warpath. how bob, sandy see um?" he asked. "he and three of his braves came to our settlement some time ago," returned the white boy. "they created quite an excitement, for it was believed that we were about to be attacked by the enemy. but they held their hands out, palms upward, in token of peace, and said they were a long way from their lodges, with their tobacco gone, and little ammunition left with which to kill game. so we gave them of both, and they pretended to go their way, saying that they were the friends of the white man." "yes," broke in sandy just then; "but we saw how the young chief looked hungrily at our pretty little sister, kate, and both of us worried, for fear that some day he might return to give us trouble. but we did not think it would come so soon. he hung around until the chance arrived; then the blow fell." "blue jacket saw trail through the woods," continued the other, in his low musical voice; "where four braves and a squaw be followed by a paleface. he think something wrong. then night come, and he camp under tree. just at moonrise see dancing fire through woods. think indians hunt deer with torch as much do. just get close, fire go. but blue jacket know then it not indian, but white boy. he think of bob, sandy. listen for while; then give bark of red fox. now know all." "and you will stick to us through thick and thin, blue jacket?" demanded sandy. the shawanee brave once more thrust out his dusky hand, and gravely took that of each of the young pioneers in turn. they knew from this that they might count on such assistance as he could give them. actions take the place of words with an indian; a look or a movement counts for volumes. all made their way back to the trail, so that there would be no delay later on, when they were ready to once more take up the pursuit of the girl-stealers. "how long must we lie idle here?" groaned sandy, when a full hour had passed by, without any further action. "perhaps until morning," replied his brother, "so you had better try and get some sleep. we must be rested in order to carry on the pursuit." "but supposing they were not more than a mile away from here," continued sandy. "we might come upon them in an hour, if only we kept moving. it seems foolish to stop just because we are a little tired." bob knew that the poor fellow was so stiff he could hardly get up, once he lay upon the ground; but the spirit was willing, if the flesh proved weak, and sandy would have gone on if he had to crawl. "if they have halted they would not sleep without a sentry," said bob. "that is true, i suppose," admitted the other, grudgingly. "all indians are careful not to be taken by surprise. yes, they would be on their guard; but what of that, bob? surely, with blue jacket to help us, we could creep up close without any one being the wiser." "you forget," said bob, "that we could never follow the trail without a light; and those sharp eyes of the sentry would discover our torch long before we knew they were near. then we would be made a target for a shower of bullets, and perhaps poisoned arrows." sandy was utterly disheartened. this sort of argument seemed unanswerable. he just gave a disgusted grunt, rolled over on the ground, and not another word did he speak during the entire balance of that long night. bob knew that sleep had finally overtaken his brother, for he could hear his regular breathing after a time. and he was glad of the fact, for both, of them stood much in need of rest before they would be in condition to take up the chase once more. morning found them awake, and ready to make a fresh start just as soon as the daylight proved strong enough for the indian to see the trail. bob was only too willing to turn over the lead to blue jacket, knowing that, while he, himself, might serve fairly well, he was not at all in the same class as the trained young shawanee, accustomed to reading every tiny sign that marked the tracks of the red fugitives. once again they chewed some of the dried venison, washing the crude meat down with a draught from a near-by brook. refreshed after their sleep, the two boys declared themselves to be in good condition, and ready to make a day of it, if need be. more than once bob noticed that the indian cast an apprehensive glance upward. sandy, too, saw this action, and took the first opportunity to question his brother as to what it might signify. "why does he turn his eyes up to the tops of the trees every little while?" he said in an aside to his brother, as the two of them trailed after blue jacket. "the sun rose red this morning, you may have noticed?" replied bob. "yes, that is true, for i saw it myself," sandy went on. "and that stands for rain, all woodsmen believe." every rover of the big timber in those days put the utmost faith in such signs. if they saw the sun set in a sea of angry gold they would make ready for bad weather, just as surely as they believed the north lay close to the direction where the moss grew heaviest on those forest trees. "but we have no fear of the rain," declared sandy, impatiently; "let it come, for a wetting can't stop us from following black beaver day in and day out till we overtake him." "still, if the trail is washed out, how then are we to follow?" asked bob, with a frown on his face. "oh! what a fool i was not to understand what you meant," said the younger boy, now looking up toward the heavens quite as anxiously as their dusky guide had done. "we can only hope that it will keep off long enough to let us come up with the redskins," said bob, thinking to buoy up his brother's sinking spirits. "or that pat o'mara may be able to overtake the thieves, and rescue our sister," sandy observed. then they fell into silence again, each busy with his own painful thoughts. all the time blue jacket was leading them on at a sort of dog-trot. his eyes followed the trail in a manner simply marvellous; and bob again and again felt a sense of delight because good fortune had sent this red friend across their path just when they needed assistance most. hours passed, and they had covered many miles. still, upon being questioned by the nervous sandy, the shawanee brave could not say that they were any nearer the little band they sought than when they had started, that morning. how long this pursuit would keep up, who could say? day might follow day, without their gaining any perceptible advantage. as a last resort, of course, they could make direct for the big water to the north, and seek the village from which black beaver had come. but that would mean disheartening delay, with accumulated difficulties about effecting the rescue of their sister. nor was this day fated to entirely pass without something occurring to thrill both young pioneers, and prove once more the truth of pat o'mara's words when he warned them of the constant need of watchfulness when abroad in the forest. blue jacket in the advance was swiftly covering the trail, for he had heard a distant growl of thunder, and did not fancy what was coming. with his head bowed in earnest examination of the tracks left by those who had gone before, he could hardly be expected to see what lay ahead of him, leaving that for his comrades. "oh! bob, look there!" sandy suddenly exclaimed, as he raised his musket; "a panther just crouching to leap on our guide's shoulders. shoot him, quick!" chapter xvii perils of the wilderness "no shoot! no shoot!" cried blue jacket, who seemed to size up the situation instantly; though up to that time he had not even suspected that he was about to be made the object of a savage attack on the part of a panther. bob, too, understood the motive that influenced the shawanee brave to exclaim in this way, as he jerked out his knife and threw himself in an attitude of defence. should a musket be discharged, there was always a chance that the report might be carried to the ears of the senecas, if they happened to be within a few miles of the spot. few indians used guns in those days, the vast majority depending still upon the bows and arrows of their race, backed by tomahawks and knives, and sometimes war clubs in time of battle. hence, they might suspect that pursuers were on their trail, should the boom of a heavily-loaded musket be carried to their ears. so bob threw out his hand, and instantly covered the pan of his brother's gun, so that, when the hammer fell, it caught his fingers, and no spark followed. bob winced under the sharp pain; but he had accomplished his end, and what mattered a trifling cut? [illustration: "the boys saw the sheen of his satiny sides as he sprang"] but the panther had not waited all this time to accommodate these intruders in his forest preserves. the boys saw the sheen of his satiny sides as he sprang. "oh! he missed!" gasped sandy; but bob knew why this was so, for he had seen the agile young indian jump sideways just at the critical instant, so that, while the aim of the big cat may have been correct, he only alighted upon the ground. blue jacket never wavered, but instantly threw himself upon the gray beast. his keen-pointed knife was raised, and came down once, twice, thrice in less than as many seconds. it was no longer glinting in the sunlight, for after that first descent the steel seemed to be dulled. both boys pushed forward, eager to get in a blow that would be of some assistance to this devoted red friend, who counted not his own safety or comfort when a chance arose whereby he could help his paleface comrades. they had dropped their guns as useless, since they could not be fired. bob had drawn his knife, while sandy had a hatchet in his grip; and both circled around, looking for an opening. the indian and the panther were revolving so fast, however, that it seemed well nigh impossible for any outsider to get in a blow, without running grave chances of seriously injuring the very one they wanted to assist. and, while they thus made half-hearted blows, fearful lest they strike their good ally, blue jacket suddenly sprang aside, leaving the animal struggling on the ground. in vain it attempted to follow its human adversary. the ready knife of the stalwart young shawanee had struck in too deeply, and already was the panther feeling the throes of approaching death. even as the boys gazed, spellbound, the animal stiffened out, after one last violent movement. blue jacket was breathing very hard; but upon his set face they could see the look that comes to a victor in a well-fought battle. "are you hurt much, blue jacket?" asked sandy, fearful lest those terrible claws might have torn the young shawanee. the other glanced down at a few places where the blood had commenced to show, as marking the scratches he had received; then he shook his head scornfully. "not much hurt," he announced. "panther hard kill--fight back--take many times finish," and he opened the fingers of both hands to illustrate how many strokes he had made with that knife before he felt that he had accomplished his purpose. "but why didn't you let me shoot him?" demanded sandy, as though feeling hurt, because at that short distance he knew one shot would have surely finished the "woods terror," as such beasts were known at the time. "make noise--tell iroquois we here--no good, see, sandy?" was the way blue jacket put it; and sandy immediately realized how great a sacrifice the other had just made in order to keep their presence on the trail unknown to those they hunted. he looked at his brother, and drew a long breath. "where could we have found a better friend, bob?" he said, earnestly. "we must have looked a long way, sandy," returned the other. "but let me put a little salve my mother made on those cuts, blue jacket. there is poison in the claws of a tiger cat, and you may have a bad time, unless we look out for it." "ugh!" grunted the indian, even while he allowed bob to do as he wished. "much papoose, warriors think. no care 'bout hurt. get well, bimeby. blue jacket come 'cross medicine grass soon, chew and put on cut, good. if white squaw make, then try. ugh!" anything mrs. armstrong did was all right in the eyes of the young shawanee brave. he had watched her, and learned to respect the gentle woman who ruled the armstrong cabin with a sceptre of love. leaving the dead panther where it had fallen, the three pressed onward again. if, during the balance of that weary day, the limbs of blue jacket ached, no one ever knew it, for not a single complaint or groan passed his lips. bob realized that he in all probability suffered, for some of the scratches had been pretty deep; but he also understood the singular nature of indians, and how it was considered childish to show any evidence of pain. night came on, and they were forced to halt, with those they hunted still far ahead. how the iroquois managed to travel so far and so fast puzzled both boys, especially since they knew that kate could not have possibly kept up under that fierce strain. blue jacket told them that there were occasions when the footprints of the girl utterly vanished for a mile or more. at such times he would even point out which of the four indians must be carrying her, because the indentation of his moccasins showed deeper than those of his companions. and the boys were astonished at the simplicity of this reading of signs. every hour they found something new to marvel over in connection with the work of their dusky friend. he pointed out twigs that had been bent and righted; to leaves that had been displaced by the feet of the fugitives; and by such means easily figured just how long a time had elapsed since the others had passed. they started again at daybreak and, all the morning, followed the trail of the iroquois. the storm, that had threatened on the previous day and then passed by without a single drop falling, now came back for a second attempt. and this time they were not fated to escape. "we are in for it," said bob, when about noon the crash of thunder sounded close at hand, accompanied by vivid lightning. "yes," declared sandy, making a rueful face, "i think i can hear the rain beating down in the treetops even now, over there. what a pity, when we were gradually overtaking the red thieves. oh! what if we lose them, and have nothing left to follow? what can we do then, bob?" "just what i said before," replied his brother, between his set teeth, as still another crash of thunder made the woods echo with its roll. "we have only one plan to follow, then. blue jacket is of the same opinion; for i talked it over with him this morning. we must push straight on for the great lakes, and try to waylay the party before they reach their village." "a desperate chance," groaned sandy. "but we said we would never give up until the last gasp, sandy. you forget, too, that we have a good and wise friend at work for us," bob went on, cheerfully. "you mean pat o'mara?" replied the other, quickly. "yes, i did forget. i am too apt to be hasty, i fear. oh! i do hope he may be able to snatch kate from the power of the young chief, black beaver. but why should he have stolen her at all? kate is only a child, too young for any one to want to have for a squaw." "i have been thinking about something blue jacket told me," said bob. "then please let me know, too, for i am all in a mix," pleaded his brother. "he said that he knew black beaver had only a short time ago lost a little sister by some disease. he told me that the old squaw, his mother, sat day by day out where the child was laid away, after the custom of the indians, the body being sewed up in many thicknesses of buffalo skins, and placed on a platform, where the wolves could not reach her." "yes, i saw an indian graveyard when i was a prisoner among the shawanees, and it was just as you say," declared sandy, eagerly. "i know that daily the squaws come to talk with the spirits of those who are gone. i saw them placing earthen bowls of succotash on the ground, believing that the steam that arose was spirit food, since it vanished, and no one knew where it went." (note .) "blue jacket said that black beaver cared much more for his sister than most indians do," bob continued, between the angry growlings of the thunder; "and that he feared the old squaw would lose her mind if she kept on mourning. now, you remember how he looked at our sister kate when he came in for a supply of tobacco and maize? i really believe he had a sudden idea flash into his mind when he saw how pretty she was." "now i understand what you mean," cried sandy, excitedly. "he believed that our kate might take the place of the sister that was dead! they would color her skin, and teach her to forget that her people were the hated palefaces. bob, i believe you are right; and somehow the thought gives me much comfort, for then our little kate will not suffer harm at the hands of black beaver and those with him." there was no time for further conversation, for the storm now rushed down upon them with terrific violence. with the howling wind, the flash of lightning, and the crash of thunder came a tremendous downpour of rain. it was possibly the breaking up of summer, and might be followed shortly by frost, such are the rapid changes that mark the meeting of the seasons. they had found a means for sheltering themselves from the worst of the storm. a hollow tree might have answered fully as well; but, with those frequent zigzag flashes of the deadly electric fluid, none of them felt like taking such desperate chances, especially when a cleft in some rocks opened an avenue of escape. here they cowered and waited as the storm rolled over. bob knew of course that such a thing as trailing the senecas after this was entirely out of the question; and that the only thing remaining to them was to strike out north, in the hope of finding the village to which black beaver belonged, and intercepting the party. that would mean the placing of some hundreds of miles between themselves and the dearly-beloved cabin on the ohio, where that little mother waited in daily hope and expectation of their return, with the lost kate; but, for themselves these brave boys gave little thought. they were ready to face every species of peril in the endeavor to rescue their sister. when the wind had ceased to howl, and only the mutter of the retreating thunder in the distance told that the storm was over, they came forth, grim and determined-looking, all three. sandy tightened his belt; and there even was something suggestive of what was in his mind about that little action. it looked as though he were preparing for the tremendous tramp that loomed up ahead, when they must cross rivers, thread their way through tangled forests where few if any of their kind had ever before stepped; and face all manner of dangers by day and by night. blue jacket never even asked what they would have him do; for he already knew the plan of campaign. deliberately he turned, until the western sun, shining out from the broken clouds like a ball of gold, was exactly on his left. then he started to swiftly walk away. no longer did the young brave look down upon the ground as he moved along. there existed no need for such a thing, since the trail had been utterly washed out by that deluge of rain. henceforth the trackless wilderness lay before them, and at the other end they hoped to find the village in which black beaver had his wigwam. even upon the face of sandy had come a grim look that seemed out of place in the features of a half-grown lad; but in those pioneer days responsibility set its mark early on the growing generation, and even a lad of fifteen could shoulder the cares and burdens of manhood. days would come, and days would pass, and night must follow night. sometimes sun and stars would beckon them onward; again perhaps storms would buffet these bold adventurers; but through it all they would push resolutely onward, with but that one impulse urging them on, the rescue of kate. what the near future held for them no mortal could say; but, no matter what lay beyond, bob and sandy would press on toward the goal, though they had to face the whole of the six nations, or the confederated tribes pontiac had bound together in his wild hope for a general indian war. chapter xviii the big water at last "will we ever get there, do you think, bob?" sandy armstrong asked this question for the tenth time one day, as the trio of young adventurers rested at noon, after tramping since early dawn. they had persisted in heading into the north ever since the day of the storm. weary days and nights they had been. sandy, being less resolute than his older brother, had fretted under the strain, and kept asking whether they must not be near the end of their pilgrimage. they had met many trials on the way. rivers they had swam, holding their guns and ammunition, as well as their garments, on a log so as to keep them dry, which trick was in frequent use among the pioneers of the day. it was the duty of bob to constantly strengthen his brother; and thus he even smiled, a bit sadly it may be true, as he turned upon sandy. "blue jacket knows; and he tells me that he can smell the big water in the air right now," he observed. "you mean the great lake, on the shore of which, somewhere, the iroquois have their village--is that it?" demanded sandy, brightening up wonderfully. "yes, and he also tells me that we are apt to come out upon it before the sun goes down to-night," bob continued, encouragingly. "well," said sandy, heaving a big sigh, "i shall be glad if it turns out to be so. i am so tired of waiting, day after day, and plunging into constant forests. if it wasn't for kate's peril i could enjoy this journey, for you know i always said i meant to follow in the footsteps of kenton, and look on new sights; but, as it is, i can think of nothing but these three things that trouble us." "three?" remarked bob, as if surprised. "why, yes. there is kate, to begin with," sandy started to say. "and you are also thinking of our mother, should the dreaded indian attack come when we are away?" bob pursued. "surely. there were many ugly signs of it. but, when i remember how our neighbor, mr. brewster, gave us his word that he would take her into his own family while we were gone, and look after her as if she belonged under his cabin roof, somehow i do not feel quite so bad." "but you said three, and that is only two causes," bob went on. "are you still thinking about father, sandy?" "surely," the younger brother answered back. "the more we plunge into this unbroken wilderness the greater become my fears for him. there were only four in the party. if the indians ever discovered their trail, they would follow them like hungry wolves. day and night they might hang about, seeking opportunities to ambush them. oh! why did not colonel boone, or simon kenton, happen along at the time they were starting?" "cheer up!" cried bob, slapping his brother on the shoulder encouragingly. "we shall be happy yet, and all together again, separated as we may be now. our first duty is to find kate, and steal her away from our enemies. then, when we get home, we will only have to wait for our father to return, after the snow flies. i only hope he is able to cross those terrible mountains before the ravines are filled, neck high, with the drifts." "but," said sandy, suddenly, as if he suspected that these signs of despondency might be wrongly interpreted by his companion, "i hope you do not think i am weakening, bob?" "not i," returned the older one, instantly. "by this time i ought to know your obstinate nature better than that, sandy. you may complain, and seem downhearted at times; but there is no give up about you." "that is true," nodded sandy, as he set his teeth hard together. "we started out to rescue our sister from the hands of the indians; and that we will do, if we live. but, bob, have we not rested enough? i am just wild to set eyes on that wonderful inland sea about which pat o'mara and simon kenton have told us so much." "yes, we will go on," said bob, quickly rising to his feet; and then, as blue jacket drew near, he asked further: "about how many hours' journey before we come upon the big water, blue jacket?" whereupon the young shawanee brave deliberated a minute, after which he gravely held up two fingers of his right hand. "soon get there, bob, sandy," he said, quietly. "no can smell big water further two hours' walk. you wait, see blue jacket speak with straight tongue." "and he ought to know, sandy," continued bob; "because, you see, blue jacket has once before looked on the big water which some men call erie. only a short two hours; that will soon pass. come, let us put out our best foot now." once again they plunged into the thickets ahead, always with the indian guide in the van. blue jacket had indeed proven a friend. not only had he led them in almost direct line to the north, and managed to avoid contact with any roving band of indians; but at the same time he had helped supply the little rescue party with fresh meat. it happened that at the time he met the two young pioneers the brave carried his customary bow and arrows. few of his race equalled blue jacket in the use of this old-time indian weapon. he could send a feathered shaft with wonderful accuracy, whether aimed at a human foe or a wild animal of the forest. debarred from using their noisy guns on account of the dangers that an explosion might bring upon them, the boys would have suffered from lack of fresh food but for the dexterity with which their dusky ally used his hickory bow, with its flint-tipped arrows, feathered with quills from the wild goose. once he brought down a bounding deer that seemed in a fair way to escape, much to the admiration of both white lads, who had never before witnessed such an exhibition of fine shooting. on another occasion he had discovered several wild turkeys roosting on the branch of a big pine tree on a knoll, and, after considerable creeping, managed to get close enough, on the leeward side of the wary birds, to bring a haughty gobbler to the ground, pierced through and through with an arrow, so that they feasted that night right royally. then blue jacket also knew just how to build a fire with very dry wood that might not give forth any smoke, such as keen and suspicious eyes would discover. it was always started in a cleft, or a hole in the ground, nor did they ever keep it going after night set in. all these precautions were absolutely necessary, for they were in a hostile country, where every human being must be considered an enemy, whether he might be a red man or a french canadian trapper. the summer was now gone. touches of frost appeared each morning, now that the pilgrims of the great forest ascended continually further north. but they were young, hardy and vigorous, so that little they cared for this. the thought of the mission that drew them thus far away from their ohio river home proved sufficient to make their pulses throb, and all minor troubles be ignored. an hour passed. blue jacket plodded on, showing not the faintest sign of weariness. indeed, it seemed to sandy that the young shawanee brave must be made of iron to be able to stand up under all they had passed through without exhibiting the least symptom of fatigue. even the brothers by now seemed to feel a peculiar dampness to the air, that in a way betrayed the near presence of a large body of water. "at any time, sandy, you can expect to set eyes on the great lake," remarked bob, while they were pushing through an unusually dense patch of woods, where the close growing trees ahead shut out all sign of what lay beyond. blue jacket heard, and gave him a nod that seemed to tell bob they might have their first view of that wonderful inland sea before many minutes passed. a short time later they came upon the verge of the forest. all at once a vacancy appeared beyond, a vast open expanse, and bob had himself caught a musical ripple that he knew must proceed from waves gently rolling up the beach. the great lake was before them, and, standing thus among the bordering trees, the three gazed wonderingly out upon that mighty expanse. although they had lived for a number of years in richmond, both bob and sandy had only a hazy recollection of ever having seen the vast ocean so close by; so that this, their first introduction to what seemed a boundless expanse of water, was startling. as far as their eyes could reach nothing but a level horizon seemed to exist, where the water met the lowering sky line. to the east and west the same monotonous view was presented. to-day, where dark smoke from the funnels of countless busy steamers may greet the eye of the onlooker, there was at that time absolutely nothing, not even a canoe, at first appearing to the sight of the three youths. "oh!" exclaimed sandy, his breast heaving with the sensation of a rover who delights in new and novel sights, "it is glorious, bob! if i could only forget about kate for a minute, i'd say it was well worth all our trials and suffering. one of my dreams has come true, and some day i am determined that the other will, too." "yes," replied his brother, soberly; "i know that you are fairly wild to set eyes on that wonderful river de soto discovered, and which they call the mississippi. perhaps some day you may have your wish, sandy; but pray heaven that no such mission takes you to its shores as has fetched us hither." "that could never be," replied sandy. "if we are blessed with the recovery of our dear sister this time, she will never again be allowed to leave the sight of those who can and will protect her. but, see, blue jacket has noticed something. he moves back into the woods, and beckons to us to do the same. what can it be, do you suppose, bob?" "he seems to be watching the point of land that stands out into the water," said bob. "it has trees on it; but there are open spaces, too. blue jacket must have discovered something moving there." "perhaps it is a deer, and he means to get a shot with his bow and arrows?" suggested the younger brother. "not so, for he is not handling his bow," remarked bob; and immediately added: "there! i saw it move myself; and, sandy, unless i was mistaken, it must have been a canoe gliding along the other side of the tongue of land, heading outward." both lads immediately stepped further back among the trees. they understood that the chances were ten to one, at least, that, if they came upon any human being along the shore of the great lake, it must be an indian, and therefore one to be distrusted on sight. though the iroquois, or six nations, had always been friendly with the english, and opposed to the french canadian trappers and traders, still, the new conditions that were beginning to arise, where the colonies had begun to defy the king, made them separate the sheep from the goats. they favored the tories, who remained in league with the king's policies; but were ready to take up arms against the insurgents, already beginning to call themselves americans. three minutes later a canoe darted out from behind the point of land, and started along the lake, about a quarter of a mile from the shore. "oh! look!" said sandy, who had the keener eyesight; "there are just five in it, bob, and one of them is a girl!" "yes," replied the other, whose lips were colorless as he gazed eagerly at the moving craft, where several flashing paddles were working industriously; "just the same number as black beaver's band. but, sandy, we do not know. to me it looks as if the girl might be a squaw. she is surely dressed like one, and, as well as i can see, her face seems to be that of an indian." "oh! but you forget, bob," declared the other lad, earnestly, "that we believe black beaver means to make our sister into a seneca girl. four braves and a girl--it must be those we seek!" "even blue jacket is puzzled, if i read his face rightly," said bob. "and so all we can do is to try and keep up with the canoe until it comes ashore. then we will soon learn the truth. i only pray that what you think may turn out to be so, for it would make our mission the easier." chapter xix a bitter disappointment "they must land soon," said sandy, when they had been trying to keep up with the canoe for a long time, though without brilliant success, for it was far ahead of the three scouts, possibly a couple of miles. "yes," bob made answer; "for the day is near an end, and they will wish to camp. there, see, they have at last headed toward the shore. we must make sure to note where the boat lands, so that we can take up the trail if they plunge into the forest." a short time later and they had seen the canoe pushed up on the sandy beach. after the customary manner of the red men, it was immediately picked up and carried away, doubtless to be secreted among the bushes, either until morning or until some future occasion when its services would be needed. "now what is our next move?" asked sandy. "keep straight along until we are within striking distance of the spot. but let us seek advice from blue jacket. he will know what is best," was bob's answer. to their surprise the shawanee brave decided that it would be just as well for them to remain where they were, and rest an hour or more. when darkness had fallen they could step out on the open beach, and make as good time as though they struggled along all the while through the dense underbrush of the woods. so they lay down and waited, meanwhile munching a little food in order to sustain them through whatever might befall them that night. finally blue jacket arose, and spoke a few low words. both brothers were immediately on their feet, eager to be moving. and, after their days of fighting with the rough country over which their long journey had taken them, it was certainly something of a relief to be able to stride over the sandy stretch of beach. presently sandy uttered a low cry: "a canoe! why cannot we use that?" bob did not reply, but looked questioning at blue jacket. the indian nodded, and soon the three had entered a long canoe that rested on the beach and contained two broad paddles. the two boys took the paddles, and presently the craft was moving silently and swiftly over the placid waters of lake erie. "not too far from shore. no can see other canoe if go too far," cautioned the indian. he stood in the bow of the canoe, his eyes on the alert for the first sign of the other craft. thus over a mile was covered when the indian gave a sign to turn back to the beach. just as the shawanee had promised, they arrived in the neighborhood of the landing place of the canoe about as soon as if they had kept diligently pushing forward through the forest, with its various pitfalls, ravines and thickets. bob was eagerly waiting for the verdict which he knew must soon fall from the lips of blue jacket. he saw the young indian craning his neck in order to take in all the surroundings, although his attention was of course directed more toward the depths of the woods than out upon the heaving lake. then blue jacket's hand fell upon the arm of bob. "ugh! look, it is well! they camp!" he grunted. and bob, following the line of the other's extended arm, saw the glimmer of a fire almost hidden in the dense forest. "we shall soon know now, sandy," he observed, cheerfully. "blue jacket means to creep forward, and get close enough to the camp to learn whether these are they we have sought, or if we have to go on further." "but he has already told us he could see that the braves were senecas, from the feathers in their scalplocks, and their manner of dress?" declared sandy. "that is true," bob replied, softly; "but let us drop down here, and wait for him to return. he cannot be long." the shawanee glided away as silently as a shadow, leaving bob and sandy at the point where a clump of silver birches would guide him again to their hiding place. "what if he comes to tell us it is our kate?" demanded the younger brother. "then we can have but one duty, and that is to wrest her away from those who would try to hold her," came the steady reply. "they will resist," remarked sandy. "it will not be well for them if they do," said his companion, with that stern look upon his face, as seen in the starlight, that always reminded sandy of their father. the minutes fairly dragged along. sandy tried to count so as to have something to occupy his mind and keep him quiet; but he found it impossible to keep from thinking of that dear little sister whom they had come so far to save. then, without the slightest warning, blue jacket stood beside them, grave, and with folded arms. bob guessed the truth instantly from the manner of their red ally, for, had the other any good news to declare, he must have shown it. sandy was not so ready a reader of human nature, and immediately exclaimed in a whisper: "what success did you have, blue jacket? is it our sister, and those braves the senecas who stole her away from our mother's cabin?" "no black beaver, no paleface girl. seneca braves, and young squaw, that all!" replied the spy, stolidly. of course the sanguine sandy was terribly disappointed; so much so that he allowed a groan to break from his lips. after which once more his resolution took a firm grip upon him. "then we must forget all about this, and push on to find the village where black beaver, the thief, has his lodge. it keeps getting harder and harder; but nothing is going to stop us, is it, bob?" he declared, grimly. "nothing!" echoed the older brother, as he pressed sandy's hand. they lay down, almost exhausted, and sought to secure the rest of which they were so sorely in need. with the coming of another day they watched until the little party once more launched their canoe, and started paddling off toward the east. to bob this was a mere incident that interested him but little. blue jacket on the other hand saw a deep significance in the move. he knew it very probably indicated that the village to which these indians belonged was located somewhere toward the east, or they would hardly be going in the direction of the rising sun, and that was a most important point for them to know, now that the big water blocked their further travel to the north. through the entire day they moved steadily along, at first in the canoe they had found, and then, abandoning the canoe, they continued on foot. but conditions had commenced to assume a different aspect. three separate times during this day blue jacket's amazing power of observation, or intuition, had saved them from running into danger. the woods seemed to be full of parties of indians, either hunting, or heading toward some central point, where possibly they expected to hold a grand powwow or "palaver," as a council was called by the bordermen. upon questioning blue jacket, after they had hidden themselves, and watched fully a dozen blanketed figures pass in indian file, silent and mysterious, bob was not much surprised to learn that it was the opinion of their red guide that these warriors could not be out on a hunt, else they would never have kept together in the way they did. other signs, which the quick eye of the shawanee could catch, told him that it was no foray in search of fresh meat that took these dusky sons of the forest abroad. "pottawottomies," blue jacket had muttered. "come from setting sun, up by other big water, detroit way. something doing, bob, sandy. no travel so far not so. mebbe we learn same soon. much war drum sound. heap trouble for paleface settlers along ohio. ugh!" "he says those indians were pottawottomies, bob," whispered sandy. "i wonder now if that firebrand, pontiac, is up in this region? perhaps we may even set eyes on him before we start for home." "well, as for me," remarked his brother, "i'd take little pleasure in doing that; for he has an evil name among the settlements. many border posts have gone up in flame and smoke because of pontiac, and the renegades that follow him, warring upon their kind. according to my mind it would be a blessed day for pioneers everywhere if a bullet could be sent to lay the monster low." little did either of them suspect, while thus talking, how soon they were to be granted a most wonderful opportunity for seeing the notorious sachem, whose name had for years thrilled the hearts of a multitude of mothers, as they sheltered their children in their arms, and listened to the sounds of the mysterious forest, peopled with cruel and crafty red foes. all through this day the three continued to head toward the land where the terrible waters fell from the lofty rocks with a roar that was deafening. to the superstitious indians, niagara's mighty and unceasing clamor was the voice of the great spirit. their medicine men claimed to be able to interpret what messages were being sent from the happy hunting grounds for the guidance of the great spirit's favorite children with the redskins. and for centuries, doubtless, had the cataract also been the scene of sacrifices, when beautiful maidens were sent over its brink to appease an angry manitou. "why, the woods are full of them," said sandy, when, just before dusk, they were again compelled to hide in order to let a file of solemn warriors pass by. bob was more than uneasy. he saw readily enough that, if what blue jacket suspected turned out to be the truth, and that a grand council was about to be held at which representatives of many tribes would appear, it made their mission all the more difficult of accomplishment. even though they succeeded in rescuing little kate, once the alarm was given how could they ever expect to elude the scores upon scores of painted savages with whom the woods would quickly be filled? "perhaps it may mean more delay for us, sandy," he had said. "you make me groan when you say that, bob," the other had replied. "our only hope," bob pursued, firmly, "must be to make a successful flight when we have swooped down on the wigwam of black beaver, and snatched our sister from the possession of the iroquois. and, while the forest is fairly alive with enemies, what chance would we have for getting clear?" "yes, i know you must be right, bob, just as you always are," sandy muttered. "but how can we ever stand it?" "hist! blue jacket is holding up a warning finger again. he must smell more of the indians coming somewhere. lie down, sandy, and don't even whisper till he gives the word." long before now sandy had declared that it was his positive belief that their dusky guide must be able to scent the presence of indians, because he always gave them warning so far in advance of the actual appearance of the prowlers; but bob knew that it was from his wonderful sense of hearing that blue jacket thus forestalled the appearance of the indians on their dog-trot journey; that he could catch the faintest sound, just as the long-eared rabbit might, or the timid mink that they sought to trap for his valuable pelt. once more they were moving now, and it seemed to bob that blue jacket must have some definite object ahead, for otherwise he certainly would not persist in pushing onward after the shades of night had fallen. presently he came to a stop. they were under a mighty oak tree, one of the widest spreading bob had ever set eyes on. he saw blue jacket looking upward eagerly, as though interested in those great gnarled limbs that seemed to shut out the very stars of the heavens. "climb far up, bob, sandy," breathed the voice of the red guide, as he himself started to set the example. wonderingly the two brothers obeyed. neither of them could just then give the slightest guess as to why blue jacket wished them to climb the tree. even though the woods did seem to be full of moving red men, and the risk of discovery constant, it would appear that they might have readily found some dense thicket into which they could have crawled, and thus remain undiscovered by the enemy. but, by this time, both of the young pioneers had come to understand that blue jacket never made a move without a good reason; and bob, in particular, felt positive that presently they would learn the meaning of this queer action. not until he had mounted far into the dense branches of the great oak did the young shawanee brave halt. "now, sit like rock--no move--see soon what happen!" whispered the red guide, as they came to a halt. a short time passed away. bob was listening intently. dimly a suspicion as to the truth was beginning to filter through his brain. he wished to verify it, and it was for this reason that he strained his ears to the limit. then from underneath something came to him. sandy, too, must have heard it, for his lips sought the ear of his brother, and he whispered as softly as the sigh of the night breeze through the topmost branches of the great oak: "indians below!" chapter xx pontiac in the council knowing the folly of trying to enter into any sort of talk at such a time, bob only pinched the arm of his more reckless brother. and sandy understood what that signified; he was to say not another word. other sounds reached them. bob caught the well-known click of flint and steel, and knew that a fire was about to be started. presently sparks flashed and then the tinder caught, so that a little flame darted up. as this was carefully fed by a practised hand it grew in volume, until the darkness that had rested under the thick branches of the great oak began to be dissipated. by degrees bob could make out the figures of several indians. he stared as if unable to believe his eyes, for every one of them seemed to have vied with the others in assuming a grotesque dress. several wore horns, and all of them had their faces hidden behind masks, usually the heads of some animal. the first represented a wolf, one of those gaunt timber pirates that could easily pull a stag to earth; another had on a buffalo head; while a third seemed to represent a panther. their garments were elaborately fashioned, and their persons decked with all manner of tinkling bits of metal, and colored porcupine quills. not a movement did they make after once throwing off their reserve but that bob was reminded of a necromancer he had once seen a very long time ago, in a playhouse in richmond, to which his father took him at christmas time. he knew what these strange personages were as soon as his eyes beheld their remarkable attire and actions. up to now bob had never really set eyes on a real medicine man, though sandy claimed to have done so at the time he was a prisoner in the shawanee village. but why half a dozen of them; and what sort of business had brought them here to this tree, that must be a land mark in the neighborhood? did blue jacket know? he claimed to have been in this vicinity before; then perhaps he was acquainted with the very tree, in the branches of which they perched at that minute. still watching, bob saw that the queer men below were carrying on in a strange way as they fed the flames, and kept building up the fire. they went through all manner of gestures, flinging their arms wildly aloft, dancing as they circled the flames, throwing some sort of powder into the fire that for the moment cast a blood red and terrible glow upon everything around; and anon even taking hold of hands to engage in a wild orgy around the blaze. [illustration: "dancing as they circled the flames"] by slow degrees he began to realize that these seven medicine men must belong to just as many different tribes. it was as though they had been sent here ahead in order to start the sacred fire at which, later on, the heads of those same clans would gather in solemn conclave! did it mean that the idle wish of sandy was to be thus quickly fulfilled? had blue jacket in some way heard what was said, or guessed it; and was he now bent on giving them a chance to hear the coming council, when representatives of many nations would come to meet those of the iroquois, and try to wean them away from their allegiance to the english? the thought thrilled the young pioneer. he did not know whether to be glad or fearful because it was so. it would, of course, be a wonderful thing for them to see this council which must go down in history; to perhaps look upon the great pontiac, as well as the head chiefs connected with many powerful tribes, such as the sacs, the foxes, the senecas, the onondagas, the mohawks and the war-like delawares. but what if, through some little misfortune, they were discovered? while bob was giving way to these thoughts he saw that the queer dance below had come to an end. the strangely garbed medicine men vanished from view, and other indians began to troop in to gather about the fire. by dozens and scores they came from every quarter. bob could hardly believe he was not dreaming, for the great space below began to be fairly packed with indians. some stalked around in their skin blankets, while others were naked down to the waist. these latter were the wild ojibways, with quivers slung at their backs, and light war clubs resting in the hollow of their arms. there were ottawas wrapped close in gaudy blankets, and wyandots fluttering in painted shirts, their heads adorned with colored feathers, and their leggins garnished with shining metal discs that often chimed like silver bells. he knew that he was undoubtedly looking upon the most noted chiefs west of the mountains. some of these must be men who had led in the wars of the last few years, where scores and hundreds of lives had been lost. afterwards he learned from blue jacket that the shawanee sachem silver heels was present, as well as sagan the cuyuga chieftain, later on the terror of the settlers; and that the young fellow who dressed much like a white man was really joseph brant, the adopted son of sir william johnson, and later renowned as thayendanega, the mohawk scourge of the american settlements; while others were turtle heart, old bald eagle, and longboat of the delawares. now the assembled indians began to seat themselves cross-legged around the council fire. it was easy to believe that the inner circle must be made up of those in whose hands lay the most power. nor were they all indians. here and there among the motley throng the watchers above had glimpsed a white man, usually a french canadian trapper or trader. these men's sympathies were all with the war pontiac was waging upon the venturesome english, who had pushed their outposts so far in the direction of the mississippi. bob started when he recognized two familiar faces among those below; these were no other than armand lecroix, the leader of the men with whom the armstrong boys had quarrelled at the time the dispute arose concerning the ownership of the game; and another fellow equally as brutal in his ways, jacques larue, with whom bob and sandy had had trouble in the past. it was not surprise at seeing these men here among the hostile indians that gave bob that chilly feeling. he was only thinking how pleased the french trappers would be if they discovered how the grand council was being spied upon, and who the unfortunates in the tree-top proved to be. looking closer, bob felt positive he could recognize pontiac. the most notorious indian of history, whose one dream it had ever been to unite the many tribes into a confederacy, and then sweep the hated palefaces back into the ocean from which they had sprung, was a notable figure. his manner was commanding, and even his garb bespoke the kingly role he had taken upon himself. he was not above middle height, though his figure was commanding. his complexion was darker than is usual with his race, and his features had a bold and stern expression, while his bearing was that of a man accustomed to sweeping away all opposition by the force of his imperious will. ordinarily pontiac's attire was that of the primitive savage, girded about the loins, wearing beaded moccasins, and with his long black hair flowing loosely; but, when seated in council, he was wont to appear as bob and sandy now gazed in awe upon him, plumed and painted in the full costume of war. every eye was fastened upon pontiac when he spoke, after the pipe had been passed around, and each member of the council had taken a whiff, sending a little puff toward each point of the compass. (note .) although the voice of the great sachem reached them easily, neither of the boys could understand what he said, as he made his passionate appeal to the chiefs of the six nations and many others assembled there. it was easy however for them to guess that he was artfully appealing to their passions and prejudices, and telling them how, if only all the red tribes would join together, they could once again possess the land that their fathers had owned. then others spoke, some apparently in favor of the proposal of the great leader, others counselling caution. thus time passed until a full hour had gone. the boys had not dared even move all this while, though they felt stiff and sore from so long perching upon the hard limbs. screened by the leaves that still clung to the branches of the council oak, they had seen one after another get up to give his views upon the subject pontiac had brought as a message from his powerful tribe that had its home along the border of the other great lakes, where detroit and similar frontier posts held out against the attacks of the allied indians. no eye was strong enough to pierce the screen that hid the three spies. doubtless all of those below found enough to interest them in watching the play of passion, or entreaty, upon the faces of the speakers, without allowing their gaze to roam elsewhere. most of all would they fail to glance up amid the foliage of the oak, where only a lynx or a wolverine might be expected to lurk, if indeed any living thing could be found there. sandy wished with all his heart that it were over. he had seen enough, and was fairly wild to get relief from his cramped position, pontiac, after all, while possibly a wonderful man, might pall upon one! there was one event, however, that broke up the monotony of hearing those speeches in a tongue which they could not understand. this happened when the fiery jacques larue arose to his feet, and launched into a violent talk in the indian language, which he seemed to understand as well as though he had been born a red man. he apparently differed from the line of argument that the great sachem pontiac had advanced, for he frequently turned toward that individual, and seemed to shake his hand almost threateningly. whatever it may have been that stood between them, bob knew well that it had no concern regarding the scheme to clean out the pioneer settlements along the great lakes and the ohio river. like all his breed, larue would have welcomed such a catastrophe, could it be brought about. perhaps his suspicions had been aroused, and he believed that this vast plot of pontiac embraced the french as well as the english--that, after the latter had been wiped out, the red hosts, flushed with victory, were to turn upon their supporters, and finish the french also. history tells us that pontiac was suspected of harboring such a scheme, and only accepted the help of the french trappers and traders in order to lull them into a condition of fancied security. there was a sudden break in the harangue of jacques larue when pontiac, as if stung beyond all control, sprang to his feet and struck the excited french trapper full in the face. a terrible moment of silence followed. fully fifty dusky hands sought tomahawks and knives as the assemblage watched to see what the several companions of larue would do to avenge the open insult. one move would have sealed their death, and those men knew it only too well. face to face pontiac and the french trapper stood, with eye glaring into eye. then with a contemptuous laugh the chief made a movement with his imperious hand, as if ordering larue to get out of his sight before he gave the signal for him to be cut to pieces. there was nothing for it but to obey, since larue knew only too well that he had few friends among all that assemblage. not one would dare lift a hand against the dusky idol of the indian tribes, the silver-tongued and powerful sachem of the pottawottomies. he slunk away, and vanished beyond the outer circles; but that last frown which he bent on pontiac told only too plainly what hatred and bitter venom was hidden in his black heart. nor did either of the watching and listening white boys imagine for a moment what a tremendous influence that very dramatic circumstance was fated to have upon their own fortunes. and still it was so. the great council, held under the famous oak where many such had taken place in the years that were gone, broke up at last. the final speech had been delivered by pontiac himself; and once more his wonderfully persuading voice seemed to be raised in pleading. the iroquois chiefs had been divided, as near as bob could make out, some being in favor of joining the tremendous chain of confederated tribes, while others clung to their well-known allegiance to the english. now the immense crowd had begun to melt away. by dozens and scores the indians took themselves off, each tribe seeming to cling together. pontiac himself, bob noticed, seemed to accompany an old and wise-looking chief who, from his dress, he believed must be the famous delaware sachem, bald eagle; and with them, too, was the seneca chieftain. in ten minutes not an indian was to be seen below. the fire had burned down, and was slowly dying out. sandy would have tried to make a move in order to at least change his position, only that his brother nudged him, and in this way warned the impatient one that they had not yet seen the end of the affair. figures were again moving under the sacred council oak tree. once more did the seven strange figures of the allied medicine men appear, to again exhort the great spirit to listen to the appeals that had so recently been spoken. they danced around the dying fire, they chanted in unison, they waved their arms, and rattled hollow gourds that contained hard seeds, until the effect was most awe-inspiring. finally, as a fitting wind-up to these queer proceedings that seemed to partake of the savage nature of the indian, each of them tossed a handful of powder in the embers of the fire. for the second time that red flame arose, to bathe the entire vicinity in its fierce glow, and to avoid which the watchers aloft had need to close their aching eyes. when they opened them again the seven medicine men had vanished, gliding away as silently as ghosts. only the dying fire lay below to tell them of the wonderful experience which they had just passed through, thanks to the sagacity and daring of their faithful guide, blue jacket. there was no further use trying to restrain sandy. he saw that the coast below was clear, and felt that no indian would dare profane the sacred meeting-place after the medicine men had thus consecrated it anew. nor did blue jacket attempt to stop him. they certainly could not remain where they were; and, since the seneca village could not be a great distance off, it might be well for them to try to find it. as bob knew, it was the intention of their dusky friend to enter, when they had discovered the wigwams of the tribe to which the abductor of little kate belonged. he could play the part of a messenger from the south, sent to learn more about the plans of pontiac, so that the ever hostile shawanees might be able to work in common with the rest of the tribes. once within the borders of the big village it would be easy for blue jacket to discover whether black beaver had returned, and, if so, what manner of prisoner he had brought with him. after that they could lay their heads together, to fashion a plan by means of which the girl might be spirited away. once on the ground sandy began to stretch himself vigorously. nearly two hours of confinement, without being allowed to move much of the time, had apparently tied his young muscles in knots, so that they actually pained him. "i'm glad to be able to put up my hands again, i tell you," sandy remarked, as he thus stretched his limbs, and drew in huge breaths, as though he had not been allowed to use his lungs properly for fear lest he thus betray their place of concealment to the watchful enemy below. bob was himself feeling much better since allowed to leave that hard perch in the thickest part of the giant oak. he would have so expressed himself, no doubt, only that he was given no opportunity. even as he opened his mouth to reply to his brother, a gruff voice broke in upon them from the rear, saying: "zat is ver' goot, begar! suppose, then, young monsieur continue to elevate ze hands, and so it vill not tempt me to shoot. if so be i must press zis trigger of ze gun, poof! it vill be ovaire so quick wif you all. stand still, or ze consequences be on your own heads!" bob felt a cold chill as he listened to these scoffing words. he recognized the voice as belonging to armand lacroix, the french trapper who had given him such a look of hatred at the time there was a dispute between them as to whom the game belonged, and which was settled in favor of the young pioneer. chapter xxi prisoners "steady, sandy!" "but, bob, must we just stand here, and let them take us prisoners?" asked the younger brother, in an agonized voice. "we can do nothing to help ourselves just now," bob went on, in a singularly calm tone, "because, you see, there are four of them; and each man has a gun pointed at us. we must try to kill time, hoping that blue jacket may bring us help in some way." "blue jacket--where is he?" asked sandy, wonderingly. "i do not know," replied bob. "he disappeared like a shadow. i think he must have heard the breathing of these men as they came along, and, knowing that it was too late to cry out a warning to us, he just melted away, as is his habit." "will he desert us, then?" asked sandy, with a trace of bitterness in his voice. "impossible," answered his brother. "we ought to know blue jacket better than to think that of him. forget all about him just now, and perhaps, if things come to the worst, he may show his hand." "what for you say zat, young monsieur?" demanded the leering lacroix. "haf you zen a compadre near by? zen it vill not be good for him to come back. ve vill engage to make a prisoner of heem just as ve haf of you. drop ze guns, both of you!" bob instantly obeyed. he would have resisted to the last gasp if there had been any chance, however slight; but, when four guns were bearing on them, with the owners not more than ten feet away, it would have been foolhardy to refuse to carry out the order of the lawless french trapper. besides, he somehow fancied that the others would have preferred a defiant attitude on their part, since it would give them a reasonable excuse to shoot. sandy, seeing that his brother had in this way acknowledged their case to be apparently hopeless, also cast his faithful old musket from him. seldom had it ever missed fire, and he was accustomed to depending on it when in sore need; but just then it could only invite the coming of quick death, if he so much as tried to draw the hammer back. the stalwart woodranger of course noted this unhappy manner of sandy. it seemed to rather please him, since the shoe was now on the other foot, and he had the whip-hand of the young pioneers. "ze leetle cub, he not like eet ver' much," he chuckled. "but it is ze fortunes of war, monsieur, and you must bend ze neck to ze sword. ve haf you in ze hole and zis game eet ees in our hands. now, tell me if you please, vat brings you up to zis country, so far avay from ze happy cabin on ze ohio, la belle river?" neither of the boys replied, sandy because he was too angry to speak, and bob on account of wanting to gather his wits first, before committing himself. to tell these enemies about kate would be weakening their case. should they escape from the clutches of the four frenchmen, the chances were that lacroix would warn black beaver that the brothers of his captive had come to rescue her and a trap might be laid into which they would fall. "ze astonishment of ze matter almost strike me dumb," continued the other, who seldom knew when to stop talking, once he started. "to zink zat zese leetle boys of ze eenglish should hide zemselves in zat sacred oak, and hear all zat was said at ze grand council! it ees marvel! it is superb! i am not agree in my mind whether ve ought to visit ze punishment on zere heads ourselves, monsieur larue, or take zem to ze indians for to run ze gauntlet, and burn at ze stake!" sandy shook his head. it was as much as to tell the speaker that if he were carrying on this style of talk simply to frighten the two undaunted lads, he might as well save his breath. at this moment the other leader among the trappers took a turn in the conversation, which up to now had been monopolized by lacroix. "i haf von idea, armand, my friend," he observed, looking very wise. "zat is ver' well; but suppose you share ze same wif us all!" lacroix cried, as he pressed his cheek against the butt of his heavy gun, after the manner of a man who longed to pull trigger and do fell execution. "you seem to think," larue continued, "ze young cubs zey come avay up to zis far country just to climb in zat tree, and listen to ze great pontiac talk. parbleau! zat is all wrong, i assure you on my honor. look back, my friend, and perhaps you vill remember zat when ve lodged in ze great town of ze senecas zere came into the same a young chief who bring wif heem a prisoner!" bob started, and bit his lips until the blood came. without meaning to do the brothers a good turn larue was about to make a disclosure that would do away with uncertainty concerning the whereabouts of the stolen kate. "oui, i remember ze same, ver' well," said armand; "but what may zat haf to do wif our young friends here? haf zey lost some one from zere family? was zat girl belong to zem, i would like to know?" jacques larue nodded his head violently. "at ze time somezings seem to say to me zat somewhere haf i seen ze pretty face of ze leetle one. now i know. she is ze seester of ze armstrong boys. from her home haf she been carry by ze young chief, who fancy her face, because he lose heem own seester not so long ago. and so, behold, do zese brave boys come all zis way to rescue ze kate. is it not grant? alas! to zink zey fall themselves into ze power of ze savages, and be made to burn at ze stake. zat is sad!" he pretended to look mournful as he said this; but there was an old score to be settled between jacques and the young pioneers, and bob was not deceived in the least by this mockery of sympathy. back in those sparkling orbs he could see the wicked delight that filled the soul of larue at this unexpected pleasure. for the moment even the insult, put upon him by the great pontiac in the presence of scores of chiefs and warriors, was almost forgotten. nor was armand lacroix more to be depended on. he might, down in his heart, feel something like admiration for the grit shown by the lads in thus venturing into a hostile country in order to serve their loved sister. that feeling, however, would be utterly superceded by his joy at having a chance to vent his evil spite upon the boy who had held him up at the muzzle of his gun, and made him a laughing stock for simon kenton and his fellow borderers. "sacre! vat shall be done wiz zem?" demanded lacroix, half lowering his levelled rifle; for, since the boys had cast away their weapons, they could hardly be deemed dangerous, especially since there were two men to each lad. "it was a clever idea you haf, armand, to come back to ze sacred oak, where ze indians, you say, would nevaire interrupt us, for a talk. only for zat we would not haf ze pleasure of meeting our young friends. you ask what sall we do wif zem? eef i haf my way, i say, turn zem loose and zen give each twenty paces to run, after wich we would fire. i haf drive ze head of a nail at more zan zat." "ze idea heem not haf bad, jacques; but, after all, what could equal ze pleasure of turning zese two bold trailers over to ze pottawottomies wif pontiac. zey know how to torture ze foe. zey haf long experience. eet is no business of ours how zey put ze prisoner to death; zey are our allies, and we cannot let escape zose who carry ze great secret of ze council." bob knew the character of these half-savage french trappers. he believed they were on a par with the renegade white man whom he had heard utter such bitter words at the council fire, and whom he fancied must be the notorious simon girty, himself. had it been his own life that was in peril, bob would have refused to make any sort of appeal to the lawless trappers; but, for the sake of little kate, he felt that he must lower his pride to plead with them. "lacroix and larue," he said, slowly, and with an earnestness in his manner that chained their attention; "for myself i would scorn to plead; but, because of the poor child who is at this hour a prisoner in the iroquois village, i ask you to let us go free. her poor mother's heart is nearly broken, and if kate never comes back, it will surely give way. if you would only let us go, so that we might try to set her free, we give you our solemn promise that we will deliver ourselves up to you again, if we survive, so that you can do what you will." the two frenchmen exchanged glances. they could not but be influenced by the brave words of the half-grown lad. at the same time, they had too long led utterly wicked lives to allow themselves to be tempted to do the right thing now. "listen to zat, would you, larue?" said armand, with a sneer. "ze cub wants us to let him go free zis time. he even promises zat he will call heemself our prisoner at any time in ze future, eef he lives. it is to laugh. i haf always believe ze bird in ze hand is much better zan two in ze bush. how ees it, jacques, shall we bow ze young monsieur and hees brother off ze premises, or turn zem over to ze savages, to run ze gantlet, and afford much sport?" "our duty eet is plain, armand," the second frenchman remarked, with a chuckle; "we dare not play double wif our allies. zey would turn on us and poof! zat would be ze end of everyzing. no, it must be zat we make ze prisoner, and march ze cubs in to ze iroquois town to be punished as spies." "oh!" said sandy, unable to entirely keep quiet, with his pulses beating like a furious trip-hammer. "stand still, sandy!" said bob in a low tone, fearing that his impulsive brother was about to take desperate chances in leaping at the four french trappers; "all may not yet be lost. hold hard for just another minute, i beg of you!" something in bob's tone gave sandy a new lease of life. it was as though he had made a discovery that meant hope. and this was, indeed, what had happened, for, just five seconds before, bob had seen a head suddenly raised above the surrounding bushes; and even in the dull light of the dying fire he believed that he had recognized the well known features of pat o'mara! chapter xxii the tables turned fortunately bob understood what part he ought to take in the turning of the tables on the quartette of frenchmen. if he could only hold their attention for a brief time, pat o'mara might creep up close enough to spring his surprise. that one glimpse which bob had taken had shown him another thing; the irish frontiersman was not alone! in several other places the bushes were waving slightly, proclaiming that others must also be advancing cautiously toward the council oak. he knew not whom they might be, and, beyond the possibility of blue jacket constituting one of the number, could not even guess who were pat's comrades. but it was positive that they must be friends, else they would not be up here along the border of the great lakes, spying upon the grand council of the tribes in league with that trouble-maker, pontiac. and so wise bob immediately set to work to hold the attention of larue and his three companions. seconds would count just then, since their friends were crawling closer and closer all the time. "wait for a minute, please, gentlemen all!" he cried, holding up a hand, as he saw armand take a step forward, doubtless eager to bind with deerskin thongs the lads he hated so bitterly. there was something about bob's manner to arouse their curiosity. besides, they knew no reason why they should wish to hurry. the indians dared not return again to the vicinity of the sacred council oak, after the medicine men had conducted their closing exercises under its wide spreading branches; time must elapse before the spell which had been placed on the tree would have exhausted its charm. hence there seemed to be no danger of interruption. besides, they fancied playing with their prisoners, somewhat as a cat does with a mouse, enjoying, in anticipation, the feast to come. "what is eet ze young monsieur would say to us?" asked larue, making a mock bow, as though he could not forget the manners of a polite frenchman even in the midst of war's alarms. "perhaps we might be able to give you much valuable information in return for a favor!" said bob, trying to fill his manner with mystery, so as to further excite the curiosity of the border adventurers, always eager for gain. he saw that they began to show some interest; for jacques and armand exchanged glances, with raised eyebrows. it was as if one said to his comrade: "shall we listen to what he has to say?" and the other by a nod announced that it would be as well, since they had nothing to lose. "bob, what would you do?" gasped the horrified sandy, actually believing that, in his despair, his brother meant to reveal some weakness in the defences of the white settlers, or betray the secret code by which they expected to summon assistance in time of need. "be still!" hissed bob, between his teeth, for he saw figures creeping closer, making no more noise than so many snakes might have done; and sandy, utterly confounded by this strange attitude of the other, shrank back appalled, fearing lest bob had indeed lost his mind. "listen for a minute to me, lacroix," the young pioneer went on, as he held the attention of the four men. "perhaps i could tell you where much of this same precious ore might be found. look well at it, and say whether or not it is true gold!" he had taken something from his pocket, and now tossed it across to the nearest man, who chanced to be armand. the latter dextrously caught the object, which he immediately began to examine with the eyes of greed. "throw some small wood on ze fire, so that i may haf more light!" he exclaimed; "and ze rest of you keep an eye on ze young cubs zat zey do not run away. sacre! can i belief my eyes? what is zis i see?" sandy caught his breath. for the first time there flashed through his mind something of the truth with regard to bob's sudden inspiration. he realized that his shrewd brother must be fighting for time. that little piece of ore containing the sparkling gold grains had often lain in his own palm, for bob had carried it many years. originally it had come from the mountains of north carolina, where some of the settlers were engaged in a crude method of mining in the streams and rocky gullies. a returned virginian, who had gone there to nurse his sick brother, brought some of these specimens with him, and one had been given to bob. and now it was playing the great part for which perhaps it had so long been reposing in the pocket of the young pioneer. meantime larue, having caught up a handful of fine wood, and cast the same upon the smouldering council fire, so that it flamed again briefly, hastened to lean over the shoulder of his shorter comrade. his hungry eyes feasted upon the glittering object which armand held in the hollow of his hand. "can it be posseeble zat it ees real gold?" he asked, with a quiver of greed in his harsh voice. "take eet and see, jacques," replied the other, thrusting the object upon his companion, as though eager to have his own opinion verified. immediately the other, having examined the bit of ore, about which there could be no possible doubt, raised his bloodshot eyes, and surveyed bob almost fiercely. and the boy knew then and there that his trap had worked; for he had chained the attention of the four frenchmen, while closer and closer crept those who were coming through the bushes toward the opening. "haf you more of ze same stuff?" demanded jules. "not here," replied bob, coolly. "i would not be apt to carry it along with me when starting out on such an expedition as this. but i give you my word i can tell you where it comes from, and where much more of it lies, waiting to be picked up." the covetous eyes of the crafty pair sought each other; and then the two exchanged nods. they had swallowed the bait, gorged it in fact; but bob knew that he must try to prevent their feeling the hook until he was ready to strike. "what is zis you tell us, hey?" larue continued craftily. "zat if we let you go free, you take us to ze place where we can peek up much of zis same yellow sand in ze rock? but how we know you keep your word? s'pose we hold one like hostage till time come zat you carry out promise?" bob turned to his brother, at the same time giving him a sly wink. "what say you to that, sandy?" he asked. "would you agree to stay with larue and his friends while i carry out our little plan; and then, later on, they would set you free, after i had led them to where they might find more of this?" and sandy, beginning to realize the value of passing seconds, pretended to carefully weigh the importance of the proposition before replying. finally, after the frenchmen had begun to move restlessly, as they kept their eager eyes fastened on him, sandy nodded his head. "whatever you think best, that will i do, bob?" he said, slowly. "zat is well, young monsieur," chuckled jacques, rubbing his hands together, as if greatly pleased. "parbleu! it may be zat we shall yet be able to make arrangements satisfactory to both. if you rescue ze young ma'mselle, we are to be told ze secret; if, on ze uzzer hand, you fail, still ze one who is wiz us shall lead us to ze fine mine. it ees a bargain!" so delighted were the four men over the prospect, that those who were supposed to be watching the boys allowed their rifles to sag a bit. bob was running a hand through the pockets of his clothes, as though eagerly searching for something else, and of course every eye was riveted on his movements; which was the very object he had in mind. suddenly, and without the slightest warning, there was a rush of feet. the four french trappers whirled about with the intention of putting up a stout resistance, but it was too late. they had been caught napping! the guns were torn from their grasp, and hurled to the ground. instantly they found themselves staring into dark muzzles of guns held in steady hands, while back of these weapons appeared the faces of simon kenton, pat o'mara and one other woodranger. nor was blue jacket missing, for he stood in plain sight, with an arrow fitted to his bowstring, and drawn nearly to the flint barb, as he aimed straight at the heart of larue. "make the slightest noise, and you shall surely die!" exclaimed kenton, in a stern voice, that had its effect upon all the frenchmen. meanwhile bob and sandy had taken advantage of the opening to leap forward and recover their own weapons, which were instantly levelled at their enemies. thus encompassed on all sides it was little wonder that the french trappers were ready to throw up their hands, and admit defeat. "history has a way of repeating itself, lacroix," said kenton, with a laugh, as he started to bind the hands of the borderman with tested thongs made from the toughest of elk hide. "once before i had the pleasure of stopping your little game when you would oppress these two boys. mark well what i say, for the next time you raise a hand against them, the crack of a rifle will seal your doom! two warnings spell the end." "but what would you do wiz us?" demanded larue, as he saw that each of his companions was being triced up in the same fashion as himself; since pat and the remaining scout were experts in the art of applying bonds. "that we do not know just yet," returned the borderer. "but, if you accept your capture as the fortunes of war, and do not try to escape, there will be no harm befall you." bob and sandy were no longer filled with despair. like magic their condition had changed. instead of being prisoners in the hands of these cruel french trappers, and threatened with the fate that so often came upon those falling into the hands of the warring indians, they were once more free. better still, they had found good friends in kenton, pat o'mara and the third scout, so that the chances of their daring mission being carried out were more favorable than ever. "pat has told us about the trouble that has come upon you, bob," kenton said, as he shook hands with each of the boys in turn. "and we all feel for you. our object in coming here has now been accomplished, since we have listened at a distance to what pontiac said to the chiefs at the grand powwow here. if we can help you rescue little kate, we stand ready to lend a hand." sandy's face fairly beamed with joy. as we know, he entertained a feeling bordering on worship for the gallant young woodsman, simon kenton, who in his opinion was a greater hero than colonel boone himself. what kenton said, therefore, counted heavily with sandy; and, when the reckless borderer thus gave his promise to assist them in their work, the boy believed success was assured. not so bob, who was accustomed to weighing things more seriously before making up his mind. he knew of the countless difficulties they would have to meet, both before they effected the rescue of kate, and afterward, when the whole country near the great lakes would be overrun with savage hordes, searching for the palefaces who had dared invade their territory, and even enter the great village of that most noted of seneca chiefs, kiashuta, the war leader, who had just made a new blood compact with pontiac. still, it was good to look on the faces of these three valiant hunters, and realize that no longer were two weak boys pitting their strength and knowledge of indian tactics against the cunning of the iroquois. bob did not fail to shake the hand of his friend, blue jacket, who must have run across the three borderers soon after he slipped away at the coming of the hostile frenchmen. thus they now counted six stout souls, united in the determination to accomplish the object of the long journey, and bring little kate back to the arms of the fond mother, mourning on the bank of the far-distant ohio. to the hands of simon kenton willingly did bob resign his cause, firm in the belief that, if any mortal could carry it to success, the bold borderer would. chapter xxiii the cavern of the water spirits "we must get away from here right soon," announced kenton, after he had asked the boys a few questions concerning the adventures that had been met with on the long and dangerous journey across country from the ohio to the region of the great lakes. "whatever you say, we will do only too gladly," declared bob; and sandy nodded his head eagerly, to denote that he was of the same mind. "very good," remarked the borderer, who had been thinking over matters even at the time he questioned the boys. "and, as it happens, we know of a fine hiding-place not a great way off, where we can keep these fellows safe during the time we must stay around the seneca town." "troth!" remarked pat o'mara, immediately; "'tis a jewel av a place. they till me they have kept house in the same both toimes whin comin' up till the counthry av the great lakes, to say phat the crafty ould sarpint kiashuta might be about. by the greatest luck in the worrld i ran acrost abijah cook here, and was introduced to the cavern. 'tis a grand place i'm tilling ye, me boys; and bad cess to the ridskin that iver discovers the same." "come, let us depart without any more delay," said kenton, impatiently; for he knew that there was more or less danger lest one of the medicine men find some excuse to return to the sacred oak, and thus make a discovery that must cause the seneca village to buzz like an enormous hive of bees, with scores of warriors rushing forth to scour the whole neighborhood for signs of the bold palefaces. the four frenchmen evidently did not enjoy the prospect by which they were confronted. still, they were soldiers of fortune enough to accept things as they came along. who could tell what the next shuffle of the cards might bring forth? the first often became last, and the under dog might find himself in a position to make terms as victor. that their air of indifference was assumed even the boys felt sure. they could detect the cautious looks cast around by the leaders of the frenchmen, and understood how eagerly they would seize upon a chance to escape. nor were the three white men in doubt as to what such a catastrophe might mean for them; since it must bring a mob of cruel foes howling at their heels like a pack of timber wolves eager for the blood of the wounded stag. quitting the wonderful oak that had, perhaps, witnessed these strange councils of the red men for centuries past, all plunged into the forest. the french trappers were fastened together with a hide rope which kenton happened to have wrapped about his waist. guarded by men with ready rifles, and followed by the two boys and blue jacket, the prisoners knew they would show their good sense by refraining from any demonstration. crafty larue might have sought to delay the march by pretended stumbles, but he did not exactly like the manner of kenton. possibly he knew something of the fiery nature of the rash borderer, and feared to arouse his anger. as they thus threaded the mazes of the deep woods, winding in and out while following certain trails made doubtless by wild animals, not a word was spoken. kenton had warned the prisoners that talking would not be allowed under any circumstances. he himself wished to ask a score of important questions of the boys, knowing that, since they had been hidden in the oak tree during the holding of the great palaver, they must know much that he yearned to grasp. but he could wait until they were in a position of safety before making his inquiries. "i hope we are nearly there," whispered sandy in the ear of his brother, for, to tell the truth, the boy was nearly exhausted after the great strain of the last week, and then those two long hours up in the tree, when he could hardly breathe freely, for fear of betraying their hiding-place to the watchful enemy. pat o'mara was close enough to catch the low words, or else he guessed what sandy must have said. at any rate, he dropped back a pace or two, and managed to remark in his genial, consoling way: "whist now, be aisy, me boy; 'twill not be long afore we reach our distination. and thin, by the powers, ye can rist as long as ye plaise. do be lookin' out that ye lave the trees alone, and save the skin av your nose," he added, as sandy, forgetting to be as careful as usual, in his desire to hear what pat had to say, ran full into a sapling that he failed to see in time, and consequently suffered to the extent of several scratches on his face. it was almost marvellous the way those forest rangers managed to pass in and out of the dense forest like so many shuttles in the hands of an expert weaver. the moon was utterly missing now, and even the light of the stars failed to penetrate beneath that thick canopy of matted branches overhead, so that they stalked along in almost complete darkness. but they were at home under such conditions. the woods were an open book to kenton. he read the pages as readily as any indian who ever crouched in the war-dance, or lifted his voice in the whoop of a foray. they used to say that kenton possessed the eyes of a cat, so that he could see when other men were blind. and perhaps they were right, for he certainly led his little troop in and out with marvellous skill. some ten minutes later bob heard the music of a waterfall ahead. "phat do yees think av that?" asked pat o'mara a moment later, as they stood on the bank of a fairly large stream, and looked up at the sheet of water that shot over the ledge above, to fall in a white tumbling mass into the pool at their feet. "it is beautiful," observed bob, who, however was wise enough to know that kenton would not have brought them hither simply to admire the cataract. "back of that sheet of water there is a cavern," said the leader, as they stood on the shore. "i have been many times to the great niagara, and a friendly onondaga chief took me back to the wonderful shelf of rock that is hidden by that wall of falling water. so i suspected that there might be just such a fine hiding-place here. many months ago, when i was up in this country on a mission for governor dunmore of virginia, i investigated, and found it to be true. follow after me and you shall see." the four prisoners held back. they did not like the idea of braving the wrath of those descending waters. perhaps there may have been some superstitious fear connected with their hesitancy, for the indians had legends concerning this same cataract, and believed that the spirits of the departed came hither, to sing again the war chants and songs of love that they had known when on earth. but there was nothing left for the frenchmen to do but obey, when those grim keepers urged them on. life was sweet, even to such reckless rovers, and so, overcoming their reluctance, they obeyed the directions given, and passed in safety behind the sparkling, water curtain. "keep against the rock, all!" said kenton, who was in the lead. sandy stumbled; but, as usual, bob was quick to throw out a helping hand, so that the other was saved a plunge over the edge of the rock, which must have resulted in a good ducking, if nothing more serious. "now stand still," came the voice of their leader from a point close at hand. "i have torches handy, and, as soon as i can get at my tinder, you shall have light." presently, as they stood patiently waiting, holding on to the prisoners lest they be tempted to make a dash for liberty in the dark, they heard kenton striking his flint against the steel. then a tiny blaze sprang up, which in turn was communicated to a long splinter of fat pine, taken from a tree, they afterwards learned, that had been lately riven by a thunderbolt, and hence was scrupulously avoided by the indians. when the torch lighted up the cavern the boys found that, owing to the formation of the rocks, it was next to impossible for any one outside to see signs of human occupancy. besides, should a seneca warrior discover a strange weird glow behind the water curtain, he would very likely fall on his face in the full belief that the spirits were holding council there, and that the fire was not of this world, but from the land of the great manitou. "here you can rest, my brave boys," said kenton, kindly. "we have plenty of meat, and there is no lack of fuel. the smoke of the fire escapes through crevices in the rocks above. see, yonder are beds of leaves and stripped hemlock. after we have eaten, and you have told me what you heard while hidden in the oak, you must lie down to rest. as to the rescue of kate, we will make our plans later." a fire was soon started, the same supply of pine wood doing service. and, under such singular conditions, the two young pioneers ate the first good meal they had enjoyed for more than a week. afterwards bob sat beside kenton while the borderer plied him with many questions. of course bob was not always able to give as intelligent an answer as he would like, since his ignorance of the indian tongue had prevented his understanding much that had been said by pontiac and the other head chiefs during the council; but kenton, in his customary shrewd way, managed to guess at what was lacking. "it is all plain to me, bob," he said, later on. "pontiac is at his old game, and hopes to weld all the various tribes from the alleghanies to the mississippi in a grand confederation in favor of the french, whom he loves, and against the english colonists, whom he despises. the sacs, his own people, the pottawottomies; the foxes; the delawares; even the illinois tribes he is sure of; also the shawanees. he longs to add the six nations, or iroquois, to the list. that is why his silver voice is heard in the land of the senecas," he added bitterly. "but the iroquois are the friends of the english?" bob exclaimed. "yes," kenton went on, a frown mantling his fine face. "they have been, in the past; but the artful french have long tried to undermine this old established friendship. they constantly seek opportunities to make the onondagas, the oneidas, the mohawks, the cayugas, the tuscaroras, and the senecas believe that the english governor of virginia is playing them false, and speaking with a double tongue." "but they have not wavered, up to now," said bob. "surely they hate the french so much that they will refuse to join with them in warring on our settlements, just because the lilies of france seek to run a line of trading posts all the way down the mississippi?" "we believe that is true with most of the tribes; but the senecas have acted in a suspicious way," returned the borderer. "that is why we two came up to this northern country. news reached boone that pontiac was sending his wampum belt to the seneca chief, kiashuta, with word that the owner expected to personally follow it up, and address a great gathering of the various tribes under the famous seneca council oak." "if that was kiashuta with whom pontiac departed, i greatly fear he is leaning toward the teaching of the great plotter," bob declared. "yes, he has little love for the english, the more the pity," kenton added; "but, left to himself, the seneca would have been swayed by his fellow chiefs of the six nations. now that he has heard the fiery, persuading voice of pontiac, i fear he, too, will be ready to dig up the hatchet that has been buried these many years, and go with his young braves on the warpath, burning and slaying." sandy had already thrown himself down on some of the hemlock boughs, and was far gone on the road to slumberland. the warmth of the cavern, together with his more satisfied mind, and the good supper of which he had just partaken, combined to make the lad very sleepy. nor was bob averse to following his example when he found that kenton had no more important questions to ask. he did not inquire as to what plans the other might have already budding in his mind, looking to the stealing of their captive sister from the clutches of the senecas. kenton was a man to be trusted when he had such a task on hand. he would sleep on it, and, with the coming of another day, no doubt they might hear just how he expected to go about entering the village of the senecas, and robbing black beaver's wigwam of its latest tenant, the paleface girl whom the young chief had stolen to replace the daughter so mourned by the old squaw, his mother. chapter xxiv kenton's life with the indians "must we wait for night to come, bob, before we can make a move?" asked sandy, as he and his brother sat back of the water curtain that concealed the wonderful cavern discovered by simon kenton. "why, what else could be done?" exclaimed bob. "in the broad daylight, if we left this hiding-place, we might run across some hunting party of senecas; or, perhaps, a group of other indians returning to their own country. what a calamity that would prove, sandy!" "yes, i understand," the younger boy replied, with a heavy sigh; "but how slowly the hours pass. they seem like lead to me. every minute drags as if it stood for ten. i've tried to sleep; but the terrible position of our poor sister haunts me. and then i get to thinking of father. what if it was his party that the indians attacked and killed." "we can only hope on, and trust that all will come out well in the end," replied bob, who only with a most determined effort was able to keep from falling into the same despondent condition that sandy showed. truth to tell, there was good reason for his courage to be put to the test. by some accident abijah cook, the companion of kenton on this long and hazardous trip to the country of the great lakes, had overheard some indians talking, while he lay concealed in a dense thicket near the borders of the seneca village. among other things which they discussed, was the information that a party of palefaces travelling eastward had been taken by surprise, and utterly wiped out of existence. their scalps even then adorned the lodge-poles of a shawanee village far to the southeast. it was true that the one who carried this news had claimed that the party numbered a round ten, as many as the fingers on both hands, but bob knew how such a thing might easily be stretched in the telling, and, while he pretended to scoff at the idea of their father's little party having fallen victims to the treachery of the red men, deep down in his heart he was conscious of a terrible chill every time his thoughts turned that way. "but how is it we do not see our good friend, blue jacket?" continued sandy. "he is not the one to desert us in such a terrible time as this." "never!" exclaimed bob, positively. "blue jacket is faithful to the death. you do not see him just now because kenton sent him to visit the village, and find out how the land lies." "but dare he enter there, with pontiac and all those other chiefs from distant tribes still present as guests of kiashuta?" asked sandy, puzzled. "why not," answered his brother, "when that is the very thing to make his coming seem perfectly natural. blue jacket is known as a coming man in his tribe. some day, if he lives, he will become famous, and, sandy, although i am sorry to say it, outside of our family i do not believe blue jacket loves the whites any too much." "no," declared sandy, quickly; "he has lost several dear relatives by the guns of the settlers. he was even engaged in trying to wipe out our little caravan at the time we saved his life, and won his eternal gratitude. i see now what you mean, bob. he can enter the village of the senecas, saying that he was on a mission for his far-away tribe, and, learning of the grand council, stopped to meet pontiac." "and to learn what the outcome of the grand palaver had been, so he might carry the news with him to his own people. i think he must be known to some of the other chiefs, who would vouch for him--long coat, the delaware; turtle heart and bald eagle, of the same nation; and even silver heels, who, like our friend, is a full-blooded shawanee. i am only worried about one thing, sandy." "tell me what that may be, then," asked bob's brother. "when blue jacket comes face-to-face with pontiac," the older pioneer boy went on, "will those far searching eyes of the great sachem look deep into his heart, and see that he has a double purpose in coming into the village? they say he has terrible eyes, that can read the secrets of the heart like the pages of a book." "but blue jacket really has no cause for fear!" sandy exclaimed. "his heart is with the plans of pontiac, only, in this case, he would try and save our little sister to us." "but," bob continued, shaking his head seriously, "think what would happen to him if they knew he had been hidden in the sacred oak, and assisted two palefaces to overhear the council!" "well, they are not going to know that, for a while at least," declared sandy; "unless one of our prisoners happens to get away. we must make sure that so great a disaster does not occur." "surely. but here is simon kenton coming to join us. i have wanted to ask him many things about the village of the senecas, where our kate is a prisoner, and perhaps, while we sit here, waiting for blue jacket's return, he may give us some account of what he has seen among the lodges of kiashuta." the borderer threw himself down beside them. "what were you two talking about just now?" he remarked, smiling in his pleasant way, for kenton was a most agreeable young fellow, with winning manners that made him many friends, even though boone looked upon him as a firebrand because of his extreme recklessness in fighting the indians. "i was just saying to sandy that, since you have been in the seneca village several times, you might tell us some of the things you saw there. is it a very large place; are the senecas feeling bitter against the white settlers; and what do they do when not on the warpath?" "both times that i was among the seneca lodges it was in disguise," smiled kenton, always ready to give information when it lay in his power. "a friendly indian decked me out in paint and feathers, and, as i speak the language almost as well as one of the natives, i had little difficulty. i was supposed to be a strolling cayuga, and received as such." "but on this present expedition you did not venture to go in among the lodges, because of the added danger, i suppose?" bob asked, deeply interested. "yes," kenton continued; "one night we stole past the guard, and scouted around; but the dogs got scent of us, and we found it best to leave in a hurry. there was more or less of a row; but the indians doubtless believed that it had only been some bold wild animal that had invaded the village in search of food. we easily covered our tracks, and, after that, decided to simply hang about, waiting for the coming of pontiac." "then you could not know anything about our sister, or the location of black beaver's lodge?" asked sandy, in a disappointed tone. "that is true," came the hunter's reply; "but all that information we expect the friendly shawanee chief to pick up right now. he knows his business, and, depend on it, his report will cover the ground." "i have always wanted to see the life of an indian village," bob went on; "but so far the chance has never come. sandy, here, was a prisoner once in a shawanee camp; but, as he was shut up in a wigwam until we managed to get him away, he saw little of what went on. as for me, i only had distant views of the place, and my curiosity was far from satisfied." "and, on my part, i know the life of the indian almost as well as i do that of my own kind," said kenton, thoughtfully. "many times have i spent a week among them, studying their ways, which have always had a strange fascination for me. yes, one old chief was determined to adopt me, and i even had to steal away from his village as though i were a thief. i have hunted with the red men; watched their several dances in the seasons; learned many of their secret ways of curing skins, and drying meat for winter use; studied the magic that their medicine men pretend to employ in healing the sick, and casting out devils by all sorts of incantations and rattling of sacred gourds. once i even assisted in securing the venom of the rattlesnake, which was to be used in poisoning the flint arrowheads they expected to use against their foes." "i have heard of that more than once, but never met any one who had really seen how it was done," exclaimed bob. "then i will tell you," kenton immediately remarked; "for, after all, it is a very simple operation, though terrible enough. when all preparations have been made an extra large rattlesnake is found and brought to bay. as he rests in his coils they proceed to provoke him, by prodding with poles, until he is desperately angry, and launches his flat head out again and again, while his rattles buzz like a locust in the bush." "oh! we have come across many a rattlesnake," observed sandy, "and have fully a dozen rattles at home to show for it. but they always give me a creepy feeling. i just can't help jumping every time i hear that dreadful warning." "having enraged the snake enough," kenton went on, "a piece of liver is fastened to the end of a pole, and this is thrust up close to the coiled rattlesnake, which strikes hard and often at the meat. later on this is allowed to turn green with the virus, and in this way a supply of poison is secured. but we ought to feel glad, boys, that the custom of poisoning arrows or spear points is as a rule frowned down upon by nearly all the tribes, as being too terrible. for, say what you will, i have found that there is a certain sense of honor among the redskins." "yes, we ought to be glad that is so," declared bob. "i've known quite a few who received wounds from arrows shot from hickory bows in the hands of indians, and, had the tips been dipped in poison, they would not now be alive to tell the story." "and i myself could show you marks where the feathered barbs have torn my flesh," went on the young borderer, calmly. "after watching that operation with the serpent i was more than a little uneasy the next time i received a wound. but the red men themselves long ago frowned down upon such a terrible process, so we have little to fear in that quarter." "then it will be necessary, if kate is rescued, that the village be entered under cover of darkness?" asked bob. "without doubt that will be our plan," said kenton. "i have been thinking it over, and arrived at a conclusion." "oh! please let us hear it!" exclaimed sandy, eagerly. "we must wait for a windy night, as well as a dark one," the frontiersman went on. "the wilder it is, the more chance we have for success, because we must set fire to the lodges, and start a fierce blaze, so that during the excitement, the girl can be taken away. after they have put out the flames the indians may believe that kate has just fled in fear of the danger." "i understand what you mean," cried sandy, "and it strikes me that it is a wonderful plan. it must succeed; only i'm sorry that we have to wait. a windy night may be a long time in coming; and how can we hold back?" "oh! at this changing season of the year there are few times when the wind does not blow, more or less," returned kenton, reassuringly. "perhaps it may be to-night for aught we know." "don't i just hope so," said the boy. "but i wish you would let us go with you into the village." "i'm afraid that might be taking too many risks," returned the borderer. "however, we will see, later on. at least, i mean to ask blue jacket to help me rig both of you out in paint, so that, in case you are seen, discovery would not necessarily follow." "oh! we have more than once done the same ourselves, when playing indian," said bob, readily; "and it will not be so hard to carry out the part. but i trust that we may be given a chance to see what the village of kiashuta looks like, while we wait for you to set the fires, and carry our sister off." "sandy, if you do not mind, it is about time we had something to eat," remarked kenton, turning with one of his rare smiles to the younger pioneer lad. "the fire is smoldering, and can be readily rekindled with a handful of small stuff. this inaction does not keep one from feeling hungry, it seems." so sandy, always ready to do his duty, scrambled to his feet, and started toward the other side of the wide cavern, stepping over the figure of abijah cook, who was making up for lost sleep while he had the chance. pat o'mara had gone off on a hunt for the day and had not returned. five seconds later and the voice of sandy rang out in wild alarm. "bob! kenton! make haste, or he will get away! it is armand lacroix, and he has slipped his bonds! see, he is making for the shelf! oh! stop him, somebody!" chapter xxv a birch-bark message even while sandy was shouting these thrilling words, a figure flitted past bob and simon kenton. it was the agile frenchman, and he was making at full speed for the shelf where the exit of the strange cavern lay. abijah cook, aroused by the cries, scrambled to his feet, being doubtless under the impression that they had been attacked by a large force of the dusky enemy, against whom his hand had been pitted in continual warfare. there was a collision, and the borderer measured his length again on the stone floor of the cavern. the fleeing form of armand lacroix was just glimpsed as he shot around the corner of rock that lay between the rear part of the cave and the waterfall. for once kenton did not happen to have his rifle with him, since he had no reason to dream that he would need it. his first act had been to leap wildly forward in the hope that he might yet snatch the weapon up before the frenchman could vanish beyond the outcropping of rocks. bob had seen that, when lacroix regained his feet after his collision with abijah, he held something in his grasp that had not been there before. it was the weapon of the big borderer, which doubtless the cunning french trapper had made up his mind to snatch up even before he started to escape. kenton knew just where his own rifle was leaning against the wall, and, as he reached the spot, he snatched it up with a single movement. then he went flying after the figure of the frenchman, leaving the two boys dumb with fear lest their plans were now doomed to utter defeat. larue and his two companions had witnessed with mingled feelings this dash for liberty on the part of lacroix. they exchanged many low mutterings among themselves, and, while neither of the boys could understand much french, they felt sure that larue was furious because the other had not waited to cut their bonds before dashing off, and thus giving them a chance to escape also. "oh! what if he gets clear away?" said sandy, when several minutes had passed, and kenton did not return. "i hope that may not be," bob remarked between his set teeth. "for his first act will be to bring the senecas against us, and, even if we managed to escape, think of what kate's fate would be." "hark!" cried sandy, gripping his brother's arm convulsively; "did you hear that, bob?" "surely," replied the other, endeavoring to control his anxiety as best he was able. "it was the report of a gun without a doubt; though, under here, sounds come but faintly." "yes, but mark that there was only one shot!" continued sandy. "whoever fired that did not miss. if it was kenton, then we have no longer any need of fear lest we be betrayed; but, should it have been armand lacroix, perhaps we have lost our best friend, and the whole frontier will mourn the death of brave simon kenton." they sat there waiting. the roar of the waterfall was the only sound that came to their ears. both of them gripped their guns in nervous hands, and had no heart to exchange further words. "some one is coming," whispered sandy, suddenly. "yes," his brother added, as he raised his musket so as to be ready for any emergency; "i, too, saw a shadow flit past that bright spot on the wall. oh!" kenton suddenly stood before them. the first thing bob and sandy noticed was that the young borderer carried _two_ guns! they could easily guess the meaning of such a thing. "here is your rifle, abijah!" said the returned frontiersman, as he handed the weapon over to his big companion; then he coolly started to reload his own gun. "but--armand lacroix, what of him?" asked sandy, appalled at the consciousness that one of those dark tragedies, so common on the border, must have just taken place. "fear no ill," said simon kenton, calmly. "he will not betray us. we are safe yet a while, my brave boys." nor would he utter another word at the time to satisfy the terrible curiosity of the lads. they could, however, easily picture what had happened--how swiftly the athletic young borderer had pursued the fleeing frenchman, and, coming in sight of him, perhaps just as armand, lacroix was about to use his gun, had taken a shot himself. his well-known skill with firearms had stood kenton in good stead once more. later on, abijah told them how kenton had spent a few minutes in concealing all signs of the tragedy, so that, in case any prowling indians, attracted by the rifle shot, came around to ascertain what it meant, they would fail to learn anything. even the trail of himself and the frenchman from the waterfall to the scene of the final meeting was utterly hidden as kenton backed once more in the direction of the hidden cavern. sandy went on with his preparations for the meal; but his hand was not quite so steady as usual when he contemplated the tremendous consequences that must have followed, had the french trapper escaped. it was difficult to realize that armand lacroix would give them no more trouble; that as he had lived, so had he finally died--by violence. they were yet eating, when silently blue jacket entered the cavern, grave as was his custom. sandy was immediately wringing his brown hand, and plying him with a multitude of questions. so excited did the boy seem that finally kenton spoke to him rather sternly. "let me find out what has been done, sandy," he said. "chief, did you discover where the wigwam of black beaver is situated in the village?" "it lies at further edge, close to region of rising sun," replied blue jacket, readily enough; for, while he did not entertain the same feeling toward kenton that he had in his breast for the armstrong family, at the same time he recognized, in this friend of the great colonel boone, one who held the respect of all hostile indians on account of his dash and valor. "good. that will be of value to us when we start the blaze going," declared the borderer; "because the chances are ten to one that the wind will be out of the west, and hence we can begin work far away from that single lodge. as the indians rush toward the fire, to put it out, they will leave the eastern side of the village unguarded; then we can do what we have planned, and disappear." "did you meet pontiac?" asked bob, who could not forget his fears for blue jacket, should such an encounter take place. "blue jacket ask see um," replied the shawanee; "when he exchange greetings with chief, silver heels, whom he knows. some time, perhaps, blue jacket may yet follow in footsteps of great pontiac. if any one man bind the tribes in big league to drive paleface back beyond the hills, pontiac do it. and the heart of blue jacket beats true to his people." "did you take note of the village, so as to know where to start the fire in case we are compelled to adopt that method of confusion, under cover of which kate may be rescued?" kenton continued. he purposely brought the name of the girl into what he said, for he saw that the young shawanee winced at mention of firing the village. only his devotion to the armstrong family would induce him to thus play a double part, and turn upon his own people. "blue jacket did all that," came the answer slowly, as though it were only with a great effort that the indian brought himself to confess how he had spied on the senecas, who were allies of his own tribe. "you do not think pontiac suspected you, i hope?" asked kenton. "not so. blue jacket hide feelings. no can tell what um think. great sachem much pleased meet blue jacket. say hear good report same. bob, sandy, get chance see sister. nobody look, talk, kate grind maize in stone. come 'long again, find this on ground. bring bob, him read trail of crazy fly on bark!" (note .) to the astonishment and delight of the boys he suddenly produced a small strip of birch bark from his little ornamented bag where he carried his flints, together with the paints which were used to decorate his face when on the warpath, and various other things dear to the heart of a brave. upon the smooth inner surface of the tiny roll of bark kate had managed to write just a few words, using the juice of the poke berry, and perhaps a splinter of wood in place of a quill. "bob--sandy, come and take me home to mother. kate." tears came unbidden into the eyes of both boys as they saw these expressive words which had been inscribed on the bark by their dear little sister. they could read between the lines the dumb pain of a heart nearly broken by the extent of the terrible disaster that had befallen the child. sandy, less able to contain his feelings than his brother, did actually press the rude letter to his boyish lips; nor was kenton apt to think any the less of the lad for this open exhibition of grief. he knew the tender love that bound together the three children of david armstrong. "then you found a chance to talk with the maiden, did you, blue jacket?" asked the borderer, turning again to the shawanee messenger. "blue jacket stand by watching her grind in mill. when no one look and none hear blue jacket tell how bob, sandy come all way from ohio to save little papoose. then drop piece of bark, so can make marks for bob. after some time come again that way. kate in wigwam, bark lie on ground with trail of wounded fly on back. it is well. she know we come soon. she wait and be ready. ugh!" if they asked a score more questions they would hardly have received further information. in his own crude but effective way blue jacket had told his story. it needed no embellishment. the boys were able to mentally picture just what had occurred, and it pleased them to think that at least kate knew of their coming. she would be able to dry her tears now, perhaps, with her heart thrilled with this new hope and expectation of a speedy rescue. "i am glad to have a chance to help in saving so brave a girl," remarked kenton, as he fingered the little roll of bark on which kate had sent her message. "what would the pioneers be able to accomplish if it were not for such valiant mothers, wives and daughters! if this beautiful country is ever given over to the whites, more than half of the credit will belong to those who loaded the guns, while their men fired them." in turn blue jacket was told about the fate of armand lacroix, for, of course, he quickly counted one less among the bound figures lying on the rocky floor. not by the movement of a facial muscle did he betray what he may have thought; but bob noticed that, when kenton was not looking, the young shawanee cast several glances of admiration in his direction. such a bold man as simon kenton could not but excite the envy and admiration of every adventurous spirit, be he white or red. so it was that colonel boone made many friends among the indians, and, on one occasion, when he fell into their power, instead of putting him to death, they adopted him into the tribe. he even lived among them for months. hearing that a heavy force was setting out to destroy boonesborough, and rendered desperate by the fear that his friends and relatives might thus be murdered, boone had escaped, and managed to rejoin his kindred in time to assist in the defence of the settlement he had himself started. the afternoon dragged along. pat o'mara came back from his hunt but brought no news. poor sandy did nothing, bob thought, but growl, get up to walk around the confined space of the cavern, lie down again in a vain attempt to coax sleep to his eyes, and in all sorts of ways proclaim his impatience. but, by degrees, the time passed. they had no means of telling the hour save as the shadows lengthened; the sun-dial they depended on was the dropping of the glowing day god behind the western horizon. and, when it became apparent that the twilight had actually changed into darkness, sandy breathed a sigh of satisfaction in his brother's ear. "now it cannot be long!" he declared. "once darkness settles over the land, and surely kenton will bid us depart from this place, which i never want to see again; for i have lived and grown old here. but, oh! i only; hope there will be plenty of wind! there, he has gone out to see how things look. let us pray he returns to tell us the wind has risen." chapter xxvi the war dance "what of the weather?" asked sandy, as soon as simon kenton once more entered the cavern. "so far there is good reason to hope," replied the borderer, cheerfully. "you could not make me happier than by saying that!" cried the young pioneer, the anxious expression vanishing from his face. "then we can expect to get away from here, and start things moving at the village of kiashuta? may we go now?" "not for several hours," said kenton, shaking his head. "but the wind may die out by then; or something else might happen to upset all our plans?" urged the boy. "not much danger of that, sandy," bob put in. "if the wind is blowing fairly now, it will grow stronger before it dies out." "well said, bob," declared the borderer; "for it is bound to do that, as i know from the look of the clouds. blue jacket, too, says a storm is brewing, though it may not break until early morning, so we need not fear that the lodges will get wet, and refuse to burn. my plan would be to start the fires just as the gale begins to sweep down. with the rush of the wind, and the roar of the flames, the reds will be half crazy with fear." he made sure that blue jacket was not close by when he said this, because he knew how it would make the young chief wince. "but what about your plan for dressing us all up to look like the indians?" questioned bob. "we may as well get at that now," kenton replied, promptly. "i've some paints in my own ditty bag, and blue jacket will furnish the rest. as we do not mean to be seen at close quarters, it can be easily fixed. come here, both of you, boys, and let me begin work." in a short time the crafty hand of kenton had daubed enough paint over the faces and hands of the boys to make them look like young warriors of the senecas. so long as they kept well within the half shadows there would seem to be little danger that their real identity would be discovered. boylike, they rather enjoyed the strange experience. sandy would have been even willing to venture into the village, and try to mingle with the crowd, had kenton given his permission; but this the borderer was not likely to do, since he knew what must follow. after that the rangers decorated one another, so that they too might pass for seneca warriors if they kept on their guard. "you see," remarked kenton, as they sat there eating the evening meal, with only a torch fastened on the wall to give them light, "one thing that is going to help us a heap is the fact that, just now, there are many strange indians in the seneca village, more than i have ever seen together, even in old chillicothe town. we can pass for some of those who have journeyed far to listen to the words falling from the lips of the great pontiac." an hour later, sandy was electrified by observing that the borderer had given a signal to blue jacket, abijah cook and pat o'mara, at the same time rising from his seat, where he had been squatted cross-legged on the rocky floor. "it is time!" said kenton, in a quiet tone, though not a muscle in his whole body gave evidence of excitement. "at last!" sighed sandy, as he hastened to get on his feet, gripping his musket in his fingers. the borderer spoke a few last words, after which he made both lads pledge themselves to control their eagerness, and promise to obey his orders. once out of the hateful cavern, and under the trees, the boys looked about them. they had had more or less experience as woodsmen, young though they were, and it was no great task for either bob or sandy to read the signs in the heavens. clouds drifted across the sky, coming up out of the west, so that only once in a while were a few stars seen. the wind moaned fitfully in the trees, and gave promise of increasing in strength as the night grew older. yes, just as kenton had declared, there was a storm in prospect, though it might not break for several hours. kenton immediately took the lead, though blue jacket clung to his side as if to advise in case the borderer needed assistance. but kenton was really as much at home in the forest as the red son of the wilderness. to him all signs were plain to read. he knew just where the seneca village lay, and how long it was likely to take them to reach it. they had left the three frenchmen bound in the cavern. larue had pleaded to be released, vowing that not one of them would whisper to the indians concerning the presence of these invaders in their midst. but kenton refused to take their word. he did not have a very high opinion of these french canadian trappers as a whole; and feared lest the fellow might betray them just to curry favor with pontiac, with whom he had quarrelled at the council. once they were well away, blue jacket would find some means of communicating with the senecas, and tell them of the prisoners in the secret grotto under the cataract. in indian file they started for the distant lodges of the senecas. winding in and out of the woods, as kenton picked his course, they left the stream behind them. two miles had been placed behind. the boys had known for some time that they were approaching the seneca town. lights could be seen ahead, as of numerous fires. sounds also came to their ears--voices of warriors chanting; the monotonous beating of the war drum, known as a tomtom; barking of excited curs of which every indian village boasted its scores, most of them wolf-like in their savage nature; and even the loud laughter of half-grown indian boys, who were perhaps indulging in foot races, or some other form of rivalry. closer still did kenton lead them. now and then he would stop, and hold a few words of whispered conversation with blue jacket, after which, possibly, his course might change a trifle, as he received advice. finally they lay down, and began to crawl through the high grass and scattered weeds and bushes. the hearts of the two boys were throbbing with intense excitement. they could see the numerous skin lodges every time they raised their heads, and it thrilled bob and sandy to realize that, in one of the many score before them, the little lost sister might even then be crouching, waiting in mingled hope and fear for her brothers' coming. not once did either lad feel the slightest fear, yet they knew well what was likely to be their fate should the indians discover their presence. spies they would be deemed, and, after the gantlet running, they might expect death at the stake. finally they halted in the last cover on the border of the village. before them they saw scores upon scores of indians, gathering as if in expectation of some great game or ceremony. the crouching figures found space between the drooping twigs of the bushy screen to observe what was taking place. kenton whispered something in the ear of bob, who in turn passed the intelligence on to his brother. "war-dance!" was what he said, and both lads eagerly watched to see the wonderful spectacle of which they had so often heard, but up to now never found a chance to observe. a painted post had been driven into the ground in the midst of the cleared space. around this the indian braves and chiefs gathered, all facing toward a common centre. pontiac and some of the visiting head men were given places of honor on a rude platform, where they could remain spectators. and the great sachem was doubtless pleased at being able to observe how his fiery words of exhortation had decided kiashuta and his warlike senecas to dig up the hatchet against the paleface invaders. fires and torches illuminated the scene, casting their deep red glare upon the dusky boughs of the surrounding pines, and upon the wild multitude of warriors who, fluttering with feathers, and bedaubed with bright paint, had gathered for the celebration of the war-dance. first of all kiashuta himself leaped into the circle, brandishing his tomahawk as if rushing upon an enemy. in a loud voice he chanted his own past exploits, after the customary boastful way of an indian, and then those of his departed ancestors, whose memory he honored. and, as he thus sang and shrieked, he acted the scenes over again, sending forth the shrill war-whoop with which the foe had so often been terrorized, throwing himself into all the postures of actual combat, striking the post as though it were an enemy, and then tearing the scalp from the head of an imaginary victim. long before he had completed his part in the drama another chief had started in to excel kiashuta; and, by degrees, still more, chiefs and braves, joined in the mad carnival of noise and movement, until the sight was one that neither of the young pioneers would ever forget as long as he lived. finally, the whole assembly, as if fired with sudden frenzy, rushed together into the ring, leaping, stamping, whooping and shrieking. they brandished knives and hatchets in the firelight, hacking and stabbing the air in their great excitement, while at intervals their cries arose to such a pitch that they might have been heard miles away over the lonely forest. kenton had undoubtedly witnessed this stirring scene before, and possibly abijah cook may also have had that experience; but the two boys stared and trembled as the war-dance grew more and more violent. finally the ceremony was over. kiashuta himself gave a signal that hushed the mad carnival of noise. once again it was possible for those who lay back of the friendly screen of grass and bushes to distinguish individual sounds. bob heard his brother give a long sigh, close to his ear. he knew how eager sandy had always been to witness strange sights and explore the untracked wilderness. it was easy to understand that the boy must consider that he had just looked upon the most wonderful spectacle that he would ever see in all the days of his life. but they must not forget why they were there. it had been with no desire to look upon any of the ceremonial dances of the indians that they had taken their lives in their hands, and crept close to the borders of the hostile village of the iroquois. kate--that was the magic name by which they had been led over hundreds of weary miles, scorning peril, and laughing at all manner of privation. was the wind really strengthening, or did bob dream it simply because he wished for such a thing to come about? now that the racket had died away as suddenly as it had arisen, something like quiet settled down over the village, with its warriors exhausted by the violence of their fierce, assumed fury. and bob, listening, was sure the sound of the breeze in the tops of the near-by pines had gained something in volume. he knew how the plans of kenton had been laid. there was nothing for either himself or sandy to do, save to remain where they were placed, and wait until their allies had accomplished their undertaking. the white men were to start the blaze, because it was asking too much of blue jacket to expect him to set fire to the lodges of his kind; but the young shawanee chieftain had agreed, on his part, to steal kate from the wigwam of black beaver, and bring her to the appointed rendezvous. but how long a time must elapse before the excited owners of all these painted lodges would settle down into quiet, so that operations could begin? sandy knew he must again possess his soul in patience. he was just about to try to whisper something in the ear of his brother when he caught a low hiss. undoubtedly kenton himself was responsible for this warning. it signified that sudden danger hung over their heads. sandy flattened himself out on the ground as though he were a panther creeping up on its intended prey. and in doing this his ear came so closely in contact with the earth that he was enabled to hear the swish of bushes, and the low patter of feet upon the dead leaves in the forest behind them. indians were coming, running on the dog-trot for which they have always been famous! chapter xxvii pontiac's peril closer came the footfalls. bob almost held his breath, as he began to fear that the approaching indians must actually step upon them, when discovery would of necessity follow. it was a terrible moment of suspense. but kenton had anticipated something of this sort, it would seem, when he led his little expedition into that patch of brush. the leading figure turned abruptly aside when just about to jump into the thicket, and those following at his heels did likewise. bob, out of the tail of his eye, for he dared not even move his head, counted seven warriors go leaping past. they gave vent to tremendous whoops as they thus burst into the village, and, from the answering cries, it was plain to be seen that they were envoys, sent from some distant indian settlement to pontiac. again there was more or less noise and confusion, with dogs harking, and many voices raised, asking what it all meant. the indian messengers were taken into the heart of the village, where doubtless they secured an immediate interview with pontiac and the head chiefs, after which they would be served a feast of baked dog, provided for the occasion. once again bob and his brother breathed easy. it had, however, been a narrow escape, and they felt that they had reason to feel thankful because discovery was thus averted. how sandy would have liked to be able to whisper what was passing through his mind; but he had been warned against this by kenton, and realized that silence would add to their chance of success. they no longer lay flat on the earth, for, with the change in conditions, kenton led the way, once more crouching on his knees, so as to look through the little openings in the bushes. the hour was growing late, and by degrees they noted that the crowds had begun to disappear from the open spaces between the numerous lodges that went to make up the great village of kiashuta and his branch of the seneca tribe. already had all the squaws vanished from sight, as well as the numerous papooses and the half-grown boys who had been allowed to witness this wild dance in the hope that it might inspire them with a desire to emulate the fighting warriors as they grew older. "listen--the wind!" sandy could not help saying this into the ear of his brother, taking advantage of some noise close by, which he believed would muffle the sound of his voice. bob had not been unmindful of the fact that the pine tops were now swaying before the breeze. they no longer sighed and moaned, but there was a decided "swish" as they strove to hold their heads up before the rising gusts. kenton, too, had taken note of this fact. he knew that it was time he and abijah and blue jacket were going. they must make a detour, and yet arrive on the scene of their contemplated labors before the storm broke. bob and sandy did not attempt to follow. their duty was to lie still where they were until the alarm was given, and, with the flashing up of numerous fires, to retreat to a certain spot where five chestnuts grew in a clump. here they would be joined, not only by the two scouts, but by blue jacket as well, and the latter was expected to bring with him the little captive girl, their sister kate. kenton and his companion would have a dangerous mission. they intended to apply the blazing torch to as many of the lodges on the windward side of the village as they possibly could, so that the fire would get such a start that it could not possibly be put out before much damage had been done. of course, while they were thus running hither and thither, thrusting their firebrands this way and that, they took chances of being impaled on the spear of some furious brave, or feeling a tomahawk come crashing down upon their heads; but so often had they dared such risks that they gave it slight heed now. left alone, the young pioneers began to feel the responsibility of their position. there, just before them, lay the great indian village, with its hundreds of people, and its scores upon scores of lodges, in each of which rested those who were now declared enemies to the whites. true, there might be found a few whose skins were not red; but their hearts were even blacker than that of any indian, for such renegades as simon girty hated their own kind as venomously as so many snakes would have done. driven out of the settlements along the border for various crimes, they had joined their fortunes with the savages, and at all times distanced the most cruel and crafty indian in their treacherous conduct toward the pioneers. there was no one close enough now to catch a low whisper, so that sandy, who felt that he must express his feelings or burst, took occasion to say in the ear of the other: "can you give a guess where black beaver's lodge lies, bob?" now, that was a matter to which the other had himself given more or less attention. when he surveyed the numerous skin shelters, with their three poles sticking up out of the hole at the top, where the smoke of the fire came forth, he had kept in mind what blue jacket told him about the symbolic and crude paintings with which black beaver had decorated his tepee. "when the fires burned their brightest i thought i saw it away off yonder to the right," he answered, in the same cautious tone that would be utterly unheard five feet away, especially while that breeze rustled the waving branches of the overhanging trees. "yes, that is to the east, and he said it lay there," continued sandy. "but try to tell me which it was. can you make it out still, bob?" "i think so," replied the other, who knew that sandy simply wished to feast his hungry eyes on the wigwam thus picked out, and try to imagine that he could see the loved form of little kate beyond its painted walls. "look closely," he went on, softly, "and notice that large lodge with the buffalo and the hunter. there, a fire just blazed up, and you can see it plainly. now, the third one beyond has a double border of pictures on the skin. when the light was good i could see them plainly, and i am sure they are just what blue jacket told me black beaver had decorated his lodge with." "i see which one you mean, bob, thank you." and again sandy sighed as he glued his eyes on that particular wigwam, which he believed contained the lode-star that had guided him through all the perils hovering in the woods between the ohio and the great lakes. then sandy fell silent again. several times he gave a quick gasp, as he fancied he caught some movement in the vicinity of that very lodge. could it be their faithful friend, blue jacket, hovering about, and making ready to strike when the wild alarm called the young seneca chief hurrying from his lodge to assist in fighting the devouring flames? bob believed that enough time had now elapsed to allow the others to reach the stations assigned to them. that the blazing torch of the incendiary was not already in evidence he believed due to one or two causes. first, kenton may have concluded that there were still too many warriors moving about in the village. they would be in a position to attack the holders of the firebrands, and, worse luck still, to put out the fire before it had gained sufficient headway. then again, the storm, while growling in the distance, did not show signs of bursting upon the lake shore immediately, and its presence was very essential, in order to make the havoc so tremendous that the terrified indians could think of nothing save the wild fight to prevent the whole village from going up in flames and smoke. "hist! yonder come two indians this way! be silent!" bob gave this warning because he did not know what moment his brother might attempt to communicate with him again, for sandy always found it hard work to keep a still tongue in his head. just as he had said, a couple of indians were walking slowly in their direction, seemingly in deep conversation. sandy nudged his brother in the side, and managed to whisper, despite the warning he had received: "one is pontiac himself!" but bob had before now discovered this fact for himself; also that the companion of the great sachem was no other than the warlike seneca chief, kiashuta. perhaps pontiac intended leaving the village at daybreak, in order to proceed on his travels, stirring up hatred in the breasts of every tribe he visited. and there were many things he wished to communicate to his red brother ere he went away. they came to a stand not more than forty feet away from the bushes behind which the two armstrong boys crouched. sandy had even feared lest they meant to enter the forest at that particular point, and in so doing might stumble on the pair of young spies hiding there. but bob had seen that they were really heading for a log that happened to be lying in the open. upon this they sat down, and for some little time pontiac continued to speak in low but earnest tones. it might be he was finding out just how many armed warriors kiashuta could throw into the field at short notice, when the signal belt reached him that the confederated tribes had risen in their might. bob wished they would finish their palaver, and depart. he feared that, should kenton take a notion to start operations, the presence of these two chiefs so near the hiding-place of himself and sandy might interfere with their withdrawal, according to the plans laid out. again sandy nudged him to indicate something; but it was only that kiashuta had arisen and hurried away, going direct to the large lodge in the centre of the village that marked the wigwam of the head chief. pontiac remained seated, with his back almost directly toward the spies. his air was thoughtful, as though the weight of many problems rested heavily upon his mind. by this time the boys had grown accustomed to the sight of the most famous of all indian chiefs. his presence no longer inspired them with that sensation of awe such as had marked their first glimpse of the magic leader, as he addressed the council under the sacred oak. "i hope he goes away soon!" whispered sandy, unable to keep utterly still. "perhaps we can back out slowly, an inch at a time," answered his brother; for the storm was muttering louder now, and seemed on the point of developing without much waste of time. he began to follow his words with action, wriggling backward, and being careful not to stir the bushes in the least. sandy, realizing that his brother was actually moving, also began to work his way back. an inch at a time, if continued for a certain distance, would allow of their making better progress, until they could finally rise to their feet, and glide off to the rendezvous of the five chestnuts. he was alongside bob, and still wriggling along, keeping his eyes in the direction where that kingly figure sat upon the log, when the older boy felt his fingers gripping his arm. sandy did not utter a single word; perhaps he could not find his voice to do so, he was so shocked by what he had suddenly discovered. bob, catching some of the same spirit, simply shut his hands tight together, and held his breath, while a low whispered "oh!" fell from his parted lips. just behind the sitting form of pontiac a bending figure was creeping, and an uplifted hand clutched a terrible club, which the would-be assassin undoubtedly meant to bring down with cruel force on the unprotected head of the war sachem. and to his intense astonishment bob recognized in this creeping figure jacques larue, whom they had left tied hand and foot in the cascade cavern! chapter xxviii when all seemed lost sandy armstrong was an impulsive boy, as has been shown more than once in these pages. he often acted on a sudden inspiration, and without weighing matters over in his mind. this disposition to do things on the spur of the moment was a part of his nature, and did not spring from the mere fact that he was a lad; for his brother bob had no such failing. kenton had seen it in sandy, and it aroused a fellow-feeling in the breast of the famous borderer for the young pioneer, because he himself had many times been taken to task by daniel boone for showing the same weakness. sandy only saw that a scoundrel was creeping up behind a brave man with the intention of doing him a deadly injury. little he considered that pontiac towered head and shoulders above every indian foe the struggling settlers in the wilderness might ever know, and that his untimely death would really be a blessing to the entire white race. horror filled his young soul at the dastardly nature of the revengeful larue's intentions. the pondering sachem was utterly ignorant of the presence of an enemy, as he sat there on that log, waiting for the return of the seneca chief. even then the french trapper was towering over the bent figure, his hands grasping that club, as he summoned all his strength for the blow, meaning to make short work of his enemy. the public insult which pontiac had put upon him doubtless rankled in the heart of the frenchman. making his escape from the cavern, where he had been left apparently securely tied hand and foot, he must have headed for the indian village in order to betray the plans of the invaders. then, suddenly discovering the great leader of the tribes seated there alone, an overmastering desire for revenge took complete possession of him. bob was himself almost frozen with horror as he saw the drama that was being played there before his eyes. he wanted to shout out, and at least warn pontiac, so that the chief might have a chance for his life; but somehow it seemed as though his tongue clove to the roof of his mouth. then came a loud report. it was so close to his ear that it almost deafened bob; but he was conscious of the fact that his brother must have fired the shot. sandy had indeed fired, just as he saw the burly frenchman about to bring down his club on the unprotected head of the sachem. as we know, the boy of the ohio river cabin was a splendid shot with that old musket which he carried; but even at such a time he could not find it in his heart to attempt the life of a white man, however much larue merited such a fate. consequently he endeavored to prevent the frenchman's crime by sending a bullet through his uplifted arm. instantly all was confusion. it was as though that crash of a gun sounded the signal for an immediate upheaval. larue's arm fell to his side as, in a panic, he dropped the club, and tried to turn for flight. pontiac was already on his feet, and, grasping the situation, a yell pealed from his lips as he flung himself boldly upon the back of the french trapper, bearing him to the ground, where they struggled like a couple of angry wolverines. scores of braves dashed wildly from their lodges, some calling, others answering, and all running hither and thither like a pack of hounds searching for a lost trail. bob was dazed by what had happened. he realized that probably it meant the complete blocking of the bright plans which their friend, simon kenton, had arranged for the rescue of little kate. had sandy been to blame? should the reckless boy have restrained his impulse to shoot down the wretch who would slay the great indian leader in cold blood? it was no time to ask such questions. they were themselves in great danger. the warriors were constantly widening their circles as they ran, and at any moment one of them might discover the crouching figures of the young pioneers in the grass and weeds. "back out, sandy! quick, or all is lost!" bob managed to whisper hoarsely in the ear of his comrade. doubtless sandy realized how his act was likely to result. had he been content to allow matters to take their course pontiac would ere now have been hurried on his way to the happy hunting grounds of the red men; and all this confusion avoided. it was too late for vain regrets. the thing was done, and all that remained for them now was to try to escape. if they could manage to get off undiscovered they might effect a reunion with the others, and hide in the forest, waiting for another opportunity to come. so they started to push backward, hoping that fortune might be kind enough to allow them to reach the thick timber, where it would be easy to glide away unseen by the keen eyes of the red searchers. around pontiac a dozen warriors had clustered. they seemed to understand that a desperate effort had been made to kill the great sachem, whose words had so recently thrilled them in the grand council; for all accounts agree in saying that no indian ever spoke as did this gifted orator, pontiac. larue was struggling in the hands of several furious braves. they would have made short work of the treacherous frenchman only that the voice of pontiac himself prevented his summary execution. "lay no hand on him in anger, warriors!" he called out. "let him be taken to the strong lodge and there kept fast until your chief can decide his fate. it is the will of pontiac; let none refuse to obey!" after that no one dared strike the prisoner, who was dragged away shrieking, and wildly defying the man he hated. all this excitement was in the favor of the two boys. it gave them a better opportunity to push further away from the dangerous vicinity of the log upon which the visiting sachem had been seated when so rudely disturbed by that shot. and it goes without saying that both lads wasted not a second of time in trying to gain the shelter of the woods. they knew that kenton must have been discouraged in his plans by this unexpected happening, because there came no sudden alarm of fire, though the wind was already strong enough to have answered his purpose. perhaps he fancied that, through some unfortunate freak of fate, bob and his brother had fallen into the power of the indians; that heavy gunshot would seem to indicate as much, since few among the senecas carried firearms. while all these things had happened very rapidly, and it could not have been more than three minutes since sandy fired; still, the time seemed tenfold as long to the retreating boys. finally they reached the shelter of the heavier timber, and breathed a sigh of relief. in those early days the settlers had a saying to the effect that "a white man should not shout until he was out of the woods, nor an indian until he had gained their shelter." when bob and his brother experienced a sense of safety after finally reaching the timber, they counted without their host. flitting figures were around them, though they knew it not, some of the indians having hastened away at the first alarm, under the impression that it meant an attack on the part of the whites. these braves flattened themselves against the earth, and lay like logs until the boys, straightening up, started to glide away. then there was a whoop, a sudden springing into life of the dusky figures, and, before either bob or sandy could make a single effort at self-defence, they were borne down under the weight of their enemies, who were not deceived by the paint with which they had covered their faces. with hearts as heavy as lead the brave boys were conducted into the village, now a seething volcano. word had gone around of the base attempt on the life of the sachem who had long been the idol of so many tribes; and looked upon as the leader sent by the great manitou to drive the rash white men back into the sea whence they came. every minute the indignation increased. they saw in the act a dark plot to cut them off from the leadership of the only general who had ever been able to make an alliance between a dozen tribes, and unite them against the common enemy. the open space which, but a few minutes before, had been entirely vacant, save for the presence of pontiac and kiashuta, was now a seething sea of jostling braves, waving their hatchets and knives, and demanding summary vengeance on the treacherous snakes who had crawled into their midst with such base designs in their hearts. sandy shrank back, appalled at the terrible sight. bob bore himself a little more bravely, though his heart, too, was cold with dread. "bob, forgive me!" cried sandy, filled with remorse because again had his hasty action brought them to the verge of disaster. "i was a fool to do what i did; but i did not stop to think. i only saw that scoundrel about to kill a defenceless man, and something urged me to prevent the murder. i deserve all that is coming to me. if only you could be spared i wouldn't complain." "stop that sort of talk, sandy," answered the other, hoarsely. "i am not worrying over what will happen to me. all i regret is that now kate will not have any chance to escape. and poor mother will be heartbroken because all of her children have been taken from her." "oh! fool! fool that i was!" moaned sandy, bitterly. "father always warned me that some day my hasty nature would play me an ill turn. what do you suppose they will do with us now? some of these braves look so ugly that i do not think we will ever live to see the sun rise again." "wait," said bob, with a trace of encouragement in his voice; but whether he only spoke in this manner to comfort his younger brother, or because he really saw a sudden gleam of hope, sandy could not guess. when bob uttered this one word his eyes were fastened upon the face of pontiac, who was thoughtfully surveying the prisoners. and perhaps it was something he saw in the countenance of the renowned sachem that encouraged the boy. threatening braves pushed around them; tomahawks were waving in the air above their heads; and awful shouts sounded in their ears. sandy closed his eyes, as though unable to face the doom which he feared was so close. doubtless in that moment of suspense his mind flew to that dear cabin far away, where he knew his mother must be waiting every day for the safe return of her children, and praying that they might be spared to her. a groan burst from his lips; but it did not spring from fear of the fate that hung over his own head. "kate! mother! oh! heaven help them!" sandy said, again and again. still bob watched the great leader. he seemed to divine that, if help came at all to himself and his brother, it must spring from pontiac alone. and when he saw the chief suddenly push forward toward the struggling group, where the excited braves were jostling each other about, each anxious to have the glory of finishing the young captives, he had faith to believe that all was not yet over. now the voice of pontiac was heard again, and as before commanding that none dare to injure the prisoners until permission were given. he stood in front of them now, so close that, had bob been free to use his arms, and dared, he might have put out a hand and touched the person of the sachem. long and earnestly did pontiac look them over. wonder marked his face when he saw that they were but half-grown lads, striplings who had better have been safe in their cabin far away, rather than here in a hostile land, with a thousand mortal foes around them. then pontiac turned to the heaving crowd of painted warriors, with every wild eye fastened upon his face. "these paleface boys carry no arms," he said. "some warrior has the gun of each. let them bring to me the shooting sticks, that i may examine them!" and, as he heard these words, somehow the heart of bob gave a leap for joy. chapter xxix the word of an indian chief "what is he going to do, bob?" demanded sandy, who had opened his eyes, after a minute or so had passed without the expected blow, and who heard pontiac's demand that the guns of the prisoners be handed to him without understanding what the meaning of the order could be. "watch and see!" replied bob, in a husky voice, and without taking his eyes off the sachem a second. he himself, as yet, had only a vague suspicion concerning any benefit that might spring from this action on the part of pontiac. almost as in a dream, then, sandy saw first one musket thrust out to the famous chieftain, and then the second. pontiac examined them eagerly, and, after handling the gun belonging to bob, once more gave it back into the possession of the keeper. but, as he raised that which sandy himself had owned, a look of intelligence flashed across the dark face of the indian. he even raised the musket to his nose as though to smell the odor of burnt powder that must have still clung to it after the recent discharge. then he turned upon the two young prisoners. "yours?" he demanded, his flashing eyes fastened on the astonished face of sandy, just as though he had been able to read the nature of both lads in that single earnest look, and understood how impulse swayed one more than the other. sandy might have wished to deny all ownership of the weapon; but somehow he was unable to do so, with those impelling eyes fastened upon him. so, still unable to use his tongue, he simply nodded his head. "you shoot at french trader?" continued pontiac. another nod in the affirmative answered him; and then bob saw a change begin to spread over the dark features of the chief. he looked at sandy; but his brother failed to grasp the wonderful meaning of the miracle that had been wrought in their behalf. to his mind all this talk only served as a forerunner to the dreadful fate that was surely to be their portion. "why white boy shoot french trapper?" asked pontiac. realizing that sandy was unable to frame a coherent reply, bob boldly took it upon himself to make answer. "you ask why, great pontiac?" he said. "because he could not lie there and see a cowardly snake creep up behind a brave man to strike him in the back. he sent his lead into the arm that held the warclub, and saved the life of pontiac!" then, indian though he was, the great pontiac smiled. perhaps he understood how these paleface boys must have known that, if the traitorous frenchman had been allowed to carry out his will, it would have been much to the advantage of the border settlements; but that sandy, unable to control his impulse to rebuke such rank treachery as larue exhibited, had been unable to hold his fire. pontiac turned to the surging crowd of indians. he held up his hand, and every shout was stilled; even the murmuring ceased, such was his magnetic influence over the wild spirits of hot-headed young warriors whom their own chiefs could not restrain. "listen!" he said, in a voice that reached easily to the further extremity of the gathered throng. "pontiac sat on yonder log. your chief kiashuta had left him to seek for something that was in his lodge. in the mind of pontiac many things dwell to give him cause for thought. he heard not the coming of the snake in the grass who crawled up behind, and swung aloft the club with which he expected to dash out the brains of a chief. "listen. in the bushes and the grass lay two paleface boys. they had guns. they had come many miles from their cabin on the running water to the south. they had no reason to love pontiac, who has ever been the enemy of their race; but they had hate in their hearts for a snake that could sting in the heel. so, quickly did this gun speak. the arm that was raised fell helpless. and then pontiac closed with the treacherous frenchman. "listen yet again, warriors. had it not been for this paleface boy, where now would be your leader? how could pontiac strike the flint that will make the whole border blaze with fires, if he lay here on this ground, dead?" he looked around him as though expecting an answer; but not a single voice was raised. slowly the truth was penetrating the brains of those who heard. they understood that, no matter what his motive may have been, the paleface boy had saved the famous chieftain to those who hung upon his every look or word, as though he had charmed them with his magic. "release them!" pontiac continued, making an imperious gesture toward the warriors who were clutching the two lads; and immediately they hastened to obey his will. "they belong to pontiac; let one of you from this hour lay so much as a finger on them at his peril!" when sandy heard these words he seemed to regain his power of speech once more, for he clutched bob's arm convulsively as soon as he found himself free, and exclaimed: "bob, do you hear that? he says we are his prisoners, and that we will not be harmed! oh! if only we could get him to give us kate now, what a blessed thing it would be! perhaps after all, bob, my hasty nature did better for us than all the planning. ask him if he will help us, won't you, bob? 'strike while the iron is hot,' father always says. speak to him, now." but bob held back, for he saw that the chief had more to say, since he was once again turning toward them. to the delight of the boys he gravely held out his hand, white man fashion, for pontiac had been brought up among the french, and knew almost as much of the white men's ways as though he had been born a paleface. "we are friends," he said, as he pressed each hand firmly. "you have saved the life of pontiac. ask what favor you will, and, if it is in his power, so shall it be granted. first tell me what you seek, so far away from your home?" "in a cabin, where the swift water runs between the hills, lives our mother," said bob. "our father has gone over the big hill to richmond to bring back with him some of the things a white woman needs. besides my brother and myself, there was one child, a sweet girl, about so high," and he held his hand below his shoulder to indicate that his sister was much shorter than himself. pontiac bowed his head gravely to indicate that he understood what the boy was saying. "one day there came some senecas to the settlement," bob went on, eagerly. "they, held up their hands in the peace sign, and we met them as friends. they told us they had been on a long journey into kentucky, to visit another tribe. they were without tobacco, and their stock of maize had dwindled low. we gave them of each, enough to last until they could reach their lodges on the great lakes. "but one young seneca, who bore the feather of a chief in his hair, looked long on the sweet face of the white girl. he remembered that in his lodge, far away, no longer the voice of his own sister was heard; and that the old squaw, his mother, mourned each day for the one who was not. "so he made up his mind to steal the paleface girl, and bear her away to the village of the senecas on the big water to the north. when my brother and myself were in the forest hunting for meat he stole our sister away. we have followed him from the rushing ohio to the great lakes. our sister is here. will the great pontiac keep his word by giving her back to our charge, and letting us depart for the cabin where a mother mourns?" bob knew how to put the case before the one who must be their judge, so that, as an indian, pontiac could grasp it readily; and he saw from the face of the other that he had succeeded in his effort. when an indian gives his word it is ever afterward sacred. "listen!" said the chief, impressively. "look around you. there are many senecas here, braves and chiefs. does the paleface boy see the one who took tobacco and maize from the white man's hand, and then stole his daughter?" "yes!" exclaimed sandy, finding his voice. "i saw him just then, among those indians yonder. there, he is trying to steal away; for he fears the frown of the great and just pontiac. it is black beaver!" the young chief, seeing that escape was useless, returned, and, standing before pontiac, folded his arms across his naked chest. words in the indian tongue passed quickly between them. black beaver seemed defiant at first; but presently he came under the persuasive eloquence of the marvellous orator. he let his chin fall on his breast, and finally, when pontiac dismissed him with an imperious gesture, the subdued young chief stalked away, heading straight for his wigwam. "when he comes back he will bring the white girl," said pontiac. "she shall go with the brave young boys who have sought her so far; and not a warrior will lift a hand to do them harm. more than this, because of what you have done this night, you and your family are forever the friends of pontiac. danger and death will never come near your cabin while he lives. there will be a dead line drawn about it, and woe to the indian who molests the friends of the chief. i have spoken!" loudly did his voice ring out as he said these thrilling words that would never be forgotten by either of the two lads as long as they lived. and far and wide would the command be sent that the little brood of david armstrong was to be immune from all the perils of an indian war, even though flame and destruction swooped down upon their nearest neighbor. "look! he is coming back, and our sister is with him!" cried sandy, unable to restrain his delight at sight of the one they loved so dearly. black beaver did not show any emotion as he drew near. he realized that, when pontiac spoke, it was for him to obey. and as a true indian, he was ready to accept the fortunes of war, no matter how it hurt. the indians made a passage-way to allow them to approach. pontiac himself took the trembling hand of the frightened girl, and led her to where her two gallant brothers stood with outstretched arms. "weep no more, paleface girl. you are going home to the white squaw who mourns in the cabin on the bank of the swift water," said pontiac, as he released her in front of the boys. another instant and kate, with a cry of joy, had flung her arms about the neck of first one brother and then the other, while pontiac stood and watched the happy reunion without his face expressing the feelings that must have been struggling in his heart; for so has an indian been trained never to betray emotion. how like magic had the scene been changed! only a few minutes before and poor sandy was deeply dejected, in the belief that his hasty and ill-advised act had forever ruined their only chance for a rescue. and now they stood there, not only free, and with their dear sister given into their charge, but safe in the pledged friendship of the most powerful of all indians, pontiac himself. "it seems like a dream, bob!" cried kate. "i can hardly believe it to be true. how did you manage it, you and dear sandy? oh! how happy i am to think that soon i shall see my own mother again! not that black beaver has been cruel to me. he tried to be a brother after his way. i am sorry for him; but there is no one can take the place of father, mother, bob and sandy." "in good time you will hear it all, kate," said bob. "it is a strange story. but i wonder whether pontiac will extend his favor to our good friends who have come with us to try and influence black beaver to give us back our sister. the whites and the senecas are at peace, for the hatchet has not yet been dug up between them, so we hoped to win kiashuta to our side; to have him say that black beaver had done wrong when he smote the hand that fed him." pontiac heard what he said, for he immediately gave the assurance bob requested. "if others have come with you to bring the white girl back, they, too, shall not be harmed until they have reached the swift water. because they are your friends, pontiac has said this. so let them appear. they shall walk among us in safety, for the word of the chief is given." but, though bob raised his voice and called, none of the other four cared to accept the invitation to come into the village and meet the sachem of the sacs. perhaps it was just as well. both simon kenton and pat o'mara were well-known indian fighters, and belonged to a class of men who threatened to be thorns in the side of pontiac in his ambitious designs to head a new confederation of tribes. doubtless they would be quickly recognized by some of the indians present from other tribes; and even the word of pontiac might not keep these warriors from seeking to avenge their kin who had fallen in times past before the rifles of daniel boone, simon kenton and their fellow borderers. chapter xxx safe at last "we must get away from here without delay, sandy," said the elder of the young pioneers, after exchanging a few more words with pontiac. "shall we accept the offer of pontiac," asked sandy, "and make for the river under the guard of his men?" "no," replied bob, quickly; "for many reasons that must not be. he has promised to give us a totem flag that will warn any wandering band of indians we may happen to meet that we are friends of the great pontiac, and must not be disturbed. and i have promised him that it shall always be kept in our own cabin, only to be shown in case of any uprising." "then we must try to find kenton, pat and blue jacket?" questioned sandy, who was fairly wild to be away; for he seemed to fear lest their late good fortune turn out to be a dream, from which they might be rudely awakened. "yes," bob went on; "and if we go soon i believe we will run across them at the place kenton appointed. they will wait there for us the balance of the night, i feel sure." "what do you think they believed must have happened, bob?" kate in turn asked. "who can say?" her brother answered, shaking his head, as though puzzled. "fancy how astonished they must have been when all this racket broke out, before they could make ready to start the fires, or blue jacket get among the lodges to steal kate, here, away. and then, if kenton was near enough to see pontiac take our hands in his, how he must have stared!" "but it seems all for the best, to me," said sandy, softly; "even my foolish rashness in firing without thinking. we have made a powerful friend in pontiac, and perhaps saved our mother and father from the doom that comes to so many settlers in the wilderness. and here is kate given over to our charge without either of us having to shoot down a single indian. yes, heaven was kind to us." "here comes the great sachem, and bearing in his hand the totem flag which is to stand between us and harm," remarked bob, as he saw pontiac approaching them, followed by a retinue of jostling braves and chiefs. the object which he thrust into the hand of bob was a beautifully made wampum belt that had been attached to a stick. it was of unusual wideness, and the symbols represented in its barbaric splendor undoubtedly told a story that every warrior could understand. (note .) it seemed as though every brave in the great seneca village had gathered to hear what the chief among ten thousand indians had to say, as he presented this badge of friendship to the young pioneers. some scowled as they surveyed the palefaces; but the majority seemed friendly, because they realized that as indians they owed a debt of gratitude to the white boy who had saved the life so valuable to their cause. "hear!" said pontiac, elevating his wonderful voice, even as he raised his dusky arm with the air of a king, "these are the friends of pontiac. let no indian lift a hand against them, or dare to follow as they pass over the back trail to the swift water. where this totem hangs, that cabin is secure from the torch, those inmates safe from the hatchet, the flaming arrow, the knife. so long as pontiac lives let there be peace between the red men and those who bear the name of armstrong. i have spoken." once again he thrust out his hand, and gravely shook that of each of the whites, not even forgetting kate. and, in the stirring times to come, when the whole border would ring with the wonderful, masterful ability of this organizer and red leader, perhaps there would arise days of alarm when bob and sandy would rejoice to know that the word of a chief may never be broken. so they took their parting look at the village on the great lakes, and plunged into the forest. not a single brave dared to follow them, so great was their fear and respect for the mighty sachem of the sacs. straight to the meeting-place of the five chestnuts bob led the way. unerringly he took his companions there, and at the first signal call kenton and the other three made their appearance. "what does this magic mean?" asked the borderer, when he saw who was the companion of the armstrong boys. "sure it makes me think i do be draming!" declared pat o'mara, as he wrung the hands of those he loved so well; nor did kate hesitate to throw her arms about the neck of this faithful friend of her parents, so wild with delight was she to see some one from home. "sandy did it," replied bob, hastily, only too glad to tell what a wonderful change in their fortunes the hasty act of his brother had effected. "he stopped larue from bringing down a club on the head of pontiac as the chief sat on a log, lost in thought. and, because of that, pontiac has called us his friends. this totem flag will warn every red-skinned warrior to injure us at the risk of making the chief his deadly foe. and the armstrong cabin will never be put to the torch, or a single inmate harmed by an indian so long as pontiac lives!" loud were the expressions of astonishment on the part of the others. kenton, who saw himself reflected on a small scale in the quick-tempered sandy, grasped hold of the boy, and shook him almost fiercely by the hand; after which pat and abijah, yes, even the undemonstrative blue jacket, followed suit. "it seems almost too good to be true," cried the delighted kenton. "not but that it would have been a great thing for the struggling border settlements if pontiac had been slain here and now; yet how wonderfully that shot won our cause. but what is this you tell us of larue? we left him yet a prisoner in the cavern back of the cataract. we must see to that!" he immediately started for the stream, and, as it would not be much out of their route, as they headed for the far-distant ohio, both boys were quite willing. besides, they were curious to learn just how the wily french trapper had slipped his bonds. on the road to the waterfall kenton asked many questions. he, together with his companions, had been stunned when the uproar burst forth, just before they were ready to begin operations. but all was made plain now, and, while simon kenton would have been happier had he found himself in the thick of the fray, he could not complain at the way things had turned out. they found the two french trappers still where they had been left. all they would say was that larue had seemed to suddenly break loose, and had basely left them, possibly in his haste to reach the village and give the alarm, not wishing to linger long enough to effect their release. "the tricky frenchman rolled into this pool of water, and let his bonds soak," said kenton, after he had made an examination. "when wet, the deerskin thongs stretched enough for him to work loose. he was afraid we might come back and secure him again, so he fled without stopping to so much as lend a helping hand to his mates." "yes, and upon reaching the village he must have seen pontiac sitting there alone," said bob, in turn. "remembering how the great chief had struck him in the face, and humiliated him at the grand council under the big oak, he was unable to resist the temptation to creep up and try to obtain revenge. in doing it larue never suspected that he was playing right into our hands." "if the indians only knew that we listened to what was said at that same council," remarked kenton; "they might not be willing to let the rest of us escape so easily." "but what shall we do with these two men?" asked bob, thoughtfully. "we can't leave them here, for perhaps larue may be put to the stake with the dawn, and the story of their captivity would never be known. the indians avoid this spot, blue jacket says, as the waterfall is believed to be haunted by the spirits of their ancestors, who call out constantly, and try to make the red children understand what they are doing in manitou land." "no, we will take them along with us," determined kenton. "some days hence we can let them go free. by that time they could not harm us by returning to the seneca village, and telling what they know of the council spies." they lost no time in starting. though kenton knew that pontiac's totem belt would probably be able to protect them, he was, nevertheless, anxious to be well on the way to the ohio. so, for several days they journeyed; after which the two french trappers were let go, with a warning that they would be roughly treated if they ever again showed themselves near the settlement on the river bank. and one day the little company arrived safely at home. great was the rejoicing of mrs. armstrong. the entire community gathered around that humble home in the clearing to hear the story of the wonderful journey. and every hand had to touch the wampum belt of pontiac that was to stand between the armstrongs and peril, in case of another indian uprising. time passed on. it proved too late in the fall for the expected flame to develop; and from their scouts the settlers learned, much to their relief, that the uprising had been postponed until spring. of course that did not mean they would be free from interference, because the shawanees were always on the warpath, and the hatchet remained dug up between them and the encroaching whites. bob and sandy went on their way, gathering the pelts that they found in their traps. often they talked over the adventures that had marked their journey to the land of the great lakes. sandy was more determined than ever to lead the life of an explorer, and follow in the footsteps of the bold and resourceful hero whom he fairly worshipped, simon kenton. "some day," he would say, as they thus talked and exchanged confidences, "i mean to set eyes on that wonderful river away to the west, the mighty mississippi, under which rest the bones of the bold discoverer, de soto. i will never rest happy, bob, until i can say that i have seen the grandest river in all the world." "well," replied his brother with a smile, "perhaps i may yet conclude to go with you, sandy. it is time our people knew more about what the french traders are doing in that region, establishing posts for dealing with the indians. but in a few days, now, we ought to hear something of father." "yes, winter is here, the snow is thick, and it is nearly time," sighed sandy; "and let us hope the good fortune that followed us all the way to the far north, will bring him back to mother, safe and sound." though neither of them could see just how their ambition was to be realized, there was a way developing, and, in a new story concerning the fortunes of bob and sandy, to be called: "the pioneer boys of the mississippi," we will have considerably more to narrate in connection with the fortunes of the two lads. one afternoon there was a loud shout heard close to the armstrong cabin; and a train of four horses was discovered heading from the main settlement, followed by a score of men and women, all greatly excited. of course it was david armstrong, returned with a store of necessities that must delight the heart of the good housewife, who, however, was ten times happier over the safe home-coming of the man she loved so fondly, than because of anything the newly-recovered money could buy. they had a great time of feasting and rejoicing. the boys were compelled to narrate every incident connected with their eventful journey in search of kate; and, as pat o'mara still hung around, assisting bob and sandy in their trapping expeditions, he was able to add many little touches to the wonderful story. so the winter which they had dreaded so much proved to be a period of joy to the whole settlement on the ohio. mr. armstrong would often take up that magic wampum belt of the great sachem, pontiac, and fondle it reverently, as his imagination pictured that stirring scene when, with his apparently ill-advised shot, sandy made a friend of the powerful leader, and thus insured the safety of those he loved. [illustration] the end. notes note (page ) the modern repeating rifle is a far different weapon from the clumsy, uncertain, inaccurate flint-lock musket, and yet our forefathers developed rare skill in the use of these primitive guns, which were fired by a flint striking the hammer, causing a spark to ignite a pinch of powder in a receptacle called the "pan." this in turn ignited the charge of powder that speeded the bullet on its way. the loading of such a gun was a slow and painstaking task. the charge of powder must be measured out and poured down the barrel. the bullet, with its "patch," or bit of rag, must then be rammed down upon the powder, and finally the priming of powder must be placed in the pan. the utmost care was used in loading, but, even then, the spark might fail to ignite the priming, or the latter might be damp, or have been shaken from the pan. many a brave frontiersman lost his life because, in his time of need, his musket failed to "go off." note (page ) the five nations was the name given by champlain to a league that had been formed by five powerful tribes of the iroquois race, the mohawks, oneidas, onondagas, cayugas and senecas, who inhabited the lake region of what is now central new york. the name of the league was changed to the six nations when, in , the tuskaroras, fleeing from north carolina, found a refuge with the league and became a member of it. the union was for the purposes of offence and defence and originally had a permanent central government lodged in fifty chiefs, who held office for life. in the colonial wars between the french and english and, later, in the revolutionary war, the six nations were usually found fighting on the side of the english. note (page ) except for some tribes of the pacific coast, who held their captives as slaves, a male prisoner was either adopted into the tribe, or else put to death by torture, the decision usually resting with the women. if the prisoner's death was decided on, the most fiendish ingenuity was shown. while burning at the stake was the most common mode of death, it was usually preceded by a succession of tortures, carefully planned to prolong the victim's agony to the utmost. note (page ) the turkey, now domesticated in nearly every country of the world, is a native of north america, and was unknown before the coming of columbus. while now the wild turkey is almost extinct, the early settlers found these birds in the greatest abundance, and they formed a not unimportant portion of the frontiersman's fare. note (page ) the indian method of disposing of the dead varied with the different tribes and different localities. while burial in the ground was more common, many tribes, notably of the plains, placed the bodies in trees or upon platforms; others placed their dead in sitting positions in caves; still others practised cremation. it was the general custom to either burn or bury the personal belongings of the deceased, in order that he might enjoy their use in the life to come. note (page ) although smoking was a universal custom among the american indians, tobacco was unknown to the rest of the world previous to the discovery of america; but its use has since spread to the four quarters of the globe. the spaniards were the first european smokers, but their example was quickly followed by the other nations, although church and state did what they could to prevent the spread of the habit, pope urban vii having even gone so far as to issue an edict against it. the scientific name, nicotiana, was given tobacco in honor of jean nicot, french ambassador to portugal, who, on his return to france, presented a package of seed to catherine de medici. among the indians, ceremonial smoking was a universal rite, and had a deep religious significance, smoke being considered as an incense of the gods, while the act of smoking was the strongest form of oath. all discussions between individuals, all councils of a tribe, all treaty-making was preceded by the smoking of "the pipe of peace" and all agreements were ratified by the passing of the sacred pipe from hand to hand until all had joined in the solemn ceremony. note (page ) among the eastern indians the principal civil officers were the sachems. this office was elective, in theory; but, in practice, it was usually hereditary. there was also a head war-chief, although at times the two offices were held by the same individual. except for these two officers, there can hardly be said to have been any social distinctions among the various members of a tribe. at that, the authority of the sachem generally depended more on the ability and influence of the individual than on the power conferred by his office, while, except in actual warfare, where his commands were fairly well obeyed, the head war-chief seems to have had no authority whatever. note (page ) wampum was used by the indians both as an ornament and as money. it was of two kinds, the white, made from the stem of the periwinkle shell, and the black, made from the dark spot in the quahog shell. both were carefully shaped and polished, then pierced and strung in the form of belts, necklaces or bracelets. the black wampum was considered more valuable than the white. selections from the page company's books for young people the blue bonnet series _each large mo, cloth decorative, illustrated, per volume_ $ . =a texas blue bonnet= by caroline e. jacobs. "the book's heroine, blue bonnet, has the very finest kind of wholesome, honest, lively girlishness and cannot but make friends with every one who meets her through the book as medium."--_chicago inter-ocean._ =blue bonnet's ranch party= by caroline e. jacobs and edyth ellerbeck read. "a healthy, natural atmosphere breathes from every chapter."--_boston transcript._ =blue bonnet in boston;= or, boarding-school days at miss north's. by caroline e. jacobs and lela horn richards. "it is a fine story for girls, and is bound to become popular because of its wholesomeness and its many human touches."--_boston globe._ =blue bonnet keeps house;= or, the new home in the east. by caroline e, jacobs and lela horn richards. "it cannot fail to prove fascinating to girls in their teens, not to mention those of older growth, who still hold dear the memory of their youth."--_new york sun._ the young pioneer series by harrison adams _each mo, cloth decorative, illustrated, per volume_ $ . =the pioneer boys of the ohio;= or, clearing the wilderness. "such books as this are an admirable means of stimulating among the young americans of to-day interest in the story of their pioneer ancestors and the early days of the republic."--_boston globe._ =the pioneer boys on the great lakes;= or, on the trail of the iroquois. "the recital of the daring deeds of the frontier is not only interesting but instructive as well and shows the sterling type of character which these days of self-reliance and trial produced."--_american tourist, chicago._ =the pioneer boys of the mississippi;= or, the homestead in the wilderness. "the story is told with spirit, and is full of adventure."--new york sun. =the pioneer boys of the missouri;= or, in the country of the sioux. "vivid in style, vigorous in movement, full of dramatic situations, true to historic perspective, this story is a capital one for boys."--_watchman examiner, new york city._ =the pioneer boys of the yellowstone;= or, lost in the land of wonders. "there is plenty of lively adventure and action and the story is well told."--_duluth herald, duluth, minn._ =the pioneer boys of the columbia;= or, in the wilderness of the great northwest. "the story is full of spirited action and contains much valuable historical information."--_boston herald._ the hadley hall series by louise m. breitenbach _each large mo, cloth decorative, illustrated, per volume_ $ . =alma at hadley hall= "the author is to be congratulated on having written such an appealing book for girls."--_detroit free press._ =alma's sophomore year= "it cannot fail to appeal to the lovers of good things in girls' books."--_boston herald._ =alma's junior year= "the diverse characters in the boarding-school are strongly drawn, the incidents are well developed and the action is never dull."--_the boston herald._ =alma's senior year= "incident abounds in all of miss breitenbach's stories and a healthy, natural atmosphere breathes from every chapter."--_boston transcript._ the girls of friendly terrace series by harriet lummis smith _each large mo, cloth decorative, illustrated, per volume_ $ . =the girls of friendly terrace= "a book sure to please girl readers, for the author seems to understand perfectly the girl character."--_boston globe._ =peggy raymond's vacation= "it is a wholesome, hearty story."--_utica observer._ =school days on friendly terrace= the book is delightfully written, and contains lots of exciting incidents. =peggy raymond's school days= the book is delightfully written, and contains lots of exciting incidents. famous leaders series by charles h. l. johnston _each large mo, cloth decorative, illustrated, per volume_ $ . =famous cavalry leaders= "more of such books should be written, books that acquaint young readers with historical personages in a pleasant, informal way."--_new york sun._ "it is a book that will stir the heart of every boy and will prove interesting as well to the adults."--_lawrence daily world._ =famous indian chiefs= "mr. johnston has done faithful work in this volume, and his relation of battles, sieges and struggles of these famous indians with the whites for the possession of america is a worthy addition to united states history."--_new york marine journal._ =famous scouts= "it is the kind of a book that will have a great fascination for boys and young men, and while it entertains them it will also present valuable information in regard to those who have left their impress upon the history of the country."--_the new london day._ =famous privateersmen and adventurers of the sea= "the tales are more than merely interesting; they are entrancing, stirring the blood with thrilling force and bringing new zest to the never-ending interest in the dramas of the sea."--_the pittsburgh post._ =famous frontiersmen and heroes of the border= this book is devoted to a description of the adventurous lives and stirring experiences of many pioneer heroes who were prominently identified with the opening of the great west. "the accounts are not only authentic, but distinctly readable, making a book of wide appeal to all who love the history of actual adventure."--_cleveland leader._ hildegarde-margaret series by laura e. richards eleven volumes the hildegarde-margaret series, beginning with "queen hildegarde" and ending with "the merryweathers," make one of the best and most popular series of books for girls ever written. _each large mo, cloth decorative, illustrated, per volume_ $ . _the eleven volumes boxed as a set_ $ . list of titles =queen hildegarde= =hildegarde's holiday= =hildegarde's home= =hildegarde's neighbors= =hildegarde's harvest= =three margarets= =margaret montfort= =peggy= =rita= =fernley house= =the merryweathers= the captain january series by laura e. richards _each mo, cloth decorative, illustrated, per volume_ cents =captain january= a charming idyl of new england coast life, whose success has been very remarkable. same. _illustrated holiday edition_ $ . same, french text. _illustrated holiday edition_ $ . =melody:= the story of a child. same. _illustrated holiday edition_ $ . =marie= a companion to "melody" and "captain january." =rosin the beau= a sequel to "melody" and "marie." =snow-white;= or, the house in the wood. =jim of hellas;= or, in durance vile, and a companion story, bethesda pool. =narcissa= and a companion story, in verona, being two delightful short stories of new england life. ="some say"= and a companion story, neighbors in cyrus. =nautilus= "'nautilus' is by far the best product of the author's powers, and is certain to achieve the wide success it so richly merits." =isla heron= this interesting story is written in the author's usual charming manner. =the little master= "a well told, interesting tale of a high character."--_california gateway gazette._ * * * * * transcriber's notes: obvious punctuation errors repaired. varied hyphenation retained as printed. page , "on" changed to "an" (or an oneida) page , "sideway" changed to "sideways" (jump sideways just at) page , "seemd" changed to "seemed" (seemed in a fair way)