29388	----	Transcriber's Note Obvious typographical errors have been corrected. A list of corrections is found at the end of the text. Inconsistencies in spelling and hyphenation have been maintained. A list of inconsistently spelled and hyphenated words is found at the end of the text. Oe ligatures have been expanded. MEMOIR OF AN EVENTFUL EXPEDITION IN CENTRAL AMERICA; RESULTING IN THE DISCOVERY OF THE IDOLATROUS CITY OF IXIMAYA, In an unexplored region; and the possession of two REMARKABLE AZTEC CHILDREN, Descendants and Specimens of the Sacerdotal Caste, (now nearly extinct,) of the Ancient Aztec Founders of the Ruined Temples of that Country, DESCRIBED BY JOHN L. STEVENS, ESQ., AND OTHER TRAVELLERS. Translated from the Spanish of PEDRO VELASQUEZ, of SAN SALVADOR. NEW YORK: E. F. Applegate, Printer, 111 Nassau Street. 1850. PROFILE ILLUSTRATIONS FROM CENTRAL AMERICAN RUINS, OF ANCIENT RACES STILL EXISTING IN IXIMAYA. [Illustration] The above three figures, sketched from engravings in "Stevens's Central America," will be found, on personal comparison, to bear a remarkable and convincing resemblance, both in the general features and the position of the head, to the two living Aztec children, now exhibiting in the United States, of the ancient sacerdotal caste of _Kaanas_, or Pagan Mimes, of which a few individuals remain in the newly discovered city of Iximaya. See, the following _Memoir_, page 31. [Illustration] These two figures, sketched from the same work, are said, by Senor Velasquez, in the unpublished portion of his narrative, to be "irresistible likenesses" of the equally exclusive but somewhat more numerous priestly caste of _Mahaboons_, still existing in that city, and to which belonged Vaalpeor, an official guardian of those children, as mentioned in this memoir. Velasquez states that the likeness of Vaalpeor to the right hand figure in the frontispiece of Stevens' second volume, which is here also the one on the right hand, was as exact, in outline, as if the latter had been a daguerreotype miniature. While writing his "Narrative" after his return to San Salvador, in the spring of the present year, (1850,) Senor Velasquez was favored, by an American gentleman of that city, with a copy of "Layard's Nineveh," and was forcibly struck with the close characteristic resemblance of the faces in many of its engravings to those of the inhabitants in general, as a peculiar family of mankind, both of Iximaya and its surrounding region. The following are sketches, (somewhat imperfect,) of two of the male faces to which he refers: [Illustration] And the following profile, from the same work, is pronounced by Velasquez to be equally characteristic of the female faces of that region, making due allowance for the superb head dresses of tropical plumage, with which he describes the latter as being adorned, instead of the male galea, or close cap, retained in the engraving. [Illustration] These illustrations, slight as they are, are deemed interesting, because the Iximayans assert their descent from a very ancient Assyrian colony nearly co-temporary with Nineveh itself--a claim which receives strong confirmation, not only from the hieroglyphics and monuments of Iximaya, but from the engravings in Stevens' volumes of several remarkable objects, (the inverted winged globe especially,) at Palenque--once a kindred colony. It should have been stated in the following Memoir, that Senor Velasquez, on his return to San Salvador, caused the two Kaana children to be baptized into the Catholic Church, by the Bishop of the Diocese, under the names of Maximo and Bartola Velasquez. MEMOIR OF A RECENT EVENTFUL EXPEDITION IN CENTRAL AMERICA. In the second volume of his travels in Central America--than which no work ever published in this country, has created and maintained a higher degree of interest, both at home and abroad--Mr. Stevens speaks with enthusiasm of the conversations he had held with an intelligent and hospitable Padre, or Catholic priest, of Santa Cruz del Quiche, formerly of the village of Chajul; and of the exciting information he had received from him, concerning immense and marvellous antiquities in the surrounding country, which, to the present hour, remain entirely unknown to the world. The Padre told him of vast ruins, in a deserted and desolate region, but four leagues from Vera Paz, more extensive than Quiche itself; and of another ruined city, on the other side of the great traversing range of the Cordilleras, of which no account has been given. But the most stimulating story of all, was the existence of a _living_ city, far on the other side of the great sierra, large and populous, occupied by Indians of the same character, and in precisely the same state, as those of the country in general, before the discovery of the continent and the desolating conquests of its invaders. The Padre averred that, in younger days, he had climbed to the topmost ridge of the sierra, a height of 10 or 12,000 feet, and from its naked summit, looking over an immense plain, extending to Yucatan and the Gulf of Mexico, had seen, with his own eyes, in the remote distance, "a large city, spread over a great space, with turrets white and glittering in the sun." His account of the prevalent Indian report concerning it was, that no white man had ever reached that city; that the inhabitants, who speak the Maya language, are aware that a race of white strangers has conquered the whole country around them, and have hence murdered every white man that has since attempted to penetrate their territory. He added that they have no coin or other circulating medium; no horses, mules, or other domestic animals, except fowls, "and keep the cocks under ground to prevent their crowing being heard." This report of their slender resources for animal food, and of their perpetual apprehension of discovery, as indicated in this inadequate and childish expedient to prevent it, is, in most respects, contradicted by that of the adventurous expedition about to be described, and which, having passed the walls of their city, obtained better information of their internal economy and condition than could have been acquired by any Indians at all likely to hold communication with places so very remote from the territory as Quiche or Chajul. The effects of these extraordinary averments and recitals of the Padre, upon the mind of Mr. Stevens, together with the deliberate conclusions which he finally drew from them, is best expressed in his own language. "The interest awakened in us, was the most thrilling I ever experienced. One look at that city, was worth ten years of an every day life. If he is right, a place is left where Indians and a city exist, as Cortez and Alvarado found them; there are living men who can solve the mystery that hangs over the ruined cities of America; who can, perhaps, go to Copan and read the inscriptions on its monuments. No subject more exciting and attractive presents itself to any mind, and the deep impression in my mind, will never be effaced. "Can it be true? Being now in my sober senses, I do verily believe there is much ground to suppose that what the Padre told us is authentic. That the region referred to does not acknowledge the government of Guatimala, and has never been explored, and that no white man has ever pretended to have entered it; I am satisfied. From other sources we heard that a large _ruined_ city was visible; and we were told of another person who had climbed to the top of the sierra, but on account of the dense clouds raising upon it, he had not been able to see anything. At all events, the belief at the village of Chajul is general, and a curiosity is aroused that burns to be satisfied. We had a craving desire to reach the mysterious city. No man if ever so willing to peril his life, could undertake the enterprise, with any hope of success, without hovering for one or two years on the borders of the country studying the language and character of the adjoining Indians, and making acquaintance with some of the natives. Five hundred men could probably march directly to the city, and the invasion would be more justifiable than any made by Spaniards; but the government is too much occupied with its own wars, and the knowledge could not be procured except at the price of blood. Two young men of good constitution, and who could afford to spend five years, might succeed. If the object of search prove a phantom, in the wild scenes of a new and unexplored country, there are other objects of interest; but, if real, besides the glorious excitement of such a novelty, they will have something to look back upon through life. As to the dangers, they are always magnified, and, in general, peril is discovered soon enough for escape. But, in all probability, if any discovery is made, it will be made by the Padres. As for ourselves, to attempt it alone, ignorant of the language and with the mozos who were a constant annoyance to us, was out of the question. The most we thought of, was to climb to the top of the sierra, thence to look down upon the mysterious city; but we had difficulties enough in the road before us; it would add ten days to a journey already almost appalling in the perspective; for days the sierra might be covered with clouds; in attempting too much, we might lose all; Palenque was our great point, and we determined not to be diverted from the course we had marked out." Vol. II, p. 193-196. It is now known that two intrepid young men, incited probably by this identical passage in Mr. Stevens's popular work--one a Mr. Huertis, of Baltimore, an American of Spanish parents, from Cuba, possessing an ample fortune, and who had travelled much in Egypt, Persia, and Syria, for the personal inspection of ancient monuments; and the other, a Mr. Hammond, a civil-engineer from Canada, who had been engaged for some years on surveys in the United States, agreed to undertake the perilous and romantic enterprise thus cautiously suggested and chivalrously portrayed. Amply equipped with every desirable appointment, including daguerreotype apparatuses, mathematical instruments, and withal fifty repeating rifles, lest it should become necessary to resort to an armed expedition, these gentlemen sailed from New-Orleans and arrived at Belize, in the fall of 1848. Here they procured horses, mules, and a party of ten experienced Indians and Mestitzos; and after pursuing a route, through a wild, broken, and heavily wooded region, for about 150 miles, on the Gulf of Amatique, they struck off more to the south-west, for Coban, where they arrived on the morning of Christmas day, in time to partake of the substantial enjoyments, as well as to observe the peculiar religious ceremonies, of the great Catholic festival, in that intensely interior city. At this place, while loitering to procure information and guides for their future journey to Santa Cruz del Quiche, they got acquainted with Sr. Pedro Velasquez, of San Salvador, who describes himself as a man of family and education, although a trader in indigo; and his intermediate destination, prior to his return to the capital, happening also to be the same city, he kindly proffered to the two Americans his superior knowledge of the country, or any other useful service he could render them; and he was accordingly very gladly received as their friend and companion on the way. It is from a copy of a manuscript journal of this gentleman, that the translator has obtained the only information as yet brought to the United States concerning the remarkable results of the exploring expedition which he will proceed to describe, or of the fate of Messrs. Huertis and Hammond, its unfortunate originators and conductors, or of those extraordinary living specimens of a _sui generis_ race of beings, hitherto supposed to be either fabulous or extinct, which are at once its melancholy trophies and its physiological attesters. And it is from Senor Velasquez alone that the public can receive any further intelligence upon this ardently interesting subject, beyond that which his manuscript imperfectly affords. In order, however, to avoid an anticipatory trespass upon the natural sequence of the narrative, it may be proper to state, that prior to his departure in their company from Coban, Senor Velasquez had received from his fellow travellers no intimation whatever concerning the ulterior object of their journey, and had neither seen nor heard of those volumes describing the stupendous vestiges of ancient empire, in his native land, which had so strongly excited the emulous passion of discovery in their minds. Frequently called by his mercantile speculations, which he seems to have conducted upon an extensive scale, to perform long journeys from San Salvador, on the Pacific side of the Cordilleras, to Comyagua in the mid-interior, and thence to Truxillo, Omoa, and Ysabal, on the Bay and Gulf of Honduras, he had traversed a large portion of the country, and had often been surprised with sudden views of mouldering temples, pyramids, and cities of vast magnitude and marvellous mythology. And being, as it evidently appears, a man of unusual intelligence and scholastic acquirements, he had doubtless felt, as he states, a profound but hopeless curiosity concerning their origin and history. He had even seen and consecutively examined the numerous and ornate monuments of Copan; but it was not until he had proceeded to the second stage of the journey from Coban to Quiche, that he was shown the engravings in the first volume of Stevens's Central America, in which they are so faithfully depicted. He recognized many of them as old acquaintances, and still more as new ones, which had escaped his more cursory inspection; and in all he could trace curious details which, on the spot, he regretted the want of time to examine. He, moreover, knew the surly Don Gregorio, by whom Mr. Stevens had been treated so inhospitably, and several other persons in the vicinity of the ruins whom he had named, and was delighted with the _vraisemblance_ of his descriptions. The Senor confesses that these circumstances inspired him with unlimited confidence in that traveller's statements upon other subjects; and when Mr. Huertis read to him the further account of the information given to Mr. Stevens by the jolly and merry, but intelligent old Padre of Quiche, respecting other ruined cities beyond the Sierra Madre, and especially of the living city of independent Candones, or unchristianized Indians, supposed to have been seen from the lofty summit of that mountain range, and was told by Messrs. Huertis and Hammond that the exploration of this city was the chief object of their perilous expedition, the Senor adds, that his enthusiasm became enkindled to at least as high a fervor as theirs, and that, "with more precipitancy than prudence, in a man of his maturer years and important business pursuits, he resolved to unite in the enterprise, to aid the heroic young men with his experience in travel and knowledge of the wild Indians of the region referred to, and to see the end of the adventure, result as it may." He was confirmed in this resolution by several concurring facts of which his companions were now told for the first time. He intimately knew and had several times been the guest of the worthy Cura of Quiche, from whom Mr. Stevens received assurances of the existence of the ruined city of the ancient Aztecs, as well as the living city of the Candones, in the unsubjugated territory beyond the mountains. And he was induced to yield credence to the Padre's confident report of the latter, because his account of the former had already been verified, and become a matter of fact and of record. He, Senor Velasquez, himself, during the preceding summer, joined a party of several foreigners and natives in exploring an ancient ruined city, of prodigious grandeur and extent, in the province of Vera Paz, but little more than 150 miles to the east of Guatimala, (instead of nearly 200, as the Padre had supposed,) which far surpassed in magnificence every other ruin, as yet discovered, either in Central America or Mexico. It lay overgrown with huge timber in the midst of a dense forest, far remote from any settlement, and near the crater of a long extinct volcano, on whose perpendicular walls, 300 or 400 feet high, were aboriginal paintings of warlike and idolatrous processions, dances, and other ceremonies, exhibiting like the architectural sculptures on the temples, a state of advancement in the arts incomparably superior to all previous examples. And as the good Padre had proved veracious and accurate on this matter, which he knew from personal observation, the Senor would not uncharitably doubt his veracity on a subject in which he again professed to speak from the evidence of his own eye-sight. The party thus re-assured, and more exhilarated than ever with the prospect of success, proceeded on their journey with renewed vigor. Although the Senor modestly abstains from any allusion to the subject, in the MSS. which have reached us, it cannot be doubted that Messrs. Huertis and Hammond considered him an invaluable accession to their party. He was a guide on whom they could rely; he was acquainted with the dialects of many of the Indian tribes through which they would have to pass; was familiar with the principal stages and villages on their route, and knew both the places and persons from whence the best information, if any, concerning the paramount object of their journey, could be obtained. It appears, also, from an incidental remark in his journal, that Senor Velasquez would have been at their right hand in a fight, in the event of any hostile obstruction on their way. As a volunteer, he had held a command under Morazan, during the sanguinary conflicts of the republic, and had been a soldier through several of the most arduous campaigns, in the fierce struggle between the general and Carrera. He was thus, apparently, in all respects, precisely such an auxiliary as they would have besought Providence to afford them, to accomplish the hazardous enterprise they had so daringly projected and commenced. Unfortunately for the public, the Senor's journal, fragmentary throughout, is especially meagre concerning the incidents of travel between the capital of Vera Paz and Santa Cruz del Quiche. At this period he appears to have left the task of recording them almost entirely to his two friends, whose memoranda, in all probability, are forever lost. Some of those incidents appear, even from his brief minutes of them, to have been of the most imminent and critical importance. Thus under the date of February 2nd, 1849, he says, "on the bank of a branch of the Salamo, attacked in the night by about thirty Indian robbers, several of whom had fire-arms. Sr. Hammond, sitting within the light of the fire, was severely wounded through the left shoulder; they had followed us from the hacienda, six leagues, passed us to the north and lay in ambush; killed four, wounded three; of the rest saw no more; poor Juan, shot through the body, died this morning; lost two mules." After this, there is nothing written until the 16th, when they had arrived at a place called San Jose, where he says, "Good beef and fowls; Sr. Huertis much better; Sr. Hammond very low in intermittent fever; fresh mules and good ones." Next on the 5th of March, at the Indian village of Axitzel, is written, "Detained here five days; Hammond, strong and headstrong. Agree with Huertis that, to be safe, we must wait with patience the return of the good Cura." Slight and tantalizing memoranda of this kind occur, irregularly, until April 3rd, when we find the party safely arrived at Quiche, and comfortably accommodated in a convent. The jovial Padre, already often mentioned, who maybe regarded as the unconscious father of the expedition, had become helplessly, if not hopelessly, dropsical, and lost much of his wanted jocosity. He declared, however, that Senor Velasquez's description of the ruins explored the previous summer, recalling as it did his own profoundly impressed recollection of them, when he walked through their desolate avenues and deserted palaces; and corroborating as it did, in every particular, his own reiterated account of them, which he had often bestowed upon incredulous and unworthy ears, would "act like _cannabis_ upon his bladder," as it already had upon his eyes; and if he could but live to see the description in print, so as to silence all gainsayers, he had no doubt it would completely cure him, and add many years to his life. He persisted in his story of the unknown city in the Candone wilderness, as seen by himself, nearly forty years ago, from the summit of the sierra; and promised the travellers a letter to his friend, the Cura of Gueguetenango, requesting him to procure them a guide to the very spot from whence they could behold it for themselves. This promise, in the course of a few days, the Senor says, he faithfully performed, describing from recollection, by the hand of an amanuensis to whom he dictated, not only the more striking but even minute and peculiar landmarks for the guidance of the guide. On the 10th of April, the party, fully recruited in health and energy, set out for Totonicapan; and thence we trace them by the journal through a succession of small places to Quezaltenango, where they remained but two days; and thence through the places called Aguas Calientes, and San Sebastiano, to Gueguetenango; this portion of their route being described as one of unprecedented toil, danger, and exhaustion, from its mountainous character, accidents to men and mules, terrific weather and loss of provisions. Arrived, however, at length, at the town last named, which they justly regarded as an eminently critical stage of their destiny, they found the Cura, and presented him with the letter of introduction from his friend, the Padre of Quiche. They were somewhat discouraged on perceiving that the Cura indicated but little confidence in the accuracy of his old friend's memory, and asked them rather abruptly, if they thought him really serious in his belief in his distant vision of an unknown city from the sierra, because, for his own part, he had always regarded the story as one of Padre's broadest jokes, and especially since he had never heard of any other person possessing equal visual powers. "The mountain was high, it is true, but not much more than half as high as the hyperbolous memory of his reverend friend had made it, and he much feared that the Padre, in the course of forty years, had so frequently repeated a picture of his early imagination as to have, at length, cherished it as a reality." This was said in smooth and elegant Spanish, but says the Senor, "with an air of dignified sarcasm upon our credulity, which was far from being agreeable to men broken down and dispirited, by almost incredible toil, in pursuit of an object thus loftily pronounced a ridiculous phantom of the brain." This part of Senor Velasquez's journal being interesting and carefully written, we give the following translation without abridgement:-- "The Cura, nevertheless, on finding that his supercilious scepticism had not proved so infectious among us as he expected and that we were rather vexed than vacillating, offered to procure us guides in the course of a day or two, who were familiar with many parts of the sierra, and who, for good pay, he doubted not, would flatter our expectations to the utmost extent we could desire. He advised us, however, in the same style of caustic dissuasion, to take with us both a barometer and a telescope, if we were provided with those instruments, because the latter, especially, might be found useful in discovering the unknown city, and the former would not only inform us of the height of the mountain, but of the weather in prospect most favorable to a distant view. Senor Huertis replied that such precautions would be adopted, as a matter of course, and would, moreover, furnish him, on our return to Gueguetenango, with the exact latitude and longitude of the spot from which the discovery might be made. He laughed very heartily and rejoined that he thought this operation would be much easier than to furnish the same interesting particulars concerning the location of the spots at which the discovery might fail to be made; and saying this he robed himself for mass, which we all, rather sullenly, attended. "Next morning, two good looking Meztitzos, brothers, waited on us with a strong letter of recommendation from the Cura, as guides to that region of the sierra which the Padre's letter had so particularly described, and which description, the Cura added, he had taken much pains to make them understand. On being questioned concerning it, they startled and somewhat disconcerted us by calm assurances, in very fair Spanish, that they were not only familiar with all the land-marks, great and small, which the Cura had read to them, but had several times seen the very city of which we were in search, although none but full-blooded Indians had ever ventured on a journey to it. This was rather too much, even for us, sanguine and confiding as we were. We shared a common suspicion that the Cura had changed his tactics, and resolved to play a practical joke upon our credulity--to send us on a fool's errand and laugh at us for our pains. That he had been tampering with the two guides for this purpose, struck us forcibly; for while he professed never to have known any man who had seen the distant city, he recommended these Meztitzos, as brothers, whom he had known from their boyhood, they declared they had beheld it from the sierra on various occasions. Nevertheless, Senor Huertis believed that the young men spoke the truth, while the Cura, probably, did not; and hoping to catch him in his own snare, if such had been laid, asked the guides their terms, which, though high, he agreed to at once, without cavil. They said it would take us eight days to reach the part of the sierra described in the letter, and that we might have to wait on the summit several days more, before the weather would afford a clear view. They would be ready in two days; they had just returned across the mountains from San Antonia de Guista, and needed rest and repairs. There was a frankness and simplicity about these fine fellows which would bear the severest scrutiny, and we could only admit the bare possibility of our being mistaken. "It took us three days, however, to procure a full supply of the proper kind of provisions for a fortnight's abode in the sky, and on the fourth, (May 5th,) we paid our formal respects to the Cura, and started for the ascent--he not forgetting to remind us of the promise to report to him the precise geographical locality of our discovery." The journal is again blank until May 9th, when the writer says, "Our altitude, by barometer, this morning, is over 6000 feet above the valley which we crossed three days ago; the view of it and its surrounding mountains, sublime with chasms, yet grotesque in outline, and all heavily gilded with the setting sun, is one of the most oppressively gorgeous I ever beheld. The guides inform us that we have but 3000 feet more to ascend, and point to the gigantic pinnacle before us, at the apparent distance of seven or eight leagues; but that, before we can reach it, we have to descend and ascend an immense barranca, (ravine,) nearly a thousand feet deep from our present level, and of so difficult a passage that it will cost us several days. The side of the mountain towards the north-west, is perfectly flat and perpendicular for more than half its entire height, as if the prodigious section had been riven down by the sword of the San Miguel, and hurled with his foot among the struggling multitude of summits below. So far, the old Padre is accurate in every particular." In a note opposite this extract, written perpendicularly on the margin of the manuscript, the writer says, "The average breadth of the plain on this ridge of the sierra, (that is the ridge on which they were then encamped for the night,) is nearly half a mile, and exhibits before us a fine rolling track as far as we can see. Neither birds, beasts, nor insects--I would there were no such barranca!" On the tenth he says, "on the brink of the abyss--the heaviest crags we can hurl down, return no sound from the bottom." The next entry in the journal is dated May 15th.--"Recovered the body of Sebastiano and the load of his mule; his brother is building a cross for his grave, and will not leave it until famished with thirst and hunger. All too exhausted to think of leaving this our first encampment since we descended. Present elevation but little above that of the opposite ridge which we left on the 11th, still, at least 3000 feet to climb." On the 19th, 4 o'clock, P. M., he records, "Myself, Sr. Hammond and Antonio, on the highest summit, an inclined plain of bare rock, of about fifteen acres. The Padre again right. Sr. Huertis and others just discernable, but bravely coming on. Elevation, 9,500 feet. Completely in the clouds, and all the country below invisible. Senor Hammond already bleeding at the nose, and no cigar to stop it." At 10 o'clock, the same night, he writes, "All comfortably asleep but myself and Sr. Hammond, who is going to take the latitude." Then follows, "He finds the latitude 15 degrees and 48 minutes _north_." Opposite this, in the margin is written, "the mean result of three observations of different stars. Intend to take the longitude to-morrow." Next day, the 20th, he says, "A bright and most auspicious morning, and all, but poor Antonio, in fine health and feeling. The wind by compass, N. E., and rolling away a billowy ocean of mist, toward, I suppose, the Bay of Honduras. Antonio says the Pacific will be visible within an hour; (present time not given) more and more of the lower mountains becoming clear every moment. Fancy we already see the Pacific, a faint yellow plain, almost as elevated as ourselves. Can see part of the State of Chiapas pretty distinctly." At 12 o'clock, meridian, he says, "Sr. Hammond is taking the longitude, but finds a difference of several minutes between his excellent watch and chronometer, and fears the latter has been shaken. Both the watch and its owner, however, have been a great deal more shaken, for the chronometer has been all the time in the midst of a thick blanket, and has had no falls. Sr. Huertis, with the glass, sees whole lines and groups of pyramids, in Chiapas." At 1 o'clock, P. M. he records, "Sr. Hammond reports the longitude, 92 degrees 15 minutes _west_. Brave Huertis is in ecstacy with some discovery, but will not part with the glass for a moment. No doubt it is the Padre's city, for it is precisely in the direction he indicated. Antonio says he can see it with his naked eye, although less distinctly than heretofore. I can only see a white straight line, like a ledge of limestone rock, on an elevated plain, at least twenty leagues distant, in the midst of a vast amphitheatre of hills, to the north east of our position, toward the State of Yucatan. Still, it is no doubt the place the Padre saw, and it may be a great city." At 2 o'clock P. M., he says "All doubt is at an end! We have all seen it through the glass, as distinctly as though it were but a few leagues off, and it is now clear and bright to the unaided eye. It is unquestionably a richly monumented city, of vast dimensions, within lofty parapeted walls, three or four miles square, inclined inward in the Egyptian style, and its interior domes and turrets have an emphatically oriental aspect. I should judge it to be not more than twenty-five leagues from Ocosingo, to the eastward, and nearly in the same latitude; and this would probably be the best point from which to reach it, travelling due east, although the course of the river Legartos seems to lead directly to it. That it is still an inhabited place, is evident from the domes of its temples, or churches. Christian churches they cannot be, for such a city would have an Archbishop and be well known to the civilized world. It must be a Pagan strong-hold that escaped the conquest by its remote position, and the general retreat, retirement, and centralizing seclusion of its surrounding population. It may now be opened to the light of the true faith." They commenced their descent the same day, and rested at night on the place of their previous encampment, a narrow shelf of the sierra. Here, on the brink of the terrible ravine, which they had again to encounter, they consulted upon a plan for their future operations; and it was finally agreed that Messrs. Huertis and Hammond, with Antonio, and such of the Indian muleteers as could be induced to proceed with the expedition, should follow the bottom of the ravine, in its north-east course, in which, according to Antonio, the river Legartos took its principal supply of water, and remain at a large village, adjacent to its banks, which they had seen, about five leagues distant; while Senor Velasquez was to trace their late route, by way of Gueguetenango, to Quezaltenango, where all the surplus arms and ammunition had been deposited, and recruit a strong party of Indians, to serve as a guard, in the event of an attack from the people of the unexplored region, whither they were resolutely bound. In the meantime, Antonio was to return home to Gueguetenango, await the return of Velasquez, with his armed party, from Quezaltenango, and conduct them over the mountains to the village on the plains, where Messrs. Huertis and Hammond were to remain until they should arrive. It appears that Senor Velasquez was abundantly supplied with solid funds for the recruiting service, and that Mr. Huertis also furnished Antonio with a liberal sum, in addition to his stipulated pay, wherewith to procure masses for the repose of his unfortunate brother. Of the adventures of Messrs. Huertis and Hammond, in the long interval prior to the return of Velasquez, we have no account whatever; nor does the journal of the latter contain any remarks relative to his own operations, during the same period. The next date is July the 8th, when we find him safely arrived with "nearly all the men he had engaged," at an Indian village called Aguamasinta, where his anxious companions were overjoyed to receive him, and where "they had obtained inestimable information regarding the proper arrangement of the final purpose." After this we trace them, by brief memoranda, for a few days, on the devious course of the Legartos, when the journal abruptly and finally closes. The remaining narrative of the expedition was written by Senor Velasquez from memory, after his return to San Salvador, while all the exciting events and scenes which it describes were vividly sustained by the feelings which they originally inspired. As this excessively interesting document will be translated for the public press as soon as the necessary consent of its present proprietor can be obtained, the writer of this pamphlet the less regrets the very limited use of it to which he is now restricted--which is but little more than that of making a mere abridgement and connexion of such incidents as may serve to explain the origin and possession of those _sui generis_ specimens of humanity, the Aztec brother and sister, now exhibiting to the public, in the United States. From the introductory paragraphs, we take the liberty to quote the following without abridgement:-- "Our latitude and longitude were now 16° 42' N. and 91° 35' W; so that the grand amphitheatre of hills, forming three fourths of an oval outline of jagged summits, a few leagues before us, most probably inclosed the mysterious object of our anxious and uncertain labors. The small groups of Indians through which we had passed, in the course of the day, had evidently been startled by sheer astonishment, into a sort of passive and involuntary hospitality, but maintained a stark apprehensive reserve in most of their answers to our questions. They spoke a peculiar dialect of the Maya, which I had never heard before, and had great difficulty in comprehending, although several of the Maya Indians of our party understood it familiarly and spoke it fluently. From them we learned that they had never seen men of our race before, but that a man of the same race as Senor Hammond, who was of a bright-florid complexion, with light hair and red whiskers, had been sacrificed and eaten by the Macbenachs, or priests of Iximaya, the great city among the hills, about thirty moons ago. Our interpreters stated that the word "Iximaya" meant the "Great Centre," and that "Macbenach" meant the "Great Son of the Sun." I at once resolved to make the most of my time in learning as much as possible of this dialect from these men, because they said it was the tongue spoken by the people of Iximaya and the surrounding region. It appeared to me to be merely a provincial corruption, or local peculiarism, of the great body of the Maya language, with which I was already acquainted; and, in the course of the next day's conversation, I found that I could acquire it with much facility." To this circumstance the writer is probably indebted for his life. In another day, the determined explorers had come within the circuit of the alpine district in which Iximaya is situated, and found it reposing, in massive grandeur, in the centre of a perfectly level plain, about five leagues in diameter, at a distance of scarcely two from the spot they had reached. At the base of all the mountains, rising upon their sides, and extending nearly a mile inward upon the plain, was a dark green forest of colossal trees and florid shrubbery, girding it around; while the even valley itself exhibited large tracts of uncultivated fields, fenced in with palisades, and regular, even to monotony, both in size and form. "Large herds of deer, cattle, and horses, were seen in the openings of the forest, and dispersed over the plain, which was also studded with low flat-roofed dwellings of stone, in small detached clusters, or hamlets. Rich patches of forest, of irregular forms, bordered with gigantic aloes, diversified the landscape in effective contrast with bright lakes of water which glowed among them." While the whole party, with their cavalcade of mules and baggage were gazing upon the scene, two horsemen, in bright blue and yellow tunics, and wearing turbans decorated with three large plumes of the quezal, dashed by them from the forest, at the distance of about two hundred yards, on steeds of the highest Spanish mould, followed by a long retinue of athletic Indians, equally well mounted, clothed in brilliant red tunics, with coronals of gay feathers, closely arranged within a band of blue cloth. Each horseman carried a long spear, pointed with a polished metal; and each held, in a leash, a brace of powerful blood-hounds, which were also of the purest Spanish breed. The two leaders of this troop, who were Indians of commanding air and stature, suddenly wheeled their horses and glared upon the large party of intruders with fixed amazement. Their followers evinced equal surprise, but forgot not to draw up in good military array, while the blood-hounds leapt and raged in their thongs. "While the leaders," says Senor Velasquez, "seemed to be intently scrutinizing every individual of our company, as if silently debating the policy of an immediate attack, one of the Maya Indians, of whom I had been learning the dialect, stepped forward and informed us that they were a detachment of rural guards, a very numerous military force, which had been appointed from time immemorial, or, at least from the time of the Spanish invasion, to hunt down and capture all strangers of a foreign race that should be found within a circle of twelve leagues of the city; and he repeated the statement made to us from the beginning, that no white man had hitherto eluded their vigilance or left their city alive. He said there was a tradition that many of the pioneers of Alvarado's army had been cut off in this manner, and never heard of more, while their skulls and weapons are to this day suspended round the altars of the pagan gods. He added, finally, that if we wished to escape the same fate, now was our only chance; that as we numbered thirty-five, all armed with repeating rifles, we could easily destroy the present detachment, which amounted to but fifty, and secure our retreat before another could come up; but that, in order to do this, it was necessary first to shoot the dogs, which all our Indians regarded with the utmost dread and horror. "I instantly felt the force of this advice, in which, also, I was sustained by Senor Hammond; but Senor Huertis, whom, as the leader of the expedition, we were all bound and solemnly pledged to obey; utterly rejected the proposition. He had come so far to see the city and see it he would, whether taken thither as a captive or not, and whether he ever returned from it or not, that this was the contract originally proposed, and to which I had assented; that the fine troop before us was evidently not a gang of savages, but a body of civilized men and good soldiers; and as to the dogs, they were noble animals of the highest blood he ever saw. If, however, I and his friend Hammond, who seemed afraid of being eaten, in preference to the fine beef and venison which we had seen in such profusion on the plain, really felt alarmed at the bugbear legends of our vagabond Indians, before any demonstration of hostility had been made, we were welcome to take two-thirds of the men and mules and make our retreat as best we could, while he would advance with Antonio and the remainder of the party, to the gates of the city, and demand a peaceable admission. I could not but admire the romantic intrepidity of this resolve, though I doubted its discretion; and assured him I was ready to follow his example and share his fate. "While this conversation was passing among us, the Indian commanders held a conference apparently as grave and important. But just as Senor Huertis and myself had agreed to advance towards them for a parley, they separated without deigning a reply to our salutation--the elder and more highly decorated, galloped off towards the city with a small escort, while the other briskly crossed our front at the head of his squadron and entered the forest nearer the entrance of the valley. This opening in the hills, was scarcely a quarter of a mile wide, and but a few minutes elapsed before we saw a single horseman cross it toward the wood on the opposite side. Presently, another troop of horse of the same uniform appearance as the first, were seen passing a glade of the wood which the single horseman had penetrated, and it thus became evident that a manoeuvre had already been effected to cut off our retreat. The mountains surrounding the whole area of the plain, were absolutely perpendicular for three-fourths of their altitude, which was no where less than a thousand feet; and from many parts of their wildly piled outline, huge crags projected in monstrous mammoth forms, as if to plunge to the billows of forest beneath. At no point of this vast impassible boundary was there a chasm or declivity discernable by which we could make our exit, except the one thus formidably intercepted. "To retire into the forest and water our mules at a copious stream which rushed forth from its recesses, and recruit our own exhausted strength with food and rest, was our first necessary resource. In tracing the rocky course of the current for a convenient watering place, Antonio discovered that it issued from a cavern, which, though a mere fissure exteriorly, was, within, of cathedral dimensions and solemnity; we all entered it and drank eagerly from a foaming basin, which it immediately presented to our fevered lips. Our first sensations were those of freedom and independence, and of that perfect security which is the basis of both. It was long since we had slept under a roof of any kind, while here a few men could defend our repose against an assault from thousands; but it was horribly evident, to my mind, that a few watchful assailants would suffice to reduce us to starvation, or destroy us in detail. Our security was that of a prison, and our freedom was limited to its walls. Happily, however, for the present hour, this reflection seemed to trouble no one. Objects of wonder and veneration grew numerous to our gaze. Gigantic statues of ancient warriors, with round shields, arched helmets, and square breast-plates, curiously latticed and adorned, stood sculptured in high relief, with grave faces and massive limbs, and in the regular order of columns around the walls of this grand mausoleum. Many of them stood arrayed in the crimson of the setting sun, which then flamed through the tall fissure into the cavern; and the deep gloom into which long rows of others utterly retired from our view, presented a scene at once of mingled mystery and splendor. It was evidently a place of great and recent resort, both for men and horses, for plentiful supplies of fresh fodder for the latter were heaped in stone recesses; while the ashes of numerous fires, mingled with discarded moccasins and broken pipes and pottery, attested a domiciliary occupation by the former. Farther into the interior, were found seats and sleeping-couches of fine cane work; and in a spacious recess, near the entrance, a large collection of the bones, both of the ox and the deer, with hides, also, of both, but newly flayed and suspended on pegs by the horns. These last evidences of good living had more effect upon our hungry Indians than all the rest, and within an hour after dark, while we were seeking our first sleep, four fine deer were brought in by about a dozen of our party, whom we supposed to have been faithfully guarding our citadel. It is unnecessary to say that we gladly arose to the rich repast that ensued, for we had eaten nothing but our scant allowance of tortillas for many days, and were in the lassitude of famine." Tempting as such extracts are, we must avoid them, and hasten through a summary of subsequent events. There is one singular incident, however, mentioned in the passage immediately following the above, possessing too important a connexion with the final catastrophe to be pretermitted at this place. Mr. Hammond, the Canadian engineer, fearing that the peculiarity of his appearance, as a man of fair and ruddy complexion, among a swarthy race, would subject him to great annoyance, and perhaps involve him in the horrible fate of a similar person, reported by the Indians, resolved to stain his skin of a darker hue, by means of some chemical preparation which he had precautionarily provided for this purpose, before he left the United States. With the friendly assistance of Antonio, this metamorphosis was completed over his whole person before he retired to rest; his red whiskers were shaved off, and his light hair died of a jet black; and so perfect was the disguise, that not one of the party who went foraging for venison recognized him on their return, but marvelled, as he sat at supper, whence so singular a stranger could have come. Velasquez states, however, that his new complexion was unlike that of any human being on the face of the earth, and scarcely diminished the certainty of his becoming an object of curiosity, among an Indian population. In the morning, about the break of day, the infernal yells of a pack of blood-hounds suddenly rang through the cavern, and the party could scarcely seize their rifles before many of the dogs, who had driven in the affrighted Indians on guard, were springing at their throats. Mr. Huertis, however, the American leader of the expedition, with that presence of mind which seems always to have distinguished him, told the men that rifles were useless in such a contest, and that the hounds must be dispatched with their long knives as fast as they came in, while the fire-arms were to be reserved for their masters. This canine butchery was accomplished with but little difficulty; none of the party received any serious injury from their fangs; and the Indians were exhilarated with a victory which was chiefly a conquest of their fears. These unfortunate dogs, it appears, were the advanced van of a pack, or perhaps merely a few unleashed as scouts to others held in reserve; for no more were seen or heard for sometime. Meanwhile, Mr. Huertis seems to have struck out a brilliant scheme. He collected his whole party into that obscure branch of the cavern, near its entrance, which has been described as a depository of animal bones, and ordering them to sling their rifles at their backs, bade them stand ready with their knives. Almost instantly, they observed a party of ten dismounted natives, in scarlet tunics, and armed with spears, enter the cavern in single file; and, it would seem, from seeing the dogs slain and no enemy in sight, they rushed out again, without venturing on farther search. In a few minutes, however, they returned with forty or fifty more, in the same uniform, headed by the younger of the two personages whom they had seen in command the previous evening. As soon as they were well advanced into the cavern, and heard disturbing the tired mules, Mr. Huertis and his party marched quietly out and seized their horses, which were picketed close by, in charge of two or three men, whom they disarmed. At a short distance, however, drawn up in good order, was another squadron of horses, which Mr. Huertis determined instantly to charge. Ordering his whole party to mount the noble stallions they had captured, and reserve their fire until he gave the word, he, Velasquez, and Hammond, drew the short sabres they had worn on their march, and led the attack. The uniformed natives, however, did not wait the encounter, but scattered in wonderment and consternation; doubtless under the impression that all their comrades had been slain. But the rapid approach of a much larger force--which is found, eventually, to have consisted of two detachments of fifty each, being just twice their number--speedily reassured them, and falling in line with this powerful reinforcement, the whole hundred and fifty charged upon our comparative handful of travellers, at a rapid pace. Huertis promptly ordered his little party to halt, and form in line, two deep, with presented arms; and doubtless feeling that, notwithstanding the disparity of numbers, the enemy, armed only with spears and small side-hatchets, held but a slender chance of victory over a party of thirty-eight--most of them old campaigners in the sanguinary expeditions of the terrible Carrera--armed with new "six-shooting" rifles and long knives, generously commanded them to keep aim upon the horses only, until further orders. In the meantime, most of their plumed opponents, instead of using their long spears as in lance practice, threw them through the air from so great a distance that nearly all fell short of the mark--an infallible indication both of timidity and inexperience in action. The unfortunate Mr. Hammond, however, was pierced through the right breast, and another of the party was killed by being transfixed through the bowels. At this instant Huertis gave the word to fire; and, at the next, no small number of the enemy were rolling upon the sod, amid their plunging horses. A second rapid, but well delivered volley, brought down as many more, when the rest, in attitudes of frantic wonder and terror, unconsciously dropped their weapons and fled like affrighted fowls under the sudden swoop of the kite. Their dispersion was so outrageously wild and complete that no two of them could be seen together as they radiated over the plain. The men and horses seemed impelled alike by a preternatural panic; and neither Cortez in Mexico, nor Pizarro in Peru, ever witnessed greater consternation at fire-arms among a people, who, for the first time, beheld their phenomena and effects--when mere hundreds of invaders easily subjugated millions of natives chiefly by this appalling influence--than was manifested by these Iximayans on this occasion. Indeed, it appears that these primitive and isolated people, holding no intercourse whatever with the rest of mankind, were as ignorant as their ancestors even of the existence of this kind of weapons; and although their modern hieroglyphical annals were found to contain vague allusions to the use of them in the conquest of the surrounding country, by means of a peculiar kind of thunder and lightning, and several old Spanish muskets and pistols were found in their scant collection of foreign curiosities, yet, not even the most learned of their priests had retained the slightest notion of the uses for which they were designed. While this summary conflict was enacted on the open lawn of the forest, the dismounted company in the cavern having completed their fruitless search for the fugitives, emerged from its portal with all the mules and baggage, just in time to see and hear the fiery explosions of the rifles and their effect upon the whole body of scarlet cavalry. The entire scene, including the mounted possession of their horses by uncouthly attired strangers, previously invisible, must have appeared to these terror-stricken natives an achievement of supernatural beings. And when Mr. Huertis wheeled his obstreperously laughing party to recover his mules, he found most of the astounded men prostrated upon their faces, while others, more self-possessed, knelt upon the bended knee, and, with drooping heads, crossed their hands behind them to receive the bonds of captives. Their gallant and gaily accoutred young chieftain, however, though equally astonished and dismayed, merely surrendered his javelin as an officer would his sword, under the like circumstances, in civilized warfare. But, with admirable tact and forethought, Huertis declined to accept it, immediately returning it with the most profound and deferential cordiality of manner. He at the same time informed him, through Velasquez, that, though strangers, his party were not enemies but friendly visitors, who, after a long and painful journey, again to be pursued, desired the temporary hospitality of his countrymen in their magnificent city. The young chief replied, with evident discomposure and concern, that his countrymen showed no hospitality to strangers, it being interdicted by their laws and punishable with death; that the inhabitants of their city held intercourse only with the population of the surrounding valley, who were restricted alike by law and by patriotism from ever leaving its confines; he and his fellow soldiers alone being privileged to visit the neighboring regions for the purpose of arresting intruders, (_cowana_,) and escorting certain kind of merchandize which they exchanged with a people of their own race in an adjoining district. He added, with much eloquence of manner, and as Velasquez believed, of language, which he but partially understood, that the independence and peace of his nation, who were a peaceful and happy people, depended upon these severe restrictions, which indeed had been the only means of preserving it, while all the country besides, from sea to sea, had bowed to a foreign yoke, and seen their ancient cities, once the seats and centres of mighty empires, overgrown with forest, and the temples of their gods demolished. He further added, says Velasquez, in a very subdued but significant tone, that some few strangers, it was true, had been taken to the city by its guards in the course of many generations, but that none of them had been allowed an opportunity of betraying its existence and locality to the cruel rapacity of the foreign race. He concluded by earnestly entreating them, since he could not compel them as prisoners, to enter the city as friends, with the view of residing there for life; promising them wives, and dwellings, and honors; for even now, if they attempted to retreat, they would be overtaken by thousands of armed men on fleet horses, that would overpower them by their numbers and subject them to a very different fate. Mr. Huertis rejoined, through the same interpreter, that he could destroy any number of armed men, on the swiftest horses, before they could approach him, as the chief had already seen; and since he could enforce his exit from the city whenever he thought proper, he would enter it upon his own terms, either as a conqueror, or as a friend, according to the reception he met with; that there was now no race of conquerors to whom the city could be betrayed, even if he were disposed to do so, as the people of the whole country, of all races, were now living in a state of perfect freedom and equality; and that, therefore, there was no necessity for those unsocial and sanguinary laws which secluded the Iximayans from friendly intercourse with their fellow-men. Saying which, and without waiting for further colloquy, he ordered his party to dismount, restore the horses to their owners, and march with the train of mules toward the city, in the usual style of travel. With this order, his Indians complied very reluctantly, but on assuring them that it was a matter of the highest policy, they evinced their wonted confidence in his judgment and ability. To the young chief he restored his own richly caparisoned steed, which had fallen to the lot of the unfortunate Mr. Hammond, who was now lying desperately wounded, in the care of the faithful Antonio. For himself and Senor Velasquez, Mr. Huertis retained the horses they had first seized, and placing themselves on each side of the Iximayan commander, with their friend Hammond borne immediately behind them, in one of the cane couches of the cavern, on the backs of two mules yoked together, they advanced to the head of their party, while the red troopers, followed by the surviving bloodhounds leashed in couples, brought up the rear. Huertis, however, had taken the precaution to add the spears and hatchets of these men to the burdens of the forward mules, to abide the event of his reception at the city gates. The appearance of the whole cavalcade must have been unique and picturesque; for Velasquez informs us, that while he wore the uniform of a military company to which he belonged in San Salvador, much enhanced in effect by some brilliant additions, and crowned with a broad sombrero and plume, Huertis wore that of an American naval commander, with gold epaulettes; his riflemen and muleteers generally were clothed in blue cotton and grass hats, while the native cavalry, in the brilliant tunics and feathered coronals, already described, must have completed the diversity of the variegated cortege. Had poor Hammond been mounted among them, his costume would have been as equivocal as his new complexion, for he had attired himself in the scarlet coat of a British officer of rank, with several blazing stars of glass jewels, surmounted by a white Panama hat, in which clustered an airy profusion of ladies' ostrich feathers, dyed blue at the edges. In passing the spot of the recent skirmish, they found that nine horses and two men had been killed, the latter unintentionally, besides the rifleman of their own party. Many other horses were lying wounded, in the struggles of death, and several of their riders were seated on the ground, disabled by bruises or dislocations. Huertis' men buried their comrades in a grave hastily dug with the spears which lay around him, while the Iximayans laid their dead and wounded upon horses, to be conveyed to a village on the plain. The former, it was found, were consumed there the next day, in funereal fires, with idolatrous rites; and it was observed by the travellers that the native soldiers regarded their dead with emotions of extreme sensibility, and almost feminine grief, like men wholly unaccustomed to scenes of violent death. But Velasquez remarks, that the strongest emotion evinced by the young chief, throughout their intercourse, was when he heard the word "Iximaya," in interpreting for Huertis. He then seemed to be smitten and subdued, by blank despair, as if he felt that the city and its location were already familiarly known to the foreign world. As already intimated, the distance to the city was about six miles. The expedition found the road to it bordered, on either side, as far as the eye could reach, with a profuse and valuable vegetation, the result of evidently assiduous and skilful culture. Indigo, corn, oats, a curious five-eared wheat, gourds, pine-apples, esculent roots, pulse, flax, and hemp, the white as well as the crimson cotton, vineyards, and fruit orchards, grew luxuriantly in large, regularly divided fields, which were now ripe for the harvest. The villages, large and populous, were mostly composed of flat-roofed dwellings with broad overhanging eaves or architraves, supported by heavy columns, often filletted over spiral flutings, in the Egyptian style, and generally terminating in foliaged capitals, of the same character. None of the houses were mean, while many were superb; and of the mosque-like larger buildings, which occasionally appeared, and which were supposed to be rural temples, some were grand and imposing. A profusion of bold sculpture, was the prevailing characteristic, and perhaps defect, of all. The inhabitants, who thronged the wayside in great numbers, appeared excited with surprise and exultation, on beholding the large company of strangers apparently in the custody of their military, while the disarmed condition of the latter, and the bodies of the slain, were a mystery they could not explain. Many of the husbandmen were observed to be in possession of bows and arrows, and some of the women held rusty spears. The predominant costume of both sexes was a pale blue tunic, gathered in at the breast and descending to the knee, with reticulated buskins, of red cord, covering the calf of the leg. The women, with few exceptions, were of fine form, and the highest order of Indian beauty, with an extraordinary affluence of black hair, tastefully disposed, and decorated with plumes and flowers. At the village where the dead and wounded were left, with their relatives and friends, doleful lamentations were heard, until the expedition approached the city. The walls of this metropolis were sixty feet high, sloping inward from the foundation, surmounted by a parapet which overhung in a concave curve and rested upon a plain moulding. They were evidently a massive work of a remote period, for although constructed of large blocks of granitic stone, white and glittering in the sun, passing ages had corroded rough crevices between the layers, and the once perfect cornices had become indented by the tooth of time. The sculptured annals of the city recorded them an antiquity of four thousand years. They formed a parallelogram four miles long and three in width, thus inclosing an area of nearly twelve square miles, and they breasted the cardinal points of the horizon with a single gate, or propylon, midway on every side. On approaching the eastern gate, the travellers discovered that the foundations of the walls were laid in a deep foss or moat a hundred feet wide, nearly full to its brink and abounding with water-fowl. It was replenished from the mountains, and discharged its surplus waters into the lakes of the valley. It was to be crossed by a draw-bridge now raised over the gate, and the parapet was thronged with the populace to behold the entrance of so large a number of strangers for whom there was no return. At a signal from the young chief, the bridge slowly descended and the cavalcade passed over; but the folding gates, which were composed of blocks of stone curiously dovetailed together, and which revolved upon hinges of the same material by a ball and socket contrivance above and below, were not yet opened, and the party were detained on the bridge. A small oval orifice only appeared, less than a human face, and an ear was applied there to receive an expected word in a whisper. This complied with, the ponderous gates unfolded, and a vista of solemn magnificence was presented to the view. It was a vista at once of colossal statues and trees, interminable in perspective and extending, as it was found, the whole length of the city to its western gate. Incredible as it may be, until we reflect upon the ancient statuary of the eastern world, Velasquez reports each and all of these monuments as being exactly of the height of the city wall, that is, sixty feet, and all possessing the proportions of the human figure. He adds, what is equally marvelous, that no two of them were precisely alike in countenance, and very few in their sculptural costume. There was some distinctive emblem upon each, and he was informed that they were statues of the ancient kings of Assyria, from before the foundation of Babylon, and of their descendants in the Aztec empires of this continent. They stood sixty feet apart, with a smaller monument of some mythological animal between each, and were said to number one hundred and fifteen, on each side of the avenue they formed, which was one hundred and twenty feet in width. A similar but shorter avenue, it appears, crossed the city from north to south, having a proportional number of such monuments through its entire extent; and these two grand avenues ran through wide areas of green sward richly grouped with lofty trees. But the translator finds himself trespassing upon forbidden ground and must forbear. As the cavalcade advanced through this highway to the centre of the city, they found it crowded on each side with the masses of the population assembled to behold a spectacle so unprecedented and mysterious; but the utmost order prevailed and even the silence was profound. The news of the slaughter and dispersion of their military guardians, by an army of strangers, wielding deadly weapons of fire and smoke, had already run through every quarter of the city with increasing exaggeration and terror; but the people wisely left its investigation to their constituted authorities, and were rendered comparatively tranquil by their personal observation of its actual results. Arrived at the quadrated point, where the two great avenues we have described intersect, Mr. Huertis boldly demanded of his guide the further course and character of his destination. He was answered by his dignified companion, that he would be conducted to the building immediately before him, which is described as one of majestic dimensions and style, where the monarch of the nation daily assembled with his councillors, at the hour of noon, to administer justice and listen to complaints. In the meantime, his wounded friend could be placed in a state of greater ease and repose, in one of the apartments of the edifice, while the mules and baggage could be disposed of in its basement vaults. When this was accomplished the hours of audience had arrived. The entire party of strangers, with the young chief and several of his subordinates, were then led into a large and lofty hall, surrounded by columns, and displaying three raised seats covered with canopies of rich drapery and design. On the one of these, which stood at the eastern end, sat the monarch himself, a personage of grave but benignant aspect, about sixty years of age, arrayed in scarlet and gold, and having a golden image of the rising sun, of extraordinary splendor, displayed on the back of his throne. On the seat on the southern side, sat a venerable man of advanced age, not less gorgeously attired; and the seat at the western end was occupied by a functionary of similar years and costume. Around the apartment, and especially around the steps of the throne, sat other grave looking men, in scarlet robes. Huertis, Velasquez, and their Indians, still carrying their loaded rifles, of which he had not suffered them to be deprived, stood on the left side of the monarch, and the young chief and his soldiers on the right. The latter gave his statement with truth and manly candour, although the facts which he averred seemed to fill the whole council with amazement, and left a settled gloom upon the imperial brow. The whole proceeding possesses great interest in Velasquez's narrative, but we can only briefly state that it resulted in the decision, which was concurred in by the associate councillors, that the strangers having magnanimously released and restored the company of guards, after they had surrendered themselves prisoners; and having voluntarily entered the city in a peaceable manner, when they might possibly have effected their escape, were entitled to their personal freedom, within the limits of the city, and might eventually, under voluntary but indispensable obligations, become eligible to all the privileges of citizenship, within the same limits. In the mean time, they were to be maintained as pensioners of state, on condition that they made no use of their dangerous weapons, nor exhibited them to terrify the people. With this decision, Huertis and his companions were perfectly satisfied, for the latter had undiminished confidence in his ability and determination to achieve their escape, as soon as he should have accomplished the scientific objects of his expedition. On leaving the hall of justice, they observed the elder military chief, of whom a slight mention has been made, brought in with two others of inferior rank; and it was afterwards currently reported that they had been sentenced to close imprisonment. It was, also, ascertained by Velasquez, that the four companies of rangers, already noticed, composing a regiment of two hundred men, constituted the whole military force of this timid and peaceful people. From this point, our abstract of the narrative must be chiefly a brief catalogue of the most important of the concluding events. The place of residence assigned to our travellers, was the vacant wing of a spacious and sumptuous structure, at the western extremity of the city, which had been appropriated, from time immemorial, to the surviving remnant of an ancient and singular order of priesthood called Kaanas, which, it was distinctly asserted in their annals and traditions, had accompanied the first migration of this people from the Assyrian plains. Their peculiar and strongly distinctive lineaments, it is now perfectly well ascertained are to be traced in many of the sculptured monuments of the central American ruins, and were found still more abundantly on those of Iximaya. Forbidden, by inviolably sacred laws, from intermarrying with any persons but those of their own caste, they had here dwindled down, in the course of many centuries, to a few insignificant individuals, diminutive in stature, and imbecile in intellect. They were, nevertheless, held in high veneration and affection by the whole Iximayan community, probably as living specimens of an antique race so nearly extinct. Their position, as an order of priesthood, it is now known, had not been higher, for many ages, if ever, than that of religious mimes and bacchanals, in a certain class of pagan ceremonies, highly popular with the multitude. This, indeed, is evident from their characteristics in the sculptures. Their ancient college, or hospital, otherwise vacant and forlorn, was now chiefly occupied by a much higher order of priests, called Mahaboons, who were their legal and sacerdotal guardians. With a Yachin, one of the junior brethren of this order, named Vaalpeor, a young man of superior intellect and attainments, Velasquez soon cultivated a friendly and confidential acquaintance, which proved reciprocal and faithful. And while Huertis was devoting all his time and energies to the antiquities, hieroglyphics, ethnology, science, pantheism, theogony, arts, manufactures, and social institutions of this unknown city and people, the ear of this young pagan priest was as eagerly imbibing, from the wiley lips of Velasquez, a similar knowledge of the world at large, to him equally new and enchanting. If Huertis had toiled so severely, and hazarded so much, both as to himself and companions, to acquire a knowledge of this one city and people, it soon became clear to the penetrating mind of Velasquez, that Vaalpeor possessed enough both of mental ambition and personal energy to incur equal toil and risk to learn the wonders of the cities and races of the greater nations of mankind. Indeed, this desire evidently glowed in his breast with a consuming fervor, and when Velasquez, after due observation proposed the liberation of the whole expedition, with Vaalpeor himself, as its protected companion, the now consciously imprisoned pagan, horror-stricken at first, regarded the proposition with complacency, and finally, with a degree of delight, regardless of consequences. It was, however, mutually agreed that the design should be kept secret from Huertis, until ripe for success. A serious obstacle existed in his plighted guardianship of the Kaana children, whom he could abandon only with his life; but even this was not deemed insurmountable. In the meantime, Huertis, to facilitate his own objects, had prevailed upon his entire party to conform in dress and habits with the community in which they lived. The city was surrounded on all sides by a lofty colonade, sustaining the upper esplanade of the city walls, and forming a broad covered walk beneath, in which the population could promenade, sheltered from sun and shower. In these places of general resort, the new citizens appeared daily, until they had become familiarly known to the greater part of the eighty-five thousand inhabitants of the city. Huertis, moreover, had formed domestic and social connexions; was the welcome guest of families of the highest rank, who were fascinated with the information he afforded them of the external world; had made tacit converts to liberty of many influential persons; had visited each of the four grand temples which stood in the centre of the several quadrangular divisions of the city, and externally conformed to their idolatrous worship. He had even been admitted into some of the most sacred mysteries of these temples, while Velasquez, more retired, and avowedly more scrupulous, was content to receive the knowledge thus acquired, in long conversations by the sick couch of poor Hammond, now rapidly declining to the grave. Mr. Hammond's dreadful wound had but partially healed in the course of several months; his constitution was exhausted, and he was dying of remittent fever and debility. His chief regret was that he could not assist his friend Huertis in his researches and drawings, and determine the place of the city by astronomical observations which his friends were unable to take. The day before he died, he was visited by some of the medical priesthood, who, on seeing numerous light spots upon his skin, where the preparation with which he had stained it had disappeared, they pronounced him _a leper_, and ordered that all intercourse with the building should be suspended. No explanation would convince them to the contrary, and his death confirmed them in their opinion. Availing himself of this opportunity, and under the plea that it was important to their safety, Vaalpeor removed the two orphan children in his charge to one of the country temples in the plain, and the idle mules of the strangers were employed to carry tents, couches, and other bulky requisites for an unprovided rural residence. It may be added that he included among them much of the baggage of his new friends, with the greater part of their rifles and ammunition. In the mean time Huertis, Velasquez, and about half of their party, were closely confined to the part of the edifice assigned for their occupation. Their friend Hammond had been interred without the walls, in a field appropriated to lepers by the civic authorities. Huertis, was now informed of the plan of escape, but was not ready; he had more daguerreotype views to take, and many curiosities to collect. The interdicted period of nine days having expired, the young priest, who had free access to the city at all times, again appeared at their abode and urged an early retreat, as the return of the orphan children would soon be required. But Huertis was abroad in the city and could not be consulted. He remained absent all the day, and did not return to his apartments at night. It was so all the next day and night, and Velasquez was deeply alarmed. On searching his rooms for his papers, drawings and instruments, for secret transmittal into the country, he found them all removed, including those of Mr. Hammond which were among them. It was then vainly hoped that he had effected his escape with all his treasures, but his Indians knew nothing of the matter. Shortly after this discovery, Vaalpeor arrived with its explanation. Huertis had made a confidant of his intended flight whom he idly hoped would accompany it, and she had betrayed him. His offence, after his voluntary vows, and his initiation into the sacred mysteries, was unpardonable, and his fate could not be doubted. Indeed, the trembling priest at length admitted that he had been sacrificed in due form upon the high altar of the sun, and that he himself had beheld the fatal ceremony. Huertis, however, had implicated none of his associates, and there was yet a chance of escape. To pass the gates was impossible; but the wall might be descended in the night by ropes, and to swim the moat was easy. This was effected by Velasquez and fifteen of his party the same night; the rest either did not make the attempt or failed, and the faithful Antonio was among them. The fugitives had scarcely reached the secluded retreat of Vaalpeor, and mounted their mules, before the low yelp of blood-hounds was heard upon their trail and soon burst into full cry. But the dogs were somewhat confused by the scent of so many footsteps on the spot at which the party mounted, and did not follow the mules until the horsemen led the way. This afforded time for the fugitives, racing their swift mules at full speed, to reach the opening of the valley, when Velasquez wheeled and halted, for the pursuers were close at hand. A conflict ensued in which many of the horsemen were slain, and the young kaana received an accidental wound of which he retains the scar. It must suffice to say, that the party eventually secured their retreat without loss of life; and by break of day they were on a mountainous ridge many leagues from Iximaya. In about fourteen days, they reached Ocosingo, after great suffering. Here Velasquez reluctantly parted with most of his faithful Indians, and here also died Vaalpeor, from the unaccustomed toil and deprivations of the journey. Velasquez, with the two Aztec children, did not reach San Salvador until the middle of February, when they became objects of the highest interest to the most intellectual classes of that city. As the greatest ethnological curiosities in living form, that ever appeared among civilised men, he was advised to send them to Europe for exhibition. With this view they were taken to Grenada where they remained the objects of much local curiosity, until it was deemed proper and advisable first to exhibit them to the people of the United States. The parties whom Senor Velasquez first appointed as their temporary guardians brought them to New York via Jamaica, and they will no doubt attract and reward universal attention. They are supposed to be eight and ten years of age, and both are lively, playful and affectionate. But it is as specimens of an _absolutely unique_ and nearly extinct race of mankind that they claim the attention of Physiologists and all men of science. Transcriber's Note The following errors were corrected. Page Error 4 Vaalpeor, in changed to Vaalpeor, an 4 Diocess changed to Diocese 5 scirra changed to sierra 6 attemped changed to attempted 6 Gautamala changed to Guatimala 6 seirra changed to sierra 6 rasing changed to raising 7 seirra changed to sierra 7 Balize changed to Belize 8 way changed to way. 8 Hammand changed to Hammond 8 attestors changed to attesters 9 proceded changed to proceeded 9 regreted changed to regretted 9 repecting changed to respecting 9 experince changed to experience 10 idolitrous changed to idolatrous 10 invaluble changed to invaluable 11 joval changed to jovial 11 mentined changed to mentioned 13 realitily changed to reality 13 rediculous changed to ridiculous 14 guilded changed to gilded 14 pinacle changed to pinnacle 15 mountians changed to mountains 15 Chiapas. changed to Chiapas." 16 limbstone changed to limestone 16 parapetted changed to parapeted 16 Aarchbishop changed to Archbishop 17 amunition changed to ammunition 17 orign changed to origin 18 Mayua changed to Maya 18 interpeters changed to interpreters 18 provinical changed to provincial 19 pewerful changed to powerful 19 I changed to "I 19 solemly changed to solemnly 21 mocassins changed to moccasins 21 States changed to States. 24 defferential changed to deferential 27 pine-apples changed to pine-apples, 29 a ear changed to an ear 29 disperson changed to dispersion 29 ran through changed to run through 30 appartments changed to apartments 30 indispensible changed to indispensable 31 destinctive changed to distinctive 33 amunition changed to ammunition 33 apropriated changed to appropriated 33 appartments changed to apartments 34 Valasquez changed to Velasquez 34 transmital changed to transmittal The following words were inconsistently spelled or hyphenated. blood-hounds / bloodhounds land-marks / landmarks Meztitzos / Mestitzos re-assured / reassured 
40559	----	[Illustration: A MANGUE INDIAN RECITING A LOGA. SEE PAGE XXV.] BRINTON'S LIBRARY OF ABORIGINAL AMERICAN LITERATURE. NUMBER III. THE GÜEGÜENCE; A COMEDY BALLET IN THE NAHUATL-SPANISH DIALECT OF NICARAGUA. EDITED BY DANIEL G. BRINTON AMS PRESS NEW YORK COPYRIGHT, D. G. BRINTON. 1883. LIBRARY OF ABORIGINAL AMERICAN LITERATURE. No. III. EDITED BY D. G. BRINTON, M.D. PHILADELPHIA: 1883. PREFACE. The play which is presented in this volume is the only specimen known to me of the native American comedy. It is of comparatively recent origin, and is composed in a mixed dialect, a jargon of low Spanish and corrupt Aztec (Nahuatl); but, both in its history and spirit, it bears so many marks of native composition, and is so characteristic of the sort of humor popular with the tribes from whom it was obtained, that it fairly merits a place in this series of publications. The text was obtained in Nicaragua, by the late Dr. Carl Hermann Berendt. But no translation of any part of it and no notes upon it were found among his papers. The responsibility for the rendering rests, therefore, with myself. It has presented extreme difficulty, owing to the imperfect condition of the text, the deterioration of the Nahuatl words and forms, the antiquated and provincial senses of the Spanish words, and the obscure local references introduced. I would rather speak of my work as a loose paraphrase, aimed to give the general sense and humorous tone of the original, than as a faithful translation. The text has been printed precisely as in the manuscript, even obvious errors in spelling and punctuation having been preserved. Suggestions with reference to these are made in the notes. For assistance in translating the Spanish text, I would acknowledge my indebtedness to Professor Adolfo Pierra, of Philadelphia, and Dr. F. C. Valentine, of New York, both of whom have passed considerable periods in Central America. _Philadelphia, November, 1883._ CONTENTS. PAGE _Introduction._ § 1. _The Nahuas and Mangues of Nicaragua._ v Location of the Nahuas of Nicaragua, v Derivation of the word _Nicaragua_, v Origin of the Nicaraguan Nahuas, vi Location of the Mangues, viii Why called _Chorotecas_, viii Relationship to the Chapanecs, ix Culture level of the Nahuas, x Of the Mangues, x Disappearance of their languages, xi Comparison of the Nahuatl of Nicaragua and of Mexico, xiii Comparison of the Mangue with the Chapanec, xiii Differences between Nicaraguan and pure Nahuatl, xiv Comparison of the Mangue or Chapanec, of Central America, with the Aymara, of Peru, xv Development of the Nahuatl-Spanish jargon, xvii Specimens of it, xvii § 2. _The Bailes or Dramatic Dances of Nicaragua._ xix Oviedo's description, xx Symbolism of the dance, xxii Benzoni's description, xxii Gage's remarks, xxii Historical character of the dances, xxiii Five classes of dances, xxiii Purpose and characters, xxiv The Logas, xxv Las Inditas, xxv The Chinegritos, xxvi The Negritos, xxvi Toro-Guaca and other dances, xxvi The drama of the Ollita, xxvii § 3. _Nicaraguan Musical Instruments and Music._ xxviii The Marimba, its form and origin, xxviii The Drum, xxx The Ollita or Musical Jar, xxxi The Pito or Whistle, xxxiii Specimens of Airs, xxxiv The long Flute, xxxv The Juco, xxxv The Quijongo or Carimba, xxxvi The Chilchil or Ayacachtli, xxxvi The Cacho, xxxvii Character of native music, xxxvii Air of the Malinche, xxxviii Choruses and Cofradias, xxxviii Melodies from the Güegüence, xl § 4. _History of the "Baile del Güegüence."_ xli Whence the text was obtained, xli Time and manner of its rehearsal, xli Age of the play, xlii Reasons for considering it a native production xlii How different from the Spanish comedy, xliii Native plots of similar character, xliv Native comedians, xlv § 5. _The Dramatis Personæ of the Güegüence._ xlv The Güegüence, xlv Derivation of the name, xlv Character, xlv Malicious humor, xlvi Costume, xlvi Don Forcico and Don Ambrosio, xlvi Contrast of actions, xlvii The Governor Tastuanes, xlvii Derivation of the name, xlvii Minor characters, xlvii The lady Suchi Malinche, xlvii Derivation of the name, xlvii The mules, xlvii Their costume, xlviii § 6. _Epitome of the Story of the Güegüence._ xlviii THE GÜEGÜENCE; A COMEDY. 3 _Notes to the Güegüence._ 75 _Vocabulary._ 83 _Index._ 93 LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS. PAGE FRONTISPIECE. A MANGUE INDIAN RECITING A LOGA. _From an original sketch by Dr. Berendt._ MAP OF THE LOCATION OF THE NAHUAS OF NICARAGUA AND THEIR NEIGHBORS. xii ANCIENT DANCE IN NICARAGUA. xxii _From Oviedo's Historia._ A MARIMBA PLAYER AND HIS INSTRUMENT. xxix _From Von Tempsky's Mitla._ ANCIENT AZTEC MUSICIAN. xxx _From Duran's Historia._ NICARAGUAN INDIANS PLAYING ON THE DRUM. xxxii _From an original sketch by Dr. Berendt._ EARTHENWARE MUSICAL JAR FROM NICARAGUA. xxxiii _From a drawing by Dr. Berendt._ EARTHENWARE WHISTLE FROM NICARAGUA. xxxiii _From a drawing by Dr. Berendt._ NATIVE FLUTE MELODIES. xxxiv _From MS. of Dr. Berendt._ WHISTLES FROM NICARAGUAN BURIAL MOUNDS. xxxv _From Report of Dr. J. F. Bransford._ THE QUIJONGO OF NICARAGUA. xxxvi _Original Drawing from description._ AZTEC MOURNER SINGING AND PLAYING. xxxvii _From Aztec Codex in the Aubin Collection._ AIR OF MALINCHE. xxxviii _From Morelet's Voyage._ MELODIES FROM GÜEGÜENCE. xl _Original furnished by Dr. E. Flint._ EARTHENWARE CUP FROM NICARAGUA. lxxviii _From a sketch by Dr. Berendt._ A NICARAGUAN PLOUGH. lxxx _From Squier's Nicaragua._ A MACHETE. lxxxi _From an original sketch._ INTRODUCTION. § 1. _The Nahuas and Mangues of Nicaragua._ Among the outlying colonies of that important people whose chief seat was in the Valley of Mexico, and who are variously known as Aztecs, Mexicans or Nahuas, were several in Central America. "One of these," writes Mr. Squier, "occupied the principal islands in the Lake of Nicaragua, the narrow isthmus which intervenes between that lake and the Pacific, and probably a portion of the country to the southward, as far as the gulf of Nicoya. Their country was less than a hundred miles long, by twenty-five broad; yet here they preserved the same language and institutions, and practiced the same religious rites, with the people of the same stock who dwelt more than two thousand miles distant, on the plateau of Anahuac, from whom they were separated by numerous powerful nations, speaking different languages, and having distinct organizations."[1] This Nahuatl tribe gave the name to the Province, _Nicaragua_, this being, according to some early authorities, the personal appellation of their chief at the epoch of their discovery, in 1522, and, according to others, their national name.[2] For no sufficient reasons, Mr. Squier applied to them the term _Niquirans_, and Dr. Berendt _Nicaraos_, but it seems better to retain, as distinctive for them, the name _Nicaraguans_, or, more specifically, "the Nahuas of Nicaragua." "Nicaragua" is undoubtedly a Nahuatl word, but, as the letter _r_ is not found in that language, the precise original form is uncertain. Father Francisco Vasquez explained it as a compound of the Nahuatl _nican_, "here," and _anahuacos_, "here dwell those from Anahuac;"[3] or it may be from _nican_ and _nahua_ (plural form of _nahuatl_), "here dwell those speaking the Nahuatl tongue;" or, as a personal name of a chief, it may be _ni calaquiya_, "I entered into, or took possession." How it happened that this fragment of the Aztec nation had become detached from the main body and resident so far from its central seat, has not been clearly explained. Mr. Squier and some others have maintained the hypothesis that the migration of all the Aztec tribes was from south to north, and that their scattered members in Central America were bands which had stopped on the road.[4] This opinion, however, is refuted by the evidence of language, and also by the unanimous traditions of the Aztecs themselves, both in Nicaragua and in Mexico. The Nicaraguans had a very positive recollection that their ancestors came from Mexico, driven forth by scarcity of food, and that they wandered along the Pacific shore to the locality in which the Spaniards found them.[5] They remembered the names of their ancient home, or, rather, of their ancient kindred, and gave them as _Ticomega_ and _Maguateca_, locating them toward the west ("hacia donde se pone el sol"). It is easy to recognize in these words the Aztec terminations signifying _gens_ or tribe, _mecatl_ and _tecatl_, which in the plural drop the _tl_. Nor can we be far wrong in identifying _magua_ with the Aztec _maque_, upper, above, and _tico_ with _tiachcauh_, elder brother, and in translating these names, the one as "the upper people," _i. e._, the dwellers on the lofty interior plateau, and "our elder brothers," _i. e._, the senior and ranking clans of their tribe, who remained in Anahuac.[6] Besides these traditions, the Nicaraguans showed their close relationship to the Aztecs by a substantial identity of language, mythology, religious rites, calendars, manners and customs. We have, fortunately, an unusual mass of information about them, from an examination of their leading men by the chaplain Francisco de Bobadilla, in 1528, who took down their replies with as much accuracy as we could expect, and whose narrative has been preserved by the historian Oviedo. They also had retained a knowledge of the Mexican hieroglyphics, and wrote, in books of paper and parchment, their laws and ritual, their calendars and the boundaries of their lands.[7] While this Aztec band thus acknowledged themselves to be intruders, such appears not to have been the case with their immediate neighbors to the northeast and southwest. These were of one blood and language, and called themselves _mánkeme_, rulers, masters, which the Spaniards corrupted into _Mangues_.[8] The invading Aztecs appear to have split this ancient tribe into two fractions, the one driven toward the south, about the Gulf of Nicoya, the other northward, on and near Lake Managua, and beyond it on Fonseca Bay.[9] Probably in memory of this victory, the Nicaraguans applied to them the opprobrious name _Chololteca_, "those driven out," from the Nahuatl verb _choloa_, and the suffix _tecatl_, which was corrupted by the Spanish to _Chorotecas_.[10] The name does not by any means intimate that the Mangues came from Cholula in Mexico, as some ancient, and some modern, writers have hastily supposed;[11] nor is it a proof that they spoke an Aztec dialect, as Ternaux Compans has asserted.[12] So far is this from being the case, the Mangue has no sort of affinity with the Nahuatl, and must stand wholly asunder from it in the classification of American tongues. It has, indeed, a relative to the north, and a close one, the Chapanec or Chiapenec,[13] spoken by the inhabitants of three small villages in Chiapas, the largest of which has given its name to the province. These Chapanecs, by their traditions, still clearly remembered at the time of the Conquest, and preserved by the historian Remesal, migrated from Nicaragua to their more northern home. As they had no connection with the Aztecs, so, also, they were wholly without affinities with the great Maya stock, which extended far and wide over Central America, although the contrary has been recently stated.[14] In fact, among the five different languages which were spoken in the present province of Nicaragua at the time of the discovery, not one belonged to any branch of the Maya group.[15] My present theme does not extend to a discussion of these various tongues, nor take me further into the ethnology of their locality. It has to do solely with these two nations, the Nicaraguans and the Mangues. The culture-level of the former was nearly as high as that found in the Valley of Mexico. They had a settled government, constructed edifices of stone, sculptured idols, utensils and ornaments out of the same material, were skilled in ceramics, deft in weaving cotton cloth and reed or grass mats, able in war, and thoughtful enough to puzzle their first European visitors with questions as to the stars and the earth, the beginning and the end of things.[16] Careful archaeologists in our own day have searched the territory they inhabited, and many museums contain specimens of what they accomplished in the direction of the arts, and testify to a respectable degree of intellectual advancement.[17] We know less about the Mangues. They are mentioned as differing in religious rites from the Nicaraguans, and the impression is conveyed that they were in a more primitive condition, but yet with fair claims to be ranked among the cultivated nations of the new world. Among them, in fact, Dr. Berendt located one of the "centres of ancient American civilization," and considered the definite solution of their affiliations as one of the problems of the first order in the ethnology of America.[18] The Spanish historians relate that they had hieroglyphic books, like the Mexicans; that they were rather light in color, careful in dress, setting much store by their long hair, which they sedulously combed, and had an autocratic military government. Their country was thickly peopled, especially that portion of it between the lakes. The district of Managua was almost like a continuous town, so closely were the native houses placed together for nearly ten miles. In fact, it was called one city by the earliest explorers, and Oviedo, who takes pains to criticise these for their tendency to exaggeration, estimated the population of this limited district, at the time of the Conquest, at forty thousand souls.[19] At present, scarcely any pure-blood remnants of either of these nations can be found, and both languages are practically extinct. When Mr. Squier visited Nicaragua, in 1850, he obtained, with great difficulty, a short vocabulary of the Nahuatl dialect, spoken on the island of Ometepec, in Lake Nicaragua; and, in 1874, Dr. Berendt, only at the cost of repeated efforts, succeeded in securing from a few survivors of advanced ages a moderately full collection of Mangue words and sentences.[20] [Illustration: MAP OF THE LOCATION OF THE NAHUAS OF NICARAGUA AND THEIR NEIGHBORS.] To illustrate the practical identity of the Nahuatl of Nicaragua with that of Anahuac, and the Mangue of Nicaragua with that of Chiapas, I will insert two short lists of common words with their equivalents in those four dialects. The first is from Mr. Squier's works above referred to, the second from the manuscripts of Dr. Berendt now in my possession. _Comparison of the Nahuatl of Nicaragua and of Mexico._ ENGLISH. NAHUATL OF NICARAGUA. NAHUATL OF ANAHUAC. God, teot. teotl. Man, tlacat. tlacatl. Woman, ciuat. ciuatl. Head, tzonteco. totzontecon. Foot, hixt. ycxitl. Dog, izcuindi. itzcuintli. Deer, mazat. mazatl. Rabbit, toste. tochtli. Fire, tlet. tletl. Water, at. atl. House, calli. calli. Maize, centl. centli. Rain, quiavit quiahuitl. Flower, sochit. xochitl. Wind, hecat. ehecatl. Snake, coat. coatl. Eagle, oate. quauhtli. Flint, topecat. tecpatl. Mountain, tepec. tepec. One, ce. ce. Two, ome. ome. Three, ye. yei. Four, nau naui. Five, macuil. macuilli. _Comparison of the Mangue with the Chapanec._ ENGLISH. MANGUE OF NICARAGUA. MANGUE OF CHIAPAS. Man (homo), ndijpu. dipaju. Man (vir), nyu'a. n[)o]jue, naha. Woman, najui. najui. Father, gooha. youa, poua. Mother, ngumu. goma. Head, gu t[chi]ima t[chi]ima. Eye, nahte. nate. Ear, nyujui. noj[)u]a. Foot, ngra. taku. Ruler (or chief), mánkeme. d[chi]amá _or_ mangheme. Dog, nyumbí. numbí. Mouse, nangi. nangi. Bird, nyuri. nuri. Snake, nule. nulú. Fire, nyayu. n[)i][)i]ú. Water, nimbu. nimbu. House, nangu. nangu. Maize, nama. nama. Wind, nit[)i]ú. tijú. Hill, diri, tiri. dili. One, tike. tike. Two, jami. jumiji. Three, hajmi. jamiji. Four, haeme. j[)u]amiji. Five, jagusmi. ja[)o]miji. It needs but a cursory glance at these lists to see that, while there is scarcely a dialectic difference between the two Nahuatl columns, and again between the two Mangue columns, there is absolutely no point of contact between Mangue and Nahuatl. The chief differences between Nicaraguan and pure Nahuatl were, that the former changed the double consonant _tl_ into _t_, or dropped it altogether; that the _c_, _ch_ and _q_ were confounded; that, in the conjugation, they dropped the prefix _tla_, which in pure Nahuatl is employed to indicate that the inanimate object of the verb is not expressed; that certain terminal consonants, as _x_, were dropped; and apparently that the sounds of _s_ and _r_, not known to the tongue in its purity, were introduced. The linguistic relations of the Mangue or Chapanec tongue have never been ascertained. I have compared it with the principal stocks in the northern continent, as well as with the great Tupi-Guarani stem, which has extensive affiliations in Central America, but without discovering any analogies of value. It does appear, however, to have a certain, though far from close, relationship to the Aymara tongue, spoken in the Peruvian Andes, and especially in the vicinity of Lake Titicaca, the celebrated site of a remarkable ancient civilization. The following list of common words seems to indicate this. The Aymara is taken from the dictionary of that tongue, by Father Ludovico Bertonio, while the dialects of the Mangue are discriminated by N, for Nicaraguan, and C, for Chapanec. _Comparison of the Mangue, or Chapanec, of Central America, with the Aymara, of Peru._ ENGLISH. MANGUE OR CHAPANEC. AYMARA. Father, poua (C). pucara. Man, naha (C). chacha. Child, nasungi (N). iñasu. Ear, nyuhui (N). hinchu. Eye, nahte (N). nahui. Bone, nyui (N). cayu. Fire, niiu (C), nyayu (N). nina. Water, nimbu (C). vma. River, naju (C). mayu, jahu. Wind, tihu (C). thaa. Feathers, lari (C). lauralua (colored). Maize, nama (C). ccama. Earth, nekapu (C). ñeke, clay, yapu, soil. Sky, naku paju (C). hanac (_or_ alakh) pacha. Blind, saapi (C). saapi. Dumb, napamu (C). amu. Great, yáka (C). haccha. Bitter, átsi (C). cata. Dead, tuhua (C). hihua. To eat, koita (N). kauita (to eat apples, etc). Food, nomota (C). mamata. To go, ota (C). aatha. Thou, çimo (C). huma. You (pl), çimecmo (C). humasa. There are also various grammatical similarities between the two tongues. Both are highly synthetic; in both the division of nouns is "vitalistic," that is, into animate and inanimate; the numeral system is in both the decimal; in both the possessive pronoun follows the noun; both possess the inclusive and exclusive plural; and others could be mentioned. It is known that the Aymara partakes largely of the elements of the Qquichua, and by some is classified merely as a dialect of that tongue. Such similarities as appear to exist between Mangue and Aymara are, however, less with the words and forms common to these two Peruvian idioms, but rather more with those wherein the Aymara differs from the Qquichua. With the trenchant differences above indicated, between the Nahuatl and the Mangue, it is the more singular to observe how the Nahuatl obtained the preponderance. We may attribute this to the superior fighting power of the Aztec invaders; to the fact that many of the native allies of the Spanish could speak that tongue and not the Mangue; that the early missionaries came from Mexico; or, that the Nahuatl was promptly reduced to writing, while the Mangue was not; or to all these causes combined.[21] Certain it is, that at an early date a mixed dialect came into vogue, both in the Mangue districts of Nicaragua and elsewhere in Central America, composed of a broken-down Nahuatl and a corrupt Spanish, which, at first, served as a means of communication between the conquerors and their subjects, and later became, to some degree, the usual tongue of the latter. The Aztecs of pure blood spoke contemptuously of this jargon as _in macehuallatolli_, the language of slaves, and Father Carochi, writing little more than a century after the conquest, condemned it as a hodge-podge of Spanish and Aztec, unintelligible in either tongue.[22] This jargon was carried into the various nations who came into contact with the Spaniards and half-breeds, and hence we may find scattered words traceable to it in many of their tongues, and sometimes formulas of a religious, social or business character.[23] This is strikingly exemplified among the Mangues, and the fact is one of considerable interest in connection with the literary production which is the main topic of this volume. Even to a recent day, in remote haciendas of the Province of Masaya, among the descendants of the Mangues, the traveler might hear the grace before meals, and other short formulas of the Church, spoken in this mixed patois. The following is a specimen:-- _Jesu Criste no tecuase + tunanse Santa Maria + el Apostol Santa Clara nos bendiga esta comida que tienen parte y poder._ Amen. Here, _no tecuase_ is the Nahuatl _no tecuyotzin_, Our Lord, and _tunanse_ is for _tonantzin_, Our Lady, or Mother. Another specimen is:-- _Marias te cuasti + Marias ticuisti guanse Dios + y Espiritu Santo._ The correct reading of which should probably be-- _Maria tocihuatzin, Maria toquitznitli, yhuan in Dios, yhuan in Espiritu Santo._ This Nahuatl-Spanish jargon became the _lingua franca_ of large districts of Central America and Mexico. It was the current tongue of the half-breeds, and to this day is the patois of the muleteers who carry on the sparse commerce of the interior mountainous regions. Many of its Spanish elements are ungrammatical, and others are long since obsolete in the classical tongue. It is interlarded with words and whole phrases borrowed from the Aztec, but with such mutilations that they are scarcely, or not at all, recognizable. Words from other native languages have crept in, which adds to the difficulty of its lexicography. As for the construction, it became looser and looser, until, in some phrases, all inflectional elements disappear, and there is a naked juxtaposition of nominal and verbal roots, the relation of which must be guessed simply from their sequence. Probably in none of the Spanish provinces has the Castilian suffered more from such admixture than in Nicaragua. The foreign words are there so numerous that the country patois becomes nearly unintelligible to one acquainted only with the Spanish of the Academy. Here is the verse of a song, for example, in that dialect, which will illustrate how far the amalgamation with the native tongues has gone. The words in italic are either Nahuatl or Mangue:-- "_Casahuyano_, mi amor, Por vos esté _payaneado_. No seas _tilinte_, mi bien." "Se _selegue_, dueño amado." "My love, between girlhood and womanhood, My heart is breaking for you. Do not be severe, my loved one." "I am yet unripe, my beloved master."[24] Another song, in which the lover expresses the strength of his devotion with more force than elegance, has the following verse:-- "O fuera yo _carángano_, En tus _cojines_ me metería Para servirte todo el dia. Te ama este zángano." Which may be freely rendered-- "Were I a little louse, I'd go In your puffed and plaited hair; With you all your toil I'd share; This lazy fellow loves you so." The _carángano_ is the name of a species of louse, and the _cojines_ are the little pads or cushions which women wear in their hair. In this dialect several satirical and political songs have been composed, and, indeed, the licentiate Geronimo Perez, of Masaya, is stated to have printed in it a political pamphlet, which I regret not to have been able to obtain. Such is the jargon in which the _Güegüence_ is written, and although this medley of tongues can claim no position of dignity in the hierarchy of languages, it has its own peculiar points of interest, as illustrating the laws of the degradation--which is but another term for the evolution and progress--of human speech. To understand its origin and position as a literary effort, we must review the development of scenic representations in that part of the New World. § 2. _The Bailes, or Dramatic Dances of Nicaragua._ The historian, Fernandez de Oviedo, who was in Nicaragua in 1529, gives a long account of the dramatic representations, or rites, accompanied by songs, dances and masked actors, which he witnessed among the natives of both Nahuatl and Mangue lineage in that province. They took place at stated seasons, and at certain epochs in the year. The name which he gives as that by which they were locally known is _mitote_, which is the Aztec _mitotl_, a dance. He himself calls them _areytos_, a Haytian word from the Arawack _aririn_, to sing, and _bailes_, which is Spanish, from a classical root, and means dances. One which he saw at Tecoatega, at that time a Nahuatl village, was celebrated at the close of the cacao harvest and in honor of the god of that plant. It offered a curious symbolism, which makes us keenly regret the absence of a full explanation by some learned native. In the centre of the village square a straight pole was set up about forty feet in height. On its summit was placed the image of the god, brilliantly colored, in a sitting position. Around the top of the pole a stout grass rope was tightly wound, its two free ends passing over a wooden platform. When the ceremony began, about seventy men appeared, some dressed as women, some with masks and head-dresses of feathers, and all painted skillfully on the naked flesh to imitate handsome costumes. They danced in pairs, and sang in chorus certain songs, to the sound of the sacred drums. After about half an hour, two boys, who had been attached to the free ends of the rope, threw themselves from the platform into the air, in such a manner that they turned round and round the pole, unwinding the rope, and thus gradually descended toward the ground. One boy held in one hand a bow, in the other, some arrows; his companion held in one hand a fan or plume of feathers, in the other a mirror, such as the natives made of polished obsidian. As they descended, which, says the narrator, required about as long a time as one might repeat the Creed five or six times, the dancers ceased their song, and only the players on the instruments, some ten or a dozen in number, continued their noise. But, just as the boys, by the increasing length of the unwound cord, touched the soil, all present set up a great shout, and the festival ceased.[25] The cut which I have inserted is taken from Oviedo's history, and represents the performance. [Illustration: ANCIENT DANCE IN NICARAGUA.] To one familiar with Nahuatl symbolism, the meaning of this ceremony is, in a general way, obvious. The seated divinity on the summit of the pole represents the god of fertility throned in the heavens. The two boys are the messengers he sends to earth; the arrows refer to the lightnings which he hurls below; the feather fan typifies the breezes and the birds; the mirror, the waters and rains. After the mortals have prayed in chants, for a certain season, the god sends his messengers; men wait in suspense their arrival, whether it shall be for good or for ill hap; and as they reach the earth, a shout of joy is raised, for the food has ripened and been gathered in, and the harvest-home is ended. In the same century the traveler Giralamo Benzoni, who visited Nicaragua about 1540, was much impressed with the native dances. At certain ones, as many as three or four thousand Indians assembled, some dancing, others playing on drums, while others, who formed the chorus, carried on the singing. The dancers displayed great agility, and practiced a large variety of figures. They were ornamented with feathers and plumes, and strings of shells were attached to their arms and legs.[26] The Mangues of Chiapas, or the Chapanecs, near relatives, as we have seen, of the Mangues of Nicaragua, were famous in the days of Thomas Gage, the English priest, who traveled through Mexico and Nicaragua about 1630,[27] for their dexterity in games and the elaborate scenery of their dramatic representations. "As for acting of Plays," he says, "this is a common part of their solemn Pastimes." This passion for scenic performances was by no means peculiar to these tribes. It extended throughout almost the whole of the Red Race, and there are many relics of it which have survived. The older authors refer to it frequently, and the early missionaries, finding that they could not extinguish it, sought to turn it to good account by substituting for the native plays, which were idolatrous or licentious, moral and instructive pieces. They encouraged the more intelligent natives and half-breeds to prepare such, and they were acted in connection with church festivals. But it would be an error to suppose that these attempts succeeded completely in abolishing the older forms, or quenched entirely the tribal historical character of these ceremonies. Even within our own generation the contrary of this has been recognized by close observers. Thus the _cura_ of Jutiapa, a town in Guatemala, Don Jose Antonio Urrutia, wrote, in 1856: "In most of the Indian towns the custom is still general of preserving a knowledge of great events in their history by means of representations, called _bailes_ (dances), which are, in fact, dances in the public squares, on the days or evenings of great solemnities. It is most interesting for one who understands something of the language to participate in these _bailes_, as he can thereby obtain some knowledge of the most remote traditions and events in the history of the Indians."[28] Confining our attention to the limits of Nicaragua, we find that the different _bailes_ represented there within the memory of persons still living may be arranged in five different classes:-- 1. Simple dances. 2. Dances with songs. 3. Dances with prose recitation. 4. Scenic recitations with music, by a single actor. These are called _Logas_. 5. Complete dramas, with music, ballets, dialogue, and costumes. Most of these have a religious purpose. Thus, it is still a common custom, in case of sickness or impending danger, to make a vow that, in case of escape, the person will dance before the image of some saint on a certain day, at a certain place, usually at a festival.[29] Such dances are sometimes accompanied with songs or chants of praise, or are performed in silence. The performer is usually masked or in costume. It would be erroneous to suppose that there is much gaiety in their dances. At least, it is not apparent to foreign eyes. The music is monotonous and almost lugubrious, the singing is all in the minor key, and the motions are dull, mechanical and ungraceful. A European traveler has, indeed, characterized these spectacles rather as an exhibition of profound melancholy, than outbursts of merriment, and has instanced them as a proof of the psychical inferiority of the race![30] Some of them, even to this day, as continued by the lower half-caste population, are accused of an indecency which may be a reminiscence of ancient Indian religious rites;[31] for we know that the native Nicaraguans celebrated a festival strictly similar to that in ancient Babylon, so condemned by the prophet, during which every woman, of whatever class, had the right to yield her person to whom she would, without incurring blame or exciting jealousy. The _Logas_ seem to be peculiar to the Mangues. A small theatre is extemporized, music is provided, and the actor comes forward, arrayed in some odd garb, and recites a sort of poem, with gestures and dancing movements. The text of one of these was obtained at Namotivá by Dr. Berendt, and is in my possession. It is entitled, _Loga del Niño Dios_, and contains about two hundred lines. The language is a corrupt Spanish, with a number of Mangue words interspersed. The exordium reads-- "Atienda, Señores, Pongan atencion Del Mangue tiyo Pegro La conversacion." The theme is an address to the patron saints and the infant Jesus, but the tone is that of a burlesque, rather than a serious composition. The costume of the orator, and his surroundings, the little theatre, the holy infant, etc., are represented in the frontispiece to this work, from a sketch taken from life.[32] Frequently a number of persons join in the dance. Such is one, still occasionally seen, called _Las Inditas_, the Little Indian Girls. The period of its celebration is on the day of St. Jerome. The women are masked, and wear a loose mantle, a skirt with lace edging, a sash of rose color, and a hat with feathers. They carry bouquets and have a silk handkerchief fastened around the waist, the ends meeting over the hips. The men are in grotesque costumes, with ugly masks. They dance in couples, but without touching each other. The music is the marimba and the guitar. The songs usually turn on some matter of local interest. Another favorite dance is the _Baile de Chinegritos_, celebrated by the Mangues. This name is applied to the masqueraders who take part in it. They wear a cap of black straw, and the body is naked to the waist, and painted. Each carries a stick or the dried yard of a bull, and in turn lifts a companion from the ground and strikes him with the whip. One, who keeps himself apart from the rest, is called the _rucia_, or _yeguita_, the mare. He is in a framework of cane adorned with women's skirts and colored handkerchiefs, supposed to represent some animal. There is no fixed day for the dance, but it is usually carried out in fulfillment of a vow. A variety of this _baile_, called _Chinegritos à caballo_, is performed by mounted actors, in brilliant costumes, with gaily caparisoned horses. They are accompanied by music, and draw up in front of a house, where they sing a song with a monotonous chorus, _le-le-le-le-le-le-le-li-u_. The _Baile de Negritos_ is celebrated on the festivals of St. James and St. Anna. The participants are on horseback, themselves and their steeds adorned with bright-colored sashes and garlands of flowers. They all wear the _mosote_, or black straw hat, from which this and the preceding dance derive their names.[33] The songs which they sing are called _Ensaladas_, salads or medleys, and usually contain personal allusions. The _Baile de Toro-Guaca_, the Dance of the Graveyard Bull,[34] as it may be rendered, is presented on the festival of the Virgin, of St. Jerome, and other days, in accordance with a vow. It requires fourteen dancers and seventeen masqueraders. The "bull" is represented by a framework of reeds, surmounted by a pair of horns and gaily decorated. Other such exhibitions are called the _Baile de diablitos_, _Baile de la Yeguita_, _Baile de San Roman_, _Baile de San Martin_, _Baile del Toro y Venado_, _Baile del Mantudo_ (in which a desperado, with numerous _chichiltes_, small bells, appears), besides some representations of Bible scenes, as the combat between David and Goliath, etc. Although most of these are accompanied by songs, and some by dialogues, they do not seem to reach to the height of a plot, or to the depicting of character or emotion. Beside them, however, and no doubt to take the place of original compositions of a similar kind, were complete dramatic creations. Many of these were religious or historical plays, arranged by the clergy, and offer little of interest. But some were of a secular character, and appear to refer to historical events. One was The _Ollita_ or _Cañahuate_. It was acted in the Mangue tongue at Masaya as late as 1822, but the text is, unfortunately, lost. The _Ollita_ is the name of the whistling jar, on which, and on the drum, a lugubrious musical accompaniment was played. The name _Cañahuate_ is said to have been that of a dialect of the Mangue. The plot turned on a proposed marriage between an old man, richly dressed in Spanish garb, and a native princess. The chorus and assistants carried bows, arrows and quivers, which would seem to point to an early date as that of the supposed transaction. § 3. _Nicaraguan Musical Instruments and Music._ The musical instruments of the natives of Nicaragua, mentioned by Oviedo, are drums, flutes of reeds, and _excoletes_, or trumpets. This, however, by no means exhausted the list, and several others of similar powers have been retained to the present day, and have been referred to by travelers as local curiosities. Thus, Mr. Squier writes as follows, in describing a festival in Leon de Nicaragua: "It is impossible to describe the strange instruments. One consisted of a large calabash, over which was stretched the skin of some animal; this, when pressed in, recoiled with a dull, sullen noise, like the suppressed bellow of a wild beast, and the wail of some of the long reeds was like that of a man in the agonies of a violent death."[35] The memoranda that I have obtained from various sources enable me to supply this omission of the distinguished traveler, and to make out the following list, which probably is not exhaustive. The most elaborate is the _Marimba_. Some writers say that both the name and instrument are of African derivation, having been introduced by the negroes. Others assert that the Indians have known the marimba time out of mind, and undoubtedly invented it. Certain it is, that they develop singular skill in its management. A good description and illustration of it are given by von Tempsky, from whose work I extract them.[36] "They [the Indians of Central America] are still very fond of dancing, and are very good musicians, performing on a peculiar instrument, a native invention of antique date, the Marimba. A long, horizontal stick supports a number of jicaras (or long, cylindrical calabashes), arranged near one another, according to size, from two feet in depth to four or three inches. Over the mouth of each of them is drawn a thin piece of bladder, and over it, at the distance of a quarter of an inch, are flat pieces of a very hard wood, arranged like the claviature of a piano. These oblong pieces of wood are supported on a frame of light wood, joined to the long stick that supports the row of jicaras underneath. Two light legs sustain the little piano, partly on the ground, and a hoop connects it with the player, who sits within the hoop, pressing it on a bench. [Illustration: A MARIMBA PLAYER AND HIS INSTRUMENT.] "Two long drumsticks, with balls of India rubber at their heads, are in the hands of the player, who strikes double notes at every touch of the wooden claviature, with the resounding jicaras underneath. The sound of this instrument is charming, clear, limpid in its tones, like the intonation of a harp string of wire. The Indians produce the justest and sweetest double notes, and blend a rattling tune together in very harmonious chords. Their talent for playing this instrument by ear is astonishing; in a day, they will pick up the most difficult air, and play it with a good deal of expression, accompanied with a chant of their own composition." Instead of calabashes, earthen jars of various sizes are occasionally used to suspend beneath the key pieces; or, what in some districts is equally common, they are vertical tubes of cedar wood (_Cedrela odorata_). As described by the traveler Morelet, these tubes are twenty-two in number, all of equal diameter, varying in length from ten to forty centimeters, and forming three complete octaves without semitones.[37] In many of the _bailes_ this is the favorite means of music, and it is often associated with the guitar. That it was not unknown to the ancient Aztecs seems shown from the following drawing from an original Mexican painting in Duran's _Historia_, where the player does not appear to be striking a drum, but the keys of the marimba, or an instrument of that nature. [Illustration: ANCIENT AZTEC MUSICIAN.] The _Drum_ was, and remains, a favorite instrument in Central America. It is usually formed of a hollow piece of wood, which is struck with sticks. In Nicaragua, however, some of the natives use a short piece of bamboo, over the ends of which a skin is stretched. [Illustration: NICARAGUAN INDIANS PLAYING ON THE DRUM.] This is held in the left hand and struck with the tips of the fingers or the knuckles of the right hand, keeping time to the chant or song of the performer, while he throws himself into striking and extraordinary attitudes. The illustration on the preceding page, from a sketch by Dr. Berendt, shows their manner of performing on this instrument. These two varieties of drums were also known to the ancient Mexicans. They called the one which was struck with the hand the _huehuetle_, "ancient object," and that played by sticks, _teponaztli_. The _Ollita_, or Little Jar, is an instrument still remembered in Nicaragua, and the drama, in the Mangue dialect, to which I have referred, bearing this name, proves that it was familiarly known at Managua early in this century. Its sound is described as grave and suitable to serious emotions. The identical _ollita_ which was used in this drama was preserved long after the last performance of the play (about 1822), in the chest of the _cofradia_ of San Jose, in Managua; but like so many other valuable relics, it disappeared in the disturbances of the republic. From the name, and from what was told of its powers, it was evidently not merely a whistle, but a sort of earthenware flute. Such were known in Peru, and precisely in Nicaragua, on the island of Ometepec, inhabited at the Conquest by the Nahuas, such a musical jar was discovered of late years, and was examined and its musical capacity described by Dr. Berendt in the following words:-- "Held with the two hands, the lower side turned upward, and the four holes managed with two fingers on each side, blowing in the mouth piece yields six different notes. Any two holes covered give the tonica, one only covered the secunda, all open the tertia, and by hard blowing a forced quarta; while all closed produces the dominant (quint) in the underlying octave. Three holes closed yield notes not in concordance with the others, varying between an imperfect sext and a diminished septima of the lower octave. But those mentioned as in accordance permit the playing of many varied tunes." The shape of this jar is shown in the following cut, which was prepared for an interesting article on Indian Music by Mr. Edwin A. Barber, in the _American Naturalist_. [Illustration: EARTHENWARE MUSICAL JAR FROM NICARAGUA.] It was capable of rendering various simple tunes. (See page xxxiv.) [Illustration: EARTHENWARE WHISTLE FROM NICARAGUA.] The _Pito_, or Whistle, was a simpler instrument than the _Ollita_. It, also, was frequently made of baked clay, and in odd shapes. The one shown in the following cut was found on the Island del Zapatero, in Lake Nicaragua, which was also a possession of the Nahuas. Two apertures lead into the cavity of the instrument. When they are closed with the fingers, a higher note is produced than when they are open. [Illustration: NATIVE FLUTE MELODIES.] In the investigations prosecuted in Nicaragua by Dr. J. F. Bransford, he discovered many of these whistles in ancient burial mounds. Indeed, in the district of Nicoya, inhabited at the period of the Conquest by the Mangues, he states that "every body appeared to have been interred with a small earthen vessel and a whistle."[38] The latter are usually of odd shapes, representing some animal. The following cuts are taken from his report:-- [Illustration: WHISTLES FROM NICARAGUAN BURIAL MOUNDS.] The long _Flute_, either of cane, or of earthenware, was found in common use by the early explorers in Central America, Mexico and Florida. The Nahuas of Nicaragua do not seem to have made so much use of it as their relatives in Mexico. The _Juco_ is employed in the noisier dances, such as the _Baile de Diablitos_. It is a drinking gourd (_nambira_), or jar, over the aperture of which is stretched a skin. This is crossed by a cord, to which is attached a small piece of wood, which serves as a clapper when the instrument is shaken. The _Quijongo_ is a stringed instrument, made by fastening a wooden bow with a stretched cord over the mouth of a jar. A hollow reed, about five feet long and an inch and a half thick, is bent by a wire attached to the ends. This wire is then tied to the reed at one-third the distance from one end, and at the same point, on the convex surface of the reed, a gourd, or thin earthen jar, is fastened, with its mouth downward. The notes are produced by striking the two sections of wire with a light stick, and at the same time the opening of the jar is more or less closed by the palm of the left hand, thus producing a limited number of notes, which are varied by changing the intervals. [Illustration: THE QUIJONGO OF NICARAGUA.] Among the Nahuatl tribes of the Balsam coast, this is called the _Carimba_. It appears to have been an aboriginal invention, although some writers have asserted that the Aztecs had no knowledge of any stringed instrument. Something like a harp, however, is represented in the following cut, from the Aztec funerary ritual, where a priest or hired mourner is shown, chanting the praise of the departed, and accompanying his words with music, on what appears to be a rude stringed instrument. (See page xxxvii.) The _Chilchil_ is a small bell, a number of which are strung together and shaken. This is an ancient Aztec instrument, the term for it in Nahuatl being _Ayacachtli_. The _Cacho_ is a sort of trumpet, constructed of a horn. A blast upon it can be heard a long distance, and it has thus become a measure of length, a _legua de cacho_ being the distance at which one can hear the horn when lustily blown. It is said to be rather longer than a Spanish league. [Illustration: AZTEC MOURNER SINGING AND PLAYING.] As to the value of the music which was obtained from these instruments, it is difficult to arrive at an opinion from capable judges. Nearly all who have been in a position to study the subject have lacked acquaintance with the scientific principles and developmental history of music as an art. Hence it has usually been stated, and accepted without inquiry, that the aborigines of America were exceedingly deficient in musical ability, and that their best efforts rarely went beyond creating discordant noise. Late investigations by competent critics have disproved this opinion, and show that the melodies of the natives are in accordance with a recognized scale, though not that to which we are accustomed. For a parallel we must go back to the ancient Phrygian and Lydian measures, where we shall find a development of the art in a similar direction to that among the natives of this continent.[39] As is remarked by Mr. A. S. Gatschet, "Although the Indian uses all the seven notes of our musical scales, he avoids many of our melodial sequences; the majority of his tunes follow the _dur_ or _sharp_ scales, and the two-eighths or two-fourths measure."[40] In Central America, the native race has a keen musical sense. Von Tempsky found that they learned by ear, with great ease, the compositions of Bellini; and in Vera Paz and among the Lacandons, Morelet heard upon the _Chirimoya_, an aboriginal wind instrument, an air which he characterizes as "very remarkable" and "extremely touching." What brings this air into relation to my present theme is the singular fact that it was known as _la Malinche_, but Morelet could not learn from what connection.[41] Quite possibly it was from the character of that name in the play of _Güegüence_. [Illustration: MALINCHE.] In the public _bailes_ in ancient times, as we are informed by both Oviedo and Benzoni, the musicians were separated from the singers and other performers, forming an actual orchestra, and this is also intimated in the Güegüence. Having thus the position of a class by themselves, it may fairly be presumed that they cultivated with assiduity their peculiar art. In later days, the _cofradias_, the brotherhoods and sisterhoods organized in connection with the churches, made it part of their business to learn singing and music, so as to take part in the celebration of church festivals. It was through these _cofradias_ that the art of playing on the ancient instruments was preserved. By the loss of influence of the church at the separation of the colonies from the mother country, the _cofradias_ were mostly dissolved.[42] The music which accompanies the ballets in the Güegüence has been written down, and is familiar to many in Nicaragua. I have obtained a portion of it, through the obliging efforts of Dr. Earl Flint, of Rivas, an earnest cultivator in the field of archaeological research. The score appears, however, on examination by competent persons, to be probably of Spanish origin, and it would not be worth while to give more than a specimen of it. (See p. xl.) [Illustration: MELODIES FROM GUEGUENCE.] § 4. _History of the_ "_Baile del Güegüence._" Among the scenic representations which have been preserved by the descendants of the Mangues, in the ancient province of Masaya, the only one of length which has been committed to writing is the _Baile del Güegüence, ô Macho-Raton_. Several copies of this exist in manuscript, and from a comparison of two of them the late Dr. C. H. Berendt obtained, in 1874, the text which is printed in this volume. But he did not obtain, nor did he attempt himself, any translation of any portion of it. He states, positively, that the Nahuatl parts are not understood by the natives themselves at the present day. Its antiquity and authorship are alike unknown. It is certain that it was acted before the beginning of the present century, but with this single fact its external history ceases. Within the memory of those now living, this _Baile_ has occasionally been acted in fulfillment of a religious vow pronounced in some emergency of life or affairs. The period selected for its performance is, usually, at the festival of St. Jerome, September 30th. The preparations for it are elaborate and expensive. In former times the rehearsals took place daily, sometimes for as much as six or eight months before the public performance. The actors provided their own costumes, which required a considerable outlay. There were, however, always plenty of applicants, as it was not only considered an honor to take part, but also, the patron or patroness of the festival, who had pledged himself to give the drama, was expected to furnish refreshments, in the way of food and drink, at each rehearsal. As the appetites were usually keen, and the libations liberal, it was almost ruinous for one of moderate means to undertake it. For that reason, as Dr. Earl Flint writes me, it has now been dropped, and will probably not again be brought out, at least, in full. How far beyond the close of the last century we should place the composition of the Güegüence is a difficult question. Dr. Berendt, basing his opinion on what he could learn by local tradition, on the archaisms of the Spanish construction, and on other internal evidence, referred it in general terms to the first periods (_los primeros siglos_) of the Spanish occupation. It is probable that we may assign the early portion of the eighteenth century as the latest date for its composition, and there is some evidence, which I shall refer to in the notes to the text, that a more remote period is not improbable. Of course, it does not contradict this that a few modern expressions have crept into the text. Nothing else could be expected. No hint as to the author is anywhere found. There are, however, reasons which I consider weighty ones, to believe that it is the production either of a native Indian or a half-caste. Several of them are of a negative character, and I will give these first. All the dramas, so far as I know, which were introduced by the Spanish priests as substitutes for the native _bailes_, are either religious or instructive in aim. As the Germans say, they are strongly _tendenciös_. Such are the _Baile de St. Martin_, which gives scenes from the life of the saint, and in which a wheel, called the _horquilla_, covered with feathers and flowers, is drawn along; the _Baile de los Cinco Pares de Francia_, which sets forth the conquest of the infidel Moors by the Christians, both of which plays have been popular in Nicaragua; among the Kekchis, of Coban, the _Baile de Moros y Cristianos_, similar to the last mentioned; the _Zaki-Koxol, ô Baile de Cortes_, in Kiche, a copy of which I have, and the like. But in the _Güegüence_ there is absolutely no moral purpose nor religious tone; so much, indeed, of the reverse, that we cannot conceive of its introduction by a priest. On the other hand, had it been composed by a secular Spanish writer, we should hardly fail to find it, in a general way, modeled after the stock Spanish comedy. It differs, however, in several striking and fundamental features, from the Spanish models, and these differences are precisely those which would flow from the native habits of thought. I would note, first, that while females are introduced, they are strictly _mutæ personæ_, even the heroine not speaking a word; that there are no monologues nor soliloquies; that there is no separation into scenes, the action being continuous throughout; that there is neither prologue, epilogue nor chorus; and especially that the wearisome repetition of the same phrases, and by one speaker of what a previous one has said--a marked characteristic of the native scenic orations[43]--are all traits which we can scarcely believe any Spaniard sufficiently cultivated to write at all, would exhibit. Furthermore, the "business" of the play is strictly within the range of the native thought and emotion. The admiration of the coarse cunning and impudent knavery of Güegüence is precisely what we see in the modern camp-fire tales of Michabo among the Algonkins, of Tezcatlipoca among the Aztecs, and of a score of other heroes. It is of a piece with the delight which our own ancestors derived from the trickeries of Reynard the Fox. The devices for exciting laughter are scarcely more than three in number; one the assumed deafness of the Güegüence, the second, a consequence of this, that he misunderstands, or pretends to, the words of the other actors, thus giving rise to amusing quid-pro-quos, and third, the introduction of obscene references. Of course, I am aware that these are the stock resources of many European low comedians; but I also consider it a fact of very considerable importance in deciding the probable authorship of the play, that all of these, especially the first two, are prominently mentioned by old authors, as leading devices of the native Nahuatl comedies. Thus, Benzoni and Coreal tell us that in the _bailes_ in Nicaragua, which they witnessed, some of the actors pretended to be deaf, and others to be blind, so as to excite laughter by their mistakes.[44] And Father Diego Duran tells us of a native Mexican comedy, upon which this of Güegüence may, perhaps, have been founded, full of songs and coarse jests,[45] in which the clown pretends to understand at cross purposes what his master orders, transforming his words into others like them. As to the general leaning to indecent gestures and jokes, it is frequently commented on by the missionaries, and given as a reason for discountenancing these exhibitions. The absence of all reference to the emotions of love, and the naive coarseness indicated in the passages about women, point rather to a native than a European hand. They are in remarkable contrast to the Spanish school of comedy.[46] The neglect of common rules of Spanish construction seems to arise from the ignorance of one imperfectly acquainted with the language, rather than of deliberate purpose. It must also be remembered that this piece was one acted altogether by the native Indians, and not by the Spanish population. Nor are we without examples of persons of native lineage preparing comedies for their fellows. About 1625, Bartholome de Alva, a descendant of the native kings of Tezcuco, wrote three comedies, in Nahuatl, drawing his plots from Lope de Vega. It is quite as likely that another Alva rose from the Nahuas of Nicaragua, and prepared for their amusement the production I now present. For these various reasons I class it among aboriginal productions. § 5. _The Dramatis Personæ of The Güegüence._ The central figure of the drama, and the personage from whom it derives its name, is _The Güegüence._ This is a Nahuatl word, from the root _hue_, old; _huehue_ is "old man;" to this is added what grammarians call the "reverencial" termination _tzin_, denoting reverence or affection, and we have, intercalating the euphonic _n_, _huehuentzin_, which, in the vocative, becomes _huehuentzé_. It means, therefore, "the honored elder," or "the dear old man," and may be used, as it is in the play, either as a proper name or as a common noun. In his description of the Nahuas of Nicaragua, Oviedo gives the word _huehue_, and tells us that it was applied to certain old men of influential position, who were elected by the natives as rulers of the villages, and that they in turn selected the war-chief, whose duty it was to look to the defence of the community. The name was, therefore, one familiar to the Nicaraguans, though the character would seem to be drawn as a burlesque or satire. He is, in fact, anything but a respectable person. His indifference to truth, his cynical impudence, his licentious jokes about and before his sons, and the unscrupulous tricks of which he boasts, are calculated to detract from the element of the comic in his portraiture, for those who have been accustomed to the higher productions of humor. But it would be an error to allow this sentiment to affect much our estimate of the influence of the play. As Lessing very well observes, the true value of comedy is to train us to see the ridiculous and the absurd, wherever it is, in flagitious as well as in merely inconsiderate actions, as thus the observer is prompted to morality as well as forethought.[47] As I have said, his character is a marked type of the peculiar form of humor which the native mind preferred, and of the class of actions in which it especially found amusement, to wit, in that jocularity which is assumed to deceive and get the better of one's neighbor. This is strikingly shown by the number of words in the Nicaraguan patois which express such actions. Thus, _chamarrear_ is to take advantage of some one by a joke; _trisca_ is a conversation in which some one is made ridiculous; _féfere_ is an idle tale with which a hearer is cajoled; _dar un caritazo_ is to deceive a person by a trick, etc. This is the humor in the Güegüence. The old man nearly always has a selfish aim to gain by his jokes and his stories; they are intended to further his own interests, and, at the close of the play, he, on the whole, comes out victorious by these questionable measures. As the drama was formerly represented, the Güegüence wore the most magnificent apparel of any of the actors. Chains of gold, strings of silver coins, and ornaments of steel draped his person. Indeed, all the participants vied with each other in extravagant costumes. Their garments were fantastically adorned with feathers and flowers, and set off with sashes and handkerchiefs of brilliant colors. The two sons of Güegüence, _Don Forcico_ and _Don Ambrosio_, are drawn in as strong contrast as possible. The former follows the paternal example faithfully, and sustains his parent in all his tricks and lies; the latter as invariably opposes and exposes the old man's dishonesty. The bitter words which pass between them, however, must not be taken in dead earnest; they, too, are only half serious, and do not lead to any separation of interests. The _Governor Tastuanes_ appears on the scene in Spanish costume, with a staff and sabre. His name, however, seems to be from the Nahuatl, probably a corruption of _tlatoani_, chief, lord.[48] He is little more than a lay figure, designed to draw forth the ruses of Güegüence. The _Alguacil_, the _Secretary_ and _Registrar_ appear in what is supposed to be full official dress, with their staffs of office. The _mutæ personæ_ of the drama are the women and the _machos_, or mules. Of the former, only one is named, the lady _Suchi-Malinche_, daughter of the Governor. She enters clothed in a sort of tunic, fastened to her person with gay silken sashes; chains of gold and costly jewels adorn her garments, and a wreath of flowers crowns her hair. The latter may be a reference to her name. _Suchi_ is a corruption of the Nahuatl _xochitl_, flower; _Malinche_, it may be remembered, was the name of the famous Indian girl who served Cortes as interpreter in his first campaign in Mexico, and became his mistress. Some have supposed that it was a corruption of the Spanish Christian name _Marina_, but, as Señor Icazbalceta has conclusively shown, it is the name of one of the days of the Aztec month, _malinalli_, with the termination _tzin_, signifying affection. It was the custom in Mexico and Central America, and still is in many parts, for the natives to name their children after the day on which they were born, led thereto by certain ancient astrological notions.[49] In Nicaragua, _malinche_ is also the name of a tree, a species of _Poinciana_, which bears a handsome red flower. The _Machos_, or mules, are twelve or more in number. They give the second title to the piece,_ El Macho raton_, an appropriate translation of which I am at a loss to give. Literally it means "The Male Mouse." As used at present, it signifies a masker, or masquerading dress. An acquaintance, who has lived in Nicaragua, tells me that he has heard the children call out: "See, there goes the _Macho-raton_," which would prove to be an Indian in a fantastic costume. In the play, they wear heads of skins, imitating those of mules, surmounted with horns of goats, and a _petaca_, or wicker basket frame draped with sashes, etc. In their hands they carry bells. Among the ancient Nahuas, and probably to this day, there were various curious superstitions relating to mice. If they gnawed a hole in the dress of a wife, her husband took it as a sign that she had been unfaithful to him; and she entertained the same suspicion were his garments attacked. When food was attacked by mice, it indicated that the people of the house would be falsely accused of something.[50] § 6. _Epitome of the Story of The Güegüence._ [Sidenote: p. 6.] The Governor and the Alguacil meet and enter into conversation. The Governor directs that the songs and dances which are for the diversion of the Royal Council should cease, and bewails its poverty. [Sidenote: p. 8.] [Sidenote: p. 10.] He also directs that no one shall be allowed to enter his province (or presence?) without a permit from the patrol. The Alguacil complains that their poverty is so great that they have no fit clothing, and lays the blame on Güegüence. The Governor refers to Güegüence in severe terms, and orders that he be brought before him, by any means. Güegüence, who with his two sons is within earshot, hears the Governor's orders, and pretends to think that it refers to a calf or a colt. [Sidenote: p. 12.] [Sidenote: p. 14.] [Sidenote: p. 16.] [Sidenote: p. 18.] [Sidenote: pp. 20-22.] [Sidenote: p. 24.] [Sidenote: p. 26.] [Sidenote: p. 28.] The Alguacil announces himself as a servant of the Governor. Güegüence professes to understand that it is a female servant who desires to see him. The Alguacil corrects him in this, and informs him that he is to fly to the Governor. Güegüence takes the word in its literal sense, and chaffs about an old man flying. The Alguacil suggests to him that he had better learn how to salute the Governor properly on entering his presence, and offers to teach him the customary salutation for a consideration. This proposal Güegüence accepts, but chooses to misunderstand the considerations suggested by the Alguacil, and replies in a series of quid-pro-quos and gibes. At last, he produces some money, which, however, he will not pay over until the Alguacil gives the promised instruction. The Alguacil recites the formal salutations, which Güegüence pretends to misunderstand, and repeats, instead, some phrases of similar sound, which are discourteous to the Governor. For this the Alguacil threatens to whip him, and on Güegüence continuing in his taunts, gives him two blows, and recommences his lesson. [Sidenote: p. 30.] [Sidenote: p. 32.] At this juncture the Governor appears, answers Güegüence's salute, and asks him why he has entered the province without a permit. At first Güegüence answers by relating how he had traveled without a permit in other provinces. Finding this does not meet the case, he seeks to turn the inquiry by a dubious story how a girl once gave him a permit for something besides traveling. The Governor, not choosing to be put off with this, Güegüence proposes they shall be friends, and that the Governor shall have some of the immense riches and beautiful clothing which Güegüence possesses. The Governor expresses some doubt as to this wealth, and proposes to examine, apart, Güegüence's oldest son, Don Forcico. [Sidenote: p. 34.] He does so; and Don Forcico corroborates, in the most emphatic terms, the statements of his father: "the day and the night are too short to name all his possessions." [Sidenote: p. 36.] [Sidenote: p. 38.] The Governor remains, however, uncertain about the truth, and requests a similar private talk with Güegüence's younger son, Don Ambrosio. The latter tells a very different story, asserting that all his father's boasts were lies, and that he is, in fact, a poor, old, thieving ragamuffin. Güegüence, who overhears him, rails at him as a disgrace to the family; and Don Forcico assures the Governor, in very clear terms, that Don Ambrosio has none of Güegüence's blood in his veins. [Sidenote: p. 40.] [Sidenote: p. 42.] To settle the question, Güegüence proposes to show the Governor the contents of his tent-shop, and has the two boys bring it forward and raise the sides. He then offers the Governor several impossible things, as a star, which is seen through the tent, and an old syringe, which he suggests might be profitably applied to the Royal Council. As the Governor replies roughly, Geügüence at once changes the subject to a laudation of the remarkable skill of Don Forcico in many vocations. The Governor is interested and proposes to inquire of Don Forcico himself as to the truth of this. The latter repeats the boasts, and on the Governor inquiring as to whether he knows some diverting dances, with his father and his brother, he dances a ballet. [Sidenote: p. 46.] [Sidenote: p. 48.] The Governor wishes to see another ballet, which the three perform, also; and this is followed by two others, in which the Governor and Alguacil also take part. [Sidenote: p. 50.] [Sidenote: p. 52.] [Sidenote: p. 54.] [Sidenote: p. 56.] [Sidenote: p. 58.] [Sidenote: p. 60.] [Sidenote: p. 62.] Following these the Governor asks for the masquerade of the _macho-raton_, or the mules. They are led in by Don Forcico, and march around the stage. Güegüence avails himself of this auspicious moment to ask for the hand of the Lady Suche-Malinche, the Governor's daughter. The Governor sends the Alguacil for the Chief Secretary, who returns with Suche-Malinche and other young women. The Secretary describes what an elegant costume is expected of the son-in-law of the Governor, and the latter suggests that Güegüence has cast his eyes too high. The old man explains that it was not for himself, but for Don Forcico, that the request was made, and pretends to feel quite badly about the marriage. He, nevertheless, brings up the young women, one by one, who are rejected by Don Forcico, with very uncomplimentary remarks, until Suche-Malinche comes forward, who pleases him, and with whom he is married. The Governor then suggests that Güegüence treat the Council with some Spanish wine. This the old man does not find it convenient to understand, and when he can no longer escape, and is at a loss where to obtain the liquor, is relieved by Don Forcico, who has secured it in a questionable manner. [Sidenote: p. 64.] [Sidenote: p. 66.] [Sidenote: p. 68.] The mules, that is, the masqueraders who represent them, are then brought up, and as Güegüence examines first one and then another, they give him opportunity for a series of extremely broad jokes and vulgar allusions. Finally, the loads are placed on the mules, the boys mount them and move off, while Güegüence, having offered his wine to the Governor, the Secretary, the Registrar and the Alguacil, who each in turn tell him to be off, leaves the stage shouting to his sons that they will all have a rouse that will cost them nothing. FOOTNOTES: [1] E. G. Squier, _The States of Central America_, p. 317 (London, 1858). [2] The conquest of Nicaragua is described by Oviedo, _Historia General de las Indias_, Lib. XXIX, cap. XXI, and Herrera, _Decadas de Indias_, Dec. III, Lib. IV, and see Dec. IV, Lib. VIII, cap. X. [3] "_Nicaragua_ es lo mismo que _Nica anahuac_, aqui estan los Mexicanos ò Anahuacos." Fray Francisco Vasquez, _Cronica de la Provincia de Guatemala_, Parte II, Lib. V, cap. I (Guatemala, 1716). The form _Nicarao_, adopted by Dr. Berendt, is certainly corrupt, as the termination of a proper name in _ao_ is not found in correct Nahuatl. Squier's term _Niquirans_ was adopted by him from a misreading of Oviedo, and has no authority whatever; so, also, his attempted discrimination between Chorotegans and Cholotecans, as both these are forms of the same word. [4] "The hypothesis of a migration from Nicaragua and Cuscatlan to Anahuac is altogether more consonant with probabilities, and with traditions, than that which derives the Mexicans from the north."--E. G. Squier. _Notes on Central America_, p. 349. It is difficult to understand how Mr. Squier could make this statement in the face of the words of Herrera and so many other writers. [5] "La Gente de esta tierra decia, que havia descendido de la Mexicana; su Trage, i Lengua, era casi, como el de Mexico."--Herrera, Decada III, Lib. V, Cap. XII. "Dicèn, que huvo en los tiempos antiguos, en Nueva España una gran Seca, por lo qúal se fueron por aquella Mar Austral à poblar à Nicaragua."--Id. Dec. III, Lib. IV, cap. VII. Torquemada, specifically quoting the traditions obtained from the oldest natives, states that the Nicaraguans came from Anahuac at no remote epoch.--_Monarquia Indiana_, Lib. III, cap. XL. See, also, Gomara, _Hist. de las Indias_, cap. 206. [6] Prof. Buschmann, who obtained these names in a garbled form from Ternaux-Compans' translation of Oviedo, gave them up as insoluble, while recognizing their value as indicating the wanderings of the Nicaraguans. "Unglücklicherweise," he says, "sind jene zwei Namen von so ungünstigem Gehalte, das ich nichts aus ihnen hervorlocken kann."--_Ueber die Aztekischen Ortsnamen_, p. 768 (Berlin, 1852). [7] The careless statement of the historian Herrera, that it was only the Chorotegans who had such books, can be corrected from his own volumes, and also from the explicit words of Oviedo and Gomara. Compare Herrera, Dec. III, Lib. IV, cap. VII, with Oviedo, _Hist. de las Indias_, Lib. XLII, cap. I, and Gomara, _Hist. de las Indias_, cap. 202. [8] The word _mánkeme_ is a derivative from _[chi]imá_, the head, whence the Chapanec _d[chi]ämä_, the ruler or head man, and _mand[chi]ämä_, master, chief, in which word _ma_ is a possessive prefix, and _n_ a particle, sometimes relative, sometimes euphonic, of exceedingly frequent use in this tongue. It may be compared to the Nahuatl _in_. [9] This latter, or a portion of them, inhabiting a hilly country south of Masaya, were called _Dirians_, from the Mangue word _diri_=, a hill, a name which has improperly been extended to the whole tribe. [10] The "compulsive" form of the verb _choloa_, to run away, is _chololtia_, to cause to run away, to drive out. No doubt the name of Cholula (Cholollan) in Mexico is of the same derivation, but it arose from a different, though similar, historical event. [11] Torquemada appears to have been the first to make this guess; and it has recently been advocated by Dr. Valentini, _The Olmecas and the Tultecas_, p. 20 (Worcester, 1883), and was also sanctioned by Dr. Berendt. [12] In a note to his translation of Oviedo's _Nicaragua_. [13] The proper spelling is "Chapanec." It is not an Aztec word, but from the Mangue tongue, in which _Chapa_ means the ara, or red macaw, their sacred bird. The name was derived from that of the lofty peak on which their principal town in Chiapas was situated--_chapa niiu_, the ara of fire. [14] In Mr. Bancroft's _Native Races of the Pacific States_, Vol. V, p. 659. [15] The contrary of this has been very positively stated by Dr. Valentini (_ubi supra_). The only evidence he brings forward is the word _calachuni_, for chieftain, applied by Gil Gonzalez to one of the rulers in Nicaragua. This is, no doubt, the Maya _halach uinic_, holy man, but Gonzalez wrote in 1522, and this word was adopted by the Spaniards in 1518, during Grijalva's expedition to Yucatan, as the accounts show, and was promiscuously applied, just as _cacique_, _canoe_, etc., from the Haytian dialect. A careful analysis of all the native words in Oviedo's account of Nicaragua does not show a single Maya affinity. [16] The chief asked Gonzalez if, at the end of the world, the earth would be overturned, or would the sky fall? How large are the stars, why they move, and what keeps them in their courses? When, and how do the sun and moon change their brightness? Why is the night dark and the winter cold, since light and warmth are so much better? (Herrera, Decad. III, Lib. IV, cap. V.) [17] The leading authorities on the antiquities of Nicaragua are E. G. Squier, _Nicaragua, Its People, Scenery and Monuments_, together with his numerous other works pertaining to Central America; and the reports of Dr. Earl Flint and Dr. J. F. Bransford, to the Smithsonian Institution. Dr. Habel and Dr. Berendt also made numerous investigations, but their reports have not appeared in adequate detail. [18] See his essay, _Remarks on the Centres of Ancient American Civilization in Central America, and their Geographical Distribution, in the Bulletin of the American Geog. Soc. No. 2, 1876._ [19] _Historia General de las Indias_, Lib. XLII, cap. V. [20] The older writers have left scant information about these idioms. Oviedo preserved thirty or forty Nahuatl words, most of which have been analyzed by Buschman; and Benzoni, in a brief passage, notes the identity of the Nicaraguan and Mexican. "Chiamano li Signori Tutruane, il pane tascal, and le galline totoli, and occomaia tanto vuol dire como aspetta un poco e al infirmita mococoua and al ballare mitote." _La Historia del Mondo Nuovo_, p. 103. It is said that a _Doctrina_ was printed in the Mangue; but the only work on that tongue I know of is the _Apuntamientos de la Lengua Mangue_, by Don Juan Eligio de la Rocha (MS. Masaya, 1842) a fragment of which is in my possession. Dr. S. Habel, who visited Nicaragua in 1865, in spite of the greatest efforts, was unable to find a single person speaking Nahuatl; they told him it was all forgotten.--_Archæological and Ethnological Investigations in Central and South America_, p. 24 (Washington, 1878). [21] The superior position of the Nahuatl among the Nicaraguan languages was noted by Benzoni, in his visit to that country, as early as about 1550. He observes: "Parlano in Nicaragua quatro lenguaggi, pero la meglio è la Messicana, laquale si stende piu di mille e cinquecento miglia di paese and è la piu facile da imparare."--_Istoria del Nuovo Mondo_, p. 103 (Venetia, 1565). [22] "Una mezcla de Castellano y Mexicano, que ni en uno ni en otro idioma se entiende."--_Compendio del Arte de la Lengua Mexicana_, pp. 93, 202. [23] Speaking of the natives of Nicaragua and Honduras, Father Francisco Vasquez says: "Muchos de aquellos Indios por la comunicacion que tienen con gente ladina de las estancias vecinas alcanzan mucho de la lengua Castellana."--_Historia de la Provincia de Guatemala._ Parte II, Lib. V, Trat. I, Cap. 1 (Guatemala, 1716). [24] This verse is from a song by Dr. Gollena, a highly appreciated poet of Guatemala, who has written, but I believe never published, some poems in the Nicaraguan dialect. [25] Oviedo, _Historia General de las Indias_, Lib. XLII, cap. XI. Precisely this baile, or one altogether like it, is described by Diego Duran as common in Mexico in his day (about 1580). He writes: "Tambien usaban bailar al rededor de un volador alto vistiendose como pájaros y otras veces como monas volaban de lo alto de el dejandose venir por unas cuerdas que en la punta de este palo estan arolladas, desliándose poco à poco por un bastidor que tiene arriba," etc.--_Historia de las Indias de Nueva España._ Tomo II, p. 232 (Mexico, 1880). [26] _Historia del Nuovo Mondo_, fol. 103 (Venetia, 1565). Benzoni gives a wood cut exhibiting the dances, but it is not instructive. Another traveler, François Coreal, claimed to have visited Nicaragua about 1680, and also describes the native dances, but in words so similar to Benzoni that it is an evident plagiarism.--_Relation des Voyages de François Coreal aux Indes Occidentales_, Tome I, p. 88 (Amsterdam, 1722). [27] Thomas Gage, _A New Survey of the West Indies_, p. 234 (4th Ed. London, 1699). [28] Letter to the London _Athæneum_, 1856, p. 1537. Oviedo also states that the songs sung at certain _bailes_ were of an historical character, intended to recall the important incidents in personal and tribal history, "que les quedan en lugar de historia é memoria de las cosas pasadas."--_Historia General de las Indias_, Lib. XLII, cap. XI. [29] "Hay santos à quienes se hace el voto, en caso de enfermedad ú de desgracia de ir á _bailar_ ante su imagen, en tal pueblo, el dia de su fiesta, cuando le sacan procesionalmente."--Pablo Levy, _Notas Geograficas y Económicas sobre la Republica de Nicaragua_, p. 281 (Paris, 1873). [30] "Welligt blijkt de geesteloosheid dezer menschen nit niets zoo zeer als uit hunne dansen, een vermaak, hetwelk trouwens vrij zeldzaam onder hen is. Bij het eentoonige geluid van een paar fluiten, en het kloppen op een hol blok hout, draaijen mannen en vrouwen afzonderlijk, langzaam en bedaard, in alle rigtingen herom, en schijnen veeleer diepe treurigheid dan vreugde aan den dag te leggen."--J. Haefkens, _Centraal Amerika_, p. 407 (Dordrecht, 1832). [31] Such dances are the "bailes usados en el populacho, y que estan muy lejos de brillar por su desencia," referred to by Don Pablo Levy, _Notas_, etc., _sobre Nicaragua_, p. 294. [32] The word _Loga_ is, I have no doubt, a corruption of the Spanish _loa_. The _loas_ in Spain were at first rhymed prologues to the plays, but later took a more dramatic form and "differed little from the farces that followed them." See George Ticknor, _History of Spanish Literature_, vol. ii, pp. 527-529 (5th edition). [33] "_Mosote._ Un casco ô gorra de cabuya teñida negra, con cola à trensa, usada en el baile de los _Chinegritos_."--Berendt, MSS. [34] "_Guaca._ Montecillo de sepultura de los inhabitantes antiguos. Cueva; madriguera de animales. Hoyo subteraneo para madurar ô guardar frutas y verduras."--Berendt, MSS. [35] _Nicaragua, Its People, Scenery and Monuments_, Vol. I, p. 340. [36] _Narrative of Incidents on a Journey in Mexico, Guatemala and San Salvador_, pp. 384-6 (London, 1858). The Smithsonian Institution contains a good specimen of the Marimba. [37] Arthur Morelet, _Voyage dans l'Amerique Centrale_, Tome II, pp. 42, 43 (Paris, 1857). [38] _Archæological Researches in Nicaragua_, p. 75 (Washington, 1881). [39] The most satisfactory discussion of native music is that by Theodore Baker, _Ueber die Musik der Nord Amerikanischen Wilden_ (Leipzig, 1882). Mr. Edwin A. Barber has also contributed some valuable articles on the subject. [40] _The American Naturalist_, February, 1883. [41] _Voyage dans l'Amerique Centrale_, Tom. II, p. 44. [42] So little is understood about the system of the _cofradias_, and the point is one of so much importance in the study of the organization of Spanish ecclesiasticism in America, that it is worth while to explain it. They are created by the priest of a parish, in such number as he sees fit, and each bears the name of a saint or religious occurrence. Each should have, of male members, a major domo, a steward (_prioste_), and four or more appointees (_diputados_). They attend the priest, serve in the church, aid in the offices of religion, have a monthly mass, act as choristers, etc., at fixed periods. Of female members there should be the patroness (_patrona_ or _capitana_), and the _alguazila mayor_, each of whom should have two special attendants, and there should be other members. Their duties are to sweep the church, deck it with flowers when necessary, and aid the male members in their duty. Each _cofradia_ should have its strong box and financial resources, independently, and the major domo is expected to keep a book accounting for the funds. I have in my possession such a volume, in the Chapanec language, the _Libro de Cuentas de la Cofradia del Rosario_, 1796. From ten to fifty cofradias were formerly attached to one church, but the modern curas complain that they can no longer be kept up. "Es verdad," exclaims the worthy presbyter Navarro, "que los Sres. Curas, mis antecessores, y yo, hemos procurado organizarlas de nuevo, pero es moralmente impossible."--_Memoria de la Parroquia de Villa Nueva_, p. 18. (Guatemala, 1868). [43] See, for example, the _Rabinal-Achi, ou le Drame-Ballet du Tun_, in Kiche, published by the Abbé Brasseur de Bourbourg, and the translation of the song of the Uluas of Nicaragua given by Pablo Levy.--_Notas sobre la Republica de Nicaragua_, p. 307 (Paris, 1873). [44] "Il y en a qui font les sourds, d'autres les aveugles. Ils rient, ils crient, et font en un mot toute sorte de singeries."--_Voyages de François Coreal aux Indes Occidentales depuis 1666 jusqu'en 1697._ Tom. I, p. 88 (Amsterdam, 1722). Borrowed, probably, from Benzoni, who says the same. [45] "Habia un baile y canto de truhanes en el cual introducian un bobo que fingia entender al reves lo que su amo le mandaba, trastocandole las palabras."--P. F. Diego Duran, _Historia de las Indias de la Nueva España_, Tomo II, p. 231 (Mexico, 1880). [46] As Mr. George Ticknor very pointedly says, in speaking of the Spanish drama:--"Above all, it was necessary that it should be Spanish; and therefore, though its subject be Greek or Roman, Oriental or mythological, the characters represented were always Castilian, and Castilian after the fashion of the seventeenth century,--governed by Castilian notions of gallantry, and the Castilian point of honor."--_History of Spanish Literature_, vol II, p. 539 (5th edition). [47] Speaking of the comedy, he says:--"Ihr wahrer allgemeiner Nutzen liegt in dem Lachen selbst, in der Uebung unserer Fähigkeit das Lächerliche zu bemerken; es unter allen Bemäntelungen der Leidenschaft und der Mode, es in allen Vermischungen mit noch schlimmern oder mit guten Eigenschaften, sogar in den Runzeln des feierlichen Ernstes, leicht und geschwind zu bemerken."--_Hamburgische Dramaturgie_, 29 Stück. [48] _Tlatoani_ means, literally, "the speaker," from _tlatoa_, to speak, to ask, but it is translated by the Spanish lexicographers "gran señor." The chiefs were probably so called, from their right of speech in the assemblies. Benzoni gives something like this as the title of the Nicaraguan chiefs. "Chiamano li Signori Tutruane," which I suspect is a misprint for _Tattruani_.--_Istoria del Mondo Nuovo_, p. 103 (Venetia, 1565). [49] Icazbalceta's discussion of the name may be found in his notes to the _Diálogos de Francisco Cervantes Salazar_, p. 181 (Mexico, 1875). Malinalli is the twelfth day of the Mexican month. According to Duran, the word means underbrush (_matorral_), and the prognostic was, that those born on that day should have an annual attack of sickness, like this underbrush, which dries up, or loses its leaves yearly.--_Historia de la Nueva España_, Tomo II, p. 261 (Mexico, 1880). [50] See the rare work of Fray Joan Baptista (often spelled Bautista). _Advertencias para los Confessores de los Naturales_, vols. 107, 108 (Mexico, en el Convento de Sanctiago Tlatilulco, año 1600). THE GÜEGÜENCE. A COMEDY BALLET IN THE NAHUATL-SPANISH DIALECT OF NICARAGUA. BAILE DEL GÜEGÜENCE ó MACHO-RATON. PERSONAS. EL GOBERNADOR TASTUANES. EL ALGUACIL MAYOR. EL GÜEGÜENCE. DON FORCICO. DON AMBROSIO. DOÑA SUCHI-MALINCHE. EL ESCRIBANO REAL. EL REGIDOR DE CANA. THE BALLET OF THE GÜEGÜENCE; OR, THE MACHO-RATON. DRAMATIS PERSONÆ. THE GOVERNOR TASTUANES. THE CHIEF ALGUACIL. THE GÜEGÜENCE. DON FORCICO, HIS ELDER SON. DON AMBROSIO, HIS YOUNGER SON. THE LADY SUCHI-MALINCHE. THE ROYAL SECRETARY. THE REGISTRAR. 6 BAILE DEL GÜEGÜENCE. Se da principio bailando, y habla el _Alguacil._ Matateco Dio mispiales, Señor Gobernador Tastuanes. _Gobernador._ Matateco Dio miscuales quilis no pilse Capitan Alguacil Mayor ya tiguala neme? _Alguacil._ Mascamayagua Sor. Gob^r Tastuanes. Dan vuelta bailando y habla el _Alguacil._ Matateco Dio mispiales, Señor Gobernador Tastuanes. _Gobernador._ Matateco Dio miscuales quilis no pilce Capitan Alguacil Mayor: no pilces simocague campamento Señores principales, sones, mudanzas, velancicos necana y paltechua linar mo Cabildo Real. En primer lugar tecetales seno mesa de oro, seno carpeta de bordado, seno tintero de oro, seno pluma de oro, seno salvadera de oro, y no mas hemo papel blanco y paltechua sentar mo Cabildo Real. Dan vuelta bailando y habla el _Alguacil._ Matateco Dio mispiales, Señor Gobernador Tastuanes. _Gobernador._ Matateco Dio miscuales quilis no pilces Capitan Alguacil Mayor. 7 THE COMEDY-BALLET OF GÜEGÜENCE. (The Alguacil and Governor enter, dancing.) _Alg._ I pray God to protect you, Governor Tastuanes. _Gov._ I pray God to prosper you, my son, Captain Chief Alguacil; are you well? _Alg._ At your service, Governor Tastuanes. (They dance around the stage.) _Alg._ I pray God to protect you, Governor Tastuanes. _Gov._ I pray God to prosper you, my son, Captain Chief Alguacil: my son, suspend in the quarters of the leading men the music, dances, songs, ballets, and such pleasant matters of amusement to the Royal Court. It is a great shame that we have no golden table, no embroidered table-cloth, no golden inkstand, no pen of gold, no golden sand-box, not even white paper, and such like suitable things, for a session of the Royal Court. (They dance around the stage.) _Alg._ I pray God to protect you, Governor Tastuanes. _Gov._ I pray God to prosper you, my son, Captain Chief Alguacil. 8 _Alguacil._ Ya lichua linar mo Cabildo Real. En primer lugar tecetales seno mesa de oro, seno carpeta de bordado, seno tintero de oro, seno pluma de oro, seno salvadera de oro, no mas hemo papel blanco y paltechua sentar mo Cabildo Real. _Gobernador._ No pilces Cap^n Alg^l M^{or} simocagüe campamento Sres. principales sones, mudanzas, velancicos necana y paltechua seno la ronda quinquimagua licencia galagua no provincia real. _Alguacil._ Mascamayagua Sor. Gob^{or} Tastuanes. Matateco Dio mispiales Srs. principales sones, mudanzas, velancicos necana y paltechua seno la ronda del Señor Gobernador Tastuanes. Aqui se toca la ronda, dan vuelta bailando y habla el _Alguacil._ Sor. Gob^{or} Tastuanes, ya nemo niqui nistipampa, ya nemo niqui samo la ronda, son rastros y pedazos de cinchones rompidos de corage, sombrero de Castor rompido de corage, no mas hemo mantera de revoso, no mas hemo capotin colorado á sones panegua sesule Güegüence, Sor. Gob^{or} Tastuanes. _Gobernador._ No pilces Cap^n Alg^l M^{or} asamatimaguas consentidor, afrentador, ticino mo Cabildo Real. _Alguacil._ Acaso no me de consentidor ticino mo Cabildo Real. 9 _Alg._ Something to amuse the Royal Court. It is a great shame that we have no golden table, no embroidered table-cloth, no golden inkstand, no pen of gold, no golden sand-box, not even white paper, and such like suitable things, for a session of the Royal Court. _Gov._ My son, Captain Chief Alguacil, suspend in the quarters of the leading men the music, dances, songs, ballets, and such matters, unless the patrol gives a permit to enter my royal province [for that purpose]. _Alg._ Yours to command, Governor Tastuanes. I pray God to protect you. The leading men [shall give no] music, dances, songs, ballets, and such things, without [the permission of] the patrol of Governor Tastuanes. (The patrol is sounded and they dance.) _Alg._ Governor Tastuanes, I am here, as is proper, but the patrol is not; their girdles are in rags and tatters, and their hats smashed in from their frays, and we have not a single saddle cloth or red cloak better, perhaps, than that good-for-nothing Güegüence, Governor Tastuanes. _Gov._ My son, Captain Chief Alguacil, you must bring that pimp, that impudent fellow, that charlatan, before the Royal Court. _Alg._ Perhaps that pimp and charlatan won't come with me to the Royal Court. 10 _Gobernador._ No pilces Cap^n Alg^l M^{or} simocagüe campamento Sres. principales sones, mudanzas, velancicos necana y paltechúa sesule Güegüence, ó de la cola, ó de las piernas, ó de las narices, ó de onde Dios te ayudare, Cap^n Alg^l M^{or}. _Alguacil._ Mascamayagua, Sor. Gob^{or} Tastuanes, sones, mudanzas, velancicos necana. _Güegüence._ ¡Ha muchachos, güil ternero, (ó) güil potro para quichuas rebiatar de la cola, ó de las piernas, ó de las narices? _D. Ambrosio._ Asi lo mereces, Güegüence embustero. _Güegüence._ ¿Me hablas, Don Forcico? _D. Forcico._ No, tatita, seran los oidos que le chillan. _Güegüence._ ¿Me hablas, Don Ambrosio? _D. Ambrosio._ ¿Quien te ha de hablar, Güegüence embustero? _Güegüence._ Como no, mala casta, saca fiestas sin vigilias en los dias de trabajos. Ora quien vá, quien quiere saber de mi nombre? _Alguacil._ Un criado del Sor. Gob^{or} Tastuanes. 11 _Gov._ My son, Captain Chief Alguacil, suspend in the quarters of the leading men the music, dances, songs, ballets, and such things, [and bring] that good-for-nothing Güegüence, either by the tail, or the legs, or the nose, or by whatever God will help you [to bring him], Captain Chief Alguacil. _Alg._ At your service, Governor Tastuanes, the music, dances, songs, ballets [will be suspended]. _Güegüence._ Ho, boys! is it a calf or is it a colt that is to be tied behind by the tail, or the legs, or the nose? _Don Ambrosio._ That's what you deserve, Güegüence, you old humbug. _Güe._ Do you speak to me, Don Forcico? _Don Forcico._ No, little papa, perhaps it's your ears that are buzzing. _Güe._ Do you speak to me, Don Ambrosio? _Don Am._ Who would speak to you, Güegüence, you old humbug? _Güe._ Why not, you bad breed, you lazy loafer on working days? Who is it now who wants to know my name? _Alg._ A servant of the Governor Tastuanes. 12 _Güegüence._ Como que criada, güil chocolatera, ó güil lavandera, ó componedera de la ropa del Sor. Gob^{or} Tastuanes? _Alguacil._ Chocolatera ó lavandera no; criado del Sor. Gob^{or} Tastuanes. _Güegüence._ Pues que criada, güil cocinera ó güil componedora del plato del Sor. Gob^{or} Tastuanes? _Alguacil._ Asuyungua me negua, no me cele componedora del plato, Capitan Alguacil Mayor del Sor. Gob^{or} Tastuanes. _Güegüence._ Ha! Cap^n Alg^l M^{or} del Sor. Gob^{or} Tastuanes: O amigo Cap^n Alg^l M^{or} del Sor. Gob^{or} Tastuanes, asa campamento insigna vara? _Alguacil._ Asa neganeme, Güegüence. _Güegüence._ Asetato, amigo Cap^n Alg^l M^{or}. _Alguacil._ Asetato, Güegüence. _Güegüence._ Amigo Cap^n Alg^l M^{or}, y que dice el Sor. Gobernador Tastuanes? _Alguacil._ Que vayas corriendo y volando, Güegüence. _Güegüence._ Corriendo y volando? Como quiere que corra y vuela un pobre viejo, lleno de dolores y continuas calamidades? 13 _Güe._ What sort of a servant-girl is it, the chocolate maker, the washwoman, or the clothes patcher of the Governor Tastuanes? _Alg._ Neither waiter-girl nor washwoman; a servant of the Governor Tastuanes. _Güe._ Then which servant-girl, cook or grub-fixer of the Governor Tastuanes? _Alg._ Let me disclose myself; I have nothing to do with the grub-fixer; I am the Captain Chief Alguacil of the Governor Tastuanes. _Güe._ Ha! Captain Chief Alguacil of the Governor Tastuanes! O friend Captain Chief Alguacil of the Governor Tastuanes, your official staff is perhaps at your quarters? _Alg._ Perhaps I may offer you one, Güegüence. _Güe._ Take a seat, friend Captain Chief Alguacil. _Alg._ Take a seat, Güegüence. _Güe._ Friend Captain Chief Alguacil, and what has Governor Tastuanes to say? _Alg._ That you go to him a-running and a-flying, Güegüence. _Güe._ A-running and a-flying? How does he expect a poor old man, full of pains and aches, to run and 14 Amigo Cap^n Alg^l M^{or} y un silguero que está en la portada del Sor. Gob^{or} Tastuanes, que es lo que hace? _Alguacil._ Cantando y alegrando á los Señores grandes. _Güegüence._ Ese es mi consuelo y mi divertimiento. Amigo Cap^n Alg^l M^{or} con que corriendo y volando? _Alguacil._ Corriendo y volando, Güegüence. _Güegüence._ ¡Ha, muchachos! me hablan? _D. Ambrosio._ Quien te ha de hablar, Güegüence embustero? _Güegüence._ ¿Me hablas, Don Forcico? _D. Forcico._ No, tatita, seran los oidos que le chillan. _Güegüence._ Ese será, muchachos. Pues ten cuenta con la bodega, que voi á ver si puedo volar. _Alguacil._ Ha, Güegüence, con que modo y con que cortecilla te calas, qui provincia real del Sor. Gob^{or} Tastuanes? _Güegüence._ Pues, y como, amigo Cap^n Alg^l M^{or}? _Alguacil._ Primero ha de ser un velancico, y paltechúa consolar el Cabildo Real del Sor. Gob^{or} Tastuanes. 15 fly? Friend Captain Chief Alguacil, and a linnet that reaches the door of Governor Tastuanes, what does it do there? _Alg._ It sings and amuses the grandees there. _Güe._ That is my consolation and delight. Friend Captain Chief Alguacil, how about this running and flying? _Alg._ A-running and a-flying, Güegüence. _Güe._ Ho, boys! do you speak to me? _Don. Am._ Who wants to speak to you, Güegüence, old humbug? _Güe._ Do you speak to me, Don Forcico? _Don For._ No, little papa, perhaps it's your ears that are buzzing. _Güe._ That may be, boys. Well, then, look after the shop, and I will go and see if I can fly. _Alg._ Ho, Güegüence! in what style, and with what etiquette, are you going to enter the royal presence of the Governor Tastuanes? _Güe._ Well, now, how should I, friend Captain Chief Alguacil? _Alg._ First, there should be a song, and such like, to amuse the Royal Court of the Governor Tastuanes. 16 _Güegüence._ Velancico, amigo Cap^n Alg^l M^{or}, pues simocagüe campamento Sres principales sones, mudanzas, velancicos necana y paltechua consolar mo Cabildo Real del Sor. Gob^{or} Tastuanes. _Alguacil._ Mascamayagua Güegüence. Matateco Dio mispiales Sres. principales sones, mudanzas, velancicos necana y paltechua sesule Güegüence. Dan vuelta los dos bailando y habla el. _Alguacil._ Ha, Güegüence, ya estamos en el paraje. _Güegüence._ Ya estamos con coraje. _Alguacil._ En el paraje. _Güegüence._ En el obraje. _Alguacil._ En el paraje. _Güegüence._ En el paraje. Pues, amigo Cap^n Alg^l M^{or}, no me enseñará con que modo y con que cortecilla he de entrar y salir ante la presencia real del Sor. Gob^{or} Tastuanes? _Alguacil._ Si, te enseñaré, pero no de balde; primero ha de ser mi salario. _Güegüence._ Pescados salados? Ha, muchachos! Ahí estan las redes de pescados salados? 17 _Güe._ A song, friend Captain Chief Alguacil; then suspend in the quarters of the leading men the music, dances, songs, ballets, and such things, to amuse the Royal Court of the Governor Tastuanes. _Alg._ At your service, Güegüence. I pray God to protect the leading men [and they will suspend] the music, dances, songs, ballets, and such like, for this good-for-nothing Güegüence. (They dance around the stage.) _Alg._ Ha, Güegüence! here we are at the place. _Güe._ Here we are, with heart of grace. _Alg._ At the place. _Güe._ To work apace. _Alg._ At the place. _Güe._ At the place. Now, friend Captain Chief Alguacil, won't you teach me with what style, and with what etiquette, I ought to go in and come out of the royal presence of the Governor Tastuanes? _Alg._ Yes, I'll teach you; but not for nothing. First, I want my salary. _Güe._ Salted fish? Ho, boys! are the nets of salted fish here? 18 _D. Forcico._ Ahi estan, tatita. _D. Ambrosio._ Que redes de pescados salados has de tener, Güegüence, embustero? _Güegüence._ Como no! mala casta, ojos de sapo muerto! Amigo Cap^n Alg^l M^{or}, ya estamos desaviados de los pescados salados. _Alguacil._ Acaso no me cele de pescados salados, Güegüence. _Güegüence._ Pues, y como, amigo Cap^n Alg^l M^{or}? _Alguacil._ Reales de plata, Güegüence. _Güegüence._ Ha! redes de platos. A! muchachos, ahí estan las redes de platos? _D. Forcico._ Ahi estan, tatita. _Güegüence._ Pues, amigo Cap^n Alg^l M^{or}, ya estamos aviados de platos. Y como de que platos quiere? de la china, ó de barro? _Alguacil._ Ayugama, no me cele de platos, Güegüence. _Güegüence._ Pues, y como, amigo Cap^n Alg^l M^{or}? _Alguacil._ Pesos duros, Güegüence. 19 _Don For._ Here they are, little papa. _Don Amb._ What nets of salted fish do you pretend to have, Güegüence, you old humbug? _Güe._ Why not, you bad breed, you evil-eyed brat? Friend Captain Chief Alguacil, we are just now out of salted fish. _Alg._ Perhaps I don't care for salted fish, Güegüence. _Güe._ Well, what then, Captain Chief Alguacil? _Alg._ Pieces of eight, Güegüence. _Güe._ Ha! dishes and plates. Ho, boys! have we some dishes and plates? _Don For._ Here they are, little papa. _Güe._ Well, then, Captain Chief Alguacil, we are supplied with plates. What kind of plates do you want, china plates or earthen plates? _Alg._ Neither one nor the other. I don't care for plates, Güegüence. _Güe._ Well, what then, Captain Chief Alguacil? _Alg._ Hard pieces, Güegüence. 20 _Güegüence._ Ha! Quesos duros de aquellos grandotes. A, muchachos, ahi estan los quesos duros que trajimos de sobornal? _D. Forcico._ No, tatita; se los comió mi hermanito, Don Ambrosio. _D. Ambrosio._ Que quesos duros has de tener, Güegüence, embustero? _Güegüence._ Como no, mala casta, despues que te los has comido. Amigo Cap^n Alg^l M^{or}, ya estamos desaviados de los quesos duros, porque ahi traigo un muchacho tan ganzo, que no me deja nada. _Alguacil._ Acaso no me cele de quesos duros, Güegüence. _Güegüence._ Pues, y como, amigo Cap^n Alg^l M^{or}? _Alguacil._ Doblones de oro y de plata, Güegüence. _Güegüence._ Ha! dobles. A! muchachos, sabes doblar? _D. Forcico._ Si, tatita. _Güegüence._ Pues dobla, muchachos, Dios persogue á mi amigo Cap^n Alg^l M^{or}, que ahora endenantes estuvimos tratando y contratando con el, y ya se lo llevó una bola de fuego á mi amigo. _Alguacil._ Para tu cuerpo, Güegüence. Acaso no me cele de dobles. 21 _Güe._ Ha! hard cheeses; those big ones. Ho, boys! have we those hard cheeses which we brought along as extras? _Don For._ No, little papa, my little brother, Don Ambrosio, ate them up. _Don Am._ What hard cheeses do you pretend to have, Güegüence, you old humbug? _Güe._ Why not, you bad breed, since you ate them up? Friend Captain Chief Alguacil, we are just now out of hard cheeses, because I have a boy here who is such a hog that he leaves me nothing. _Alg._ Perhaps I don't care for hard cheeses, Güegüence. _Güe._ Well, what then, Captain Chief Alguacil? _Alg._ I want toll of gold and silver, Güegüence. _Güe._ Ha! toll. Ho, boys! do you know how to toll? _Don For._ Yes, little papa. _Güe._ Well, then, toll away, boys, for God has got after my friend the Captain Chief Alguacil, with whom we were talking and bargaining a moment ago, and has carried off my friend in a ball of fire. _Alg._ May it burn your body, Güegüence. Perhaps I don't care for tolling. 22 _Güegüence._ Pues, y como, amigo Cap^n Alg^l M^{or}? _Alguacil._ Doblones de oro y de plata, Güegüence. _Güegüence._ Doblones de oro y de plata! Pues hableme recio, que como soi viejo y sordo, no oigo lo que me dicen; y por esas tierras adentro no se entiende de redes de platos, ni de pescados salados, ni de quesos duros, ni de dobles, sino onzas de oro y moneda de plata. Y, vamos, ¿cuanto quiere? _Alguacil._ Todo lo que hubiere en la bodega, Güegüence. _Güegüence._ ¿Todo, todo?--¿No me dejas nada? _Alguacil._ Nada, nada, Güegüence. _Güegüence._ Ni batuchito? _Alguacil._ Ni batuchito, Güegüence. _Güegüence._ Ya lo ven, muchachos, lo que hemos trabajado para otro hambriento. _D. Forcico._ Así es, tatita. _D. Ambrosio._ Así lo mereces, Güegüence, embustero. _Güegüence._ Arra ya, mala casta, comeras tus uñas. 23 _Güe._ Well, what then, friend Captain Chief Alguacil? _Alg._ Doubloons of gold and silver. _Güe._ Doubloons of gold and silver! Then speak loud, for I am old and deaf; and in these inland places people know nothing of nets of plates, and of salted fish, nor about hard cheeses, nor about tolls, but only about ounces of gold and coins of silver. Well, let us come to it, how much do you want? _Alg._ Everything in the shop, Güegüence. _Güe._ Everything? Everything? You won't leave me anything? _Alg._ Nothing, nothing, Güegüence. _Güe._ Not so much as an empty box? _Alg._ Not even an empty box, Güegüence. _Güe._ Now, boys, you see how we have worked to feed another hungry fellow. _Don For._ So it is, little papa. _Don Am._ So you deserve, Güegüence, you old humbug. _Güe._ Get out, you bad breed, you shall eat your finger nails. 24 _D. Ambrosio._ Las comeremos, Güegüence. _Güegüence._ Pues, ponga las manos: y las dos manos pone el hambriento, y que buenas uñas se tiene mi amigo Cap^n Alg^l M^{or}, parecen de perico-ligero! a! una bomba caliente para estas uñas! _Alguacil._ Para tu cuerpo, Güegüence. _Güegüence._ Pues, tome! Uno, dos, tres, cuatro. Ha! mi plata, muchachos! Cuatro cientos y tantos pesos le he dado á mi amigo Cap^n Alg^l M^{or}--Vd., amigo Cap^n Alg^l M^{or}, no sabe cual es real, ni cual es medio. _Alguacil._ Como no? Si, entiendo de todo, Güegüence. _Güegüence._ La mitad de este medio hacen dos cuartillos; un cuartillo dos octavos, un octavo dos cuartos, un cuarto dos maravedis, cada maravedi dos blancos. _Alguacil._ Pues, échelos todos. _Güegüence._ Pues, enséñeme. _Alguacil._ Pues, azetagago. _Güegüence._ Pues, maneta congon. _Alguacil._ Matateco Dio mispiales, Sor. Gob^{or} Tastuanes. 25 _Don Am._ Let us eat them, Güegüence. _Güe._ Then put out your hands, and let this hungry fellow put out both his hands; and my! what fine nails has my friend, the Captain Chief Alguacil! They are like those of a scratching monkey! Ho, there! a hot shot for these nails! _Alg._ May it burn your body, Güegüence. _Güe._ Well, here then [_shows four coins_]. One, two, three, four. Ha! my money, boys! Four hundred and some odd dollars I have given to my friend, the Captain Chief Alguacil. But you, friend Captain Chief Alguacil, you don't know a real from a half a one. _Alg._ Why not? I understand all about them, Güegüence. _Güe._ The half of this half real makes two cuartillos; a cuartillo is two octavos; an octavo is two quartos; a quarto is two maravedis; and each maravedi is two blancos. _Alg._ Well, then, down with them all. _Güe._ Well then, teach me. _Alg._ Well, then, pay attention. _Güe._ Well, then, show me. _Alg._ I pray God to protect you, Governor Tastuanes. 26 _Güegüence._ Matateco Dio cuascuane cuascuane Tastuanes. _Alguacil._ Matateco Dio mispiales, Sor. Gob^{or} Tastuanes. _Güegüence._ Matateco Dio panegüe palegüe Tastuanes. _Alguacil._ Hace porfiado, Güegüence; Vd. ha menester una docena de cueros. _Güegüence._ Docena de cueros? Ha, muchachos, nos faltan reatas ó cobijones. Aqui el amigo Cap^n Alg^l M^{or} nos ofrece una docena de cueros. _D. Forcico._ Si, tatita. _Güegüence._ Amigo Cap^n Alg^l M^{or}, y como de que cueros, ¿de crudia ó de gamusa? _Alguacil._ Mas azetagago, Güegüence. Le da dos rejazos. _Güegüence._ Arra ya, con que bueno, despues de pagado me has azotado; esos no son cueros, esos son azotes. _D. Ambrosio._ Así lo mereces, Güegüence, embustero. _Alguacil._ Matateco Dio mispiales Sor. Gob^{or} Tastuanes, quinimente motales, quinimente moseguan, Alcaldes ordinarios de la Sta. hermandad, regidores y notarios y depositarios. 27 _Güe._ I pray God will make you sing, Tastuanes. _Alg._ I pray God to protect you, Governor Tastuanes. _Güe._ I pray God to overcome Tastuanes. _Alg._ You are stubborn, Güegüence, you need a dozen hidings. _Güe._ Ho, boys! do we need some lines or covers? Our friend here, the Captain Chief Alguacil, offers us a dozen hides. _Don For._ Yes, little papa. _Güe._ How about those hides, friend Captain Chief Alguacil, are they green or dressed? _Alg._ Find out more about them, Güegüence. (Gives him two blows.) _Güe._ Get out! what right have you to beat me when I have paid? These are not hides, they are blows. _Don Am._ So you deserve, Güegüence, you old humbug. _Alg._ I pray God to protect the Governor Tastuanes, those who carry his messages and transact his business, the regular alcaldes of the Holy Brotherhood, the registrars, 28 Eguan noche mo Cabildo Real del Sor Gob^{or} Tastuanes. _Güegüence._ Amigo Cap^n Alg^l M^{or}, si de balde le he dado mi dinero, si estos son mis lenguajes asonesepa negualigua seno libro de romance, lichúa rezar escataci, iscala ñonguan iscumbatasi à campaneme Tastuanes? _Alguacil._ Asaneganeme, Güegüence. _Güegüence._ Si cana amigo Cap^n Alg^l M^{or} -- -- -- -- -- Matateco Dio mispiales, Sor. Gob^{or} Tastuanes. _Gobernador._ Matateco Dio miscuales quilis Güegüence yatiguala neme? _Güegüence._ Ya nemo niqui nistipampa quinimente moseguan. Alcaldes ordinarios de la Santa hermandad, regidores y notarios (y) depositarios(.) Eguam noche mo Cabildo Real del Sor. Gob^{or} Tastuanes. _Gobernador._ Pues, Güegüence, quinquimagua licencia te calas qui provincia real? _Güegüence._ Valgame Dios, Sor. Gob^{or} Tastuanes, pues que es menester licencia? _Gobernador._ Es menester licencia, Güegüence. _Güegüence._ O valgame Dios, Sor. Gob^{or} Tastuanes! Cuando yo 29 notaries and archivists, [by day] and night, in the Royal Court of Governor Tastuanes. _Güe._ Friend Captain Chief Alguacil, I have given my money for nothing, if these are to be my words; and shall I not bargain for a book in Spanish, to read these prayers out of when I come before Tastuanes? _Alg._ Perhaps I may offer you one, Güegüence. _Güe._ If anywhere, friend Captain Chief Alguacil--[_The Governor enters abruptly._] I pray God to protect you, Governor Tastuanes. _Gov._ I pray God to prosper you, Güegüence; are you well? _Güe._ I am here, as is proper, [and I pray God to protect] those who transact the business, the regular alcaldes of the Holy Brotherhood, the registrars, notaries and archivists, [by day] and night, in the Royal Court of Governor Tastuanes. _Gov._ Well, Güegüence, who has given you a permit to enter this royal province. _Güe._ God bless me, Governor Tastuanes, what is it to need a permit? _Gov._ A permit is necessary. _Güe._ O! God bless me, Governor Tastuanes; when I 30 anduve por esas tierras adentro, por la carrera de Mexico, por la Veracruz, por la Vera Paz, por Antepeque, arriando mi recua, guia muchachos, opa Don Forcico llega donde un mesonero tupile traiga una docena de huevos, vamos comiendo y descargando y vuelto á cargar, y me voy de paso, y no es menester licencia para ello, Sor. Gob^{or} Tastuanes. _Gobernador._ Pues aqui es menester licencia para ello, Güegüence. _Güegüence._ Valgame Dios, Sor. Gob^{or} Tastuanes, viniendo yo por una calle derecha me columbró una niña que estaba sentada en una ventana de oro, y me dice: que galan el Güegüence, que bizarro el Güegüence, aqui tienes bodega, Güegüence, entra, Güegüence, siéntato, Güegüence, aqui hay dulce, Güegüence, aqui hay limon. Y como soy un hombre tan gracejo, salté á la calle con un cabriolé, que con sus adornos no se distinguia de lo que era, lleno de plata y oro hasta el suelo, y así una niña me dió licencia, Sor. Gob^{or} Tastuanes. _Gobernador._ Pues una niña no puede dar licencia, Güegüence. _Güegüence._ O valgame Dios, Sor. Gob^{or} Tastuanes, no seremos guancos, no seremos amigos, y seremos de sones sepanegaligua, no fardesia de ropa; en primer lugar cajoneria de oro, cajoneria de plata, ropa de Castilla, ropa de contrabando, güipil de pecho, güipil de pluma, medias de seda, zapatos de oro, sombrero de castor, estriberas de 31 was traveling up country, on the road to Mexico, through Vera Cruz, and Vera Paz, and Antepeque, driving my mules, leading my boys, twice Don Forcico comes across a constable innkeeper who brings us a dozen eggs; and we go on eating and unloading, and we load up again, and I go right along, and there is no need of a permit for it, Governor Tastuanes. _Gov._ Well, here there is need of a permit for it, Güegüence. _Güe._ God bless me, Governor Tastuanes, as I was coming up a straight street, a girl who was sitting in a golden window descried me, and says to me: "What a fine fellow is Güegüence; how gallant is Güegüence; here's the shop for you, Güegüence; come in, Güegüence; sit down, Güegüence; there's sweatmeats here, Güegüence; there's a lemon here." And, as I am such a funny fellow, I jumped off, with my riding cloak on, so full of ornaments that you could not tell what it was, covered with gold and silver to the ground; and that's the way a girl gave me a permit, Governor Tastuanes. _Gov._ Well, a girl can't give a permit [here], Güegüence. _Güe._ O! God bless me, Governor Tastuanes, we won't be fools; no, we will be friends, and we will bargain about my packs of goods. In the first place, chests of gold, chests of silver, cloth of Spain, cloth from smugglers, vests, feather skirts, silk stockings, golden shoes, beaver 32 lazo de oro y de plata, ya pachigüe muyule Sor. Gob^{or} Tastuanes. _Gobernador._ Pachigüete no pachigüete, Güegüence, asamatimagas, (a sones) se palparesia motel polluse D. Forcico y D. Ambrosio timaguas y verdad, tin riquezas y hermosuras tumile mo Cabildo Real. _Güegüence._ No chopa quimate mollule, Sor. Gob^{or} Tastuanes. _Gobernador._ No chiquimate, Güegüence. _Güegüence._ Pues si cana amigo Cap^n Alg^l M^{or}, simocagüe nistipampa, Sres. principales, sones, mudanzas, velancicos, necana, y palparesia D. Forcico timaguas y verdad, tin hermosura, tin bellezas tumiles mo Cabildo Real. _Gobernador._ No pilse Cap^n Alg^l M^{or} simocagüe campamento Sres. principales, sones, mudanzas, velancicos, necana y palparesia D. Forcico timagas y verdad, tin hermosura, tin belleza tumile mo Cabildo Real. _Alguacil._ Mascamayagua Sor. Gob^{or} Tastuanes. Matateco Dio mispiales Sres. principales, sones, mudanzas, velancicos, necana y palparesia D. Forcico timaguas y verdad. Aqui el Alguacil saca à D. Forcico p^a hablar con el Gob^{or}. _D. Forcico._ Matateco Dio mispiales, Sor. Gob^{or} Tastuanes. 33 hats, stirrup straps of gold and silver lace, as may satisfy the clever Governor Tastuanes. _Gov._ No, I am not satisfied with what you say, Güegüence. Don Forcico and Don Ambrosio must give a truthful account to our Royal Court, whether you have riches and abundant treasures. _Güe._ Do you not know it already, clever Governor Tastuanes? _Gov._ I do not know it, Güegüence. _Güe._ Then, if friend Captain Chief Alguacil will suspend, in my presence, the music, dances, songs and ballets of the leading men, Don Forcico will give a truthful account to the Royal Court about my riches and abundant treasures. _Gov._ My son, Captain Chief Alguacil, suspend in the quarters of the leading men the music, dances, songs and ballets, and Don Forcico will give a truthful account to the Royal Court about their riches and abundant treasures. _Alg._ At your service, Governor Tastuanes. I pray God to protect the leading men, and [they suspend] the music, dances, songs and ballets, and Don Forcico will give a truthful account. (The Alguacil takes Don Forcico aside to talk with the Governor.) _Don For._ I pray God to protect you, Governor Tastuanes. 34 _Gobernador._ Matateco Dio miscuales quilis Don Forcico ya tiguala neme. _D. Forcico._ Ya nemo niqui nistipampa, quinimente motales, quinimentes moseguan, Alcaldes ordinarios de la Sta. hermandad, regidores, notarios y depositarios. Eguan noche mo Cabildo Real del Sor. Gob^{or} Tastuanes. _Gobernador._ Pues, Don Forcico asamatimaguas semo verdad a sones sepaguala motalce Güegüence quichua contar güil hombre rico, tin riquezas, tin hermosura, tin belleza, en primer lugar cajoneria de oro, cajoneria de plata, doblones de oro, monedas de plata, hay me sagua Don Forcico. _D. Forcico._ O valgame Dios, Sor. Gob^{or} Tastuanes, es corto el dia y la noche para contar las riquezas de mi padre; en primer lugar cajoneria de oro, cajoneria de plata, ropa de Castilla, ropa de contrabando, estriberas de lazo de oro y de plata, ya pachigüe muyule Sor. Gob^{or} Tastuanes. _Gobernador._ Pachigüete no pachigüete pues, Don Forcico, á sones se palparesia tu hermanito Don Ambrosio timaguas y verdad tin riquezas y hermosuras tumiles mo Cabildo real. _D. Forcico._ Sor. Gob^{or} Tastuanes, sicana amigo Cap^n Alg^l M^{or}, mayague campamento Sres. principales, sones, mudanzas, velancicos, necana y palparesia mi hermanito Don Ambrosio timaguas y verdad. 35 _Gov._ I pray God to prosper you, Don Forcico; are you well? _Don For._ I am here, as is proper, [and I pray God to protect] those who carry the messages, those who transact the business, the regular alcaldes of the Holy Brotherhood, the registrars, notaries and archivists, [by day] and night, in the Royal Court of Governor Tastuanes. _Gov._ Well, Don Forcico, you are to tell me the truth about the stories which Güegüence tells, saying that he is a rich man, and has property, and handsome and beautiful things; in the first place, chests of gold, chests of silver, doubloons of gold, coins of silver; so tell me clearly, Don Forcico. _Don For._ O! God bless me, Governor Tastuanes, the day and the night are too short to tell you all the riches of my father. In the first place, chests of gold, chests of silver, cloth of Spain, cloth from smugglers, stirrup straps of lace of gold and silver, as may satisfy the clever Governor Tastuanes. _Gov._ No, not satisfied yet, Don Forcico; for next, your little brother, Don Ambrosio, will give a truthful account to the Royal Court about these riches and abundant treasures. _Don For._ Governor Tastuanes, if friend Captain Chief Alguacil will suspend in the quarters of the leading men the music, dances, songs and ballets, my little brother, Don Ambrosio, will give a truthful account. 36 _Gobernador._ No pilse Cap^n Alg^l M^{or}, simocagüe campamento Sres. principales, sones, mudanzas, velancicos, necana, y palparesia su hermanito D. Ambrosio timaguas y verdad tin riquezas, tin hermosuras. _Alguacil._ Mascamayagua Sor. Gob^{or} Tastuanes. Matateco Dio mispiales Sres. principales, sones, mudanzas, velancicos, necana, y palparesia Don Ambrosio timaguas y verdad. Aqui el Alg^l saca à D. Ambrosio p^a hablar con el Gob^{or}. _D. Ambrosio._ Matateco Dio mispiales, Sor. Gobernador Tastuanes. _Gobernador._ Matateco Dio miscuales, quilis Don Ambrosio, ya tiguala neme? _D. Ambrosio._ Ya nemo niqui nistipampa quinimente motales, quinimente moseguan Alcaldes ordinarios de la Sta. hermandad, regidores y notarios, y depositarios. Eguan noche mo Cabildo Real del Sor. Gob^{or} Tastuanes. _Gobernador._ Pues Don Ambrosio asamatimaguas semo verdad á sones (se) paguala motalce Güegüence quichua contar güil hombre rico. En primer lugar cajoneria de oro, cajoneria de plata, ropa de Castilla, ropa de contrabando, güipil de pecho, güipil de pluma, medias de seda, zapatos de oro, sombrero de castor, estriberas de lazo de oro y de plata, muchintes hermosuras quichua contar sesule Güegüence hoy melagüe Don Ambrosio. 37 _Gov._ My son, Captain Chief Alguacil, suspend in the quarters of the leading men the music, dances, songs and ballets, and his little brother, Don Ambrosio, will give a truthful account of the riches and treasures. _Alg._ At your service, Governor Tastuanes. I pray God to protect the leading men, [and they suspend] the music, dances, songs and ballets, and Don Ambrosio will give a truthful account. (The Alguacil takes Don Ambrosio aside to talk to the Governor.) _Don Am._ I pray God to protect you, Governor Tastuanes. _Gov._ I pray God to prosper you, Don Ambrosio; are you well? _Don Am._ I am here, as is proper, [and I pray God to protect] those who carry the messages, those who transact the business, the regular alcaldes of the Holy Brotherhood, the registrars, notaries and archivists, [by day] and by night, in the Royal Court of Governor Tastuanes. _Gov._ Well, Don Ambrosio, you are to tell me the truth about the stories which Güegüence relates, saying that he is a rich man. In the first place, [that he has] chests of gold, chests of silver, cloth of Spain, cloth from smugglers, vests, skirts of feathers, silk stockings, golden shoes, a beaver hat, stirrup straps of lace of gold and silver, quantities of pretty things, as that good-for-nothing Güegüence relates; so tell me clearly, Don Ambrosio. 38 _D. Ambrosio._ Valgame Dios, Sor. Gob^{or} Tastuanes, vergüenza me da contar las cosas de ese Güegüence embustero, pues solo está esperando que cierre la noche para salir de casa en casa á hurtar lo que hay en las cocinas para pasar el, y su hijo Don Forcico. Dice que tiene cajoneria de oro, y es una petaca vieja totolatera, que tiene catre de seda y es un petate viejo revolcado, dice que tiene medias de seda y son unas botias viejas sin forro, que tiene zapatos de oro, y son unas chancletas viejas sin suelas, que tiene un fusil de oro, y es solo el palo, porque el cañon se lo quitaron. _Güegüence._ Ve, que afrenta de muchacho, hablador, boca floja! revientale, hijo, la cabeza, que como no es hijo mio me desacredita. _D. Forcico._ Quitate de aquí, mala casta! No se espante Sor. Gob^{or} Tastuanes en oir á este hablador, que cuando yo anduve con mi padre por la carrera de Mexico y cuando venimos ya estaba mi madre en cinta de otro, y por eso salió tan mala casta, Sor. Gob^{or} Tastuanes. _Güegüence._ Sor. Gob^{or} Tastuanes ya pachigüe muyules teguane motel poyuce Don Forcico contar tin hermosuras, tin bellezas, tumiles mo Cabildo Real. _Gobernador._ Pachigüete no pachigüete, Güegüence, asamaquimate mollule mo Cabildo real. 39 _Don Am._ God bless me, Governor Tastuanes, I am ashamed to talk about the affairs of this old humbug, Güegüence, for he is only waiting until it is dark, to go from house to house, stealing whatever is in the kitchens, to keep him and his son, Don Forcico, alive. He says he has a chest of gold, and it is an old bird-basket; that he has a silken cot, and it is a dirty old mat; he says he has silk stockings, and they are old leggings, without lining; that he has golden shoes, and they are worn out slippers, without soles; that he has a golden gun, and it is only a wooden stock, because they took the barrel away from him. _Güe._ Heavens! what an impudent boy, a babbler, a lying tongue! Break his head, my boy, for no son of mine would slander me in that way. _Don For._ Get out of here, you bad breed. Don't be shocked, Governor, to hear this babbler; for when I went with my father on the road to Mexico, when we came back my mother was big by another, and that is why this one is such a bad breed, Governor Tastuanes. _Güe._ Governor Tastuanes, now are you not satisfied completely about us, by what Don Forcico told the Royal Court, that I have quantities of pretty and beautiful things? _Gov._ No, not satisfied; the Royal Court would like to know it. 40 _Güegüence._ No chiquimate mollule Sor. Gob^{or} Tastuanes: pues mayagüe amigo Cap^n Alg^l M^{or}, campamento Srs. principales, sones, mudanzas, velancicos, necana y palparesia mo tinderia turna güiso mo Cabildo Real. _Gobernador._ No pilse Cap^n Alg^l M^{or}, simocagüe campamento Sres. principales, sones, mudanzas, velancicos, necana, y paltechua consolar sesule Güegüence(.) Eguan mo tinderia y paltechua consolar mo cabildo real. _Alguacil._ Mascamayagua, Sor. Gob^{or} Tastuanes. Matateco Dio mispiales Sres. principales, sones, mudanzas, velancicos, necana y palparesia tinderia mo Cabildo Real. Da vuelta el Güegüence y los muchachos bailando con la tienda, y habla el _Güegüence._ Matateco Dio mispiales, Sor. Gob^{or} Tastuanes, asanega neme mo tinderia matamagüeso mo Cabildo Real. Alzen muchachos, miren cuanta hermosura. En primer lugar cajoneria de oro, cajoneria de plata, güipil de pecho, güipil de pluma, medias de seda, zapatos de oro, sombrero de castor, estriberas de lazo de oro y de plata, muchintes hermosuras, Sor. Gob^{or} Tastuanes, asaneganeme ese lucero de la mañana que relumbra del otro lado del mar, asanecaneme esa jeringuita de oro para ya remediar el Cabildo Real del Sor. Gob^{or} Tastuanes. _Gobernador._ Para tu cuerpo, Güegüence. 41 _Güe._ The clever Governor Tastuanes does not know it. Well, then, let friend Captain Chief Alguacil suspend in the quarters of the leading men the music, dances, songs, ballets and talk, and I will open my tent to the Royal Court. _Gov._ My son, Captain Chief Alguacil, suspend in the quarters of the leading men the music, dances, songs, ballets and such like, to please this good-for-nothing Güegüence, and he will show his tent, to please the Royal Court. _Alg._ At your service, Governor Tastuanes. I pray God to protect the leading men, [and they suspend] the music, dances, songs, ballets and talk, [to show] the tent to the Royal Court. (Güegüence and the boys dance around the stage with the tent.) _Güe._ I pray God to protect you, Governor Tastuanes. Let me offer you my tent, to show to the Royal Court. Heft it, boys. See what pretty things! In the first place, a chest of gold, a chest of silver, vests, feather skirts, silk stockings, golden shoes, a beaver hat, stirrup straps of lace of gold and silver, quantities of pretty things, Governor Tastuanes. Let me offer you this star of the morning, which shines from the other side of the sea; let me offer you this syringe of gold, with which to medicate the Royal Court of the Governor Tastuanes. _Gov._ May it be for your own body, Güegüence. 42 _Güegüence._ Como este mi muchacho tiene tantos oficios, que hasta en las uñas tiene encajados los oficios. _Gobernador._ Seran de arena, Güegüence. _Güegüence._ Pues mas ha sido escultor, fundidor, repicador, piloto de alturas de aquellos que se elevan hasta las nubes, Sor. Gob^{or} Tastuanes. _Gobernador._ Esos no son oficios de continuo, Güegüence. _Güegüence._ Pues mas ha sido carpintero, hacedor de yugos aunque sean de papayo, hacedor de arados, aunque sean de tecomajoche ya pachigüe muyule Sor. Gob^{or} Tastuanes. _Gobernador._ Ya pachigüete no pachigüete, pues Güegüence asanese palparesia mo Don Forcico timaguas y verdad tin oficios. _Güegüence._ Pues si cana amigo Cap^n Alg^l M^{or}. Mayague nistipampa Sres. principales, sones, mudanzas, velancicos, necana y palparesia Don Forcico timaguas y verdad tin oficios. _Alguacil._ Mascamayagua, Güegüence. Matateco Dio mispiales Sres. principales, sones, mudanzas, velancicos, necana y palparesia D. Forcico mo Cabildo Real. Vuelve el Alguacil à sacar à D. Forcico. 43 _Güe._ It is wonderful how many trades this boy of mine has. He is deep in trades to his fingers' ends. _Gov._ They are of no account, Güegüence. _Güe._ Why, he has been a sculptor, a metal founder, a bell-ringer, and a pilot to the heights which rise above the clouds, Governor Tastuanes. _Gov._ These are not permanent employments, Güegüence. _Güe._ Then he has been a carpenter, a maker of yokes, though of papaya wood, a maker of plows, though of temple tree wood. This should satisfy the clever Governor Tastuanes. _Gov._ No, I am not yet satisfied. Let Güegüence tell his son, Don Forcico, to give a truthful account of his trades. _Güe._ Then, if friend Captain Chief Alguacil will, in my presence, cause the leading men to suspend the music, dances, songs and ballets, Don Forcico will give a truthful account of his trades. _Alg._ At your service, Güegüence. I pray God will protect the leading men, [and they suspend] the music, dances, songs and ballets, for the talk of Don Forcico to the Royal Court. (The Alguacil brings Don Forcico forward.) 44 _D. Forcico._ Sor. Gob^{or} Tastuanes, hasta en las uñas tengo encajados los oficios. _Gobernador._ Seran de arena, Don Forcico. _D. Forcico._ Pues mas he sido escultor, fundidor, repicador, piloto de alturas de aquellas que se elevan hasta las nubes, Sor. Gob^{or} Tastuanes. _Gobernador._ Pachigüete no pachigüete, pues Don Forcico asamaguimate mollule tin mudanzas, tin sapatetas mo Cabildo Real. _D. Forcico._ O valgame Dios, Sor. Gob^{or} Tastuanes, sicana amigo Cap^n Alg^l M^{or}, campamento Sres. principales, sones, mudanzas, velancicos, necana tin corridos y palechua consolar mo Cabildo Real. _Gobernador._ No pilse Cap^n Alg^l M^{or} simocagüe campamento Sres. principales, sones, mudanzas, velancicos, necana y palparesia lichua consolar sesule Güegüence. _Alguacil._ Mascamayagua Sor. Gob^{or} Tastuanes. Matateco Dio mispiales Sres. principales, sones, mudanzas, velancicos, necana y palparesia consolar mo Cabildo Real sesule Güegüence. Primera bailada del Corrido, y habla el 45 _Don For._ Governor Tastuanes, I am deep in trades to my finger ends. _Gov._ They are of no account, Don Forcico. _Don For._ Why, I have been a sculptor, a metal founder, a bell-ringer, and a pilot to the heights which rise above the clouds, Governor Tastuanes. _Gov._ No, I am not satisfied, since Don Forcico should also know some clever dances and caperings, [to amuse] the Royal Court. _Don For._ O! God bless me, Governor Tastuanes, if friend Captain Chief Alguacil [will suspend] in the quarters of the leading men the music, dances, songs and ballets, they shall have some running dances and such things, to amuse the Royal Court. _Gov._ My son, Captain Chief Alguacil, suspend in the quarters of the leading men the music, dances, songs, ballets and talk, in order that this good-for-nothing Güegüence may amuse [the Royal Court]. _Alg._ At your service, Governor Tastuanes. I pray God to protect the leading men, [and they suspend] the music, dances, songs, ballets and talk, in order that the good-for-nothing Güegüence may amuse the Royal Court. (First ballet with the running dance.) 46 _Güegüence._ Sor. Gob^{or} Tastuanes, ya pachigüe mollule tigüita tin mudanzas, tin sapatetas, lichua consolar mo Cabildo Real. _Gobernador._ Pachigüete no pachiguete, Güegüence, asamaquimate muyule, asanese palparesia motel poyuse Don Forcico y Don Ambrosio à consolar el Cabildo Real. _Güegüence._ No chopa quimate muyule, Sor. Gob^{or} Tastuanes. _Gobernador._ No chopa quimate Güegüence. _Güegüence._ Mayague amigo Cap^n Alg^l M^{or}, campamento Sres. principales, sones, corridos, necana y paltechua consolar Don Forcico eguan D. Ambrosio mo Cabildo Real. _Gobernador._ No pilse Cap^n Alg^l M^{or}, simocagüe campamento Sres. principales, sones, corridos, necana y paltechua consolar Don Forcico eguan Don Ambrosio mo Cabildo Real. Segunda bailada del Güegüence, y los dos muchachos. _Güegüence._ Sor Gob^{or} Tastuanes, ya pachigüe mollule tigüita tin mudanzas, tin sapatetas lichua consolar mo Cabildo Real. _Gobernador._ Pachigüete no pachigüete, Güegüence. _Güegüence._ Sor. Gob^{or} Tastuanes asamaquimate mollule tin mudanzas, tin sapatetas sones San Martin, à lichua consolar Don Forcico eguan Don Ambrosio mo Cabildo Real. 47 _Güe._ Governor Tastuanes, now you are satisfied that they have dances and caperings to amuse the Royal Court. _Gov._ No, I am not satisfied. I would know thoroughly what Don Forcico and Don Ambrosio can do to amuse the Royal Court. _Güe._ Do you not know it, Governor Tastuanes? _Gov._ I do not know it, Güegüence. _Güe._ Let friend Captain Alguacil Major [suspend] in the quarters of the leading men the music, dances, songs and such like, that Don Forcico and Don Ambrosio may amuse the Royal Court. _Gov._ My son, Captain Chief Alguacil, suspend in the quarters of the leading men the music, dances, songs and such like, that Don Forcico and Don Ambrosio may amuse the Royal Court. (Second ballet of Güegüence and the two boys.) _Güe._ Governor Tastuanes, now you are certainly satisfied that they have dances, have caperings, to amuse the Royal Court. _Gov._ No, I am not satisfied, Güegüence. _Güe._ Governor Tastuanes may certainly know that Don Forcico and Don Ambrosio have dances and caperings, to the tune of St. Martin, to amuse the Royal Court. 48 _Gobernador._ No chopa quimate mollule Güegüence. No pilse Cap^n Alg^l M^{or} simocagüe campamento Sres. principales, sones San Martin a lichua consolar mo Cabildo Real sesule Güegüence. Aqui se toca S. Martin y dan vuelta todos bailando. _Gobernador._ A Güegüence ya pachigüe muyule tigüita tin sapatetas lichuas consolar mo Cabildo Real. _Güegüence._ Pachigüete no pachigüe, Sor. Gob^{or} Tastuanes asamaquimate muyule sones Portorico no amigo Cap^n Alg^l M^{or} à lichua consolar Don Forcico, y Don Ambrosio mo Cabildo Real. _Gobernador._ No pilse Cap^n Alg^l M^{or}, simocagüe campamento Sres. principales, sones Portorico lichua consolar sesule Güegüence. Aqui se toca un ton antiguo y dan vuelta todos bailando. _Gobernador._ A Güegüence ya pachigüe muyule tigüita tin sapatetas lichua consolar mo Cabildo Real. _Güegüence._ Pachigüete no pachigüe, Sor. Gob^{or} Tastuanes, que unos van para atras, y otros para delante. _Gobernador._ Eso no lo sé, Güegüence. Pues, Güegüence, asamaquimate muyule, tin mudanzas, tin sapatetas semula macho-raton à lichua consolar mo Cabildo Real. 49 _Gov._ I do not certainly know it. My son, Captain Chief Alguacil, suspend in the quarters of the leading men [the music, etc.], that this good-for-nothing Güegüence may amuse the Royal Court with the tune of St. Martin. (The tune of St. Martin is played, and they all dance around.) _Gov._ Now, Güegüence, I am satisfied that they have caperings to amuse the Royal Court. _Güe._ But I am not satisfied; and, Governor Tastuanes, my friend, Captain Chief Alguacil, might like to know how Don Forcico and Don Ambrosio can amuse the Royal Court, to the tune of Porto Rico. _Gov._ My son, Captain Chief Alguacil, suspend in the quarters of the leading men [the music, etc.], that this good-for-nothing Güegüence may console [us] with the tune of Porto Rico. (An ancient tune is played, and they all dance around.) _Gov._ Now, Güegüence, I am satisfied that they have caperings to amuse the Royal Court. _Güe._ But I am not satisfied, Governor Tastuanes, as some go from behind and others from in front. _Gov._ I know nothing about that, Güegüence. Now, Güegüence, whether they have dances, caperings, like the _macho-raton_, to amuse the Royal Court? 50 _Güegüence._ Sor. Gob^{or} Tastuanes, ya bueno amigo Cap^n Alg^l M^{or}, campamento Sres. principales, sones, mudanzas, necana, à lichua consolar semula macho-raton mo Cabildo Real. A, muchachos! que es de los machos? _D. Forcico._ Ahí estan, tatita. Aqui se toca la Valona para los machos, y habla el _Güegüence._ Sor. Gob^{or} Tastuanes ya pachigüe mollule, tin mudanzas, tin sapatetas, tin remates, tin corcobios semula macho-raton. _Gobernador._ Pachigüete no pachigüe, Güegüence. _Güegüence._ Pues Sor. Gob^{or} Tastuanes, no haremos un trato y contrato, que el sin tuno, sin tunal de eguan mo Doña Suche-Malinche? _Gobernador._ No chopa quimate muyule, Güegüence. _Güegüence._ No chiquimate, Sor. Gob^{or} Tastuanes. _Gobernador._ No pilse Cap^n Alg^l M^{or} simocagüe campamento el Señor Escribano Real, chigüigua no provincia real lichua obedecer eguan mo Doña Suche-Malinche. Va el Alguacil à hablar con el Escribano Real. _Alguacil._ Matateco Dio mispiales, Sr. Escribano Real. 51 _Güe._ Governor Tastuanes, and good friend Captain Chief Alguacil, [suspend] in the quarters of the leading men the music, dances and songs, in order that we may amuse the Royal Court with the _macho-raton_. Ho, boys! how about the mules? _Don For._ Here they are, little papa. (The Valona is played for the mules.) _Güe._ Governor Tastuanes, you are certainly satisfied that they have dances, caperings, finishing touches and curvetings, like the _macho-raton_. _Gov._ No, I am not satisfied, Güegüence. _Güe._ Well, then, Governor Tastuanes, shall we not make a trade and a treaty between him, without a folly or a fig-tree, and the lady Suche-Malinche? _Gov._ Do you not know of it already, Güegüence? _Güe._ I do not know it, Governor Tastuanes. _Gov._ My son, Captain Chief Alguacil, suspend [the labor] in the quarters of the Royal Secretary, and let him obey our order to enter my royal presence, with the lady Suche-Malinche. (The Alguacil goes to speak with the Royal Secretary.) _Alg._ I pray God to protect you Mr. Secretary. 52 _Escribano._ Matateco Dio miscuales, quilis Cap^n Alg^l M^{or}, ya tiguala neme? _Alguacil._ Ya nemo niqui nistipampa Sor. Escribano Real, negua ligua y Provincia Real, del Sor. Gob^{or} Tastuanes, lichua obedecer eguan mo Doña Suche-Malinche. _Escribano._ Pues, no pilse Cap^n Alg^l M^{or} simocagüe campamento Sres. principales, sones, rujeros, y paltechua obedecer eguan mo Doña Suche-Malinche. _Alguacil._ Mascamayagua, Sor. Escribano Real. Aqui se toca el Rujero, dan vuelta bailando los dos y habla el _Escribano._ Matateco Dio mispiales, Sor. Gob^{or} Tastuanes. _Gobernador._ Matateco Dio miscuales quilis Sor. Escribano Real, ya tiguala neme? _Escribano._ Ya nemo niqui nistipampa lichua obedecer, eguan mo Doña Suche-Malinche. _Gobernador._ Pues, Sor. Escribano Real, asanegaguala sesule Güegüence güil hombre rico, eguan mo Doña Suche-Malinche. _Escribano._ Sor. Gob^{or} Tastuanes, asanegualigua vestir saya de la China, güipil de pecho, güipil de pluma, medias de seda, 53 _Sec._ I pray God to prosper you, Captain Chief Alguacil; are you well? _Alg._ I am, as is proper, Mr. Secretary. You will enter the royal presence of Governor Tastuanes, to obey his orders, and also the lady Suche-Malinche. _Sec._ Well, then, my son, Captain Chief Alguacil, suspend in the quarters of the leading men the music, the shoutings, and such like, that I may obey, with the lady Suche-Malinche. _Alg._ At your service, Mr. Secretary. (The Rujero is played, and the two dance around.) _Sec._ I pray God to protect you, Governor Tastuanes. _Gov._ I pray God to prosper you, Mr. Secretary; are you well? _Sec._ I am, as is proper, [and come] to obey your orders, with the lady Suche-Malinche. _Gov._ Well, Mr. Secretary, there is a bargain between this good-for-nothing Güegüence, who is a rich man, and the lady Suche-Malinche. _Sec._ Governor Tastuanes, let the bargain be for clothing, a petticoat from China, vest, feather skirt, silk stockings, 54 zapatos de oro, sombrero de castor, para monistilco al Sor. Gob^{or} Tastuanes. Se vuelve el Escribano à su lugar, bailando con el Alguacil. _Gobernador._ Ha, Güegüence, asiguala lichua escojer mosamonte. _Güegüence._ ¿Desmonte? _Gobernador._ Mosamonte, Güegüence. _Güegüence._ Yo no he hecho trato ni contrato con el Sor. Gob^{or} Tastuanes, solo que sea mi muchacho. _Gobernador._ Eso no lo sé, Güegüence. _Güegüence._ Ha, muchachos, que trato y contrato tienes con el Sor. Gob^{or} Tastuanes. _D. Forcico._ De casarme, tatita. _Güegüence._ De casarte! ¿y tan chiquito te atreves à casarte, muchacho? _D. Forcico._ Si, tatita. _Güegüence._ Y con quien me dejas, muchacho? _D. Forcico._ Con mi hermanito, Don Ambrosio. _Güegüence._ Que caso me hará ese jipato! 55 shoes of gold, a beaver hat, for a son-in-law of Governor Tastuanes. (The Secretary returns to his place, dancing with the Alguacil.) _Gov._ Ha, Güegüence! it angers me that you choose so presumptuously. _Güe._ Trumpery? _Gov._ Presumptuously, Güegüence. _Güe._ I have not made any trade or treaty with the Governor Tastuanes; it must be my boy. _Gov._ I don't know about that, Güegüence. _Güe._ Ho, boys! what trade or treaty have you with the Governor Tastuanes? _Don For._ For me to get married, little papa. _Güe._ For you to get married! What, boy! a little chap like you dares to get married? _Don For._ Yes, little papa. _Güe._ And with whom are you going to leave me boy? _Don For._ With my little brother, Don Ambrosio. _Güe._ What care will that imp take of me? 56 _D. Ambrosio._ Y yo tambien me quiero casar. _Güegüence._ Para eso seres bueno. Don Forcico asiguale lichúa escojer mosamonte. Ve, que bizarra dama aqui, muchacho. _D. Forcico._ No está de mi gusto, tatita. _Güegüence._ Porque, muchacho? _D. Forcico._ Porque está muy pachaca, tatita. _Güegüence._ Pues, que es iguana ó garrobo para que esté pachaca? Quien la echó á perder, muchacho? _D. Forcico._ Mi hermanito, Don Ambrosio. _Güegüence._ Para eso será bueno este soplado, ojos de sapo muerto, por eso está tan apupujado. Ve, que bizarra maneca, muchacho. _D. Forcico._ Si está aventada, tatita. _Güegüence._ Quien la aventó, muchacho? _D. Forcico._ Mi hermanito, Don Ambrosio. _Güegüence._ Como aventastes esta dama, Don Ambrosio? 57 _Don Am._ And I too want to get married. _Güe._ You're good enough for that. Don Forcico makes a bargain to choose presumptuously. See what a gay lady is here, my boy? _Don For._ She is not to my taste, little papa. _Güe._ Why not, my boy? _Don For._ Because she is too much stuffed, little papa. _Güe._ Is she, then, an iguana or a garrobo, that she is stuffed? Who has spoiled her, my boy? _Don For._ My little brother, Don Ambrosio. _Güe._ For that the bloated fellow is good enough, the evil-eyed brat; that is the reason he is so played out. See, here's a gay cake-baker my boy. _Don For._ She _is_ puffed up, little papa. _Güe._ Who puffed her up, boy? _Don For._ My little brother, Don Ambrosio. _Güe._ How did you puff up this lady, Don Ambrosio? 58 _D. Ambrosio._ De dormir con vos, Güegüence. _Güegüence._ Callate, mala casta. Ve que bizarra dama, esta otra, muchacho. _D. Forcico._ Esta, sí, está de mi gusto, tatita. _Güegüence._ Sabes escojer, no muchacho, pero no sabes escojer un buen machete para hacer un buen desmonte. _D. Forcico._ Tambien, tatita. _Güegüence._ Sor. Gob^{or} Tastuanes, mosegua trato y contrato. _Gobernador._ No mocegua, Güegüence. _Güegüence._ No mocegua, Sor. Gob^{or} Tastuanes; lo que siento es mi muchacho que se me pierde. _Gobernador._ Eso no lo sé, Güegüence. Aqui se casan, y habla el. _Gobernador._ No pilse Cap^n Alg^l M^{or} chigüigua mo Provincia Real, campamento sesule Güegüence lichua obedecer con una yunta de botijas de vino de Castilla para en chocolá y paltechua brindar mo Cabildo Real. _Regidor._ Simocagüe, Sor. Alg^l M^{or}.--Mayagüe, amigo sesule Güegüence. En nombre mo Cabildo Real te damos los 59 _Don Am._ It came from sleeping with you, Güegüence. _Güe._ Shut up, you bad breed. See, my boy, what a gay lady this other one is. _Don For._ This one? Yes, she suits me, little papa. _Güe._ You know how to choose, my boy; but you don't know how to choose a good axe to make a good clearing. _Don For._ That also, little papa. _Güe._ Governor Tastuanes, let us make a trade and a treaty. _Gov._ I will make it, Güegüence. _Güe._ I will make it, Governor Tastuanes. What I feel is the loss of my boy. _Gov._ I don't know about that, Güegüence. (The marriage takes place.) _Gov._ My son, Captain Chief Alguacil, let it be known in the quarters of my Royal Province that this good-for-nothing Güegüence is going to treat the Royal Court to a yoke of jars of Spanish wine. _Reg._ Suspend [business], Mr. Chief Alguacil, and attend, friend good-for-nothing Güegüence. In the name of the Royal Court, we give the congratulations, and also 60 parabienes de eguan mo Doña Suche-Malinche, de inmenso que goce con Don Forcico, tu hijo, Güegüence. _Alguacil._ Ha, Güegüence, asanegualigua y Provincia Real del Sor. Gob^{or} Tastuanes y paltechua obedecer con una yunta de botijas de vino de Castilla en chocolá y paltechua brindar mo Cabildo Real del Sor. Gob^{or} Tastuanes. _Güegüence._ Ha, muchachos, ya lo ven, aviados estamos. Bueno es, ser casado, pero ahora se nos ofrece un gran trabajo. Ya viene el provincial y no tenemos provision. Amigo Cap^n Alg^l M^{or}, á onde dejó al provincial, en Managua ó en Nindiri? _Alguacil._ Acaso no me cele de provincial, Güegüence; una yunta de botijas de vino. _Güegüence._ Ya lo ven, muchachos, una yunta de bueyes, y ha de ser con carreta. _Alguacil._ Acaso no me cele de bueyes ò de carreta, Güegüence. Una yunta de botijas de vino de Castilla para en chocolá brindar su Cabildo Real Sor. Gob^{or} Tastuanes. _Güegüence._ Ya lo ves, muchacho, en que empeño me metes, con ser casado. Ya ves la providencia que pide el Sor. Gob^{or} Tastuanes, una yunta de botijas de vino de Castilla para en chocolá del Sor. Gob^{or} Tastuanes; te atreves á buscarla ó á sacarla, muchacho? 61 to the lady Suche Malinche, that she may enjoy herself hugely with Don Forcico, your son, Güegüence. _Alg._ Ha, Güegüence! it is known in the Royal Province of the Governor Tastuanes that you are to obey him, and treat the Royal Court of the Governor Tastuanes to a yoke of jars of Spanish wine. _Güe._ Ho, boys! you see we are already provided for. It is a fine thing to be married, but now we have a big job on hand. The Provincial is coming, and we have not prepared for him. Friend Captain Chief Alguacil, where did you leave the Provincial, in Managua or in Nindiri? _Alg._ Perhaps I don't care about the Provincial; a yoke of wine-jars. _Güe._ Now you see, boys, a yoke of oxen, and, no doubt, the cart as well. _Alg._ Perhaps I don't care about carts or oxen, Güegüence; a yoke of jars of Spanish wine for a lunch, to treat the Royal Court of Governor Tastuanes. _Güe._ Now, boy, you see in what a bother you put me by getting married. Now you see the contribution which the Governor asks, a yoke of jars of Spanish wine for the Governor's lunch. Are you equal to hunting for it, or to getting it, boy? 62 _D. Forcico._ No tengo de onde, tatita. _Güegüence._ Para escojer mosamonte si eres bueno. Te atreves a buscar una yunta de botijas de vino de Castilla, Don Ambrosio? _D. Ambrosio._ No tengo de onde, Güegüence. _Güegüence._ Que cosa buena has de hacer, mala casta! Con que, ¿no te atreves, muchacho? _D. Forcico._ No, tatita. _Güegüence._ Pues á ganar ò á perder voy à buscar la yunta de botijas de vino. _D. Forcico._ No vaya, tatita, ya me avié de la yunta de botijas de vino. _Güegüence._ A onde te aviastes, muchacho? _D. Forcico._ En casa de un amigo. _Güegüence._ Quien te enseño hacer amigo? _D. Forcico._ Usted, tatita. _Güegüence._ Calla, muchacho, que dirá la gente que yo te enseño á hacer amigo? 63 _Don For._ I don't know whence, little papa. _Güe._ You are bold enough to choose [a wife] presumptuously. Are you bold enough to hunt up a yoke of jars of Spanish wine, Don Ambrosio? _Don Am._ I don't know where, Güegüence. _Güe._ What are you good for, you bad breed? Well, don't _you_ dare to, boy? _Don For._ No, little papa. _Güe._ Well, then, be it to win or lose, I shall go in search of the wine myself. _Don For._ Don't go, little papa, I have already provided the wine. _Güe._ Where did you get it, boy? _Don For._ In the house of a friend. _Güe._ Who taught you to make a friend? _Don For._ You, little papa. _Güe._ Shut up, boy. What will the folks say [if they hear] that I taught you to make a friend? 64 _D. Ambrosio._ Y pues no es verdad que enseñas á malas mañas á tu hijo? _Güegüence._ Arra ya, mala casta! malas mañas como las tienes vos. Amigo Cap^n Alg^l M^{or}, ya estamos aviados de la yunta de botijas de vino, no habrá un macho de la cofradia ò de la comunidad? _Alguacil._ Vean, que fama de hombre de bien! _Güegüence._ Soy hombre de bien. Traigo mis machos, pero estan algo raspados desde su cruz hasta su rabo a lichuas diligencia, amigo Cap^n Alg^l M^{or}. Ha, muchachos, que es de los machos? _D. Forcico._ Ahi, estan, tatita. Aqui dan una vuelta bailando y cojen los machos. _D. Forcico._ Ya estan cojidos los machos, tatita. _Güegüence._ Encojidos? Será de frio. _D. Forcico._ Los machos ya estan cojidos. _Güegüence._ Cojudos? Pues no eran capones. _D. Forcico._ Cojidos los machos, tatita. 65 _Don Am._ And is it not true that you teach your son evil ways? _Güe._ Get out, you bad breed; you are the one with evil ways. Friend Captain Chief Alguacil, we have now provided the wine. Have you not a mule of the brotherhood, or of the village? _Alg._ See, what a reputation for an honest man! _Güe._ I am an honest man. I have my own mules, but they are a little raw, from withers to crupper, in consequence of my energy, Captain Chief Alguacil. Ha, boys! what about the mules? _Don For._ Here they are, little papa. (They dance around the stage and lead in a number of masks, dressed as mules.) _Don For._ The mules are now driven up, little papa. _Güe._ Shriveled up? That must be from cold. _Don For._ I say the mules are driven up. _Güe._ Livin' studs? Then they were not altered. _Don For._ The mules are driven up. 66 _Güegüence._ Cojidos los machos? Pues hableme recio! A onde estan los machos? _D. Forcico._ Aquí estan, tatita. _Güegüence._ Que macho es este puntero, muchacho? _D. Forcico._ El macho viejo, tatita. _Güegüence._ Y este otro macho? _D. Forcico._ El macho guajaqueño. _Güegüence._ Y este otro macho? _D. Forcico._ El macho mohino. _Güegüence._ Y este otro macho? _D. Forcico._ El macho moto. _Güegüence._ ¿Ya aparejaron, muchachos? _D. Forcico._ No, tatita, aparejeselos Vd. _Güegüence._ Todo lo ha de hacer el viejo. _D. Forcico._ Sí, es mejor, tatita. 67 _Güe._ Driven up, are they? Speak out loud to me. Where are the mules? _Don For._ Here they are, little papa. _Güe._ Which mule is this thin one, boy? _Don For._ The old mule, little papa. _Güe._ And this other mule? _Don For._ That is the dried-up one. _Güe._ And this other? _Don For._ That is the quarrelsome mule. _Güe._ And this other one? _Don For._ The rowdy mule. _Güe._ Are they harnessed, boys? _Don For._ No, little papa; harness them yourself. _Güe._ The old man has to do everything. _Don For._ Yes, it's better, little papa. 68 _Güegüence._ Ya está sana la cinchera de este macho, muchacho? _D. Forcico._ Ya está, tatita. _Güegüence._ Y este otro macho ¿ya esta sana la riñonada? _D. Forcico._ Ya está, tatita. _Güegüence._ Que sana ha de estar, muchacho, si asi tanta estaca tiene por delante? A onde se estacó este macho, muchacho? _D. Forcico._ En el potrero, tatita. _Güegüence._ Eso merece por ralirse del potrero á otro potrero. Y la vaticola de este macho, ya está sana, muchacho? _D. Forcico._ Ya está, tatita. _Güegüence._ Que sana ha de estar, muchacho, si le ha bajado la flucion por de bajo de las piernas y la tiene muy hinchada? Reviéntalo, muchacho. _D. Forcico._ Reviéntelo Vd, tatita. _Güegüence._ Ahi se reventará solo, muchacho, que falta? _D. Forcico._ Alzar el fardo, tatita. 69 _Güe._ Is the girth-gall of this mule well yet, boy? _Don For._ It is, little papa. _Güe._ And this other mule, is its backband-gall well yet? _Don For._ It is, little papa. _Güe._ How can it be well if it has such a stick in front of it? Where did this mule run such a stick in itself, boy? _Don For._ In the colt yard, little papa. _Güe._ That is what it deserved for running from one pasture to another. And the crupper-gall of this other mule, is it now well, boy? _Don For._ It is, little papa. _Güe._ How can it be well, boy, if the inflammation has passed down beneath the legs, and there's a great swelling there? Burst it open, boy. _Don For._ Burst it open yourself, little papa. _Güe._ It will burst of itself, boy. What's wanting now? _Don For._ Heave up the pack, little papa. 70 _Güegüence._ ¿Calentar el jarro? _D. Forcico._ Alzar el fardo. _Güegüence._ Ha! el fardo! A onde está el fardo? _D. Forcico._ Aqui está tatita. _Güegüence._ A mi tiempo, cuando fui muchacho, el tiempo del hilo azul, cuando me vei en aquellos campos de los Diriomos alzando aquellos fardos de guayabas,--no muchachos? _Alguacil._ Date priesa, Güegüence. _Güegüence._ Me llevas preso? Porque, amigo Cap^n Alg^l M^{or}? _Alguacil._ Que te des priesa! _Güegüence._ Dejeme acordar de mi tiempo, que con eso me consuelo. Ha! muchachos, para onde vamos, para atras ò para delante? _D. Forcico._ Para delante, tatita. _Güegüence._ Pues, á la guia, muchachos. Aqui se montan los muchachos en los machos. _Güegüence._ Muchachos, ¿no habrá un peinador para brindar el Cabildo Real del Sor Gob^{or} Tastuane? 71 _Güe._ Heat up the flask? _Don For._ Heave up the pack. _Güe._ O! the pack. Where is the pack? _Don For._ Here it is, little papa. _Güe._ In my time, when I was a boy, in the time of the blue thread, when I was in those plains of the Diriomos, lifting those packs of guayabas--isn't it so, boys? _Alg._ Hurry up, Güegüence. _Güe._ You take me up? What for, friend Captain Chief Alguacil? _Alg._ I mean hurry up. _Güe._ Let me recall old times, that I may console myself with that. Say, boys, do we go in front or behind? _Don For._ In front, little papa. _Güe._ Then go ahead, boys. (The boys mount the mules.) _Güe._ Boys, isn't there a cheeky fellow to toast the Royal Court of the Governor Tastuanes? 72 _D. Forcico._ Si, hay, tatita. _Güegüence._ Señor Gob^{or} Tastuanes, asaneganeme Castilla en chocola de vino. _Gobernador._ Siguale, Güegüence. _Gobernador._ Sor. Escribano Real, asaneganeme Castilla en chocola de vino. _Escribano._ Siguale, Güegüence. _Güegüence._ Sor. Regidor Real, asaneganeme Castilla en chocola de vino. _Regidor._ Siguale, Güegüence. _Güegüence._ Amigo Cap^n Alg^l M^{or} asaneganeme Castilla en chocola de vino. _Alguacil._ Siguale, Güegüence. _Güegüence._ Pues nosotros, á la gorra, muchachos! FIN. 73 _Don For._ Yes, there is, little papa. _Güe._ Governor Tastuanes, let me offer you some Spanish wine, as a treat. _Gov._ Follow him, Güegüence. _Güe._ Mr. Secretary, let me offer you some Spanish wine, as a treat. _Sec._ Follow him, Güegüence. _Güe._ Mr. Registrar, let me offer you some Spanish wine, as a treat. _Reg._ Follow him, Güegüence. _Güe._ Friend Captain Chief Alguacil, let me offer you some Spanish wine, as a treat. _Alg._ Follow him, Güegüence. _Güe._ Then, for us, boys; we'll get it for nothing, and drink it ourselves. END. NOTES. _Page 4._ The Dramatis Personæ. These have been discussed in the Introduction, page xlv. I may add that the "Regidor de Cana" may be for "Regidor Decano." Otherwise I do not see a meaning to it. The term "Alguacil" might be translated "constable," or "bailiff." _Page 6._ The salutations exchanged between the Alguacil and Governor are repeated frequently between the characters. In the first, the words would seem to be the Nahuatl _matataca_, to beg, to pray, and _miecpialia_, to watch over, to protect; in the reply, for the latter is substituted _miequilia_, to prosper, followed by _qualli_, good, or well. The terminal _s_, in _mispiales_, _miscuales_, is probably a remnant of the Spanish _os_, you. _No pilse_ is the vocative _nopiltze_, my dear son, compounded of the inseparable possessive pronoun of the first person, _no_, and _tepiltzin_, an affectionate or reverential form, from the root _pilli_. The expression need not be taken as literally meaning relationship, as the Nahuas used the formula _nopiltzintzinê_ in addressing all persons of position. "_Ma moyolicaizin_, _Nopiltzintzine_, seas bien venido, ó ilustre Señor." Carochi, _Gram. Mex._, p. 20. _Ya tiguala neme_, I take to be _yê tiqualli tinemi_, in which _yê_ is a particle of contraposition, and both the adjective-adverb _qualli_, and the verb _nemi_, to live, to be, are preceded by the second personal pronoun _ti_. The compound _mascamayagua_ appears to be from _maxca_, yours, literally, your thing (_mo_, your, _axca_, thing), and the optative particle _mayecuele_, equivalent to the Spanish _ojalá_; hence the meaning is "yours to command," or "at your service." In his next words the Governor uses a phrase which is repeated by various speakers with a "damnable iteration" throughout the comedy. _Simocague_ would, in pure Nahuatl, be _ximocauoltia_, the imperative second person singular, of the compulsive form of _mocaua_, to cease, to stop, or to suspend something. The noun _mocacaua_ is the word for the pauses or intervals in music. The reason for the frequent repetition of the request, I suppose to be that in the ancient exhibitions of the drama numerous assistants joined in dancing, singing and playing on musical instruments; and when a specified ballet was to be performed, or an important conversation to be repeated, they were courteously addressed, and requested to be silent for a time. Dr. Valentine tells me that in Guatemala the term _gente principal_ is commonly used to designate the most prominent inhabitants of a pueblo. _Necana y paltechua_, Nahuatl words, united by the Spanish conjunction. The former is Nah. _nequaniliztli_, dancing motions; the latter, elsewhere written _palechua_ and _paleguisa_, is a corruption of _paleuqui_, suitable, or appropriate things. _Hemo_, a form of Sp. _hemos_, is an antiquated expression for _tenemos_. The word _mo_ in the expression _mo Cabildo Real_ may be the Spanish _mio_, my; or the Nah. _mo_, thy, thine. The _Cabildo_ was originally the chapter of a religious house, and later a council, but at present it is applied in Central America to the municipal courts, and the house in which they sit. _Page 8._ In the second reply of the Alguacil on this page there are evidently several words omitted which I have supplied in brackets in the translation. The same has occurred elsewhere, and it was to be expected, as nearly all the Nahuatl expressions have become unintelligible to the native population of the present generation. As most of these formulas are repeated several times, we can approximate to what the full expression should be. _Ya nemo niqui nistipampa_, is a frequent reply in the play to a formal salutation of a superior. I have translated it as some corruption of the Nahuatl words, _yê nemonequi nixtlipampa_, literally, "my presence is proper," _i. e._, "I am present before you, as is my duty." The Alguacil, as having charge of the patrol, hastens to speak of its wretched uniform. The adjective _sesule_, constantly applied to Güegüence, evidently in a depreciatory manner, is probably from the Nah. _tçulli_, worthless. _Page 10._ While the Governor and Alguacil are conversing, Güegüence and his sons enter, and overhear the last directions of the Governor. All three understand whom he means, but it is the cue of Güegüence to assume a different signification. To the brusque rejoinder of Don Ambrosio he pretends to be deaf, and this feigned difficulty of hearing is depended on as one of the main elements of the comic throughout. The epithet _mala casta_, of bad blood, as applied by Güegüence to his own (putative) son, becomes intelligible later in the play, where it is stated that he was begotten during his legal father's absence in Mexico. _Embustero_, which I have rendered "humbug," is more exactly a boasting, bragging charlatan. Dr. Valentine suggests "blower," in the slang sense of that word. _Page 12._ _Asuyungua._ The numerous words which begin in _asu_, _asa_, and _ase_, seem to be compounds with the Nah _aço_, "perhaps," used in introducing a positive statement mildly, or in presenting a question in the form of an assertion, as _aço amo timoçahua_, "perhaps you have not fasted," meaning "you surely have not." (Carochi.) It is usually combined with other particles, and the analysis of such compounds in the altered form presented in the text becomes exceedingly uncertain. After the announcement of his person and official position by the Alguacil, Güegüence repeats his titles in a tone of affected admiration, and inquires after his staff of office, which was not visible. This staff was all-important to the dignity of an alcalde or alguacil. In Nahuatl this official is called _topilê_, he who carries the staff, from _topilli_, staff. _Page 14._ Güegüence, who has no desire to appear before the Governor, makes an excuse that he will learn how to fly, and is about leaving, when he is called back by the Alguacil. The words _te calas_, _qui provincia real_, should probably read, _ticalaquia presencia real_, the first from _calaquia_, to enter, as on page 8. _Page 16._ Having agreed to take a lesson in etiquette, Güegüence pretends quite to misunderstand the Alguacil, when he claims pay for his instructions. _Redes_, "nets" of salted fish. The reference is to the method adopted by the Indians of Central America in carrying burdens. This is in a net which is suspended between the shoulders by means of a strap which passes across the forehead. Such a net is called in Nicaragua _matate_, and in pure Nahuatl, _matlauacalli_; the strap or band by which it is supported is the _mecapal_, Nah. _mecapalli_. When the material to be transported is a fluid, a jar of earthenware is suspended in the same manner. A small earthenware cup, found in Nicaragua exhibits this, and also some ingenuity of arrangement. It represents a woman, with one of these jars on her back, seated. (See p. 78.) _Page 18._ _Ojos de sapo muerto_, lit. "eyes of a dead toad." Such eyes were considered to exercise an evil influence, and to bring bad luck. _Page 20._ _Doblar._ This Spanish word means to toll a bell, as at a death. Güegüence chooses to understand the Alguacil's demand for _doubloons_ to be a request to _doblar_, and hastens to announce to his sons that the Alguacil has suddenly died. [Illustration: CUP FROM NICARAGUA.] _Page 24._ The coins which Güegüence names are those of the old Spanish currency. A cuarto was a brass piece, equal to a half-penny English, or one American cent (Delpino, _Spanish and English Dictionary_, 1763.) It was worth four maravedis, and eight cuartos equaled a _real de vellon_. The phrase _maneta congon_ is of uncertain signification. I have translated the first word as the imperative form of _nextia_, to show, to disclose; _congon_ may perhaps be a corruption of _conetontli_, boy. The Alguacil now begins his instruction, and repeats, for the benefit of Güegüence, the proper salutation which should be used in addressing the Governor. The old man pretends to misunderstand them, and makes use of other words, similar in sound, but of an insulting signification. I have not succeeded in showing, in the English text, this play upon words. _Page 28._ _Asonesepa negualigua_, etc. This passage has proved unintelligible to me, and the rendering is little more than a guess. The phrase is the same as at the foot of p. 30. In the midst of the conversation the Governor suddenly appears, and Güegüence turns to him with the customary and proper salutation, thus showing that his desire for instruction from the Alguacil was a sham. On the phrase _te calas qui provincia real_, see the Notes to page 14. _Page 30._ _Mesonero_, a person who owns or has charge of a _meson_, a house in which the poorer classes of travelers sleep, providing their own food, and that of their beasts (Dr. Valentine). For _tupile_ see Vocabulary. _Antepeque_ or Tecoantepeque, the seaport of Guaxaca. Thomas Gage, who visited it in 1625, wrote of it: "This Port of Tecoantepeque is the chief for fishing in all that country; we met here in the ways, sometimes with fifty, sometimes with a hundred mules together, laden with nothing but salt fish for Guaxaca, the City of Angels, and Mexico."--_A new Survey of the West Indies_, p. 195. (London, 1699.) _Dulces_ are sweetmeats of various kinds, eaten usually between meals. Squier remarks: "The Spanish taste for 'dulces' long ago passed into a proverb, but it rather surpasses itself in Nicaragua. The venders of 'dulces', generally bright Indian girls, gaily dressed, and bearing a tray, covered with the purest white napkins, and temptingly spread upon their heads, pass daily from house to house; and it is sometimes difficult, and always ungallant, to refuse purchasing something from their stock."--_Nicaragua_, Vol. I, p. 275. The punctuation toward the foot of the page should probably be, "_no seremos guancos; no; seremos amigos_," etc. The _guipil de pecho_ is the short upper jacket worn by the women. A _guipil de pluma_ is a skirt woven of feathers. In ancient times, these garments, skillfully constructed of the beautiful plumes of tropical birds, were esteemed as the most valued articles in the treasures of kings, and the most magnificent of royal costumes. The art of feather-weaving continued for some generations after the Conquest. Indeed, as late as 1840 one family in Mechoacan preserved it. The reference to it in the text, however, is a sign of antiquity, as it has long since disappeared in Central America. See an interesting monograph on the subject by the eminent French antiquary, Ferdinand Denis.--_Arte Plumaria; Les Plumes, leur Valeur et leur Emploi dans les Arts au Mexique, au Perou, etc._ Paris, 1875. _Page 32._ Much of this page is rendered with doubtful accuracy, as the text is very obscure. _Page 34._ _Hay me sagua_, the same as _hoy melague_, p. 36; hoy, Spanish, now, to-day, _melaua_, Nah., to speak out, or openly. _Page 40._ The reference to the star would seem to be that when the tent is opened a star is visible through it, which Güegüence offers to the Governor. _Para tu cuerpo_, "an extremely filthy expression." (Dr. Valentine.) _Page 42._ _Seran de arena._ "They may be of sand," _i. e._, they are of no value or importance. _Yugos de papayo_, yokes of papaw wood, a soft wood, worthless for the purpose, as is also the wood of the tecomajoche, the _Plumeria_, for plows. The intimation is that Don Forcico was smart enough to cheat his customers. The Nicaraguan plow is a wooden instrument of the most primitive construction. The following cut from Mr. Squier's work represents one. [Illustration: A NICARAGUAN PLOW.] _Page 48._ The tunes mentioned, the St. Martin, the Valona, the Porto rico and others, are still preserved in Nicaragua. _Page 50._ _Sin tuno, sin tunal._ An obscure phrase which none of my advisers can explain. _Tuna_ is the prickly pear, _tunal_, the plant that bears it, various species of _Opuntia_. _Tuna_, in the university slang, means beggarly, reckless; "estudiantes de la tuna," mendicant or vagabond students. (See Don J. Arias Giron, _Costumbres Salamanquinas_.) _Page 54._ When the Governor uses the Nahuatl word _mocemati_, presumptuously, Güegüence feigns to understand him to say _desmonte_, which means, in Nicaraguan Spanish, a clearing, and also the worthless waste products thrown out of a mine. _Page 56._ Güegüence leads in several girls, and presents them to Don Forcico, which gives the pair an opportunity for some coarse jokes. _Pachaca_, stuffed up, here meant in the sense of being with child. _Iguana ô garroba_, the latter the male of the iguana, a thick tree lizard of the tropics. _Aventada_, puffed up, taken in the same sense as _pachaca_. _Page 58._ The _machete_, which I have translated "axe," is a long, heavy knife or cutlass, in extensive use in Spanish America, for domestic and agricultural purposes. It is shown in the following cut. [Illustration: THE MACHETE.] _Una yunta de botijas de vino_, a yoke or brace of wine jars, probably so called from having been carried by a neck yoke, one suspended on each side. _Page 60._ The Alguacil speaks to Güegüence of toasting, _brindar_, the Court, and Güegüence feigns to hear him speak of the _provincial_ or ecclesiastical officer in charge of the province. It is an example of assonance which is lost in the translation. Managua and Nindiri are towns in the Mangue district of Nicaragua. See the map on page xii. The next affected misunderstanding of the old man is to take _una yunta de botijas_, a yoke of bottles, for _una yunta de bueyes_, a yoke of oxen. _Page 62._ _Hacer amigo_, to make a friend. This is the phrase which is used by courtezans with reference to securing a male patron to pay their expenses, and for that reason Güegüence affects to be shocked by the employment of it by Don Forcico. _Page 64._ The words of the Alguacil, "What a reputation, etc.," are with reference to the charge of Don Ambrosio, that Güegüence had taught his son evil ways. The introduction of the mules, _i. e._, the actors dressed as mules, as described on page xlviii, is the occasion of several extremely obscene puns and allusions. _Page 68._ _Potrero_, colt-yard, or pasture-lot, a play on the similarity of the word to _puteria_, a brothel. The estaca referred to is, of course, an obscene allusion, as is also the _fluccion por debajo de las piernas_, _i. e._, the scrotum. _Page 70._ _El tiempo del hilo azul._ This idiom has foiled all whom I have consulted. Dr. Valentine thinks it refers to the season of the year when the verdure reappears after the drouth. F. Diego Duran states that the village conjurors were accustomed to suspend charms to the necks of boys by blue and green threads. (_Historia de las Indias de la Nueva España._ Tom. II, p. 275.) Thus understood, the time of the blue thread would be equivalent to boyhood. _Campos de los Diriomos._ The Mangue word _Diriomo_ means the hill of abundance, or of great fertility. The locality so named is shown on the map, page xii. _Guayaba._ This is the fruit of the guayabo tree, the _Psidium pyriferum_. It is red in color, and about the size of a small apple. _Page 72._ _A la gorra_, literally "for the cap," an idiom meaning that one receives something merely for taking off the cap; a gratuity. Dr. Valentine, however, writes me: "I understand _nosotros á la gorra_ to mean 'then we shall have to do without.'" VOCABULARY OF _Nahuatl and Provincial, Unusual or Antiquated Spanish Words_. A Apupujado, Sp. Worn out, played out. Arra! "Get up! Get along!" A cry of the muleteers to their animals. Asa--. The various words beginning thus are compounds commencing with the Nah. _aço_, which expresses a doubt, or implies a question, == perhaps, maybe. Olmos says: "Quiere decir _por ventura_, respondiendo ô dudando."--_Gram. Nahuatl_, p. 179. Asama--. This prefix to various words is the Nah. _açoma_, which is a strengthened form of _aço_.--Carochi, _Gram. Mex._, p. 181. The syllable _ma_ is also the sign of the imperative. Asamaquimate, Nah. A compound of _açamo_, as above, and _mati_, to know. The _qui_ is the objective pronoun of the third singular, him, her, it, that; but its employment in this connection is incorrect. Asamatimaguas, _or_ --timagas, Nah. Probably from _açoma_ (see above), and either _temachtico_, to come to teach, or tell; or _temaca_, to give something to a person. Asanecaneme, _see_ Asaneganeme. Asanegaguala, _see_ Asanegualigua. Asaneganeme, Nah. Probably _aço ni ca nemactia_, the last word meaning to give or offer something to another, "perhaps I may offer something," == "May I offer you some?" Asanegualigua, Nah. Probably _aço_ and _necuilhuia_, to deal, bargain, treat for. Asanese, Nah. p. 42. A compound of _aço_ and some unknown word. Probably == _asones_, q.v. Asetato, Sp. ant. and prov. for _sientate_, sit down. Asiguala, Nah. From _aço_ and perhaps _qualani_, to grow angry (?). Asones, Nah. From _aço_, and probably _nechca_ or _nepa_, adverbs of place and time, "these," "then," "once," "formerly." Sometimes it is written _à sones_, and _asonesepa_. Asuyungua, Nah. Compound of _aço_ and _noyuhqui_, thus, in this manner (? Cf. Carochi, _Gram. Mex._ p. 190). Ayugama, Nah. == _ayoccampa_, nowhere, not at all, never. Azetagago, Nah. Apparently a corrupt form from _acicacaqui_, to understand. B Batuchito, Sp. prov. A small box, in which money, etc., is kept. C Cabildo, Sp. A chapter; a council. In Central America, the municipal court. See p. 76. Cabriolé, Sp. A kind of riding coat; "a narrow riding coat without sleeves." (Delpino, _Span. Dict._) Campaneme, ?. p. 28. Probably for _campamento_. Cana, Nah. A particle, expressing doubt, "any time," "anywhere." _Cuix cana otimoyolcuiti_, Have you confessed anywhere? It cannot begin a sentence, but must always follow some other word (Carochi, _Gram. Mex._, p. 158). Cele, Sp. prov. A form of _zelar_, to be zealous for, to be anxious for; _no me cele_, I do not very strongly desire; used ironically. Chiguigua, Nah. Perhaps _ti calaquia_, you will enter in. Chiquimate, Nah. From _mati_, to know, _qui_, objective. Chopaquimate, Nah. _Quimati_, see above. _Chopa_ and _chi_ seem to be personal forms. Chocola, Nah. _Chocolatl_, a drink made from cacao. It has been doubted whether there was a Nahuatl word in this form. Don Jesus Sanchez denies it in his _Glosario de Voces Castellanas derivadas del Idioma Nahuatl_, sub voce (Mexico, 1883). But its pure Nahuatl origin seems to be established by another writer (_An. del Museo Nacional de Mexico_, Tom. iii, p. 86). From the text, its meaning was in a wider sense a refection in general, just as the English word "tea" means a meal. Cinchera, Sp. The portion of the body of a horse or mule where the saddle girth is fastened. Cobijones, Sp. Large leather coverings to protect goods, etc. Cojudo, Sp. Not castrated. Applied to the entire horse, etc. Columbrar, Sp. To descry, to discern at a distance. "Lo que veo y columbro, respondió Sancho," etc.--Don Quixote, Pt. I, cap. xxi. Congon, Nah. p. 24. Perhaps _conetontli_, a boy, or young person. Consentidor, Sp. A conniver, procurer, pimp. Corcobios, Sp. Curvetings, gambolings. Applied to the steps in certain dances. Corridos, Sp. Running steps, or motions, in certain dances. Cuascuane, Nah. From _cuicani_, to sing, chant. D Desmonte, Sp. A clearing; the refuse from a clearing, or from a mine. See note, page 80. E Eguan, Nah. A form of _ihuan_, and, as well as. Escataci, p. 28 (?). G Galagua, Nah., _calaquia_, to enter, to come into. Ganzo, Sp. prov. a goose; a fool; also a glutton. Garrobo. A large species of tree lizard; the male of the iguana (Berendt, _Lengua Castellana de Nicaragua_, MSS). Guajaqueño, Nah. From _quauhuaqui_, to appear thin and dry, like a stick. Guancos, Sp. prov. for _guanacos_, foolish, silly persons. Güil, Sp. prov. Probably for _que es el_, or _quel_, who is the, or which? Guipil, Nah. A form of _gueipil_, or _huipilli_. The short skirt, without sleeves, used by the Indian women. "Camisa de algodon sin mangas."--Jesus Sanchez, _Glosario de Voces Castellanas derivadas del Náhuatl_, s.v. Guiso, _see_ Tomaguiso. L Lichua, Nah. Probably an abbreviated form from _tla achiua_, to do, or make something; _lichua obedecer_, to make to obey. Linar, Sp. prov. To please, amuse, == _consolar_, for which it is used in some districts. (Berendt.) M Machete, Sp. prov. A heavy knife, or sort of cutlass (a Biscayan word). See page 81. Macho, Sp. A male of any animal, especially of a mule; used generally for mule in the Güegüence. Macho-raton, Sp. Literally, "the male mouse," but in Nicaragua applied to a fantastic costume, and hence to the play, or _baile_, in which it is worn. See page xlvii. It may also mean a mouse-colored jack. Maneca, Nah. From _mana_, to make maize cakes, or tortillas; _manacan_, one who likes to make such (cf. Carochi, _Gram. Mex._, p. 136). Maneta, Nah. Probably the imperative form of _nextia_ (_mâ xi nextia_), to show, to disclose or inform. Mascamayagua. Nah. A compound of _maxca_ (== _mo, axca_) thine, it is thine (literally, thy thing), and _mayacuele_, the optative particle, or else _ma ayc caui_, thine always. It is evidently equivalent to "yours to command," "at your service," etc. Matamagueso, _see_ Tumaguiso. Matateco, Nah. Slightly altered form of _matataca_, to beg, to pray, possibly by the addition of the Spanish personal pronoun, I, "yo." Mayagua, _or_ Mayague, Nah. Apparently the sign of the optative, _mayacuele_, and expressive of a wish; _yecuel_, in Nah., also conveys the idea of promptness and earliness (Carochi, _Gram. Mex._, p. 175). Melague, _or_ Melagua, Nah. A form of _melaua_, to say clearly, to speak openly. The termination _que_, in Nah., marks the plural of certain nouns and tenses. Miscuales, Nah. From _miequilia_, to prosper, augment, increase. Mispiales, Nah. From _miecpialia_, to watch over, guard, protect. In both the above words, the prefix is _miec_, much, used as an intensive particle. Mo, Nah. Second person, sing., of the inseparable possessive pronoun, _no_, my, _mo_, thy, _y_, his, _to_, our, _amo_, your, _yn_, their. _Mo_ is also the reflexive pronoun of the third person singular, and appears to be occasionally used in the Güegüence as the possessive of the third person, probably from analogy with the Spanish _su_. Mocegua, _or_ Mosegua, Nah. Apparently from _mocenchiua_, to unite in doing something. The _n_ is euphonic, the composition being _ce_, one, and _achiua_, to do. Mohino, Sp. Applied to a mule proceeding from a stud and a jenny; also, peevish, cross. Mollule, _or_ Muyule, Nah. Apparently from _molotl_, smart, clever, crafty; itself a derivative from _yollo_, able, ingenious, talented. Monistilco, Nah. Apparently from _monetli_, son-in-law, with the postposition _co_, for, by, etc. Mosamonte, Nah. _mocemati_, presumptuously, too boldly. Motales, _or_ Motalce, Nah. Derivatives, apparently, from _motlaloa_, to run, to carry messages, with the signification messengers. Motel, Nah. p. 38. An interrogative negative particle, properly _monel_. Moto, Sp. prov. Noisy, rowdyish; a noisy, blustering person. "El muchacho mal criado que motea." (Berendt, _La Lengua Castellana de Nicaragua_, MSS.) Muchintes, The Sp. _mucho_, much, with the Nah. augmentative termination _tzin_, == very much, very extensive. Or else, the pure Nah. _muchintin_, all, plural of _muchi_.--Olmos, _Gram. Nahuatl_, p. 48. Mudanzas, Sp. prov. The motions in a dance. Muyule, _see_ Mollule. N Necana, Nah. From _nequanaliztli_, dancing motions, as are used in _bailes_. Neganeme, _see_ Asaniganeme. Negua, Nah. If a separate word, this is probably from _neci_, to disclose oneself, to show oneself; it is, however, a doubtful expression. Negualigua, Nah. From _necuilhuia_, to bargain, to deal for. Neme, Nah. From _nemi_, to live, to be (Sp. _estar_), to dwell. Nemo, _see_ Niqui. Niqui, Nah. Found in the construction _nemo niqui_, which should probably read _ni monequi_, it is proper for me, becoming or necessary. Sp. _me conviene_. Nistipampa, Nah. The postposition _pampa_, _ixtli_, the face, and the first possessive pronoun _no_. The compound means "I, present," or "in my presence." Carochi, _Gram. Mex._, p. 45. No, Nah. First person, singular, of the inseparable possessive pronoun. See _mo_. It is also used for the Spanish negative, _no_, not, throughout the play. Ñonguan, page 28. An unknown word which, from its initial nasal, has the appearance of being from the Mangue tongue, in which this sound is very common. O Opa, Nah., _oppa_, twice. P Pachaca, Nah. A derivative from _pachiui_, to stuff with food, to satisfy the appetite, etc. The verbal nouns ending in _ca_ or _can_ usually signify place where, but this is to be considered a verbal adjective, from the pluperfect _pachiuhca_. Pachigue, _or_ Pachiguete, Nah. From _pachiuitia_, to satisfy a person. The frequent expression, _pachigue no pachiguete_, should probably be punctuated _pachigue_? _No pachigutee_, == Satisfied? No, you do not satisfy me. Paguala, p. 36, Nah. A truncated word. Compare _a sones sepaguala_, p. 34, and _a sonesepa negualigua_, p. 28. Palegue, _see_ Panegue. Palparesia, Nah. From _papal_, or _papallotl_, talk, conversation. Sp. _parleria_. No doubt an onomatopoietic word, like the English babble, Hebrew, Babel, which it resembles, both in pronunciation and meaning. Paltechua, Nah. From _paleuhqui_, favorable, advantageous or appropriate things. See page 76. Paneguia, _or_ Panegue, _or_ Palegue, Nah. From _panauia_, to get the better of another, to overcome, conquer. The termination, _gue_, or _guia_, in this and other verbal forms, is one of past time in the Nahuatl. See Carochi, _Gram. Mex._, p. 54. Peinador, p. 70. Perhaps the Spanish word so spelled, which means a hairdresser, and hence an effeminate person. But it may be a Spanish form from the Nah. _pinauhtia_, to put another to the blush, or out of countenance, the compulsive form of _pinaua_, to be ashamed. Perico ligero, Sp. prov. In Nicaragua, the night-monkey, _Cercoleptes caudivolvulus_, which has sharp claws. It is elsewhere applied to a species of parrot, and to the bee bear, _Myrmecophaga_, (Berendt, _Lengua Castellana de Nicaragua_, MSS). Petaca, Nah. From _petlacalli_, a box, trunk or chest; especially a square basket, with a lid; "cajon quadrangular con tapa, hecho de palma" (Berendt, _id_). Petate, Nah., _petlatli_, the native rug or mat, woven of palm leaves or rushes. Pilse, Nah., _piltzin_, son, vocative, _piltze_. See page 75. Polluse, _or_ Poyuse, Nah. Apparently a form of poa, to tell, relate, give an account, preterit, _pouh_, _pouhca_. Q Qui, Sp., who; also at times for Sp. _aqui_, here. Quichuas, Nah. Probably a derivative from _achiua_, to do or make. Compare _Lichua_. Quilis, Nah., _qualli_, good, well. Quinimente, Nah., _quin_, he, those, _aquin_, who. It would seem to be a demonstrative form, but its analysis is obscure. Quinquimagua, Nah. A compound of _macua_, to give, to concede, with the pronouns _quin_ or _aquin_. R Rebiatar, Sp. prov. To tie behind, as the muleteers tie one mule in the line to the mule in front of it. Recua, Sp. prov. A team, or line, of mules. Remates, Sp. prov. The finishing steps, or closing figures of a dance. Riñonada. The hinder portion of a horse or mule, over which passes one of the harness straps. Rujeros, Sp. prov. for _rugidos_, bellowings or shoutings. The name of a tune. S Sagua, p. 34. A mutilated word; see _Melague_. Sapatetas, Sp. prov. for _zapatetas_, from _zapato_, a shoe. Shoe-slappings, the name of the figures in a rough, noisy dance. Samo, Nah., p. 8. Probably some compound of _amo_, no, not. Semula, Sp. prov. for _similar_, like, similar to. Seno, Sp. prov. for _sin_, without. Sepaguala, Nah. See _Paguala_. Sepanegaligua, Nah. A compound of _calaquia_, to enter, with some prefix, as _cepan_, together, or _ixpan_, in the presence of some one. Sesule, Nah. A compound of _tçulli_, good for nothing, worthless, perhaps with _ce_, one, or _te_, some one. It is an adjective, applied in a depreciatory manner to the Güegüence. Sicana, Nah. See _Cana_. Silguerio, Sp. prov. for _xilguero_, a linnet, or thrush. Simocague, Nah. Imperative form of _mocaua_, to pause, suspend, cease. See page 75. Sobornal, Sp. The excess or addition to a load. Sones, Sp. Tunes, music. T Tatita, Sp. Little papa. A diminutive of endearment. It could also be derived from the Nah. _tatli_, father. Tecetales, _or_ Tesetales, Nah. From _tetzauia_, to be a shame, to be scandalous. Tecomajoche, Nah., _tecomatl_, vase, _xochitl_, flower; a tree bearing small white flowers, a species of _Plumiera_, allied to the East Indian "temple tree." Teguane, Nah. Form of _tehuantin_, pronoun, first person plural, we, us. Ticino, Nah., _ticitl_, a native doctor, a charlatan; one who casts lots for divination; a personal form, from _ticiti_, might be _ticitoni_. Tiguala, Nah. A compound of _ti_, thou, and _qualli_, good or well. See note, page 75. Tiguita, Nah. A word of uncertain meaning, pages 46, 48, in the phrase _mollule tiguita_. It may be a first person plural, from _quixtia_, _tic quixtia_, we do our duty, we do our best. Timaguas, Nah. Either from _temaca_, to give something to another; or from _temachti_, a teacher, an instructor. Tin, Sp. A form for _tener_, to have. It stands in different passages for _tiene_, _tenemos_, and _tienen_, and is a good illustration of the wearing away of forms in this mixed dialect. Tinderia, Sp. for _tenderia_, a shop, booth or tent, in which wares are displayed for sale. Totolatera, Nah. From _tototl_, a bird or fowl; _petaca totolatera_, a basket for carrying fowls. Tumaguiso, Nah. A compound of _tuma_, to untie, open, and _quiça_, a verbal termination, which signifies a performance of the action of the verb to which it is added.--Olmos, _Gram. Nah._, p. 157. Tumiles, Nah. An adjective from the same root as _tomanaliztli_, fatness, corpulence, and signifies abounding, abundant. Tunal, Sp. prov., from a Haytian (Arawack) word. It means a plantation of the native American cactus figs, or prickly pears. See page 80. Tupile, Nah. An officer of justice, an alcalde or alguacil. From _topilê_, he who carries a staff; _topilli_, staff, this being the badge of the office. V Vaticola, Sp. prov. The posterior of an animal; the crupper region. Possibly from _veta di cola_, vein of the tail. Velancicos, Sp. prov. for _villancicos_, rustic songs sung at the doors of the brotherhoods (_cofradias_) at certain festivals (Berendt, _Leng. Castel. de Nicaragua_, MSS). Y Ya. Interjection. You there! Yes, there! INDEX. Alva, B. de, xlv. Anahuac, v, vi, vii. Antepeque, 79 Arawack language, xx. Ayacachtli, the, xxxvi. Aymaras, xv. Aztecs, v, xvi. migrations of, vi. Baker, Theodore, xxxviii. Bancroft, H. H., ix. Baptista, J., xlviii. Balsam Coast, the, xxxvi. Barber, E. A., xxxiii, xxxviii. Benzoni, G., xi, xvi, xxii, xliv. Berendt, C. H., v, vi, xi, xxv, xxxi, xli. Bertonio, L., xv. Bobadilla, F. de, vii. Brantford, Dr. J. F., x, xxxv. Brasseur de Bourbourg, xliii. Buschmann, vii, xi. Cacho, the, xxxvii. Canahuate, dance, xxvi. Carimba, the, xxxvi. Carochi, H., xvi, 75, 77. Chapanecs, H., viii, ix, xxii, xxxix. Chiapanec, see Chapanecs. Chiapas, ix. Chilchil, the, xxxvi. Chinegritos, Los, xxvi. Chirimoya, the, xxxviii. Cholotecans, vi, n, viii. Cholula, derivation, viii. Chorotegans, _see_ Cholotecans. Cofradias, the, xxxix. Coreal, F., xxii, xliv. Cuscatlan, vi. Delpino, F., 78. Denis, F., 79. Dirians, viii. Drums, xxx. Duran, D., xxi, xxx, xliv, xlviii, 82. Feather weaving, 79. Flint, Dr. Earl, x, xxxix, xli. Flutes, xxxv. Fonseca Bay, viii. Gage, Thomas, xxii, 79. Gatschet, A. S., xxxviii. Giron, J. A., 80. Gollena, Dr., xviii. Gomara, vii. Güegüence, Play described, xli. Derivation, xlv. Story of, xlviii. Haefkens, J., xxiv. Honduras, xvii. Icazbalceta, J. G., xlviii. Juco, the, xxxv. Kekchis, xlii. Kiches, xliii. Lacandons, xxxviii. Las Inditas, xxx. Lessing, G. C., xlvi. Levy, Pablo, xxiv, xxx, xliii. Logas, xxv. Machete, the, 81. Macho-Raton, the, xlviii. Maguateca, vii. Malinche, air of, xxxviii. Managua, Lake, viii. Province, xi, xxxi. Mangue language, xi, xiii. Mangues, v, viii, xxii. Marimba, the, xxviii. Masaya, viii, xvii. Mayas, ix. Mice, superstitions about, xlviii. Morelet, A., xxx, xxxviii. Nahuas, v. Nahuatl language, v, vi, xiii. Nahuatl Spanish jargon, xxi. Namotiva, xxx. Navarro, J. M., xxxix. Negritos, dance, xxvi. Nets, for burdens, 77. Nicaragua, v. Derivation of, vi. Lake of, v, xi. Nicaraguans, vi. Nicaraos, vi. Nicoya, Gulf of, v, viii, xxxv. Niquirans, v, vi. Ollita, Dance of, xxvi. Ollita, instrument, xxxi. Ometepec, Island, xi, xxxi. Oviedo, F. de, v, viii, xi, xix, xxi. Perez, Geronimo, xix. Peru, xv, xxxi. Pito, the, xxxiii. Plow, Nicaraguan, 80. Qquichua Language, xvi. Quijongo, the, xxxvi. Remesal, P. F., ix. Rocha, J. E. de la, xii. Salazar, F. C., xlviii. Squier, E. G., v, vi, x, 79. Suchi-Malinche, Derivation of, xlvii. Tastuanes, derivation of, xlvii. Tecoatega, xx. Tecoantepeque, 79. Tempsky, Von, xxviii, xxxviii. Ternaux-Compans, vii, ix. Ticknor, George, xxv, xliv. Ticomega, vii. Titicaca, Lake, xv. Toro-Guaca, dance of, xxvi. Torquemada, vii, ix. Uluas, xliii. Urrutia, J. A., xxiii. Vasquez, F., vi, xxii. Valentine, F. H., 76, 82. Valentine, P. J. J., ix. Vera Paz, Province, xxxviii. Whistles, xxxiii, xxxv. Zapatero, Island, xxxiii. Transcriber's Note: Original spelling has been preserved, as have any inconsistencies. Minor punctuation errors have been repaired. In this etext a superscript character is represented by ^. Two superscripted letters are surrounded by { }. 
42823	----	available by Internet Archive (https://archive.org) Note: Project Gutenberg also has an HTML version of this file which includes the original illustrations. See 42823-h.htm or 42823-h.zip: (http://www.gutenberg.org/files/42823/42823-h/42823-h.htm) or (http://www.gutenberg.org/files/42823/42823-h.zip) Images of the original pages are available through Internet Archive. See https://archive.org/details/storiesofeldorad00waitrich Transcriber's note: Text enclosed by underscores is in italics (_italics_). THE STORIES OF EL DORADO * * * * * * Printed and Engraved by Sunset Press San Francisco * * * * * * THE STORIES OF EL DORADO by FRONA EUNICE WAIT Happiness is found only in El Dorado, which no one yet has been able to reach. --Spanish Proverb Copyrighted 1904, by Frona Eunice Wait San Francisco, California This book is dedicated to dear little Jack Morgan Gillespie, with the most affectionate and sincere regards of his devoted friend, FRONA EUNICE WAIT Preface "It has only recently been recognized as a fact," says Prof. A. F. Bandelier, "_that on the whole American continent_, the mode of life of the primitive inhabitants was formed on _one_ sociological principle, and consequently the culture of these peoples has varied, locally, only in _degree_, not in _kind_. The religious principles were fundamentally the same among the Sioux and the Brazilians, and physical causes more than anything else have been at the bottom of the local differences." Such has been my own experience in studying the stories of El Dorado which form the subject of this book, and in presenting a man--a culture hero--who came by sea from the East, I am justified by a more complete set of records than is known to the superficial student. As this man's principles of life were the same, we are forced to the conclusion that all the heroes were one conception, handed down by oral tradition, but widely separated as to locality, by the lapse of time, by migrations and commercial relations of the different tribes. As to where these myths originated, or how old they are, I have nothing to suggest, since in presenting these simple variants, it is no concern of mine. It is sufficient for my purpose to know that they exist. To me they lend a dignity to our country by investing it with a misty past, replete with a mythology as rich and sublime as that of any of the races of antiquity. Not only will the study of them inspire patriotism and make us better acquainted with the inner lives of the red men, but it will tend to create an interest in our sister republics which cannot fail to be of lasting practical benefit. We know much more of Europeans than we do of the peoples of this continent. If mythology is to be taught in the schools at all, surely our own should have consideration, and in familiarizing ourselves with the traditions of El Dorado, we shall have one more incentive for higher living. We shall learn that the great souls of the races that have preceded us, in the Americas, have faced the same problems of life, which are the heritage of our common humanity; that within its dark shadows they too have struggled, hoped, and prayed. No words incorporated into the English language have been fraught with such _stupendous consequences_ as El Dorado. When the padres attempted to tell the story of the Christ, the natives exclaimed "El Dorado," or what the imperfect translations have made El Dorado--the golden. As the ignorant sailors and adventurers had been kept from mutiny by Columbus' promise of gold, it is no wonder that they seized upon the literal meaning instead of the spiritual one. The time, being that of Don Quixote and of the Inquisition, accounts for the childish credulity on one side and the unparalleled ferocity on the other. The search for El Dorado, whether it was believed to be a fabulous country of gold, or an inaccessible mountain, or a lake, or a city, or a priest who anointed himself with a fragrant oil and sprinkled his body with fine gold dust, must always remain one of the blackest pages in the history of the white race. The great heart of humanity will ever ache with sympathy for the melancholy and pitiful end of the natives, who at the time of the conquest of Mexico were confidently expecting the return of the mild and gentle Quetzalcoatl, the Mexican variant of this universal myth. None of the cruelties attributed to the Indian had its origin in resistance to the acceptance of a new faith. On the contrary he fought solely in defense of his home, and from Patagonia to Alaska was always willing to listen to the Christian ideas of God and the hereafter. I have devoted the first seven variants to the original myth, while the others pertain to the transitions to, and misconceptions of, the name El Dorado. A lust for gold acquired by conquest was the underlying motive of the discoveries and explorations made in the western hemisphere, and is the beginning of all American history. We have unconsciously added some variants to it in California, where the mythical kingdom of Quivera became the land of gold of the '49 epoch. El Dorado has long been a household word for anything rich and golden. I begin by bringing the Golden Hearted from an island in the east, the Tlapalla, from whence he came, and to which he returned in the legend. In all variants he gave a distinct promise of return. This accounts for the awe inspired by Europeans in the minds of the natives, causing them everywhere to fall easy victims to the unscrupulous adventurers swarming into their country. That there should have been confusion seems unavoidable under the circumstances, but certainly Fate never played a more cruel prank than to have one race of men speak and act constantly from the standpoint of tradition and religious belief, while the other thought solely of material gain. Only in Hiawatha and the Pueblo Montezuma have I taken liberty with the original. The former is based on the recent researches into Algonquin and Chippewa myths of Michabo, the great White Hare. In the Pueblo Montezuma I have followed Prof. Bandelier as to the latest conceptions of the Wrathy Chieftain. My authority for making the Amazon Queens degenerate priestesses of the sun, is J. A. Von Heuvel, the defender of Sir Walter Raleigh's connection with the South American version of the El Dorado legend. To Hubert Howe Bancroft's abridgement of Father Sahagan's translation of the Popol Vuh am I much indebted. In all accessories I have utilized the products or characteristics of localities visited by the mythical hero, but have avoided investing him with a religious character or surrounding him with supernatural phenomena. It will be wise to make a distinction between the purely mythical, and that which led to history. TABLE OF CONTENTS PAGE THE HAPPY ISLAND 11 ZAMNA, THE EYE OF THE SUN 18 VOTAN, THE PEOPLE'S HEART 31 LORD OF THE SACRED TUNKEL 39 THE STARS' BALL 45 THE NATIONAL BOOK 52 MANCO-CAPAC, THE POWERFUL ONE 61 BOCHICA AND THE ZIPA 71 THE SONG OF HIAWATHA 78 MICHABO, THE GREAT WHITE HARE 80 THE BIRTH OF CORN 90 THE WRATHY CHIEFTAIN 99 QUETZALCOATL, THE PLUMED SERPENT 109 CHOLULA, THE SACRED CITY 117 TULLA, THE HIDING NOOK OF THE SNAKE 125 DEPARTURE OF THE GOLDEN HEARTED 132 EL DORADO, THE GOLDEN 140 BIMINI, THE FOUNTAIN OF YOUTH 151 MONTEZUMA AND THE PABA 161 THE CHILD OF THE SUN 176 THE GILDED MAN 189 THE WHITE SEA OF THE MANOAS 197 THE MOUNTAIN OF GOLD 207 THE AMAZON QUEENS 219 THE SEVEN CITIES OF CIBOLA 228 THE KINGDOM OF QUIVERA 240 THE LAND OF GOLD 250 THE NEW EL DORADO 262 APPENDIX 271 LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS PAGE LEAVING THE HAPPY ISLAND (Drawing by Xavier Martinez) 17 "EACH STITCH MUST BE COUNTED" (Painting, The Weaver, by Amadee Joullin) 21 THE BALL PLAYER (Drawing, Xavier Martinez) 30 "WHO ART THOU?" (Painting, Alexander Para, Mexico City) 35 "AN OLD-FASHIONED ALMANAC" (Photograph, Calendar Stone, Mexico City) 48 "BEHOLD THE FIRST WORD" (Painting, The Hieroglyph Maker, A. Joullin) 55 THE TAPIR (Tail-piece) 60 A SUSPENSION BRIDGE (Drawing by Xavier Martinez) 64 "THE PEOPLE SHOUTED 'HAILLE'!" (Painting, The Sun Worshippers, E. Narjot) 69 "THE FLOWER-LADEN BALSA" (Tail-piece) 77 "THE HOUSE OF WUNZH" (Tail-piece) 89 THE WRESTLING MATCH (Tail-piece) 93 "THE WRATHY CHIEFTAIN" (Painting by J. W. Clawson) 104 THE POTTERY MAKER (Drawing, X. Martinez) 107 "THE HUMMING-BIRD ALIGHTED" (Drawing, X. Martinez) 111 "THE SNAKESKIN CANOE" (Drawing, X. Martinez) 124 "HERE IS MEDICINE FOR YOU" (Drawing, X. Martinez) 129 "A SONG OF FAREWELL" (Drawing, X. Martinez) 137 THE TORCH BEARERS (Tail-piece) (Drawing, X. Martinez) 139 "ON, AND ON THE CARAVELS SAILED" (Official photograph) 147 "LAND! LAND AHEAD!" (Official photograph) 148 "THE FOUNTAIN OF YOUTH" (Drawing, X. Martinez) 159 "THEIR NAKED BODIES HACKED TO PIECES" (Drawing, X. Martinez) 185 DRYING INDIA RUBBER 201 "THE OLD WITCH, MONELLA" 214 "A FLOWER OFFERING" (Sketch by X. Martinez) 224 "ONE OF THE SEVEN CITIES" (Sketch by X. Martinez) 235 "FRAY MARCOS" 239 "AN OLD COMMUNITY HOUSE" 249 "DISCOVERY OF SAN FRANCISCO BAY" (Painting, Arthur Matthews, by courtesy of S. F. Art Association) 253 "A PRAIRIE SCHOONER" 261 The Happy Island A long time ago there was a beautiful island close by the place in the east where the sun rises. The sea was all around it, and at noonday the sun in the sky seemed to slant just above it. Being near the equator and in a tropic clime the winds were soft and warm and full of the odor of sweet flowers. Sometimes the sea was smooth and clear as glass and then the goldfish and sea mosses floated near the surface and glittered in the sunlight. At night the moon came out big and round like a silver ball and the stars shone very clear because there was no smoke nor fog in the air. In the moonlight the queer little flying fish would jump up out of the water and dart forth and back in the funniest way as if they were playing some kind of game. Their tiny wet wings glistened like silver gauze, and, when everything else was still, made a peculiar whirring sound by all flapping at once. The beach was strewn with quantities of conch and abalone shells, also other species of all shapes and sizes and they were as dainty in color as it is possible to imagine. The children of the Happy Island often held the larger ones to their ears to listen to the murmurs and complaints of the insects and other forms of life living inside them. This was only a fancy, but many sea shells do have a soft musical cadence if we care to hear it. Some poets believe that they were the first musical instruments, and that the inhabitants of the sea send messages ashore in this manner. The ferns grew almost as tall as the trees and there were hundreds of birds skimming through the air, or flitting through the branches singing and chattering and having a very happy time. They were not afraid because no one threw stones at them or tried to frighten them. Everybody was glad to see them put up their little bills and ruffle up their throats in singing, or else spread out their wings and splash water all over their backs while they stood on a pebble or twig taking a morning bath. The people said that when the birds were twittering and chirping they were talking to each other. When they were singing they were telling God how thankful they were for the warm sunshine and plenty to eat. There was a wonderful city in the center of the island named the City of the Golden Gates because it was surrounded by a high wall of very thick stones, with a great number of gates of gold through which the animals and people passed in and out. Here lived the Old Man of the Sea, as the king was called, and his son was a beautiful youth known as the Golden Hearted because he was so gentle and kind. He was a swift runner and could shoot well with a bow and arrow and was strong enough to wrestle with a big man, but he preferred to make gold ornaments and vessels for his father and was often permitted to go into the king's treasure house to watch the workmen polish the precious gems which they found in great abundance by digging into the mountains near the city. The people knew all about white and black pearls and how to get them from the bed of the ocean. In full sight of the island was a large reef of pink and white coral and the young prince went there many times to see the curious little insects building their graceful, airy houses over some rock hidden by the water. He sometimes imagined that he heard the mermaids calling to him. What he really did hear was the wind dashing the waves in and out of the coral chambers as if it were determined to wash them away. The reef was an excellent place to fish, and the Golden Hearted and his companions had many a fine day's sport there while the divers were searching for the pearl oysters. He fished with a drag-net made by himself, and he could let it out and haul it in again like a regular sailor. He never killed any of the fish, and the divers would not give him the pearls they found because they were compelled to kill the oysters to get them, and this they said made the pearls unlucky and was the reason why they are round and shining like tear drops. The miners brought him all the emeralds they could find, because this was the happiness-bringing stone. Its color is like the soft grass in the springtime, and they wanted him to be always young and have everything his heart desired. The royal gardens were his special care and in them he was allowed to cultivate any kind of tree or plant or grain. Then from them he must learn the names and habits of the trees producing the best wood for building houses, what plants were good to heal the sick, and all about the grains useful for food either for man or animals. Every flower that had a perfume grew in a separate part of the garden, and those shedding their fragrance at night only were in a bed by themselves. He was required to know the difference between single and double species and why there is such a difference in the same family of plants. Honey bees, big-winged butterflies, crickets and beetles hid in the flowers or flew above them, and these all taught a lesson to the young prince who had no other books. The honey bee was an industrious little fellow continually building a piece of comb or else filling it with honey. The butterfly, on the other hand, did not work at all but changed from an ugly grub into a caterpillar and finally into a gorgeous butterfly with spotted wings and bright eyes. The king told his son that the butterfly was like a soul--the immortal part of ourselves--and he wished him to be as busy as the bee, and to do no more harm to other creatures than does the pretty butterfly. The cricket was a cheerful, merry chap, usually singing at the top of his voice, and the beetle tried to push all of the dirt out of the garden. If he found anything he did not like he would roll and tumble with it, even if it were much bigger than himself. This amused the Golden Hearted very much, and when he grew tired of his own occupations he would run out into the garden and watch the beetles. One day he went into the splendid throne-room where his father was giving audience to some wise old men who were foretelling what was going to happen to the king and the people of the Happy Island. They urged the king to send some member of his household to the strange land over the sea, toward the setting sun, where the people were in barbarism. The Golden Hearted was much interested and thought here was an opportunity to do some good for the weak and helpless. Springing forward he said: "Dear father, let me go. I am able to sail the seas and am willing to devote my life to teaching these poor people how to live like brothers." The king felt proud of the young prince, but he loved him so dearly that it was hard to let him go, and also hard to refuse such a noble, manly request. "Do you know, my son, this will entail a great deal of hardship and self-denial?" he asked. "Yes, father, but God intends us to earn all the good things in life; He will not give them to us for nothing. That is His good law, which makes us healthy, happy and wise--three of the most precious possessions in the world." "Go, my Golden Heart, and may God bless and keep you always," said the king. "Take a green-throated humming-bird for your guide, and when you find the land, journey on until you come to a place where a cactus grows at the base of a rock and there is a golden eagle soaring in the air above it. Halt there and found a city, and name it in honor of the sun." Then all the wise men begged to go with him, and for days after there were great preparations made for the departure of the king's son. At daybreak one morning he set sail in a snake-skin boat, and all the inhabitants came with the king to throw flowers and emeralds into the sea because they wished to show respect to the Golden Hearted. It was their method of blessing him and wishing him good luck. The whole shore line, as far as he could see, was lighted up by bonfires where the people burned resin and perfume to commemorate his going. At the water's edge stood the old sea king with his long white hair and beard blowing in the wind. By his side was a cream-white horse with three plumes in the top of its bridle reins and a square, red blanket edged with deep fringe on its back. Crowns and moons and stars of gold and silver were scattered over the blanket to show that the horse belonged to the royal prince. Back of the king was a long line of young warrior priests mounted on white horses, with red blankets, and carrying reversed spears in their hands. They bowed their heads when the poor old father leaned over on the horse's neck and cried as if his heart would break as the boat with his only son in it pushed off from the shore. Snatching a torch from the hand of an attendant, the Golden Hearted waved it on high. Fire with them was a symbol of wisdom, and when the king saw it, he answered the signal by waving a torch, and the warrior priests flashed their spears in the bright sunlight, and the people sent up a deafening shout. This meant that they were willing to sacrifice their future king for the good of a strange race of men who needed a teacher to show them how to cultivate the land and how to build cities and live civilized. The people of the Happy Island would not send a common man for a teacher. No, indeed; they gave the best they had--their dearly loved prince with the golden heart--to help their less fortunate neighbors. And he gave up all luxury and comfort because he would rather be useful, than live in ease as a king. The name of the island was Atlantis, and the new country was our own--America. [Illustration: LEAVING THE HAPPY ISLAND] Zamna, the Eye of the Sun "Ho There! Who comes to us in a canoe?" cried the people in the strange land when the Golden Hearted and the wise men arrived from the Happy Island. Many of the natives ran away and others hid in the bushes because they were afraid they were going to be killed. None of them were ever so badly frightened in their lives, and none had ever seen white men before. "Do you come to fight us? Are you warriors?" they asked. "I am your friend, not your foe," answered the young prince kindly, and holding a white flag high over his head. "To be a warrior is to have been in many battles, and I never marched a day under the banner of the king, my father. I come wholly in peace." "He is only a lad. Surely we need not fear him," said the people coming back to crowd around him on shore and to examine his boat and clothes with much curiosity. "Why, then, are you here?" they finally asked. "I am sent by my father to teach you the Good Law." "We already know how to shoot an arrow through the heart of an eagle. We have taken many captives in battle, and are a scourge to our enemies," they answered proudly. They were still suspicious of their visitors. "You crush a worm without mercy, never thinking it has the same right to live as you have, and that in itself it is more wonderful than all these things," said the Golden Hearted, reprovingly. The natives were greatly astonished. Never had they heard any one speak like this, and they could not imagine what sort of young man he was. If he did not like the chase, and was not a warrior, and did not believe in killing things, they could not understand him at all. "What do you mean by the Good Law? What is it anyhow?" "It is to be gentle and kind to all creatures, and to treat your neighbor as if he were your brother. You must be just to the plant, to the bull, to the horse and to the dog. The earth too has a right to be cultivated. Neglect it, and it will curse you; fertilize it, and it will show gratitude in a thousand ways. May your fields bring forth all that is good to eat, and may your countless villages abound with prosperity." The Golden Hearted was so modest and sincere in speech and so well mannered that they were pleased with him, and were beginning to feel quite friendly. The wise men also said many nice things to them and did all they could to make the situation pleasant. To show appreciation and to welcome the young prince, the natives gave him a handful of fireflies, because light with them was a symbol of order, peace and virtue. This was a delicate, pretty compliment and so delighted the Golden Hearted that he scattered them all over his head. When they lit in his soft, wavy, yellow hair, their bulging eyes and gauzy wings sparkled like diamonds and they did not try to fly away because he sang to them: "Firefly, firefly! bright little thing, Light me to bed and my song I will sing. Give me your light as you fly o'er my head That I may merrily go to my bed. Give me your light o'er the grass as you creep That I may joyfully go to my sleep. Come little firefly, come little beast, Come and I'll make you tomorrow a feast; Come, little candle, that flies as I sing, Bright little fairy bug--Night's little king. Come, and I'll dance as you guide me along, Come, and I'll pay you, my bug, with a song." Each fly has four spots, one back of each eye and under each wing which it can make as bright as candle light when it chooses. Its body is about an inch and a half long. [Illustration: "EACH STITCH MUST BE COUNTED"] When the prince put the fireflies in his hair, the natives present touched the ground with their right hands and placed them over their hearts in token of respect. He, in turn, gave them the white flag he carried because it was an emblem of peace, friendship, happiness and prosperity, as well as purity and holiness, and he intended to bring them all of these things. "What is your wish?" asked the natives of each of the wise men. "We desire to bathe in the warm surf of these shores and then to make a thank offering for our safe arrival and your kindly greeting," they answered. Criers with shrill trumpets and drums ran up and down the beach to call in the fishing boats. "The men wearing skirts are coming into the sea," they shouted, and the Golden Hearted and his followers looked at each other with a smile when they heard what the criers said. The natives wore only breech clouts and feather and shell ornaments, much like the Indians of today. Never before had they seen men wearing long white robes, beards and high-crowned hats without rims, and having a square black cloth hanging over the shoulders in the back like a veil. "Is there something else needed to make you more content and comfortable?" asked the criers when the fishermen had all come ashore. "We need wood and stones to build an altar for our sacrifice," replied the Golden Hearted. While the newcomers were splashing in the surf, the porters brought arms full of wood, and stones large and small and piled them near the boat and waited to see what the visitors would do with them. "Why do you wear skirts like women?" they next inquired, as the bathers were putting on their robes after a long swim. "Because we work for humanity," said the young prince. "No man is really great who has not developed a woman's tenderness in his heart, and that our fellows may know that we have this quality, we wear skirts and robes." This is why in our day the king and priest and judge wear long gowns. The king rules men, women and children alike; the judge administers the law for all of them, and the minister prays for the good as well as the bad. For this reason we should respect their robes when we see them. The natives did not know the name of the young prince but when they saw him take a piece of mica and hold it over a bit of cotton until the sun set it on fire, they exclaimed "Zamna!" meaning "Eye of the Sun," and this was what they called him while he lived in that country. The wise men had placed some copal on top of the altar they had made of wood and stone and it was not long before the cotton and copal began to burn. As it did so, the Golden Hearted pointed with his finger to a ray of the midday sun. First he and his followers held their arms high overhead, then they sat in a squatting position and recited all the incidents of their journey. Finally they all prostrated themselves on the ground and returned thanks for their safety and good health. Rising to their feet, the wise men began to chant with bared heads and faces turned toward the east. The natives thought this a very strange performance and debated among themselves whether it could be part of the Good Law they were soon to learn. "Do you come to destroy our old faiths, and to bring us a new god?" they asked as the wood on the altar burned low and the chanting ceased. "To attack any form of worship is like fighting darkness with a stick. The only way to overcome the blackness of night dwelling in men's hearts is to kindle a light--and the light of the world is love," responded the Golden Hearted as he slipped his arm through that of the native who had asked him the question. "I did not come to quarrel with you. I want you to think of me as a brother ready and willing to serve you always. In my father's kingdom, the man who serves faithfully in any capacity is the one most honored. Take this cross to the chief of your village and say to him that He who is the Dew of Heaven, Lord of the Dawn, and of the Four Winds, sends his only son with a message of peace and good will to all his people. Show him the red hand painted in the center and tell him that it is not meant to convey strength, power and mastery, but that it is raised thus as an act of supplication." As the swiftest courier in the group was girding a red sash tightly around his waist making ready for a quick run, the fishermen came up from their huts and invited the travelers to come and share their humble noonday meal. The Golden Hearted was glad to accept the extended hospitality, not because he had no provisions of his own, but because he valued their good opinion and was ready to do whatever he thought would please them. They were a gentle, kindly folk, these simple fishermen. Not only were they industrious, but they were polite and reverential to their superiors and as happy as a lot of children when they found the strange prince under their roof. In all the after years they would have been willing to die for him. The wise men of his company were so strict in their habits that they refused to eat the flesh of any animal, and their simple meal was soon finished. But while every one else was at the table they performed a sacred dance in a pompous and solemn style, circling around the Golden Hearted who sat by himself. They had green palms in their hands and every once in a while they would bow to the prince. In a peculiar sing-song way they chanted a long poem telling about the history of the Happy Island. Imagine how funny they must have looked whirling round and round with their long robes, black veils and wide sleeves filled with the wind. They kept on their high hats and with their long beards and hair flying in every direction, it was no wonder that the fishermen and other people laughed and thought it was some kind of game. The dancers were not at all offended, and when the natives asked if they knew how to play ball, they answered good naturedly: "No, but we would like very much to learn." "Come out here into the alley and we will teach you. By and by you may give us lessons in many things, but we are going to give you the first one." Then they all laughed, and so did the young prince and the wise old men. The alley where they played ball was one hundred feet long and had smooth, white-washed walls about twelve feet high in the center, but lower at each end where there was a rectangular nook for the players to rest. The walls were quite thick at the base but tapered toward the top which was finished with battlements and turrets. Before the game began, the oldest player among them threw the small, solid, India-rubber ball four times around the alley muttering some words to himself all the time. The owner of the ground made the old man a trifling present, and then the game began in good earnest. The rule was to hit the ball only with the knee, elbow or shoulder, not with the hands nor feet. The wise men with their long gowns and veils had a hard time keeping up with the native players, who wore very little clothing and were quick and sure footed. Two on each side played at a time, and the great point was to send the ball against the opposite wall or else over it as often as possible without allowing it to touch the ground. There were two referees; one being the Golden Hearted and the other, the oldest player. Everybody shouted and laughed at the clumsy playing of the wise men who tried ever so hard to imitate the things they saw the others doing. It was a great effort for them and they panted and blowed as they ran. Very often they tumbled heels over head by stepping on their skirts in front. Then they would all go down together in a heap, one on top of the other, and the referees would have much to do before they could get them all straightened out again. It was jolly good fun, but required considerable time and patience even for an expert player to send the ball over the wall with either his elbow, knee or shoulder. In the center of the wall on each side was a huge stone carved with images, having a hole in the center barely big enough for the ball to go through. Whoever was skilful enough to make a drive through one of them, not only won the game for his side, but was entitled to the cloaks of all those present. Of course, this was a very difficult feat to accomplish and made quite a hero of the man who succeeded, so every player tried for the honor. This day the young native who first hailed the Golden Hearted when he landed, by a lucky toss of the elbow sent the ball flying through the hole on the wise men's side. In a moment the spectators scrambled down from their seats and ran away as fast as they could go. The wise men stood looking after them in wide-eyed astonishment, and before they had time to get out of the alley the victor stripped them of their veils and then their tall hats looked like a piece of stove pipe with a cover over one end of it. The Golden Hearted insisted that each man should give back whatever he had won in a bet on the game, and for each loss of this kind he gave both winner and loser a present, and promised to teach their sons and daughters how to weave cloth having figures in it. In such a way he taught them how to count, and to this day they have no other method of reproducing a pattern perfectly. Each stitch must be counted and only a certain number of each color put in, and all this must be carried in the head. The weavers are not allowed to write it down. At nightfall the runners came in breathless with haste to say that the chief of the village was sending a councilor and official guide to welcome and escort the strange white men to his dwelling. But the Golden Hearted was not in a hurry to leave the fishermen and common people with whom he had spent the day, except for a short visit. When he returned he taught them how to make sun-dried bricks with which to build houses, also to shape the round water jars of brown pottery and how to ornament them and the gourds they drank from. The wise men assisted him in all this, and in time, the natives not only built comfortable houses for themselves but learned how to fashion many pretty designs of cornices and wall decorations out of stucco which they tinted many colors. The first thing he did when he went to the village was to make the chief king, and then he ordered some of the wise men who were architects and engineers to lay out a splendid city and help the natives to build it. Before he came there were nothing but trails from one part of the country to the other and the simple tradesmen did not know how to exchange their wares. The Golden Hearted became the patron of the builders and traders and lived many years with the people of Aztlan. While in that country, he occupied himself with the building of a sacred temple dedicated to those who served the Good Law. It had four beautiful halls facing the four cardinal points of the compass. That on the east was the Hall of Gold and its walls were almost covered with plates of the precious metal having delicately-chased pictures over its shining surface. To the west was the Hall of Emeralds and Turquoises where many gems were studded into the plaster. The south hall was finished in silver while the northern hall was made of jasper stuck with colored shells in curious patterns. In each room there was a tapestry of yellow, blue, white and red feather mosaic that was as fine as a painting and in some cases perfectly represented men and animals. In front of the main entrance for many years stood a winged lion cut out of granite holding an image of the Golden Hearted in his mouth. The name of the city was Mayapan and the king who had been merely a village chief was the celebrated Cocomes of the olden times. [Illustration: THE BALL PLAYER] Votan, the People's Heart One evening the Golden Hearted saw a ball of fire rise in the East just about where the Happy Island was located, and it followed the course of the sun. Then he knew it was time for him to take some of the wise men and go into a new place, so he lay awake long into the night and thought how best to begin to get ready. He knew the people loved him very much, but he remembered his oath to his father, the king, and though he was sad at heart, he determined to leave the next day but one. He had not yet spoken to anybody about his intention, but it must have been right else it would not have happened that a whole lot more wise men came to the city that very day. [Illustration] "Now," he said to himself, "I can leave these wise men to help the poor natives, and I will take seven of their families with me." Seeing that it was daybreak and the sun about to rise, the Golden Hearted sprang out of bed and hastily washing his face and hands, threw the window wide open and lifting his arms high overhead said: "Hail! Beauty of the Day! Homage to thee who riseth above the horizon. I come near to thee. Thou openest the gates of another day. Great Illuminator out of the golden, place thyself as a protector behind me. Guide and keep me safe on the journey that I am about to undertake." Then he dressed himself as quickly as possible and went out to find the wise men and tell them what he was going to do. They were willing to go with him, but King Cocomes was greatly disappointed, though he felt more contented when the Golden Hearted promised to come back again. "Quiet thy heart, great king, and trust in my love," was what the young prince said to him. The travelers had to pass through the country of the Quinames who were a very wild people. They went about naked with long matted hair hanging over their shoulders, and they ate raw meat, fruits and herbs. They knew nothing about cooking, but could make pulque, a kind of beer, out of maguey plant, a cousin of the cactus family. On this they often got very drunk. Then they were fierce and quarrelsome. At all times these people were proud of their strength and cunning in battle and in hunting the ferocious beasts roaming over the hills and plains. The Quinames were really a dreadful set of men, but the Golden Hearted was not afraid of them. He heard all kinds of stories about their cruelty and savage ways of living, but he went quietly among them and parceled out the land and showed them how to cultivate it. The Quinames lived entirely by hunting and fishing and had no houses. When one place did not suit them any longer, they moved to another, and would never have learned how to live civilized except for the coming of the prince and the wise men. And what a terrible journey it was! It was in a tropic country where there was so much warm rain that everything grew rank and luxuriant. For whole days the Golden Hearted marched in the shadow of ferns as big as trees and the ground was covered with briers and nettles. Sometimes he had to go around muddy swamps or right through bushes filled with snakes. Then, too, he had to swim across wide rivers and climb steep, rocky mountains. In the tangled leaves and vines hundreds of parrots screamed and screeched at them, while on all sides the monkeys threw sticks from the branches of the trees. Gnats and other poisonous insects stung his hands and face. He traveled like this many days. Whenever he went into camp, the Golden Hearted would invite the Quinames to dine with him in order that he might teach them how to eat cooked food out of dishes. They could not understand the use of cups and basins, because they drank out of cocoa-nut shells and had never seen a napkin or tablecloth. They had always been in the habit of taking the food in their fingers and pulling it apart, and were not very nice about keeping their hands clean either. Of course, all this was very disagreeable to the Golden Hearted, but he was as patient and kind as possible and those fierce Quinames would not have harmed a hair in his head. When they asked him where he was going he always answered, "To seek my brothers, the Culebra, of whom thou shalt know more by and by." "And from where comest thou?" "From the mountain of Little Descent, and where I tarry, there will I build Nachan, the city of Serpents." The ignorant barbarians did not know that the word serpent meant wisdom in the language of the Happy Island, but the wise men were much pleased because they knew that this city was to be a great seat of learning and that they would have charge of the temples and schools when it was completed. "Who art thou and thy followers?" was often asked of them on the way. "We are Chanes and the sons of Chanes," but this did not mean anything to the savages either, because they did not know that "Chane" was the name of the wise men in their own country. One day a culprit was brought before the Golden Hearted accused of stealing a curious looking stick with yellow grains fastened all around it. The Quinames said it was good food and they pulled off its green wrappings and held it before the fire until it was browned and then ate it. The Golden Hearted and the wise men had never seen this plant before and were very much interested in their discovery. But they did not think it well to say so. [Illustration: "WHO ART THOU AND THY FOLLOWERS?"] "Dost thou say this man is a thief?" asked the Golden Hearted. "Yes, yes; we knew where the bush grew, but we were waiting until it should be more yellow before giving it to thee," said the captors. "I will prove thee," said the Golden Hearted to the accused. He took a piece of finely-polished black stone from his breast pocket and held it up before the prisoner saying, "Look into its shining face and beholding thine own image, swear by the Heart of Heaven to speak the truth." The poor savage nearly died of fright when he saw himself because he thought it was an omen of instant death. He quaked and trembled and his eyes were as big and round as walnuts. "From whence came this goodly seed?" asked the Golden Hearted kindly. "From the edge of the wood where a silver band of water rots an old tree," answered the man, still pallid with fear. "Take thy share, and leave me what thy accusers intended for me." The prisoner stared at him stupidly for a moment then his better nature spoke and he took only one grain, and would have fled into the jungle if the Golden Hearted had not caught him by the mantle. "Look again into the mirror of truth." This time the savage was not so afraid and he gazed curiously at the stone for some time. Its surface was perfectly blank. "Tell me what thou seest?" "Nothing but its own dark face speaks to the eye of thy servant," responded the accused. "Then know, my brothers," said the Golden Hearted turning to the astonished Quinames, "this man is innocent and must go free." "Thou art welcome to my life," exclaimed the accused joyfully; "thou hast saved it and it is thine to command." "Use it to perfect the growth of this strange seed so that thy fellows and all grain-eating creatures may profit by thy labors." The grain found in this manner is known to the people of that country to-day as maize. We call it Indian corn. When the wise men heard about it, they begged the Golden Hearted to let them build a white house where any one accused of crime would be safe until the judges could decide whether they were guilty or not. The prince thought it was a very good plan and said: "I will put the black stone in it and will make a law that no man shall be called guilty if the surface of the stone does not change when he is made to look into it. And to commemorate our safe passage through this wild country, I will order several white houses built, and each one shall be called Refuges Against Fear." In those days no one seemed to think it was wrong to kill a person who was said to be a thief or had done anything his neighbors did not like, so it was very necessary for the Golden Hearted to teach them to be just to each other. He told the Quinames that they must be sure about a thing before they acted harshly, and he cautioned them to be careful about believing or repeating unkind remarks they heard. It was quite a long time before the Quinames would even try to do this, but finally they helped to build the houses and were honorable enough not to harm any one once inside the walls. Many a useful life was saved in this manner, but sometimes a poor refugee was overtaken and beaten to death with clubs before reaching the house. Because the Golden Hearted succeeded in persuading the warlike Quinames to live peaceably with their neighbors and to treat each other well, he was called in that and many other countries, Votan, The People's Heart, to distinguish him from the Heart of Heaven which was their name for God. His was truly a great work because it was done without a selfish motive and for no reward except the good of his fellow men. [Illustration] Lord of the Sacred Tunkel No one living can tell how many years ago it was that the Golden Hearted built Nachan, the city of wise men, nor how many years it took to do the work, but it has always been said to be a very beautiful place. Anyhow, it was after he left the Quinames, and it was in a country very much more civilized. The Golden Hearted had many happy days there. Even if he was a grown man and a great prince, he was very fond of children and one day he visited the Temple of the Sun where the pupils from school were having a holiday. They all had on their best clothes, and their faces and hands were clean, but they were shouting, and singing and playing games, very much like the boys and girls we know. They felt sure that the Golden Hearted was their good friend and when they saw him coming they ran out into the courtyard and crowded around him as thick as flies. "A story! a story!" they said; "Please, good Prince, tell us a story." "What shall it be about?" asked the Golden Hearted with a pleasant smile. "Something very perfect and beautiful," they said. "Let me think what we have in the world that is both perfect and beautiful. Which would you prefer, something man has made, or that God has made?" The children were very much puzzled to know which to choose. They tried hard to think what man had made that was without any faults and could not be imitated or improved, either in appearance or quality, but they were not satisfied with anything. Then they began to think about the trees, the flowers, the precious stones, the sky and the sea, and were getting more and more confused all the time when the Golden Hearted laughed and said: "I will tell you what we will do. We will send for the wise men and ask them to choose." The wise men thought it was great fun, so they hurried as fast as they could and were quite out of breath when they got near enough to speak to the Golden Hearted. "Tell me something you know in the world that is both perfect and beautiful," he said to the wise man who had charge of the Temple of the Sun, and was first to arrive. "The great, blazing, glorious sun," he replied. "None but God could have made it, and we adore it and sacrifice to it because it is the mask behind which God hides His ever-smiling face." Many of the children shaded their eyes with their hands and took a quick look at the sun overhead, and thought that was a good answer. "What do you know in the world that is both perfect and beautiful?" asked the prince of the next comer, who was a man wise in the art of working metals. He had not heard the first answer, but, without stopping a minute to think, said: "Gold; because it is like the substance of the sun and cannot be made by putting any metals together nor by any mixture of chemicals." The Golden Hearted knew that was a correct answer but he wanted the children to be satisfied, and he was not sure that all of them understood it. "Do you know that way down in the earth gold is created, and yet it is shining and bright and yellow like the light of the sun? This accounts for its beauty, and it is perfect because it is absolutely pure in itself." The next man that came along was wise, but he looked like a farmer. "What have you seen in your life that cannot be improved or made prettier?" "Wheat," was his quick reply, "because it is not a blend of any of the grains or grasses but grows out of the ground perfect. It is beautiful in every phase of its life whether it waves in the wind like a sea of emeralds or ripens into great sheaves of gold, or its plump grains tempt you to satisfy hunger. It is the best friend man has, and it would be very hard for him to live without it." That was such a sensible answer, that the children all clapped their hands with delight because they knew at once that it was correct. Just then the Golden Hearted looked up and saw one of his best perfumers in the group of wise men. "Will you give us an answer to this question?" he asked. "I should differ from all the others"--began the man. "Never mind, tell us what in your line is the most perfect and beautiful thing you know." "A jasmine blossom," replied the perfumer, "because its delicate odor cannot be imitated no matter what combination of oils or extracts we make. I cannot say that of any other flower in the world." The children could have answered that question themselves if they had only thought quickly enough. They were quite familiar with the dainty little white flowers and tender vine of the jasmine as well as its sweet smell, because it grew wild in their country. While the perfumer was talking, the Golden Hearted picked up a shining pebble near his feet. "Now, children," he said, "in this small rough stone I find something perfect and beautiful. It is an opal, the only one of the precious gems I do not know how to counterfeit. Join hands, as many of you as can, and dance around me while I sing you a song about the birth of the opal." One of the wise men gave him a Sacred Tunkel, a kind of guitar which he brought from the Temple of the Sun, and this was what he sang: The Birth of the Opal A dew drop came with a spark of flame He had caught from the sun's last rays To a violet's breast, where he lay at rest Till the hours brought back the day. The rose looked down with a blush and a frown But she smiled all at once to view Her own bright form with its coloring warm Reflected back by the dew. Then the stranger took a stolen look At the sky so soft and blue, And a leaflet green with its silver sheen Was seen by the idler too. A cold north wind, as he thus reclined, Of a sudden raged around, And a maiden fair, who was walking there Next morning an opal found. Some of the pupils were inclined to think that the singing of the Golden Hearted was the most perfect and beautiful they had ever heard and they all liked to listen to the low plaintive notes of the Tunkel. Those that could not take part in the dance gathered around their teachers and asked: "What shall we do to honor the good prince and show him how much we appreciate his efforts to amuse and please us?" "Ask him to allow you to answer your own question," they said, "and then tell him something about your feathered friends. Have you forgotten the hermit of the woods with its rainbow plumes three feet long and its gay scarlet breast?" The name of this bird is the Quetzal, and it lives on the high mountain tops all alone and is only about the size of a pigeon. When the Golden Hearted finished singing and the dancers were all standing still, a bright-faced boy approached and said, "We have an answer to our own question, good prince." "Say on, my little man, I am listening to you." "It is the Quetzal, the rarest bird in the world, and the most perfect and beautiful of all feathered creatures. With its brilliant luster plumes I crown you Lord of the Sacred Tunkel, as a reward for your sweet singing. May the children of every land know and love you as we do." The Golden Hearted was much surprised and pleased with his new crown and ever after wore the feathers of the Quetzal in his head dress. So long as he remained in Nachan, he was called the Lord of the Sacred Tunkel because he could play so well upon this queerly-shaped guitar. The Stars' Ball It was not so very long after the children had crowned him Lord of the Sacred Tunkel until the Golden Hearted planned to have them all with him again. He made up his mind to spend his lifetime teaching because he thought that was the most useful thing he could do, but he was determined to make the lessons for the children as pleasant as possible. He and the wise men taught the older people how to divide the days into weeks, months and years, and how to make a calendar, and all about the sun and the moon and the stars, but this was too hard for the children. So he decided to take them up on the roof of the Temple of the Sun in the moonlight and tell them some simple pretty story about the sky at night. In that country, the houses were built with flat roofs covered with red tiles, and there was either a ladder or a winding staircase from the ground, so it was not much trouble to get up on the roof. In fact, many of the dwellings had beautiful potted plants up there, and it was really a pleasant place to go of a warm summer evening. This night there was not a breath of air, and the children did not need anything on their heads nor any wraps. Only around the lower edges of the sky were there clouds and these were soft and white like big piles of cotton. The whole heavens looked like a bright blue veil thickly sprinkled with diamonds. It was very still and quiet and there were so many flowers in bloom that the very atmosphere was fragrant with them. In the mill pond close by the frogs croaked, and around the eaves of the houses the crickets and katydids were singing an evening hymn. It was just a lovely night to go out and nearly every one was in the street. The doors and windows were wide open, and the people went about bareheaded and laughed and chatted to their heart's content. "The goodness of this perfect night be upon my little friends," said the prince, when he came up on the roof of the Temple and found a lot of children he knew. "I have invited you to witness the stars' ball to-night, but before we begin, I must introduce you to the most prominent ones." Then he pointed out the milky way with its millions of stars that looked like little pin heads in a band of light because they were so far away. Below the handle of the big dipper, and off to one side was the north star. Jupiter with his broad dark bands and tiny moons was there, and so was Saturn with his three rings. Over in another place was Mars twinkling and batting his eyes as if he wanted to fight something. The Dog Star was still lower down and quite by himself. "I will first make you acquainted with the big-faced, silver moon," said the prince. "She is sailing along as if she were in a great hurry, but there will be time enough for you to see the man up there if you look sharp about it." The children knew there was not a surely man in the moon so they all laughed and clapped their hands and then threw kisses at the beautiful queen of the night. "I cannot show you Mercury, the messenger of the sun, because he is such a sleepy head he has already gone to bed. He never stays up long after the sun goes down, but he is an industrious little fellow and often gets up first in the morning." The children thought that was a very funny way to speak of a star, but they saw the prince was in a good humor and they enjoyed listening to what he said. "Venus is our evening star," he continued, pointing to the brightest object in the western sky, "and she is winking and smiling at us. Look closely now, and see if you can find her." [Illustration: "AN OLD-FASHIONED ALMANAC"] When all the children had seen her, the Golden Hearted turned to another part of the heavens and said, "Here is old Father Time, who frowns and scowls, and finally grinds the life out of our bodies." He was speaking about Saturn because it rolls and tumbles one way while its three rings whirl around the other way, and all the people in olden times believed that the stars could give good or bad luck and could make our lives long or short. There were a number of this kind of fortune tellers among the wise men, so of course the prince knew what they thought about the stars. The children understood it too, and when he pointed out Saturn, they said to each other in a whisper, "It is the death star; let us hope it will not shine upon us nor upon those we love." "If we have need to fear the Master of Time, we have every reason to love the broad-belted planet with its sturdy little companions. It has been rightly named 'The Beneficent,'" said the prince--indicating the position of Jupiter among the stars. "Its children pop in and out behind it as if they were playing hide and seek." For ages people thought that Jupiter gave them good luck and made them wise, tender and kind. This is why the children said, "The big, white, shining star has a heart like our prince." Mars is the nearest planet to us, and he sputters and fumes as if he really had as bad a temper as these people credited him with. All the wars and troubles they had came from him, they said, and the children did not care to look at him very long. He gives out a beautiful red light, while Jupiter is bluish white, and the Dog Star has all colors like the rainbow. "Now," said the prince, "I will show you the most important group in the sky. It is the Pleiades, directly over our heads at this time. There are seven of these sisters, and the pale, dim one is the center of the whole system of stars because all the rest of them circle around her." Then he explained to them how each star and planet, as well as the earth, turns over and over of its own accord, besides going around the sun in a very wide circle. All the stars are wonderful tumblers and they spin around just like tops, and this whirling motion was what made the prince say that they were having a ball. When they twinkled and sparkled, he said they were dancing. As soon as he sat down, one of the children got the Sacred Tunkel, and then some took hold of his hands, others held on to his mantle and still others put their arms around his neck and begged him to sing for them. He did not wish to refuse them, but he did not know any song suitable for the occasion so he made this up as he went along: Oh! the stars one and all They had a great ball One night way up in the sky; They invited the earth To join in their mirth But it feared to go up so high. No fiddler had they Their music to play, And the stars were afraid 'twould fail; But the man in the moon He whistled a tune And the comet kept time with his tail. They danced and they danced, And they pranced and they pranced, Till the moon said 'twas all he desired, For his lips were so sore He could whistle no more, And the comet began to get tired. So they faded away In the dim light of day The moon and the stars from the ball. But, sad to relate, Next night they were late, And came near not shining at all. [Illustration] The National Book Because it is possible for persons to do both good and evil in their lives, and to think good and bad thoughts, the wise men and the Golden Hearted studied how to keep these ideas before the people all the time. In those days, the natives of that country had no books and no way of writing and it was necessary to select some familiar object to represent the meaning of many things. Whatever is used for such a purpose, is called a symbol. The hippopotamus, the crocodile and the tapir are to this day said to be symbols of humanity because they have two natures. They can live in the water or on the land, and search for food either in the day or night time. Of the three animals, the wise men selected the tapir because it is a shy, inoffensive creature, not much larger than a sheep and lives on green grasses and herbs. During the day it sleeps quietly in the water or on the bank of a stream and at night comes on land to get food. When its coat is dry, it is of a dark brown color, but when wet, it is black and shining. A tapir looks very much like a fat donkey except that its ears are not so long and its nose not quite so stumpy. At Nachan the wise men raised great herds of them as an example and illustration of our good and bad self. The Golden Hearted realized that he must do more than found a large city and teach the children, so he had a Dark House built away under ground where he could store treasures and all the records of his journey. This was a secret passageway, and in its halls and labyrinths he had quantities of statuary and pottery put for safe keeping. While this was being done, he wrote a book called in his language "The Popol Vuh" but we would say it is a national book because it tells all about the beginning of the world and is divided into four parts. It is a most singular story, and has been translated so we can read it for ourselves. It is said to be the oldest book in America, and the Golden Hearted kept an order of wise men in the Dark House underground to guard it from one generation to another. The Popul Vuh This is the beginning of the history of things which came to pass long ago; of the division of the earth, the property of all; its origin and its foundation, as well as the narrative of our life in the land of shadows, and of how we saw the light. It is the first book written in the olden times, but its view is hidden from him who sees and thinks. Behold the first word and the first discourse. There was as yet no man, nor any animal, nor bird, nor fish, nor crawfish, nor any pit, nor any ravine, nor green herb, nor any tree. Nothing was but the firmament. The face of the earth had not yet appeared--only the peaceful sea and all the space of heaven. There was nothing yet joined together, nothing that clung to anything else; nothing that balanced itself, that made the least rustling, that made a sound in the heaven. There was nothing that stood up; nothing but silence and darkness and night time. Alone were those that engender, those that give being; they were upon the waters like a growing light. They consulted together and meditated; they mingled their words and their opinions. "Earth!" they said, and on the instant it was formed; like a cloud of fog was its beginning. Then the mountains rose over the water like great lobsters. In an instant the mountains and plains were visible and the cypress and the pine trees appeared. The Heart of Heaven cried out and said: "Blessed be thy coming. Our work and our labor has accomplished its end." The earth and its vegetation having appeared, it was peopled with the various forms of animal life. And the makers said to the animals, "Speak now our name. Honor Him who begets and Him who gives being. Speak, call on us, salute us." [Illustration: "BEHOLD THE FIRST WORD"] But the animals could not answer. They could only cluck and croak, each murmuring after its kind in a different manner. This displeased the creators, and they said to the animals: "Inasmuch as ye cannot praise us, neither call upon our names, your flesh shall be humiliated. It shall be broken with teeth. Ye shall be killed and eaten." The first man was made of clay, but he was watery, had no strength and could not turn his head. His face looked one way all the time. He was given a language, but he had no intelligence, so he was consumed in water. "Let us make an intelligent being who shall adore and invoke us," said the Thunderbolt and the Lightning Flash. It was decided that a man should be made of wood and a woman of a kind of pith. They were made but the result was in no wise satisfactory. They moved about perfectly well it is true; they increased and multiplied and peopled the world with little wooden manikins like themselves, but the heart and intelligence were wanting. They had no memory of their Maker; they lived like the beasts and forgot the Heart of Heaven. They had neither blood nor substance, nor moisture nor fat. Their cheeks were shriveled; their feet and hands dried up. Then was the Heart of Heaven very wroth, and he sent ruin and destruction upon these ingrates. He rained upon them night and day with a thick resin and the earth was all dark. The men went mad with terror. They tried to mount up on the roofs, but the houses fell with them. They tried to climb the trees, but the trees shook them from their branches. They tried to hide in the caves and dens of the earth, but these closed against them. Then their heads were cut off, and their bones broken and bruised, and their eyes picked out by the birds, and their flesh eaten by wild beasts. Thus were they all devoted to chastisement and destruction save only a few who were preserved as memorials of the wooden men. These now exist in the forests as little apes. In the night the gods counseled together again. "Of what shall we make man?" they said. Then the Creator made four perfect men out of white and yellow corn. The name of the first one was The Tiger With the Sweet Smile, the second one was called The Tiger of the Night, the third one was The Distinguished Name, and the fourth was The Tiger of the Moon. They had neither father nor mother, but their coming into existence was a miracle wrought by the special intervention of Him who is pre-eminently the Creator. At last were there found men worthy of their origin and their destiny. Verily the gods looked on beings who could see with their eyes and handle with their hands and understand with their hearts. Grand of countenance and broad of limb, the four sires of our race stood up under the white rays of the morning star. Their great, clear eyes swept rapidly over all. They saw the woods, the rocks, the lakes and the sea; the mountains and the valleys, and they gazed up into heaven not knowing what they had come so far to do. Their hearts were filled with love, obedience and fear. Lifting up their eyes, they returned thanks saying: "Hail! O Creator, Thou that lovest and understandest us! We offer up our thanks. We have been created--abandon us not, forsake us not! Give us descendants and a posterity as long as the light endures. Give us to walk always in an open wood in a path without snares; to lead quiet lives free of all reproach." But the Gods were not wholly pleased with this thing. Heaven, they thought, had overshot its mark. These men were too perfect; knew, understood and saw too much. "What shall we do with man now?" they said. "This that we see is not good. Let us contract man's sight so he may see only a little of the surface of the earth and be content." Thereupon, the Heart of Heaven breathed a cloud over the pupils of the eyes of the men, and a veil came over each eye as when one breathes on the face of a mirror. Thus was the globe of the eye darkened, nor was that which was far off clear to it any more. Then they fell asleep and when they woke up, the gods had brought each one of them a wife. They lived tranquilly together for a long time waiting for the rising of the sun, because they had nothing but the morning star for a light. But no sun came, and the four men and their families grew uneasy. "We have no one to watch over us, no one to guard our symbols," they said. So they all set out for the Seven Caves. Poor wanderers. They had a cruel way to go, many forests to penetrate, many high mountains to climb, and a long passage to make through the sea. Much hail and cold rain fell on their heads, and when their fires all went out they suffered from hunger as well as cold. At last they came to a mountain and here they rested. While there they were told that the sun was coming very soon. Then they shook their incense pans and danced for very gladness. As the sun commenced to advance, the animals, great and small, were filled with delight. They raised themselves to the surface of the waters, they fluttered in the ravines, and gathering at the edge of the mountains, turned their heads together toward that part from which the sun came. The lion and the tiger roared, and the first bird that sang was the Quetzal. All the animals were beside themselves at the sight. The eagle and the kite beat their wings, and the men prostrated themselves on the ground. The sun and the moon and the stars were all established. Yet was not the sun the same as now. His heat wanted force, and he was but as a reflection in a mirror. Nevertheless he dried up and warmed the surface of the earth and answered many good ends. There was another wonder when the sun rose. The tribal gods who had punished these poor people so were turned into stone. And so were all the mammoth lions, tigers, vipers, and other fierce and dangerous animals. [Illustration: THE TAPIR] Manco-Capac, the Powerful One "It is time for us to go away from this place," said the wise men to the Golden Hearted one day when they were finishing the Dark House, where they were going to leave the National Book. "Why do you think so?" asked the prince, laying down an axe made of copper and tin which he was sharpening for one of the workmen. "Because we have yet to find the spot where the gold wedge your father, the king, gave you will sink into the earth of its own accord." "That is to be in the Place of Gold, and among the Children of the Sun." "Yes; and we are not far from the country known as the "Four Quarters of the World" where they live. We must go to them at once, and there we will build Cuzco, and make it the navel or center of all their possessions. Under the name of Manco-Capac, the powerful one, you will be the first Inca or ruler, and your banner will be a rainbow, to show that you serve the Children of the Sun." The Golden Hearted did not wish to become a ruler but he did not see how he could refuse obedience to the faithful old wise men, so he said: "I will go with you and do as you say, but tell me how you intend to build this wonderful city of Cuzco?" "You must not feel that we compel you to go," said the wise men, looking ready to cry, because they thought the young prince was not pleased with them. "It was your father's command, and our promise to him." "I know that," said the prince impatiently, "but how are you going to make Cuzco the center of everything?" "By building the streets on the four points of the compass, and by connecting it with royal roadways to the four corners of the kingdom. We shall have no trouble doing so, for our reports say that the natives are mild and gentle, and that there are stones in that country as broad and long as a room." When he and the wise men started to make the journey over the mountains, they put all of their belongings on the backs of the llamas--a kind of little camel not much larger than a sheep and which is used in that country to-day for pack animals, instead of burros or mules. They put the load on the llama's back without any girt or pack saddle, and its long, bushy wool holds all the things in place. It has a sharp-pointed, horny toe like a hook, which it fastens in the steep rocks, and then it can climb over rough places without much trouble. When a llama gets angry he does not spit like an ordinary camel, but lies down like a stubborn mule. No matter what you do to him, he will not budge an inch, and then the load has to be taken off, and he must be coaxed and fed before he will go any farther. One day the wise men and the Golden Hearted came to a wide rocky chasm in the side of the mountain hundreds of feet deep, having a swift-running river at the bottom. There were so many sharp rocks sticking up and the water dashed over them so fast that it was all in a white foam, and nothing could have swam across it. The native servants and workmen did not know what to do. "How are we to cross this deep canyon?" they asked. "We will help you make a suspension bridge," said the wise men. "But we have no tools"--they began. "You have your two hands and some copper axes and that is sufficient." "We can fell trees and bring stones, but there are not enough to span such a dangerous place," they said, still doubtful about the outcome. "Take your axes and cut all the maguey you can find," said the wise men. "Bring it here and pile it up; then we will tell you what next to do." The wise men and the Golden Hearted made some heavy clubs out of the hard wood they found growing near by. With these in a short time they beat the maguey until its fibers fell apart in coarse strands, which the sun dried. Then they helped the natives braid it into heavy, thick ropes. When they got enough of these made, they wove them together into a stout cable chain, long enough to stretch across the river. "What shall we do with the ends?" asked the natives. "We cannot tie them to a tree." "Certainly not, but you can gather big and little stones for us," answered the wise men. [Illustration: A SUSPENSION BRIDGE] With these they built immense buttresses on the bank of the river, wide at the bottom and narrow at the top so they would not tumble down nor slip into the waters. Of course they had to leave holes in the sides to fasten the cables into. It took several strands to make the bridge wide enough, and even then the natives were afraid they would fall into the water. "We need a railing at each side," they said. "Very well; make one out of the ropes," said the wise men. When this was done the natives were still unwilling to try to go across. "We cannot take a single step. Our feet get tangled in the meshes of the cable." "Overcome this by making some rough boards and laying them all the way over." It was indeed a novel suspension bridge, for when the planks were put onto the cable it sagged in the middle and swayed forth and back in the wind like a swing. Imagine how frightened the natives must have been at first, but in that mountainous country they never build any other kind of bridges and they use them now all of the time. "In this open stretch of valley and plain we will plant sweet-smelling trees and shrubs by the roadside so that travelers may be refreshed by the shade and enjoy the perfume, and we will also teach the Children of the Sun to build tambos or post houses," said the Golden Hearted, when once they were over the mountains. This they did at every point where they stopped to rest, and at each one they left a band of chasquis, or runners in charge. The word chasqui means "one who makes an exchange," and these men and boys not only carried the news like our postmen and messengers, but they traded news with each other and with every one else they met. Before allowing any of the runners to go out the Golden Hearted said: "I will make you keepers of the Quippos, or knotted cords. The red ones mean war, or other bad news, while the white ones are for peace and prosperity. In the springtime if the crops are good, you must carry bands of green cords. If you wish to spread the reports of gold and silver use that kind of quippo, so that the people seeing you far off may know the import of your message. Count them always by tens and twenties, and use diligence and care to be accurate and quick in your calculations." This was a queer kind of arithmetic but it was astonishing how soon the boys learned it. In after years there were bands of strolling singers and poets who went about the country, and they used the quippos to recall the things they wanted to remember, such as the brave deeds of their ancestors and the names of their heroes. So long as the inhabitants of this country were called Children of the Sun, they had no other books and they trained young men to be experts in reading them. The language of the Quippos is said to be very correct and elegant. The first thing the Golden Hearted did when he arrived at the end of his journey was to divide the land into three parts--one for the sun, one for the king and one for the people. Then he appointed beautiful young girls to be Virgins of the Sun and placed them in charge of elderly women, who taught them how to spin and weave the fine hair of the vicuna into hangings for the Place of Gold which the wise men had already commenced to build. The girls knew how to embroider beautifully, and it was a part of their duty to keep the sacred fires always burning on the altar. The Golden Hearted lighted the fire himself, and it was kept burning night and day for hundreds of years. In the Houses of the Virgins no man, not even the king, could go, and if any one ever did, the people not only killed him but tore down his house. When they did anything of this kind they called it "sowing the ground with stones," and ever afterward his family and friends wore mourning on account of the terrible disgrace. The Place of Gold was a temple in the center of Cuzco so named because the gold wedge sunk immediately into the ground when it was tried, and the wise men said it was appropriate because "gold was the tears wept by the sun." It is said that no building in the world was ever more beautiful than this wonderful temple. The wise men and the Golden Hearted did the best work they knew how, and there was plenty of gold and precious stones in the mountains, so they could use as much as they liked. In front of the eastern entrance was a huge sunburst made like a human face, with rays of light starting out in every direction. Each ray was thickly set with emeralds, and when the sun rose in the morning, the reflection of the shining gold and the sparkle of the emeralds lighted up the whole temple. Besides this they had burnished plates and cornices and vases and animals and flowers of gold all around the walls, and the water urns and incense pans were also of the bright yellow metal. "We will celebrate a great festival of Rami; the renewal time, when the sun is coaxing the earth back to fertility; when the buds and leaves are putting forth, and the birds are beginning to nest," said the Golden Hearted, as soon as the temple was completed. "Show the Children of the Sun that we honor the soil by turning the first sod yourself," said the wise men, when told about the coming celebration. "I will," said the prince, who was now called Manco-Capac, and was the ruler of the kingdom, "and the Virgins of the Sun shall drop the seeds. Let every one come in holiday clothes and with songs and dancing and feasting we will commemorate the day." The next morning all the people came together to watch the sun rise. The Virgins were dressed in white with wreaths of flowers on their heads and every one wore ornaments and jewels and was as blithe and gay as if he were going to a picnic. [Illustration: "THE PEOPLE SHOUTED HAILLE HAILLE!"] Just as the sun peeped up over the edge of the horizon and smiled "good morning" to them, the Golden Hearted poured a libation on the ground from a golden goblet, and the people all shouted "Haille! Haille!" meaning triumph. The prince, the wise men and everybody faced the risen sun with bared heads and bowed three times. Then the prince said: "Many think that the Sun is the Maker of all things. But he who makes should abide by what he has done. Now many things happen when the sun is absent; therefore he cannot be the universal creator. And that he is alive at all is doubtful for his trips do not tire him. Were he a living thing he would grow weary like ourselves. Were he free he would visit other parts of the heavens. He is a tethered beast who makes a daily round under the eye of the Master. He is like an arrow which must go whither it is sent; not whither it wishes. I tell you that he, our father and master, the Sun, must have a lord more powerful than himself who constrains him to his daily circuit without pause or rest." The Golden Hearted spoke like this because he did not wish the Children of the Sun to believe it was really their father or God either. All the assemblage took off their sandals and went into the Place of Gold and prayed; then came out to the court yard and offered up sacrifice of perfumes, fruits and flowers. When this was done they hurried to the fields and after the Golden Hearted turned the first sod every one else began to work. They had no plows, and those who did not break the ground with a dull saber, dropped seeds all day long. As the sun went down they laid aside their toil, and marched home shouting and singing, because now they were going to have a feast, with bonfires and dancing as late into the night as they wished. Bochica and the Zipa In the Cinnamon country not far from Cuzco lived the Muscas, a rich and powerful nation who were less civilized than the Children of the Sun and were so quarrelsome that they constantly disputed among themselves. Finally the Zipa, or king, died and then there was great danger of war breaking out between the different factions as to who should be the new ruler. At last the oldest son of the dead Zipa came to Cuzco to ask the Golden Hearted to decide who should inherit the kingdom. "This is a matter of grave moment," said he, "and I must warn you that my time of ruling the Children of the Sun is near an end. Soon must I go to build the temple of Guatavita, the Good Life, and then must I leave this part of the world for another clime where much work awaits me." "Come to us and build the temple of Good Life, and I promise you that both I and my brave Muscas shall be the guardians of your teachings. You shall be a demi-god among us." "I have no wish to be anything more than an elder brother to you and your people," replied the Golden Hearted. "I am come from my home to serve humanity and must go with you if you need me--not because you wish to honor me." The son of the Zipa then offered him many presents of gold, rich cloth, and precious stones, but the Golden Hearted refused to accept any of them. Finally the young man said: "I am greatly disappointed, good prince, and have only this piece of bark and a strange kind of fruit to offer you. The bark is royal in my country because it cures the hated fever and is worthy your best confidence. As to the fruit, taste it for yourself." To his surprise the Golden Hearted and the wise men were much pleased with the bark which we know to-day as Peruvian and from which quinine is made, and the pineapple tastes as sweet to us as it did to the Golden Hearted. The son of the Zipa and his nobles conducted the wise men and the Golden Hearted over one elevated table-land after another until they came to one of the highest lakes in the world, where people can live, and its name is Gautavita. "These terraced mountain sides show that your example has been well profited by the Children of the Sun," said the son of the Zipa, as they trudged along the royal roadway leading from Cuzco to the cinnamon country. "The instruction of the wise men in building canals and aqueducts has turned this into a garden spot even though nature intended it to be barren." The Golden Hearted thought this would be a good opportunity to let his new friend know that he did not approve of war, and that the adherents of the Good Law, must not fight among themselves, so he said gently: "All that you see before you is the working out of a fixed principle. Universal kindness is the secret of our success. Treat the earth gently and with consideration and she blesses you seven fold. Dig into her bosom and she yields her choicest treasures, and the beasts and birds respond to your affectionate touch. The heart of the man is the same, my friend. The obedience and allegiance of your subjects must come from the heart. If when I go among them they tell me they wish you to be their Zipa then will I go to your opponent and persuade him to relinquish his claim in your favor." "And if he does not consent--" "Then must you yield to him peaceably. I will not allow any blood shed on either side." The son of the Zipa knew by the firm tone of the Golden Hearted that he meant what he said and his face turned a bright red, because he thought his own selfish purpose was known to his guest. Down in his heart he was planning to go into the capital city with a grand flourish and pretend that the Children of the Sun had sent their ruler and wise men to help him capture the throne. Now he knew very well he would not dare do anything of the kind. "But you do not know my people, good prince," he said. "They will never obey a Zipa they do not fear." "I am not familiar with the faces of your subjects, but I know the heart of all mankind, and whether he be white or black, young or old, the child of fortune or the opposite, he is amenable to the law of love. Win his affection and he will serve you as faithfully and obediently as a dog." "I am afraid my turbulent warriors would not respect such a policy," replied the son of the Zipa, shaking his head. "Remember in dealing with either man or animal that fear degrades while love ennobles." By this time they were coming in sight of the calm peaceful waters of the lake stretched out like a sheet of glass before them. "Water," said the Golden Hearted, "is like a pure mind--limpid and clear. It permits us to look into its depths for hidden treasures, or to see our own image reflected back from its surface. Let your heart and mind be such a mirror, and trust your people to make the right selection." With this he laid his hand upon the shoulder of his young companion and as their eyes met, the son of the Zipa felt certain that he had a loyal and disinterested friend who would help him in the right way. The next morning the prince and the wise men called the nobles and warriors together, and listened patiently to all they had to say for and against the two candidates. As he came into the audience chamber the strange one scowled and frowned at the visitors, but to his surprise the Golden Hearted took his hand and said: "We have made a long, wearisome journey, my brother, in order to serve your own and your state's best interest. Speak freely that we may be able to judge fairly between the two." "There is nothing to tell that my warriors do not already know," was the curt reply. "I am able to crush opposition and to command respect and obedience. I do not need your assistance, sir." For a moment there was a look of pain on the face of the Golden Hearted. Then he said gently: "You, more than any one else need help, because you are unable to govern yourself much less a rich and prosperous nation." When it became known that the representatives of the Children of the Sun would not compel the people to accept a Zipa they did not like, they came out of their houses where they had been hidden all day for fear of violence, and marched up and down the streets playing on shell trumpets, gongs and kettle drums, and shouting the name of the oldest son of the Zipa who was in due time crowned as the rightful heir to the throne. His first official act was to pierce the upper part of the ear of his subjects and put in gold wheels of fine filigree work, as large around as an orange. As he did so he said to each one: "Swear by Him who gives and sustains life in the Universe, that you will faithfully keep the Good Law brought to us from the sea, by _Bochica, our deliverer_." This was the name the Zipa gave the Golden Hearted, and as each man passed by him he gave them a little cake made of corn meal, and continued: "To-morrow our good friends leave us for many days to come, but Bochica will return again, and to show him that we will do his bidding willingly let us take balsas or rafts with sails and go out on the lake where he may see the intent of our minds reflected in the water. Put wreaths of many colored flowers on the balsas, and carry with you gold and emeralds which we will cast into the lake in token of our pledge to him." For hundreds of years afterwards, the Mucas and their descendants kept this holiday as an anniversary of the departure of the prince and the wise men. They knew that he was called the Golden Hearted in the Happy Island, and every year they selected a young priest from the temple of Gautavita, to impersonate him. After his bath the priest smeared himself all over with a fragrant oil, and then his attendants blew gold dust through reeds onto his body until he looked like a solid statue. They put him in the center of the flower-laden raft, and with chants and hymns rowed out on the lake and threw emeralds and gold dust into it. The young men wore white shirts with a red cross on the breast, and tied a red sash around their waists. On their heads were crowns of flowers and evergreen leaves to show that their virtues would continue as long as they lived, and that they were followers of the teachings of the Golden Hearted. They were always hoping and praying for his return. We shall hear more of this ceremony and what came of it when we read the story of the Gilded Man. [Illustration: "THE FLOWER-LADEN BALSA"] Song of Hiawatha Ye who love the haunts of nature, Love the sunshine of the meadow, Love the shadow of the forest Love the wind among the branches, And the rain-shower and the snow-storm And the rushing of great rivers Through their palisades of pine trees, And the thunder in the mountains Whose innumerable echoes Flap like eagles in their eyries; Listen to these wild traditions, To this song of Hiawatha! Ye who love a nation's legends, Love the ballads of a people, That like voices from a far off Call to us to pause and listen, Speak in tones so plain and child-like, Scarcely can the ear distinguish Whether they are sung or spoken-- Listen to this Indian Legend, To this song of Hiawatha! Ye whose hearts are fresh and simple, Who have faith in God and nature, Who believe that in all ages Every human heart is human, That in even savage bosoms There are longings, yearnings, strivings For the good they comprehend not That the feeble hands and helpless, Groping blindly in the darkness, Touch God's right hand in the darkness And are lifted up and strengthened Listen to this simple story To this song of Hiawatha! Ye, who sometimes in your rambles Through the green lanes of the country, Where the tangled barbary bushes Hang their tufts of crimson berries Over stone walls gray with mosses, Pause by some neglected grave-yard For a while to muse, and ponder On a half-effaced inscription, Written with little skill of song-craft, Homely phrases, but each letter Full of hope and yet of heart-break, Full of all the tender pathos Of the Here and the Hereafter-- Stay and read this rude inscription, Read this song of Hiawatha! --Henry W. Longfellow. Michabo, the Great White Hare Unless you know what river was called the "Father of Waters" it will be a secret as to where the Golden Hearted and the wise men went when they took leave of the Zipa. There are many quaint stories told about this river, and also about the queer mounds and earthworks built by a strange race of men who lived ages ago in that part of our country. Their descendants are not very civilized and seem to have forgotten much that their ancestors knew although they have some very pretty ideas. For instance, they imagine that they hear voices in the growing branches and whispering leaves of the trees, and they see little vanishing men in the cliffs everywhere. They say that the Great Spirit makes the Indian summer by puffing smoke out of his cheeks, from his great peace pipe. Before the Golden Hearted came they built a medicine lodge--a kind of temple facing the sunrise, in a place called the "Moon of Leaves." When it was finished, Wunzh, a youth of noble character and tender heart, summoned the spirits of the four quarters of the world and the day maker to come to his fire and disclose the hidden things of the distance and future. No one can tell why they named the Golden Hearted, "Michabo, the Great White Hare," unless it was because he came in the time of the year represented in their calendar by a rabbit. They kept a record of the seasons by crude pictures drawn on the inside bark of trees, and with them the months were called moons. No one blames them for saying the wise men were jossakeeds or prophets, because they really did look peculiar in their long robes, beards and tall black hats, especially to men who had on buffalo robes and feather head dresses. Wunzh and his tribe received the Golden Hearted with solemn faces and much respect when they heard that he came from the Four Quarters of the World, which we know was the land of the Inca, very far south. "Welcome, great white chief," they said, "come and sit by our council fire. Our hearts have long been weary waiting for you." When they were all seated Wunzh handed the Golden Hearted a peace pipe shaped like a tomahawk filled with tobacco and already lighted. Not a word was spoken until every one present had taken three whiffs out of the pipe. Then the Golden Hearted said: "I come to speak for my brothers, the fish, the animals, the creeping things and the feathered messengers of the air. I often listen to their complaints and they charge you with slaying them for food when the grains and fruits would serve you better." "We are not disdainful of the grapes and berries concealed in our forests," replied Wunzh, "but we have no grain save rice and this must be carried on our backs for many days. Our snows and chill winds kill the plant before its seeds appear." "Whatever the reason may be you will never do any real good in the world until you learn how to fast days at a time and can live without eating so much flesh. Even your vaunted skill with bow and arrow is not genuine. I am a better shot." The wise men were alarmed for a moment fearing that Wunzh would be angry and that his followers would be offended also. Besides they had never heard the Golden Hearted speak boastfully before, and they were puzzled to know what would happen next. "I am willing to try the bow with my friend," said Wunzh, with a flash of the eye and a toss of the head, which showed that he was vain and had an uncertain temper. "When will it suit you to make the contest," quietly asked the Golden Hearted, as he arose and turned to leave the council fire. "To-morrow's sun," answered Wunzh, haughtily, "and when it is so high," indicating a space in the sky that would make it quite early in the morning. "Let it take place in the large square surrounded by your lodges," said the Golden Hearted, carelessly as he walked toward the one assigned for his use. To the wise men he said: "Leave me for a little time, I wish to be alone." They wondered what he could mean by such language and such actions. It was evident that he did not intend to make any explanation to them, so they could only wait to see what the outcome would be. Once inside the tent the Golden Hearted began to work on a plaited disc of straw. As soon as it was finished, he drew rings of red, blue, black and white all around the big yellow center, and was propping it up to dry when Wunzh appeared at the door of the lodge. "I have come to show you the center pole where you may hang up the target, and we will then step off the distance between the different shooting stations," he said. "The rule requires each of us to speed two dozen arrows from the nearest point, twice that many from the middle ground, and seventy-two from the outside post." While in the Happy Island, the prince had learned all about the use of the bow and arrow, but this was the first time he had an opportunity to show his skill, and the wise men were anxious that he should not fail, because they knew that the friends of Wunzh would not have much respect for him if he did. They could not understand how he could be so smiling and unconcerned. The fame of Wunzh as a bowman was known far and wide and the descendants of the Mound Builders were certain he would win. At daybreak the next morning there was a solid line of warriors around the ring where the trial was to be made, and they were as motionless and stolid looking as if they had been carved out of wood. No one could tell by their faces what they were thinking and they would not have turned their heads for anything. Some of them made a kind of music on a tom-tom or Indian drum and Wunzh and the Golden Hearted marched in step like soldiers, and smiled and bowed to everybody as they came into the ring. The Golden Hearted knew all the time that he was the doubtful one, and just for a moment he glanced at the anxious faces of the wise men. Though not sure in their hearts they nodded encouragingly and before he had touched a bow every eye in the crowd was upon him. The keepers of the bows and arrows were very fair minded, and were careful to see there were no knots or gnarls or cracks in the waxy brown hunting bow made of straight grained mulberry wood. The one to be used was six feet long and its tips were of polished elk horn, and there was a buckskin handhold in the center. The hickory arrows were as smooth as glass with very sharp saw-teeth edges on the flint heads. Around the notch end there were three vanes of eagle feathers. The descendants of the Mound Builders were courteous enough to give their guest the first shot. As the Golden Hearted pulled a buckskin shield over his right hand he looked up at the wise men, and his eyes said: "Trust me! I shall not fail." Then he stooped quickly and raised the bow from the ground and placed it against his knee cap to get a good purchase. With an upward body movement he drew the long bow as far as he could, faced the painted disc target and let fly. Like the arrow that sped so swiftly that it caught fire as it flew, this one sang through the air and imbedded itself in the blue ring where it rocked and shook violently. "The Great White Hare has won five points!" shouted the tally keepers in the Judge's corner. "What skill!" said one pointing to the still quivering arrow. "What strength!" said another, while the wise men began to feel very proud indeed. It was such hard work that the face of Golden Hearted was flushed but he shut his teeth together hard, and was determined to make a still better effort. His second shot sent the arrow into the red ring nearly opposite the blue, and this scored him seven points. "There is fine aiming!" said the judges to each other, while the other people leaned over in their seats and watched intently. There was just a shadow of a smile on the lips of the Golden Hearted, as he made ready for the final shot from the first station. "Ping!" and the third arrow fairly whistled as it hit the exact center of the yellow spot. Instantly the whole crowd were on their feet, all talking at once and making so much noise that the tally keepers could not be heard. "Five--seven--nine are the points; twenty-one for final score," they shouted. The Golden Hearted flung down his bow and stepped to one side to make room for Wunzh. He stood wiping the perspiration off his forehead and was pleased because he saw that every one felt kindly toward him. "Now the jossakeeds will learn how to shoot!" exclaimed the men who had backed Wunzh. "He will never equal the first score," said others who were skillful with a bow and arrow themselves and knew how hard it was to make such fine shots. Wunzh sent his first arrow with a vim and energy that showed he had been in constant practice, but all three of his darts sped feebly and barely indented the black ring. "The jossakeeds hold the first station," announced the judges. "Move on to the next one." Now came the real test of skill, and every man was interested because they all made use of the bow and arrow, in hunting and in war, and had no other kind of weapon except a knife. Hundreds of the spectators left their seats and crowded around the contestants. The heavy hunting bow was laid aside now and one made of elastic but tough yew was substituted. The arrows had finely-pointed obsidian heads, matched and smooth but sharp as a needle. The Golden Hearted was careful to see that the yew was properly seasoned and when satisfied, he placed the arrow on the left side of the bow with its notch set on the string. He drew the string back to just below the chin, aimed over the arrow tip and let fly. The spectators were quick to see that his aim, draw, finish and loose was perfect even in speeding the arrows so fast they could scarcely be seen. When shooting three at a time he drove all of them into the yellow center within a quarter of an inch of each other! The friends of Wunzh shouted and screamed: "It is not fair! He uses too many arrows. Give us justice!" until the judges were compelled to order the warriors to drive the crowd back again with the points of their spears. In the noise, confusion and excitement every one forgot the birds perched on a cross bar at the top of the pole supporting the target. There was a blue jay, a raven, a white dove and a green parrot. Each had a string attached to one leg. Now of course they remembered and crowded around to hear what the judges would say. "Will the prince of the jossakeeds take a shot at the birds before being crowned with the Yew wreath of valor?" As soon as the Golden Hearted could make himself heard he said: "I am willing to comply with your request, but I hope I shall not hurt any of the birds." "The parrot shall cry your aim, and must remain unharmed. You may kill the blue or the black bird, but you must release the peaceful dove uninjured. Will you remember these conditions?" The Golden Hearted came within range and waited for a favorable opportunity. By a sudden jerk of the cord coming down the side of the pole the cross bar was set to whirling rapidly and this frightened the birds until they tried to fly away. The parrot was chained fast and to make the aim more difficult, the other birds were fastened by strings of different lengths. The marksman must free each one of them and then hit it before it could escape. The first liberated was the blue jay. The Golden Hearted cut the cord neatly and wounded the bird while it was still rising. The arrow fell near the base of the pole bringing the right wing with it. This won him the wreath, and he now turned to the wise men for a signal. They could demand the last three shots. Would they do it? He inclined his head toward them as one of the number picked up a black flag and waved it. There was an answering shout and a cheer, and the Golden Hearted prepared to shoot again. This time he aimed at the raven and cut the string near the pole. Its weight caused the captive to fly in an oblique line downward for a moment. Quick as a flash the second arrow sped and the raven fell to the ground pierced through the heart! Without looking to see what had happened the Golden Hearted shot at the dove and as it flew up in a circle everybody saw that it was unharmed. [Illustration: "THE HOUSE OF WUNZH"] Then they fought and struggled with each other for the privilege of carrying the victor off the grounds, but the Golden Hearted escaped through a side door and ran away as fast as he could. He did not wish to speak to any one nor have them see how unhappy he felt. He really was heartbroken because he had killed the raven. The Birth of Corn Wunzh was greatly disturbed and downcast over his defeat because he thought the Great Spirit had sent the Golden Hearted in answer to his supplications, and he now felt certain that he was in disfavor. He lay awake all night thinking what he could do to win a token of good will from the Great Spirit. He knew better than to ask anything for himself, but begged and implored that it should be something for the benefit of his tribe. "Michabo says I eat too much flesh, and that I must learn to fast before any good will come to me," he said over and over to himself. "He shall see that I know how to obey even if my arrows do go wide of the mark." There was a great lump in his throat and to tell the truth there were a few tears trickling down his cheeks, but he brushed them away quickly as he rose to his feet and shook out the buffalo robes which had answered for his bed. "I will go to a secret place in the forest and build me a lodge, and there I will stay and fast until the Great Spirit grants my wish." He told no one of his intention and was gone several days before he was missed at the council fires where the wise men were instructing the medicine men in the use of a wampum belt made of different colored beads. The colors were the same as the Quippos and the counting with them was done in the same manner. While the women were weaving a very handsome wampum belt to be used as a council brand of authority, the wise men helped build a Long House in the center of the confederation of tribes to put it in. Then they ordered four other Long Houses built on the north, east, south and west corners of the country, so that the runners would have some place to stay when they started with the wampum belt to let the outside tribes know the will of the council. The Golden Hearted did not seem to take any interest in this work at all, but went among the people playing all kinds of pranks. Sometimes he frightened them nearly to death, and then again he would set them into roars of laughter by the funny things he did. He invented so many tricks and was so full of mischief that every one was on the lookout and attributed all the happenings they could not account for in any other way to him whether he did them or not. "What has become of Wunzh? Has anybody seen him?" began to be constant queries, and his family looked very sad indeed. The Golden Hearted knew where he was and that he was fasting, so he waited until nightfall and then dressed himself in rich garments of green and yellow shading into light and dark tints. Putting on his crown with the long green Quetzal plumes he slipped off into the woods to find Wunzh. Approaching the lodge he said: "I am sent to you, my friend, by that Great Spirit who made all things in the sky and on the earth. He has seen and known your motives in the fasting. He sees that it is from a kind and benevolent wish to do good to your people and to procure a benefit for them and not for strength in war or the praise of warriors. I come to show you how to do your kindred good, but you must rise and wrestle with me." Wunzh knew that he was weak from fasting, but felt his courage rising in his heart, and he got up immediately determined to die rather than fail. He instantly clinched with the Golden Hearted and wrestled with him until nearly exhausted. "My friend, this is enough for to-day. I will come again to try you to-morrow at the same hour." The Golden Hearted came dressed in the same fashion and wrestled with Wunzh for three successive evenings. Each day the faster's strength grew less and less, but he was more determined than ever. [Illustration: THE WRESTLING MATCH] "To-morrow will be your last trial. Be strong, my friend, for this is the only way you can overcome me and obtain the boon you seek." The next day the poor youth exerted his utmost power and after awhile the Golden Hearted ceased wrestling. "I am conquered," he said, and went into the lodge and began to teach Wunzh. "You have wrestled manfully and have fasted seven days. Now you must strip off my clothing and throw me down. Clean the earth of roots and reeds; make it soft and bury these garments here. When you have done this be careful never to let the grass grow over the spot. Once a month cover it with fresh earth. If you follow these instructions you will do great good to your fellow creatures." In the morning the father of Wunzh came with some slight refreshments, saying: "My son, you have fasted long enough. If the Great Spirit intends to favor you he will do it now. It is seven days since you tasted food and you must not sacrifice your health. That the Master of Life does not require of you." "Wait, father, until the sun goes down. I have a particular reason for extending my fast until that hour." "Very well," said the father, kindly. "I will wait until you feel inclined to eat." Even though he was hungry the young man felt strangely renewed and strengthened and when it was night he was ready to wrestle with the Golden Hearted again. When he thought he had killed the prince he took off his garments and plumes and buried them as he had been told to do. Afterwards he returned to his father's lodge and partook sparingly of food, but he never for a moment forgot the new-made grave. Because he was so full of pranks and tricks, the descendants of the Mound Builders saw something mysterious and strange in everything the Golden Hearted did, and when he built a boat to go down the great river in, they said it was a magic canoe and expected almost anything to happen. However before he and the wise men went away, they made him the father and guardian of their nation, and they have considered him as such ever since. Weeks went by and the summer was drawing to a close when Wunzh returned after a long absence in hunting. Going to his father he invited him to come to the quiet lonesome spot where he had fasted so long. There in a circle freed from weeds stood a tall graceful plant with bright colored silken hair surmounted by nodding plumes, luxuriant green leaves and clusters of golden grain on each side. "It is my friend, and the friend of all mankind. It is Mondamin, the spirit of corn. We need no longer rely on hunting alone for so long as this gift is cherished and taken care of the ground itself will give us a living. See, my father," said Wunzh, pulling off an ear, "this is what I fasted for. This is why Michabo put me through so many trials. But the Great Spirit has listened to my voice and sent us something new. Our people need no longer depend upon the chase and the water for food." Then he told his father how he had wrestled with the Golden Hearted, and how he had torn off his garments. "He said I was to treat the ear in the same manner, and when it was stripped I must hold it to the fire until the outer skin becomes brown while all the milk is retained in the grain." The whole family of Wunzh joined in a feast on the roasted ears, and were very grateful for such a rich blessing. And this is the way the Indians say corn came into the world. We learned its use from them, and also to hold the old-fashioned husking bees where all the young people got together and pulled off the husks after the ripe ears of corn had been gathered into the barn. It was always great fun, especially when they found red ears, but let us see what the Indians used to say about it: Then Nokomis, the old woman, Spake and said to Minnehaha: "'Tis the moon when leaves are falling All the wild rice has been gathered And the maize is ripe and ready; Let us gather in the harvest, Let us wrestle with Mondamin, Strip him of his plumes and tassels, Of his garments green and yellow." And the merry Laughing Water Went rejoicing from the wigwam, With Nokomis old and wrinkled, And they called the women round them, Called the young men and the maidens, To the harvest of the cornfields, To the husking of the maize ear. On the border of the forest, Underneath the fragrant pine-trees, Sat the old man and the warriors Smoking in the pleasant shadow In uninterrupted silence Looked they at the gamesome labor Of the young men and the women; Listened to their noisy talking, To their laughter and their singing Heard them chattering like the magpies, Heard them laughing like the blue-jays, Heard them singing like the robins. And whene'er some lucky maiden Found a red ear in the husking Found a maize-ear red as blood is, "Nuska!" cried they all together, "Nuska! you shall have a sweetheart, You shall have a handsome husband!" "Ugh!" the old men all responded From their seats behind the pine-trees. And whene'er a youth or maiden Found a crooked ear in husking, Found a maize-ear in the husking Blighted, mildewed or misshapen, Then they laughed and sang together, Crept and limped about the cornfields, Mimicked in their gait and gestures Some old man bent almost double, Singing singly or together Till the cornfields rang with laughter, "Ugh!" the old men all responded, From their seats behind the pine-trees. The Indians have many pretty stories about the birth of corn. When the two little slender green leaves come up through the ground they say that it is the long green plumes of the crown buried by Wunzh and when it is ready for harvest they think the green and gold of the leaves and grain are the rest of the garments turned into a plant. They say that if you stand near a cornfield in the moonlight you can hear Mondamin, the corn spirit, murmuring and complaining of the way we treat him to the wind, the stars, and the little insects hidden in the glossy leaves and silken tassels. [Illustration] The Wrathy Chieftain After sailing down the great river for many days the Golden Hearted and the wise men came into a trackless waste with no means of finding their way out except by watching where the sun rose and shooting an arrow ahead of them. This was very slow work and they all grew quite discouraged over it. "It is altogether too bad that for fear of getting lost we must halt each time and speed another arrow before we overtake the last one," said the Golden Hearted one day when they were nearly worn out with the heat and dust of a country not much better than a desert. "I have a feeling," he continued, "that we will not be well treated by the people we find here. I do so wish we might come to the cactus and the rock with a serpent at its base where my father commanded me to found a city in honor of the sun." "We are going in the right direction," answered the wise men, "but the end of our search is not yet." "And much as my heart yearns for the Happy Island I will not return to my father until all his wishes have been fulfilled." Through the murky gray clouds the stars did not make much light, and there was only a thin crescent moon, which gave a sense of utter loneliness to the Golden Hearted when he went to bed that night. The coyotes all around him howled and that made it worse, but he finally fell asleep. By and by he was awakened by a cold, wet nose touching his hand, and when he raised up on his elbow to see what it was, there stood a coyote. They are not very dangerous animals but they are sneaking and treacherous. Now we know that the Golden Hearted was gentle and kind to all creatures, and the coyote must have known it too, for it rubbed its head on his hand and did not seem in the least afraid. "Come, my good fellow, let us be friends," said the Golden Hearted. "I will not hurt you, and you can guide me to my brethren. I have never seen their faces, but wish very much to find them." The coyote wrinkled up his nose and made a funny little sneezing sound as if he were talking, and he wagged his tail as friendly as a dog. Maybe he did not understand what was said to him, but anyhow he felt safe enough to lie down close to his new friend and go sound asleep. When the wise men saw him the next morning, they said: "It is a good omen and means that we shall soon come to a stopping place where strange events will happen." This put the Golden Hearted into a better humor because he felt less doubtful and discouraged and he was much interested in the antics of the sagacious little companion that trudged by his side all day long. The coyote was enterprising enough to kill as many birds as it needed for food, without going far out of the way and was not a whit of trouble to anybody. There was not a tree nor a shrub to hide the nakedness of the dusty plains, nor was it possible to rest with any comfort until after the sun went down. All of a sudden the coyote stopped short, pricked up its ears and listened intently. "Yelp! yelp! yelp!" was what the Golden Hearted heard, and it sounded as if there were hundreds of young puppies everywhere. Looking closely he discovered little heaps of earth with a smooth-headed animal sitting on all fours beside it and yelping a protest to being disturbed. They were right in the midst of a village of prairie dogs, which are about the size of a jack-rabbit, but not nearly so destructive. "Come and see what I have found," called out the Golden Hearted to the wise men who were coming up behind him. At the sound of his voice the prairie dogs gave a quick, short yelp, their heels twinkled in the air for a second, and they fairly turned a somersault diving into their holes. By the time the wise men were ready to look there was not a whisker of an inhabitant to be seen. "What is it?" they said, "Where! we do not see anything." "Watch these fresh piles of dirt, and you will see something come out of them," said the Golden Hearted. "Yes;" said one, "there are some rattlesnakes." "And here are some owls," said another. "Is it possible that you have never seen these creatures before?" and the wise men laughed at the Golden Hearted and thought they had a good joke on him. "Let us keep quiet for a while. I tell you there is something else in those burrows besides snakes and owls," he insisted seriously. Not hearing any more noise, one after another of the little prairie dogs put its head up out of the hole, and then stole forth cautiously to talk the matter over with its next door neighbor. There were regular beaten pathways or lanes from one burrow to another and they were evidently on very friendly footing with each other. "These are indeed curious little animals," said the wise men, now much interested. "They not only live in communities, but keep the peace with their brothers, the snake and the owl. There is certainly no greater source of knowledge than the book of nature. Here God puts before us the thing He wishes us to learn." At the very first words of the wise men the prairie dogs scampered back into their holes; and before they showed themselves again a party of husbandmen came along on their way to a harvest field which they said was a day's journey ahead. "Why do you linger in this desert?" they asked of the Golden Hearted. "There are habitations farther on where the earth is watered." "We are seeking those who need our assistance and must only tarry where we are welcome," he answered. "Then come to our commune. We have no one to show us how to heal the sick nor to coax fertility out of this barren soil," they said. "If you will go, we will remain for the night and lead the way." So it was arranged and to everybody's comfort and joy it began to rain shortly after and then the air was much more cool and pleasant. The little prairie dogs were not so well pleased with this arrangement. They stuck their noses up into the moist air and whined and yelped half of the night. There can be no doubt that they were holding an indignation meeting, and were having a noisy and windy debate. May be they were comparing notes about the tall hats and veils of the wise men, or they may not have thought their long beards becoming. Or who shall say that they were not in their own peculiar fashion devising plans for safety, and to vindicate their offended dignity? They may have objected seriously to having strange men intruding upon their privacy, and it must not be considered a reflection on their courage because they scampered out of sight at the sound of a human voice. It was quite enough to frighten inoffensive little animals like these. [Illustration: "THE WRATHY CHIEFTAIN"] It is said that Katzimo, the enchanted Mesa, was the first stopping-place of the Golden Hearted, and it is certain that the wise men taught the husbandmen in that part of the world how to make irrigating ditches and canals all through their inhospitable country, because there are many remains of these waterways still to be seen. Some say, too, that these people got the idea of living in pueblos or villages from studying the habits of the prairie dogs and to this day the coyote is thought to be a good friend by the descendants of these ancient husbandmen. "The hunters are angry with you for teaching the tillers of the soil how to make the land fertile without making it easier for the men of the chase to get food for themselves and families," said an old woman to the Golden Hearted, one day as he stood watching her make a water jar of clay. She would not have spoken had he not shown her how to make a pretty design and also how to ornament it differently from anything she had seen before. "I am willing to teach them to weave blankets and baskets," he replied. "The Good Law spares the life of every creature and forbids our eating its flesh for food. The hunters should give up the chase and fighting." "They say that only women should do these things," said the old pottery maker, "and they disdain to carry the rocks and mud to make our dwellings." "In this they are wrong," said the Golden Hearted, kindly, as he turned to greet some of the wise men. "We must hasten our task for already is discontent showing itself among the tribes," he said to them. "We must kindle the sacred fires and build the temple at once," they said. "We have heard murmurings and complaints of late and know your words are true." As soon as possible they began the work of construction of what is now known as the Casa Grande long since in ruins, of which we shall hear more in the story of the Kingdom of Quivera. The wise men kindled and guarded the sacred fires, and when leaving appointed warriors to take turns in watching them. "You must serve for two successive days and live during that time without food, drink or sleep," they said, and that mandate has been kept to this day. In the meantime the Golden Hearted busied himself with teaching them the use of herbs and plants for medicine and had them go into estufas or sweat houses when they were ill or wished to purify themselves of a sin or fault. Tradition says that the hunters lured the Golden Hearted away from his comrades and tried to kill him, and that they threw the wise men over the edge of the cliff, but it has been so long ago that no one can remember what it was they did that wounded and hurt him. One day he planted a tree upside down and calling all the people about him said: "Many, many years from now a strange nation will oppress you, and there will be no more rain. I charge you to guard the sacred fires well until the tree I have planted falls. Then I will come back and bring a white race that will overcome your enemies. After that the rain will fall, and the earth will be fertile again." [Illustration: THE POTTERY MAKER] The simple, frugal husbandmen and weavers are still looking for his return and they believe he will descend from the sky by the columns of smoke they guard. It has been so long ago that they think he lives in the sun now, and build their houses with an opening to the east which is never closed. "We do this that he may find a welcome when he comes," they say. Once every fifty years they put out all the sacred fires and go up on the high mountain tops just before dawn, and wail and mourn and break pottery, imploring the shining orb to bring back him "Who dwelt up in the yellow sun And sorrowing for man's despair Slid by his trailing yellow hair To earth to rule, by love and bring The blessedness of peace." [Illustration] The Plumed Serpent, Quetzalcoatl Far as the eye could reach stretched the beautiful valley of Anahuac, where the air was sweet with the breath of flowers, and the earth seemed to melt perfectly into the sky. "Oh! that mine eyes should see the splendor of this vision," said Mexi, the oldest of the wise men and the most learned, clasping his hands in rapture. "Oh! that I have been spared to see the fruition of thy will, great king and brother. Now may I go hence in peace." As he ceased speaking he tottered and would have fallen had not one of the tamanes or porters, seated on mats under the shade of a giant oak, hastily risen, and caught him as his head fell forward on his bosom. "The elements have undone thee," cried the Golden Hearted, kneeling hurriedly by his side and supporting the drooping head on his knee. "Thou art sadly in need of rest," he continued, alarmed at the pallor overspreading Mexi's finely wrinkled face. The old man pushed the thin white locks of hair off his forehead, let the mantle slip back from his throat, and seemed to breathe easier. "I am come to my final rest," he replied with a feeble smile. "It is not given me to enter the promised land." The tawny, broad-shouldered, half-clad tamanes, laid down the thin cakes of ground corn they were eating and came near to the stricken old man, while the other wise men took off their hats and listened with bowed heads to what their comrade and leader said. They had stopped to rest and refresh themselves with food under the cool inviting shade of the trees where they could listen to the murmur of waterfalls, and feast, the eyes on the landscape surrounding them. "There!" said Mexi, attracted by the buzzing of tiny wings, "is the green-throated humming-bird thou wert to follow as thy guide to the spot where a city is to be built in honor of the sun." The Golden Hearted held up his hand with the forefinger extended and in a moment the little humming-bird lighted on it and looked at him curiously, as though obeying the will of some one. He did not touch it nor attempt to move for a few moments. Then he said: "Little brother, spend the remainder of thy days with me. I need thee sorely, and have long waited for thy guidance." In the meantime the wise men had given Mexi a cup of chocolate, not in a thin liquid like we know it, but thick like a cold custard, and with whipped goat's cream on top. [Illustration: "THE HUMMING-BIRD ALIGHTED ON HIS FINGER"] "Thou art kind," he said growing weaker and more faint all the time, "to try to prolong a life already spent." Turning his eyes toward the Golden Hearted he continued: "Lying next my heart thou wilt find a bundle of mystery. Carry it without opening until the time of thy departure from this strange land is at hand. Open then and thou wilt find directions for thy special work." He did not speak again and when they tried to rouse him there was a smile of infinite peace on his face, but nothing save the lifeless body was before them. The gentle, sweet spirit of the old man had gone back to God. "We will neither weep nor mourn for him," said the wise men to the Golden Hearted. "It would not be his wish, and we will show our love by obeying him." And so they left him sleeping in a dell of ferns and mosses, in sight of Anahuac, the land by the side of water, as its name indicates, and continued their journey southward. On the way the wise men found a little creature, looking like a black currant with neither head, legs nor tail, so far as they could see. It is fat and dark and round, but if you squeeze him his blood is a brighter color than currant juice, and much more valuable because we get cochineal red of one, and currant jelly from the other. It was in the valley of Anahuac that the cochineal bug was first found, and it lives on the leaves of the prickly pear, or tuna cactus--the common kind with leaves shaped like a ham, and covered with long sharp needles. The young cochineal bugs are so stupid that they must be tied on the leaves of the prickly pear to keep them from falling off and starving. In this way, too, they keep dry and warm in winter, but as soon as they are grown they are ruthlessly shaken to death and dried in the sun. Then the queer, shriveled dead bugs are put up in bags and sold. "In the hot lands far to the south, the woods are full of rare orchids and other gems of the flower kingdom," said the Golden Hearted one day after a search for plants by the wayside, "but the vanilla bean is the only one fit for food. It will be well worth our while to study this strange branch of husbandry as soon as possible." It was a long time before they came to a place near the seashore where a number of women were picking the ripe pods from vanilla vines which overran the trees and shrubs completely. The younger women had on bright-colored petticoats and gay scarfs over their long black hair, and they were storing the bean pods in wide-mouthed baskets strapped across their foreheads. "What next do you do with these pods?" he asked of a young girl passing him with a full basket. "We carefully assort them and then plunge the packages into hot water, before laying them out on mats to drain. For a week the beans are exposed to the heat of the sun, laid between woolen blankets. After this we pack them in ollas and keep them warm so as to promote fermentation while drying. This makes them soft, pliable, free from moisture, and of a dark chocolate color thickly frosted with needle-like crystals of acid." And to this day if you buy vanilla beans they come in packages wrapped in silver foil, and have a delicious odor. The bean is from six to nine inches long, and must be ground fine before it can be used in making the chocolate we are all so fond of, but it is dried and packed in the same manner as that described to the Golden Hearted. It was not many days after leaving the wooded plains, that the travelers came in sight of four beautiful lakes with the frowning cliffs of Chapultepec outlined against the sky. Always on the alert for a sign the wise men said to each other in awe-stricken whispers: "We must be near the place." "Do you not see the rock with the flowering cactus!" "And an eagle circling in the air with a serpent in its claws!" "Oh! thou seen and unseen powers! search our hearts that thou mayst know all our gratitude," cried the Golden Hearted, falling on his knees and then prostrating himself on the ground, as did all the wise men. "I am Guatamo," said a voice, and when the Golden Hearted looked up, a man old as Mexi stood blessing him. "Rise and receive word from thy father, the king from whom I am come. Fear me not; these hands have guided thy baby footsteps. Now must thou lend ear to my counsel." The Golden Hearted was overjoyed to see some one from his father's court, and also glad to know that his wanderings in search of the place to honor the sun was over. "This is not a promising outlook," said Guatamo, "but in the parchment scroll thou wilt find ample instructions to drain and render this a garden spot of exceeding loveliness. Hasten thy task since thy father is no longer living, and thy native land longs to see thee again." Acting upon this advice the Golden Hearted and the wise men set to work at once to build the city, and to teach the willing natives to cultivate the land, and to make handsome mosaics out of the bright-colored feathers of the birds found in the forests in such numbers. Of course the birds were not killed to get their feathers, but in the royal gardens there were thousands of them kept during the moulting season, and then the feathers were picked up and assorted for use. Not only could they make perfect representations of birds and animals with them, but whole landscape scenes, including mountains, sea and sky. When finished it was necessary to touch them to know that feathers instead of paint had been used. "The Nahuas have come from Aztlan, the white country, and must be obeyed," was the word carried from one tribe to the other by the runners, and the wise men could only smile when they heard themselves called Nahuas, or wizards. The simple natives thought them capable of performing miracles because they were wise in the arts and knew how to heal the sick. The name of the Golden Hearted became Quetzalcoatl, the plumed serpent in their language, but we must remember that he wore the Quetzal plumes in his head-dress, the same as a king wears a gold and jeweled crown, and that a serpent in many of the languages of the ancient people meant a very wise man. In English we would say that the Golden Hearted was the wise king, which was not only true but a very simple name for him. The wonderful city he built was called Tenochtitlan, which signified "in honor of the sun," as his father had commanded him to do, and on the spot where it stood is the City of Mexico to-day. We shall hear very interesting things about the teocalli, or temple he built in Tenochtitlan, when we come to the story of "Montezuma and the Paba," for this is one of the most famous places in the new world, and no one can afford to be ignorant of its traditions and history. [Illustration] Cholula, the Sacred City It was in the Tonituah, or great sun age, that the wise men and the Golden Hearted built the Memento for Generations, on the plains of Puebla. It is not so high, but is twice as long as any other pyramid in the world, and is truncated, that is to say, it has four terraces which are reached by long circular staircases. On top there is an acre of ground on which once stood a wonderful teocalli or temple, built by the wise men, and dedicated to the Golden Hearted. Each generation added something to the beauties of the Sacred City, Cholula, which sprang up near the pyramid, and for all time it will be one of the most wonderful things ever done by primitive men, who did not have our kind of implements to work with. The Golden Hearted lived in Cholula twenty years, and during that time he taught so many men how to make fine filigree work in gold and silver that there were whole streets filled with them, and the ornaments they made were famous for delicacy of design and finish. There was also a mountain of outcry, where the laws enacted by him were proclaimed by runners, but it is difficult to say whether this was Orizaba, with her conical snow-capped head far to the east, or whether it was huge Popocatepetl, or his twin sister who stood like colossal sentinels to guard the enchanted regions. "It is necessary to construct a calendar stone, so that the people will know when to hold festivals, and what ceremonies to perform," said the son of Guatamo to the Golden Hearted, one day while the long line of men were passing bricks by hand from the lower to the upper terrace of the pyramid which they were trying to finish. "I have been thinking about it," he replied, "and have decided to ask a certain old woman, and her husband, to help select the signs." "Be sure to make them plain to the people and appropriate to the subject," said the son of Guatamo, who had now become the chief adviser of the Golden Hearted. All of the wise men were still called Nahuas, or wizards, and the Golden Hearted was their plumed serpent, or wise king. In the evening of that day, the Golden Hearted approached the hut of a famous soothsayer and story-teller--the old woman he wished to consult about the calendar. Standing in front of the door of the hut he said: "A humble applicant claims thy assistance in a matter of great import to thy fellows now and for all time. Wilt thou kindly hear me?" "Since it is always for thy brothers and never for thyself thou art constrained to invoke aid, I am honored by thy confidence," she said. "I have long been expecting thee." "Then thou knowest that I wish to invent a calendar which can be cut in enduring stone?" he asked, considerably surprised that she should already know his thoughts. "Yes," she said, "and so well do I understand thy wishes and needs that I have the first sign ready for thee." Motioning him to follow her into an inner room, she showed him a water-snake she had painted on a piece of parchment, and continued: "Make it the sign of the serpent, the symbol of wisdom, since thou art come to teach brotherhood to all our tribes." A queer hunchbacked old man sat huddled up in a corner looking over a set of parchment leaves lying on a table before him, and muttering to himself in a low tone. "My husband must make the next selection," said the old crone, going up to him and taking a paper out of his hands. "He makes it two cones," she continued, examining the design closely. "Now it is my turn to choose," said the Golden Hearted, "and I will select the three houses from this pile, and make that the third sign." They took turns about until twelve signs were chosen, then the Golden Hearted said: "I will make the last design myself, but not until my time of departure is at hand." "Before going, do not forget to inscribe the face of the pyramid, and also to explain its import fully," said the story-teller as the Golden Hearted was leaving her hut. "Thou art better able than I am to tell the hidden significance of that wonderful pile," he answered. "But it is thy duty; shirk it not," she said with decision. Not long afterward he called all the workmen and their families together and said: "There has now come a time in my life when I must live in seclusion away from the thoughts and occupations of my associates. But before going up on top of the pyramid to live alone until the altars in its temples are ready to receive the sacred fire, I will tell you why we have tarried so long and made such a wonderful structure. It is really a pillar of the Cosmos, or world, and is a center of fire which is the essence of all life." The name pyramid means a place of fire or a volcano, and the Goddess Pele, of the native Hawaiians, is the spirit of the volcano. "A pyramid," continued the Golden Hearted, "is the ideal form of the principle of stability because it cannot be destroyed. An earthquake will not shake it down, nor can it be set on fire. Being so big at the bottom and so heavy it is secure from floods of water, nor can the wind possibly blow it over. Neither time nor the elements will have any influence on this cunningly constructed pile, and for this reason it is like a noble character, which no adverse circumstance ever changes." Approaching the front of the pyramid, he pulled down a cloth hanging over the inscription cut in symbols on the face of a huge piece of granite. BEFORE THE LIGHT WAS OBSCURED THIS MEMENTO FOR GENERATIONS WAS BUILT BY SERPENT KINGS. THEY WERE SCATTERED OVER THE EARTH TO CARRY TRUTH AND WISDOM. THEY WILL COME AGAIN TO RECEIVE THE TREASURES HIDDEN IN MY BOWELS. THEN ALL MEN WILL SPEAK AND HEAR THE GREAT IMPERISHABLE TRUTH. The next morning the Golden Hearted called his little band of wise men around him and said: "In the Bundle of Wonderful Things given me by Guatamo, I find my father's final command. It imposes seclusion upon me in this spot. The temple requires a central spire and I shall build and cover it with pure gold. Go thou to the valley and make thy life apart from me. I love thee well, and shall miss thee sadly, but I have need to be alone." "What wilt thou have us do?" asked the son of Guatamo. "Go thou amongst thy fellows and teach them the arts of peace. Show them how to coax fertility anew out of the soil, and strengthen civil power until I call thee." It was several months before the spire was finished, and then it required several days to make a llama of beaten silver as an emblem of suffering innocence to put on the altar. The llama seated upon the back of an eagle was rescuing a rabbit from the fangs of a rattlesnake. "This quaint symbol shall represent the unequal conflict between the good and bad things in life, but the llama compelling the serpent to give up its prey means that good shall finally triumph," said the Golden Hearted, to himself, as he put the offering in place on the altar. "I have only a few days more in this beautiful spot, then must I return to good King Cocomos, my life-long friend and follower. Well indeed has he kept his promise to me, and not only are his subjects blessed with all the arts of civilization, but they are a shining example to other less favored races. I must offer a fitting sacrifice," he continued, "on this newly erected altar before I go." There were eight altars in the temple on top of the pyramid, and at sunset on the last day of his stay, the Golden Hearted placed the llama on the one facing the east. At the same time the son of Guatamo headed a procession of wise men at the base of the pyramid, who slowly climbed to the top. They performed sacrifice on each terrace as they ascended, and did not reach the temple until midnight. The Golden Hearted was alone in the great dark structure intently watching the constellation of the Pleiades directly overhead. As Alcyone, the dim star in the center of the group, approached the zenith, he sprang forward with a glad cry and vigorously swinging a copper hammer made the sparks fly from a piece of flint. The son of venerable Guatamo held the bit of cotton over it and carefully nursed the fire into a blaze. As the light streamed up toward the heavens shouts of joy and triumph burst forth: "Once more the children of men receive a direct ray from the spiritual sun! Awake! awake! and hear the glad tidings!" Runners with torches lighted at the blazing beacon sped in every direction carrying the cheering element to all parts of the country. Long before sunrise it was brightening the altars and hearthstones in every house. The Golden Hearted prayed before the eastern altar, and then took an affectionate farewell of the young priest of the Order of Quetzalcoatl left in charge, but before descending, he gazed long at the matchless scenery below. Soft spring verdure lay on all sides, and he drew courage and inspiration from that fact. At the foot of the pyramid he said: "Be of good cheer. A long era of peace and prosperity is for thee and thine. Let this knowledge be thy secret refuge lest thou be tempted to depart from the way. Grieve not for me, in the fullness of time I will come again." Then he set out for the Kingdom of Tlapalla, accompanied by four youths of noble birth. At the water's edge he took leave of them saying: "Guard well the temple and the sacred fires, for when I come again, I will bring disciples with me who shall possess and rule the land." When the four youths returned to Cholula and told all their master had said to them, the people divided their province into four principalities and gave the government to the four young nobles. Ever after, four of the descendants of these youths continued to rule as priests of the Order of Quetzalcoatl in the sacred city until the Spaniards came, which we will know all about when we read the story of "El Dorado, the Golden." One of the first things done by the noble youths when they became rulers was to make a statue of the Golden Hearted in a reclining position, because they said that he had gone to sleep in the bosom of the sun. When the wind blew they said he was sweeping the roads, and that he was the god of fertility. Not any place else in the new world was there so much reverence and respect paid to a statue as to this one of the Golden Hearted which was for ages kept in the temple he built on the top of the pyramid. For hundreds of miles around people came to do reverence to it, and even if it did have a black face, the ancient Aztecs always called him their "Fair God." And to this day the calendar stone and many other wonderful things in Mexico are said to have been made by him. [Illustration: THE TORCH BEARERS] Tulla, the Hiding Nook of the Snake No doubt you remember that the wise men built a Dark House in Nachan to hold the National Book, and such other treasures as the Golden Hearted did not wish to carry with him. And you also remember that he left a number of wise men in charge, and that he promised to return. The great pyramid at Cholula was not all finished, but it was far enough along so he could leave the son of Guatamo to go on with the work while he paid a visit to his old friends in Nachan. When he arrived there, he found a splendid city having whole houses of silver, others of turquoise, some of white and red shells and some of rich feathers. Cotton grew there in all colors, so it was not necessary to dye it, and the people were rich and prosperous. A great and mighty king ruled them, but he finally grew jealous because the people seemed to think that all their good fortune came from obeying the commands given them by the Golden Hearted when he visited them as a mere youth. They did everything in their power to honor the good prince. When he promulgated a new law, they ran to the mountain tops and proclaimed it in a loud voice, and then the swift-footed couriers dashed through the country with lighted torches and repeated it to every one they met. One day a young man came to him and said: "Good prince, be on your guard. The king no longer loves you." "Why do you say this to me?" asked the Golden Hearted. "Because I know he plots to injure you. He is angry because you are helping the wise men build Tulla. He calls it the Hiding Nook of the Snake to show contempt for you." "Again I ask why do you say such things to me?" There was so much reproach in the tones of the voice of the Golden Hearted that the young man hung his head and stammered: "Forgive me, but I wanted you to know there is danger for you here, and I am ready to serve you faithfully." The Golden Hearted made no reply, but taking a thoroughly-dried cactus needle from a shelf, stuck it through his ears and was beginning to pierce his tongue when the young man sprang forward and caught his hand. "Why, good prince," he cried in a startled voice, "do you maltreat your poor ears and tongue? It is I who have spoken evil, not you." "But I listened, and that is an offense against the Good Law. Do you think I will not punish myself for disobedience?" "Oh," said the young man, with tears streaming down his face, "the sight of blood makes my heart ache, and I, too, will be punished." And with that he stuck cactus needles through his ears and tongue. "My friend," said the Golden Hearted, "I thank you for your kind thought of me, but I must beautify Tulla even if it does displease the king, and he is right in calling it the Hiding Nook of the Snake, because it will be a treasure-house of the wisdom inherited from the philosophers and wise men of your race. You should always bear in mind that a serpent is a symbol of wisdom, and not a thing to despise. The king compliments me, even though he knows it not." The young man went out of the room with the thorns still sticking in his ears, and when he spat blood, his companions said: "Why does your mouth bleed?" and he answered: "Because I have been speaking evil of some one." "Open your mouth and let us see," they said. "It is only needful to examine the tongue. I have pierced it with the sharp needle of the cactus." "Who gave you leave to do such a thing?" "No one," he answered, "but when the Good Prince inflicted that penalty on himself for merely hearing what I said, I could do no less than follow his example." "And we will do likewise," they said, and in after years, every devotee of the teachings of the Golden Hearted punished himself in this manner for evil speaking or listening to others saying unkind things of a fellow creature. Of course we know that the king really was jealous of the Golden Hearted, and was determined that he should not stay long in Tulla, which bade fair to rival his own city with which it was connected by the secret passageway containing the Dark House. During the years of his absence, the wise men left in Nachan had been at work on this wonderful city, and it was very beautiful indeed, even before the Golden Hearted saw it at all. When he came the inhabitants received him with great rejoicing, and then the king of Nachan began to be afraid that he would have too great a following. The king had no excuse to fight the Golden Hearted, because he always put his fingers in his ears when they talked of war in his presence, and under no circumstances would he have been made king himself. He only wanted to teach and help the people in a peaceable and kind way. The king knew all this, but he was uneasy and wanted the Golden Hearted to go away. So he hired a native wizard to play a cunning trick upon the Golden Hearted. Disguising himself as one of the wise men, the wizard went to his house and said to his servant: "I wish to see and speak to your master." "Go away, old man, you cannot see the prince for he is sick. You will annoy him and cause him heaviness." "But I must see him," persisted the pretended old man. "Wait a moment and I will ask him," said the servant, and he went and told the Golden Hearted that a strange old man was determined to see him. "Let him come in," said the sick man. Tottering up to the bedside as if he were very feeble, the intruder said with well-feigned sympathy: "How are you, my lord? Here is a medicine I have brought for you." [Illustration: "HERE IS MEDICINE FOR YOU"] "You are welcome; I have been expecting you for many days," and the Golden Hearted held out his hand in a friendly manner. "How is your body, and how is your health?" again asked the visitor, seating himself by the bedside. "I am exceedingly sick. All my body is in pain, and I cannot move my hands nor my feet." "The medicine I have is good and wholesome. If you will drink it you will be healed and eased at heart." As he said this, the wizard held up a small silver cup and put a white powder in it. "Drink this and you will then have in mind the toils and fatigues of death, and of your departure." "Where have I to go?" cried his listener in surprise. "To Tlapalla (which was their name for the Happy Island), where The Old Man of the Sea is waiting for you. He has much to tell you, and when you return you will be young and handsome. Indeed you will be a mere boy again." Seeing that the Golden Hearted merely stared at him, he said: "Sir, drink this medicine." But the sick man did not wish to do so. "Drink, my lord, or you will be sorry for it hereafter," urged the wizard. "No, no; I will not drink it." "At least rub some on your brow and taste a sip." So the Golden Hearted drank a little to try it, saying: "What is this? It seems to be a thing very good and savory. Already I feel myself healed. I am well." "Drink some more, my lord, since it is good. The more you drink, the better you will feel." The sick man swallowed considerable more and then he was drunk. It was not medicine at all that the wizard gave him, but a white wine made from the maguey plant and the powder he put in it was to make the Golden Hearted believe that he must go away. For days after he was very sad and wept continuously, but he began to get ready to leave Tulla. No matter what was said to dissuade him, he could never get rid of the idea that he must take all of his followers and go as quickly as possible. The wise men, seeing that he was determined, gathered up all the picture writings they had made as a record of their journeys, and putting them into an ark, carried it swung on a pole with them. Before leaving, they called the people together and said: "Know that the Golden Hearted commands you to remain here in these lands of which he makes you master and gives you possession. He goes to the place whence he and we came, but he will return to visit you when it shall be time for the world to come to an end. You must await him in these lands, possessing them and all contained in them since for this purpose came we hither. Remain, therefore, for we go with the Golden Hearted." The Departure of the Golden Hearted The poisoned wine worked in the brain of the Golden Hearted and caused him to do many singular things. For instance he burned all the beautiful houses built for him by the wise men and ordered much of his treasure to be buried in the mountains and ravines. When he left Tulla, he took all the bright-plumaged singing birds with him, and would only allow nineteen of the wise men to go with him. Two of these knew all about fishing, and two knew about farming, and one was a weather prophet who studied the clouds and winds, and could foretell storms, while all the rest were priests who kindled the sacred fires and taught the people the Good Law. As soon as the King of Tulla found he was leaving, he took an army and followed after him, laying the country waste and taking captive as many of the people as he could find. "Good prince, why do you not let us make war upon your and our enemy?" the warriors often asked him, but he always put his fingers in his ears and replied sadly: "You do not understand the Good Law, my friend. The only way to overcome hate is with love. It is fully time for me to return to Tlapalla." He traveled on until he came to a place where there was a great tree, high and very thick. Here he sat down to rest. "Bring me a mirror," he said to his servant, and when he saw his face reflected in it, he cried out: "Take it away. I am already old." Then the wise men knew that the drug in the wine was making him mad again and they did not try to hinder him when he began throwing stones at the tree. "I will make these stones stick into your bark until you look like a porcupine and the wind cannot blow them out," he said, and for a long, long time, the tree was pointed out to travelers as being enchanted, because the god of wind had hurled his wrathful breath upon it. From all accounts the tree was full of sharp rocks from top to bottom and must have looked very queer indeed. The flute players tried to divert his attention as they marched along the wood, but he was very weary and finally sat down to rest on a stone by the roadside. "O, Thou of infinite mercy and compassion, dry the hot tears that flood and burn my face," he said brokenly as he looked toward Tulla. People now say that his tears marked and ate into the stone, and that the print of his hands is still to be found on it. After he had reached a very wide river and had commanded his followers to help build a bridge across it, he was met by some men who tried to stop him. "Where are you going?" they asked, "and why do you leave your city? To whose care will you commend it, and who will do penance in it?" The Golden Hearted answered them firmly: "You can in no wise hinder me, for I must go." "But where are you going?" they insisted. "To Tlapalla," he answered. "For what purpose are you going?" "The sun calls me," he said. "Go then," they replied, "but leave behind all the mechanical arts, the melting of silver, the working of precious stones and of masonry, picture writing, feather work and other crafts." And then they would have robbed him, but he threw all his rich jewels into a fountain. Among his tormentors was the pretended old wizard who tried to induce him to drink more wine. "No, I can not drink it. I can not even taste it again," he said, and that night in his sleep he turned his head from side to side and tore his hair with his hands. The next morning in passing between a volcano and the snowy mountain tops, all his servants being hunchbacked, died of cold, and he had no way to get down the steep mountain side except to slide in a squatting position with his feet close together. In one place he stopped and built a square stone court for ball play, and taught the people how to play the game. Now it is said that he drew a line through the center of the court, and that made the deep gash in the mountains still to be seen. In another place he threw a dart at a tree and pierced it in such a manner that it looked like a cross, and after that a cross was called "The Tree of Our Life," in memory of this event. Some say that he built houses with certain underground passageways where he hid picture writing and records of his teachings, and just before arriving at the water's edge, he set up and balanced a great stone so that it could be moved with one's little finger, but a whole multitude could not displace it. No doubt you remember the village chief where the Golden Hearted went when he first arrived from the Happy Island, and also that he sent this chief a cross with a hand in the center. Now that he was going home again, the Golden Hearted thought he would visit the chief and see how he and his people were progressing. Imagine his surprise in finding that they had dedicated a temple to him, and that in the middle of the square tower was a terra cotta statue of himself dressed as a warrior holding an arrow in his hand, and because the statue was hollow they thought it was an oracle. His name in their language was Cukulcan, but the common people called him "The Working Hand," and had great respect for a huge stone cross erected in the turreted courtyard in front of the temple, which had a big red hand in the center. When the Golden Hearted went among the people, he found that they remembered everything he had told them, and that on the anniversary of his coming great crowds of people came on a pilgrimage to the oracle statue in the temple. It did no good for him to tell them that he was simply an elder brother and teacher come to give them aid in a simple, kindly way. They believed he was sent by God, and for ages after the people made pilgrimages to this shrine, and held it in very great esteem. Realizing that it was time for him to go down to the sea coast among the fishermen he had first seen, he went to the temple service one morning, and after praying before the altar, picked up a sacred Tunkel and sang them a prophetic song of farewell: "Ye men of Itza hearken to the tidings Listen to the forecast of this cycle's end, Four have been the ages of the world's progressing Now the fourth is ending and its end is near, A mighty lord is coming, see you give him honor, A potent lord approaches to whom all must bow I, the prophet, warn you, keep in mind my boding, Men of Itza mark it, and await your lord." [Illustration: "A PROPHETIC SONG OF FAREWELL"] "Waste not your time in idle repining," he said in farewell, "I go for purification, but will surely come again." He only spent time enough on the seashore to build and provision a balsa, or boat with sails, and then he said "good bye" to the fisherfolk, and sailed away toward the east with a few of the wise men for companions. Just before he stepped into the boat he turned to the wise men, who were to remain and said: "It wrings my heart to part from you, but there is need for you to stay here in order to complete the tasks already begun." As he embraced and kissed each one on the cheek he named their special duty, and had no fear that his orders would not be fully carried out. "You must go to the son of Guatamo, and tell him my work is finished." To another he said: "You must go about and teach in my stead. I will come again, but at another time." It was difficult for him to persuade the fisherman not to accompany him. "Have no fear. Mine is a staunch bark capable of riding the storm and stress of the angry sea. Farewell, beloved, I will return to you, when the time and seasons are propitious." The people on shore turned again and again to throw kisses to him, while the fishermen in their little boats put out to sea with him, and strained their vision to catch a last glimpse of his flower-laden balsa. The wise men and priests in the temples where-ever he had been, began at once to guard the sacred fires and to watch and pray for his safe return. Lest they should forget his sayings they engraved them on stone, and taught them to the people so that his name was a household word for generations. His was the only civilization known in the Americas before the advent of the white men. [Illustration: "THE SNAKE-SKIN CANOE"] El Dorado, the Golden We have read somewhere that "in 1492 Columbus sailed the waters blue," and we know that the big Exposition held in Chicago in 1893 was to commemorate the four hundredth anniversary of the discovery of America, but no one can possibly tell how long it was after the Golden Hearted sailed away, until Columbus came. And nobody knows where the Golden Hearted went. He said he was going to Tlapalla, which we know meant the Happy Island, but no one can find it any more, and there are traditions which say that the island, with all its inhabitants, sank in the ocean. This may be why the Golden Hearted never came back again. Of course the wise men and the primitive people in the Americas believed that he would return because he said he would, and they watched and waited all the long years from one generation to another. Many times bright and promising young men, just out of the universities, or fresh from victories on the battle fields, would take the vows of a priest, and give up all their hopes and ambitions to serve in the temples erected in honor of the Golden Hearted. They did not know anything more about him than we do, but they had faith in him. They said: "All the good we know comes from him, and when he returns all wrongs will be righted and every heart made to rejoice. He will give us everything we wish for." Several times during the year whole nations would fast and do severe penance to induce him to come quickly. Not one of them could be made to believe that he was dead. "No, no," they said, "he is asleep in the bosom of the sun. He will surely come again; he promised us he would." Then they would get the idea that he was offended, and the kings would order great sacrifice to be made to appease him. In some places I am sorry to say they offered the quivering, bleeding hearts of human beings by the hundreds, but still he did not come. In other places they remembered his gentleness and only laid fruit, flowers and perfumes on the sacred fire altars which they still kept burning. There were many places where they carefully preserved his sayings by cutting them in sign language on the stones of the temples, and every child was taught to imitate his virtues and follow his example. For several years before Columbus arrived the priests and wise men had been prophesying that the Golden Hearted was soon to return, that the sun was bringing him back, accompanied by companions like himself, who would rule over them. Not even the great-great-grandfathers of the men then living had seen the Golden Hearted, so they did not know how he looked, but their traditions said that he was a bearded white man, and we shall see by and by what a curious mistake this led them to make about the first white men who came to them after the discovery of America. Before we can understand how such things could happen, we must remember that the people in Europe did not know there was an America, and that many of them had very queer ideas about the shape of the earth. Some said it was four-cornered and square like a dry goods box, and others thought it was round and flat like a plate, surrounded by water which finally changed into vapor and mist, and that whoever ventured far out into the misty clouds fell through and went--heaven knows where! In the quaint old Italian city of Genoa was born a little boy named Christopher Columbus, who was to change all this, and be the innocent cause of much suffering to the descendants of the races who had been visited by the Golden Hearted. When a mere lad at school, he was greatly interested in boats, and he not only studied geography and history, but read all the books of travel he could find, and dreamed night and day of a great long voyage he was going to make on the ocean some time. He did not waste his time fishing and playing on the beach like other boys, but picked up the chips that washed ashore and examined them very carefully, because he believed that if there was an unknown land some where in the west, that the waves would bring something ashore from there. He was really quite an old man before he found anything, but one day he picked up some strange chips at Cadiz that had been cut by hand, and then he knew he was right. Sailors always do have wonderful tales to tell about the sea, and in those days they were so superstitious that they were sure that there were huge monsters living in the distant waters just waiting to eat up any sailor foolish enough to venture near them. There was not one of them willing to listen to Columbus, when he tried to explain that the earth is round like an orange, and that we live on the outside of it. He said to them repeatedly: "If we sail west steadily, we shall in time arrive back at the place from which we started." Finally, not only the sailors, but the people in the streets pointed their fingers at him and said: "There goes the crazy old man, who thinks the world is as round as an apple." The more he talked and reasoned and argued and even drew maps to prove that he was right, the more everybody shook their heads and called him crazy. Columbus was about to give up in despair because he was very poor, and there seemed to be no way by which he could demonstrate that his theory of the shape of the earth was correct. And now comes a curious coincidence. He was a very devout Christian, and felt certain that the inhabitants of this strange country in the west had never heard of our God nor of his beloved son Jesus, and his heart was fired with zeal to reach these poor heathens and tell them the story of the Christ. About this time some influential friend secured an audience for him with the King of Portugal, but it did no good to tell his story to the rich monarch, who was neither of a scientific nor a religious turn of mind, and he might as well have talked to the wind. Utterly discouraged Columbus decided to go to Spain, which is a near neighbor of Portugal, and see if he could not induce the famous King Ferdinand and Isabella, the queen, to give him boats to make his longed-for voyage. The queen especially was very pious and was much interested in Columbus' story about the heathens, but the ministers of her court laughed at Columbus and said: "It is a foolish dream which can never be carried out." Almost heart-broken Columbus silently turned his back on the Spanish capital and walked a long way to a seaport called Palos, where there was a queer old convent in which strangers were made welcome by the kind monks living in it. Knocking upon the gate, he said to the porter: "Will you please give me a bit of bread and a drink of water." Fortunately, the prior, a learned man and an intimate friend of Queen Isabella came along, and was quick to see that Columbus was no common beggar. He invited him in, and after listening quietly and thoughtfully to his visitor's plan of crossing the ocean to convert the heathen to Christianity, he borrowed a mule and rode miles across the country to the castle where the Queen was staying and persuaded her to help Columbus. "It is your duty," he said. "God has given you riches and many blessings that you may assist your fellow men, and these strange people know nothing of our God, and they need teachers to help them find the right way of living." Queen Isabella was so impressed with what he said that she immediately petitioned the Royal Treasurer to give Columbus money to make his voyage of discovery. "Your majesty, there is no money to spare," was the polite answer of the Treasurer, who, like all the rest of the court, thought Columbus was a visionary dreamer if not crazy. "Very well," she said. "I will pawn my crown jewels," and she did. This was a most noble and courageous act on her part, for a queen in those days was scarcely considered dignified or respectable without splendid crown jewels to wear on public occasions, but she was bent upon sending the gospel of Christ to the heathen in America. Does it not seem strange that the Golden Hearted and the Queen of Spain should be credited with the same desire to help the people of the Americas, and that they lived hundreds of years apart and could never have known of each other, and that one incident is a fact of history and the other only a legend? But as soon as Columbus secured the money another difficulty arose. No sailor could be found who would risk his life on an unknown sea with such a crazy old man. Finally Queen Isabella had to promise liberty and full pardon to the convicts in the prisons before Columbus could get any one to go with him. It was a terrible thing for him but he had a brave heart, and the monks from the convent at Palos sent some of their number with him to teach the natives. On and on, the three caravels, the Santa Maria, the Pinta and Nina, sailed without finding land, until their provisions were getting low and the crews of convicts were about to mutiny and kill Columbus. In order to keep them quiet he told them wonderful stories of the riches of this land they were trying to find. "You can have all the gold, and silver, and precious gems you can carry," he promised them. In an instant you could see the cunning and greed in their wicked faces. They did not care whether the earth was round or flat, nor what became of the natives, if they only had gold, and then they would gather around Columbus and question him closely about the size of the nuggets and precious stones. Of course he could only guess at it, but he knew that to save his life he must say something, so he replied: "I firmly believe that there are immense pieces of solid gold to be found there, and that it is abundant." [Illustration: "ON AND ON THE THREE CARAVELS SAILED."] Some thought they would find it in lumps as big as a house, and they all expected to pick up hands full of gems just anywhere. Columbus had strained his eyes looking for the land until he was nearly blind, but one night he imagined he saw a glimmer of light ahead. Where there was light there must be land, he thought. So he called one of the sailors to him and asked him what he saw. [Illustration: "LAND! LAND AHEAD!"] "A light! a light!" cried the sailor joyfully. But it was not until nearly two o'clock in the morning that the commander of one of the other boats started the cry: "Land! Land ahead!" You can imagine what excitement there was on all the caravels, and how thankful Columbus was. The padres gathered around him, and as he sprang ashore, he dropped on his knees and stooped and kissed the ground. Even the sailors forgot about the gold while he and the padres prayed and thanked God for giving mankind a new world. Immediately the flag of Spain was planted and the land claimed for King Ferdinand and Isabella, but wonderful indeed were the things surrounding them. Men and women of a bronze color crowded around them and offered them strange, but delicious fruits and flowers and brought them food and water. In his first letter to Queen Isabella, Columbus said of them: "There is not in all the world a better people nor a better land. Their converse is ever sweet and gentle, and is accompanied by a smile. They truly love their neighbor as themselves." Finding them docile and kind the padres set about teaching them, and the simple natives were very willing listeners. It was quite a long time before they could understand each other well, but the padres told the story of the Christ the first time they held a service, which was on a Sunday. Remembering the precepts of the Golden Hearted, the faces of the natives lighted up understandingly when they heard the words of Jesus which bade them be loving and kind to each other, and they nodded their heads and exclaimed: "El Dorado! El Dorado!" At least that is what the ignorant convict sailors thought they said. The words "El Dorado" in Spanish, which was their mother tongue, meant "The Golden," or "The Gilded One." We know they were eager and greedy to find gold and that they had been told to help themselves freely to all they could get, so they immediately began to question the simple natives. "Yes, yes; we have plenty of gold," the natives said, in surprise, because they did not value it at all, except for ornaments, and they ran to fetch some for their visitors. When they saw how glad it made the sailors, they were happy and content as a lot of children, and they not only brought all they had, but told where there was plenty more to be found. [Illustration] "Bimini, the Fountain of Youth" When Columbus sailed back to Spain and told the story of his wonderful discoveries the people did not believe him at first, but when he showed them the gold and silver ornaments, and the strange red men, they were so amazed that they forgot even to ask questions. The news was so startling that it simply took their breath away and they stared at each other stupidly. Then they said in awe-stricken whispers: "How can such things be? Is the world coming to an end? Are we going to die? Or are _we_ crazy? Maybe our ears and eyes are fooling us." But Columbus only smiled and said: "My friends, you see I was right. The earth is round, and I have not only found India with its untold riches, but I have brought some of its people home with me." And that is why today we call the red men Indians. Columbus did not know that he had discovered a new continent, so it was natural for him to speak of the natives as Indians. And I am sure you will pity him when I tell you that he died without ever knowing the difference. All Europe was in a fever of excitement over his voyage, and it was not long before he fitted out other vessels and sailed across the ocean again to find the northwest passage which he believed would shorten the route to India. Rich men, and learned ones, were ready to go with him, and the sailors expected to find gold and precious stones scattered all over the ground. Every word that the convicts told them about El Dorado they thought meant gold, and the wildest and most exaggerated stories were soon in everybody's mouth. The padres, too, were enthusiastic over the prospect of converting the heathen, but nobody took the trouble to find out what the Indians believed about God. Every one misunderstood the meaning of El Dorado and never dreamed that there had been such a teacher as the Golden Hearted, or that the Indians already knew how to be brotherly and kind. Even the most learned men in those days were ready to accept the existence of a mythical city called Cathay as true. They thought it was situated somewhere between the island of Newfoundland and Florida, where they expected to find the spice groves. Another story very common in Europe said that there was among the beautiful summer isles of the west, one that conferred immortality and was spoken of as the Island of Perpetual Youth. Among those whose imagination was fired by this romance was a brave knight named Ponce de Leon, who was Columbus' companion on his second voyage. He did not care for the gold of the new world, for he was already rich, but he was old, and he wanted to renew his youth. King Ferdinand commissioned him Governor of Porto Rico, but he soon tired of it, and was determined to discover the magic spring. "For what reason should I stay here and lord it over these half-naked savages," he said to his relatives and friends when they tried to dissuade him from undertaking such a perilous search. "Let us go where we can bathe in those enchanted waters and be young once more. I need it and so will you before very long." "But how do you know there is such a place?" they asked. "By hearing the full particulars of an old Indian who went there and washed himself and drank from the spring until he was restored to youth and vigor. Let us go and be like him." To find this new marvel he set sail with three brigantines, and the adventurers with him floated over the summer sea, as men bent upon pleasure, and to whom time was long and burdened with no serious duties. They sailed from island to island touching here and there as fancy led them. They sought the safest and pleasantest coves, where the shades were deepest in the noonday sun, and the waters coolest; where the fruits were the sweetest, the Indians most friendly and their women the loveliest. At last they came to an inlet which led invitingly up among wooded banks and flowering valleys. Here the old knight said: "Let us disembark and strike inland. My heart tells me that we have found the Fountain of Youth." "Nonsense," said his younger kinsman, "our way lies by water." "Then leave me here with my men," he replied, and after an angry discussion five men, long past middle age, and who had come with him from Spain, were left on shore. The first thing they did was to climb to the top of a hill and set up a cross which they had brought with them. As soon as it was in place they all removed their helmets and prayed before it. One of the men said to him: "The ground is pawed up as if cattle ranged here, and this path has been trod by human feet." "You are right," said Ponce de Leon, "lead the way and we will follow." Taking the path they met about fifty Indian bowmen, who seemed to their startled vision like a whole company of giants, but, who proved to be of a very friendly disposition. The grizzled old knights were anxious to inquire about the fabled Fountain, so they gave the Indians strings of gay-colored beads, and some little bells. In return they received an arrow, as a token of good will. After a long parley the bowmen turned back to their huts. "We will bring you food in the morning," they said, and at daybreak they appeared again bringing plenty of fish, roots and fruits. When they saw that the men were chilly from the cold night air, they said to each other: "Let us carry our brothers to our homes where they can get warm." "But they will suffer on the way," said the chief. "Go before us and build big fires and we will stop at each one to rest our weary arms." The Spanish knights did not know what to make of this kind of treatment, but they offered no resistance when the stalwart warriors took them on their backs and started through the woods. The Indians carried them very carefully, and at last set them down before the doors of their huts where the women brought them food and drink. "I wonder what they intend to do with us," said the knights among themselves. On hearing this remark Ponce de Leon replied: "It is just possible that they will offer us as a sacrifice, for it is quite plain that they think we are supernatural beings." "Let us get away from them as quickly as we can," they said, fearing that something terrible would happen. "Before we go we must try to find out about the magic spring we are seeking," replied Ponce de Leon, unwilling to give up his project. It required considerable time and patience to make the Indians comprehend what he wanted, but they stoutly maintained that they knew nothing about it. "These redskins are cunning rascals, and will not tell us where to find the Fountain of Youth," said Ponce de Leon, in explanation, after his fruitless talk with them, "but God giving us strength we will find it yet." So they went slowly and carefully over the whole country, stopping at each spring to take off their clothes and jump into it, then they would drink as much of the water as they could, and sit down and wait to see if it would make them young again. As they went farther away from the coast the Indians became more and more friendly, because they thought the white men had come from Heaven. "We must bring them food, build houses for them and bear all their burdens," they said among themselves. Some went out on the hills and killed deer with their bows and arrows, while others killed rabbits by going in a big wide circuit and then gradually closing in on the game. When near enough they knocked the rabbit on the head with a wooden club as it ran by them. "Breathe upon and bless our food," they said to the knights, after giving them all they wanted for themselves, "so that we may feel sure in our hearts that you are pleased with us." At first only the men made these requests, but finally the women brought wild fruits and berries, which they wanted the visitors to see and touch before they would eat. All this was very troublesome to the knights, but if they refused or acted as if they were offended, the poor Indians were terrified, and falling on their faces would cry out: "We shall die unless we have the favor of our good and wise white brothers." Farther on, the people did not venture to come out in the paths and gather round them as the first had done, but stayed meekly in their houses, sitting with their faces turned to the wall, and with all their property heaped up in the middle of the floor. "We could easily plunder and rob these simple folk," said Ponce de Leon, "but I charge you on your honor as knights to take nothing you do not pay for." In spite of this the natives loaded them with valuable skins and other presents, and were eager and willing to show all the springs and creeks in their neighborhood. "They pretend to know nothing of the miraculous gifts of the Fountain of Youth, but their own splendid endurance of heat and cold, and the fatigues of travel show how perpetually young and active they are. If their bodies were pierced through with arrows they would soon recover. They are trying to mislead us and conceal the source of their strength, but we will soon find it," the Spanish knights said, and Ponce de Leon, their leader, heartily agreed with them. Never in the world had there been such a strange journey undertaken by gray and careworn men. On and on they went searching in the heart of the woods for a fountain where they could renew their youth. Yellow jasmine trailed in festoons above their heads; wild roses grew at their feet; the air was sweet with the odor of pine, while long gray moss hung from the branches of the live-oaks. Finally they came to a spring which widened into a natural basin and bubbled up in such a cool, delicious manner, that Ponce de Leon plunged into it with joy. Coming up on the bank to dress himself, he exclaimed: "It is enough. I have bathed in the Fountain of Youth. See, I am young again." His companions hastened to try it, and they too said the same. "Hurrah! hurrah! the Fountain of Youth has been found! Let us make haste to tell the world of your discovery." But they were mistaken and had not counted on what the Indians would do about it. When they found that the white men wanted a boat to go down the river they were eager to get it for them, but when they understood that they were going away, they wept bitterly, and tried every way to persuade them to stay. "No, we will not remain. This is Florida, the land of flowers, and we are looking for Bimini, the Fountain of Youth," said Ponce de Leon, firmly. "Your people have misled us continually. Bimini is an island and we are going to search until we find it." "And if you succeed will you return to us," asked an Indian chief eagerly. "You have the secret of life and death in your hands, and have already saved my wife and child. Stay and we will serve you faithfully." [Illustration: "HURRAH! HURRAH! THE FOUNTAIN OF YOUTH"] "Oh! my brothers, stay with us!" begged and implored the Indians. Some of them clung to the garments of the knights, and others were dragged out of the boat by the determined natives. Finally Ponce de Leon, grown tired of useless parley, said angrily: "I am old and weary and must soon die if I do not find the waters which will renew my youth and vigor. Your thickets and swamps are filled with alligators and poisonous water snakes; the very air is laden with deadly fevers, and never again will I return to it." As the canoe started down the river the Indians wrung their hands and wailed loudly: "Come back! come back!" But Ponce de Leon stood up in the boat and shook his head, and made them understand by signs that he would not do as they wished. This made them all the more frantic and one of the warriors, snatching up a poisoned arrow, sped it with deadly aim. It went through the thigh of the gallant old knight where he stood, and it was not long until death ended his search for the Fountain of Youth. Since then no one has ever tried to locate this wonder-working fountain, but philosophers say that it is in our own hearts and that we find it when we realize that the soul never dies, and is perpetually young because of its immortality. Montezuma and the Paba Columbus died poor and in prison because nobody was interested in his effort to find a northwest passage to India, or cared whether the earth was round or flat. They wanted gold, and the stories of El Dorado told by the ignorant sailors had more influence on the people than anything Columbus said or did. "I have merely opened the gates for others to enter," he exclaimed bitterly, when he found himself thwarted in all his plans, but there is more honor accorded his memory than to any of the others who came after him, and made immense fortunes. The same year that Queen Isabella died, a young man, but nineteen years old, named Hernando Cortez, sailed from Spain for Cuba. Already there was quite a Spanish settlement on the island, and when the Governor offered him a large tract of land with Indian slaves to cultivate it, he answered angrily: "I came to get gold, not to till the soil like a peasant." He expected to find untold wealth locked up in the unexplored regions of the new world, and had no patience with any of the slower methods of gaining riches. Instead of working he meant to fight for what he wanted and we shall find when we know more about him that he broke his word to his king, the governor of Cuba, to his wife, to his soldiers, and to every friend who served him. Yet he was born a gentleman, handsome and well mannered, but a greedy love of gold rendered him brutal and treacherous to a degree. In his company were gallant knights of chivalry, servile retainers of the king, soldiers of fortune, and bearded friars, who left behind them country, home, family, friends and sweethearts, to seek El Dorado, which to them meant simply gold. When we study the history of the United States we shall be surprised to find men like them in full armor of steel, with lance, shield and helmet, mounted on prancing steeds, caparisoned in gay colors, glittering through the untracked wilderness of Florida, Georgia, Alabama, and even as far west as Arizona, always in search of El Dorado. And in every case their greed for gold led to such bloodshed and violence, that it makes the heart ache to think about it. Not many years after Cortez landed in Cuba, the Governor sent for him and said: "I have at last secured permission from the king to explore the continent lying to the west, and I desire you to take ships and soldiers and have command of the expedition." Something in Cortez' manner excited the suspicion of the Governor, but he said nothing until he was ready to sail. Then he withdrew the commission, and ordered Cortez to remain in Cuba. Instead of obeying he stole away in the night, and did not land until he came to the coast of Mexico, close to the point from which the Golden Hearted had sailed. His men were afraid to venture far from shore, but he painted glowing pictures of the gold they were to find, and said: "I hold out to you a glorious prize, but it is only to be won by incessant toil." Then holding up a black velvet standard with a red cross in the center, surrounded by flames of blue and white, he continued: "Comrades, let us follow the cross, and under this sign if we have faith, we shall conquer." The padres with them, who had come to minister to the spiritual welfare of the cavaliers and soldiers, urged them to go forward, saying: "We are in honor bound to carry the gospel to these poor, ignorant heathens, and God has given you the privilege of helping in this work." The Indians were friendly and when asked for gold, answered: "We on the sea coast have little, but in Tenochtitlan there is a rich and powerful king named Montezuma, who has much gold and other treasures." Around them were parched and sandy plains, but on the march they soon came to "the land of bread," as the Tlascallan country was called, and here they heard of Cholula, the sacred city. When they came in sight of it they exclaimed: "It is the promised land!" and were amazed at the splendor of the city, as well as the surrounding country, where there were fields of maize, vanilla, indigo, sugar cane, flowering cacao groves, and banana trees in profusion. The streets of Cholula were filled with a concourse of priests whom Cortez mistook for beggars. They were holding a religious festival in honor of Quetzalcoatl, which was their name for the Golden Hearted, who had now become the Fair God of tradition. Long had they been expecting him to return to Cholula, and because Cortez had a fair complexion, and was accompanied by other white men they thought the Golden Hearted had come at last. The people lined the streets and roadways and not only wore garlands of flowers on their heads, but tossed bouquets to the soldiers, while the priests met them with music and swung incense up and down the cleanly-swept streets they passed through. "What is the will of Quetzalcoatl?" they asked eagerly of Cortez. "Do you come from Tlapalla?" they inquired of his followers. "No," they were answered, "but we have a disease of the heart which only gold can cure." Then the simple natives brought all the gold-dust and little trinkets they could find and gave to their visitors. Cortez thanked them, but said: "This is not enough. We must have very much more." "Then you would better ask our friend and ally, the great king, Montezuma. He has immense stores of it." "Where is this great king, and this city of Tenochtitlan?" "Farther to the west," they answered. Shortly after this an embassy of nobles from the court of Montezuma appeared with rich presents and an invitation to Cortez to visit the king. None of them had ever seen a white man before, and they did not for a moment doubt that Cortez was the Golden Hearted, returned to claim his own, and they were very anxious to please him. Touching his brass helmet one of them said timidly: "It is very like that worn by Quetzalcoatl, and I would like our king, Montezuma, to see it." "Certainly," responded Cortez, "but bring it back filled with gold." And they did. No one knows just why, but something made Cortez suspect the gentle natives of treachery, and one morning at daybreak he fell upon them in the market place, and slew thousands of people, and then set fire to the city. His rude soldiers went up on the pyramid and threw down the statue of the Golden Hearted, and erected a cross in its place. History says that the Aztecs had long been offering the hearts of human beings in sacrifice to the Golden Hearted in Cholula, while in Tenochtitlan they had set up an image of a terrible war god, and were worshiping that more than the gentle, inoffensive Golden Hearted. It was this disobedience which made Montezuma fear that he was returning to take vengeance. One morning early the king went to see the Paba, who had charge of the sacred fires on the altars built by the Golden Hearted himself. The chamber in the temple was square, with the ceiling covered by a lattice work of shining white and yellow metal which, at the intersections, was carved to represent flowers set with jewels. All around the walls were sculptured pictures of men. As the king approached the Paba said: "The gloomy clouds hanging overhead are not darker than is the mood of Quetzalcoatl, but to the poor Paba the voice of the king is ever welcome." "Why should the mood of Quetzalcoatl be dark? A new teocalli holds his image, and they say he is happy and that he comes from the place of sunrise with a canoe filled with blessings." "Do you remember, O king! that in some of the underground chambers of this temple, besides vast stores of wealth, there are prophecies to be read?" "I remember it well," said Montezuma. "Give me leave, and I will show you the writing from Quetzalcoatl himself." Groping their way through the great underground cavern, but dimly lighted, the Paba said: "Son of a king, is your heart strong? The writing begins here and continues around the wall." "Read it," said Montezuma. "The first is here on the north and represents the ancient king on the march. You see him in the midst of warriors who are dancing in honor of his victories. Here we have the whole story of our race." "This was before the coming of Quetzalcoatl and is of the remote past," said Montezuma, with a frown. "On the southern wall, opposite," replied the Paba, "is what you seek. Observe the king stands on a rock, and a priest points out to him an eagle on a cactus holding a serpent in its claws. Beside it the king reclines on a couch. Our city has been founded." Montezuma said not a word, but turned to another panel. "Look well to this, O king! There is Quetzalcoatl before an altar offering a sacrifice of fruit and flowers. _His hands are free from blood!_" Montezuma's face was deadly pale, because he knew that many orders of priests in his kingdom sacrificed human beings by cutting out their hearts, and he was afraid that the coming of the strange white men was on account of this forbidden practice. "See! Oh majesty! the fair god is departing from our beloved Tenochtitlan. Saddest of all days was that for us." "Show me a prophecy if you would have me believe that this was written by Quetzalcoatl. I would know something of the future." "Be wise, oh my master! Let the future alone; it is sown with sorrows for all you love." "Until I wrong the gods why should I fear them? Have done, Paba. I, too, am a priest," said Montezuma, earnestly. "I, his true servant, tell you never again to look for smile from Tlapalla. I will show you from Quetzalcoatl himself, that the end of your empire is at hand. Every breeze from the east is filled with woe for you and yours. The writing is on the wall. Look again and closely." "I see nothing," cried the king. "All that you have heard about the return of Quetzalcoatl is true. He is coming to end the days of the Aztecs forever." "Forever! It cannot be. Read the next panel." "There is no other, this is the last," answered the Paba sadly. Montezuma turned quickly to the north wall, but found it without a single mark. Here indeed was the end. That night the Aztec king could neither eat nor sleep. The prophecy was with him all the time. When the morning came he called for his canoe. From the battlements of Chapultepec, the palace and tomb of his fathers, he would see the sun rise. If Quetzalcoatl was angered and meant to wreak vengeance, he naturally supposed the sun, his dwelling place, would give some warning. In all the heavens around there was not a fleck when suddenly a cloud of smoke rushed upward, and across the pathway of the sun, so that when it crept over the mountain range, it looked like a ball of blood! Montezuma drew the hood over his face quickly, and his head dropped on his breast. The Paba had spoken the truth. Quetzalcoatl was coming! and next evening a runner sped hotly over the causeway and up the street, stopping at the gate of the royal palace. He was taken before the king and shortly after the news went flying over Tenochtitlan, that Quetzalcoatl had arrived in his huge water-house with wings, and filled with thunder and lightning! for that was what the Aztecs called the ships and cannon brought by Cortez. When Montezuma heard of the terrible massacre in Cholula, he called a council of wise old men and said: "Of what use is it, uncles? The gods are against us and resistance is of no avail. I mourn most for the women and children, and the old and infirm who are too feeble to fight or fly. For myself and the brave men around me, we must bare our breasts to the storm and meet it as we may." As Cortez neared Tenochtitlan he was met by so many chiefs and nobles under Montezuma, that it took them an hour to pass before him, and make their salutation which they did by touching the ground with the right hand and then carrying it to the forehead. The four nobles carrying Montezuma on their shoulders, were preceded by three officers of state bearing gold wands in their hands to show that they came in peace. The royal palanquin, or chair, in which Montezuma was seated, blazed with gold, jewels and gaudy feather-work, while the nobles carrying it were barefooted. They walked with slow measured steps and kept their eyes bent on the ground. Finally the train of warriors and nobles halted, and Montezuma came forward to meet Cortez. Imagine what their feelings must have been as they looked at each other! Montezuma thought he was welcoming back the gentle, kind Quetzalcoatl, whom we know as the Golden Hearted, while Cortez knew he had found more gold and riches than he ever dreamed existed anywhere. The poor misled Aztec king approached the Spanish adventurer and putting an exquisitely wrought gold collar around his neck said: "This was my father's palace but it belongs to you and your brethren. Rest here after your fatigues and in a little while I will visit you again." When he went out of the palace he sent slaves to wait upon them, and he gave each one new clothes, and a splendid feast. When they had finished eating, the rude soldiers searched all through the palace for hidden wealth, and finding the treasure house of the king proceeded to help themselves. When Montezuma heard of it he said: "They are welcome to the gold and silver and other articles, if they will but spare the things belonging to the gods." In the palace grounds where they were quartered they found an aviary filled with beautiful singing birds; a menagerie full of strange animals, and snakes; ten big tanks stocked with water-fowl and fish; fountains playing everywhere, and wonderful floating gardens on the lakes, while all around them lay a city filled with temples, market places, and handsome houses. True to his promise Montezuma returned shortly and in speaking to Cortez said: "I have been expecting you for many days. The wonderful deeds attributed to you, your complexion and the quarter from whence you come show me that you are Quetzalcoatl. You and your brethren shall share all things with me," and with tears in his eyes he gave them as many costly presents as they could carry. The padres and soldiers were constantly asked: "Do you come from Tlapalla?" while Montezuma did everything he could to please Cortez. One day he went to the king's palace and after accepting the usual presents of gold and silver, Montezuma offered him one of his daughters for a wife. Cortez declined, and seeing that the courtyard was partly filled with his trusted men, he approached Montezuma abruptly and said: "You have treated me treacherously, and have allowed one of my officers to be killed on the sea coast." Montezuma turned very pale. No one else in his kingdom would have dared speak to him in such an insulting manner, and besides that he knew nothing of the death of the officer before. In reality the officer had been murdered while torturing the poor natives to make them give him more gold. "I demand that you send for the chief and all the notable men in his council that I may punish him for the death of my comrade," said Cortez, trying to pick a quarrel with the king. "Very well," said Montezuma, kindly. "I will have them brought as you desire." "I believe in your promise, but you must come to my quarters as hostage until the thing is done." Poor Montezuma thinking it was a command of God did not dare refuse, and in a short time afterward the chief and his council were brought before him. He turned them over to Cortez for punishment, and they were burned to death in the public square, where Montezuma could see them from his window. Cortez had the poor creatures tortured to make them accuse Montezuma of telling them to commit the murder, so that he would have an excuse for what he intended to do to the king. Pretending to believe the confessions, he went before the king and ordered two common Spanish soldiers to put him in irons. Poor Montezuma moaned and groaned like his heart would break, while his faithful attendants, weeping bitterly tried to put their mantles under the irons so they would not touch his flesh. Cortez now demanded that he abdicate his power, and pay tribute to Spain, so he compelled the king to assemble all his chiefs, which he did saying to them: "You are acquainted with the traditions which say that the good Quetzalcoatl is to return and rule over us. That time has come and we must obey our new masters. You have been faithful vassals of mine, and I expect you to show me this last act of obedience by acknowledging the great king across the water as your lord also." The tears streamed down his face, and his haughty chiefs were very sad at heart, but they were loyal as well as brave men, and they answered: "Your will is our law, and if you think the king of the strangers is the ancient lord of our country we are willing to acknowledge him as such." As soon as this was done the grasping Spaniards compelled Montezuma to send throughout his kingdom for all the gold, silver, precious stones and feather-work that could be found, in the name of the king of Spain, but when they got it they divided it among themselves, and then quarreled fiercely over who should have the greater part. Here indeed was their fabled El Dorado! There was but one more humiliation awaiting Montezuma, and that was to have his own people revile him. The Spaniards had been so brutal and cruel in their dealings with the Aztecs that some of them began to doubt whether they could have come from Tlapalla, and whether Cortez was the Golden Hearted. Knowing this Cortez induced Montezuma to dress himself in his royal robes, and appear on the stone parapet of the palace where he was confined, to quiet the mob and induce them to go about their work peaceably. Cortez was beginning to fear for his own safety, but the populace were not to be tricked by him. They did not believe it was Montezuma before them, and hurling a stone at the royal palanquin accidentally hit the unhappy king on the forehead. The blow was not sufficient to kill him, but he took to his bed and refused to eat until he finally died. History says of him that "his great heart was burst in twain by the sorrows that oppressed his high courage." Certain it is that he could not live when he found that both his God and his people despised him. It has never been known what became of his body, for a terrible war followed his death. Today we call his country and city Mexico. [Illustration] The Child of the Sun None of us have forgotten about the Children of the Sun, and the city of Cuzco founded by the Golden Hearted, or of his ruling over them as Manco-Capac, the powerful one. He went into their country which we call Peru before he had ever seen Mexico, but the Spaniards came to the ancient city of Tenochtitlan before they knew anything about Cuzco. It was not long after the death of Montezuma until the Spaniards heard about the riches of the Children of the Sun, and they were determined to find that country. The Aztecs did not help them any because they no longer looked upon them as sent from Heaven but as ruthless destroyers borne along on the backs of fierce animals swift as the wind, and carrying weapons in their hands that scattered death and destruction everywhere. The Aztecs learned to hate the Spaniards bitterly, and when we came to study their history we shall know why. Even their own historians do not pretend to deny that they fell upon the poor Aztecs sword in hand and robbed them of all the treasures they had, besides taking their lands away from them. Some say that Francisco Pizarro was a cousin of Hernando Cortez who conquered the Aztecs, but all agree that he was an ignorant swineherd, who could neither read nor write, and whose parents were not respectable. While he was not actually a convict he belonged to the low class, and the men going with him to search for the new El Dorado among the Children of the Sun, were really no better. Cortez had some hidalgoes, cavalliers and knights with him because men of good family often came to the Americas on the first voyages after Columbus, but Pizarro collected a band of cut-throat adventurers who were just as greedy and ignorant as he was. All the exploring they did was simply to search for gold, and they did not care what methods they used to get it. The simple natives with their naked defenseless bodies, and bows and arrows were no match for men covered with steel armor, mounted on horseback and armed with guns and cannon. Balboa had already found the Pacific Ocean, and Pizarro knew that the Children of the Sun lived in that direction, so he rigged out a vessel and sailed along the coast trying to find them. At the first place he landed the natives said to him: "Why do you not stay at home and till your own land instead of roaming about to rob others who have never harmed you?" But the savages wore some heavy gold ornaments, and Pizarro asked eagerly: "Have you more of this?" "Yes, we have a little more," they said, and as they were weighing some of the metal their chief struck the scales with his fist, scattering the nuggets all over the floor. "If this is what you prize so much that you are willing to risk your lives to attain it, I can tell you of a land where they eat and drink out of vessels of gold, and where there are great quantities to be had for the asking." "Where is this rich country?" "It is ten days journey toward the south and is ruled by the Child of the Sun." The Spaniards were nearly mad with joy because now they said: "All our fond dreams are about to be realized." They were in such a good humor that they gave the natives some glass beads and some live chickens. When they turned the rooster loose, he crowed, and then the simple natives clapped their hands in glee, and asked: "What is it saying?" It sounded as if the rooster said: "How do you do, sir!" which the natives thought was very funny indeed. Then they wanted to know what the cannon said. One of the men set up a target and fired at it shivering the board into fine splinters. The loud noise, the flash of smoke and powder, frightened the poor natives nearly to death. Some of them fell flat on their faces, and others ran into the woods as fast as they could go, screaming: "Our good Manco-Capac is coming back to us angry." That night the old men huddled the terrified people together and said to them: "Do you remember when the comet flamed through the sky; when the earthquake shook the land, and there was a rainbow around the moon?" "I well remember," said one of the old men, "that a thunderbolt fell on one of the Incas' royal palaces setting it on fire, and I saw an eagle chased by several hawks hovering in the air over Cuzco. Our king saw it too, and while he looked at it the eagle fell dead at his feet." "It is no use to resist these strangers," said an envoy from the Inca, who had arrived in time to hear the last statement. "Seven years ago when the father of our king died, he called his son to his bedside and told him that white and bearded strangers were coming to overturn the Empire. And as you know, our great oracle has foretold the return of Manco-Capac at the close of the twelfth dynasty of the Incas. That day is at hand, so do not quarrel with the strangers." No one showed a disposition to disobey him, and in a short time he stood before Pizarro saying: "I bring you greetings from the Inca, Child of the Sun, who rules this land. He wishes me to ask why you come, and from what country." "Our home is far across the sea," responded Pizarro, "and we serve a rich and powerful prince who has heard of the Child of the Sun, and sends us to pay our respects to him." This was not the truth for the King of Spain knew nothing whatever of Pizarro's wicked intentions, nor did he know about Cortez either until long after poor Montezuma was dead and his country laid waste. But when men turn out to be wholesale robbers they do not care whether they tell the truth or not. "Our Inca is at his favorite baths and wishes to know when you will arrive, so that he may provide suitable refreshments for you." "We will come at once," said Pizarro. "It would be better to wait a few days," said the king's messenger. "Our Inca is keeping a sacred fast, and we cannot disturb him until it is finished." The Spaniards had no respect for the king's wishes or his privacy, so they made ready to follow the messenger. While they were dividing the presents of llamas, sheep and gold goblets among themselves some of the soldiers said: "This dog of a king may have thousands of followers. What can a handful of men like we are, do against so many? Suppose they should try to fight us?" Pizarro happened to overhear them and replied: "Let every one of you take heart, and go forward like a good soldier. God ever protects his own, and will humble the pride of the heathen and bring him to a knowledge of the true faith--the great end and object of this conquest." It was the first time he had spoken of conquest, but the soldiers remembered the complete success of Cortez in Mexico and only needed to be told that the natives were to be Christianized to make them certain that the home authorities would not interfere with them, so they shouted: "Lead on! wherever you think best we will follow with good will." The few padres in the company were sincere in their wish to teach the natives and so was the King of Spain, but neither of them could control the actions of such men as Pizarro and his adventurers, now ready to pounce down on the mild and inoffensive people like a band of hungry wolves. When they got up on the top of the mountain and looked down, the landscape had the appearance of a huge checker-board cut into squares by canals and evergreen hedges. A wide river rolled through the meadows, like a narrow silver ribbon, while across the valley were the famous hot baths with steam and vapor rising from them in the clear air. Along the slope of the hills a white cloud of tents covered the ground for several miles, where the Child of the Sun, and his court were encamped. Pizarro with banners streaming and the sparkle of armor glittering in the sun, galloped into the city with blare of trumpets and lances fixed. The Inca was in a camp near by, but the rude Spaniards broke in upon his fast, and a brother of Pizarro almost rode him down with his horse. Giving the bridle a sudden jerk he brought the horse to his haunches, so close to the Inca, that the horse snorted with fear, but the brave king did not move a muscle, although he had never seen a white man in armor nor a horse before in his life. Seeing that he could not frighten him Pizarro's brother said haughtily: "What is your royal will? My brother desires that you visit him." Without raising his eyes from the ground where he had kept them as a mark of respect to his visitor, the Inca smiled and said: "Tell your captain, that I am keeping a fast, which will end tomorrow morning. I will then visit him with my chieftains. In the meantime let him occupy the public buildings on the square till I come, when I will order what is to be done." Turning to his attendants he continued: "Give our brothers food and drink, and have their quarters made ready for them." That night Pizarro put all his cannon in place and boldly planned to take the Inca prisoner in his own pleasure garden. He ordered his soldiers to hide in the plaza, and wait until the Inca arrived. As soon as he was in the great square they were suddenly to spring out and put the natives to the sword, and capture their king. It was late in the day before the Inca got all his court in splendid array, and then he sent word to Pizarro that he was coming in state. "I am much pleased to hear it," said Pizarro. "Let your king come anyway he will; he shall be received as a friend and brother. Let him sup with us and sleep in our quarters tonight." When once in motion the Inca's retinue had on so many gold ornaments that they blazed like the sun. Some wore showy stuffs in white and red with gold and silver embroidery, while others were dressed in white and carried silver maces in their hands. The Inca wore the royal borla, or crown on his head, with the Quetzal feathers in the back and the long red fringes across the forehead. Over him was a canopy representing a rainbow, to show that he was a Child of the Sun, and a follower of Manco-Capac, who we know was the Golden Hearted. He was seated on a gold throne which was placed in a litter and carried by four noble youths, in gorgeous liveries. Around his neck was a splendid gold necklace set with large emeralds. Looking around and not seeing any one the Inca asked in surprise: "Where are the strangers?" At this moment a padre came forward and demanded that he give up his power and become a subject of Spain. He also told the king that he must become a convert to Christianity. The eyes of the Inca flashed fire as he replied: "I will be no man's tributary. Your prince may be great; I do not doubt it when I see that he has sent his subjects so far across the waters. I am willing to hold him as a brother. As for my faith, I will not change it. My God still lives in the heavens and looks down on his children. By what authority do you make such demands upon me?" The padre handed the Inca a bible but as the thought of the insult offered came over him, the Inca threw it to the ground and said angrily: "Tell your comrades that they shall give me an account of their doings in my country. I will not go from here until they have made me full satisfaction for the wrongs they have committed." A soldier turned to Pizarro and said: "Do you not see that while we stand here wasting our breath in talking to this dog full of obstinate pride that the fields are filling with Indians. Let us set on at once." Pizarro saw that the hour had come, and waving a white scarf which was the appointed signal he and his soldiers sprang into the square, shouting the old war cry of Cortez: "Santiago! and at them!" The poor natives in their holiday dress and fine jewelry were wholly unarmed, because they were coming to make a visit, and had no way to defend themselves. When they tried to escape they found they were hemmed in on all sides by the stone buildings facing the plaza, and nobody knows how many thousands of them were killed. They were stunned by the roar of the cannon, choked by the smoke, trampled under the horses' feet, and their naked bodies hacked to pieces with swords. [Illustration: "THEIR NAKED BODIES HACKED TO PIECES WITH SWORDS"] The Spaniards seemed bent upon killing the Inca, but his loyal subjects caught hold of the horses' bridles and saddle blankets, and even the legs of their riders to prevent them from hitting the Inca. Some offered their own bodies to the lances--anything to save the king who was stunned and bewildered. As the men who were carrying him were killed, the litter lurched to one side and he fell to the ground. Instantly the imperial borla, or crown, was snatched from his head; his hands were securely tied, and he was hustled, a prisoner, into a building nearby. Then the soldiery robbed and pillaged as much as they pleased, even carrying off the plate from the Inca's table. Realizing that it was gold that the Spaniards wanted, the Inca began at once to try to buy his freedom. "I will cover the floor of this room with gold if you will release me," he said, to Pizarro. Seeing that the soldiers smiled at this, he added: "I will fill the room full, as high as I can reach," standing on tip-toe and stretching his arm against the wall. Pizarro agreed to accept that amount of gold, but demanded double that amount of silver, and would only allow the Inca two months' time to collect it in. The Spaniards kept close watch over him, and as soon as the amount was all paid in, Pizarro accused the unhappy captive of trying to stir up an insurrection. The Inca was surprised and indignant; saying: "You have me in your power. Is not my life at your disposal? What better security have you for my fidelity? It is very far to my capital at Cuzco, but that you may be satisfied that I am proceeding in good faith, send some of your own people there." The Spaniards sacked and pillaged Cuzco when they got there, taking seven hundred plates of gold from the walls of the temple dedicated to the Golden Hearted. Besides this, there were heavy cornices of gold, fountains, birds, fruit, vegetables, tables, statues, slabs, basins and panels of pure gold; which, when melted down made millions of dollars. Never before did anybody in the wide world pay such a ransom. But Pizarro had no intention of setting the Inca free. Pretending to be very suspicious, he suddenly appeared before the Inca, and said: "What new treason is this you are meditating against me? _Me_, who has been so brotherly and kind to you?" "Why do you mock me," replied the Inca. "Am I not a captive in your hands? How could I conceive such a design as you speak of when I would be the first victim? You little know my people, if you think they would attempt such a thing against my will." Pizarro was determined to get rid of him, so he trumped up twelve charges against him, and, after a mock trial, sentenced the helpless Inca to be burned at the stake. When told of his fate, the poor king said to Pizarro, with tears streaming down his face: "What have I, or my children done, that I should die like this? And from _your_ hands--you who have received only benefit and kindness from me and my people." The doom of the Inca was sounded by trumpet in the same square he had innocently entered to visit his strange white brother, and two hours after sunset he was led out by torch-light and burned to death. To make sure that there was no danger of an uprising in the distant parts of the country, Pizarro sent an officer to finish collecting the ransom and find out the actual condition. While he was gone Pizarro had the Inca executed. When the officer returned, he said: "I have met with nothing but kindness on the way. There has never been any attempt at an uprising." And this was the truth. [Illustration] The Gilded Man There were none willing to say "God forgive him," is what history tells us of the end of Pizarro, whose throat was cut by some of the men he quarreled with over the treasures they had taken from the Children of the Sun, and I do not believe that any one was ever sorry that he perished like a wretched outcast. Of course, one of his brothers had heard of El Dorado, and he began to inquire closely of the Indians whether there really was such a person. "Yes, there is," he was told, "and this chief smears himself all over with a sweet-smelling gum and sprinkles his body with fine gold-dust until he looks like a shining statue." "Where does this chief live?" "Not far from here, and his people are very rich in gold and emeralds." This was what the Spaniards wanted to hear, and the Children of the Sun hoped by this means to get rid of their hated conquerors. We remember the visit of the Golden Hearted to the Zipa of the Muscas, and we see, by the unfriendly feeling of their neighbors, that they were still quarrelsome. "We will go and find the Valley of the Gilded Man," said the brother of Pizarro, to his soldiers, who were getting tired of being idle. "I am told that there are wealthy regions to the north, east, and south of us, where the people go about covered with gold-dust, and where there are no mountains or woods." This pleased the greedy adventurers very much, and it was not long before there was quite an army of them ready to start. But they did not know that they were going into a country where there were cannibals--savages ready to kill and eat every one of them, and that they fought with poisoned arrows. The Muscas were obliged to fight these people, but they traded with them, because there was no gold in their own land, and they prized it highly as an offering in honor of the Golden Hearted. They had quantities of salt which they pressed into little round cakes, like sugar loaves, and carried over beaten paths to market. Besides this, they wove beautiful cotton cloth, and managed to get large quantities of gold and silver and emeralds by trading with the cannibals. They had not forgotten what the Golden Hearted taught them about hammering the gold, or casting it into tasteful shapes, and they not only wore it for ornaments, but used it to decorate the outside and inside of their temples. It was near the anniversary of his departure, and there were many pilgrims from neighboring tribes who had come to cast emeralds into the lake at Gautavita in his honor. On the mountain tops surrounding the lake beacon lights were burning, and the sacred fires on the altars in the temples had never been allowed to go out. As each band of pilgrims came into the city, the Zipa welcomed them, saying: "Tomorrow, comrades, we will go in solemn procession to the lake, and commemorate the departure of Bochica, and his purification afterward. We have made his heart very sad by our misdeeds, but from his home in the sun he can look down upon us, and see that we still adore and worship him." The next day, at noon a solemn procession approached the lake. In the lead walked bronze-colored men, without any clothing, but whose bodies were covered with red paint, as a sign of deep mourning, and they wailed in a most sorrowful manner. Behind them were warriors decorated with gold and emeralds, wearing bright feathers in their gold head-dresses, and carrying mantles of jaguar skins over their arms. Some of them were singing, while others shouted joyfully or blew on horns and pipes, and conch shells. Close to them were priests in black robes, with white crosses on them, and tall black hats, like those worn by the wise men. In the rear was the Zipa riding in a kind of gilded wheelbarrow hung with disks of gold. His naked body had been anointed with a resinous gum, and covered all over with fine gold-dust. Arrived at the shore, the Gilded Man and his companions stepped upon a balsa gay with streamers and loaded with flowers, and rowed out into the middle of the lake. There the Zipa, who was the Gilded Man, plunged into the water and washed off all the gold-dust. While he was doing this his companions, with music and singing, threw in the gold and emeralds they had brought out on the lake for that purpose. Coming back to the shore the Zipa said: "Do no more work for this day, but make merry with singing, dancing and feasting, as if the gentle, kind Bochica were with you again." All this time Pizarro's brother, and his greedy soldiers, were wandering around in the mountains trying to find the Gilded Man. If they could have seen him covered with gold at the festival, they would probably have tried to skin him alive to get the gold dust on his body. One of the padres, who came to convert and teach the natives, writing to the king of Spain, said: "I do not believe that the men taking part in the expeditions in search of the Gilded Man, would have tried so hard to get into Paradise." Further on in his letter the padre describes the terrible hardships and suffering the men had to undergo. After telling about their failure to find El Dorado, he says: "The men and officers returned to us nearly naked. In the warm rain their clothes had rotted on their backs, and were torn into shreds by the thickets they had crawled through on their hands and knees. Their feet were bare and wounded by the thorns and roots in the pathways, and their swords were not only without sheaths, but were eaten up with rust. Hunger compelled them to kill and eat their horses and dogs." While this had been going on in Peru, the King of Spain was busy sending out men for the same purpose. The story of the Gilded Man was known over all Europe, and other nations, besides Spain, were trying to find him. Some German bankers had loaned the king large sums of money for the privilege of searching for El Dorado, and the first white men to visit Gautavita was a band of Germans sent out by the banking house. They wanted slaves as well as gold, and were just as merciless and cruel as the Spaniards. In fact, any man having money enough to buy boats, or to provision men, stole off into the woods and went in search of the Gilded Man. The country was overrun with armed bands of adventurers who were ready to commit any kind of crime for the sake of gain. Whoever offered resistance was killed, and they were suspicious and jealous of each other, as well as of the Indians. After Pizarro's brother made such a miserable failure, and had to endure such bitter hardships one would expect his friends and associates to be careful about making another venture, but they knew of the German invaders, and then it was a race to see who would get hold of the Gilded Man first. Either side would have killed him and burned and pillaged the city, so the Indians had learned to distrust and hate all white men, and they made war on both the Spaniards and Germans whenever they had an opportunity. A young Spanish lieutenant, named Quesada, was the real conqueror of the Muscas, and, as might have been expected, he murdered the Zipa and robbed Gautavita, and every other village in the kingdom. He was as hard-hearted with his men, as he was with the Indians, and after five hundred of them had died from exposure on the way, they found themselves surrounded on all sides by overflowing rivers. Weeping and dejected they sought Quesada, saying: "We beseech you to send us back to Peru. Instead of gold, only hunger, misery and death await us here. The Gilded Man only exists in the distorted fancy of those who believe the lying tales of the Indians." At this juncture they stumbled on to a path with huts, at intervals, by the wayside, filled with the white cakes of salt said to come from the home of the Gilded Man, and they also found some cotton cloth. "We are on the right road at last," said Quesada, to his dispirited soldiery. "Prove faithful now, and we shall soon stand face to face with El Dorado." With a significant nod of the head, he added: "You know what that means to fearless men, like yourselves, and you can trust to the generosity of your captain for a rich reward." The prospect of getting plenty of gold soon caused the men to forget all about their troubles, but the Zipa not only fought them stubbornly, but when he was finally compelled to abandon Gautavita, there was no treasure to be found. The Muscas had either buried all their gold and emeralds, or thrown them into the lake. Great, indeed, was the disappointment of the Spaniards, and for his own safety Quesada soon planned another expedition against a neighboring tribe of Indians. The strange chief was surprised and captured in the Council House, and with him perished all of the notable men of the tribe. The soldiers found some gold and some very fine emeralds, but when they went to sack the Temple of the Sun, which had a thatched roof, they carelessly set the dry leaves on fire, and burned all the plate and other treasures it contained. Bands of armed men rode hither and yon looking for the Zipa, whom they now believed to be the Gilded Man. He kept in very close hiding, and no amount of torture, or promises of reward could make his followers tell where he was, or where the gold ornaments and vessels were hidden. "He is in the mountain fastnesses, where he has a house made of gold," declared some irresponsible Indians, glad to get rid of the cruel Spaniards. "Where is the house located?" Quesada asked, eagerly. "Some of the Indians say it is in the north, some say the south, some say near by, and others far away," answered his servant. "Very well, we will search in all directions until we find the miserable dog, and when we do it shall go hard with him." It took them several months to hunt him down, and when they did find him he could not be induced to tell anything about the treasures. "I have a house of gold in the sun where my master and lord, Bochica lives. I go to him, whom I have faithfully served all my life." After his death a new governor was sent from Peru, and he undertook to drain the lake to get the treasures of gold and emeralds which had been thrown into it in honor of the Golden Hearted. The Muscas were told that the new Governor would be kind to them if they would tell where they had hidden their wealth, but one of their priests said: "Do you think a river will run up hill?" The new Governor, hearing the remark, turned to him, and said: "No, it is not possible for water to run up hill. Why do you ask such a foolish question?" "How then, do you expect me to believe in the existence of a white man who will be just to us? One thing is quite as possible as the other." And to this day no one knows what became of the riches of the brave Muscas, but it is said that they still remember the Golden Hearted, and in secret, offer gold and emeralds in his honor. [Illustration] The White Sea of the Manoas The death of the Zipa and the complete subjugation of the Muscas, did not cause people to forget the story of El Dorado. On the contrary other nations soon began to fit out expeditions to search for him, and they went into some dreadful places in South America thinking they would find him. "What ails that dog of an Indian?" asked Aguirre, the tyrant, and the worst of all the Spanish adventurers looking for gold. "He has fainted from fatigue," answered one of his men. "Then cut off his head. We have no time to waste on these slaves." "Let us unfasten the chain around his neck, and then he can drop behind the rest of the gang," pleaded some of the Indians, who were being used to help the horses carry the baggage. "It will take too long, and the whole chain-gang of men would have to wait until we could unfasten his neckband and put some one else in his place. Chop off his head with this sword, and go on." The other officers tried to console the terrified Indians by saying: "If we were to leave him lying by the roadside, some wild animal would come along and eat him, so it is just as well for him as if we had done as you wished." Many people now say that Aguirre was insane, and to this day the poor Christian Indians cross themselves when they hear strange noises at night, and exclaim: "It is the soul of the tyrant Aguirre, who plunged a dagger through the heart of his own daughter when the King's officers came to arrest and punish him for his cruelties. He is doomed to wander over the swamps at night, and wail over his terrible sins. His soul can never be at rest." Like thistle-down scattered by the wind, were the wonderful tales of El Dorado. No matter where white men went they failed to find it, but the cunning Indians always told them that it was still farther away, because they wanted to get rid of the unwelcome visitors, who tortured and enslaved, as well as robbed them. Finally Sir Walter Raleigh, who helped colonize the state of Virginia, and named it for Good Queen Bess of England, heard about the city of Omagua, and the White Sea of the Manoas, and he determined to find them, because there, he believed, was El Dorado. Some English sailors under his command traded some pieces of old iron to the Indians for shields of gold. "Where did you get this metal?" was asked of the Indians. "In Omagua, where the tiles on the roofs of the houses are made from the same glittering substance, and where we hang crescents of it in front of our doors to keep away evil spirits." "What they say must be true," said the sailors among themselves, "for they have gold crowns on their heads, and breast-plates and earrings." "Where is this city of Omagua?" again asked the men. "It is very far south, and is on a lake of gold. Our chief lives in the House of the Sun, and has many green stones in his shield and on the walls of the temples." "What is the name of your chief?" "El Dorado," answered the Indians, anxious that the white men should know that they could speak their language. "It is all plain to me," said Sir Walter Raleigh, when told of it. "Those Spanish adventurers have failed to find the real El Dorado. We will search for it ourselves." "The Indians say there are whole streets filled with workers in gold and precious stones," said one of his officers, "and I dare say we shall make our enterprise quite profitable." So they, too, were looking for gold, only their methods were not so barbarous and cruel as the others had been. As they went farther into the country they found a numerous band of Indians with flat heads, and when they examined the babies carried on the backs of their mothers it was seen that they had tied a board across the forehead so that it would sink in and leave the head pointed and flat in front. "Why do you treat your heads in this manner?" some one asked their chief. "Because our fathers did so, and we think it makes us beautiful," he answered. In that country there are still plenty of flat-headed Indians. As the men marched along they came to trees with holes cut through the bark, and little earthen pots hanging under them to catch the sticky-looking milk that oozed out. "Can this be something good to eat?" the men said. "Let us taste it and see." "Ugh! it has a nasty, disagreeable, bitter flavor," said the speaker, licking his finger after he had stuck it down into the pot. "It smells so badly that it makes me feel sick," he continued, spitting it out quickly. "Here comes an old woman with some nuts from the palm tree she has been shaking in her hands. Let us ask her what this stuff is good for." But the old woman evidently did not have a very good opinion of white men, and would not speak to them at all. "We can watch her," they said, "and see whether she intends to eat it." She paid no attention to them, but went on making a fire out of the palm nuts and some dry leaves, and as soon as they blazed brightly she set the little pot near the fire and began stirring the milk with a wooden paddle she carried in her hand. As soon as the blaze smouldered, she held the paddle over it until the milk began to get thick. Then she dipped it back into the pot and repeated the process until there was enough coating to scrape off and make a flat cake. [Illustration: DRYING INDIA RUBBER] "Will you please give me the biscuit?" inquired one of the bystanders. Without a word the old woman threw it at him, and when he caught it in his hands, he exclaimed: "It is India rubber! Now we can have a game of ball!" As it was still warm he rounded it into shape with his hands, and then he and his companions amused themselves for quite a while throwing the ball against the trees and catching it as it bounded back. While they were engaged in this sport the cooks were preparing them something to eat, but the forest was full of monkeys swinging themselves from one tree to another by their long tails and seemingly very much interested in what the men underneath them were doing. Now, we all know that a monkey imitates everything it sees, and so the whole band began to go through the motion of throwing. As soon as they found out there was something to eat they bobbed their heads and screeched and chattered in great excitement. Every time the cook's back was turned they slid down a limb of the tree and grabbed a dish and scampered back again. They had such solemn little faces, and were so quick about it, that the men shouted with laughter, but when they sat down to eat, the monkeys jumped out of the trees and rushed for the food. The old Indian woman, comprehending the situation, approached camp and said: "Will the white chief let me cook something for the monkeys?" "What do you want to feed them?" "A pot of rice," she answered, "such as I know well how to prepare." No one made any objection, and it was not long before she had a big pan full of boiled rice, which she had made almost red with pepper. Taking a wide, green leaf, she laid it down and poured the rice out to cool. No sooner had she done so than the monkeys swarmed around the pile, and squatting beside it began to eat by the handful. Tears ran down their faces and water poured from their mouths, but they kept on eating for a few minutes. Then, suddenly seeming to suspect each other of being to blame, they commenced fighting with sticks and stones until they scattered the rice all over the ground. By this time the pepper was burning their mouths worse than ever, and not knowing what was the matter they set up a doleful howling, and ran pell-mell into the river quite a distance from camp. They tumbled into the water and rolled and wallowed in it, but it was some little time before their mouths quit smarting, and they were very willing to let the men alone. The dogs belonging to the party gave chase, but the monkeys screamed so that they awoke the alligators sleeping in the sun on the river bank, and then the dogs had to run for their lives. One or two of them barely escaped being caught in the wide open mouths of these monsters. It was very much cooler when the sun went down, but that brought out the mosquitos, and the men were obliged to sit in the smoke to save themselves from being bitten dreadfully. They kept the fire going all night, because they were afraid of the jaguars and panthers hidden in the woods during the day, but ready to kill and eat anything they might find in their night prowls. It was considered safer out of doors than in the tents, but it was impossible to sleep on account of the hideous noises made by the animals, monkeys, birds and snakes. "Why do these creatures keep up such a terrible din?" asked the men of their Indian guides. "Because they are keeping the feast of the full moon," they replied, and this appeared to be a settled belief among them. "Men put the jaguar out of humor," they explained. "He is a very selfish beast, and if he cannot rule alone he goes to his den and sulks. He will follow a man all day through the woods and will not spring upon him unless he tries to run or moves his arms. If you think one is following you do not look back and do not trust anything but the sharp blade of your sword. The noise of a gun only infuriates him." As the men heard this they imagined they could see the yellow eyes glaring at them in the darkness, and some thought they smelled him. "He is a ferocious, blood-thirsty beast," said the Indians in conclusion, "and you may well think yourselves fortunate when you leave these tropic forests and get out into the open plains." The men would have agreed with him if it had not been for the intense heat, and a terrible sandstorm that almost blinded them for days when it did not blow so hard that they could make no headway against it. Finally, footsore, weary, and almost discouraged, they came to a wide and deep river, and here the Indian guides brought them boats, which they called pirogues. "We are not far from the lake of gold beside the city of the Manoas," they said, and when the delighted soldiers inquired particularly, they responded readily: "We have these things from our fathers and other men wise in the traditions and sayings of our people, but we are afraid to go any further, for the Manoans are a fierce and warlike race." About this time Sir Walter Raleigh learned that the Queen was not pleased with his efforts in search of the El Dorado, and he decided to withdraw his men and abandon the attempt. But this did not hinder other men from trying to solve the mystery. It was more than a hundred years before the truth was finally known, and then a scientist discovered that the location itself had shifted and was nearly as much changed as the ideas about El Dorado. He traced the legend to Lake Parima, near the center of South America, and said: "This is really the White Sea of the Manoas, which people have long believed was a lake of gold. The reason the Indians thought so was because there is some fine gold-dust in the washings of the sand, which has plenty of mica mixed with it. Then there is a large quantity of salt dried on the grass, and when the hot sun shines, it looks at a distance as if it were a great sea of gold." "Are the houses covered with gold tiles?" was the next inquiry. "No indeed: they are common huts with thatched roofs on which the salt and mica glisten and sparkle as they do in the grass and sand." "Are the natives warlike? and do they eat each other, as we have been told?" "They are armed with javelins, wooden shields, bows and arrows, and a short sword which they make for themselves. We found them very friendly, and as for their being cannibals that is all imagination, but it may have been true in olden times." And this is really what people spent millions of money trying to find, and for which hundreds of lives were uselessly sacrificed. [Illustration] The Mountain of Gold Very far to the north of Lake Parima, is the celebrated Roraima, the "Mountain of Gold," one of the objects sought by the men who were looking for El Dorado. "Let us set out on an expedition to see if we cannot solve the mystery of this mountain, that is not only rich in gold and precious stones, but grows the Plant of Life in abundance, which keeps one alive for hundreds of years," said some idle Cavaliers who had become reckless in their eagerness to acquire sudden riches. "But they say Roraima is inaccessible, so what is the use of attempting the impossible?" said one of the party, who had been out hunting. "I believe that the flat top of the mountain is inhabited, and that up there is the famous island city of El Dorado," responded the first speaker. "There is almost unlimited wealth to be had by finding it, and these cowardly Indians are afraid to go near it." "It will be a long, tedious journey," said the hunter, "and I doubt if we can persuade the slaves to accompany us." "They _shall_ go," said the other, firmly, "and if there is any sign of rebellion we have a remedy," he continued, pointing to his gun with a smile that was not pleasant to see. It was as the hunter feared. The Indian porters and servants were nearly frantic at the idea of being compelled to approach the dread mountain. "The whole place is weird and uncanny," they declared, "and the demon mountain is surrounded by haunted woods, filled with camoodis and didis." When asked what a camoodi was, they explained that it was a gigantic snake with a hood over its head, and whose breath killed whatever it touched, while the didis were man apes, ferocious and terrible to see. "It is a foolish superstition," said the Spaniards, in derision, "and we will not listen to such idle tales." "Roraima is an island, connected underground with the other mountains, and the lights you see on the tops are put there by the demons to lure us on to destruction." "If it is inaccessible, how do these demons manage to get up there?" asked the Spaniards. "There are huge white eagles, that fly so high we cannot see them; but they have very fine eyesight, and many a poor brave has been seized by them, and carried to the didis on the mountain." "They must mean the big white birds we call condors, found in the highest peaks of the Andes," said the Spaniards, "but our good weapons are proof against any bird, and we need have no fear." "As soon as it is dark in those terrible woods, blood-sucking vampires swoop down from the trees and fasten their long red bills in your throat," said the Indians, with a shudder, but no attention was paid to anything they told of the hardships to be endured. "It is better for us to start at the beginning of the dry season," said Carino, the Indian guide, and in a short time the entire party was voyaging on one of the splendid rivers that span that country. In canoes they passed through untracked forests and grassy savannahs following the course of the river. Some places they were in great danger from cataracts and rapids, but finally landed in a place where there was a flock of red flamingos half hidden by tall pampas grass, and where there were hundreds of little wild ducks with tiny horns on their wings. In the trees were some rare and beautiful orchids, and when some of the party climbed up to pick the big perfumed blossoms, they were much surprised to find that what they thought was a flower was a perfumed butterfly. "We must be near the enchanted wood," said the Spaniards, but just then they heard a sort of combination of whistle, snort and hiss that frightened them dreadfully: "Carino! what is that?" they all said, huddling up close together, and listening intently. "It is the cry of the Lost Souls, who have been slain by the camoodi," said Carino. "We have already seen their strange shapes flitting through the deep shadows. They are in league with the didi to guard this spot." As he spoke the Indian porters and slaves began a curious chant in a singsong tone: Darkly from sunset to the rising sun, A cry as of the pained heart of the wood, The long despairing moan of solitude And darkness and the absence of all good, Startles the traveler with a sound so drear, So full of hopeless agony and fear, His heart stands still and listens with his ear, The guide, as if he heard a death-bell toll, Crosses himself and whispers "A Lost Soul." The last words seemed to affect Carino deeply and falling on his knees before the leader of the expedition he said: "My heart is heavy at the thought of your undertaking to fight the demons of the mountain. It is not good--this thing you are about to do. The didis may tempt you to enter these fatal woods, but they will trap you by closing the trail and you will never be seen again." "We will encamp here for the night, and tomorrow at sunrise we will have a look at Roraima," said the leader, not feeling very comfortable over the doleful noise called the wail of a lost soul. "It may be that these Indians are not so far wrong," he said to himself when their backs were turned. "At any rate, I do not fancy going into the woods so near nightfall." After a long parley Carino succeeded in persuading the porters and servants to venture a short distance to get some wood for cooking and other purposes. They had not been gone long when the Spaniards heard a loud roaring bark, almost like a trumpet, quickly followed by several more in the immediate vicinity. Soon the Indians came flying into camp terror-stricken. "The Warracaba cats!" they shouted, and before the Spaniards could stop them, they had all piled into the canoes and were rowing for the middle of the river. The white men stood with guns raised as four screaming tigers sprang out of the woods in full pursuit of the Indians they had smelled, but not seen. Bang! bang! bang! went the guns in rapid succession, and three of the four tigers rolled on the ground dead or dying, while the other one made off into the woods as fast as he could go. "That was a narrow escape, my masters," said Carino, shaking as if he had ague, "and the other Warracaba will come back and bring companions. These tigers hunt in packs like wolves, and are not afraid of anything except deep water." "What are we to do?" asked the leader, gruffly, pale with fright. "Those dastardly slaves have gone off and left us without a single boat. Do you think you can call them back?" he asked eagerly. "I fear to answer that question," faltered Carino. "I have warned you that my people fear these woods, and are never willing to go into them." Then the Cavaliers began very foolishly to blame each other for coming to such a place, and were soon in high words--as if quarreling would help them out of their difficulty. "If you had not been so greedy for gold you would never have undertaken such a journey," said one of them. "And if you had been willing to work for an honest living you would not have been so eager to come with me," retorted the other angrily. Carino realizing that something must be done at once, interrupted the dispute by saying: "There is an old Manoan witch named Monella, who has lived at the edge of this wood for hundreds of years, and if you will follow me I will conduct you to her hut. The pathway is hung with bell-shaped flowers of many hues, and these give a dim light when the sun goes down. If we make haste we may reach it before dark." Without a word the Spaniards picked up what things they needed for the night, and carrying them on their backs in separate bundles, moodily followed Carino. None but an Indian could have found the way through such a tangled mass of undergrowth. Suddenly Carino stopped and called out: "Beware! here is one of the fierce lords of the wood, mouth open and bent upon attack." Being an agile, quick fellow, he jumped to one side barely in time to miss the venomous snake as it rushed toward him. The warning made the Spaniards ready, and with unerring aim one of them shot the reptile through the head. "These are some of the guardians of Roraima," said Carino, solemnly. "They are not only poisonous, but show fight, and will not run from man." By this time the Spaniards were beginning to lose heart. "If the Holy Mother preserves me through this night I will give up this search for El Dorado," said the leader, and the other men agreed with him. "The witch Monella has strange tales to tell of Roraima. She has been through the secret cavern in the side of the mountain, and up to the top," said Carino. "Does she say that there is gold up there?" queried one of the Cavaliers. Before the guide could answer, a large yellow puma stood in the pathway, directly in front of them. A gun was leveled to shoot at her, when Carino sprang forward and said: "Do not harm the puma. She belongs to Monella, and no red man ever kills one of these animals. They are always our friends, and to injure one is to bring bad luck on yourself and family." They went forward eagerly now for the thought of a human habitation near by inspired them with courage, and they were soon rewarded by seeing a thin column of smoke issuing from an opening in the dense foliage. Nearing the hut they were met by a queer looking old Indian woman, who had no teeth, and whose face was so wrinkled that she could scarcely see out of her eyes. Carino approached her and said: "We have come, good mother, to ask shelter and food for the night. We are a band of travelers who are left with no servants and must make our way the best we can." [Illustration: "THE OLD WITCH, MONELLA"] "Your strange white masters come on a useless errand," said the old crone, blinking at them and grinning in a knowing way. "You think to find the hidden treasure of Roraima and to unearth its buried secrets, but you will fail. No one living, except myself, knows these things, and I will not tell you more than is good for you." "Do not quarrel with the old hag," said the leader to Carino, "we need a place to sleep and are very hungry, so give her some gold and tell her we will do as she says." "These are not Mellenda's men," said the old crone to Carino, as she eyed them suspiciously. "But the White Brotherhood would despise me if I refused to shelter them from the dangers of the forest at night. They are welcome to come and sup with me." When they had all been given something to eat, and were sitting before the fire of pine knots, one of the Cavaliers said: "Tell us, good mother, how you have managed to live so long. Carino says you are very old and very wise." "Since I was a little child I have drank a tea made from the Plant of Life. Its juice is bitter-sweet, and unless one has the Falloa, or Don't Care Sickness, he can live always." "Where did you get this wonderful plant?" "It was given me by Ulama, the beautiful daughter of Mellenda," answered the old woman, proudly. "This is like her smiling face," she continued, going back to a cupboard and getting a curious old parchment roll from a shelf. As she unwound the figure the astonished Spaniards saw a fair representation of a yellow-haired girl with a circlet of gold set with gems on her head. On the breast of her flowing robe there was a golden star, and around the waist there was a jeweled girdle. "Can you read this picture writing?" asked one of the Spaniards. "It is the language of my forefathers, and as a child I could speak it well. Listen, and I will tell you what it says. Long years ago there was a rich and powerful white race living in these lands, and they built a wonderful city on the Mountain of Gold. But the Children of Darkness captured the city, and they enticed people up there so they could sacrifice them to the Devil-tree. There is never any thunder or lightning on top of Roraima, and its crest is a flat tableland edged with a high forest and guarded by white eagles. The mountains surrounding it were once islands in a great lake, and Mellenda was the ancient king of the Children of Light who lived there. The King was a man of peace and very great wisdom, and he had a wife and four beautiful children whom his enemies, the Children of Darkness, sacrificed to the Devil-tree while he was away in a distant part of the kingdom. He had a great fleet and could have punished the Children of Darkness." The old crone ceased speaking, and seemed lost in deep study. Finally Carino roused her by asking: "Did Mellenda do nothing for revenge?" "No; he went away, but he promised he would come back again, and he will. Not long after his departure came the great sinking of the waters, and the lake of Parima has disappeared into another region of our country. For centuries after this the surrounding land was but a chaos of swamp and mud. By degrees vegetation grew up, and in time the trees became the thick tangled forest that cannot now be penetrated." "Did this Mellenda take with him all the gold and silver?" asked a Cavalier, intent upon finding something worth carrying away. "In the city on top of the mountain is kept a full suit of his gold armor, bright and ready, waiting to receive him." "We will get it and take it home with us," said the Spaniards, now all eagerness. "We, of Mellenda's race, firmly believe that he will come again, and none of us would dare touch any of his belongings," said the crone, earnestly. "You need not touch it," began one of the Cavaliers. "We will bring it down the trail ourselves." "There is no trail up the sides of Roraima. The entrance to its hidden passageway is guarded by a giant Devil-tree." "Did you ever see this Devil-tree?" asked her visitors. "Yes; a few years ago, I took my two pumas and went to the cave for a certain purpose. As we stood looking at the monstrous thing one of its long, horny branches crept toward us, and one of the pumas sprang forward to bite it. Instantly it curled around the body of the poor creature, dragging it until they came to the trunk of the tree. Here shorter and thicker limbs knotted together over the struggling puma, and finally all rose in the air and almost disappeared in the hollow trunk." "Did you make no effort to rescue your pet?" "I hacked the first branch with an axe until it bled a dark, crimson liquid that smelled so badly I was deathly sick. Every inch of the bark is covered with small mouths that pierce the flesh and suck the blood of its victims. I kept watch until the moon came out, and then the knots of limbs unrolled and out fell something. Each branch tossed it before it reached the ground, when I saw it was the crushed and lifeless puma. Out of a slimy pool near by rushed huge alligators, and in a few minutes they were eating what the Devil-tree left of the puma." "Let us go away from here," said the Spaniards among themselves. "Instead of being an earthly paradise, this is an infernal region." When they were bidding the old crone good-bye the next morning, she looked at them sharply and said: "You came here searching for gold, and expected to find it ready for your use. My friends, the great blessings of life must be worked for and earned. You cannot cheat your way into Heaven, nor will you or your people ever find any more hidden treasures belonging to other races. You will earn all the fortunes you get after this adventure." The Amazon Queens We should all get very tired I am sure if we tried to follow the Spaniards into every nook and corner of the New World where they went in search of El Dorado, but we are interested in knowing that the name Costa Rica means the rich coast, because it was one of the El Dorado regions, and in Panama, the little narrow strip of land which unites North and South America, they expected to find a Castle of Gold, while the Island of Porto Rico is also one of the homes of El Dorado. It made no difference to the Spaniards whether the natives in these places had heard of the Golden Hearted or not. They only wanted to find the riches of the country, and would not have listened to any teaching other than that brought by the padres. So for years and years they kept on making mistakes and undergoing the most terrible hardships trying to acquire sudden wealth. One of the stories that is very queer was that about the Amazon Queens. Columbus wrote of them, and this is what he said: "On the first island discovered on the voyage from Spain to the Indies, no men are allowed to live. The female warriors do not follow any womanly occupations, but use bows and arrows of cane, and cover as well as arm themselves with brazen plates, of which they have many." He says nothing of their having great wealth, but Cortez also heard of them, and wrote to the King of Spain that the island was ten days distance from a province in Mexico, and that many persons had gone there and seen the women warriors. He concludes his letter by saying: "I am told that these fighting women are rich in pearls and gold." This news was quite enough to start the Spaniards on a search for the island, and, as usual, the Indians gave them much contradictory information about its location. Some said it was north and some said it was south, so exploring parties were sent in both directions. A man by the name of Guzman came up into Mexico as far north as Sinaloa, looking for this wonderful island, and his march was one of devastation and murder. He not only compelled the Indians to accompany him as slaves to do all the drudgery, but tortured such chiefs as he thought had gold, and in many cases killed them because they either did not give it to him quickly enough, or in as large quantities as he wanted. The farther north he went the poorer the natives were. "Instead of a rich island inhabited by soldierly women," he exclaimed, in disgust, "I find a few insignificant villages occupied by women and children, because the men have all fled to the mountains. In the whole country there is not a trace of gold, pearls or treasures of any kind." Along the way he found very scant supplies of gold, and this made him furious, for he returned to the city of Mexico poorer than when he left it. Pizarro and his followers in Peru heard of the Amazon Queens, and so did Sir Walter Raleigh and the German adventurers, but their country was said to be along the banks of a very wide river in South America. The Indians called them the Great Ladies, and the river has since been named the Amazon in their honor. "If the Great Ladies do not invite you to visit them, it is a very dangerous thing to attempt," said the Indian guides to Orellana, the man who discovered the Amazon river, and was the first to sail its entire length. "Why do you say that?" asked Orellana. "Because they are tall, strong-limbed and fair, and are great fighters. They wind their long hair across their foreheads in thick bands, and defend themselves well." "What kind of weapons do they use?" queried the Spanish soldiers, when they could stop laughing at the Indians for being afraid of a lot of women. "They shoot with blow-pipes, bows and arrows, and have a war-club that they wield with great vigor," answered the Indians, with serious faces. "Are they always so hostile to men?" "Only the grandfathers of this generation have seen them, and none save the Kings of the Borderers ever venture near their habitation." "How are the Kings of the Borderers received by these strange women?" "They meet them at the frontier of their possessions with bows and arrows in their hands, but after an exchange of pledges the Great Ladies invite the men to come and feast and dance with them. Sometimes they stay a month, and then the Queens escort them to the edge of their land, and send them home loaded with presents." "What kind of presents do they give?" asked the Spaniards, suddenly taking a great interest in what was being said. "There are gold ornaments in plenty, and emeralds and pearls, besides the grains of gold carried in eagle quills." "We will capture these Great Ladies," interrupted the Spaniards, excitedly. "We will teach them their proper places when we get hold of them. Why do you Indians allow them to live in such a manner?" "Our forefathers have taught us to hold them in great veneration, because they live in a Mansion of the Sun. Long years ago they were Virgins of the Sun, but in the wars between the different tribes they were allowed to separate from the rest and live in a community by themselves." "Do they build houses?" "They have temples, and keep the sacred fires burning on the altars, as was done in olden times." "Who rules them, and what do they do with their boy babies?" "They select their own queen, and the boy babies are given to the Kings of the Borderers; they only keep girl babies in their tribe, and when they grow up they become either warriors or priestesses." "How do they support themselves?" "By hunting, fishing, weaving cloth and trading with their neighbors." "Where do they get their riches?" "From the mountains of Parima, where they have secret storehouses filled with treasures they have been hoarding for ages." This pleased the Spaniards very much, and quite decided them to make a raid upon that country. Even after they had talked the matter over fully among themselves they recalled the Indians and questioned them still further. "Would you be afraid to undertake to fight these strange women?" they asked, when they saw that the guides were unwilling to accompany them. "No, we are not afraid, but we are enjoined to let them alone. None of us would ever think of disturbing them. They are very fierce, and will kill any man that they do not like." [Illustration: "A FLOWER OFFERING"] "But you could easily conquer women warriors," urged the Spaniards, now eager to commence the journey. "It would not be so easily done as you imagine," said the guides, shaking their heads doubtfully. "The Great Ladies wear thick shields and cover their clothes with metal discs which turn away an arrow point." "We can easily overcome that protection with our guns, and we are not commanded to respect them," replied the Spaniards. "You will find that they have deep underground retreats to which they fly in times of danger, and they are known to be excellent shots." Just then a party of prospectors returned from the mountains where they had been looking for gold. Among the things they brought was a number of thin, flat green stones with holes pierced in each end, showing that they had been used for ornaments. The Indian guides said at once they were the same kind of emerald as that worn by the Amazon Queens for an amulet against disease. "How did you succeed in getting them?" they asked. "From some Indian pedlars we met with packs on their backs. They said the stones would cure the spleen, and we have been wearing them ever since." "Did you have any difficulty in persuading the pedlars to part with them?" "No; they said they got them from a tribe of women warriors many leagues to the south, but we did not believe them." "It is all true," said the guides, "and these Great Ladies have been in that land a very long time." "If we can find enough of these spleen stones to make our trip profitable we do not care whether we meet the Great Ladies or not," said the prospectors, when told of the proposed trip in search of the Amazon Queens. As the party pushed forward into the tangled thickets, they found cocoanuts, and plantains, ripe and ready to eat, and they also found some very juicy little canteloupes growing on a vine, but none of the Indians living on, or near the Amazon river, could tell them where to find the Queens. They searched up and down the banks for a hidden passageway which was said to guard the entrance to their mountain home, but to all questions the river made no answer. To the disappointed Spaniards it looked angry, sullen and relentless in the untamed might of its turbid waters. "It seems to be always summer here," said the weary soldiers, "but one would die of malarial poisoning if compelled to stay long." Some of the guides felt sorry for the sick men, and went into the woods and brought them sarsaparilla bark, and made them a tea of it. "Drink this," they said, "because it will cure your sickness which comes from the head. If your heart was strong with love for your brothers you would find blessings in this land. As it is you seek to plunder and rob the Great Ladies, but the Sun is their father, and he will make the mountains, trees and rocks hide them and their treasures." "It is no use to look for these women any longer. We shall all die before we can reach them," said the leader, wearily. And no one to this day knows just where the Amazon Queens lived. [Illustration] The Seven Cities of Cibola The Nahuas in Mexico were really a sect of wise men descended from those that came with the Golden Hearted. They believed that they originated in Seven Caves, which were not locations at all, but was only a way of saying that human beings have seven wonderful qualities. They might have thought so because we can see, feel, taste, hear and smell, and have instinct and are able to reason, or it may have been something else. At any rate, it did not mean actual caves, but was a symbol. In later times when people were not so wise, they said it was seven tribes instead of caves, and when the Spaniards heard about it they managed to twist it into seven cities, and immediately conceived the idea that great riches and gold could be found in them. When questioned on the subject the Indians said: "To the far north there are seven wonderful cities where the people make arrow-heads of emeralds and take the sweat off their bodies with scrapers of pure gold, and have jeweled gates, and turquoise ornaments over their doors." "Do these men know how to work precious stones and metals?" asked the Spaniards eagerly. "There are long streets filled with jewelers who make rings for the ears, nose and arms," they said. "Forty days must you journey to reach this land, and you must travel through a desert where there is neither water nor food to be had." The first Spaniard to attempt the search for the Seven Cities was the cruel Guzman, who looked north for the Amazons. He had with him quite an army, and his men were so excited over the stories they heard that they scarcely took time to eat or sleep on the way. They hoped every day to find the cities, but instead of this the country grew more desolate, the road more difficult, and the cities still farther to the north. Then the Spaniards began to complain, and said: "We have been deceived, and shall all die in this bleak land. Let us return to Mexico." And they did. For six years no one had the courage to seek the Seven Cities. Then something very strange happened. Into a little seaport where Cortez had ordered some ships built to explore the western coast, came wandering four strange men. They were barefooted, and had no clothing except some old, dirty skins with the hair worn off in spots. Their heads were a perfect mass of tangles, and their beards reached almost to the knees. Falling flat on their faces before the first white man they saw, they cried out in a loud voice: "Thank God! We are safe at last!" When the astonished Spaniard turned to look at them, they seized his hands and kissed them, and springing to their feet danced and shouted for joy. "These are escaped maniacs," said the people, gathering around to look at them. "Whatever shall we do with mad men?" "No, no! You do not understand. We are poor wanderers who have been lost for years among the Indians." "Let us take them to our Captain. There is something very strange about this," said the Spaniards, and they started at once. "Who are you?" asked the Captain, rudely, looking with disgust at their dirt and rags. "I am a noble of Castile who came to help conquer Florida, and my name is De Vaca," said the oldest man. "The fleet was wrecked and all were lost except my companions here, and me. All the years since we have been with the Indians." "I do not believe a word of it," said the Captain. "Put these fellows in prison until we find out about them. They may be criminals." For three months they lay in prison, and then the Alcalde came and released them. "Tell me your story," he said. "When the ships were lost," responded De Vaca, "we swam to the mainland, and were captured by the Indians. They were a poor, starved tribe who lived on roots and berries, and often went days without a mouthful. We had with us a rattle, and this, with our beards, made them think we came from Heaven, and were great medicine men. They fell on their faces before us and gave us all they had. We asked them to take us where the sun sets, but they refused, and we pretended to be very angry, until they finally let us go. After months of wandering we came to a land of plenty, where the people were wealthy, and wore beautiful plumes in their head-dresses. They brought us five emeralds cut into arrow-heads, and many fine turquoises, and beads made of coral. When I asked where they got these stones, they pointed to some lofty mountains toward the north and told us the gems came from there, and that near them were large cities, with houses three or four stories high. I did not go there because I heard that toward the sunset were other men of my kind, and I longed once more to look upon the face of a Spaniard." "Of course," said the people, as they talked the matter over, "these are the same cities Guzman tried to find. He did not go in the right direction, but we know where they are," and many were eager to set out at once. But the Viceroy was a quiet and careful man. "There have been many lives lost already," he said, "and it will be best not to hurry. I shall not send an army there until I am sure." Then he thought of a padre, named Fray Marcos, who had lived much among the Indians of the north, and he sent for him, and said: "Perhaps there lies to the north as rich a nation as Mexico or Peru. If so it must be conquered for the Church and the King of Spain. You know how to speak to the Indians, and it might be that they would let you come among them and learn the truth. Will you undertake to do so?" "God giving me strength I will," said Fray Marcos, with enthusiasm. "Very well. The negro Stephen, who was with De Vaca is here, and is willing to be your guide. If you come to any great city do not send back word, but return yourself and tell me about it. Make all your plans and set out as soon as possible." Fray Marcos did as he was told, but it was several months before anything was heard of him. One day a traveler, in a monk's gown, came walking into the same seaport that De Vaca had visited. "It is Fray Marcos, who went in search of the Seven Cities! Did you find them! Are they full of wealth? Where is the negro Stephen?" Fray Marcos would not answer their questions. "I have much to tell, but my news is for the Viceroy himself," said the padre, and he started for the city of Mexico. When there he said to the Viceroy: "The Indians came out to meet and welcome me everywhere. They had food ready for me, and where there were no houses, they built bowers of trees and flowers that I might rest safe from the sun. I spent four days journeying through a desert, and then I found some Indians who marveled much to see me. They thought, because I was white and wore a gown, that I must have come from Heaven. I asked them if they knew of any great kingdom where there were seven large cities, and they told me that farther on were high mountains with wide plains at the foot where the people lived in cities and clothed themselves in cotton. I sent Stephen ahead three-score leagues, and charged him to send back Indians to bring me news of his success. If the country was poor and mean, he was to send me a cross no longer than my hand; if it were a goodly place the cross was to be two lengths of a hand, and if he found what he sought he was to send me a large cross. In four days a messenger came from Stephen bearing a cross as high as a man. He brought news of a mighty province called Cibola, thirty days journey northward from the town where Stephen was. In this province there are seven great cities governed by one Prince." "You should have followed at once to make sure that all these things were true," said the Viceroy, now very much interested. "I did," responded Fray Marcos. "Each day messengers came to me carrying large crosses and giving more particulars concerning Cibola. Finally I entered a valley where there were many people, and all of them had turquoises hanging from their noses, and ears, and collars of the same three or four times double around their necks. Then I had to go through another desert, and was beginning to get very tired when one day there came running to me, an Indian in great fright--his body covered with sweat and dust, and his face showing extreme sadness. He said that the day before Stephen had reached Cibola, and had sent guides into the city with presents for the chief, and to let them know he came in peace. But the great Lord of the City flew into a rage and dashed the presents to the ground. He drove the messengers out in fury, and said he would kill them if they came back again. He said, too, that he would kill Stephen. But the negro was not afraid, and went directly into the city. Instantly they were seized and cast into a prison, where they were kept all night without anything to eat or drink. The next morning Stephen and his guides tried to escape, but the people killed all of them except one other and the messenger who came to me. These two were struck down and left for dead, but were only stunned, and when the angry people went away they crept out in the night, and made their escape." "What did you do then, Fray Marcos?" asked the Viceroy. [Illustration: "ONE OF THE SEVEN CITIES OF CIBOLA"] "So great was my grief that it seemed for a moment as if I should die, but when my guides began to weep and lament I gave them the presents I intended for the Lord of Cibola, and resolved to go and see the city, even if I could not enter it. I traveled one day and came to a round hill, which I climbed. Looking down I saw the beautiful city of Cibola." "And the houses, were they as the Indians told you?" "Yes, my lord; they were built of stone four stories high, and glistened in the bright sunshine. The people were fair and dressed in white. Greatly was I tempted to risk my life and go down to them, but I contented myself with planting a cross and hurrying here to tell you what I had done." "That was right, Fray Marcos," said the Viceroy, "and now it is time to send an army." The first person the Viceroy thought of to lead the soldiers was a brave nobleman, named Coronado, who sat by his side. He had been listening eagerly to all that Fray Marcos had to tell. Turning to him the Viceroy said: "It is my wish that you should command my forces and conquer this Kingdom of Cibola. I desire you to make ready at once." "Fray Marcos simply confirms what Guzman and De Vaca have already told us," replied Coronado, "and I accept your commission with one proviso." "And what may that be?" asked the Viceroy, with a smile. "That you allow me to bear the expenses of the entire expedition." "Very well, and when you find Cibola I will make you its governor and give you all the treasures you find except what justly belongs to the King of Spain, and his representatives and soldiers taking part in the enterprise." So great was the excitement over Fray Marcos' story of the new El Dorado, that Coronado scarcely knew what to do with the volunteers of all classes who came flocking into camp determined to go with him. He not only spent all his own money, but borrowed all he could get and provided for every one in splendid style. They marched out in glittering armor, on prancing horses with lances gleaming in the sunshine and banners flying gayly. They were all in high spirits because they expected to return in a short time loaded with gold and jewels. But it was very different when they reached the desert and mountains, for they did not know how to bear the fatigue of such a journey, nor how to care for their horses, cattle and sheep. The animals died rapidly, and the soldiers got into many fights with the Indians who resented being robbed and badly treated. On they went through what we now call Arizona, over almost the same road that Fray Marcos had traveled, and found, instead of the fine, glittering city they expected, only a few houses of one of the Zuni Indian villages. The hearts of the Spaniards sunk as they gazed upon it. Calling some of the men, Coronado said: "Go in to the people of the city, and say that we come to defend and join with them in friendship." They went and delivered Coronado's greeting, but were received with scorn. "We did not ask you to come, and your chief had no right to send you. This is our land, and we can defend it. If you attempt to stay here we will kill every one of you." Even as the soldiers, carrying the message, turned to go away the people of Cibola began firing arrows at them. Coronado quickly gave the command to attack, which the Indians answered by a shower of arrows and stones which they sent down from their high-walled houses. They seemed bent upon killing Coronado; twice they felled him to the ground, but he recovered and led the charge with an arrow sticking through his foot. "Santiago! and at them!" he shouted, as he rode forward in the last assault. "Santiago," echoed his soldiers, close at his heels. When the Indians saw the horses coming at full speed into their village, they threw down their bows and arrows, and fled in every direction. Then the Spaniards almost cried with anger and disappointment. The houses were really made of stone, but there were no jewels, no gold, no treasures of any kind--nothing, in fact, but a poor, miserable Indian pueblo, or village, built upon a high ledge of rocks, miles away from the fields of corn, beans and squashes, upon which they lived. All the Indians in that part of the United States built their houses in pueblos, or villages, but not one of them had any treasures. They irrigated the dry, sandy soil and tilled their fields, and were a simple, kindly people, until the greedy Spanish soldiers drove them into rebellion which has left their country bare and desolate, even to this day. [Illustration: "FRAY MARCOS"] The Kingdom of Quivera The air was full of the chill and blast of winter, and with the first snow-flakes great discontent broke out in camp, and Coronado realized that he must find a place to make his men more comfortable. "There are ten big community houses on top of that spider-shaped rock," he said, one morning to a squad of soldiers who had been drilling on parade ground, "and I want possession of it for the troops. Some one must go ahead first and report the situation." "The rock is so high that our bullets scarcely reach to the top," said the scout, who had galloped over to the pueblo to spy out a way of doing what Coronado commanded. "But there are four winding paths leading up the sides, and we can ascend in single file." "Have you tried it?" asked Coronado. "Yes, and found it quite an easy task. I spent last night there, and as the rays of the sun took leave of the lofty Sierras, I felt forsaken, and as if I were about to float away into the darkness." "Did the Indians suspect your purpose in coming?" "Certainly not, and all my gloomy feelings passed away as soon as the fires began to blaze on the roofs at different heights of the same building. Inside the houses laughing voices greeted me, and I was glad to be the guest of such simple people." "Do you think we would be safe from attacks and surprises at night?" "Perfectly. And when once up there it would be almost impossible to come down at night. The narrow paths are really unsafe except in daylight." It was not long until the Spaniards had forcible possession of the village, and during the long, dreary winter months they went about in rusty helmets, battered cuirasses, ragged doublets and worn-out boots, while the Indians wrapped themselves in thick coverings made of rabbit skins. Every morning the bell called them to mass, and then the criers went up and down announcing the day's duty to every one in the camp. On the plains below was heard the neighing of horses, the lowing of cattle and the bleating of sheep. In the pueblos near by the Indians danced, and gathered around the fires to listen to the old men's stories of their past, and as the winter drew to a close the Spaniards were no longer homesick and despondent, but ready and willing to test the truth of some of the things the Indians had told them of the Wrathy Chieftain and the Kingdom of Quivera. At Pecos the scouts were received with music and presents of cotton cloth and handfuls of turquoises, because the inhabitants were not sure but that the white men came from the sun, and were sent by the Golden Hearted, whom they revered and honored as the Wrathy Chieftain. In this village they met a strange-looking Indian. We will name this fellow the "Turk," because he looks so like one, and find out, if we can, where he lives. "May be his people have gold," said the soldiers, as soon as they arrived at Pecos. "My home is very far to the east," said the Turk, when questioned, "and we have plenty of gold." "What is the name of your country!" "Quivera, and my king's name is Tatarax. He wears a long beard, and worships a golden cross and an image of the Queen of Heaven." Had the Spaniards been at all cautious and shrewd they would have taken pains to find out how true this statement was, but they were so tired of being in camp, that they were glad of an opportunity to go on another expedition in search of an El Dorado, which they always hoped to find. "The chiefs of the Pecos have taken a gold arm band of mine," said the Turk, wishing to make trouble between them and the Spaniards. "No matter what I say to them, they will not give it back to me." He described the band as being so wide and heavy that Coronado was induced to seize the chiefs and carry them off to another pueblo in the hope of compelling the Pecos Indians to pay a big ransom for them. In addition the Spaniards demanded cotton clothes and provisions for their journey. The Indians refused, and fought two weeks before Coronado became satisfied that the Turk never had such a thing as an arm band, and that there was no gold in the village. "It is no use to waste time looking for treasures in this part of the world," he finally told his men, and they immediately began to question the Turk. "I know a country," he declared, "where there is a very wide river that has fish in it as big as a horse. The people tip their canoes with gold, and sometimes there are forty rowers in a boat. Every vessel they use is made of gold and silver." All the time he was talking he watched the faces of the soldiers with keen craftiness, and when he saw how delighted they were, he made the story just as big as he could. "There are plenty of such places," he said, with a toss of his head, "but my country of Quivera is the most important of them all, and I will take you there first." When any one gets lost on the plains where there are no hills or trees to mark the way, they wander around in a circle, and finally get into a perfect frenzy by coming back to the same place over and over again. This was what happened to the Spaniards under Coronado. They returned in a wide bend to Pecos, after marching for months on the desolate plains. "Led around in a circle," he said, "as if by some evil spirit. Everywhere we went we found ourselves surrounded by herds of misshapen, crinkly-wooled cows. Some of them had calves, and the bulls had beards of sunburnt hair. Our horses took fright and ran away, while some of them plunged and threw their riders over their heads." "Were these woolly cows ferocious?" asked the good padre, who had remained at Pecos to teach the Indians, and had never seen a buffalo. "They are very terrible when they stampede. If they catch sight of a white man, they lower their heads and with a quick, short bellow set off at full tilt in a heavy, rolling gallop. On they come, like a mad rush of waters, tails high in the air and their big eyes gleaming with fright. We had much ado to keep out of their way, for they would run over and trample all to death." "No wonder your horses ran away," said the padre. "It was quite enough to frighten anything." "Finally we met some of the people who go around the country with the cows. They make tents of the hides and wear them for blankets, and keep huge dogs to carry their food and baggage. They were friendly to us, but knew nothing of Quivera and its treasures." But the feeling of helplessness and desolation of the plains gradually left the Spaniards, and then they were ready to follow the Turk's lead again. This time they got lost in the desert, and many of them wandered off and died from thirst, and their bodies were eaten by wolves and coyotes. They kept going round and round in a circle until their tongues hung out of their mouths and they were delirious. In the hot, quivering air they imagined they saw cities, and lakes and springs of water, and they laughed and cried, and sung and danced in a raging fever. At last they began to suspect the Turk. "He is purposely leading us astray," they said. "He is trying to lose us on these desolate plains where we will starve to death. He intends to desert and leave us here." They put the Turk in chains, and then he confessed that he had never seen the big stone houses he said were in Quivera, but stoutly insisted that the country was rich in gold and silver. The Prairie Indians begged Coronado to turn back. "The land of Quivera is forty days' journey toward the north," they said, "and you will suffer from hunger long before you reach other tribes." But Coronado had spent all his money and was in debt deeply, so he determined to take twenty-nine picked horsemen and go forward. Leaving the rest of the company to find their way back to Pecos, he engaged some new guides among the Prairie Indians and pushed on determined to find Quivera. They rode directly north until they came to a place in Kansas near where the city of Leavenworth is now located. In the meantime the Pecos Indians went on the warpath and refused to receive or aid the Spaniards who left Coronado and went back to them. He found them encamped before the pueblo when he returned months after, weary, empty-handed, and disappointed. "I have found Quivera and explored it well," he said, "but it has no permanent settlement, and no gold and silver. I was expecting to see houses several stories high, made of stone. Instead of that they are simple huts and the inhabitants are perfectly savage." The Turk tried to secure his freedom by saying that the Pecos Indians had hired him to lose the Spaniards on the plains, but no one paid any attention to him. In revenge he said to the people of Quivera: "Do not let one of these white men escape alive. They will bring others of their kind and rob you of all your possessions and ill treat your women and children. They have already killed many of the Pecos." Some one told Coronado what was being said, and he ordered his soldiers to take the Turk out and hang him to the first tree they found, which they did. Coronado spoke the truth about Quivera, but even the men who went with him believed that there was a land near by where they would find great riches, and they kept repeating all the stories about El Dorado until Coronado was obliged to promise them that he would make another effort to find it. "If we go north again we can be certain of good food for the soil is the best that can be found for all kinds of crops. In Quivera we were given plums, nuts, very fine grapes, mulberries and flax. I really believe we shall make some important discoveries very soon." One day at Pecos after he had made friends with the Indians, he was tilting with an officer in his command when his saddle girth broke while his horse was running at full speed. He fell on his head and was run over and so badly hurt that for days it was thought he would die. Before he got well news came from Mexico that the Indians behind him were on the warpath, and then he knew he must retreat as quickly as possible. So instead of going in quest of the roving band of Quivera Indians, he was obliged to return to the city of Mexico. Here the Viceroy received him coldly and upbraided him, saying: "It is a source of keen disappointment and regret to me, that you, my trusted friend and favorite officer, should abandon the rich treasures of the north. I wish you to go to your estate and live in retirement for the remaining years of your life. I will try to find some one more worthy of my confidence for future work." Reduced to poverty, with many debts unpaid, and disgraced by the Viceroy, the poor unfortunate nobleman lived only a few years on his estate in Mexico and died heartbroken over his failures. Everybody in Mexico believed that he was mistaken, and several other expeditions set out to find the Kingdom of Quivera. More than a century afterward the legend settled around one of the missions founded by the padres, and for years people thought this was the Grand Quivera. Great treasures were supposed to be buried there by the missionaries when the insurrection of 1680 came. That year all the Indians in the region of Arizona and New Mexico organized a general uprising and they not only killed all the whites they could find but sacked and burned the missions. And that is the last ever heard of the one known as the Grand Quivera. No treasures were ever found in or near its ruins. There are ten curious maps of that time and each one locates the kingdom of Quivera in a different place. One of them brings it as far north as the Sacramento Valley in California. Really Quivera is a will-o'-the-wisp, and from a roving band of Indians, has become a wandering treasure city, and a land of vague and mysterious proportions. [Illustration: "AN OLD COMMUNITY HOUSE"] The Land of Gold If any of the boys and girls born in the United States were asked "Where is the land of gold?" they would answer "It is California," and if any of the children born in California were asked "What is El Dorado?" they would say "Why, that means the land of gold." So it does and for two reasons. Cortez named it California after the heroine of a romance of chivalry he had read when he was in Spain. The book said there was an island on the right hand of the Indies very near the terrestrial Paradise, peopled with black women, who were Amazons, and wore gold ornaments in great profusion. Down in his heart Cortez cherished the hope that he might find the northwest passage to India, not because he cared very much for science, but because he believed the most extravagant stories about the silks, spices, sweet-smelling gums and rare gems to be found there. His ill-gotten Mexican gold did him very little good, and was soon all expended, and he was anxious to find some other country to conquer. The very next year after the death of Montezuma, Cortez heard of the Land of Gold, and came over to a cove on the Pacific Coast of Mexico where he laid out a town and built some ships for the purpose of finding the new wonderland. All he ever discovered was the peninsula of Lower California, where the Indians already knew about the pearl fisheries. This was what he thought was an island, and what he named California. One of his officers sailed around the island of St. Thomas, and on a Sunday morning he said he saw a merman swimming close to his ship. "It came alongside the vessel," he declared, "and raised its head and looked at us two or three times. It was as full of antics as a monkey. Sometimes it would dive, and then raise up out of the water and wash its face with its hands. Finally a sea bird drove it away." Of course he was mistaken, for what he really did see was either a walrus or a big seal as both animals abound in the Pacific Ocean. It was more than three hundred years after Cabrillo sailed into the Gate of Palms at the entrance to the bay of San Diego, before gold was discovered in California. The country had been settled by Spanish Cavaliers and padres and there were missions for the teaching of the Indians. Mexico had rebelled against the King of Spain and the United States had made war on Mexico and won. Then a man by the name of Marshall found some free gold. It was in the sand at the bottom of a ditch he was digging to get water to run a sawmill he was building. He knew at once that the bright yellow pebbles he held in his hands were gold, so he hurried to the men at work on the watershed and said: "I have found it!" and that is what the motto, _Eureka!_ on the state shield of California really means. "What is it you have found, Mr. Marshall?" asked the men. "Gold!" he exclaimed, excitedly. The men threw down their tools and gathered about him to examine the new find. "No, no; you are mistaken," they said, when they had turned the pebbles over, and held them to the light, and hammered them with a stone. "I am certain that it is," he stoutly maintained, but they only laughed at him. He paid no attention to them but turned on the water the next night. Then he picked up all the yellow lumps he found in the sand, and putting them into a little bag hastened to the man for whom he was building the mill, and said: "I have found gold at the sawmill, and want you to come and see for yourself." His employer tested and weighed the shining mass carefully, and finally said: "You are right. It is real gold. Go back to the mill, but say nothing until we get it finished. If you do the men will quit work and we shall have no one to take their places." [Illustration: "THE DISCOVERY OF SAN FRANCISCO BAY"] But the secret was too good to keep, and in a few days the whole country raised the same sordid cry of "gold, gold, gold," which had brought the Spaniards to the coast. In less than a year eighty thousand people came to California looking for gold. From an independent republic, California became a state and with its admission into the Union the search for El Dorado passed from Spanish into American hands. Both the padres and Cavaliers in California as elsewhere in the Americas enslaved the Indians in a system of peonage which thinned out their ranks, and led to many hostile outbreaks before they were finally subdued. The gold seekers had to do some of the fighting, but they did not rob and pillage the country, nor were they allowed to be unnecessarily cruel. One of our great writers has said of the Indian: "The red man of America has something peculiarly sensitive in his nature. He shrinks instinctively from the rude touch of a foreign hand. Like some of the dumb creatures he pines and dies in captivity. If today we see them with their energies broken we simply learn from that what a terrible thing is slavery. In their faltering steps and meek and melancholy aspect we read the sad characteristics of a _conquered_ race." His faith in the traditions of his forefathers, the belief that the Golden Hearted would come again to bring him all that his heart desired finally enslaved and ruined him. If we pity the Indian we must also feel sorry for the miserable ending of all the Spanish leaders who searched for El Dorado. Columbus spent the last years of his life in prison; Balboa, who discovered the Pacific Ocean, was treacherously executed and lies in an unknown grave near Panama; Pizarro was assassinated and buried in Peru; Magellan was killed by the natives in the Philippine Islands; Cortez was accused of strangling his wife to death, and finally deprived of all honors and wealth; Guzman died in poverty and distress while Coronado was said to be insane after his return to Mexico. For the crime and violence done by Spain in these expeditions she has not only lost all the revenues, but no longer owns a foot of land in any part of the new world. Let us be thankful that the wisdom and liberty of our own government has saved us from making such terrible mistakes, and doing such grievous wrongs in our attempts to find El Dorado. The brave men and women who crossed the plains long before we had a railroad were willing to work for the riches they wanted. They did not come with the idea of robbing anybody, and when they found the gold they were generous and kind to less fortunate neighbors and friends. "In this land of sunshine and flowers," they said, "we find gold in the crops of the chickens we have for our Sunday dinners, and our children build doll-houses with the odd-shaped nuggets given to them by the big-hearted miners." It is hard to imagine the stirring times that followed. Everybody had the gold fever, and in crossing the plains they heard the name El Dorado as soon as they came near where Coronado had been. Some of them made up a song about it, which was for many years very popular among the men in the mining camps. This is one verse of it: We'll rock the cradle around Pike's Peak In search of the gold dust that we seek, The Indians ask us why we're here We tell them we're born as free as the air, And oh! Boys ho! To the mountains we will go For there is plenty of gold Out West we are told In the new El Dorado. Many of the emigrants sickened and died on the way; others were killed by the hostile Indians, and all were subjected to a life of hardship and toil, because they were the builders of a new commonwealth. Once in California they found many trying situations, not the least of which was an occasional fight with the huge grizzly bears that roamed through the forests. Many times the men were obliged to organize a hunt for the purpose of ridding a district of a nest of grizzlies. Not only would the bears fight ferociously, but they did not hesitate to go into a corral and carry off calves, hogs and sheep under the very eyes of the owner. "Never for a moment imagine that a grizzly bear will run from you," said the leader of a hunting party filling his powder horn and putting a box of caps into his pocket. "Take good aim at the center of his forehead. Otherwise one shot will not kill him, and remember that he cannot climb. If you get into close quarters, try to get up a tree as fast as you can." "We know his trail and we are going to send our dogs in to start him out of his den." "Unless your dogs know how to attack him it is very unsafe to let them go near. One blow from a grizzly's paw will kill any dog, and we cannot afford to lose any of yours," said the leader, doubtfully. "My dogs know all about bear hunting. They will keep well behind him, and after we have crippled him, they will snap at his heels and worry him so he cannot chase the last man who shoots at him." "Will a grizzly do that?" asked a man who had never been in a bear hunt before. "Indeed he will. If you watch closely you can tell how many times he is hit for he will fall down, roll over and slap himself wherever the bullet strikes him." "I would not advise you to waste any time trying to find out who fired the last shot, for the bear will never make a mistake about it. He knows, and is always after the last one." "Separate into pairs," said the leader, when he had finished examining the bear tracks in the path they were following. "Take your stations about a hundred yards apart, and when you hear the grizzly coming, aim as I have already told you, and then look out for trouble." "Do you think we are likely to find him soon?" asked the newcomer, nervously. "He is in that thicket where the dogs are keeping up such a loud barking. You will hear him snapping and growling in a few minutes." "The grass and underbrush are so high I am afraid I will not be able to see him," said the timid, inexperienced hunter. "You can tell by the way the dogs bark when he is coming, and you can easily hear the click of his sharp claws before he gets too near for comfort," said the leader, with a smile. "Make sure that the trigger of your gun is properly set, and you will be all right." He had stationed other men farther up the ravine, and in a few minutes the dogs yelped warningly, and the man at the upper station shouted: "Look out! here he comes!" "Bang!" went the gun, and then the dogs rushed by in a solid pack with a huge she bear at their heels. "There are two of them," somebody said, and in a moment everything was in the wildest confusion. "Man alive! don't you see that wounded grizzly rolling in the grass. He is not badly hurt, but he will be after you in a second. Give him another dose, and run," said the leader excitedly, to the new hunter who was standing stock still and gazing around him helplessly. He did not seem to hear what was said, and before he recovered from his paralyzing fright, the bear grabbed him. "Help! help! help! For God's sake come here! I am being killed!" he screamed. "Lie perfectly still and pretend you are dead," said the leader. "Make no sound when I shoot, and crawl behind that big rock as soon as you get up." The knowing dogs barked and raged around the bear until he could not tear the prostrate man. They kept him turning round and round, and the daring hunter coolly waited until his head was away from the wounded man's, and then he shot him through the fore leg. Down he fell and kicked and scratched the fallen hunter, but true to his instinct got up and gave chase to the leader, with the dogs in full cry behind him. The wounded man managed to reach the rock, and by scrambling up on its jagged sides was comparatively safe. From his height he could see what the other men were doing. "I am all right," called the leader from a neighboring tree, "but how is it with you?" "My powder-horn is crushed and broken and my arm is bitten through. There is blood running down my face too, but I think that is only scratches." "Bang!" went a gun near by, and turning to look both men saw one of the party standing up in the saddle, on the horse brought along to carry the game. "Get out of that thicket! You will be killed if you try to stay there," shouted the leader. "My only chance is to shoot as I stand," answered the man, busy loading his gun. "I can not make this horse move. But for the Mexican stiff-bit in his mouth and a vigorous use of my big spurs he would lie down with me." "I am coming to help you," said the leader, sliding down the limb of the tree to the ground. "I will ham-string the grizzly and then you can finish him." He was an excellent shot, and soon the bear was dragging his hind quarters and showing signs of weakness from loss of blood. The man in the saddle deliberately aimed at his heart, and after a few convulsive struggles the grizzly lay dead. The barking of the dogs and the reports of the guns brought the whole party together, and after bandaging the wounds of their companion, and sending him home on the horse the remaining men went in search of the she bear. They had wounded her and it was not hard to track her to a small stream, where they found her sitting on her haunches and groaning like a human being. "That sounds too much like a woman's moans," said the men, "and we will slip away without being seen and let her alone." As they walked home they took turns in carrying the skin of the grizzly they had killed. "He would weigh two thousand pounds and could jump fully twenty feet," they said. [Illustration: "A PRAIRIE-SCHOONER"] The New El Dorado One day long after the gold excitement in California had subsided, a strange craft sailed into San Francisco bay flying a flag different from any other ship in the harbor. It was a yellow satin banner showing the imperial double eagles of the Russian Czar, and the guns at the forts fired a royal salute as the vessel passed by on its way to the wharf. On board was a man empowered by the Czar to sell Alaska to the United States, and waiting on shore to greet him was a Senator who was appointed to make an offer for the territory. "You are very welcome, my friend," said the Senator, grasping the hand of the Diplomat, as he came ashore. "Your arrival gives my countrymen much pleasure, and I earnestly hope that we may be able to make the ties of friendship between your people and mine very much stronger." "His Majesty, the Czar, charged me to make plain to you his sentiments of good will and his desire to render your government a service." The two men pushed their way through the crowd and were soon being driven rapidly toward the Senator's residence. After dinner that evening, while sitting by the fire the Diplomat said: "Do you know the Russian story of the discovery of Alaska, the Great Land, as we called it?" "No," replied the Senator, "I do not. I only know that it was a curious freak of fortune that your people should be the ones to discover the fabled 'Straits of Anian' so long sought by the Spaniards, Portuguese and English navigators. Bering's Sea is very far from India, but it is the famous northwest passage, that separates Asia from America." The Diplomat said: "While Europe was exploring and settling the Americas my countrymen were throwing off the yoke that made them subjects of the Khans of Tartary. Even at that time we had a great caravan trade with China and Persia, but our merchants suffered severely from the depredations of the Cossack freebooters roaming over the steppes of Siberia. These reckless horsemen would charge down on a caravan and rob it of all its silks, spices, teas and perfumes." "Then you can sympathize with the galleons of Spain that were harassed by the buccaneers and pirates infesting the high seas ready to scuttle and sink any ship that fell into their hands," said the Senator, greatly interested. "Our merchants had no redress and they complained bitterly to Peter the Great, who immediately undertook to chastise the unruly Cossacks. They fled into Siberia, and it was not long before they found rich silver mines on the Amoor river, and began to traffic in the ivory and sable skins which make that vicinity notable. As they advanced toward the Pacific Ocean they were able to slaughter herds of musk oxen, and before many years the fame of the ivory deposits brought hundreds of adventurers into that barren region. Diligent inquiry among the natives disclosed the fact that there was a Great Land toward the North Pole where remains of the hairy elephant were plentiful, and its beautiful tusks were heaped up in huge mounds." "It was a desire for gold that brought the first white men to California," said the Senator, "and the building of the railroad across the continent is the result of having found it." "Ivory and furs were the lure that nerved the Russian freebooter to brave the frozen sea and six months of night," said the Diplomat. "They went to sea in open boats made of planks tied together with rawhide straps and thongs. Their sails were of soft dressed reindeer skins, and in place of rope they used elk skin strips. The anchors were pieces of wood weighted with stones. They had no beds, and carried a wooden plate and spoon tied to the sash around their waists." "They must have suffered very much from cold and hunger," said the Senator. "They did; and many of them died with scurvy. They were greatly hindered by glaciers and icebergs, and would never have been able to make the journey at all except for the sleds and dogs furnished by the natives." "Were the Eskimos and Aleuts always friendly?" asked the Senator. The Diplomat hesitated for a moment, then said with a smile: "The freebooters found it necessary to fight after they had once ill-treated the natives. At first the white men were supposed to be superior beings, but they proved themselves unworthy of confidence and then there was serious trouble." "We have had a somewhat similar experience in dealing with the Indians in this country," replied the Senator. "In one of the numerous attempts made by the freebooters to reach the Great Land, they fell in with some Japanese castaways who claimed to have found gold and silver there in abundance. When this was reported to Peter the Great he organized a scientific and military expedition under Bering to find Alaska, with the hope that it would lead to commercial relations with America and Japan." "It seems a hard fate that Bering should die of scurvy in the winter when all was dark as night and exceedingly cold," said the Senator. "Yes," answered the Diplomat, "especially after he had survived the six weary years of hardship and toil necessary to march across Siberia. It is possible that he would have failed at last had he not noted the flight of the land birds and known that there must be a shore-line not far away." "Did he or his family profit by the discoveries he made?" "Very little. It has been the fate of all the Russian explorers in America to die poor," responded the Diplomat. "It has cost my government vast sums of money and more than two hundred years have elapsed since the first efforts were made. We have profited greatly by the seal fisheries and so will your people when once Alaska becomes a territory of the United States." "It has always been a puzzle to me why the Czar recalled the Russian colonists living in peace and prosperity in California under Spanish rule," said the Senator, after a pause. "It was because he wished to maintain friendly relations with the United States and he was far-sighted enough to see that California would some day come under the American flag. It is to increase that feeling that he now offers to sell Alaska to you. He does not wish to have any possessions on this continent. The destiny of Russia lies in another direction." Both the Senator and Diplomat went to see the President and it was not very long until the purchase was made. When the Senator came back from Washington he said: "We have paid exactly two cents an acre for Alaska, and its seal fisheries are well worth that amount. We will not have to fight for its possession, and I am certain that we have made a good bargain." Since then many men have sailed into the northern waters and come back with cargoes of whale oil, or seal skins or canned salmon, but no one paid any particular attention to them. A party of scientific men explored the Yukon river which is as long and as wide as the Mississippi and made the ascent of Mount St. Elias, one of the loftiest peaks in North America, but nobody was interested in Alaska except as a place where the sun shines for six months and then leaves the whole country in partial darkness for another six months. Imagine the sun apparently traveling around in a little circle all the time. There are no sunrises and no sunsets, and no need of lights at night. Then when it goes down, lamps or candles must be burned all the time. When the extreme cold comes the aurora borealis sends out splendid rays of many colored lights to burnish up the vault of heaven and make a grand electrical display. The Eskimos are a dwarfed race of men and women with flat noses, and eyes wide apart, and they dress themselves in heavy furs with the hair turned next to the body. They live on fish and whale blubber, and are experts in throwing a spear or managing a skin canoe. In front of their homes they have curious totem poles to show what tribes they belong to, and they are quite ingenious in weaving fish-nets, baskets, and in the carving of silver and ivory. For many years no news came from Alaska, except by ship, and on a warm, sunny day in autumn not long ago, some sailors set up the cry: "Gold has been found in Alaska! It is the new El Dorado! It is richer than California!" At first people did not believe them, but when the experts passed upon the findings everybody said: "Let us go to the Klondike! We can get rich in a few months." The excitement was so great that it did no good to point out the hardships and dangers of such an undertaking. "We will take the chances of freezing," they said, carelessly. "We can walk over the mountain passes and we do not care about the discomforts." "But only a few can find the gold. It was the same in California. Not one in a thousand can possibly bring away as much gold as he takes with him to live on, for food will be very scarce and high priced," urged the prudent ones. "You will freeze," said others, "or will die with scurvy, or be eaten by those terrible white polar bears and wolves." "No matter what you say to us we are going," was the reply, and every ship that could be found was loaded with eager men, and some venturesome women bent upon wresting the gold from the frozen north. Many of them had never seen an iceberg or a glacier, and had no idea what misery awaited them. "Write us as soon as you can," said the wives and mothers tearfully, as they stood on the wharf in some seaport of the Pacific saying good by to some loved one, going to seek a fortune. "It will be six months before this ship can return," said the captain of one of the first ships that carried gold seekers to Alaska in answer to an anxious inquiry as to how long it will be before the promised letters could arrive. "Why will you be so long?" asks some little boy or girl whose heart is sad at parting with their beloved father. "Because the great ice-floes will close in on our vessel and we will not be able to move until the weather moderates." "Then will you bring my father back to me?" asks the simple child. "I hope so, my dear," and then the kindly face of the captain looks serious and he mutters to himself, "God forbid that it should be a grave instead of a fortune that awaits this child's father." The first season many a brave man sailed away, full of hope and expectancy, but the next year returned haggard, worn and in some instances a hopeless invalid. "What do you think of the gold fields of Alaska?" asks his old friends as they shake his hand. "It is a place to suffer and grow old in; a place to lose the earnings of a lifetime, and your health with them. In the long, dreary, dark nights the stoutest heart loses courage, and next to longing for home is the longing for death." If he were one of the fortunate few who found the grains of free gold deposited in the frozen sands, he had a sobered, prematurely old look and said: "Yes, I have made money in the gold fields of Alaska, but I hope I may never be obliged to go back and live in the mines." Strewn along the trail and over the Chilkoot Pass are the bleaching bones of those who sacrificed their lives in the effort to reach the new El Dorado. The simple Eskimos looked on in wonder at the frantic energy of their white brothers, and were content in their own security. The Ice Queen is their guardian and she punishes those who venture into her frigid realm to unearth and carry away the hidden treasures. In Alaska, as everywhere else, one must work hard and build up the country instead of robbing it, if money is really to be made. The late comers have already learned this lesson, by experience, and are beginning to build railroads, good houses, schools and churches in the warmest and most fertile part of the country surrounding the seaports. And we know at last that El Dorado exists solely in the hearts and minds of men, and not in the everlasting snows of Alaska. [Illustration] APPENDIX The following is a partial list of the books consulted by the author in the preparation of the "Stories of El Dorado." Aubrey, Frank The Devil Tree of El Dorado. Baldwin, J. D. Ancient America. Bandelier, A. F. The Gilded Man. Bancroft, H. H. History of the Central American States. Bancroft, H. H. History of California. Bancroft, H. H. History of Alaska. Bancroft, H. H. Native Races, Vols. III and V. Brinton, D. G. Myths of the New World. Brinton, D. G. American Hero-Myths. Donnelly, Ignatius Atlantis. Harrison, Elizabeth Story of Christopher Columbus. Heuvel, J. A. Von El Dorado, a narrative of a rich and splendid city in South America. Higginson, T. W. Tales of the Enchanted Island of the Atlantic. Hittell, T. H. History of California. Hood, Margaret G. Tales of Discovery on the Pacific Slope. Longfellow, H. W. The Song of Hiawatha. Markham, C. R. History of Peru. Payne, E. J. History of the New World called America. Prescott, W. H. History of the Conquest of Mexico. Prescott, W. H. History of the Conquest of Peru. Plongeon, A. Le Sacred Mysteries of the Mayas and Quiches. Plongeon, A. Le Queen Moo. Stephens, J. L. Incidents of Travel in Central America. Stephens, J. L. Incidents of Travel in Yucatan, 2 Vols. Simon, Pedro Expeditions in search of El Dorado and Omagua. Schoolcraft, H. R. The Myth of Hiawatha. Wallace, Gen. Lew The Fair God. * * * * * * Transcriber's note: Inconsistent hyphenation and spelling in the original document have been preserved. Obvious typographical errors have been corrected. On page 44, "there was not a surely man in the moon" might be a typographical error. On page 68, "as if he were going to a picnic" should possibly be "as if she were going to a picnic". 
42808	----	(1st-hand-history.org) Transcriber's Note: Inconsistent hyphenation and spelling in the original document have been preserved. Obvious typographical errors have been corrected. Italic text is denoted by _underscores_. The character e-breve (e with a small curved line over) is represented in the text by [)e]. The character m-macron is represented in the text by [|m]. Italics in the footnote citations were inconsistently applied by the typesetter. On page 43, a word is possibly missing in the phrase "we will pass over third force, 'la race';" In footnote 95, the citation for Herrera is missing a book name. On the fold-out chart between pages 509 and 510, Clavigero, Month 10 may be "Xocohuetzl". In footnote 638, a reference to Leon y Gama, Dos Piedras, is incomplete. THE WORKS OF HUBERT HOWE BANCROFT. VOLUME II. THE NATIVE RACES. VOL. II. CIVILIZED NATIONS. SAN FRANCISCO: A. L. BANCROFT & COMPANY, PUBLISHERS. 1883. Entered according to Act of Congress in the Year 1882, by HUBERT H. BANCROFT, In the Office of the Librarian of Congress, at Washington. _All Rights Reserved._ CONTENTS OF THIS VOLUME. CHAPTER I. SAVAGISM AND CIVILIZATION. PAGE. Definition of the Terms -- The Universal Soul of Progress -- Man the Instrument and not the Element of Progress -- Origin of Progressional Phenomena -- The Agency of Evil -- Is Civilization Conducive to Happiness? -- Objective and Subjective Humanity -- Conditions Essential to Progress -- Continental Configurations -- Food and Climate -- Wealth and Leisure -- Association -- War, Slavery, Religion, and Government -- The Development of Progressional Law 1 CHAPTER II. GENERAL VIEW OF THE CIVILIZED NATIONS. The American Civilization of the Sixteenth Century -- Its Disappearance -- The Past, a New Element -- Dividing line between Savage and Civilized Tribes -- Bounds of American Civilization -- Physical Features of the Country -- Maya and Nahua Branches of Aboriginal Culture -- The Nahua Civilization -- The Aztecs its Representatives -- Limits of the Aztec Empire -- Ancient History of Anáhuac in Outline -- The Toltec Era -- The Chichimec Era -- The Aztec Era -- Extent of the Aztec Language -- Civilized Peoples outside of Anáhuac -- Central American Nations -- The Maya Culture -- The Primitive Maya Empire -- Nahua Influence in the South -- Yucatan and the Mayas -- The Nations of Chiapas -- The Quiché Empire in Guatemala -- The Nahuas in Nicaragua and Salvador -- Etymology of Names 81 CHAPTER III. GOVERNMENT OF THE NAHUA NATIONS. System of Government -- The Aztec Confederacy -- Order of Succession -- Election of Kings among the Mexicans -- Royal Prerogatives -- Government and Laws of Succession among the Toltecs, and in Michoacan, Tlascala, Cholula, Huexotzinco, and Oajaca -- Magnificence of the Nahua Monarchs -- Ceremony of Anointment -- Ascent to the Temple -- The Holy Unction -- Address of the High-Priest to the King -- Penance and Fasting in the House called Tlacatecco -- Homage of the Nobles -- General Rejoicing throughout the Kingdom -- Ceremony of Coronation -- The Procuring of Sacrifices -- Description of the Crown -- Coronation Feasts and Entertainments -- Hospitality extended to Enemies -- Coronation Speech of Nezahualpilli, King of Tezcuco, to Montezuma II. of Mexico -- Oration of a Noble to a Newly elected King 133 CHAPTER IV. PALACES AND HOUSEHOLDS OF THE NAHUA KINGS. Extent and Interior of the Great Palace in Mexico -- The Palace of Nezahualcoyotl, King of Tezcuco -- The Zoölogical Collections of the Nahua Monarchs -- Montezuma's Oratory -- Royal Gardens and Pleasure-Grounds -- The Hill of Chapultepec -- Nezahualcoyotl's Country Residence at Tezcozinco -- Toltec Palaces -- The Royal Guard -- The King's Meals -- An Aztec Cuisine -- The Audience Chamber -- After-dinner Amusements -- The Royal Wardrobe -- The King Among his People -- Meeting of Montezuma II. and Cortés -- The King's Harem -- Revenues of the Royal Household -- Policy of Aztec Kings 158 CHAPTER V. THE PRIVILEGED CLASSES AMONG THE NAHUAS. Titles of the Nobility and Gentry -- The Power of the Nobles -- The Aristocracy of Tezcuco -- The Policy of King Techotlalatzin -- Privileges of the Nobles -- Montezuma's Policy -- Rivalry between Nobles and Commons -- The Knightly Order of Tecuhtli -- Ceremony of Initiation -- Origin of the Order -- The Nahua Priesthood -- The Priests of Mexico -- Dedication of Children -- Priestesses -- Priesthood of Miztecapan -- The Pontiff of Yopaa -- Tradition of Wixipecocha -- The Cave of Yopaa -- The Zapotec Priests -- Toltec Priests -- Totonac Priests -- Priests of Michoacan, Puebla, and Tlascala 186 CHAPTER VI. PLEBEIANS, SLAVES, TENURE OF LANDS, AND TAXATION. Influence of the Commoners -- Oppression by Nobles -- Deprived of Office by Montezuma II. -- Classes of Slaves -- Penal Slaves -- Voluntary Slavery -- Slave Market at Azcapuzalco -- Punishment and Privileges of Slaves -- Division of Lands -- Crown Lands -- Lands of the Nobles -- Municipal Property -- Property of the Temples -- Tenure of Lands in Zapotecapan, Miztecapan, Michoacan, Tlascala, Cholula, and Huexotzinco -- Similarity to Feudal System of Europe -- System of Taxation -- Municipal Taxes -- Lice Tribute -- Tribute from Conquered Provinces -- Revenue Officers -- Injustice of Montezuma II. 216 CHAPTER VII. EDUCATION, MARRIAGE, CONCUBINAGE, CHILDBIRTH, AND BAPTISM. Education of the Nahua Youth -- Manner of Punishment -- Marriage Preliminaries -- Nuptial Ceremony -- Observance after Marriage -- Mazatec, Otomí, Chichimec, and Toltec Marriages -- Divorce -- Concubinage -- Ceremonies Preliminary to Childbirth -- Treatment of Pregnant Women -- Proceedings of Midwife -- Superstitions with regard to Women who Died in Childbed -- Abortion -- Baptism -- Speeches of Midwife -- Naming of Children -- Baptism among the Tlascaltecs, Mixtecs, and Zapotecs -- Circumcision and Scarification of Infants 240 CHAPTER VIII. NAHUA FEASTS AND AMUSEMENTS. Excessive Fondness for Feasts -- Manner of Giving Feasts -- Serving the Meal -- Professional Jesters -- Parting Presents to Guests -- Royal Banquets -- Tobacco Smoking -- Public Dances -- Manner of Singing and Dancing -- The Neteteliztli -- The Drama among the Nahuas -- Music and Musical Instruments -- Nahua Poetry -- Acrobatic Feats -- The Netololiztli, or 'Bird Dance' -- Professional Runners -- The Game of Tlactli -- Games of Chance -- The Patoliztli, or 'Bean Game' -- Totoloque, Montezuma's Favorite Game 283 CHAPTER IX. PUBLIC FESTIVALS. Frequent Occurrence of Religious Feasts -- Human Sacrifices -- Feasts of the Fourth Year -- Monthly Festivals -- Sacrifice of Children -- Feast of Xipe -- Manner of Sacrifice -- Feasts of Camaxtli, of the Flower Dealers, of Centeotl, of Tezcatlipoca, and of Huitzilopochtli -- Festival of the Salt Makers -- The Sacrifice by Fire -- Feast of the Dead -- The Coming of the Gods -- The Footprints on the Mat -- Hunting Feast -- The Month of Love -- Hard Times -- Nahua Lupercalia -- Feasts of the Sun, of the Winter Solstice -- Harvest and Eight-Year Festivals -- The Binding of the Sheaf 302 CHAPTER X. FOOD OF THE NAHUA NATIONS. Origin of Agriculture -- Floating Gardens -- Agricultural Products -- Manner of preparing the Soil -- Description of Agricultural Implements -- Irrigation -- Granaries -- Gardens -- The Harvest Feast -- Manner of Hunting -- Fishing -- Methods of procuring Salt -- Nahua Cookery -- Various kinds of Bread -- Beans -- Pepper -- Fruit -- Tamales -- Miscellaneous Articles of Food -- Eating of Human Flesh -- Manufacture of Pulque -- Preparation of Chocolatl -- Other Beverages -- Intoxicating Drinks -- Drunkenness -- Time and Manner of Taking Meals 342 CHAPTER XI. DRESS OF THE NAHUA NATIONS. Progress in Dress -- Dress of the Pre-Aztec Nations -- Garments of the Chichimecs and Toltecs -- Introduction of Cotton -- The Maxtli -- The Tilmatli -- Dress of the Acolhuas -- Origin of the Tarascan Costume -- Dress of the Zapotecs and Tabascans -- Dress of Women -- The Huipil and Cueitl -- Sandals -- Manner of Wearing the Hair -- Painting and Tattooing -- Ornaments used by the Nahuas -- Gorgeous Dress of the Nobles -- Dress of the Royal Attendants -- Names of the Various Mantles -- The Royal Diadem -- The Royal Wardrobe -- Costly Decorations 363 CHAPTER XII. COMMERCE OF THE NAHUA NATIONS. The Main Features of Nahua Commerce -- Commerce in Pre-Aztec Times -- Outrages Committed by Aztec Merchants -- Privileges of the Merchants of Tlatelulco -- Jealousy between Merchants and Nobles -- Articles used as Currency -- The Markets of Anáhuac -- Arrangement and Regulations of the Market-Places -- Number of Buyers and Sellers -- Transportation of Wares -- Traveling Merchants -- Commercial Routes -- Setting out on a Journey -- Caravans of Traders -- The Return -- Customs and Feasts of the Merchants -- Nahua Boats and Navigation 378 CHAPTER XIII. WAR-CUSTOMS OF THE NAHUAS. Importance of the Military Profession -- Indications of Rank -- Education of Warriors -- Rewards for Valor -- Military Orders and their Dress -- Gorgeous War-Dresses of Montezuma and the Aztec Nobility -- Dress of the Common Soldiers -- Armor and Defensive Weapons -- Offensive Weapons -- Standards -- Ambassadors and Couriers -- Fortifications -- The Military Council -- Articles of War -- Declaration of War -- Spies -- Order of March and Battle -- War Customs of the Tlascaltecs and Tarascos -- Return of the Conquering Army -- Celebration of Feats of Arms 400 CHAPTER XIV. NAHUA LAWS AND LAW COURTS. General Remarks -- the Cihuacoatl, or Supreme Judge -- the Court of the Tlacatecatl -- Jurisdiction of the Tecuhtlis -- the Centectlapixques and Topillis -- Law Courts and Judges of Tezcuco -- Eighty-Day Council -- Tribunal of the King -- Court Proceedings -- Lawyers -- Witnesses -- Remuneration of Judges -- Justice of King Nezahualpilli -- He orders his Son's Execution -- Montezuma and the Farmer -- Jails -- Laws against Theft, Murder, Treason, Kidnapping, Drunkenness, Witchcraft, Adultery, Incest, Sodomy, Fornication, and other Crimes -- Story of Nezahualcoyotl and the Boy 433 CHAPTER XV. NAHUA ARTS AND MANUFACTURES. Metals Used and Manner of Obtaining Them -- Working of Gold and Silver -- Wonderful Skill in Imitating Gilding and Plating -- Working in Stone -- Lapidary Work -- Wood Carving -- Manufacture of Pottery -- Various Kinds of Cloth -- Manufacture of Paper and Leather -- Preparation of Dyes and Paints -- The Art of Painting -- Feather Mosaic Work -- Leaf-Mats -- Manner of Kindling Fire -- Torches -- Soap -- Council of Arts in Tezcuco -- Oratory and Poetry -- Nezahualcoyotl's Odes on the Mutability of Life, and the Tyrant Tezozomoc -- Aztec Arithmetical System 473 CHAPTER XVI. THE AZTEC CALENDAR. Astronomical Knowledge of the Aztecs -- Contradictions of Authors respecting the Calendar -- Value of the Researches of Various Writers -- The First Regular Calendar -- The Mexican Cycle -- The Civil Year -- The Aztec Months -- Names of the Days and their Signification -- The Commencement of the Aztec Year -- The Ritual Calendar -- Gama's Arrangement of the Months -- The Calendar-Stone -- The Four Destructions of the World -- The Calendar of Michoacan -- Reckoning of the Zapotecs 502 CHAPTER XVII. THE AZTEC PICTURE-WRITING. Hieroglyphic Records -- The Native Books -- Authorities -- Destruction of the Native Archives by Zumárraga and his Confrères -- Picture-Writings used after the Conquest for Confession and Law-Suits -- Value of the Records -- Documents sent to Spain in the Sixteenth Century -- European Collections -- Lord Kingsborough's Work -- Picture-Writings retained in Mexico -- Collections of Ixtlilxochitl, Sigüenza, Gemelli Careri, Boturini, Veytia, Leon y Gama, Pichardo, Aubin, and the National Museum of Mexico -- Process of Hieroglyphic Development -- Representative, Symbolic, and Phonetic Picture-Writing -- Origin of Modern Alphabets -- The Aztec System -- Specimen from the Codex Mendoza -- Specimen from Gemelli Careri -- Specimen from the Boturini Collection -- Probable future Success of Interpreters -- The Nepohualtzitzin 523 CHAPTER XVIII. ARCHITECTURE AND DWELLINGS OF THE NAHUAS. Architecture of the Ancient Nations -- General Features of Nahua Architecture -- The Arch -- Exterior and Interior Decorations -- Method of Building -- Inclined Planes -- Scaffolds -- The use of the Plummet -- Building Materials -- Position and Fortification of Towns -- Mexico Tenochtitlan -- The Great Causeways -- Quarters and Wards of Mexico -- The Market Place -- Fountains and Aqueducts -- Light-houses and Street-work -- City of Tezcuco -- Dwellings -- Aztec Gardens -- Temple of Huitzilopochtli -- Temple of Mexico -- Other Temples -- Teocalli at Cholula and Tezcuco 553 CHAPTER XIX. MEDICINE AND FUNERAL RITES AMONG THE NAHUAS. Mexican Contributions to Medical Science -- The Botanical Gardens -- Longevity -- Prevalent Diseases -- Introduction of Small-Pox and Syphilis -- Medical Treatment -- The Temazcalli -- Aboriginal Physicians -- The Aztec Faculty -- Standard Remedies -- Surgery -- Superstitious Ceremonies in Healing -- Funeral Rites of Aztecs -- Cremation -- Royal Obsequies -- Embalming -- The Funeral Pyre -- Human Sacrifice -- Disposal of the Ashes and Ornaments -- Mourners -- Funeral Ceremonies of the People -- Certain Classes Buried -- Rites for the Slain in Battle -- Burial among the Teo-Chichimecs and Tabascans -- Cremation Ceremonies in Michoacan -- Burial by the Miztecs in Oajaca 591 CHAPTER XX. GOVERNMENT, SOCIAL CLASSES, PROPERTY, AND LAWS OF THE MAYA NATIONS. Introductory Remarks -- Votan's Empire -- Zamná's Reign -- The Royal Families of Yucatan, Cocomes, Tutul Xius, Itzas, and Cheles -- Titles and Order of Succession -- Classes of Nobles -- The Quiché-Cakchiquel Empire in Guatemala -- The Ahau Ahpop and Succession to the Throne -- Privileged Classes -- Government of the Provinces -- The Royal Council -- The Chiapanecs -- The Pipiles -- Nations of Nicaragua -- The Maya Priesthood -- Plebeian Classes -- Slaves -- Tenure of Lands -- Inheritance of Property -- Taxation -- Debtors and Creditor -- Laws and the Administration of Justice 630 CHAPTER XXI. EDUCATION AND FAMILY MATTERS AMONG THE MAYAS. Education of Youth -- Public Schools of Guatemala -- Branches of Study in Yucatan -- Marrying-Age -- Degrees of Consanguinity allowed in Marriage -- Preliminaries of Marriage -- Marriage Ceremonies -- The Custom of the Droit du Seigneur in Nicaragua -- Widows -- Monogamy -- Concubinage -- Divorce -- Laws Concerning Adultery -- Fornication -- Rape -- Prostitution -- Unnatural Crimes -- Desire for Children -- Childbirth Ceremonies -- Rite of Circumcision -- Manner of Naming Children -- Baptismal Ceremonies 661 CHAPTER XXII. FEASTS AND AMUSEMENTS OF THE MAYAS. Special Observances -- Fixed Feasts -- Sacrifice of Slaves -- Monthly Feasts of the Yucatecs -- Renewal of the Idols -- Feast of the Chacs -- Hunting Festival -- The Tuppkak -- Feast of the Cacao-Planters -- War Feast -- The Maya New Year's Day -- Feasts of the Hunters, Fishers, and Apiarists -- Ceremonies in honor of Cukulcan -- Feast of the Month of Mol -- Feasts of the Years Kan, Muluc, Ix, and Cauac -- Yucatec Sacrifices -- The Pit of Chichen -- Sacrifices of the Pipiles -- Feast of Victory -- Feasts and Sacrifices in Nicaragua -- Banquets -- Dances -- Musical Instruments -- Games 687 CHAPTER XXIII. FOOD, DRESS, COMMERCE, AND WAR CUSTOMS OF THE MAYAS. Introduction of Agriculture -- Quiché Tradition of the Discovery of Maize -- Maize Culture -- Superstitions of Farmers -- Hunting and Fishing -- Domestic Animals, Fowl, and Bees -- Preservation and Cooking of Food -- Meals -- Drinks and Drinking -- Habits -- Cannibalism -- Dress of the Mayas -- Maxtlis, Mantles, and Sandals -- Dress of Kings and Priests -- Women's Dress -- Hair and Beard -- Personal Decoration -- Head-Flattening, Perforation, Tattooing, and Painting -- Personal Habits -- Commerce -- Currency -- Markets -- Superstitions of Travelers -- Canoes and Balsas -- War -- Military Leaders -- Insignia -- Armor -- Weapons -- Fortifications -- Battles -- Treatment of Captives 715 CHAPTER XXIV. MAYA ARTS, CALENDAR, AND HIEROGLYPHICS. Scarcity of Information -- Use of Metals -- Gold and Precious Stones -- Implements of Stone -- Sculpture -- Pottery -- Manufacture of Cloth -- Dyeing -- System of Numeration -- Maya Calendar in Yucatan -- Days, Weeks, Months, and Years -- Indictions and Katunes -- Perez' System of Ahau Katunes -- Statements of Landa and Cogolludo -- Intercalary Days and Years -- Days and Months in Guatemala, Chiapas, and Soconusco -- Maya Hieroglyphic System -- Testimony of Early Writers on the Use of Picture-Writing -- Destruction of Documents -- Specimens which have Survived -- The Dresden Codex -- Manuscript Troano -- Tablets of Palenque, Copan, and Yucatan -- Bishop Landa's Key -- Brasseur de Bourbourg's Interpretation 748 CHAPTER XXV. BUILDINGS, MEDICINE, BURIAL, PHYSICAL PECULIARITIES, AND CHARACTER OF THE MAYAS. Scanty Information given by the Early Voyagers -- Private Houses of the Mayas -- Interior Arrangement, Decoration, and Furniture -- Maya Cities -- Description of Utatlan -- Patinamit, the Cakchiquel Capital -- Cities of Nicaragua -- Maya Roads -- Temples at Chichen Itza and Cozumel -- Temples of Nicaragua and Guatemala -- Diseases of the Mayas -- Medicines used -- Treatment of the Sick -- Propitiatory Offerings and Vows -- Superstitions -- Dreams -- Omens -- Witchcraft -- Snake-Charmers -- Funeral Rites and Ceremonies -- Physical Peculiarities -- Character 783 [Illustration: NATIVE RACES OF THE PACIFIC STATES SHOWING THE LOCATION OF THE CIVILIZED NATIONS] THE NATIVE RACES OF THE PACIFIC STATES. CIVILIZED NATIONS. CHAPTER I. SAVAGISM AND CIVILIZATION. DEFINITION OF THE TERMS -- FORCE AND NATURE -- THE UNIVERSAL SOUL OF PROGRESS -- MAN THE INSTRUMENT AND NOT THE ELEMENT OF PROGRESS -- ORIGIN OF PROGRESSIONAL PHENOMENA -- THE AGENCY OF EVIL -- IS CIVILIZATION CONDUCIVE TO HAPPINESS? -- OBJECTIVE AND SUBJECTIVE HUMANITY -- CONDITIONS ESSENTIAL TO PROGRESS -- CONTINENTAL CONFIGURATIONS -- FOOD AND CLIMATE -- WEALTH AND LEISURE -- ASSOCIATION -- WAR, SLAVERY, RELIGION, AND GOVERNMENT -- MORALITY AND FASHION -- THE DEVELOPMENT OF PROGRESSIONAL LAW. The terms Savage and Civilized, as applied to races of men, are relative and not absolute terms. At best these words mark only broad shifting stages in human progress; the one near the point of departure, the other farther on toward the unattainable end. This progress is one and universal, though of varying rapidity and extent; there are degrees in savagism and there are degrees in civilization; indeed, though placed in opposition, the one is but a degree of the other. The Haidah, whom we call savage, is as much superior to the Shoshone, the lowest of Americans, as the Aztec is superior to the Haidah, or the European to the Aztec. Looking back some thousands of ages, we of to-day are civilized; looking forward through the same duration of time, we are savages. Nor is it, in the absence of fixed conditions, and amidst the many shades of difference presented by the nations along our western seaboard, an easy matter to tell where even comparative savagism ends and civilization begins. In the common acceptation of these terms, we may safely call the Central Californians savage, and the Quichés of Guatemala civilized; but between these two extremes are hundreds of peoples, each of which presents some claim for both distinctions. Thus, if the domestication of ruminants, or some knowledge of arts and metals, constitute civilization, then are the ingenious but half-torpid Hyperboreans civilized, for the Eskimos tame reindeer, and the Thlinkeets are skillful carvers and make use of copper; if the cultivation of the soil, the building of substantial houses of adobe, wood, and stone, with the manufacture of cloth and pottery, denote an exodus from savagism, then are the Pueblos of New Mexico no longer savages; yet in both these instances enough may be seen, either of stupidity or brutishness, to forbid our ranking them with the more advanced Aztecs, Mayas, and Quichés. We know what savages are; how, like wild animals, they depend for food and raiment upon the spontaneous products of nature, migrating with the beasts and birds and fishes, burrowing beneath the ground, hiding in caves, or throwing over themselves a shelter of bark or skins or branches or boards, eating or starving as food is abundant or scarce; nevertheless, all of them have made some advancement from their original naked, helpless condition, and have acquired some aids in the procurement of their poor necessities. Primeval man, the only real point of departure, and hence the only true savage, nowhere exists on the globe to-day. Be the animal man never so low--lower in skill and wisdom than the brute, less active in obtaining food, less ingenious in building his den--the first step out of his houseless, comfortless condition, the first fashioning of a tool, the first attempt to cover nakedness and wall out the wind, if this endeavor spring from intellect and not from instinct, is the first step toward civilization. Hence the modern savage is not the pre-historic or primitive man; nor is it among the barbarous nations of to-day that we must look for the rudest barbarism. [Sidenote: DEFINITION OF THE TERMS.] Often is the question asked, What is civilization? and the answer comes, The act of civilizing; the state of being civilized. What is the act of civilizing? To reclaim from a savage or barbarous state; to educate; to refine. What is a savage or barbarous state? A wild uncultivated state; a state of nature. Thus far the dictionaries. The term civilization, then, popularly implies both the transition from a natural to an artificial state, and the artificial condition attained. The derivation of the word civilization, from _civis_, citizen, _civitas_, city, and originally from _coetus_, union, seems to indicate that culture which, in feudal times, distinguished the occupants of cities from the ill-mannered boors of the country. The word savage, on the other hand, from _silva_, a wood, points to man primeval; _silvestres homines_, men of the forest, not necessarily ferocious or brutal, but children of nature. From these simple beginnings both words have gradually acquired a broader significance, until by one is understood a state of comfort, intelligence, and refinement; and by the other, humanity wild and bestial. Guizot defines civilization as an "improved condition of man resulting from the establishment of social order in place of the individual independence and lawlessness of the savage or barbarous life;" Buckle as "the triumph of mind over external agents;" Virey as "the development more or less absolute of the moral and intellectual faculties of man united in society;" Burke as the exponent of two principles, "the spirit of a gentleman and the spirit of religion." "Whatever be the characteristics of what we call savage life," says John Stuart Mill, "the contrary of these, or the qualities which society puts on as it throws off these, constitute civilization;" and, remarks Emerson, "a nation that has no clothing, no iron, no alphabet, no marriage, no arts of peace, no abstract thought, we call barbarous." Men talk of civilization and call it liberty, religion, government, morality. Now liberty is no more a sign of civilization than tyranny; for the lowest savages are the least governed of all people. Civilized liberty, it is true, marks a more advanced stage than savage liberty, but between these two extremes of liberty there is a necessary age of tyranny, no less significant of an advance on primitive liberty than is constitutional liberty an advance on tyranny. Nor is religion civilization, except in so far as the form and machinery of sacerdotal rites, and the abandonment of fetichism for monotheism become significant of intenser thought and expansion of intellect. No nation ever practiced grosser immorality, or what we of the present day hold to be immorality, than Greece during the height of her intellectual refinement. Peace is no more civilization than war, virtue than vice, good than evil. All these are the incidents, not the essence, of civilization. That which we commonly call civilization is not an adjunct nor an acquirement of man; it is neither a creed nor a polity, neither science nor philosophy nor industry; it is rather the measure of progressional force implanted in man, the general fund of the nation's wealth, learning, and refinement, the storehouse of accumulated results, the essence of all best worth preserving from the distillations of good and the distillations of evil. It is a something between men, no less than a something within them; for neither an isolated man nor an association of brutes can by any possibility become civilized. [Sidenote: CIVILIZATION A WORKING PRINCIPLE.] Further than this, civilization is not only the measure of aggregated human experiences, but it is a living working principle. It is a social transition; a moving forward rather than an end attained; a developing vitality rather than a fixed entity; it is the effort or aim at refinement rather than refinement itself; it is labor with a view to improvement and not improvement consummated, although it may be and is the metre of such improvement. And this accords with latter-day teachings. Although in its infancy, and, moreover, unable to explain things unexplainable, the science of evolution thus far has proved that the normal condition of the human race, as well as that of physical nature, is progressional; that the plant in a congenial soil is not more sure to grow than is humanity with favorable surroundings certain to advance. Nay, more, we speak of the progress of civilization as of something that moves on of its own accord; we may, if we will, recognize in this onward movement, the same principle of life manifest in nature and in the individual man. To things we do not understand we give names, with which by frequent use we become familiar, when we fancy that we know all about the things themselves. At the first glance civilization appears to be a simple matter; to be well clad, well housed, and well fed, to be intelligent and cultured are better than nakedness and ignorance; therefore it is a good thing, a thing that men do well to strive for,--and that is all. But once attempt to go below this placid surface, and investigate the nature of progressional phenomena, and we find ourselves launched upon an eternity of ocean, and in pursuit of the same occult Cause, which has been sought alike by philosophic and barbaric of every age and nation; we find ourselves face to face with a great mystery, to which we stand in the same relation as to other great mysteries, such as the origin of things, the principle of life, the soul-nature. When such questions are answered as What is attraction, heat, electricity; what instinct, intellect, soul? Why are plants forced to grow and molecules to conglomerate and go whirling in huge masses through space?--then we may know why society moves ever onward like a river in channels predetermined. At present, these phenomena we may understand in their action partially, in their essence not at all; we may mark effects, we may recognize the same principle under widely different conditions though we may not be able to discover what that principle is. Science tells us that these things are so; that certain combinations of certain elements are inevitably followed by certain results, but science does not attempt to explain why they are so. Nevertheless, a summary of such few simple thoughts as I have been able to gather upon the subject, may be not wholly valueless. * * * * * [Sidenote: FORCE AND MATTER.] And first, to assist our reflections, let us look for a moment at some of the primal principles in nature, not with a view to instruct in that direction, but rather to compare some of the energies of the material world with the intellectual or progressional energy in man; and of these I will mention such only as are currently accepted by latter-day science. Within the confines of the conceivable universe one element alone is all-potential, all-pervading,--Force. Throughout the realms of space, in and round all forms of matter, binding minutest atoms, balancing systems of worlds, rioting in life, rotting in death, under its various aspects mechanical and chemical, attractive and repulsive, this mighty power is manifest; a unifying, coalescing, and flowing power, older than time, quicker than thought, saturating all suns and planets and filling to repletion all molecules and masses. Worlds and systems of worlds are sent whirling, worlds round worlds and systems round systems, in a mazy planetary dance, wherein the slightest tripping, the least excess of momentum or inertia, of tension or traction, in any part, and chaos were come again. Every conceivable entity, ponderable and imponderable, material and immaterial, is replete with force. By it all moving bodies are set in motion, all motionless bodies held at rest; by it the infinitesimal atom is held an atom and the mass is held concrete, vapory moisture overspreads the land, light and heat animate senseless substance; by it forms of matter change, rocks grow and dissolve, mountains are made and unmade, the ocean heaves and swells, the eternal hills pulsate, the foundations of the deep rise up, and seas displace continents. One other thing we know, which with the first comprises all our knowledge,--Matter. Now force and matter are interdependent, one cannot exist without the other; as for example, all substance, unless held together--which term obviously implies force--would speedily dissolve into inconceivable nothingness. But no less force is required to annihilate substance than to create it; force, therefore, is alike necessary to the existence or non-existence of matter, which reduces the idea of a possible absence of either force or matter to an absurdity; or, in other words, it is impossible for the human mind to conceive of a state of things wherein there is no matter, and consequently no force. Force has been called the soul of nature, and matter the body, for by force matter lives and moves and has its being. Force like matter, is divisible, infinitely so, as far as human experience goes; for, though ultimates may exist, they have never yet been reached; and it would seem that all physical phenomena, endlessly varied and bewildering as they may appear, spring from a few simple incomprehensible forces, the bases of which are attraction and repulsion; which may yet, indeed, derive their origin from One Only Source. In the morphological and geometrical displays of matter these phenomena assume a multitude of phases; all are interactive and interdependent, few are original or primary,--for example, heat and electricity are the offspring of motion which is the result of attractive and repulsive force. What is force and what matter, whether the one is the essence of a self-conscious Creator and the other his handiwork, or whether both are the offspring of a blind chance or fate--which latter hypothesis is simply unthinkable--it is not my purpose here to consider. I propose in this analysis to take things as I find them, to study the operations rather than the origin of phenomena, to determine what man does rather than what he ought to do, and to drop the subject at the confines of transcendentalism. When, therefore, I speak of force as the life of matter, it no more implies a self-existant materialism in man, than the soul of man implies a pantheistic self-existant soul in nature. Omnipotence can as easily create and sustain a universe through the media of antagonistic and interdependent forces as through any other means, can as easily place nature and man under the governance of fixed laws as to hold all under varying arbitrary dispensations, and can reconcile these laws with man's volition. Wells of bitterness are dug by disputants under meaningless words; scientists are charged with materialism and religionists with fanaticism, in their vain attempts to fathom the ways of the Almighty and restrict his powers to the limits of our weak understanding. It has been said that, in the beginning, the sixty and odd supposed several elements of matter were in a chaotic state; that matter and force were poised in equilibrium or rioted at random throughout space, that out of this condition of things sprang form and development; regular motion and time began; matter condensed into revolving masses and marked off the days, and months, and years; organization and organisms were initiated and intellectual design became manifest. The infinitesimal molecules, balanced by universal equilibrium of forces, which before motion and time were but chaotic matter and force, were finally supposed to have been each endowed with an innate individuality. However this may be, we now see every atom in the universe athrill with force, and possessed of chemical virtues, and, under conditions, with the faculty of activity. As to the Force behind force, or how or by what means this innate energy was or is implanted in molecules, we have here nothing to do. It is sufficient for our purpose that we find it there; yet, the teachings of philosophy imply that this innate force is neither self-implanted nor self-operative; that whether, in pre-stellar times, infinitesimal particles of matter floated in space as nebulous fluid or objectless vapor without form or consistence, or whether all matter was united in one mass which was set revolving, and became broken into fragments, which were sent whirling as suns and planets in every direction; that in either case, or in any other conceivable case, matter, whether as molecules or masses, was primordially, and is, endowed and actuated by a Creative Intelligence, which implanting force, vitality, intellect, soul, progress, is ever acting, moving, mixing, unfolding, and this in every part and in all the multitudinous combinations of matter; and that all forces and vitalities must have co-existed in the mass, innate in and around every atom. [Sidenote: THEORIES OF NEWTON AND LAPLACE.] Thus, in his great theory of the projectile impulse given to heavenly bodies in counteraction of the attractive impulse, Sir Isaac Newton assumes that both impulses were given from without; that some power foreign to themselves projected into space these heavenly bodies and holds them there. So, too, when Laplace promulgated the idea that in pre-planetary times space was filled with particles and vapors, solar systems existing only in a nebulous state and this nebula set revolving in one mass upon its own axis from west to east, and that as the velocity of this mass increased suns and planets were, by centrifugal force, thrown off and condensed into habitable but still whirling worlds, some impulse foreign to the revolving mass setting it in motion is implied. With organization and motion, the phases of force, called heat, light, electricity and magnetism, hitherto held dormant in molecules are engendered; composition and decomposition ensue; matter assumes new and varying forms; a progressional development, which is nothing but intelligently directed motion, is initiated, and motion becomes eternal. It is a well-established principle of physics that force cannot be created or lost. The conservation of force is not affected by the action or energies of moving bodies. Force is not created to set a body in motion, nor when expended, as we say, is it lost. The sum of all potential energies throughout the universe is always the same, whether matter is at rest or in motion. It is evident that so long as every molecule is charged with attractive force no atom can drop out into the depths of unoccupied and absolute space and become lost or annihilated; and so long as force is dependent on matter for its perceivable existence, force cannot escape beyond the confines of space and become lost in absolute void. Not only are forces interdependent, but they are capable of being metamorphosed one into another. Thus intellectual energy invents a machine which drives a steamship across the ocean. This invention or creation of the mind is nothing else than a vitalization or setting at liberty of mechanical forces, and without this vitalization or applied intellectual force such mechanical force lies dormant as in so-called dead matter. Gravitation is employed to turn a water-wheel, caloric to drive a steam-engine, by means of either of which weights may be raised, heat, electricity, and light produced, and these new-created forces husbanded and made to produce still other forces or turned back into their original channels. And so in chemical and capillary action, the correlation of forces everywhere is found. [Sidenote: INTIMACY OF MIND AND MATTER.] Between mind and matter there exists the most intimate relationship. Immateriality, in its various phases of force, life, intellect, so far as human consciousness can grasp it, is inseparable from materiality. The body is but part of the soil on which it treads, and the mind can receive no impressions except through the organs of the body. The brain is the seat of thought and the organ of thought; neither can exist in a normal state apart from the other. As a rule, the power of the intellect is in proportion to the size and quality of the brain. Among animals, those of lowest order have the least brains; man, the most intellectual of animals, has relatively, if not absolutely, the largest brain. True, in some of the largest animals the cerebral mass is larger than in man, but, in its chemical composition, its convolutions, shape, and quality, that in man is superior; and it is in the quality, rather than in the quantity of the nervous tissues, that their superiority consists. Intelligence enters the brain by the organs of the senses, and through the nervous system its subtle influence radiates to every part of the body. All human activities are either mental or mechanical; nor will it be denied that mental activity is produced by mechanical means, or, that mechanical activity is the result of mental force. Corporeal motion is mental force distributed to the various parts of the body. The action of immaterial forces on the material substances of the human body manifestly accords with the action of immaterial forces elsewhere. All the physical and mechanical actions of the human body accord with the physical and mechanical forces elsewhere displayed. Man, we are told, was the last of all created things, but in the making of man no new matter was employed; nor in setting the body in motion can we discover that any new force was invented. Thus the heart beats upon mechanical principles; the eye sees, and the voice speaks in accordance with the general laws of optics and acoustics. To the observer, organic activity is but the product of combined inorganic forces. The same processes are at work, and in the same manner, in living and in so-called dead matter. Life, to all appearance, is but the result of combined chemical and mechanical processes. Assimilation, digestion, secretion, are explainable by chemistry, and by chemistry alone. The stomach is a chemical retort, the body a chemical laboratory. Carbon, oxygen, hydrogen, nitrogen, combine and separate in the body as out of the body. The blood circulates upon purely mechanical principles; all muscular action is mechanical. In the phenomena of life, the only perceptible difference is in the combinations of fundamental elements; yet chemistry and mechanics cannot produce a live body. With the foregoing well-recognized principles before us, let us now notice some few parallelisms between mechanical and social energetics. Man, like every other natural substance, is a compound of force and matter. "Respiration," says Liebig, "is the falling weight, the bent spring, which keeps the clock in motion; the inspirations and respirations are the strokes of the pendulum which regulates." Atoms of matter, through the instrumentality of living force, cohere and coalesce under endless complex conditions into endless varieties of form and substance; so also the activities of man, corporeal and intellectual, result in vast accumulations of experiences, which accumulations become the property of the whole society. Society, like matter, is composed of units, each possessing certain forces, attractive and repulsive; societies act upon each other, like celestial bodies, in proportion to their volume and proximity, and the power of the unit increases with the increase of the mass. In association there is a force as silent and as subtle as that which governs atoms and holds worlds in equipoise; its grosser forms are known as government, worship, fashion, and the like; its finer essence is more delicate than thought. It is this social force, attractive and repulsive, that binds men together, tears them asunder, kneads, and knits, and shapes, and evolves; it is the origin of every birth, the ultimate of every activity. Mechanical forces are manifest in machines, as the lever, the wheel, the inclined plane; professional force is manifest in intellectual ingenuity, literature, art, science, which are the machines of human progress. [Sidenote: MATERIALITY ACTING ON THE MIND.] How many of all our joys and sorrows, our loves and hates, our good and evil actions, spring from physical causes only? Even material substances display moods and affections, as when heated, electrified, decomposed, or set in motion; the sea at rest presents a different mood from the sea raging. Jean-Jacques Rousseau's idea that the soul might be governed for its good by material things working through the media of the senses, is not so extravagant after all. "The gospel according to Jean-Jacques," as Carlyle puts it, runs as follows on this point--and, indeed, the great Genevan evangelist at one time intended to devote a book to the subject under the title of _La Morale Sensitive_:--"The striking and numerous observations that I had collected were beyond all dispute; and, in their physical origin, they appeared to me proper for furnishing an exterior regimen, which, varied according to circumstances, should be able to place or maintain the soul in the state most favorable to virtue. How many wanderings one might save the reason, how many vices might be hindered birth, if one could but force the animal economy to favor the moral order that it troubles so often. Climates, seasons, sounds, colors, darkness, light, the elements, food, noise, silence, movement, repose, all act on our bodily frame, and, by consequence, on our soul; all offer us a thousand firm holds to govern, in their origin, those sentiments by which we allow ourselves to be dominated." In contemplating the numerous activities by which we are surrounded, again and again we are called upon to wonder at the marvelous regularity which characterizes all their movements. So regular are these movements, so sure are certain conditions to accompany certain results, that in physics, in chemistry, in physiology, and even in society, facts are collected and classified, and from them laws are discovered as fixed and irrevocable as the facts themselves, which laws, indeed, are themselves facts, no less than the facts from which they are deduced. Highly cultivated nations frame laws that provide for many contingencies, but the code of nature has yet finer provisions. There are conditions that neither political nor social laws reach, there are none not reached by physical law; in society, criminals sometimes evade the law; in nature, never. So subtle are the laws of nature, that even thought cannot follow them; when we see that every molecule, by virtue of its own hidden force, attracts every other molecule, up to a certain point, and then from the same inherent influence every atom repels every other atom; when by experiments of physicists it has been proved that in polarization, crystallization, and chemical action, there is not the slightest deviation from an almost startling regularity, with many other facts of like import, how many natural laws do we feel to be yet unrevealed and, from the exquisite delicacy of their nature, unrevealable to our present coarse understanding. It would be indeed strange, if, when all the universe is under the governance of fixed laws--laws which regulate the motion of every molecule, no less than the revolutions of suns--laws of such subtle import, as for instance, regulate the transformations of heat, the convertibility and correlation of force; it would be strange, I say, if such laws as these, when they reached the domain of human affairs should pause and leave the world of man alone in purposeless wanderings. [Sidenote: ANALOGIES BETWEEN MAN AND NATURE.] To continue our analogies. As, latent in the atom, or in the mass, there are energies releasable only by heat or friction,--as in charcoal, which holds, locked up, muriatic acid gas equivalent to ninety times its volume; or in spongy platinum, which holds in like manner oxygen, equal to eight hundred times its volume; so, latent in every individual, are numberless energies, which demand the friction of society to call them out. Force comprises two elements, attraction and repulsion, analagous to the principles commonly called good and evil in the affairs of human society; take away from mechanical force either of these two oppugnant elements, and there could be neither organism nor life, so without both good and evil in human affairs there could be no progress. If none of the forces of nature are dissipated or lost, and if force can no more be extinguished than matter, and like matter passes from one form into another, we may conclude that intellectual force is never dissipated or lost, but that the potential energies of mind and soul perpetually vibrate between man and nature. Or, again, if, as we have seen, energy of every kind is clothed in matter, and when employed and expended returns again to its place in matter; and if the mind draws its forces from the body, as it appears to do, both growing, acting, and declining simultaneously; and if the body draws its energy from the earth, which is no less possible; then may not intellectual and progressional force be derived from man's environment, and return thither when expended? Every created being borrows its material from the storehouse of matter, and when uncreated restores it again; so every individual born into society becomes charged with social force, with progressional energy, which, when expended, rests with society. Winslow's opinion on this subject is, that "all electric and magnetic currents originate in--are inducted from--and radiate either directly or indirectly out of the globe as the fountain of every form and constituency of mechanical force, and that abstract immaterial mechanical energy, as we have thus far discussed and developed its dual principles, is absolutely convertible through molecular motion into every form and expansion of secondary force, passing successively from heat through electricity, magnetism, etc., and _vice versa_, it follows that this same mechanical energy itself, as hypostatical motive power, must proceed out of the globe also." Thus is loaded with potential energy the universe of matter, generating life, mind, civilization, and hence we may conclude that whatever else it is, civilization is a force; that it is the sum of all the forces employed to drive humanity onward; that it acts on man as mechanical force acts on matter, attracting, repelling, pressing forward yet holding in equilibrium, and all under fixed and determined laws. * * * * * From all which it would appear that nothing is found in man that has not its counterpart in nature, and that all things that are related to man are related to each other; even immortal mind itself is not unlike that subtle force, inherent in, and working round every atom. In this respect physical science is the precursor of social science. Nature produces man; man in his earlier conception of nature, that is in his gods, reproduces himself; and later, his knowledge of intrinsic self depends upon his knowledge of extrinsic agencies, so that as the laws that govern external nature are better understood, the laws that govern society are more definitely determined. The conditions of human progress can be wrought into a science only by pursuing the same course that raises into a science any branch of knowledge; that is, by collecting, classifying, and comparing facts, and therefrom discovering laws. Society must be studied as chemistry is studied; it must be analyzed, and its component parts--the solubilities, interactions, and crystallizations of religions, governments and fashions, ascertained. As in the earlier contemplations of physical nature, the action of the elements was deemed fortuitous, so in a superficial survey of society, all events appear to happen by chance; but on deeper investigation, in society as in physics, events apparently fortuitous, may be reduced to immutable law. To this end the life of mankind on the globe must be regarded as the life of one man, successions of societies as successions of days in that life; for the activities of nations are but the sum of the activities of the individual members thereof. [Sidenote: PHYSICAL LAWS AND SOCIAL LAWS.] We have seen that man's organism, as far as it may be brought under exact observation, is governed by the same processes that govern elemental principles in inorganic nature. The will of man attempting to exert itself in antagonism to these laws of nature is wholly ineffectual. We are all conscious of a will, conscious of a certain freedom in the exercise of our will, but wholly unconscious as to the line of separation between volition and environment. Part of our actions arise from fixed necessity, part are the result of free will. Statistics, as they are accumulated and arranged, tend more and more to show that by far the greater part of human actions are not under individual control, and that the actions of masses are, in the main, wholly beyond the province of the human will. Take the weather for a single day, and note the effect on the will. The direction of the wind not unfrequently governs one's train of thought; resolution often depends upon the dryness of the atmosphere, benevolence upon the state of the stomach; misfortunes, arising from physical causes, have ere now changed the character of a ruler from one of lofty self-sacrifice, to one of peevish fretfulness, whereat his followers became estranged and his empire lost in consequence. In the prosecution of an enterprise, how often we find ourselves drifting far from the anticipated goal. The mind is governed by the condition of the body, the body by the conditions of climate and food; hence it is that many of our actions, which we conceive to be the result of free choice, arise from accidental circumstances. It is only in the broader view of humanity that general laws are to be recognized, as Dr Draper remarks: "He who is immersed in the turmoil of a crowded city sees nothing but the acts of men; and, if he formed his opinion from his experience alone, must conclude that the course of events altogether depends on the uncertainties of human volition. But he who ascends to a sufficient elevation loses sight of the passing conflicts, and no longer hears the contentions. He discovers that the importance of individual action is diminishing as the panorama beneath him is extending; and if he could attain to the truly philosophical, the general point of view, disengage himself from all terrestrial influences and entanglements, rising high enough to see the whole at a glance, his acutest vision would fail to discern the slightest indication of man, his free will, or his works." * * * * * Let us now glance at some of the manifestations of this progressional influence; first in its general aspects, after which we will notice its bearing on a few of the more important severalties intimately affecting humanity, such as religion, morality, government, and commerce,--for there is nothing that touches man's welfare, no matter how lightly, in all his long journey from naked wildness to clothed and cultured intelligence, that is not placed upon him by this progressional impulse. [Sidenote: MANIFESTATIONS OF PROGRESSIONAL IMPULSE.] In every living thing there is an element of continuous growth; in every aggregation of living things there is an element of continuous improvement. In the first instance, a vital actuality appears; whence, no one can tell. As the organism matures, a new germ is formed, which, as the parent stock decays, takes its place and becomes in like manner the parent of a successor. Thus even death is but the door to new forms of life. In the second instance, a body corporate appears, no less a vital actuality than the first; a social organism in which, notwithstanding ceaseless births and deaths, there is a living principle. For while individuals are born and die, families live; while families are born and die, species live; while species are born and die, organic being assumes new forms and features. Herein the all-pervading principle of life, while flitting, is nevertheless permanent, while transient is yet eternal. But above and independent of perpetual birth and death is this element of continuous growth, which, like a spirit, walks abroad and mingles in the affairs of men. "All our progress," says Emerson, "is an unfolding, like the vegetable bud. You have first an instinct; then an opinion, then a knowledge, as the plant has root bud and fruit." Under favorable conditions, and up to a certain point, stocks improve; by a law of natural selection the strongest and fittest survive, while the ill-favored and deformed perish; under conditions unfavorable to development, stocks remain stationary or deteriorate. Paradoxically, so far as we know, organs and organisms are no more perfect now than in the beginning; animal instincts are no keener, nor are their habitudes essentially changed. No one denies that stocks improve, for such improvement is perceptible and permanent; many deny that organisms improve, for if there be improvement it is imperceptible, and has thus far escaped proof. But, however this may be, it is palpable that the mind, and not the body, is the instrument and object of the progressional impulse. Man in the duality of his nature is brought under two distinct dominions; materially he is subject to the laws that govern matter, mentally to the laws that govern mind; physiologically he is perfectly made and non-progressive, psychologically he is embryonic and progressive. Between these internal and external forces, between moral and material activities there may be, in some instances, an apparent antagonism. The mind may be developed in excess and to the detriment of the body, and the body may be developed in excess and to the detriment of the mind. The animal man is a bundle of organs, with instincts implanted that set them in motion; man intellectual is a bundle of sentiments, with an implanted soul that keeps them effervescent; mankind in the mass, society,--we see the fermentations, we mark the transitions; is there, then, a soul in aggregated humanity as there is in individual humanity? The instincts of man's animality teach the organs to perform their functions as perfectly at the first as at the last; the instincts of man's intellectuality urge him on in an eternal race for something better, in which perfection is never attained nor attainable; in society, we see the constant growth, the higher and yet higher development; now in this ever-onward movement are there instincts which originate and govern action in the body social as in the body individual? Is not society a bundle of organs, with an implanted Soul of Progress, which moves mankind along in a resistless predetermined march? Nations are born and die; they appear first in a state of infancy or savagism; many die in their childhood, some grow into manhood and rule for a time the destinies of the world; finally, by sudden extinction, or a lingering decrepitude, they disappear, and others take their place. But in this ceaseless coming and going there is somewhere a mysterious agency at work, making men better, wiser, nobler, whether they will or not. This improvement is not the effect of volition; the plant does not will to unfold, nor the immature animal to grow; neither can the world of human kind cease to advance in mind and in manners. Development is the inevitable incident of being. Nations, under normal conditions, can no more help advancing than they can throw themselves into a state of non-existence; than can the individual stop his corporeal growth, or shut out from the intellect every perception of knowledge, and become a living petrification. And in whatever pertains to intellectual man this fundamental principle is apparent. It underlies all moralities, governments, and religions, all industries, arts, and commerce; it is the mainspring of every action, the consequence of every cause; it is the great central idea toward which all things converge; it is the object of all efforts, the end of all successes; it absorbs all forces, and is the combined results of innumerable agencies, good and evil. Before the theory of Dr von Martius and his followers, that the savage state is but a degeneration from something higher, can become tenable, the whole order of nature must be reversed. Races may deteriorate, civilized peoples relapse into barbarism, but such relapse cannot take place except under abnormal conditions. We cannot believe that any nation, once learning the use of iron would cast it away for stone. Driven from an iron-yielding land, the knowledge of iron might at last be forgotten, but its use would never be voluntarily relinquished. And so with any of the arts or inventions of man. Societies, like individuals, are born, mature, and decay; they grow old and die; they may pause in their progress, become diseased, and thereby lose their strength and retrograde, but they never turn around and grow backward or ungrow,--they could not if they would. [Sidenote: BRUTES CANNOT PROGRESS.] In the brute creation this element of progress is wanting. The bird builds its nest, the bee its cell, the beaver its dam, with no more skill or elaboration to-day, than did the bird or bee or beaver primeval. The instinct of animals does not with time become intellect; their comforts do not increase, their sphere of action does not enlarge. By domestication, stocks may be improved, but nowhere do we see animals uniting for mutual improvement, or creating for themselves an artificial existence. So in man, whose nature comprises both the animal and the intellectual, the physical organism neither perceptibly advances nor deteriorates. The features may, indeed, beam brighter from the light of a purer intellectuality cast upon them from within, but the hand, the eye, the heart, so far as we know, is no more perfect now than in the days of Adam. As viewed by Mr Bagehot, the body of the accomplished man "becomes, by training, different from what it once was, and different from that of the rude man, becomes charged with stored virtue and acquired faculty which come away from it unconsciously." But the body of the accomplished man dies, and the son can in no wise inherit it, whereas the soul of his accomplishments does not die, but lives in the air, and becomes part of the vital breath of society. And, again, "power that has been laboriously acquired and stored up as statical in one generation" sometimes, says Maudsley, "becomes the inborn faculty of the next; and the development takes place in accordance with that law of increasing speciality and complexity of adaption to external nature which is traceable through the animal kingdom; or, in other words, that law of progress, from the general to the special, in development, which the appearance of nerve force amongst natural forces and the complexity of the nervous system of man both illustrate." On the other side John Stuart Mill is just as positive that culture is not inherent. "Of all vulgar modes," he remarks, "of escaping from the consideration of the effect of social and moral influences on the human mind, the most vulgar is that of attributing the diversities of conduct and character to inherent natural differences;" and, says Mr Buckle, "we cannot safely assume that there has been any permanent improvement in the moral or intellectual faculties of man, nor have we any decisive ground for saying that those faculties are likely to be greater in an infant born in the most civilized part of Europe, than in one born in the wildest region of a barbarous country." Whether or not the nervous system, which is the connective tissue between man's animality and his intellectuality, transmits its subtle forces from one generation to another, we may be sure that the mind acts on the nerves, and the nerves on every part of the system, and that the intelligence of the mind influences and governs the materialism of the body, and the consequences in some way are felt by succeeding generations; but that the mind becomes material, and its qualities transmitted to posterity, is an hypothesis yet unestablished. [Sidenote: IMPROVEMENT PURELY INTELLECTUAL.] Moreover we may safely conclude that the improvement of mankind is a phenomenon purely intellectual. Not that the improvement of the mind is wholly independent of the condition of the body; for, as we shall hereafter see, so intimate is the connection between the mind and the body, that the first step toward intellectual advancement cannot be taken until the demands of the body are satisfied. Nervous phenomena are dependent upon the same nutritive processes that govern physical development; and that this nerve force, through whose agency the system is charged with intellectuality, as the molecule is charged with mechanical force, does exist, is capable, to some extent, of transmitting acquirements or artificial instincts from parent to child, we have every reason to believe; but, so far as we know, intellectual force, _per se_, is no more a transmittable entity than is the flesh-quivering of the slain ox life. The strangest part of it all is, that though wrought out by man as the instrument, and while acting in the capacity of a free agent, this spirit of progress is wholly independent of the will of man. Though in our individual actions we imagine ourselves directed only by our free will, yet in the end it is most difficult to determine what is the result of free will, and what of inexorable environment. While we think we are regulating our affairs, our affairs are regulating us. We plan out improvements, predetermine the best course and follow it, sometimes; yet, for all that, the principle of social progress is not the man, is not in the man, forms no constituent of his physical or psychical individual being; it is the social atmosphere into which the man is born, into which he brings nothing and from which he takes nothing. While a member of society he adds his quota to the general fund and there leaves it; while acting as a free agent he performs his part in working out this problem of social development, performs it unconsciously, willing or unwilling he performs it, his baser passions being as powerful instruments of progress as his nobler; for avarice drives on intellect as effectually as benevolence, hate as love, and selfishness does infinitely more for the progress of mankind than philanthropy. Thus is humanity played upon by this principle of progress, and the music sometimes is wonderful; green fields as if by magic take the place of wild forests, magnificent cities rise out of the ground, the forces of nature are brought under the dominion of man's intelligence, and senseless substances endowed with speech and action. It is verily as Carlyle says; "under the strangest new vesture, the old great truth (since no vesture can hide it) begins again to be revealed: That man is what we call a miraculous creature, with miraculous power over men; and, on the whole, with such a Life in him, and such a World round him, as victorious Analysis, with her Physiologies, Nervous Systems, Physic and Metaphysic, will never completely name, to say nothing of explaining." Thus, to sum up the foregoing premises: in society, between two or more individuals, there is at work a mysterious energy, not unlike that of force between molecules or life in the organism; this social energy is under intelligent governance, not fortuitous nor causeless, but reducible to fixed law, and capable of being wrought into a science; is, moreover, a vital actuality, not an incident nor an accident, but an entity, as attraction and repulsion are entities; under this agency society, perforce, develops like the plant from a germ. This energy acts on the intellect, and through the intellect on the organism; acts independently of the will, and cannot be created or destroyed by man; is not found in the brute creation, is not transmittable by generation through individuals, is wrought out by man as a free-will agent, though acting unconsciously, and is the product alike of good and evil. * * * * * [Sidenote: CAUSES OF MAN'S DEVELOPMENT.] As to the causes which originate progressional phenomena there are differences of opinion. One sees in the intellect the germ of an eternal unfolding; another recognizes in the soul-element the vital principle of progress, and attributes to religion all the benefits of enlightenment; one builds a theory on the ground-work of a fundamental and innate morality; another discovers in the forces of nature the controlling influence upon man's destiny; while yet others, as we have seen, believe accumulative and inherent nervous force to be the media through which culture is transmitted. Some believe that moral causes create the physical, others that physical causes create the moral. Thus Mr Buckle attempts to prove that man's development is wholly dependent upon his physical surroundings. Huxley points to a system of reflex actions,--mind acting on matter, and matter on mind,--as the possible culture-basis. Darwin advances the doctrine of an evolution from vivified matter as the principle of progressive development. In the transmution of nerve-element from parents to children, Bagehot sees "the continuous force which binds age to age, which enables each to begin with some improvement on the last, if the last did itself improve; which makes each civilization not a set of detached dots, but a line of color, surely enhancing shade by shade." Some see in human progress the ever-ruling hand of a divine providence, others the results of man's skill; with some it is free will, with others necessity; some believe that intellectual development springs from better systems of government, others that wealth lies at the foundation of all culture; every philosopher recognizes some cause, invents some system, or brings human actions under the dominion of some species of law. As in animals of the same genus or species, inhabiting widely different localities, we see the results of common instincts, so in the evolutions of the human race, divided by time or space, we see the same general principles at work. So too it would seem, whether species are one or many, whether man is a perfectly created being or an evolution from a lower form, that all the human races of the globe are formed on one model and governed by the same laws. In the customs, languages, and myths of ages and nations far removed from each other in social, moral, and mental characteristics, innumerable and striking analogies exist. Not only have all nations weapons, but many who are separated from each other by a hemisphere use the same weapon; not only is belief universal, but many relate the same myth; and to suppose the bow and arrow to have had a common origin, or that all flood-myths, and myths of a future life are but offshoots from Noachic and Biblical narratives is scarcely reasonable. It is easier to tell what civilization is not, and what it does not spring from, than what it is and what its origin. To attribute its rise to any of the principles, ethical, political, or material, that come under the cognizance of man, is fallacy, for it is as much an entity as any other primeval principle; nor may we, with Archbishop Whately, entertain the doctrine that civilization never could have arisen had not the Creator appeared upon earth as the first instructor; for, unfortunately for this hypothesis, the aboriginals supposedly so taught, were scarcely civilized at all, and compare unfavorably with the other all-perfect works of creation; so that this sort of reasoning, like innumerable other attempts of man to limit the powers of Omnipotence, and narrow them down to our weak understandings, is little else than puerility. [Sidenote: SOCIETY ESSENTIAL TO INTELLECT.] Nor, as we have seen, is this act of civilizing the effect of volition; nor, as will hereafter more clearly appear, does it arise from an inherent principle of good any more than from an inherent principle of evil. The ultimate result, though difficult of proof, we take for granted to be good, but the agencies employed for its consummation number among them more of those we call evil than of those we call good. The isolated individual never, by any possibility, can become civilized like the social man; he cannot even speak, and without a flow of words there can be no complete flow of thought. Send him forth away from his fellow-man to roam the forest with the wild beasts, and he would be almost as wild and beastlike as his companions; it is doubtful if he would ever fashion a tool, but would not rather with his claws alone procure his food, and forever remain as he now is, the most impotent of animals. The intellect, by which means alone man rises above other animals, never could work, because the intellect is quickened only as it comes in contact with intellect. The germ of development therein implanted cannot unfold singly any more than the organism can bear fruit singly. It is a well-established fact that the mind without language cannot fully develop; it is likewise established that language is not inherent, that it springs up between men, not in them. Language, like civilization, belongs to society, and is in no wise a part or the property of the individual. "For strangely in this so solid-seeming World," says Carlyle, "which nevertheless is in continual restless flux, it is appointed that Sound, to appearance the most fleeting, should be the most continuing of all things." And further, as remarked by Herbert Spencer: "Now that the transformation and equivalence of forces is seen by men of science to hold not only throughout all inorganic actions, but throughout all organic actions; now that even mental changes are recognized as the correlatives of cerebral changes, which also conform to this principle; and now that there must be admitted the corollary, that all actions going on in a society are measured by certain antecedent energies, which disappear in effecting them, while they themselves become actual or potential energies from which subsequent actions arise; it is strange that there should not have arisen the consciousness that these higher phenomena are to be studied as lower phenomena have been studied--not, of course, after the same physical methods, but in conformity with the same principles." We may hold then, a priori, that this progressional principle exists; that it exists not more in the man than around him; that it requires an atmosphere in which to live, as life in the body requires an atmosphere which is its vital breath, and that this atmosphere is generated only by the contact of man with man. Under analysis this social atmosphere appears to be composed of two opposing principles--good and evil--which, like attraction and repulsion, or positive and negative electricity, underlie all activities. One is as essential to progress as the other; either, in excess or disproportionately administered, like an excess of oxygen or of hydrogen in the air, becomes pernicious, engenders social disruptions and decay which continue until the equilibrium is restored; yet all the while with the progress of humanity the good increases while the evil diminishes. Every impulse incident to humanity is born of the union of these two opposing principles. For example, as I have said, and will attempt more fully to show further on, association is the first requisite of progress. But what is to bring about association? Naked nomads will not voluntarily yield up their freedom, quit their wanderings, hold conventions and pass resolutions concerning the greatest good to the greatest number; patriotism, love, benevolence, brotherly kindness, will not bring savage men together; extrinsic force must be employed, an iron hand must be laid upon them which will compel them to unite, else there can be no civilization; and to accomplish this first great good to man,--to compel mankind to take the initial step toward the amelioration of their condition,--it is ordained that an evil, or what to us of these latter times is surely an evil, come forward,--and that evil is War. [Sidenote: EVIL AS A STIMULANT OF PROGRESS.] Primeval man, in his social organization, is patriarchal, spreading out over vast domains in little bands or families, just large enough to be able successfully to cope with wild beasts. And in that state humanity would forever remain did not some terrible cause force these bands to confederate. War is an evil, originating in hateful passions and ending in dire misery; yet without war, without this evil, man would forever remain primitive. But something more is necessary. War brings men together for a purpose, but it is insufficient to hold them together; for when the cause which compacted them no longer exists, they speedily scatter, each going his own way. Then comes in superstition to the aid of progress. A successful leader is first feared as a man, then reverenced as a supernatural being, and finally himself, or his descendant, in the flesh or in tradition, is worshiped as a god. Then an unearthly fear comes upon mankind, and the ruler, perceiving his power, begins to tyrannize over his fellows. Both superstition and tyranny are evils; yet, without war superstition and tyranny, dire evils, civilization, which many deem the highest good, never by any possibility, as human nature is, could be. But more of the conditions of progress hereafter; what I wish to establish here is, that evil is no less a stimulant of development than good, and that in this principle of progress are manifest the same antagonism of forces apparent throughout physical nature; the same oppugnant energies, attractive and repulsive, positive and negative, everywhere existing. It is impossible for two or more individuals to be brought into contact with each other, whether through causes or for purposes good or evil, without ultimate improvement to both. I say whether through causes or for purposes good or evil, for, to the all-pervading principle of evil, civilization is as much indebted as to the all-pervading principle of good. Indeed, the beneficial influences of this unwelcome element have never been generally recognized. Whatever be this principle of evil, whatever man would be without it, the fact is clearly evident that to it civilization, whatever that may be, owes its existence. "The whole tendency of political economy and philosophical history," says Lecky, "which reveal the physiology of society, is to show that the happiness and welfare of mankind are evolved much more from our selfish than what are termed our virtuous acts." No wonder that devil-worship obtains, in certain parts, when to his demon the savage finds himself indebted for skill not only to overthrow subordinate deities, but to cure diseases, to will an enemy to death, to minister to the welfare of departed friends, as well as to add materially to his earthly store of comforts. The world, such as it is, man finds himself destined for a time to inhabit. Within him and around him the involuntary occupant perceives two agencies at work; agencies apparently oppugnant, yet both tending to one end--improvement; and Night or Day, Love or Crime, leads all souls to the Good, as Emerson sings. The principle of evil acts as a perpetual stimulant, the principle of good as a reward of merit. United in their operation, there is a constant tendency toward a better condition, a higher state; apart, the result would be inaction. For, civilization being a progression and not a fixed condition, without incentives, that is without something to escape from and something to escape to, there could be no transition, and hence no civilization. Had man been placed in the world perfected and sinless, obviously there would be no such thing as progress. The absence of evil implies perfect good, and perfect good perfect happiness. Were man sinless and yet capable of increasing knowledge, the incentive would be wanting, for, if perfectly happy, why should he struggle to become happier? The advent of civilization is in the appearance of a want, and the first act of civilization springs from the attempt to supply the want. The man or nation that wants nothing remains inactive, and hence does not advance; so that it is not in what we have but in what we have not that civilization consists. These wants are forced upon us, implanted within us, inseparable from our being; they increase with an increasing supply, grow hungry from what they feed on; in quick succession, aspirations, emulations, and ambitions spring up and chase each other, keeping the fire of discontent ever glowing, and the whole human race effervescent. The tendency of civilizing force, like the tendency of mechanical force, is toward an equilibrium, toward a never-attainable rest. Obviously there can be no perfect equilibrium, no perfect rest, until all evil disappears, but in that event the end of progress would be attained, and humanity would be perfect and sinless. Man at the outset is not what he may be, he is capable of improvement or rather of growth; but childlike, the savage does not care to improve, and consequently must be scourged into it. Advancement is the ultimate natural or normal state of man; humanity on this earth is destined some day to be relatively, if not absolutely, good and happy. The healthy body has appetites, in the gratification of which lies its chiefest enjoyment; the healthy mind has proclivities, the healthy soul intuitions, in the exercise and activities of which the happiest life is attainable; and in as far as the immaterial and immortal in our nature is superior to the material and mortal, in so far does the education and development of our higher nature contribute in a higher degree to our present benefit and our future well-being. [Sidenote: LABOR A CIVILIZING AGENT.] There is another thought in this connection well worthy our attention. In orthodox and popular parlance, labor is a curse entailed on man by vindictive justice; yet viewed as a civilizing agent, labor is man's greatest blessing. Throughout all nature there is no such thing found as absolute inertness; and, as in matter, so with regard to our faculties, no sooner do they begin to rest than they begin to rot, and even in the rotting they can obtain no rest. One of the chief objects of labor is to get gain, and Dr Johnson holds that "men are seldom more innocently employed than when they are making money." Human experience teaches, that in the effort is greater pleasure than in the end attained; that labor is the normal condition of man; that in acquisition, that is progress, is the highest happiness; that passive enjoyment is inferior to the exhilaration of active attempt. Now imagine the absence from the world of this spirit of evil, and what would be the result? Total inaction. But before inaction can become more pleasurable than action, man's nature must be changed. Not to say that evil is a good thing, clearly there is a goodness in things evil; and in as far as the state of escaping from evil is more pleasurable than the state of evil escaped from, in so far is evil conducive to happiness. The effect of well-directed labor is twofold; by exercise our faculties strengthen and expand, and at the same time the returns of that labor give us leisure in which to direct our improved faculties to yet higher aims. By continual efforts to increase material comforts, greater skill is constantly acquired, and the mind asserts more and more its independence. Increasing skill yields ever increased delights, which encourage and reward our labor. This, up to a certain point; but with wealth and luxury comes relaxed energy. Without necessity there is no labor; without labor no advancement. Corporeal necessity first forces corporeal activity; then the intellect goes to work to contrive means whereby labor may be lessened and made more productive. [Sidenote: EVIL TENDS TO DISAPPEAR.] The discontent which arises from discomfort, lies at the root of every movement; but then comfort is a relative term and complete satisfaction is never attained. Indeed, as a rule, the more squalid and miserable the race, the more are they disposed to settle down and content themselves in their state of discomfort. What is discomfort to one is luxury to another; "the mark of rank in nature is capacity for pain"; in following the intellectual life, the higher the culture the greater the discontent; the greater the acquisition, the more eagerly do men press forward toward some higher and greater imaginary good. We all know that blessings in excess become the direst curses; but few are conscious where the benefit of a blessing terminates and the curse begins, and fewer still of those who are able thus to discriminate have the moral strength to act upon that knowledge. As a good in excess is an evil, so evil as it enlarges outdoes itself and tends toward self-annihilation. If we but look about us, we must see that to burn up the world in order to rid it of gross evil--a dogma held by some--is unnecessary, for accumulative evils ever tend towards reaction. Excessive evils are soonest remedied; the equilibrium of the evil must be maintained, or the annihilation of the evil ensues. Institutions and principles essentially good at one time are essential evils at another time. The very aids and agencies of civilization become afterward the greatest drags upon progress. At one time it would seem that blind faith was essential to improvement, at another time skepticism, at one time order and morality, at another time lawlessness and rapine; for so it has ever been, and whether peace and smiling plenty, or fierce upheavals and dismemberments predominate, from every social spasm as well as fecund leisure, civilization shoots forward in its endless course. The very evils which are regarded as infamous by a higher culture were the necessary stepping-stones to that higher life. As we have seen, no nation ever did or can emerge from barbarism without first placing its neck under the yokes of despotism and superstition; therefore, despotism and superstition, now dire evils, were once essential benefits. No religion ever attained its full development except under persecution. Our present evils are constantly working out for humanity unforeseen good. All systems of wrongs and fanaticisms are but preparing us for and urging us on to a higher state. If then civilization is a predestined, ineluctable, and eternal march away from things evil toward that which is good, it must be that throughout the world the principle of good is ever increasing and that of evil decreasing. And this is true. Not only does evil decrease, but the tendency is ever toward its disappearance. Gradually the confines of civilization broaden; the central principle of human progress attains greater intensity, and the mind assumes more and more its lordly power over matter. The moment we attempt to search out the cause of any onward movement we at once encounter this principle of evil. The old-time aphorism that life is a perpetual struggle; the first maxim of social ethics 'the greatest happiness to the greatest number'; indeed, every thought and action of our lives points in the same direction. From what is it mankind is so eager to escape; with what do we wrestle; for what do we strive? We fly from that which gives pain to that which gives pleasure; we wrestle with agencies which bar our escape from a state of infelicity; we long for happiness. [Sidenote: IS CIVILIZATION CONDUCIVE TO HAPPINESS?] Then comes the question, What is happiness? Is man polished and refined happier than man wild and unfettered; is civilization a blessing or a curse? Rousseau, we know, held it to be the latter; but not so Virey. "What!" he exclaims, "is he happier than the social man, this being abandoned in his maladies, uncared for even by his children in his improvident old age, exposed to ferocious beasts, in fear of his own kind, even of the cannibal's tooth? The civilized man, surrounded in his feebleness by affectionate attention, sustains a longer existence, enjoys more pleasure and daily comforts, is better protected against inclemencies of weather and all external ills. The isolated man must suffice for himself, must harden himself to endure any privation; his very existence depends upon his strength, and if necessity requires it of him, he must be ready to abandon wife and children and life itself at any moment. Such cruel misery is rare in social life, where the sympathies of humanity are awakened, and freely exercised." Continue these simple interrogatories a little farther and see where we land. Is the wild bird, forced to long migrations for endurable climates and food, happier than the caged bird which buys a daily plentiful supply for a song? Is the wild beast, ofttimes hungry and hunted, happier than its chained brother of the menagerie? Is the wild horse, galloping with its fellows over the broad prairie, happier than the civilized horse of carriage, cart, or plow? May we not question whether the merchant, deep in his speculating ventures, or the man of law, poring over his brain-tearing brief, derives a keener sense of enjoyment than does the free forest-native, following the war-path or pursuing his game? As I have attempted to show, civilization is not an end attained, for man is never wholly civilized,--but only the effort to escape from an evil, or an imaginary evil--savagism. I say an evil real or imaginary, for as we have seen, the question has been seriously discussed whether civilization is better or worse than savagism. For every advantage which culture affords, a price must be paid,--some say too great a price. The growth of the mind is dependent upon its cultivation, but this cultivation may be voluntary or involuntary, it may be a thing desired or a thing abhorred. Every nation, every society, and every person has its or his own standard of happiness. The miser delights in wealth, the city belle in finery, the scholar in learning. The Christian's heaven is a spiritual city, where they neither marry, nor are given in marriage; the Norse-man's a Valhalla of alternate battle and wassail; the Mahometan's, a paradise of houris and lazy sensuality. The martyr at the stake, triumphant in his faith, may be happier than the man of fashion dying of ennui and gout; the savage, wandering through forest and over plain in pursuit of game, or huddled in his hut with wives and children, may be happier than the care-laden speculator or the wrangling politician. Content, the essence of all happiness, is as prevalent among the poor and ill-mannered, as among the rich, refined and civilized. _Ubi bene, ibi patria_, where it is well with me, there is my country, is the motto of the Indian,--and to be well with him signifies only to be beyond the reach of hunger and enemies. Ask the savage which is preferable, a native or a cultured state, and he will answer the former; ask the civilized man, and he will say the latter. I do not see any greater absurdity in the wild man saying to the tamed one: Give up the despotisms and diseases of society and throw yourself with me upon beauteous, bounteous nature; than in the European saying to the American: If you would find happiness, abandon your filth and naked freedom, accept Christianity and cotton shirts, go to work in a mission, rot on a reservation, or beg and starve in civilized fashion! Of all animals, man alone has broken down the barriers of his nature in civilizing, or, as Rousseau expresses it, in denaturalizing himself; and for this denaturalization some natural good must be relinquished; to every infringement of nature's law, there is a penalty attached; for a more delicate organism the price is numberless new diseases; for political institutions the price is native freedom. With polished manners the candidate for civilization must accept affectation, social despotism; with increasing wealth, increasing wants; civilization engenders complexity in society, and in its turn is engendered thereby. Peoples the most highly cultured are moved by the most delicate springs; a finer touch, the result of greater skill, with a finer tone, the result of greater experience, produces music more and yet more exquisite. [Sidenote: SUBJECTIVE AND OBJECTIVE HUMANITY.] Were man only an animal, this denaturalization and more, would be true. The tamed brute gives up all the benefits of savagism for few of the blessings of civilization; in a cultured state, as compared to a state of wild freedom, its ills are numberless, its advantages infinitesimal. But human nature is twofold, objective and subjective, the former typical of the savage state, the latter of the civilized. Man is not wholly animal; and by cultivating the mind, that is, by civilizing himself, he is no more denaturalized than by cultivating the body, and thereby acquiring greater physical perfection. We cannot escape our nature; we cannot re-create ourselves; we can only submit ourselves to be polished and improved by the eternal spirit of progress. The moral and the intellectual are as much constituents of human nature as the physical; civilization, therefore, is as much the natural state of man as savagism. Another more plausible and partially correct assertion is, that by the development of the subjective part of our nature, objective humanity becomes degenerated. The intellectual cannot be wrought up to the highest state of cultivation except at the expense of the physical, nor the physical fully developed without limiting the mental. The efforts of the mind draw from the energies of the body; the highest and healthiest vigor of the body can only be attained when the mind is at rest, or in a state of careless activity. In answer to which I should say that beyond a certain point, it is true; one would hardly train successfully for a prize fight and the tripos at the same time; but that the non-intellectual savage, as a race, is physically superior, capable of enduring greater fatigue, or more skillful in muscular exercise than the civilized man is inconsistent with facts. Civilization has its vices as well as its virtues, savagism has its advantages as well as its demerits. The evils of savagism are not so great as we imagine; its pleasures more than we are apt to think. As we become more and more removed from evils their magnitude enlarges; the fear of suffering increases as suffering is less experienced and witnessed. If savagism holds human life in light esteem, civilization makes death more hideous than it really is; if savagism is more cruel, it is less sensitive. Combatants accustomed to frequent encounter think lightly of wounds, and those whose life is oftenest imperiled think least of losing it. Indifference to pain is not necessarily the result of cruelty; it may arise as well from the most exalted sentiment as from the basest. Civilization not only engenders new vices, but proves the destroyer of many virtues. Among the wealthier classes energy gives way to enjoyment, luxury saps the foundation of labor, progress becomes paralyzed, and with now and then a noble exception, but few earnest workers in the paths of literature, science, or any of the departments which tend to the improvement of mankind, are to be found among the powerful and the affluent, while the middle classes are absorbed in money-getting, unconsciously thereby, it is true, working toward the ends of civilization. That civilization is expedient, that it is a good, that it is better than savagism, we who profess to be civilized entertain no doubt. Those who believe otherwise must be ready to deny that health is better than disease, truth than superstition, intellectual power than stupid ignorance; but whether the miseries and vices of savagism, or those of civilization are the greater, is another question. The tendency of civilization is, on the whole, to purify the morals, to give equal rights to man, to distribute more equally among men the benefits of this world, to melioriate wholesale misery and degradation, offer a higher aim and the means of accomplishing a nobler destiny, to increase the power of the mind and give it dominion over the forces of nature, to place the material in subservience to the mental, to elevate the individual and regulate society. True, it may be urged that this heaping up of intellectual fruits tends toward monopoly, toward making the rich richer and the poor poorer, but I still hold that the benefits of civilization are for the most part evenly distributed; that wealth beyond one's necessity is generally a curse to the possessor greater than the extreme of poverty, and that the true blessings of culture and refinement like air and sunshine are free to all. Civilization, it is said, multiplies wants, but then they are ennobling wants, better called aspirations, and many of these civilization satisfies. If civilization breeds new vices, old ones are extinguished by it. Decency and decorum hide the hideousness of vice, drive it into dark corners, and thereby raise the tone of morals and weaken vice. Thus civilization promotes chastity, elevates woman, breaks down the barriers of hate and superstition between ancient nations and religions; individual energy, the influence of one over the many, becomes less and less felt, and the power of the people becomes stronger. Civilization in itself can not but be beneficial to man; that which makes society more refined, more intellectual, less bestial, more courteous; that which cures physical and mental diseases, increases the comforts and luxury of life, purifies religions, makes juster governments, must surely be beneficial: it is the universal principle of evil which impregnates all human affairs, alloying even current coin, which raises the question. That there are evils attending civilization as all other benefits, none can deny, but civilization itself is no evil. * * * * * [Sidenote: CONDITIONS ESSENTIAL TO PROGRESS.] If I have succeeded in presenting clearly the foregoing thoughts, enough has been said as to the nature and essence of civilization; let us now examine some of the conditions essential to intellectual development. For it must not be forgotten that, while every department of human progress is but the unfolding of a germ; while every tendency of our life, every custom and creed of our civilization finds its rudiment in savagism; while, as man develops, no new elements of human nature are created by the process; while, as the organism of the child is as complex and complete as the organism of the man, so is humanity in a savage state the perfect germ of humanity civilized,--it must not be forgotten in all this, that civilization cannot unfold except under favorable conditions. Just as the plant, though endowed with life which corresponds to the mind-principle in progress, requires for its growth a suitable soil and climate, so this progressional phenomenon must have soil and sunshine before it yields fruit; and this is another proof that civilization is not in the man more than around him; for if the principle were inherent in the individual, then the Hyperborean, with his half year of light and half year of underground darkness, must of necessity become civilized equally with the man born amidst the sharpening jostles of a European capital, for in all those parts that appertain solely to the intrinsic individual, the one develops as perfectly as the other. A people undergoing the civilizing process need not necessarily, does not indeed, advance in every species of improvement at the same time; in some respects the nation may be stationary, in others even retrograde. Every age and every nation has its special line of march. Literature and the fine arts reached their height in pagan Greece; monotheism among the Hebrews; science unfolded in Egypt, and government in Rome. In every individual there is some one talent that can be cultivated more advantageously than any other; so it is with nations, every people possesses some natural advantage for development in some certain direction over every other people, and often the early history of a nation, like the precocious proclivities of the child, points toward its future; and in such arts and industries as its climate and geographical position best enable it to develop, is discovered the germ of national character. Seldom is the commercial spirit developed in the interior of a continent, or the despotic spirit on the border of the sea, or the predatory spirit in a country wholly devoid of mountains and fastnesses. It cannot be said that one nation or race is inherently better fitted for civilization than another; all may not be equally fitted for exactly the same civilization, but all are alike fitted for that civilization which, if left to itself, each will work out. Mankind, moreover, advances spasmodically, and in certain directions only at a time, which is the greatest drawback to progress. As Lecky remarks: "Special agencies, such as religious or political institutions, geographical conditions, traditions, antipathies, and affinities, exercise a certain retarding, accelerating, or deflecting influence, and somewhat modify the normal progress." Perfect development only is permanent, and that alone is perfect which develops the whole man and the whole society equally in all its parts; all the activities, mental, moral, and physical, must needs grow in unison and simultaneously, and this alone is perfect and permanent development. Should all the world become civilized there will still be minor differences; some will advance further in one direction and some in another, all together will form the complete whole. Civilization as an exotic seldom flourishes. Often has the attempt been made by a cultivated people to civilize a barbarous nation, and as often has it failed. True, one nation may force its arts or religion upon another, but to civilize is neither to subjugate nor annihilate; foreigners may introduce new industries and new philosophies, which the uncultured may do well to accept, but as civilization is an unfolding, and not a creation, he who would advance civilization must teach society how to grow, how to enlarge its better self; must teach in what direction its highest interests lie. * * * * * Thus it appears that, while this germ of progress is innate in every human society, certain conditions are more favorable to its development than others,--conditions which act as stimulants or impediments to progress. Often we see nations remain apparently stationary, the elements of progress evenly balanced by opposing influences, and thus they remain until by internal force, or external pressure, their system expands or explodes, until they absorb or are absorbed by antagonistic elements. The intrinsic force of the body social appears to demand extrinsic prompting before it will manifest itself. Like the grains of wheat in the hand of Belzoni's mummy, which held life slumbering for three thousand years, and awoke to growth when buried in the ground, so the element of human progress lies dormant until planted in a congenial soil and surrounded by those influences which provoke development. This stimulant, which acts upon and unfolds the intellect, can be administered only through the medium of the senses. Nerve force, which precedes intellectual force, is supplied by the body; the cravings of man's corporeal nature, therefore, must be quieted before the mind can fix itself on higher things. The first step toward teaching a savage is to feed him; the stomach satisfied he will listen to instruction, not before. Cultivation of at least the most necessary of the industrial arts invariably precedes cultivation of the fine arts; the intellect must be implanted in a satisfied body before it will take root and grow. The mind must be allowed some respite from its attendance on the body, before culture can commence; it must abandon its state of servitude, and become master; in other words, leisure is an essential of culture. As association is the primal condition of progress, let us see how nature throws societies together or holds them asunder. In some directions there are greater facilities for intercommunication (another essential of improvement) than in other directions. Wherever man is most in harmony with nature, there he progresses most rapidly; wherever nature offers the greatest advantages, such as a sea that invites to commerce, an elevated plateau lifting its occupants above the malaria of a tropical lowland, a sheltering mountain range that wards off inclement winds and bars out hostile neighbors, there culture flourishes best. * * * * * [Sidenote: OBJECTIVE AND SUBJECTIVE STIMULANTS.] So that humanity, in its twofold nature, is dependent for its development upon two distinct species of stimulants, objective and subjective. Material causations, or those forces which minister to the requirements of man's material nature but upon which his intellectual progress is dependent, are configurations of surface, soil, climate, and food. Those physical conditions which, when favorable, give to their possessors wealth and leisure, are the inevitable precursors of culture. Immaterial causations are those forces which act more directly upon man's immaterial nature, as association, religion, wealth, leisure, and government. Continuing the analysis, let us first examine physical stimulants. Admitting readily two of M. Taine's primordial humanity-moving forces, 'le milieu' or environment, and his 'le moment' or inherited impulse, we will pass over the third force 'la race';--for inherent differences in race, in the present stage of science, are purely hypothetical; it remains yet to be proved that one nation is primarily inherently inferior or superior to another nation. That man once created is moulded and modified by his environment, there can be no doubt. Even a cursory survey of the globe presents some indications favorable and unfavorable to the unfolding of the different forms of organic being. Great continents, for instance, appear to be congenial to the development of animal life; islands and lesser continents to the growth of exuberant vegetation. Thus, in the eastern hemisphere, which is a compact oval, essentially continental, with vast areas far removed from the influence of the ocean, flourish the elephant, the hippopotamus, the rhinoceros, the courageous lion, the fierce tiger, the largest and lordliest of animal kind, while in the more oceanic western hemisphere inferior types prevail. Cold and dryness characterize the one; heat and humidity the other; in one are the greatest deserts, in the other the greatest lakes and rivers. Warm oceanic currents bathe the frosty shores of the northern extremities of the continents and render them habitable; the moisture-laden equatorial atmosphere clothes the adjacent islands and firm land in emerald verdure. Upon the same parallel of latitude are the great Sahara Desert of Africa, and the wilderness of luxuriant billowy foliage of the American Isthmus. In warm, moist climates, such species of animal life attain the fullest development as are dependent upon the aqueous and herbous agencies. In tropical America are seen the largest reptiles, the most gorgeous insects,--there the inhabitants of warm marshes and sluggish waters assume gigantic proportions, while only upon the broad inland prairies or upon elevated mountain ranges, away from the influences of warm waters and humid atmospheres, are found the buffalo, bear, and elk. The very complexion and temperament of man are affected by these vegetative and umbrageous elements. Unprotected from the perpendicular rays of the sun, the African is black, muscular, and cheerful; under the shadow of primeval forest, man assumes a coppery hue, lacking the endurance of the negro, and becomes in disposition cold and melancholy. And again, if we look for the natural causes which tend to promote or retard association, we find in climates and continental configurations the chief agencies. The continent of the two Americas, in its greatest length, lies north and south, the eastern continental group extends east and west. Primitive people naturally would spread out in those directions which offered the least change of climate from that of the primitive centre. Obviously, variations of climate are greater in following a meridian than along a parallel of latitude. Thus, the tropical man passing along a meridian is driven back by unendurable cold, while a continent may be traversed on any parallel, elevations excepted, with but little variation in temperature. A savage, exposed and inexperienced, not knowing how to protect himself against severe changes of climate, could not travel far in a northerly or southerly direction without suffering severely from the cold or heat; hence, other things being equal, the inhabitants of a country whose greatest length lay east and west, would intermingle more readily than those whose territory extended north and south. [Sidenote: CLIMATE AND MOUNTAIN RANGES.] That the eastern hemisphere attained a higher degree of civilization than the western, may be partly due to the fact, that the former presents wider spaces of uniform climate than the latter. The climatic zones of the New World, besides being shorter, are intersected by mountain barriers, which tend to retard the intercourse that would otherwise naturally follow. Thus the Mexican table-land, the seat of Aztec civilization, is a _tierra fria_ situated above the insalubrious _tierra caliente_ of either coast and the healthful _tierra templada_ of the slopes, but below the mountain ranges which rise from this table-land, forming a _tierra frígida_, a region of perpetual snow. To this day, the natives of the Mexican plateau cannot live on the sea-coast, though less than a day's journey distant. Between the climatic zones which extend through Europe and Asia, there are contrasts as marked and changes as sudden, but these differences are between the different zones rather than between longitudinal sections of the same zone. Hence, in the old world, where climatic zones are separated by mountain ranges which make the transition from one to the other sudden and abrupt, we see a greater diversity of race than in America, where the natural barriers extend north and south and intersect the climatic zones, thereby bringing the inhabitants along a meridian in easier communication than those who live in the same latitude but who are separated by mountains, table-lands and large rivers. That is, if color and race are dependent on climate, America should offer greater varieties in color and race than Europe, for America traverses the most latitudes; but the mountain barriers of America extend north and south, thereby forcing its people to intermingle, if at all, in that direction, while the chief ranges of the eastern continent extend east and west, parallel with climatic zones, thereby forming in themselves distinctly marked lines between peoples, forcing the African to remain under his burning sun, and the northmen in their cooler latitudes; so that in the several climatic zones of the old world, we see the human race distinctly marked, Aryan, Semitic, and Turanian--white, black, and yellow--while throughout the two Americas, from Alaska to Tierra del Fuego, type and color are singularly uniform. * * * * * Who can picture the mighty tide of humanity, which, while the eastern hemisphere has been developing so high a state of culture, in America has ebbed and flowed between barbarisms and civilizations? Through what long and desperate struggles, continuing age after age through the lives of nations, now advancing, now receding, have these peoples passed? Asia, from its central position and favorable climate, would seem naturally to encourage a redundant population and a spontaneous civilization; the waters of the Mediterranean invite commerce and intercommunication of nations, while the British Isles, from their insular situation and distance from hypothetical primitive centres, would seem necessarily to remain longer in a state of barbarism. In the Pacific States of North America we find the densest population north along the shores of the ocean, and south on the cordillera table-land, from the fact that the former offers the best facilities for food and locomotion until the latter is reached, when the interior presents the most favorable dwelling-place for man. Climate affects both mental and moral endowments, the temperament of the body, and the texture of the brain; physical energy, and mental vigor. Temperate climates are more conducive to civilization, not for the reason given by Mr Harris, "as developing the higher qualities, and not invigorating the baser feelings", for the Hyperborean is as unchaste and as great a slave to passion as the sub-equatorial man--but because a temperate climate, while it lures to exertion, rewards the laborer. * * * * * [Sidenote: THE INFLUENCE OF FOOD.] Next, let us consider the agency of food in human development. The effect of food is to supply the body with caloric, which is essential to its life, and to repair the muscular fibres which are constantly undergoing waste in our daily activities. These two effects are produced by two different kinds of diet; carbonized food, such as animal flesh, fish, oils and fats, and oxidized food, which consists chiefly of vegetables. In hot climates, obviously, less carbonized food is required to keep up the necessary temperature of the body than in cold climates. Hence it is, that hyperborean nations subsist on whale's blubber, oil, and flesh, while the tropical man confines himself almost exclusively to a vegetable diet. It is not my purpose here to enter into the relative effects of the different kinds of food on physiological and mental development; I desire, however, to call attention to the comparative facility with which carbonized and oxidized food is procured by man, and to note the effect of this ease or difficulty in obtaining a food supply, upon his progress. In warm, humid climates vegetation is spontaneous and abundant; a plentiful supply of food may, therefore, be obtained with the smallest expenditure of labor. The inhabitants of cold climates, however, are obliged to pursue, by land and water, wild and powerful animals, to put forth all their strength and skill in order to secure a precarious supply of the necessary food. Then, again, besides being more difficult to obtain, and more uncertain as to a steady supply, the quantity of food consumed in a cold climate is much greater than that consumed in a hot climate. Now as leisure is essential to cultivation, and as without a surplus of food and clothing there can be no leisure, it would seem to follow naturally that in those countries where food and clothing are most easily obtained culture should be the highest; since so little time and labor are necessary to satisfy the necessities of the body, the mind would have opportunity to expand. It would seem that a fertile soil, an exuberant vegetation, soft skies and balmy air, a country where raiment was scarcely essential to comfort, and where for food the favored inhabitant had but to pluck and eat, should become the seat of a numerous population and a high development. Is this the fact? "Wherever snow falls," Emerson remarks, "there is usually civil freedom. Where the banana grows, the animal system is indolent, and pampered at the cost of higher qualities; the man is sensual and cruel;" and we may add that where wheat grows, there is civilization, where rice is the staple, there mental vigor is relaxed. Heat and moisture being the great vegetative stimulants, tropical lands in proximity to the sea are covered with eternal verdure. Little or no labor is required to sustain life; for food there is the perpetually ripening fruit, a few hours' planting, sometimes, being sufficient to supply a family for months; for shelter, little more than the dense foliage is necessary, while scarcely any clothing is required. But although heat and moisture, the great vegetative stimulants, lie at the root of primitive progress, these elements in superabundance defeat their own ends, and in two ways: First, excessive heat enervates the body and prostrates the mind, languor and inertia become chronic, while cold is invigorating and prompts to activity. And in tropical climates certain hours of the day are too hot for work, and are, consequently, devoted to sleep. The day is broken into fragments; continuous application, which alone produces important results, is prevented, and habits of slackness and laxity become the rule of life. Satisfied, moreover, with the provisions of nature for their support, the people live without labor, vegetating, plant-like, through a listless and objectless life. Secondly, vegetation, stimulated by excessive heat and moisture, grows with such strength and rapidity as to defy the efforts of inexperienced primitive man; nature becomes domineering, unmanageable, and man sinks into insignificance. Indeed the most skillful industry of armed and disciplined civilization is unable to keep under control this redundancy of tropical vegetation. The path cleared by the pioneer on penetrating the dense undergrowth, closes after him like the waters of the sea behind a ship; before the grain has time to spring up, the plowed field is covered with rank weeds, wild flowers, and poisonous plants no less beautiful than pernicious. I have seen the very fence-posts sprouting up and growing into trees. So destructive is the vegetation of the Central American lowlands, that in their triumphal march the persistent roots penetrate the crevices of masonry, demolish strong walls, and obliterate stupendous tumuli. The people whose climate makes carbonized food a necessity, are obliged to call into action their bolder and stronger faculties in order to obtain their supplies, while the vegetable-eater may tranquilly rest on bounteous nature. The Eskimo struggles manfully with whale, and bear, and ice, and darkness, until his capacious stomach is well filled with heat-producing food, then he dozes torpidly in his den while the supply lasts; the equatorial man plucks and eats, basks in the open air, and sleeps. [Sidenote: UNMANAGEABLENESS OF REDUNDANT NATURE.] Here we have a medley of heterogeneous and antagonistic elements. Leisure is essential to culture; before leisure there must be an accumulation of wealth; the accumulation of wealth is dependent upon the food-supply; a surplus of food can only be easily obtained in warm climates. But labor is also essential to development, and excessive heat is opposed to labor. Labor, moreover, in order to produce leisure must be remunerative, and excessive cold is opposed to accumulation. It appears, therefore, that an excess of labor and an excess of leisure are alike detrimental to improvement. Again, heat and moisture are essential to an abundant supply of oxidized food. But heat and moisture, especially in tropical climates, act as a stimulant upon other rank productions, engendering dense forests, tangled brush-wood, and poisonous shrubs, and filling miasmatic marshes with noxious reptiles. These enemies to human progress the weaponless savage is unable to overcome. It is, therefore, neither in hot and humid countries, nor in excessively cold climates, that we are to look for a primitive civilization; for in the latter nature lies dormant, while in the former the redundancy of nature becomes unmanageable. It is true that in the tropics of America and Asia are found the seats of many ancient civilizations, but if we examine them one after the other, we shall see, in nearly every instance, some opposite or counteracting agency. Thus, the Aztecs, though choosing a low latitude in proximity to both oceans, occupied an elevated table-land, in a cool, dry atmosphere, seven or eight thousand feet above the level of the sea. The river Nile, by its periodic inundations, forced the ancient Egyptians to lay by a store of food, which is the very first step toward wealth. The rivers of India are, some of them, subject to like overflowings, while the more elevated parts are dry and fertile. Egypt was the cradle of European development. Long before the advent of Christianity, the fertile banks of the Nile, for their pyramidal tombs, their colossi, their obelisks and catacombs and sphinxes and temples, were regarded by surrounding barbarians as a land of miracles and marvels. Thence Greece derived her earliest arts and maxims. The climate of Egypt was unchangeable, and the inundations of the Nile offered a less uncertain water-supply than the rains of many other districts, and thus agriculture, while offering to the laborer the greater part of the year for leisure, was almost certain to be remunerative. Common instincts and common efforts, uniformity of climate and identity of interests produced a homogeneous people, and forty centuries of such changeless coming and going could not fail to result in improvement. [Sidenote: MR BUCKLE'S THEORY.] Mr Buckle, in his attempt to establish a universal theory that heat and moisture inevitably engender civilization, and that without those combined agencies no civilization can arise, somewhat overreaches himself. "In America, as in Asia and Africa," he says, "all the original civilizations were seated in hot countries; the whole of Peru, proper, being within the southern tropic, the whole of Central America and Mexico within the northern tropic." The fact is, that Cuzco, the capital city of the Incas, is in the cordilleras, three hundred miles from and eleven thousand feet above the sea. For the latitude the climate is both cold and dry. The valley of Mexico is warmer and moister, but cannot be called hot and humid. Palenque and Copan approach nearer Mr Buckle's ideal than Cuzco or Mexico, being above the tierra caliente proper, and yet in a truly hot and humid climate. The Hawaiian Islands,--an isolated group of lava piles, thrown up into the trade winds on the twentieth parallel, and by these winds deluged on one side with rain, while the other is left almost dry, with but little alluvial soil, and that little exceedingly fertile,--at the time of their discovery by Captain Cook appeared to have made no inconsiderable advance toward feudalism. Systems of land tenure and vassalage were in operation, and some works for the public weal had been constructed. Here were the essentials for a low order of improvement such as was found there, but which never, in all probability, would have risen much higher. Again, Mr Buckle declares that, "owing to the presence of physical phenomena, the civilization of America was, of necessity, confined to those parts where alone it was found by the discoverers of the New World." An apparently safe postulate; but, upon any conceivable hypothesis, there are very many places as well adapted to development as those in which it was found. Once more: "The two great conditions of fertility have not been united in any part of the continent north of Mexico." When we consider what it is, namely, heat and humidity, upon which Mr Buckle makes intellectual evolution dependent, and that not only the Mexican plateau lacked both these essentials, in the full meaning of the term, but that both are found in many places northward, as for instance, in some parts of Texas and in Louisiana, a discrepancy in his theory becomes apparent. "The peculiar configuration of the land," he continues, "secured a very large amount of coast, and thus gave to the southern part of North America the character of an island." An island, yes, but, as M. Guyot terms it, an "aerial island;" bordered on either side by sea-coast, but by such sea-coast as formed an almost impassable barrier between the table-land and the ocean. "While, therefore," adds Mr Buckle, "the position of Mexico near the equator gave it heat, the shape of the land gave it humidity; and this being the only part of North America in which these two conditions were united it was likewise the only part which was at all civilized. There can be no doubt, that if the sandy plains of California and Southern Columbia, instead of being scorched into sterility, had been irrigated by the rivers of the east, or if the rivers of the east had been accompanied by the heat of the west, the result of either combination would have been that exuberance of soil, by which, as the history of the world decisively proves, every early civilization was preceded. But inasmuch as, of the two elements of fertility, one was deficient in every part of America north of the twentieth parallel, it followed that, until that line was passed, civilization could gain no resting place; and there never has been found, and we may confidently assert never will be found, any evidence that even a single ancient nation, in the whole of that enormous continent, was able to make much progress in the arts of life, or organize itself into a fixed and permanent society." This is a broad statement embodying precipitate deductions from false premises, and one which betrays singular ignorance of the country and its climate. These same "sandy plains of California" so far from being "scorched into sterility", are to-day sending their cereals in every direction--to the east and to the west--and are capable of feeding all Europe. [Sidenote: WHY WERE CALIFORNIANS NOT CIVILIZED?] I have often wondered why California was not the seat of a primitive civilization; why, upon every converging line the race deteriorates as this centre is approached; why, with a cool, salubrious seaboard, a hot and healthful interior, with alternate rainy and dry seasons, alternate seasons of labor and leisure which encourage producing and hoarding and which are the primary incentives to accumulation and wealth, in this hot and cool, moist and dry, and invigorating atmosphere, with a fertile soil, a climate which in no part of the year can be called cold or inhospitable, should be found one of the lowest phases of humanity on the North American continent. The cause must be sought in periods more remote, in the convulsions of nature now stilled; in the tumults of nations whose history lies forgotten, forever buried in the past. Theories never will solve the mystery. Indeed, there is no reason why the foundations of the Aztec and Maya-Quiché civilizations may not have been laid north of the thirty-fifth parallel, although no architectural remains have been discovered there, nor other proof of such an origin; but upon the banks of the Gila, the Colorado, and the Rio Grande, in Chihuahua, and on the hot dry plains of Arizona and New Mexico, far beyond the limits of Mr Buckle's territory where "there never has been found, and we may confidently assert never will be found" any evidence of progress, are to-day walled towns inhabited by an industrial and agricultural people, whose existence we can trace back for more than three centuries, besides ruins of massive buildings of whose history nothing is known. Thus, that California and many other parts of North America could not have been the seat of a primitive civilization, cannot be proved upon the basis of any physical hypothesis; and, indeed, in our attempt to elucidate the principles of universal progress, where the mysterious and antagonistic activities of humanity have been fermenting all unseen for thousands of ages, unknown and unknowable, among peoples of whom our utmost knowledge can be only such as is derived from a transient glimpse of a disappearing race, it is with the utmost difficulty that satisfactory conclusions can in any instance be reached. It is in a temperate climate, therefore, that man attains the highest development. On the peninsulas of Greece and Italy, where the Mediterranean invites intercourse; in Iran and Armenia, where the climate is cold enough to stimulate labor, but not so cold as to require the use of all the energies of body and mind in order to acquire a bare subsistence; warm enough to make leisure possible, but not so warm as to enervate and prostrate the faculties; with a soil of sufficient fertility to yield a surplus and promote the accumulation of wealth, without producing such a redundancy of vegetation as to be unmanageable by unskilled, primitive man--there it is that we find the highest intellectual culture. It sometimes happens that, in those climates which are too vigorous for the unfolding of the tender germ, cultivation is stimulated into greater activity than in its original seats. It sometimes happens that, when the shell of savagism is once fairly broken, a people may overcome a domineering vegetation, and flourish in a climate where by no possibility could their development have originated. Even in the frozen regions of the north, as in Scandinavia, man, by the intensity of his nature, was enabled to surmount the difficulties of climate and attain a fierce, rude cultivation. The regions of Northern Europe and Northern America, notwithstanding their original opposition to man, are to-day the most fruitful of all lands in industrial discoveries and intellectual activities, but in the polar regions, as in the equatorial, the highest development never can be reached. The conditions which encourage indigenous civilization are not always those that encourage permanent development, and vice versa. Thus, Great Britain in her insulation, remained barbarous long after Greece and Italy had attained a high degree of cultivation, yet when once the seed took root, that very insulation acted as a wall of defense, within which a mighty power germinated and with its influence overspread the whole earth. Thus we have seen that a combination of physical conditions is essential to intellectual development. Without leisure, there can be no culture, without wealth no leisure, without labor no wealth, and without a suitable soil and climate no remunerative labor. Now, throughout the material universe, there is no object or element which holds its place, whether at rest or in motion, except under fixed laws; no atom of matter nor subtle mysterious force, no breath of air, nor cloudy vapor nor streak of light, but in existing obeys a law. The Almighty fiat: Be fruitful and multiply, fruitful in increase, intellectual as well as physical, was given alike to all mankind; seeds of progress were sown broadcast throughout all the races human; some fell on stony places, others were choked with weeds, others found good soil. When we see a people in the full enjoyment of all these physical essentials to progress yet in a state of savagism, we may be sure that elements detrimental to progress have, at some period of their history, interposed to prevent natural growth. War, famine, pestilence, convulsions of nature, have nipped in the bud many an incipient civilization, whose history lies deep buried in the unrecorded past. * * * * * [Sidenote: ASSOCIATION AN ELEMENT OF PROGRESS.] The obvious necessity of association as a primary condition of development leaves little to be said on that subject. To the manifestation of this Soul of Progress a body social is requisite, as without an individual body there can be no manifestation of an individual soul. This body social, like the body individual, is composed of numberless organs, each having its special functions to perform, each acting on the others, and all under the general government of the progressional idea. Civilization is not an individual attribute, and though the atom, man, may be charged with stored energy, yet progress constitutes no part of individual nature; it is something that lies between men and not within them; it belongs to society and not to the individual; man, the molecule of society, isolate, is inert and forceless. The isolated man, as I have said, never can become cultivated, never can form a language, does not possess in its fullness the faculty of abstraction, nor can his mind enter the realm of higher thought. All those characteristics which distinguish mankind from animal-kind become almost inoperative. Without association there is no speech, for speech is but the conductor of thought between two or more individuals; without words abstract thought cannot flow, for words, or some other form of expression, are the channels of thought, and with the absence of words the fountain of thought is in a measure sealed. At the very threshold of progress social crystallization sets in; something there is in every man that draws him to other men. In the relationship of the sexes, this principle of human attraction reaches its height, where the husband and wife, as it were, coalesce, like the union of one drop of water with another, forming one globule. As unconsciously and as positively are men constrained to band together into societies as are particles forced to unite and form crystals. And herein is a law as palpable and as fixed as any law in nature; a law, which if unfulfilled, would result in the extermination of the race. But the law of human attraction is not perfect, does not fulfill its purpose apart from the law of human repulsion, for as we have seen, until war and despotism and superstition and other dire evils come, there is no progress. Solitude is insupportable, even beasts will not live alone; and men are more dependent on each other than beasts. Solitude carries with it a sense of inferiority and insufficiency; the faculties are stinted, lacking completeness, whereas volume is added to every individual faculty by union. [Sidenote: COÖPERATION AND THE DIVISION OF LABOR.] But association simply, is not enough; nothing materially great can be accomplished without union and coöperation. It is only when aggregations of families intermingle with other aggregations, each contributing its quota of original knowledge to the other; when the individual gives up some portion of his individual will and property for the better protection of other rights and property; when he entrusts society with the vindication of his rights; when he depends upon the banded arm of the nation, and not alone upon his own arm for redress of grievances, that progress is truly made. And with union and coöperation comes the division of labor by which means each, in some special department, is enabled to excel. By fixing the mind wholly upon one thing, by constant repetition and practice, the father hands down his art to the son, who likewise, improves it for his descendants. It is only by doing a new thing, or by doing an old thing better than it has ever been done before, that progress is made. Under the régime of universal mediocrity the nation does not advance; it is to the great men,--great in things great or small, that progress is due; it is to the few who think, to the few who dare to face the infinite universe of things and step, if need be, outside an old-time boundary, that the world owes most. Originally implanted is the germ of intelligence, at the first but little more than brute instinct. This germ in unfolding undergoes a double process; it throws off its own intuitions and receives in return those of another. By an interchange of ideas, the experiences of one are made known for the benefit of another, the inventions of one are added to the inventions of another; without intercommunication of ideas the intellect must lie dormant. Thus it is with individuals, and with societies it is the same. Acquisitions are eminently reciprocal. In society, wealth, art, literature, polity, and religion act and react on each other; in science a fusion of antagonistic hypotheses is sure to result in important developments. Before much progress can be made, there must be established a commerce between nations for the interchange of aggregated human experiences, so that the arts and industries acquired by each may become the property of all the rest, and thus knowledge becomes scattered by exchange, in place of each having to work out every problem for himself. Thus viewed, civilization is a partnership entered into for mutual improvement; a joint stock operation, in which the product of every brain contributes to a general fund for the benefit of all. No one can add to his own store of knowledge without adding to the general store; every invention, and discovery, however insignificant, is a contribution to civilization. In savagism, union and coöperation are imperfectly displayed. The warriors of one tribe unite against the warriors of another; a band will coöperate in pursuing a herd of buffalo; even one nation will sometimes unite with another nation against a third, but such combinations are temporary, and no sooner is the particular object accomplished than the confederation disbands, and every man is again his own master. The moment two or more persons unite for the accomplishment of some purpose which shall tend permanently to meliorate the condition of themselves and others, that moment progress begins. The wild beasts of the forest, acting in unison, were physically able to rise up and extirpate primitive man, but could beasts in reality confederate and do this, such confederation of wild beasts could become civilized. [Sidenote: THE SAVAGE HATES CIVILIZATION.] But why does primitive man desire to abandon his original state and set out upon an arduous never-ending journey? Why does he wish to change his mild paternal government, to relinquish his title to lands as broad as his arm can defend, with all therein contained, the common property of his people? Why does he wish to give up his wild freedom, his native independence, and place upon his limbs the fetters of a social and political despotism? He does not. The savage hates civilization as he hates his deadliest foe; its choicest benefits he hates more than the direst ills of his own unfettered life. He is driven to it; driven to it by extraneous influences, without his knowledge and against his will; he is driven to it by this Soul of Progress. It is here that this progressional phenomenon again appears outside of man and in direct opposition to the will of man; it is here that the principle of evil again comes in and stirs men up to the accomplishment of a higher destiny. By it Adam, the first of recorded savages, was driven from Eden, where otherwise he would have remained forever, and remained uncivilized. By it our ancestors were impelled to abandon their simple state, and organize more heterogeneous complex forms of social life. And it is a problem for each nation to work out for itself. Millions of money are expended for merely proselyting purposes, when if the first principles of civilization were well understood, a more liberal manner of teaching would prevail. Every civilization has its peculiarities, its idiosyncrasies. Two individuals attempting the same thing differ in the performance; so civilization evolving under incidental and extraneous causes takes an individuality in every instance. This is why civilizations will not coalesce; this is why the Spaniards could make the Aztecs accept their civilization only at the point of the sword. Development engendered by one set of phenomena will not suit the developments of other circumstances. The government, religion, and customs of one people will not fit another people any more than the coat of one person will suit the form of another. Thought runs in different channels; the happiness of one is not the happiness of another; development springs from inherent necessity, and one species cannot be engrafted on another. * * * * * Let us now examine the phenomena of government and religion in their application to the evolution of societies, and we shall better understand how the wheels of progress are first set in motion,--and by religion I do not mean creed or credulity, but that natural cultus inherent in humanity, which is a very different thing. Government is early felt to be a need of society; the enforcement of laws which shall bring order out of social chaos; laws which shall restrain the vicious, protect the innocent, and punish the guilty; which shall act as a shield to inherent budding morality. But before government, there must arise some influence which will band men together. An early evil to which civilization is indebted is war; the propensity of man--unhappily not yet entirely overcome--for killing his fellow-man. [Sidenote: GOVERNMENT AND RELIGION.] The human race has not yet attained that state of homogeneous felicity which we sometimes imagine; upon the surface, we yet bear many of the relics of barbarism; under cover of manners, we hide still more. War is a barbarism which civilization only intensifies, as indeed civilization intensifies every barbarism which it does not eradicate or cover up. The right of every individual to act as his own avenger; trial by combat; justice dependent upon the passion or caprice of the judge or ruler and not upon fixed law; hereditary feuds and migratory skirmishes; these and the like are deemed barbarous, while every nation of the civilized world maintains a standing army, applies all the arts and inventions of civilization to the science of killing, and upon sufficient provocation, as a disputed boundary or a fancied insult, no greater nor more important than that which moved our savage ancestors to like conduct, falls to, and after a respectable civilized butchery of fifty or a hundred thousand men, ceases fighting, and returns, perhaps, to right and reason as a basis for the settlement of the difficulty. War, like other evils which have proved instruments of good, should by this time have had its day, should have served its purpose. Standing armies, whose formation was one of the first and most important steps in association and partition of labor, are but the manifestation of a lingering necessity for the use of brute force in place of moral force in the settlement of national disputes. Surely, rational beings who retain the most irrational practices concerning the simplest principles of social life cannot boast of a very high order of what we are pleased to call civilization. Morality, commerce, literature, and industry, all that tends toward elevation of intellect, is directly opposed to the warlike spirit. As intellectual activity increases, the taste for war decreases, for an appeal to war in the settlement of difficulties is an appeal from the intellectual to the physical, from reason to brute force. Despotism is an evil, but despotism is as essential to progress as any good. In some form despotism is an inseparable adjunct of war. An individual or an idea may be the despot, but without cohesion, without a strong central power, real or imaginary, there can be no unity, and without unity no protracted warfare. In the first stages of government despotism is as essential as in the last it is noxious. It holds society together when nothing else would hold it, and at a time when its very existence depends upon its being so held. And not until a moral inherent strength arises sufficient to burst the fetters of despotism, is a people fit for a better or milder form of government; for not until this inherent power is manifest is there sufficient cohesive force in society to hold it together without being hooped by some such band as despotism. Besides thus cementing society, war generates many virtues, such as courage, discipline, obedience, chivalrous bearing, noble thought; and the virtues of war, as well as its vices, help to mould national character. Slavery to the present day has its defenders, and from the first it has been a preventive of a worse evil,--slaughter. Savages make slaves of their prisoners of war, and if they do not preserve them for slaves they kill them. The origin of the word, _servus_, from _servare_, to preserve, denotes humane thought rather than cruelty. Discipline is always necessary to development, and slavery is another form of savage discipline. Then, by systems of slavery, great works were accomplished, which, in the absence of arts and inventions, would not have been possible without slavery. And again, in early societies where leisure is so necessary to mental cultivation and so difficult to obtain, slavery, by promoting leisure, aids elevation and refinement. Slaves constitute a distinct class, devoted wholly to labor, thereby enabling another class to live without labor, or to labor with the intellect rather than with the hands. Primordially, society was an aggregation of nomadic families, every head of a family having equal rights, and every individual such power and influence as he could acquire and maintain. In all the ordinary avocations of savage life this was sufficient; there was room for all, and the widest liberty was possessed by each. And in this happy state does mankind ever remain until forced out of it. In unity and coöperation alone can great things be accomplished; but men will not unite until forced to it. Now in times of war--and with savages war is the rule and not the exception--some closer union is necessary to avoid extinction; for other things being equal, the people who are most firmly united and most strongly ruled are sure to prevail in war. The idea of unity in order to be effectual must be embodied in a unit; some one must be made chief, and the others must obey, as in a band of wild beasts that follow the one most conspicuous for its prowess and cunning. But the military principle alone would never lay the foundation of a strong government, for with every cessation from hostilities there would be a corresponding relaxation of government. [Sidenote: GOVERNMENT FORCED UPON MAN.] Another necessity for government here arises, but which likewise is not the cause of government, for government springs from force and not from utility. These men do not want government, they do not want culture; how then is an arm to be found sufficiently strong to bridle their wild passions? In reason they are children, in passion men; to restrain the strong passions of strong non-reasoning men requires a power; whence is this power to come? It is in the earlier stage of government that despotism assumes its most intense forms. The more passionate, and lawless, and cruel the people, the more completely do they submit to a passionate, lawless, and cruel prince; the more ungovernable their nature, the more slavish are they in their submission to government; the stronger the element to be governed, the stronger must be the government. The primitive man, whoever or whatever that may be, lives in harmony with nature; that is, he lives as other animals live, drawing his supplies immediately from the general storehouse of nature. His food he plucks from a sheltering tree, or draws from a sparkling stream, or captures from a prolific forest. The remnants of his capture, unfit for food, supply his other wants; with the skin he clothes himself, and with the bones makes implements and points his weapons. In this there are no antagonisms, no opposing principles of good and evil; animals are killed not with a view of extermination, but through necessity, as animals kill animals in order to supply actual wants. But no sooner does the leaven of progress begin to work than war is declared between man and nature. To make room for denser populations and increasing comforts, forests must be hewn down, their primeval inhabitants extirpated or domesticated, and the soil laid under more direct contribution. Union and coöperation spring up for purposes of protection and aggression, for the accomplishment of purposes beyond the capacity of the individual. Gradually manufactures and commerce increase; the products of one body of laborers are exchanged for the products of another, and thus the aggregate comforts produced are doubled to each. Absolute power is taken from the hands of the many and placed in the hands of one, who becomes the representative power of all. Men are no longer dependent upon the chase for a daily supply of food; even agriculture no longer is a necessity which each must follow for himself, for the intellectual products of one person or people may be exchanged for the agricultural products of another. With these changes of occupation new institutions spring up, new ideas originate, and new habits are formed. Human life ceases to be a purely material existence; another element finds exercise, the other part of man is permitted to grow. The energies of society now assume a different shape; hitherto the daily struggle was for daily necessities, now the accumulation of wealth constitutes the chief incentive to labor. Wealth becomes a power and absorbs all other powers. The possessor of unlimited wealth commands the products of every other man's labor. But in time, and to a certain extent, a class arises already possessed of wealth sufficient to satisfy even the demands of avarice, and something still better, some greater good is yet sought for. Money-getting gives way before intellectual cravings. The self-denials and labor necessary to the acquisition of wealth are abandoned for the enjoyment of wealth already acquired and the acquisition of a yet higher good. Sensual pleasure yields in a measure to intellectual pleasure, the acquisition of money to the acquisition of learning. Where brute intelligence is the order of the day, man requires no more governing than brutes, but when lands are divided, and the soil cultivated, when wealth begins to accumulate and commerce and industry to flourish, then protection and lawful punishment become necessary. Like the wild horse, leave him free, and he will take care of himself; but catch him and curb him, and the wilder and stronger he is the stronger must be the curb until he is subdued and trained, and then he is guided by a light rein. The kind of government makes little difference so that it be strong enough. * * * * * [Sidenote: THE SUPERNATURAL IN CIVILIZATION.] Granted that it is absolutely essential to the first step toward culture that society should be strongly governed, how is the first government to be accomplished; how is one member of a passionate, unbridled heterogeneous community to obtain dominion absolute over all the others? Here comes in another evil to the assistance of the former evils, all for future good,--Superstition. Never could physical force alone compress and hold the necessary power with which to burst the shell of savagism. The government is but a reflex of the governed. Not until one man is physically or intellectually stronger than ten thousand, will an independent people submit to a tyrannical government, or a humane people submit to a cruel government, or a people accustomed to free discussion to an intolerant priesthood. At the outset, if man is to be governed at all, there must be no division of governmental force. The cause for fear arising from both the physical and the supernatural must be united in one individual. In the absence of the moral sentiment the fear of legal and that of spiritual punishments are identical, for the spiritual is feared only as it works temporal or corporal evil. Freedom of thought at this stage is incompatible with progress, for thought without experience is dangerous, tending towards anarchy. Before men can govern themselves they must be subjected to the sternest discipline of government, and whether this government be just or humane or pleasant is of small consequence so that it be only strong enough. As with polity so with morality and religion; conjointly with despotism there must be an arbitrary central church government, or moral anarchy is the inevitable consequence. At the outset it is not for man to rule but to obey; it is not for savages, who are children in intellect to think and reason, but to believe. And thus we see how wonderfully man is provided with the essentials of growth. This tender germ of progress is preserved in hard shells and prickly coverings, which, when they have served their purpose are thrown aside as not only useless but detrimental to further development. We know not what will come hereafter, but up to the present time a state of bondage appears to be the normal state of humanity; bondage, at first severe and irrational, then ever loosening, and expanding into a broader freedom. As mankind progresses, moral anarchy no more follows freedom of thought than does political anarchy follow freedom of action. In Germany, in England, in America, wherever secular power has in any measure cut loose from ecclesiastical power and thrown religion back upon public sentiment for support, a moral as well as an intellectual advance has always followed. What the mild and persuasive teachings and lax discipline of the present epoch would have been to the Christians of the fourteenth century, the free and lax government of republican America would have been to republican Rome. Therefore, let us learn to look charitably upon the institutions of the past, and not forget how much we owe to them; while we rejoice at our release from the cruelty and ignorance of mediæval times, let us not forget the debt which civilization owes to the rigorous teachings of both Church and State. [Sidenote: MORALITY AND CREED.] Christianity, by its exalted un-utilitarian morality and philanthropy, has greatly aided civilization. Indeed so marked has been the effect in Europe, so great the contrast between Christianity and Islamism and the polytheistic creeds in general, that Churchmen claim civilization as the offspring of their religion. But religion and morality must not be confounded with civilization. All these and many other activities act and react on each other as proximate principles in the social organism, but they do not, any or all of them, constitute the life of the organism. Long before morality is religion, and long after morality religion sends the pious penitent to his knees. Religious culture is a great assistant to moral culture as intellectual training promotes the industrial arts, but morality is no more religion than is industry intellect. When Christianity, as in the early settlement of Mexico and Central America, falls into the hands of unprincipled adventurers or blind zealots who stand up in deadly antagonism to liberty, then Christianity is a drag upon civilization; and therefore we may conclude that in so far as Christianity grafts on its code of pure morality the principle of intellectual freedom, in so far is civilization promoted by Christianity, but when Christianity engenders persecution, civilization is retarded thereby. Then Protestantism sets up a claim to the authorship of civilization, points to Spain and then to England, compares Italy and Switzerland, Catholic America and Puritan America, declares that the intellect can never attain superiority while under the dominion of the Church of Rome; in other words, that civilization is Protestantism. It is true that protestation against irrational dogmas, or any other action that tends toward the emancipation of the intellect, is a great step in advance; but religious belief has nothing whatever to do with intellectual culture. Religion from its very nature is beyond the limits of reason; it is emotional rather than intellectual, an instinct and not an acquisition. Between reason and religion lies a domain of common ground upon which both may meet and join hands, but beyond the boundaries of which neither may pass. The moment the intellect attempts to penetrate the domain of the Supernatural all intellectuality vanishes, and emotion and imagination fill its place. There can be no real conflict between the two, for neither, by any possibility, can pass this neutral ground. Before the mind can receive Christianity, or Mahometanism, or any other creed, it must be ready to accept dogmas in the analysis of which human reason is powerless. Among the most brilliant intellects are found Protestants, Romanists, Unitarians, Deists, and Atheists; judging from the experiences of mankind in ages past, creeds and formulas, orthodoxy and heterodoxy, have no inherent power to advance or retard the intellect. Some claim, indeed, that strong doctrinal bias stifles thought, fosters superstition, and fetters the intellect; still religious thought, in some form, is inseparable from the human mind, and it would be very difficult to prove that belief is more debasing than non-belief. * * * * * [Sidenote: DEVELOPMENT OF THE RELIGIOUS IDEAL.] Religion at first is a gross fetichism, which endows every wonder with a concrete personality. Within every appearance is a several personal cause, and to embody this personal cause in some material form is the first effort of the savage mind. Hence, images are made in representation of these imaginary supernatural powers. Man, of necessity, must clothe these supernatural powers in the elements of some lower form. The imagination cannot grasp an object or an idea beyond the realms of human experience. Unheard-of combinations of character may be made, but the constituent parts must, at some time and in some form, have had an existence in order to be conceivable. It is impossible for the human mind to array in forms of thought anything wholly and absolutely new. This state is the farthest remove possible from a recognition of those universal laws of causation toward which every department of knowledge is now so rapidly tending. Gods are made in the likeness of man and beast, endowed with earthly passions, and a sensual polytheism, in which blind fate is a prominent element, becomes the religious ideal. Religious conceptions are essentially material; all punishments and rewards are such as effect man as a material being; morality, the innate sense of right and wrong, lies stifled, almost dormant. Thrown wholly upon himself, without experience to guide him, the savage must, of necessity, invest nature with his own qualities, for his mind can grasp none other. But when experience dispels the nearer illusions, objects more remote are made gods; in the sun and stars he sees his controlling destinies; the number of his gods is lessened until at last all merge into one God, the author of all law, the great and only ruler of the universe. In every mythology we see this impersonation of natural phenomena; frost and fire, earth and air and water, in their displays of mysterious powers, are at once deified and humanized. These embodiments of physical force are then naturally formed into families, and their supposed descendants worshiped as children of the gods. Thus, in the childhood of society, when incipient thought takes up its lodgment in old men's brains, shadows of departed heroes mingle with shadows of mysterious nature, and admiration turns to adoration. Next arises the desire to propitiate these unseen powers, to accomplish which some means of communication must be opened up between man and his deities. Now, as man in his gods reproduces himself, as all his conceptions of supernatural power must, of necessity, be formed on the skeleton of human power, naturally it follows that the strongest and most cunning of the tribe, he upon whom leadership most naturally falls, comes to be regarded as specially favored of the gods. Powers supernatural are joined to powers temporal, and embodied in the chieftain of the nation. A grateful posterity reveres and propitiates departed ancestors. The earlier rulers are made gods, and their descendants lesser divinities; the founder of a dynasty, perhaps, the supreme god, his progeny subordinate deities. The priesthood and kingship thus become united; religion and civil government join forces to press mankind together, and the loose sands of the new strata cohere into the firm rock, that shall one day bear alone the wash of time and tide. Hence arise divine kingship, and the divine right of kings, and with the desire to win the favor of this divine king, arise the courtesies of society, the first step toward polish of manners. Titles of respect and worship are given him, some of which are subsequently applied to the Deity, while others drop down into the common-place compliments of every-day life. Here then, we have as one of the first essentials of progress the union of Church and State, of superstition and despotism, a union still necessarily kept up in some of the more backward civilizations. Excessive loyalty and blind faith ever march hand in hand. The very basis of association is credulity, blind loyalty to political powers and blind faith in sacerdotal terrors. In all mythologies at some stage temporal and spiritual government are united, the supernatural power being incarnated in the temporal chief; political despotism and an awful sanguinary religion,--a government and a belief, to disobey which was never so much as thought possible. See how every one of these primary essentials of civilization becomes, as man advances, a drag upon his progress; see how he now struggles to free himself from what, at the outset, he was led by ways he knew not to endure so patiently. Government, in early stages always strong and despotic, whether monarchical, oligarchical, or republican, holding mankind under the dominion of caste, placing restrictions upon commerce and manufactures, regulating social customs, food, dress,--how men have fought to break loose these bonds! Religion, not that natural cultus instinctive in humanity, the bond of union as well under its most disgusting form of fetichism, as under its latest, loveliest form of Christianity; but those forms and dogmas of sect and creed which stifle thought and fetter intellect,--how men have lived lives of sacrifice and self-denial as well as died for the right to free themselves from unwelcome belief! [Sidenote: RELATION OF GOVERNMENT TO CIVILIZATION.] In primeval ages, government and religion lay lightly on the human race; ethnology, as well as history, discloses the patriarchal as the earliest form of government, and a rude materialism as the earliest religious ideal; these two simple elements, under the form of monsters, became huge abortions, begotten of ignorance, that held the intellect in abject slavery for thousands of years, and from these we, of this generation, more than any other, are granted emancipation. Even wealth, kind giver of grateful leisure, in the guise of avarice becomes a hideous thing, which he who would attain the higher intellectual life, must learn to despise. * * * * * Government, as we have seen, is not an essential element of collective humanity. Civilization must first be awakened, must even have passed the primary stages before government appears. Despotism, feudalism, divine kingship, slavery, war, superstition, each marks certain stages of development, and as civilization advances all tend to disappear; and, as in the early history of nations the state antedates the government, so the time may come in the progress of mankind when government will be no longer necessary. Government always grows out of necessity; the intensity of government inevitably following necessity. The form of government is a natural selection; its several phases always the survival of the fittest. When the federalist says to the monarchist, or the monarchist to the federalist: My government is better than yours, it is as if the Eskimo said to the Kaffir: My coat, my house, my food, is better than yours. The government is made for the man, and not the man for the government. Government is as the prop for the growing plant; at first the young shoot stands alone, then in its rapid advancement for a time it requires support, after which it is able again to stand alone. What we term the evils of government are rather its necessities, and are, indeed, no evils at all. The heavy bit which controls the mouth of an untamed horse is to that horse an evil, yet to the driver a necessity which may be laid aside as the temper of the animal is subdued. So despotism, feudalism, slavery, are evils to those under their dominion, yet are they as necessary for the prevention of anarchy, for the restraint of unbridled passions, as the powerful bit to the horse, and will as surely be laid aside when no longer required. Shallow-minded politicians talk of kingcraft, arbitrary rule, tyrants, the down-trodden masses, the withholding of just rights; as though the government was some independent, adverse element, wholly foreign to the character of the people; as though one man was stronger than ten thousand; as though, if these phases of society were not the fittest, they would be tolerated for a moment. The days of rigorous rule were ever the best days of France and Spain, and so it will be until the people become stronger than the strength of rulers. Republicanism is as unfit for stupid and unintellectual populations, as despotism would be for the advanced ideas and liberal institutions of Anglo-Saxon America. The subject of a liberal rule sneeringly crying down to the subject of an absolute rule his form of government, is like the ass crying to the tiger: Leave blood and meat; feed on grass and thistles, the only diet fit for civilized beasts! Our federal government is the very best for our people, when it is not so it will speedily change; it fits the temper of American intelligence, but before it can be planted in Japan or China the traditions and temper of the Asiatics must change. We of to-day are undergoing an important epoch in the history of civilization. Feudalism, despotism, and fanaticism have had each its day, have each accomplished its necessary purpose, and are fast fading away. Ours is the age of democracy, of scientific investigation, and freedom of religious thought; what these may accomplish for the advancing intellect remains to be seen. Our ancestors loved to dwell upon the past, now we all look toward the future. [Sidenote: LATTER-DAY PROGRESSION.] The sea of ice, over which our forefathers glided so serenely in their trustful reliance, is breaking up. One after another traditions evaporate; in their application to proximate events they fail us, history ceases to repeat itself as in times past. Old things are passing away, all things are becoming new; new philosophies, new religions, new sciences; the industrial spirit springs up and overturns time-honored customs; theories of government must be reconstructed. Thus, says experience, republicanism, as a form of government, can exist only in small states; but steam and electricity step in and annihilate time and space. The Roman republic, from a lack of cohesive energy, from failure of central vital power sufficient to send the blood of the nation from the heart to the extremities, died a natural death. The American republic, covering nearly twice the territory of republican Rome in her palmiest days, is endowed with a different species of organism; in its physiological system is found a new series of veins and arteries, the railway, the telegraph, and the daily press,--through which pulsates the life's blood of the nation, millions inhaling and exhaling intelligence as one man. By means of these inventions all the world, once every day, are brought together. By telegraphic wires and railroad iron men are now bound as in times past they were bound by war, despotism, and superstition. The remotest corners of the largest republics of to-day, are brought into closer communication than were the adjoining states of the smallest confederations of antiquity. A united Germany, from its past history held to be an impossibility, is, with the present facilities of communication, an accomplished fact. England could as easily have possessed colonies in the moon, as have held her present possessions, three hundred years ago. Practically, San Francisco is nearer Washington than was Philadelphia when the foundations of the Capitol were laid. What is to prevent republics from growing, so long as intelligence keeps pace with extension? The general of an army may now sit before his maps, and manoeuvre half a score of armies a hundred or a thousand miles apart, know hourly the situation of every division, the success of every battle, order an advance or a retreat, lay plots and make combinations, with more exactness than was once possible in the conduct of an ordinary campaign. * * * * * [Sidenote: MORALS, MANNERS, AND FASHION.] A few words about morals, manners, and fashion, will further illustrate how man is played upon by his environment, which here takes the shape of habit. In their bearing on civilization, these phenomena all come under the same category; and this, without regard to the rival theories of intuition and utility in morals. Experience teaches, blindly at first yet daily with clearer vision, that right conduct is beneficial, and wrong conduct detrimental; that the consequences of sin invariably rest on the evil-doer; that for an unjust act, though the knowledge of it be forever locked in the bosom of the offender, punishment is sure to follow; yet there are those who question the existence of innate moral perceptions, and call it all custom and training. And if we look alone to primitive people for innate ideas of morality and justice I fear we shall meet with disappointment. Some we find who value female chastity only before marriage, others only after marriage,--that is, after the woman and her chastity both alike become the tangible property of somebody. Some kindly kill their aged parents, others their female infants; the successful Apache horse-thief is the darling of his mother, and the hero of the tribe; often these American Arabs will remain from home half-starved for weeks, rather than suffer the ignominy of returning empty-handed. Good, in the mind of the savage, is when he steals wives; bad, is when his own wives are stolen. Where it is that inherent morality in savages first makes its appearance, and in what manner, it is often difficult to say; the most hideous vices are everywhere practiced with unblushing effrontery. Take the phenomena of Shame. Go back to the childhood of our race, or even to our own childhood, and it will be hard to discover any inherent quality which make men ashamed of one thing more than another. Nor can the wisest of us give any good and sufficient reason why we should be ashamed of our body any more than of our face. The whole man was fashioned by one Creator, and all parts equally are perfect and alike honorable. We cover our person with drapery, and think thereby to hide our faults from ourselves and others, as the ostrich hides its head under a leaf, and fancies its body concealed from the hunter. What is this quality of shame if it be not habit? A female savage will stand unblushingly before you naked, but strip her of her ornaments and she will manifest the same appearance of shame, though not perhaps so great in degree, that a European woman will manifest if stripped of her clothes. It is well known how civilized and semi-civilized nations regard this quality of propriety. Custom, conventional usage, dress and behavior, are influences as subtle and as strong as any that govern us, weaving their net-work round man more and more as he throws off allegiance to other powers; and we know but little more of their origin and nature than we do of the origin and nature of time and space, of life and death, of origin and end. Every age and every society has its own standard of morality, holds up some certain conduct or quality as a model, saying to all, Do this, and receive the much-coveted praise of your fellows. Often what one people deem virtue is to another vice; what to one age is religion is to another superstition; but underlying all this are living fires, kindled by Omnipotence, and destined to burn throughout all time. In the Spartan and Roman republics the moral ideal was patriotism; among mediæval Churchmen it took the form of asceticism; after the elevation of woman the central idea was female chastity. In this national morality, which is the cohesive force of the body social, we find the fundamental principle of the progressional impulse, and herein is the most hopeful feature of humanity; mankind must progress, and progress in the right direction. There is no help for it until God changes the universal order of things; man must become better in spite of himself; it is the good in us that grows and ultimately prevails. As a race we are yet in our nonage; fearful of the freedom given us by progress we cling tenaciously to our leading-strings; hugging our mother, Custom, we refuse to be left alone. Liberty and high attainments must be meted out to us as we are able to receive them, for social retchings and vomitings inevitably follow over-feedings. Hence it is, that we find ourselves escaped from primeval and mediæval tyrannies only to fall under greater ones; society is none the less inexorable in her despotisms because of the sophistry which gives her victims fancied freedom. For do we not now set up forms and fashions, the works of our own hands, and bow down to them as reverently as ever our heathen ancestors did to their gods of wood and stone? Who made us? is not the first question of our catechism, but What will people say? * * * * * [Sidenote: ORIGIN AND SIGNIFICANCE OF DRESS.] Of all tyrannies, the tyranny of fashion is the most implacable; of all slaveries the slavery to fashion is the most abject; of all fears the fear of our fellows is the most overwhelming; of all the influences that surround and govern man the forms and customs which he encounters in society are the most domineering. It is the old story, only another turn of the wheel that grinds and sharpens and polishes humanity,--at the first a benefit, now a drag. Forms and fashions are essential; we cannot live without them. If we have worship, government, commerce, or clothes, we must have forms; or if we have them not we still must act and do after some fashion; costume, which is but another word for custom, we must have, but is it necessary to make the form the chief concern of our lives while we pay so little heed to the substance? and may we not hope while rejoicing over our past emancipations, that we shall some day be free from our present despotisms? Dress has ever exercised a powerful influence on morals and on progress; but this vesture-phenomenon is a thing but imperfectly understood. Clothes serve as a covering to the body of which we are ashamed, and protect it against the weather, and these, we infer, are the reasons of our being clothed. But the fact is, aboriginally, except in extreme cases, dress is not essential to the comfort of man until it becomes a habit, and as for shame, until told of his nakedness, the primitive man has none. The origin of dress lies behind all this; it is found in one of the most deep-rooted elements of our nature, namely, in our love of approbation. Before dress is decoration. The successful warrior, proud of his achievement, besmears his face and body with the blood of the slain, and straightway imitators, who also would be thought strong and brave, daub themselves in like manner; and so painting and tattooing become fashionable, and pigments supply the place of blood. The naked, houseless Californian would undergo every hardship, travel a hundred miles, and fight a round with every opposing band he met, in order to obtain cinnabar from the New Almaden quicksilver mine. So when the hunter kills a wild beast, and with the tail or skin decorates his body as a trophy of his prowess, others follow his example, and soon it is a shame to that savage who has neither paint, nor belt, nor necklace of bears' claws. And so follow head-flattenings, and nose-piercings, and lip-cuttings, and, later, chignons, and breast-paddings, and bustles. Some say that jealousy prompted the first Benedicks to hide their wives' charms from their rivals, and so originated female dress, which, from its being so common to all aborigines, is usually regarded as the result of innate modesty. But whatever gave us dress, dress has given much to human progress. Beneath dress arose modesty and refinement, like the courtesies that chivalry threw over feudalism, covering the coarse brutality of the barons, and paving the way to real politeness. [Sidenote: ETIQUETTE, MORALITY, LAWS.] From the artificial grimaces of fashion have sprung many of the natural courtesies of life; though here, too, we are sent back at once to the beginning for the cause. From the ages of superstition and despotism have descended the expressions of every-day politeness. Thus we have sir, from _sieur_, _sire_, _seigneur_, signifying ruler, king, lord, and aboriginally father. So madam, _ma dame_, my lady, formerly applied only to women of rank. In place of throwing ourselves upon the ground, as before a god or prince, we only partially prostrate ourselves in bowing, and the hat which we touch to an acquaintance we take off on entering a church in token of our humility. Again, the captive in war is made a slave, and as such is required to do obeisance to his master, which forms of servility are copied by the people in addressing their superiors, and finally become the established usage of ordinary intercourse. Our daily salutations are but modified acts of worship, and our parting word a benediction; and from blood, tomahawks, and senseless superstitions we turn and find all the world of humanity, with its still strong passions and subtle cravings, held in restraint by a force of which its victims are almost wholly unconscious,--and this force is Fashion. In tribunals of justice, in court and camp etiquette, everywhere these relics of barbarism remain with us. Even we of this latter-day American republicanism, elevate one of our fellows to the chieftainship of a federation or state, and call him Excellency; we set a man upon the bench and _plead_ our cause before him; we send a loafer to a legislature, and straightway call him Honorable,--such divinity doth hedge all semblance of power. Self-denial and abstinence lie at the bottom of etiquette and good manners. If you would be moral, says Kant, you must "act always so that the immediate motive of thy will may become a universal rule for all intelligent beings," and Goethe teaches that "there is no outward sign of courtesy that does not rest on a deep, moral foundation." Fine manners, though but the shell of the individual, are, to society, the best actions of the best men crystallized into a mode; not only the best thing, but the best way of doing the best thing. Good society is, or ought to be, the society of the good; but fashion is more than good society, or good actions; it is more than wealth, or beauty, or genius, and so arbitrary in its sway that, not unfrequently, the form absorbs the substance, and a breach of decorum becomes a deadly sin. Thus we see in every phase of development the result of a social evolution; we see men coming and going, receiving their leaven from the society into which by their destiny they are projected, only to fling it back into the general fund interpenetrated with their own quota of force. Meanwhile, this aggregation of human experiences, this compounding of age with age, one generation heaping up knowledge upon another; this begetting of knowledge by knowledge, the seed so infinitesimal, the tree now so rapidly sending forth its branches, whither does it tend? Running the eye along the line of progress, from the beginning to the end, the measure of our knowledge seems nearly full; resolving the matter, experience assures us that, as compared with those who shall come after us, we are the veriest barbarians. The end is not yet; not until infinity is spanned and eternity brought to an end, will mankind cease to improve. * * * * * Out of this conglomeration of interminable relationships concordant and antagonistic laws are ever evolving themselves. Like all other progressional phenomena, they wait not upon man; they are self-creative, and force themselves upon the mind age after age, slowly but surely, as the intellect is able to receive them; laws without law, laws unto themselves, gradually appearing as from behind the mists of eternity. At first, man and his universe appear to be regulated by arbitrary volitions, by a multitude of individual minds; each governs absolutely his own actions; every phenomenon of nature is but the expression of some single will. As these phenomena, one after another, become stripped of their mystery, there stands revealed not a god, but a law; seasons come and go, and never fail; sunshine follows rain, not because a pacified deity smiles, but because the rain-clouds have fallen and the sun cannot help shining. Proximate events first are thus made godless, then the whole host of deities is driven farther and farther back. Finally the actions of man himself are found to be subject to laws. Left to his own will, he wills to do like things under like conditions. As to the nature of these laws, the subtle workings of which we see manifest in every phase of society, I cannot even so much as speak. An infinite ocean of phenomena awaits the inquirer; an ocean bottomless, over whose surface spreads an eternity of progress, and beneath whose glittering waves the keenest intellect can scarcely hope to penetrate far. The universe of man and matter must be anatomized; the functions of innumerable and complex organs studied; the exercise and influence of every part on every other part ascertained, and events apparently the most capricious traced to natural causes; then, when we know all, when we know as God knoweth, shall we understand what it is, this Soul of Progress. CHAPTER II. GENERAL VIEW OF THE CIVILIZED NATIONS. THE AMERICAN CIVILIZATION OF THE SIXTEENTH CENTURY--ITS DISAPPEARANCE--THE PAST, A NEW ELEMENT--DIVIDING LINE BETWEEN SAVAGE AND CIVILIZED TRIBES--BOUNDS OF AMERICAN CIVILIZATION--PHYSICAL FEATURES OF THE COUNTRY--MAYA AND NAHUA BRANCHES OF ABORIGINAL CULTURE--THE NAHUA CIVILIZATION--THE AZTECS ITS REPRESENTATIVES--LIMITS OF THE AZTEC EMPIRE--ANCIENT HISTORY OF ANÁHUAC IN OUTLINE--THE TOLTEC ERA--THE CHICHIMEC ERA--THE AZTEC ERA--EXTENT OF THE AZTEC LANGUAGE--CIVILIZED PEOPLES OUTSIDE OF ANÁHUAC--CENTRAL AMERICAN NATIONS--THE MAYA CULTURE--THE PRIMITIVE MAYA EMPIRE--NAHUA INFLUENCE IN THE SOUTH--YUCATAN AND THE MAYAS--THE NATIONS OF CHIAPAS--THE QUICHÉ EMPIRE IN GUATEMALA--THE NAHUAS IN NICARAGUA AND SALVADOR--ETYMOLOGY OF NAMES. In the preceding volume I have had occasion several times to remark that, in the delineation of the Wild Tribes of the Pacific States, no attempt is made to follow them in their rapid decline, no attempt to penetrate their past or prophesy a possible future, no profitless lingering over those misfortunes that wrought among them such swift destruction. To us the savage nations of America have neither past nor future; only a brief present, from which indeed we may judge somewhat of their past; for the rest, foreign avarice and interference, European piety and greed, saltpetre, steel, small-pox, and syphilis, tell a speedy tale. Swifter still must be the hand that sketches the incipient civilization of the Mexican and Central American table-lands. For although here we have more past, there is still less present, and scarcely any future. Those nations raised the highest by their wealth and culture, were the first to fall before the invader, their superior attainments offering a more shining mark to a rapacious foe; and falling, they were the soonest lost,--absorbed by the conquering race, or disappearing in the surrounding darkness. Although the savage nations were rapidly annihilated, traces of savagism lingered, and yet linger; but the higher American culture, a plant of more delicate growth and more sensitive nature, withered at the first rude touch of foreign interference. Instead of being left to its own intuitive unfoldings, or instead of being fostered by the new-comers, who might have elevated by interfusion both their own culture and that of the conquered race, the spirit of progress was effectually stifled on both sides by fanatical attempts to substitute by force foreign creeds and polities for those of indigenous origin and growth. And now behold them both, the descendants of conquerors and of conquered, the one scarcely less denaturalized than the other, the curse inflicted by the invaders on a flourishing empire returning and resting with crushing weight on their own head. Scarce four centuries ago the empire of Charles the Fifth, and the empire of Montezuma the Second, were brought by the force of progress most suddenly and unexpectedly face to face; the one then the grandest and strongest of the old world as was the other of the new. Since which time the fierce fanaticism that overwhelmed the New World empire, has pressed like an incubus upon the dominant race, and held it fast while all the world around were making the most rapid strides forward. [Sidenote: THE PAST, A NEW ELEMENT.] No indigenous civilization exists in America to-day, yet the effects of a former culture are not altogether absent. The descendant of the Aztec, Maya, and Quiché, is still of superior mind and haughtier spirit than his roving brother who boasts of none but a savage ancestry. Still, so complete has been the substitution of foreign civil and ecclesiastical polities, and so far-reaching their influence on native character and conduct; so intimate the association for three and more centuries with the Spanish element; so closely guarded from foreign gaze has been every manifestation of the few surviving sparks of aboriginal modes of thought, that a study of the native condition in modern times yields, by itself, few satisfactory results. This study, however, as part of an investigation of their original or normal condition, should by no means be neglected, since it may furnish illustrative material of no little value. Back of all this lies another element which lends to our subject yet grander proportions. Scattered over the southern plateaux are heaps of architectural remains and monumental piles. Furthermore, native traditions, both orally transmitted and hieroglyphically recorded by means of legible picture-writings, afford us a tolerably clear view of the civilized nations during a period of several centuries preceding the Spanish conquest, together with passing glances, through momentary clearings in the mythologic clouds, at historical epochs much more remote. Here we have as aids to this analysis,--aids almost wholly wanting among the so-called savage tribes, antiquities, tradition, history, carrying the student far back into the mysterious New World past; and hence it is that from its simultaneous revelation and eclipse, American civilization would otherwise offer a more limited field for investigation than American savagism, yet by the introduction of this new element the field is widely extended. Nor have we even yet reached the limits of our resources for the investigation of this New World civilization. In these relics of architecture and literature, of mythology and tradition, there are clear indications of an older and higher type of culture than that brought immediately to the knowledge of the invaders; of a type that had temporarily deteriorated, perhaps through the influence of long-continued and bloody conflicts, civil and foreign, by which the more warlike rather than the more highly cultured nations had been brought into prominence and power. But this anterior and superior civilization, resting largely as it does on vague tradition, and preserved to our knowledge in general allusions rather than in detail, may, like the native condition since the conquest, be utilized to the best advantage here as illustrative of the later and better-known, if somewhat inferior civilization of the sixteenth century, described by the conqueror, the missionary, and the Spanish historian. Antique remains of native skill, which have been preserved for our examination, may also be largely used in illustration of more modern art, whose products have disappeared. These relics of the past are also of the highest value as confirming the truth of the reports made by Spanish writers, very many, or perhaps most, of whose statements respecting the wonderful phenomena of the New World, without this incontrovertible material proof, would find few believers among the sceptical students of the present day. These remains of antiquity, however, being fully described in another volume of this work, may be referred to in very general terms for present purposes. [Sidenote: ORIGIN OF AMERICAN CIVILIZATION.] Of civilization in general, the nature of its phenomena, the causes and processes by which it is evolved from savagism, I have spoken sufficiently in the foregoing chapter. As for the many theories respecting the American civilization in particular, its origin and growth, it is not my purpose to discuss them in this volume. No theory on these questions could be of any practical value in the elucidation of the subject, save one that should stand out among the rest so preëminently well-founded as to be generally accepted among scientific men, and no one of all the multitude proposed has acquired any such preëminence. A complete résumé of all the theories on the subject, with the foundations which support them, is given elsewhere in connection with the ancient traditionary history of the aboriginal nations. It is well, however, to remark that our lack of definite knowledge about the origin of this civilization is not practically so important as might appear at first thought. True, we know not for certain whether it is indigenous or exotic; and if the former, whether to ascribe its cradle to the north or south, to one locality or many; or if the latter, whether contact with the old world was effected at one or many points, on one occasion or at divers epochs, through the agency of migrating peoples or by the advent of individual civilizers and teachers. Yet the tendency of modern research is to prove the great antiquity of the American civilization as well as of the American people; and if either was drawn from a foreign source, it was at a time probably so remote as to antedate any old-world culture now existing, and to prevent any light being thrown on the offspring by a study of the parent stock; while if indigenous, little hope is afforded of following rationally their development through the political convulsions of the distant past down to even a traditionally historic epoch. I may then dispense with theories of origin and details of past history as confusing rather than aiding my present purpose, and as being fully treated elsewhere in this work. Neither am I required in this treatment of the civilized races to make an accurate division between them and their more savage neighbors, to determine the exact standard by which savagism and civilization are to be measured, or to vindicate the use of the word civilized as applied to the American nations in preference to that of semi-civilized, preferred by many writers. We have seen that civilization is at best only a comparative term, applied to some of the ever-shifting phases of human progress. In many of the Wild Tribes already described some of its characteristics have been observed, and the opposite elements of savagism will not be wanting among what I proceed to describe as the Civilized Nations. There is not a savage people between Anáhuac and Nicaragua that has not been influenced in its institutions by intercourse, warlike, social, or commercial, with neighbors of higher culture, and has not exerted in its turn a reflex influence on the latter. The difficulty of drawing division-lines between nations thus mutually acting on each other is further increased in America by the fact that two or three nations constitute the central figure of nearly all that has been observed or written by the few that came in actual contact with the natives. This volume will, therefore, deal rather with the native civilization than with the nations that possessed it. While, however, details on all the points mentioned, outside of actual institutions found existing in the sixteenth century, would tend to confusion rather than to clearness, besides leading in many cases to endless repetition, yet a general view of the whole subject, of the number, extent, location, and mutual relations of the nations occupying the central portions of the continent at its discovery, as well as of their relations to those of the more immediate past, appears necessary to an intelligent perusal of the following pages. In this general view I shall avoid all discussion of disputed questions, reserving arguments and details for future volumes on antiquities and aboriginal history. * * * * * [Sidenote: HOME OF THE AMERICAN CULTURE.] That portion of what we call the Pacific States which was the home of American civilization within historic or traditionally historic times, extends along the continent from north-west to south-east, between latitudes 22° and 11°. On the Atlantic side the territory stretches from Tamaulipas to Honduras, on the Pacific from Colima to Nicaragua. Not that these are definitely drawn boundaries, but outside of these limits, disregarding the New Mexican Pueblo culture, this civilization had left little for Europeans to observe, while within them lived few tribes uninfluenced or unimproved by contact with it. No portion of the globe, perhaps, embraces within equal latitudinal limits so great a variety of climate, soil, and vegetation; a variety whose important bearing on the native development can be understood in some degree, and which would doubtless account satisfactorily for most of the complications of progressional phenomena observed within the territory, were the connection between environment and progress fully within the grasp of our knowledge. All the gradations from a torrid to a temperate clime are here found in a region that lies wholly within the northern tropic, altitudinal variations taking the place of and producing all the effects elsewhere attributable to latitude alone. These variations result from the topography of the country as determined by the conformation given to the continent by the central cordillera. The Sierra Madre enters this territory from the north in two principal ranges, one stretching along the coast of the Pacific, while the other and more lofty range trends nearer the Atlantic, the two again uniting before reaching the isthmus of Tehuantepec. This eastern branch between 18° 40´ and 20° 30´ opens out into a table-land of some seventy-five by two hundred miles area, with an altitude of from six to eight thousand feet above the sea level. This broad plateau or series of plateaux is known as the tierra fria, while the lower valleys, with a band of the surrounding slopes, at an elevation of from three to five thousand feet, including large portions of the western lands of Michoacan, Guerrero, and Oajaca, between the two mountain branches, constitute the tierra templada. From the surface of the upper table-land rise sierras and isolated peaks of volcanic origin, the highest in North America, their summits covered with eternal snow, which shelter, temper, and protect the fertile plateaux lying at their base. Centrally located on this table-land, surrounded by a wall of lofty volcanic cliffs and peaks, is the most famous of all the valley plateaux, something more than one hundred and sixty miles in circuit, the valley of Mexico, Anáhuac, that is to say, 'country by the waters,' taking its name from the lakes that formerly occupied one tenth of its area. Anáhuac, with an elevation of 7,500 feet, may be taken as representative of the tierra fria. It has a mean temperature of 62°, a climate much like that of southern Europe, although dryer, and to which the term 'cold' can only be comparatively applied. The soil is fertile and productive, though now generally presenting a bare and parched surface, by reason of the excessive evaporation on lofty plains exposed to the full force of a tropical sun, its natural forest-covering having been removed since the Spanish conquest, chiefly, it is believed, through artificial agencies. Oak and pine are prominent features of the native forest-growth, while wheat, barley, and all the European cereals and fruits flourish side by side with plantations of the indigenous maize, maguey, and cactus. From May to October of each year, corresponding nearly with the hot season of the coast, rains or showers are frequent, but rarely occur during the remaining months. Trees retain their foliage for ten months in the year, and indeed their fading is scarcely noticeable. Southward of 18°, as the continent narrows, this eastern table-land contracts into a mountain range proper, presenting a succession of smaller terraces, valleys, and sierras, in place of the broader plateaux of the region about Anáhuac. Trending south-eastward toward the Pacific, and uniting with the western Sierra Madre, the chain crosses the isthmus of Tehuantepec at a diminished altitude, only to rise again and expand laterally into the lofty Guatemalan ranges which stretch still south-eastward to Lake Nicaragua, where for the second time a break occurs in the continental cordillera at the southern limit of the territory now under consideration. From this central cordillera lateral subordinate branches jut out at right angles north and south toward either ocean. As we go southward the vegetation becomes more dense, and the temperature higher at equal altitudes, but the same gradations of 'fria' and 'templada' are continued, blending into each other at a height of 5,000 to 6,000 feet. The characteristics of the cordillera south of the Mexican table-land are lofty volcanic peaks whose lower bases are clothed with dense forests, fertile plateaux bounded by precipitous cliffs, vertical fissures or ravines of immense depth torn in the solid rock by volcanic action, and mountain torrents flowing in deep beds of porphyry and forming picturesque lakes in the lower valleys. Indeed, in Guatemala, where more than twenty volcanoes are in active operation, all these characteristic features appear to unite in their highest degree of perfection. One of the lateral ranges extends north-eastward from the continental chain, forming with a comparatively slight elevation the back-bone of the peninsula of Yucatan. [Sidenote: THE TIERRA CALIENTE.] At the bases of the central continental heights, on the shores of either ocean, is the tierra caliente, a name applied to all the coast region with an elevation of less than 1,500 feet, and also by the inhabitants to many interior valleys of high temperature. So abruptly do the mountains rise on the Pacific side that the western torrid band does not perhaps exceed twenty miles in average width for its whole length, and has exerted comparatively little influence on the history and development of the native races. But on the Atlantic or gulf coast is a broad tract of level plain and marsh, and farther inland a more gradual ascent to the interior heights. This region presents all the features of an extreme tropical climate and vegetation. In the latitude of Vera Cruz barren and sandy tracts are seen; elsewhere the tierra caliente is covered with the densest tropical growth of trees, shrubs, vines, and flowers, forming in their natural state an almost impenetrable thicket. Cocoa, cotton, cacao, sugar-cane, indigo, vanilla, bananas, and the various palms are prominent among the flora; while the fauna include birds in infinite variety of brilliant plumage, with myriads of tormenting and deadly insects and reptiles. The atmosphere is deadly to all but natives. The moist soil, enriched by the decay of vegetable substances, breathes pestilence and malaria from every pore, except during the winter months of incessant winds, which blow from October to March. Southern Vera Cruz and Tabasco, the tierra caliente par excellence, exhibit the most luxuriant display of nature's prodigality. Of alluvial and comparatively recent formation this region is traversed by the Goazacoalco, Alvarado, Usumacinta, and other noble rivers, which rise in the mountains of Guatemala, Chiapas, and Tehuantepec. River-banks are crowded with magnificent forest-trees, and the broad savanas farther back marked off into natural plantations of the valuable dye-woods which abound there, by a network of branch streams and canals, which serve both for irrigation and as a medium of transport for the native products that play no unimportant rôle in the world's commerce. Each year inundations are expected between June and October, and these transform the whole system of lagoons into a broad lake. Farther up the course of the rivers on the foothills of the cordillera, are extensive forests of cedar, mahogany, zapote, Brazil, and other precious woods, together with a variety of medicinal plants and aromatic resins. The whole of Yucatan may, by reason of its temperature and elevation above the sea, be included in the tierra caliente, but its climate is one of the most healthful in all tropical America. The whole north and west of the peninsula are of fossil shell formation, showing that at no very distant date this region was covered by the waters of the sea. There are no rivers that do not dry up in winter, but by a wonderful system of small ponds and natural wells the country is supplied with water, the soil being moreover always moist, and supporting a rich and vigorous vegetation. * * * * * [Sidenote: THE NAHUA AND MAYA ELEMENTS.] Notwithstanding evident marks of similarity in nearly all the manifestations of the progressional spirit in aboriginal America, in art, thought, and religion, there is much reason for and convenience in referring all the native civilization to two branches, the Maya and the Nahua, the former the more ancient, the latter the more recent and wide-spread. It is important, however, to understand the nature and extent of this division, and just how far it may be considered real and how far ideal. Of all the languages spoken among these nations, the two named are the most wide-spread, and are likewise entirely distinct. In their traditional history, their material relics, and, above all, in their methods of recording events by hieroglyphics, as well as in their several lesser characteristics, these two stocks show so many and so clear points of difference standing prominently out from their many resemblances, as to indicate either a separate culture from the beginning, or what is more probable and for us practically the same thing, a progress in different paths for a long time prior to the coming of the Europeans. Very many of the nations not clearly affiliated with either branch show evident traces of both cultures, and may be reasonably supposed to have developed their condition from contact and intermixture of the parent stocks with each other, and with the neighboring savage tribes. It is only, however, in a very general sense that this classification can be accepted, and then only for practical convenience in elucidating the subject; since there are several nations that must be ranked among our civilized peoples, which, particularly in the matter of language, show no Maya nor Nahua affinities. Nor is too much importance to be attached to the names Maya and Nahua by which I designate these parallel civilizations. The former is adopted for the reason that the Maya people and tongue are commonly regarded as among the most ancient in all the Central American region, a region where formerly flourished the civilization that left such wonderful remains at Palenque, Uxmal, and Copan; the latter as being an older designation than either Aztec or Toltec, both of which stocks the race Nahua includes. The civilization of what is now the Mexican Republic, north of Tehuantepec, belonged to the Nahua branch, both at the time of the conquest and throughout the historic period preceding. Very few traces of the Maya element occur north of Chiapas, and these are chiefly linguistic, appearing in two or three nations dwelling along the shores of the Mexican gulf. In published works upon the subject the Aztecs are the representatives of the Nahua element; indeed, what is known of the Aztecs has furnished material for nine tenths of all that has been written on the American civilized nations in general. The truth of the matter is that the Aztecs were only the most powerful of a league or confederation of three nations, which in the sixteenth century, from their capitals in the valley, ruled central Mexico. This confederation, moreover, was of comparatively recent date. These three nations were the Acolhuas, the Aztecs, and the Tepanecs, and their respective capitals, Tezcuco, Mexico, and Tlacopan (Tacuba) were located near each other on the lake borders, where, except Mexico, they still are found in a sad state of dilapidation. Within the valley, in general terms, the eastern section belonged to Tezcuco, the southern and western to Mexico, and a limited territory in the north-west to Tlacopan. At the time when the confederation was formed, which was about one hundred years before the advent of the Spaniards, Tezcuco was the most advanced and powerful of the allies, maintaining her precedence nearly to the end of the fifteenth century. Tlacopan was far inferior to the other two. Her possessions were small, and according to the terms of the compact, which seem always to have been strictly observed, she received but one fifth of the spoils obtained by successful war. While keeping within the boundaries of their respective provinces, so far as the valley of Mexico was concerned, these three chief powers united their forces to extend their conquests beyond the limits of the valley in every direction. Thus under the leadership of a line of warlike kings Mexico extended her domain to the shores of either ocean, and rendered the tribes therein tributary to her. During this period of foreign conquest, the Aztec kings, more energetic, ambitious, warlike, and unscrupulous than their allies, acquired a decided preponderance in the confederate councils and possessions; so that, originally but a small tribe, one of the many which had settled in the valley of Anáhuac, by its valor and success in war, by the comparatively broad extent of its domain, by the magnificence of its capital, the only aboriginal town in America rebuilt by the conquerors in anything like its pristine splendor, and especially by being the people that came directly into contact with the invaders in the desperate struggles of the conquest, the Aztecs became to Europeans, and to the whole modern world, the representatives of the American civilized peoples. Hence, in the observations of those who were personally acquainted with these people, little or no distinction is made between the many different nations of Central Mexico, all being described as Aztecs. Indeed, many of the lesser nations favored this error, being proud to claim identity with the brave and powerful people to whose valor they had been forced to succumb. While this state of things doubtless creates some confusion by failing to show clearly the slight tribal differences that existed, yet the difficulty is not a serious one, from the fact that very many of these nations were unquestionably of the same blood as the Aztecs, and that all drew what civilization they possessed from the same Nahua source. I may therefore continue to speak of the Aztecs in their representative character, including directly in this term all the nations permanently subjected to the three ruling powers in Anáhuac, due care being taken to point out such differences as may have been noticed and recorded. [Sidenote: THE AZTECS THE NAHUA REPRESENTATIVES.] To fix the limits of the Aztec Empire with any approximation to accuracy is exceedingly difficult, both by reason of conflicting statements, and because the boundaries were constantly changing as new tribes were brought under Aztec rule, or by successful revolt threw off the Mexican yoke. Clavigero, followed by Prescott, gives to the empire the territory from 18° to 21° on the Atlantic, and 14° to 19° on the Pacific, exclusive, according to the latter author, of the possessions of Tezcuco and Tlacopan. But this extent of territory, estimated at nearly twice that of the state of California, gives an exaggerated idea of Anáhuac, even when that term is applied to the conquered territory of the whole confederacy. The limits mentioned are in reality the extreme points reached by the allied armies in their successful wars, or rather, raids, during the most palmy days of Aztec rule. Within these bounds were several nations that were never conquered, even temporarily, by the arms of Anáhuac, as for example the Tlascaltecs, the Tarascos, and the Chiapanecs. Many nations, indeed most of those whose home was far from the central capitals, were simply forced on different occasions by the presence of a conquering army to pay tribute and allegiance to the Aztec kings, an allegiance which they were not slow to throw off as soon as the invaders had withdrawn. Such were the nations of northern Guatemala and Soconusco, whose conquest was in reality but a successful raid for plunder and captives; such the nations of Tehuantepec, such the Miztecs and Zapotecs of Oajaca, the latter having completely regained their independence and driven the Aztecs from their soil before the coming of the Spaniards. Other nations were conquered only in the years immediately preceding the Spanish conquest; instance the Matlaltzincas just west of Anáhuac, and the Huastecs and Totonacs of Vera Cruz. By their successful raids among these latter peoples, the Aztecs only sealed their own doom, making inveterate foes of the coast nations, whose services would have been most efficacious in resisting the fatal progress of the Castilian arms. But other tribes less warlike and powerful, or nearer the strongholds of their conquerors, were, by means of frequent military expeditions made to check outbreaking rebellion, kept nominally subject to the Aztecs during fifty years, more or less, preceding the coming of the Spaniards, paying their annual tribute with some regularity. Outside the rocky barriers of their valley, the Mexicans maintained their supremacy only by constant war; and even within the valley their sway was far from undisputed, since several tribes, notably the Chalcas on the southern lake, broke out in open rebellion whenever the imperial armies were elsewhere occupied. [Sidenote: EXTENT OF THE AZTEC EMPIRE.] The Aztec empire proper, not restricting it to its original seat in the valley of Mexico, nor including within its limits all the nations which were by the fortunes of war forced at one time or another to pay tribute, may then be said to have extended from the valley of Mexico and its immediate environs, over the territories comprised in the present States of Mexico (with its modern subdivisions of Hidalgo and Morelos), Puebla, southern Vera Cruz, and Guerrero. Of all the nations that occupied this territory, most of them, as I have said, were of one blood and language with their masters, and all, by their character and institutions, possessed in greater or less degree the Nahua culture. Of many of the multitudinous nations occupying the vast territory surrounding the valley of Mexico, nothing is known beyond their names and their likeness, near or remote, to the Aztecs. For a statement of their names and localities in detail, the reader is referred to the Tribal Boundaries following the chapter on the Central Mexicans in the first volume of this work. Let it be understood, therefore, that the description of Aztec institutions contained in this volume applies to all the nations of the empire as bounded above, except where special limitation is indicated; besides which it has a general application to a much wider region, in fact to the whole country north of the isthmus of Tehuantepec. [Sidenote: THE NAHUAS IN ANÁHUAC.] In this connection, and before attempting a description of the Mexican nations beyond the limits of the empire, nations more or less independent of Aztec sway, a glance at ancient Mexican history seems necessary, as well to throw light on the mutual relations of the peoples of Anáhuac, as to partially explain the broad extent of the Nahua civilization and of the Aztec idiom. The old-time story, how the Toltecs in the sixth century appeared on the Mexican table-land, how they were driven out and scattered in the eleventh century, how after a brief interval the Chichimecs followed their footsteps, and how these last were succeeded by the Aztecs who were found in possession,--the last two, and probably the first, migrating in immense hordes from the far north-west,--all this is sufficiently familiar to readers of Mexican history, and is furthermore fully set forth in the fifth volume of this work. It is probable, however, that this account, accurate to a certain degree, has been by many writers too literally construed; since the once popular theory of wholesale national migrations of American peoples within historic times, and particularly of such migrations from the north-west, may now be regarded as practically unfounded. The sixth century is the most remote period to which we are carried in the annals of Anáhuac by traditions sufficiently definite to be considered in any proper sense as historic records. At this period we find the Nahua civilization and institutions established on the table-land, occupied then as at every subsequent time by many tribes more or less distinct from each other. And there this culture remained without intermixture of essentially foreign elements down to the sixteenth century; there the successive phases of its development appeared, and there the progressional spirit continued to ferment for a period of ten centuries, which fermentation constitutes the ancient Mexican history. During the course of these ten centuries we may follow now definitely now vaguely the social, religious, and political convulsions through which these aboriginals were doomed to pass. From small beginnings we see mighty political powers evolved, and these overturned and thrown into obscurity by other and rival unfoldings. Religious sects in like manner we see succeed each other, coloring their progress with frequent persecutions and reformations, not unworthy of old-world mediæval fanaticism, as partisans of rival deities shape the popular superstition in conformity with their creeds. Wars, long and bloody, are waged for plunder, for territory, and for souls; now, to quell the insurrection of a tributary prince, now to repel the invasion of outer barbarian hordes. Leaders, political and religious, rising to power with their nation, faction, city, or sect, are driven at their fall into exile, and thereby forced to seek their fortunes and introduce their culture among distant tribes. Outside bands, more or less barbarous, but brave and powerful, come to settle in Anáhuac, and to receive, voluntarily or involuntarily, the benefits of its arts and science. I have no disposition unduly to magnify the New World civilization, nor to under-rate old world culture, but during these ten centuries of almost universal mediæval gloom, the difference between the two civilizations was less than most people imagine. On both sides of the Dark Sea humanity lay floundering in besotted ignorance; the respective qualities of that ignorance it is hardly profitable to analyze. The history of all these complicated changes, so far as it may be traced, separates naturally into three chronologic periods, corresponding with what are known as the Toltec, the Chichimec, and the Aztec empires. Prior to the sixth century doubtless there were other periods of Nahua greatness, for there is little evidence to indicate that this was the first appearance in Mexico of this progressive people, but previous developments can not be definitely followed, although affording occasional glimpses which furnish interesting matter for antiquarian speculation. At the opening then, of the historic times, we find the Toltecs in possession of Anáhuac and the surrounding country. Though the civilization was old, the name was new, derived probably, although not so regarded by all, from Tollan, a capital city of the empire, but afterward becoming synonymous with all that is excellent in art and high culture. Tradition imputes to the Toltecs a higher civilization than that found among the Aztecs, who had degenerated with the growth of the warlike spirit, and especially by the introduction of more cruel and sanguinary religious rites. But this superiority, in some respects not improbable, rests on no very strong evidence, since this people left no relics of that artistic skill which gave them so great traditional fame; there is, however, much reason to ascribe the construction of the pyramids at Teotihuacan and Cholula to the Toltec or a still earlier period. Among the civilized peoples of the sixteenth century, however, and among their descendants down to the present day, nearly every ancient relic of architecture or sculpture is accredited to the Toltecs, from whom all claim descent. In fact the term Toltec became synonymous in later times with all that was wonderful or mysterious in the past; and so confusing has been the effect of this universal reference of all traditional events to a Toltec source, that, while we can not doubt the actual existence of this great empire, the details of its history, into which the supernatural so largely enters, must be regarded as to a great extent mythical. [Sidenote: THE TOLTEC EMPIRE.] There are no data for fixing accurately the bounds of the Toltec domain, particularly in the south. There is very little, however, to indicate that it was more extensive in this direction than that of the Aztecs in later times, although it seems to have extended somewhat farther northward. On the west there is some evidence that it included the territory of Michoacan, never subdued by the Aztecs; and it probably stretched eastward to the Atlantic, including the Totonac territory of Vera Cruz. Of the tribes or nations that made up the empire none can be positively identified by name with any of the later peoples found in Anáhuac, though there can be little doubt that several of the latter were descended directly from the Toltecs and contemporary tribes; and indeed it is believed with much reason that the semi-barbarous Otomís of Anáhuac, and several nations beyond the limits of the valley, may date their tribal history back to a period even preceding the Toltec era. During the most flourishing period of its traditional five centuries of duration, the Toltec empire was ruled by a confederacy similar in some respects to the alliance of later date between Mexico, Tezcuco, and Tlacopan. The capitals were Culhuacan, Otompan, and Tollan, the two former corresponding somewhat in territory with Mexico and Tezcuco, while the latter was just beyond the limits of the valley toward the north-west. Each of these capital cities became in turn the leading power in the confederacy. Tollan reached the highest eminence in culture, splendor, and fame, and Culhuacan was the only one of the three to survive by name the bloody convulsions by which the empire was at last overthrown, and retain anything of her former greatness. Long-continued civil wars, arising chiefly from dissensions between rival religious factions, resulting naturally in pestilence and famine, which in the aboriginal annals are attributed to the direct interposition of irate deities, gradually undermine the imperial thrones. Cities and nations previously held in subjection or overshadowed by the splendor and power of Tollan, take advantage of her civil troubles to enlarge their respective domains and to establish independent powers. Distant tribes, more or less barbarous, but strong and warlike, come and establish themselves in desirable localities within the limits of an empire whose rulers are now powerless to repel invasion. So the kings of Tollan, Culhuacan, and Otompan lose, year by year, their prestige, and finally, in the middle of the eleventh century, are completely overthrown, leaving the Mexican table-land to be ruled by new combinations of rising powers. Thus ends the Toltec period of ancient Anáhuac history. The popular account pictures the whole Toltec population, or such part of it as had been spared by war, pestilence, and famine, as migrating en masse southward, and leaving Anáhuac desolate and unpeopled for nearly a half century, to be settled anew by tribes that crowded in from the north-west when they learned that this fair land had been so strangely abandoned. This account, like all other national migration-narratives pertaining to the Americans, has little foundation in fact or in probability. The royal families and religious leaders of the Toltecs were doubtless driven into perpetual exile, and were accompanied by such of the nobility as preferred, rather than content themselves with subordinate positions at home, to try their fortunes in new lands, some of which were perhaps included in the southern parts of the empire concerning which so little is known. That there was any essential or immediate change in the population of the table-land beyond the irruption of a few tribes, is highly improbable. The exiled princes and priests, as I have said, went southward, where doubtless they played an important part in the subsequent history of the Maya-Quiché nations of Central America, a history less fully recorded than that of Anáhuac. That these exiles were the founders of the Central American civilization, a popular belief supported by many writers, I cannot but regard as another phase of that tendency above-mentioned to attribute all that is undefined and ill-understood to the great and wonderful Toltecs; nor do I believe that the evidence warrants such an hypothesis. If the pioneer civilizers of the south, the builders of Palenque, Copan, and other cities of the more ancient type, were imbued with or influenced by the Nahua culture, as is not improbable, it certainly was not that culture as carried southward in the eleventh century, but a development or phase of it long preceding that which took the name of Toltec on the Mexican plateaux. With the destruction of the empire the term Toltec, as applied to an existing people, disappeared. This disappearance of the name while the institutions of the nation continued to flourish, may indicate that the designation of the people--or possibly of the ruling family--of Tollan, was not applied contemporaneously to the whole empire, and that in the traditions and records of later times, it has incidentally acquired a fictitious importance. Of the Toltec cities, Culhuacan, on the lake border, recovered under the new political combinations something of her old prominence; the name Culhuas applied to its people appears much more ancient than that of Toltecs, and indeed the Mexican civilization as a whole might perhaps as appropriately be termed Culhua as Nahua. [Sidenote: THE CHICHIMEC EMPIRE.] The new era succeeding the Toltec rule is that of the Chichimec empire, which endured with some variations down to the coming of Cortés. The ordinary version of the early annals has it, that the Chichimecs, a wild tribe living far in the north-west, learning that the fertile regions of Central Mexico had been abandoned by the Toltecs, came down in immense hordes to occupy the land. Numerous other tribes came after them at short intervals, were kindly received and granted lands for settlement, and the more powerful of the new comers, in confederation with the original Chichimec settlers, developed into the so-called empire. Now, although this occupation of the central table-lands by successive migrations of foreign tribes cannot be accepted by the sober historian, and although we must conclude that very many of the so-called new comers were tribes that had occupied the country during the Toltec period,--their names now coming into notice with their increasing importance and power,--yet it is probable that some new tribes, sufficiently powerful to exercise a great if not a controlling influence in building up the new empire, did at this time enter Anáhuac from the immediately bordering regions, and play a prominent part, in conjunction with the rising nations within the valley, in the overthrow of the kings of Tollan. These in-coming nations, by alliance with the original inhabitants, infused fresh life and vigor into the worn-out monarchies, furnishing the strength by which new powers were built up on the ruins of the old, and receiving on the other hand the advantages of the more perfect Nahua culture. If one, and the most powerful, of these new nations was, as the annals state, called the Chichimec, nothing whatever is known of its race or language. The Chichimecs, their identity, their idiom, and their institutions, if any such there were, their name even, as a national appellation, were merged into those of the Nahua nations that accompanied or followed them, and were there lost. The ease and rapidity with which this tribal fusion of tongue and culture is represented to have been accomplished would indicate at least that the Chichimecs, if a separate tribe, were of the same race and language as the Toltecs; but however this may be, it must be conceded that, while they can not have been the wild cave-dwelling barbarians painted by some of the historians, they did not introduce into Anáhuac any new element of civilization. [Sidenote: NO SUCH NATION AS THE CHICHIMEC.] The name Chichimec at the time of the Spanish conquest, and subsequently, was used with two significations, first, as applied to the line of kings that reigned at Tezcuco, and second, to all the wild hunting tribes, particularly in the broad and little-known regions of the north. Traditionally or historically the name has been applied to nearly every people mentioned in the ancient history of America. This has caused the greatest confusion among writers on the subject, a confusion which I believe can only be cleared up by the supposition that the name Chichimec, like that of Toltec, never was applied as a tribal or national designation proper to any people, while such people were living. It seems probable that among the Nahua peoples that occupied the country from the sixth to the eleventh centuries, a few of the leading powers appropriated to themselves the title Toltecs, which had been at first employed by the inhabitants of Tollan, whose artistic excellence soon rendered it a designation of honor. To the other Nahua peoples, by whom these leading powers were surrounded, whose institutions were identical but whose polish and elegance of manner were deemed by these self-constituted autocrats somewhat inferior, the term Chichimecs, barbarians, etymologically 'dogs,' was applied. After the convulsions that overthrew Tollan and reversed the condition of the Nahua nations, the 'dogs' in their turn assumed an air of superiority and retained their designation Chichimecs as a title of honor and nobility. The names of the tribes represented as entering Anáhuac after the Chichimecs, but respecting the order of whose coming there is little agreement among authors, are the following: Matlaltzincas, Tepanecs, Acolhuas, Teo-Chichimecs (Tlascaltecs), Malinalcas, Cholultecs, Xochimilcas, Chalcas, Huexotzincas, Cuitlahuacs, Cuicatecs, Mizquicas, Tlahuicas, Cohuixcas, and Aztecs. Some of these, as I have said, may have entered the valley from the immediate north. Which these were I shall not attempt to decide, but they were nearly all of the same race and language, all lived under Nahua institutions, and their descendants were found living on and about the Aztec plateau in the sixteenth century, speaking, with one or two exceptions, the Aztec tongue. In the new era of prosperity that now dawned on Anáhuac, Culhuacan, where some remnants even of the Toltec nobility remained, under Chichimec auspices regained to a great extent its old position as a centre of culture and power. Among the new nations whose name now first appears in history, the Acolhuas and Tepanecs soon rose to political prominence in the valley. The Acolhuas were the Chichimecs par excellence, or, as tradition has it, the Chichimec nation was absorbed by them, giving up its name, language, and institutions. The capitals which ruled the destinies of Anáhuac down to the fifteenth century, besides Culhuacan, were Tenayocan, Xaltocan, Coatlychan, Tezcuco, and Azcapuzalco. These capitals being governed for the most part by branches of the same royal Chichimec family, the era was one of civil intrigue for the balance of power and for succession to the throne, rather than one of foreign conquest. During the latter part of the period, Tezcuco, the Acolhua capital under the Chichimec kings proper, Azcapuzalco the capital of the Tepanecs, and Culhuacan held the country under their sway, sometimes allied to meet the forces of foreign foes, but oftener plotting against each other, each, by alliance with a second against the third, aiming at universal dominion. At last in this series of political manoeuvres Culhuacan was permanently overthrown, and the Chichimec ruler at Tezcuco was driven from his possessions by the warlike chief of the Tepanecs, who thus for a short time was absolute master of Anáhuac. But with the decadence of the Culhua power at Culhuacan, another of the tribes that came into notice in the valley after the fall of the Toltecs, had been gradually gaining a position among the nations. This rising power was the Aztecs, a people traditionally from the far north-west, whose wanderings are described in picture-writings shown in another part of this volume. Their migration is more definitely described than that of any other of the many who are said to have come from the same direction, and has been considered by different writers to be a migration from California, New Mexico, or Asia. Later researches indicate that the pictured annals are intended simply as a record of the Aztec wanderings in the valley of Mexico and its vicinity. Whatever their origin, by their fierce and warlike nature and bloody religious rites, from the first they made themselves the pests of Anáhuac, and later its tyrants. For some centuries they acquired no national influence, but were often conquered, enslaved, and driven from place to place, until early in the fourteenth century, when Mexico or Tenochtitlan was founded, and under a line of able warlike kings started forward in its career of prosperity unequaled in the annals of aboriginal America. At the fall of Culhuacan, Mexico ranked next to Tezcuco and Azcapuzalco, and when the armies of the latter prevailed against the former, Mexico was the most powerful of all the nations that sprang to arms, and pressed forward to humble the Tepanec tyrant, to reïnstate the Acolhua monarch on his throne, and to restore Tezcuco to her former commanding position. The result was the utter defeat of the Tepanecs, and the glory of Azcapuzalco departed forever. [Sidenote: THE AZTEC ERA.] Thus ended in the early part of the fifteenth century the Chichimec empire,--that is, it nominally ended, for the Chichimec kings proper lost nothing of their power,--and, by the establishment of the confederacy already described, the Aztec empire was inaugurated. Under the new dispensation of affairs, Mexico, by whose aid chiefly Azcapuzalco had been humbled, received rank and dominion at least equal to that of Tezcuco, while from motives of policy, and in order, so far as possible, to conciliate the good will of a strong though conquered people, Tlacopan, under a branch of the Tepanecs, with a less extensive domain, was admitted to the alliance. The terms of the confederacy seem, as I have said, never to have been openly violated; but in the first years of the sixteenth century the Aztecs had not only excited the hatred of the most powerful nations outside the bounds of Anáhuac by their foreign raids, but by their arrogant overbearing spirit had made themselves obnoxious at home. Their aim at supreme power was apparent, and both Tezcuco and the independent republic of Tlascala began to tremble at the dangerous progress of their mighty neighbor. A desperate struggle was imminent, in which the Aztecs, pitted against all central Mexico, by victory would have grasped the coveted prize of imperial power, or crushed as were the Tepanecs before them by a coalition of nations, would have yielded their place in the confederacy to some less dangerous rival. At this juncture Cortés appeared. This renowned chieftain aided Montezuma's foes to triumph, and in turn fastened the shackles of European despotism on all alike, with a partial exception in favor of brave Tlascala. The nations which formed the Aztec empire proper, were the tribes for the most part that have been named as springing into existence or notice in Anáhuac early in the Chichimec period, and the names of most of them have been preserved in the names of modern localities. It will be seen, in treating of the languages of the Pacific States, that the Aztec tongue, in a pure state, in distinct verbal or grammatical traces, and in names of places, is spread over a much wider extent of territory than can be supposed to have ever been brought under subjection to Anáhuac during either the Toltec, Chichimec, or Aztec phases of the Nahua domination. To account for this we have the commercial connections of the Aztecs, whose traders are known to have pushed their mercantile ventures far beyond the regions subjected by force of arms; colonies which, both in Toltec and Aztec times, may be reasonably supposed to have sought new homes; the exile of nobles and priests at the fall of the Toltec empire, and other probable migrations, voluntary and involuntary, of princes and teachers; the large detachments of Aztecs who accompanied the Spaniards in the expeditions by which the continent was brought under subjection; and finally, if all these are not sufficient, the unknown history and migrations of the Nahua peoples during the centuries preceding the Toltec era. [Sidenote: THE TARASCOS OF MICHOACAN.] I will now briefly notice the civilized nations beyond the limits of Anáhuac, and more or less independent of the Aztec rule, concerning whose institutions and history comparatively little or nothing is known, except what is drawn from the Aztec annals, with some very general observations on their condition made by their Spanish conquerors. Westward of the Mexican valley was the flourishing independent kingdom of Michoacan, in possession of the Tarascos, whose capital was Tzintzuntzan on Lake Patzcuaro. Their country, lying for the most part between the rivers Mexcala and Tololotlan, is by its altitude chiefly in the tierra templada, and enjoys all the advantages of a tropical climate, soil, and vegetation. Topographically it presents a surface of undulating plains, intersected by frequent mountain chains and by the characteristic ravines, and well watered by many streams and beautiful lakes; hence the name Michoacan, which signifies 'land abounding in fish.' The lake region of Patzcuaro, the seat of the Tarasco kings, is described as unsurpassed in picturesque beauty, while in the variety of its agricultural products and in its yield of mineral wealth, Michoacan was equaled by few of the states of New Spain. If we may credit the general statements of early authors, who give us but few details, in their institutions, their manners, wealth, and power, the Tarascos were at least fully the equals of the Aztecs, and in their physical development were even superior. That they successfully resisted and defeated the allied armies of Anáhuac is sufficient proof of their military prowess, although they yielded almost without a struggle to the Spaniards after the fall of Mexico. With respect to their civilization we must accept the statements of their superiority as the probably correct impression of those who came first in contact with this people, notwithstanding which I find no architectural or artistic relics of a high culture within their territory. All that is known on the subject indicates that their civilization was of the Nahua type, although the language is altogether distinct from the Aztec, the representative Nahua tongue. The history of Michoacan, in the form of any but the vaguest traditions, does not reach back farther than the thirteenth century; nevertheless, as I have said, there is some reason to suppose that it formed part of the Toltec empire. The theory has even been advanced that the Tarascos, forming a part of that empire, were not disturbed by its fall, and were therefore the best representatives of the oldest Nahua culture. Their reported physical superiority might favor this view, but their distinct language on the contrary would render it improbable. A careful study of all that is known of this people convinces me that they had long been settled in the lands where they were found, but leaves on the mind no definite idea of their earlier history. Their later annals are made up of tales, partaking largely of the marvelous and supernatural, of the doings of certain demi-gods or priests, and of wars waged against the omnipresent Chichimecs. Branches of the great and primitive Otomí family are mentioned as having their homes in the mountains, and there are traditions that fragments of the Aztecs and other tribes which followed the Chichimecs into Anáhuac, lingered on the route of their migration and settled in the fertile valleys of Michoacan. Between the Tarascos and the Aztecs, speaking a language different from either but allied more or less intimately with the former, were the Matlaltzincas, whose capital was in the plateau valley of Toluca, just outside the bounds of Anáhuac. This was one of the tribes that have already been named as coming traditionally from the north-west. For a long time they maintained their independence, but in the last quarter of the fifteenth century were forced to yield to the victorious arms of Axayacatl, the Aztec warrior king. Immediately below the mouth of the Mexcala, on the border of the Pacific, were the lands of the Cuitlatecs, and also the province or kingdom of Zacatollan, whose capital was the modern Zacatula. Of these two peoples absolutely nothing is known, save that they were tributary to the Aztec empire, the latter having been added to the domain of Tezcuco in the very last years of the fifteenth century. The provinces that extended south-westward from Anáhuac to the ocean, belonging chiefly to the modern state of Guerrero and included in what I have described as the Aztec empire proper, were those of the Tlahuicas, whose capital was Cuernavaca, the Cohuixcas, capital at Acapulco, the Yoppi on the coast south of Acapulco, and the province of Mazatlan farther inland or north-east. The name Tlapanecs is also rather indefinitely applied to the people of a portion of this territory in the south, including probably the Yoppi. Of the names mentioned we have met those of the Tlahuicas and Cohuixcas among the tribes newly springing into notice at the beginning of the Chichimec period. It is probable that nearly all were more or less closely allied in race and language to their Mexican masters, their political subjection to whom dates from about the middle of the fifteenth century. [Sidenote: MIZTECS AND ZAPOTECS.] The western slope of the cordillera still farther south-west, comprising in general terms the modern state of Oajaca, was ruled and to a great extent inhabited by the Miztecs and Zapotecs, two powerful nations distinct in tongue from the Aztecs and from each other. Western Oajaca, the home of the Miztecs, was divided into Upper and Lower Miztecapan, the latter toward the coast, and the former higher up in the mountains, and sometimes termed Cohuaixtlahuacan. The Zapotecs in eastern Oajaca, when first definitely known to history, had extended their power over nearly all the tribes of Tehuantepec, besides encroaching somewhat on the Miztec boundaries. The Miztecs, notwithstanding the foreign aid of Tlascaltecs and other eastern foes of the Aztec king, were first defeated by the allied forces of Anáhuac about 1458; and from that date the conquerors succeeded in holding their stronger towns and more commanding positions down to the conquest, thus enforcing the payment of tribute and controlling the commerce of the southern coast, which was their primary object. Tehuantepec and Soconusco yielded some years after to the conquering Axayacatl, and Zapotecapan still later to his successor Ahuitzotl; but in the closing years of the fifteenth century the Zapotecs recovered their country with Tehuantepec, leaving Socunusco, however, permanently in Aztec possession. The history of the two nations takes us no farther back than the fourteenth century, when they first came into contact with the peoples of Anáhuac; it gives a record of their rulers and their deeds of valor in wars waged against each other, against the neighboring tribes, and against the Mexicans. Prior to that time we have a few traditions of the vaguest character preserved by Burgoa, the historian of Oajaca. These picture both Miztecs and Zapotecs as originally wild, but civilized by the influence of teachers, priests, or beings of supernatural powers, who came among them, one from the south, and others from the direction of Anáhuac. Their civilization, however received, was surely Nahua, as is shown by the resemblances which their institutions, and particularly their religious rites, bear to those of the Aztecs. Being of the Nahua type, its origin has of course been referred to that inexhaustible source, the dispersion of the Toltecs, or to proselyting teachers sent southward by that wonderful people. Indeed, the Miztec and Zapotec royal families claimed a direct Toltec descent. It is very probable, however, that the Nahua element here was at least contemporaneous in its introduction with the same element known as Toltec in Anáhuac, rather than implanted in Oajaca by missionaries, voluntary or involuntary, from Tollan. I have already remarked that the presence of Nahua institutions in different regions is too often attributed to the Toltec exiles, and too seldom to historical events preceding the sixth century. The Oajacan coast region or tierra caliente, if we may credit the result of researches by the Abbé Brasseur de Bourbourg, was sometimes known as Anáhuac Ayotlan, as the opposite coast of Tabasco was called Anáhuac Xicalanco. Both these Anáhuacs were inhabited by enterprising commercial peoples, whose flourishing centres of trade were located at short intervals along the coast. Material relics of past excellence in architecture and other arts of civilization abound in Oajaca, chief among which stand the remarkable structures at Mitla. [Sidenote: NATIONS OF TEHUANTEPEC.] Although Tehuantepec in the later aboriginal times was subject to the kings of Zapotecapan, yet within its limits, besides the Chontales,--a name resembling in its uncertainty of application that of Chichimecs farther north,--were the remnants of two old nations that still preserved their independence. These were the Mijes, living chiefly by the chase in the mountain fastnesses of the north, and the Huaves, who held a small territory on the coast and islands of the lagoons just east of the city of Tehuantepec. The Mijes, so far as the vague traditions of the country reveal anything of their past, were once the possessors of Zapotecapan and the isthmus of Tehuantepec, antedating the Zapotecs and perhaps the Nahua culture in this region, being affiliated, as some believe, in institutions and possibly in language, with the Maya element of Central America. While this connection must be regarded as somewhat conjectural, we may nevertheless accept as probably authentic the antiquity, civilization, and power of this brave people. The Huaves were traditionally of southern origin, having come to Tehuantepec by sea from Nicaragua or a point still farther south. In navigation and in commerce they were enterprising, as were indeed all the tribes of this southern-coast Anáhuac, and they took gradually from the Mijes, whom they found in possession, a large extent of territory, which as we have seen they were finally forced to yield up to their Zapotec conquerors. Crossing now to the Atlantic or Gulf shores we have from the past nothing but a confused account of Olmecs, Xicalancas, and Nonohualcas, who may have been distinct peoples, or the same people under different names at different epochs, and who at some time inhabited the lowlands of Tehuantepec and Vera Cruz, as well as those of Tabasco farther south. At the time of the conquest we know that this region was thickly inhabited by a people scarcely less advanced than those of Anáhuac, and dotted with flourishing towns devoted to commerce. But neither in the sixteenth nor immediately preceding centuries can any one civilized nation be definitely named as occupying this Anáhuac Xicalanco. We know, however, that this country north of the Goazacoalco River formed a portion of the Aztec empire, and that its inhabitants spoke for the most part the Aztec tongue. These provinces, known as Cuetlachtlan and Goazacoalco, were conquered, chiefly with a view to the extension of the Aztec commerce, as early as the middle of the fifteenth century, notwithstanding the assistance rendered by the armies of Tlascala. [Sidenote: THE TLASCALTECS.] The plateau east of Anáhuac sometimes known as Huitzilapan was found by the Spaniards in the possession of the independent republics, or cities, of Tlascala, Huexotzinco, and Cholula. The people who occupied this part of the table-land were the Teo-Chichimecs, of the same language and of the same traditional north-western origin as the Aztecs, whom they preceded in Anáhuac. Late in the thirteenth century they left the valley of Mexico, and in several detachments established themselves on the eastern plateau, where they successfully maintained their independence of all foreign powers. As allies of the Chichimec king of Tezcuco they aided in overturning the Tepanec tyrant of Azcapuzalco; but after the subsequent dangerous development of Aztec ambition, the Tlascaltec armies aided in nearly every attempt of other nations to arrest the progress of the Mexicans toward universal dominion. Their assistance, as we have seen, was unavailing except in the final successful alliance with the forces of Cortés; for, although secure in their small domain against foreign invasion, their armies were often defeated abroad. Tlascala has retained very nearly its original bounds, and the details of its history from the foundation of the city are, by the writings of the native historian Camargo, more fully known than those of most other nations outside of Anáhuac. This author, however, gives us the annals of his own and the surrounding peoples from a Tlascaltec stand-point only. Before the Teo-Chichimec invasion of Huitzilapan, Cholula had already acquired great prominence as a Toltec city, and as the residence of the great Nahua apostle Quetzalcoatl, of which era, or a preceding one, the famous pyramid remains as a memento. Outside of Cholula, however, the ancient history of this region presents but a blank page, or one vaguely filled with tales of giants, its first reputed inhabitants, and of the mysterious Olmecs, from some remaining fragments of which people the Tlascaltecs are said to have won their new homes. These Olmecs seem to have been a very ancient people who occupied the whole eastern region, bordering on or mixed with the Xicalancas in the south; or rather the name Olmec seems to have been the designation of a phase or era of the Nahua civilization preceding that known as the Toltec. It is impossible to determine accurately whether the Xicalancas should be classed with the Nahua or Maya element, although probably with the former. The coast region east of Tlascala, comprising the northern half of the state of Vera Cruz, was the home of the Totonacs, whose capital was the famous Cempoala, and who were conquered by the Aztecs at the close of the fifteenth century. They were probably one of the ancient pre-Toltec peoples like the Otomís and Olmecs, and they claimed to have occupied in former times Anáhuac and the adjoining territory, where they erected the pyramids of the sun and moon at Teotihuacan. Their institutions when first observed by Europeans seem to have been essentially Nahua, and the abundant architectural remains found in Totonac territory, as at Papantla, Misantla, and Tusapan, show no well-defined differences from Aztec constructions proper. Whether this Nahua culture was that originally possessed by them or was introduced at a comparatively late period through the influence of the Teo-Chichimecs, with whom they became largely consolidated, is uncertain. The Totonac language is, however, distinct from the Aztec, and is thought to have some affinity with the Maya. North of the Totonacs on the gulf coast, in the present state of Tamaulipas, lived the Huastecs, concerning whose early history nothing whatever is known. Their language is allied to the Maya dialects. They were a brave people, looked upon by the Mexicans as semi-barbarous, but were defeated and forced to pay tribute by the king of Tezcuco in the middle of the fifteenth century. * * * * * [Sidenote: NATIONS OF CENTRAL AMERICA.] The difficulties experienced in rendering to any degree satisfactory a general view of the northern nations, are very greatly augmented now that I come to treat of the Central American tribes. The causes of this increased difficulty are many. I have already noticed the prominence of the Aztecs in most that has been recorded of American civilization. During the conquest of the central portions of the continent following that of Mexico, the Spaniards found an advanced culture, great cities, magnificent temples, a complicated system of religious and political institutions; but all these had been met before in the north, and consequently mere mention in general terms of these later wonders was deemed sufficient by the conquerors, who were a class of men not disposed to make minute observations or comparisons respecting what seemed to them unimportant details. As to the priests, their duty was clearly to destroy rather than to closely investigate these institutions of the devil. And in the years following the conquest, the association between the natives and the conquerors was much less intimate than in Anáhuac. These nations in many instances fought until nearly annihilated, or after defeat retired in national fragments to the inaccessible fastnesses of the cordillera, retaining for several generations--some of them permanently--their independence, and affording the Spaniards little opportunity of becoming acquainted with their aboriginal institutions. In the south, as in Anáhuac, native writers, after their language had been fitted to the Spanish alphabet, wrote more or less fully of their national history; but all such writings whose existence is known are in the possession of one or two individuals, and, excepting the Popol Vuh translated by Ximenes as well as Brasseur de Bourbourg, and the Perez Maya manuscript, their contents are only vaguely known to the public through the writings of their owners. Another difficulty respecting these writings is that their dependence on any original authority more trustworthy than that of orally transmitted traditions, is at least doubtful. The key to the hieroglyphics engraved on the stones of Palenque and Copan, and painted on the pages of the very few ancient manuscripts preserved, is now practically lost; that it was possessed by the writers referred to is, although not impossible, still far from proven. Again, chronology, so complicated and uncertain in the annals of Anáhuac, is here, through the absence of legible written records, almost entirely wanting, so that it is in many cases absolutely impossible to fix even an approximate date for historical events of great importance. The attempts of authors to attach some of these events, without sufficient data, to the Nahua chronology, have done much to complicate the matter still further. The only author who has attempted to treat of the subject of Central American civilization and antiquity comprehensively as a whole is the Abbé Brasseur de Bourbourg. The learned abbé, however, with all his research and undoubted knowledge of the subject, and with his well-known enthusiasm and tact in antiquarian engineering, by which he is wont to level difficulties, apparently insurmountable, to a grade which offers no obstruction to his theoretical construction-trains, has been forced to acknowledge at many points his inability to construct a perfect whole from data so meagre and conflicting. Such being the case, the futility must be apparent of attempting here any outline of history which may throw light on the institutions of the sixteenth century. I must be content, for the purposes of this chapter, with a mention of the civilized nations found in possession of the country, and a brief statement of such prominent points in their past as seem well-authenticated and important. [Sidenote: THE ANCIENT MAYA EMPIRE.] Closely enveloped in the dense forests of Chiapas, Guatemala, Yucatan, and Honduras, the ruins of several ancient cities have been discovered, which are far superior in extent and magnificence to any seen in Aztec territory, and of which a detailed description may be found in the fourth volume of this work. Most of these cities were abandoned and more or less unknown at the time of the conquest. They bear hieroglyphic inscriptions apparently identical in character; in other respects they resemble each other more than they resemble the Aztec ruins--or even other and apparently later works in Guatemala and Honduras. All these remains bear evident marks of great antiquity. Their existence and similarity, in the absence of any evidence to the contrary, would indicate the occupation of the whole country at some remote period by nations far advanced in civilization, and closely allied in manners and customs, if not in blood and language. Furthermore, the traditions of several of the most advanced nations point to a wide-spread civilization introduced among a numerous and powerful people by Votan and Zamná, who, or their successors, built the cities referred to, and founded great allied empires in Chiapas, Yucatan and Guatemala; and moreover, the tradition is confirmed by the universality of one family of languages or dialects spoken among the civilized nations, and among their descendants to this day. I deem the grounds sufficient, therefore, for accepting this Central American civilization of the past as a fact, referring it not to an extinct ancient race, but to the direct ancestors of the peoples still occupying the country with the Spaniards, and applying to it the name Maya as that of the language which has claims as strong as any to be considered the mother tongue of the linguistic family mentioned. As I have said before, the phenomena of civilization in North America may be accounted for with tolerable consistency by the friction and mixture of this Maya culture and people with the Nahua element of the north; while that either, by migrations northward or southward, can have been the parent of the other within the traditionally historic past, I regard as extremely improbable. That the two elements were identical in their origin and early development is by no means impossible; all that we can safely presume is that within historic times they have been practically distinct in their workings. There are also some rather vague traditions of the first appearance of the Nahua civilization in the regions of Tabasco and Chiapas, of its growth, the gradual establishment of a power rivalling that of the people I call Mayas, and of a struggle by which the Nahuas were scattered in different directions, chiefly northward, to reappear in history some centuries later as the Toltecs of Anáhuac. While the positive evidence in favor of this migration from the south is very meagre, it must be admitted that a southern origin of the Nahua culture is far more consistent with fact and tradition than was the north-western origin, so long implicitly accepted. There are no data by which to fix the period of the original Maya empire, or its downfall or breaking-up into rival factions by civil and foreign wars. The cities of Yucatan, as is clearly shown by Mr Stephens, were, many of them, occupied by the descendants of the builders down to the conquest, and contain some remnants of wood-work still in good preservation, although some of the structures appear to be built on the ruins of others of a somewhat different type. Palenque and Copan, on the contrary, have no traces of wood or other perishable material, and were uninhabited and probably unknown in the sixteenth century. The loss of the key to what must have been an advanced system of hieroglyphics, while the spoken language survived, is also an indication of great antiquity, confirmed by the fact that the Quiché structures of Guatemala differed materially from those of the more ancient epoch. It is not likely that the Maya empire in its integrity continued later than the third or fourth century, although its cities may have been inhabited much later, and I should fix the epoch of its highest power at a date preceding rather than following the Christian era. A Maya manuscript fixes the date of the first appearance in Yucatan of the Tutul Xius at 171 A. D. The Abbé Brasseur therefore makes this the date of the Nahua dispersion, believing, on apparently very slight foundation, the Tutul Xius to be one of the Nahua fragments. With the breaking-up of this empire into separate nations at an unknown date, the ancient history of Central America as a whole ceases, and down to a period closely preceding the conquest we have only an occasional event preserved in the traditions of two or three nations. [Sidenote: MAYA NATIONS OF YUCATAN.] Yucatan was occupied in the sixteenth century by the Mayas proper, all speaking the same language, and living under practically the same institutions, religious and political. The chief divisions were the Cocomes, Tutul Xius, Itzas, and Cheles, which seem to have been originally the designations of royal or priestly families, rather than tribal names proper of the peoples over whom they held sway. Each of these had their origin-traditions of immigrating tribes or teachers who came in the distant past to seek new homes, escape persecution, or introduce new religious ideas, in the fertile Maya plains. Some of these stranger apostles of new creeds are identified by authors with Toltec missionaries or exiles from Anáhuac. The evidence in favor of this identity in any particular case is of course unsatisfactory, but that it was well-founded in some cases is both probable,--commercial intercourse having undoubtedly made the two peoples mutually acquainted with each other,--and is supported by the presence of Nahua names of rulers and priests, and of Nahua elements in the Yucatec religion, the same remark applying to all Central America. The ancient history of Yucatan is an account of the struggles, alliances, and successive domination of the factions mentioned. To enumerate here, in outline even, these successive changes so vaguely and confusedly recorded would be useless, especially as their institutions, so far as can be known, were but slightly affected by political changes among people of the same blood, language, and religion. The Cocomes were traditionally the original Maya rulers of the land, and the Tutul Xius first came into notice in the second century, the Itzas and Cheles appearing at a much later date. One of the most prosperous eras in the later history of the peninsula of Yucatan is represented to have followed the appearance of Cuculcan, a mysterious stranger corresponding closely in his teachings, as in the etymology of his name, with the Toltec Quetzalcoatl. He became the head of the Cocome dynasty at Mayapan, and ruled the country as did his successors after him in alliance with the Tutul Xius at Uxmal, the Itzas at Chichen Itza, and the Cheles at Izamal. But later the Cocomes were overthrown, and Mayapan destroyed by a revolution of the allies. The Tutul Xius now became the leading power, a position which they held down to the time, not long before the conquest, when the country was divided by war and civil dissensions into numerous petty domains, each ruled by its chief and independent of the rest, all in a weak and exhausted condition compared with their former state, and unable to resist by united effort the progress of the Spanish invaders whom individually they fought most bravely. Three other comparatively recent events of some importance in Yucatec history may be noticed. The Cocomes in the struggle preceding their fall called in the aid of a large force of Xicalancas, probably a Nahua people, from the Tabascan coast region, who after their defeat were permitted by the conquerors to settle in the country. A successful raid by some foreign people, supposed with some reason to be the Quichés from Guatemala, is reported to have been made against the Mayas with, however, no important permanent results. Finally a portion of the Itzas migrated southward and settled in the region of Lake Peten, establishing their capital city on an island in the lake. Here they were found, a powerful and advanced nation, by Hernan Cortés in the sixteenth century, and traces of their cities still remain, although it must be noted that another and older class of ruins are found in the same region, dating back perhaps to a time when the glory of the Maya empire had not wholly departed. [Sidenote: CHIAPAS AND GUATEMALA.] Chiapas, politically a part of the Mexican Republic, but belonging geographically to Central America, was occupied by the Chiapanecs, Tzendales, and Quelenes. The Tzendales lived in the region about Palenque, and were presumably the direct descendants of its builders, their language having nearly an equal claim with the Maya to be considered the mother tongue. The Chiapanecs of the interior were a warlike tribe, and had before the coming of the Spaniards conquered the other nations, forcing them to pay tribute, and successfully resisting the attacks of the Aztec allies. They also are a very old people, having been referred even to the tribes that preceded the establishment of Votan's empire. Statements concerning their history are numerous and irreconcilable; they have some traditions of having come from the south; their linguistic affinity with the Mayas is at least very slight. The Quelenes or Zotziles, whose past is equally mysterious, inhabited the southern or Guatemalan frontier. Guatemala and northern Honduras were found in possession of the Mames in the north-west, the Pocomams in the south-east, the Quichés in the interior, and the Cakchiquels in the south. The two latter were the most powerful and ruled the country from their capitals of Utatlan and Patinamit, where they resisted the Spaniards almost to the point of annihilation, retiring for the most part after defeat to live by the chase in the distant mountain gorges. Guatemalan history from the Votan empire down to an indefinite date not many centuries before the conquest is a blank. It recommences with the first traditions of the nations just mentioned. These traditions, as in the case of every American people, begin with the immigration of foreign tribes into the country as the first in the series of events leading to the establishment of the Quiché-Cakchiquel empire. Assuming the Toltec dispersion from Anáhuac in the eleventh century as a well-authenticated fact, most writers have identified the Guatemalan nations, except perhaps the Mames by some considered the descendants of the original inhabitants, with the migrating Toltecs who fled southward to found a new empire. I have already made known my scepticism respecting national American migrations in general, and the Toltec migration southward in particular, and there is nothing in the annals of Guatemala to modify the views previously expressed. The Quiché traditions are vague and without chronologic order, much less definite than those relating to the mythical Aztec wanderings. The sum and substance of the Quiché and Toltec identity is the traditional statement that the former people entered Guatemala at an unknown period in the past, while the latter left Anáhuac in the eleventh century. That the Toltecs should have migrated en masse southward, taken possession of Guatemala, established a mighty empire, and yet have abandoned their language for dialects of the original Maya tongue is in the highest degree improbable. It is safer to suppose that the mass of the Quichés and other nations of Guatemala, Chiapas, and Honduras, were descended directly from the Maya builders of Palenque, and from contemporary peoples. Yet the differences between the Quiché-Cakchiquel structures, and the older architectural remains of the Maya empire indicate a new era of Maya culture, originated not unlikely by the introduction of foreign elements. Moreover, the apparent identity in name and teachings between the early civilizers of the Quiché tradition and the Nahua followers of Quetzalcoatl, together with reported resemblances between actual Quiché and Aztec institutions as observed by Europeans, indicate farther that the new element was engrafted on Maya civilization by contact with the Nahuas, a contact of which the presence of the exiled Toltec nobility may have been a prominent feature. After the overthrow of the original empire we may suppose the people to have been subdivided during the course of centuries by civil wars and sectarian struggles into petty states, the glory of their former greatness vanished and partially forgotten, the spirit of progress dormant, to be roused again by the presence of the Nahua chiefs. These gathered and infused new life into the scattered remnants; they introduced some new institutions, and thus aided the ancient people to rebuild their empire on the old foundations, retaining the dialects of the original language. [Sidenote: NICARAGUANS AND PIPILES.] In addition to the peoples thus far mentioned, there were undoubtedly in Nicaragua, and probably in Salvador, nations of nearly pure Aztec blood and language. The former are known among different authors as Nicaraguans, Niquirans, or Cholutecs, and they occupied the coast between lake Nicaragua and the ocean, with the lake islands. Their institutions, political and religious, were nearly the same as those of the Aztecs of Anáhuac, and they have left abundant relics in the form of idols and sepulchral deposits, but no architectural remains. These relics are moreover hardly less abundant in the territory of the adjoining tribes, nor do they differ essentially in their nature; hence we must conclude that some other Nicaraguan peoples, either by Aztec or other influence, were considerably advanced in civilization. The Nahua tribes of Salvador, the ancient Cuscatlan, were known as Pipiles, and their culture appears not to have been of a high order. Both of these nations probably owe their existence to a colony sent southward from Anáhuac; but whether in Aztec or pre-Aztec times, the native traditions, like their interpretation by writers on the subject, are inextricably confused and at variance. For further details on the location of Central American nations I refer to the statement of tribal boundaries at the end of Chapter VII., Volume I., of this work. * * * * * I here close this general view of the subject, and if it is in some respects unsatisfactory, I cannot believe that a different method of treatment would have rendered it less so. To have gone more into detail would have tended to confuse rather than elucidate the matter in the reader's mind, unless with the support of extensive quotations from ever-conflicting authorities, which would have swollen this general view from a chapter to a volume. As far as antiquity is concerned, the most intricate element of the subject, I shall attempt to present--if I cannot reconcile--all the important variations of opinion in another division of this work. In the treatment of my subject, truth and accuracy are the principal aim, and these are never sacrificed to graphic style or glowing diction. As much of interest is thrown into the recital as the authorities justify, and no more. Often may be seen the more striking characteristics of these nations dashed off with a skill and brilliance equaled only by their distance from the facts; disputed points and unpleasing traits glossed over or thrown aside whenever they interfere with style and effect. It is my sincere desire, above all others, to present these people as they were, not to make them as I would have them, nor to romance at the expense of truth; nevertheless, it is to be hoped that in the truth enough of interest will remain to command the attention of the reader. My treatment of the subject is essentially as follows: The civilized peoples of North America naturally group themselves in two great divisions, which for convenience may be called the Nahuas and the Mayas respectively; the first representing the Aztec civilization of Mexico, and the second the Maya-Quiché civilization of Central America. In describing their manners and customs, five large divisions may be made of each group. The first may be said to include the systems of government, the order of succession, the ceremonies of election, coronation, and anointment, the magnificence, power, and manner of life of their kings; court forms and observances; the royal palaces and gardens. The second comprises the social system; the classes of nobles, gentry, plebeians and slaves; taxation, tenure, and distribution of lands; vassalage and feudal service; the inner life of the people; their family and private relations, such as marriage, divorce, and education of youth; other matters, such as their dress, food, games, feasts and dances, knowledge of medicine, and manner of burial. The third division includes their system of war, their relations with foreign powers, their warriors and orders of knighthood, their treatment of prisoners of war and their weapons. The fourth division embraces their system of trade and commerce, the community of merchants, their sciences, arts, and manufactures. The fifth and last considers their judiciary, law-courts, and legal officials. I append as more appropriately placed here than elsewhere, a note on the etymological meaning and derivation, so far as known, of the names of the Civilized Nations. ETYMOLOGY OF NAMES. ACOLHUAS;--Possibly from _coloa_, 'to bend,' meaning with the prefix _atl_, 'water-colhuas,' or 'people at the bend of the water.' Not from _acolli_, 'shoulder,' nor from _colli_, 'grandfather.' _Buschmann_, _Ortsnamen_, pp. 85, 89. '_Coloa_, encoruar, o entortar algo, o rodear yendo camino.' '_Acolli_, ombro.' '_Culhuia_, lleuar a otro por rodeos a alguna parte.' _Molina_, _Vocabulario_. _Colli_, 'grand-father,' plural _colhuan_. _Colhuacan_, or _Culiacan_, may then mean 'the land of our ancestors.' _Gallatin_, in _Amer. Ethno. Soc., Transact._, vol. i., pp. 204-5. 'El nombre de _aculhuas_, ó segun la ortografía mexicana, _aculhuaque_, en plural, y no _aculhuacanes_, ni _aculhues_.' _Dicc. Univ._, tom. i., p. 39. 'Col, chose courbe, faisant _coloa_, _colua_, ou _culhua_, nom appliqué plus tard dans le sens d'ancêtre, parce que du _Colhuacan_ primitif, des îles de la Courbe, vinrent les émigrés qui civilisèrent les habitants de la vallée d'Anahuac.' _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Quatre Lettres_, p. 407. '_Colhua_, ou _culhua_, _culua_, de _coltic_, chose courbée. De là le nom de la cité de _Colhuacan_, qu'on traduit indifféremment, ville de la courbe, de choses recourbées (des serpents), et aussi des aïeux, de _coltzin_, aïeul.' _Id._, _Popol Vuh_, p. xxix. AZTECS;--From _Aztlan_, the name of their ancient home, from a root _Aztli_, which is lost. It has no connection with _azcatl_, 'ant,' but may have some reference to _iztac_, 'white.' _Buschmann_, _Ortsnamen_, pp. 5-6. 'De _Aztlan_ se deriva el nacional _Aztecatl_.' _Pimentel_, _Cuadro_, tom. i., p. 158. '_Az_, primitif d'_azcatl_, fourmi, est le mot qui désigne, à la fois, d'une manière générale, la vapeur, le gaz, ou toute chose légère, comme le vent ou la pluie; c'est l'aile, _aztli_ qui désigne aussi la vapeur, c'est le héron dans _aztatl_. Il se retrouve, avec une légère variante, dans le mot nahuatl composé, _tem-az-calli_, bain de vapeur, dans _ez-tli_, le sang ou la lave; dans les vocables quichés _atz_, bouffée du fumée, épouvantail, feu-follet.... Ainsi les fourmis de la tradition haïtienne, comme de la tradition mexicaine, sont à la fois des images des feux intérieurs de la terre et de leurs exhalaisons, comme du travail des mines et de l'agriculture. Du même primitif _az_ vient _Aztlan_ "le Pays sur ou dans le gaz, _az-tan_, _az-dan_, la terre sèche, soulevée par les gaz ou remplie de vapeurs."' _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Quatre Lettres_, p. 311. CHALCAS;--'Il nome _Chalcho_ vale, Nella gemma. Il P. Acosta dice, che _Chalco_ vuol dire, Nelle bocche.' _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., p. 253. Buschmann believes Acosta's definition 'in the mouths' to be more correct. _Ortsnamen_, p. 83. 'Chalca, Ce qui est le calcaire; c'est l'examen de tous les vocables mexicains, commençant en _chal_, qui m'a fait découvrir le sens exact de ce mot; il se trouve surtout dan _chal-chi-huitl_, le jade, littéralement ce qui est sorti du fond du calcaire.' _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Quatre Lettres_, pp. 403, 406. CHELES;--'Le _Chel_ dans la langue maya est une espèce d'oiseaux particuliers à cette contrée.' _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. ii., p. 19. CHIAPANECS;--_Chiapan_, 'locality of the chia' (oil-seed). _Buschmann_, _Ortsnamen_, p. 187. '_Chiapanèque_, du nahuatl _chiapanecatl_, c'est-à-dire homme de la rivière Chiapan (eau douce), n'est pas le nom véritable de ce peuple; c'est celui que lui donnèrent les Mexicains.' _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. ii., p. 87. CHICHIMECS;--'_Chichi_, perro, o perra.' _Molina_, _Vocabulario_. _Chichi_, 'dog'; perhaps as inhabitants of _Chichimecan_, 'place of dogs.' _Mecatl_ may mean 'line,' 'row,' 'race,' and _Chichimecatl_, therefore 'one of the race of dogs.' _Buschmann_, _Ortsnamen_, pp. 79, 81. 'Chichimèque veut dire, à proprement parler, homme sauvage.... Ce mot désigne des hommes qui mangent de la viande crue et sucent le sang des animaux; car _chichiliztli_ veut dire, en mexicain, sucer; _chichinaliztli_, la chose que l'on suce, et _Chichihualli_, mamelle.... Toutes les autres nations les redoutaient et leur donnaient le nom de Suceurs, en mexicain, _Chichimecatechinani_. ... Les Mexicains nomment aussi les chiens chichime, parce qu'ils lèchent le sang des animaux et le sucent.' _Camargo_, _Hist. Tlaxcallan_, in _Nouvelles Annales des Voy._, 1843, tom. xcviii., p. 140. '_Teuchichimecas_, que quiere decir _del todo barbados_, que por otro nombre se decian Cacachimecas, ó sea hombres silvestres.' _Sahagun_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. iii., p. 116. '_Chichimec_ ou _chichimetl_, suceur de maguey, et de là les Chichimèques.' _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. i., pp. 171, 56. Other derivations are from _Chichen_, a city of Yucatan, and from _chichiltic_ 'red,' referring to the color of all Indians. _Id._, _Popol Vuh_, p. lxiii. '_Chi_ ... selon Vetancourt, c'est une préposition, exprimant ce qui est tout en bas, au plus profond, comme _aco_ signifie ce qui est au plus haut.... _Chichi_ est un petit chien (_chi-en_), de ceux qu'on appelle de Chihuahua, qui se creusent des tanières souterraines.... _Chichi_ énonce tout ce qui est amer, aigre ou âcre, tout ce qui fait tache: il a le sens de sucer, d'absorber; c'est la salive, c'est le poumon et la mamelle. Si maintenant ... j'ajoute _me_, primitif de _metl_, aloès, chose courbée, vous aurez _Chichime_, choses courbes, tortueuses, suçantes, absorbantes, amères, âcres ou acides, se cachant, comme les petits chiens terriers, sous le sol où elles se concentrent, commes des poumons ou des mamelles.... Or, puisqu'il est acquis, d'après ces peintures et ces explications, que tout cela doit s'appliquer à une puissance tellurique, errante, d'ordinaire, comme les populations nomades, auxquelles on attacha le nom de _Chichimeca_.' _Id._, _Quatre Lettres_, pp. 111-12. CHOLULTECS;--From _choloa_, meaning 'to spring,' 'to run,' 'to flee,' or 'place where water springs up,' 'place of flight,' or 'fugitives.' _Buschmann_, _Ortsnamen_, p. 100. 'C'est du lieu d'où ils étaient sortis primitivement, ou plutôt à cause de leur qualité actuelle d'exilés, qu'ils prirent ensuite le nom de _Cholutecas_.' '_Cholutecas_, mieux _Cholultecas_, c'est-à-dire, Exilés, et aussi, Habitants de Cholullan.' _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. ii., p. 79. CHONTALES;--'_Chontalli_, estrangero o forastero.' _Molina_, _Vocabulario_; _Orozco y Berra_, _Geografía_, p. 21; _Buschmann_, _Ortsnamen_, p. 133; _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. iii., p. 47. COCOMES;--'_Cocom_ signifie écouteur, croyant.' _Landa_, _Rel. de las Cosas de Yucatan_, p. 39. 'Cocom est un nom d'origine nahuatl; il est le pluriel de cohuatl, serpent.... Dans la langue maya, le mot cocom a la signification d'écouteur, celui qui entend; cette étymologie nous paraît plus rationnelle que la première.' _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. i., p. 78. COHUIXCAS;--Ayala translates the name of their province Cuixca, 'tierra de lagartijas.' _Orozco y Berra_, _Geografía_, p. 48. CUITLAHUACS;--'_Cuitlatl_, excremento, y genéricamente cosa sucia.' _Orozco y Berra_, _Geografía_, p. 47. '_Cuitlahuac_, Dans celui qui a les Excréments, de cuitlatl, excrément, déjection de l'homme ou de l'animal, mais que le chroniste mexicain applique ici aux déjections du volcan voisin de la Grande-Base ... de là le nom de _teo-cuitlatl_, excréments divins, donné aux métaux précieux, l'or avec l'adjectif jaune, l'argent avec l'adjectif blanc.' _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Quatre Lettres_, p. 407. Cuitlatlan, 'locality of dirt.' _Buschmann_, _Ortsnamen_, p. 15. '_Cuitlatl_, mierda.' _Molina_, _Vocabulario_. The name of the Cuitlatecs seems to have no separate etymological meaning. CULHUAS;--See Acolhuas. The two people are not supposed to have been the same, but it is probable that they are identical in the derivation of their names. HUASTECS;--'_Huaxtlan_ es una palabra mexicana que significa, "donde hay, ó abunda el _huaxi_," fruto muy conocido en México con el nombre castellanizado de _guaje_. Compónese aquella palabra de _huaxin_, perdiendo _in_ por contraccion, muy usada en mexicano al componerse las palabras, y de _tlan_, partícula que significa "donde hay, ó abunda algo," y que sirve para formar colectivos. De _huaxtlan_ es de donde, segun parece, viene el nombre gentilicio _huaxtecatl_, que los españoles convirtieron en _huaxteca_ ó _huaxteco_.' _Pimentel_, _Cuadro_, tom. i., pp. 5-6; _Buschmann_, _Ortsnamen_, pp. 12-13. 'El que es inhábil ó tosco, le llaman ... _cuextecatl_.' From the name of their ruler, who took too much wine. 'Así por injuria, y como alocado, le llamaban de Cuextecatl.' _Sahagun_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. iii., lib. x., pp. 134-5, 143-4. HUEXOTZINCAS;--Diminutive of _huexotla_, 'willow-forest.' _Buschmann_, _Ortsnamen_, p. 100. ITZAS;--From the name of Zamná, the first Yucatan civilizer. 'Le llamaban tambien Ytzamná, y le adoraban por Dios.' _Cogolludo_, _Hist. de Yucathan_, p. 196. '_Itzmat-ul_, que quiere dezir el que recibe y posee la gracia, ó rozio, ó sustancia del cielo.' '_Ytzen caan, ytzen muyal_, que era dezir yo soy el rozio ó sustancia del cielo y nubes.' _Lizana_, in _Landa_, _Rel. de las Cosas de Yucatan_, p. 356. 'Suivant Ordoñez, le mot itza est composé de itz, doux, et de hà, eau.' _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. ii., p. 15. MALINALCAS;--'_Malina_, nitla, torcer cordel encima del muslo.' '_Malinqui_, cosa torcida.' _Molina_, _Vocabulario_. '_Malinal_ est le nom commun de la liane, ou des cordes tordues.' '_Malina_, tordre, qui fait _malinal_, liane ou corde. Ou bien plus littéralement de choses tournées, percée à jour, de _mal_, primitif de _mamali_, percer, tarauder, et de _nal_, de part en part, tout autour.' _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Quatre Lettres_, pp. 407-8. MAMES;--'El verdadero nombre de la lengua y de la tribu es mem, que quiere decir tartamudos porque los pueblos que primero les oyeron hablar, encontraron semejanza entre los tardos para pronunciar, y la manera con que aquellos decian su lengua.' _Orozco y Berra_, _Geografía_, p. 24. 'A esta lengua llaman _Mame_, é indios _mames_ á los de esta sierra, porque ordinariamente hablan y responden con esta palabra _man_, que quiere decir _padre_.' _Reynoso_, in _Pimentel_, _Cuadro_, tom. i., pp. 83-4. '_Mem_ veut dire bègue et muet.' '"Mem", mal à propos défiguré dans Mame par les Espagnols, servit depuis généralement à désigner les nations qui conservèrent leur ancienne langue et demeurèrent plus ou moins indépendantes des envahisseurs étrangers.' Mam 'veut dire ancien, vieillard.' _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. ii., p. 119. Mam sometimes means grand-son. _Id._, _Popol Vuh_, p. 41. MATLALTZINCAS;--'El nombre _Matlalcincatl_, tomóse de _Matlatl_ que es la red con la cual desgranaban el maiz, y hacian otras cosas.... Tambien se llaman _Matlatzincas_ de hondas que se dicen _tlematlate_, y así _Matlatzincas_ por otra interpretacion quiere decir, honderos ó fondibularios; porque los dichos _Matlatzincas_ cuando muchachos, usaban mucho traer las hondas, y de ordinario las traían consigo, como los _Chichimecas_ sus arcos, y siempre andaban tirando con ellas. Tambien les llamaban del nombre de red por otra razon que és la mas principal, porque cuando à su idolo sacrificaban alguna persona, le echaban dentro en una red, y allí le retorcian y estrujaban con la dicha red, hasta que le hacian echar los intestinos. La causa de llamarse _coatl_ (Ramirez) dice que "debe leerse _cuaitl_ (cabeza). Coatl significa culebra," cuando es uno, y _qüaqüatas_ cuando son muchos és, porque siempre traían la cabeza ceñida con la honda; por lo cual el vocablo se decia _qüa_ por abreviatura, que quiere decir _quaitl_ que es la cabeza, _yta_ que quiere decir _tamatlatl_ (Molina says 'Honda para tirar es _tematlatl, tlatematlauiloni_') ques es la honda, y así quiere decir _quatlatl_ hombre que trae la honda en la cabeza por guirnalda: tambien se interpreta de otra manera, que quiere decir hombre de cabeza de piedra.' _Sahagun_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. iii., lib. x., p. 128, and _Orozco y Berra_, _Geografía_, pp. 29-30. '_Matlatzinia_, dar palmadas.' '_Matlatepito_, red pequeña.' _Molina_, _Vocabulario_. From _matlatl_, 'net', meaning therefore 'small place of nets'. _Buschmann_, _Ortsnamen_, p. 13. 'De _Matlatl_, le filet, les mailles.' _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Quatre Lettres_, p. 408. '_Matlatzinco_ es una palabra mexicana que significa "lugarcito de las redes", pues se compone de _matlat_, red, y la partícula _tzinco_ que expresa diminucion. Fácilmente se comprende, pues, que _matlatzinca_ viene de _matlatzinco_, y que la etimología exige que estas palabras se escriban con _c_ (mejor _k_) y no con _g_ como hacen algunos autores', _Pimentel_, _Cuadro_, tom. i., p. 500. MAYAS;--'"_Mai_", une divinité ou un personnage des temps antiques, sans doute celui à l'occasion duquel le pays fut appelé _Maya_.' _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, in _Landa_, _Rel. de las Cosas de Yucatan_, p. 42. '_Maya_ ou _Maïa_, nom antique d'une partie du Yucatan, paraît signifier aussi la terre.' _Id._, p. lxx. 'Maayhà, non adest aqua, suivant Ordoñez, c'est-à-dire, Terre sans eau.' _Id._, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. i., p. 76. The terminations _a_ and _o_ of this name are Spanish. _Pimentel_, _Cuadro_, tom. ii., p. 35. MIZQUICAS;--'_Mizquitl_, arbol de goma para tinta.' _Molina_, _Vocabulario_. _Mizquitl_, a tree yielding the pure gum arabic, a species of acacia. _Buschmann_, _Ortsnamen_, p. 104. MIZTECS;--'La palabra mexicana _Mixtecatl_, es nombre nacional, derivado de _mixtlan_, lugar de nubes ó nebuloso, compuesto de _mixtli_, nube, y de la terminacion _tlan_.' _Pimentel_, _Cuadro_, tom. i., p. 39. _Mixtlan_, 'place of clouds.' _Buschmann_, _Ortsnamen_, p. 18. '_Mixtecapan_ ... pays des brouillards.' _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. i., p. 146. NAHUAS;--'Todos los que hablan claro la lengua mexicana que les llaman _nahóas_, son descendientes de los Tultecas.' _Sahagun_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. iii., lib. x., p. 114. '_Nahoatl_ ó _nahuatl_, segun el diccionario de Molina, significa _cosa que suena bien_, de modo que viene à ser un adjetivo que aplicado al sustantivo _idioma_, creo que puede traducirse por _armonioso_.' _Pimentel_, _Cuadro_, tom. i., p. 158. Something of fine, or clear, or loud sound; _nahuatlato_ means an interpreter; _nahuati_, to speak loud; _nahuatia_, to command. The name has no connection whatever with _Anáhuac_. _Buschmann_, _Ortsnamen_, pp. 7-8. 'Molina le traduit par Ladino, instruit, expert, civilisé, et lui donne aussi un sens qui se rapporte aux sciences occultes. On n'en trouve pas, toutefois, la racine dans le mexicain. La langue quichée en donne une explication parfaite: il vient du verbe _Nao_ ou _Naw_, connaître, sentir, savoir, penser; _Tin nao_, je sais; _Naoh_, sagesse, intelligence. Il y a encore le verbe radical _Na_, sentir, soupçonner. Le mot _Nahual_ dans son sens primitif et véritable, signifie donc littéralement "qui sait tout"; c'est la même chose absolument que le mot anglais _Know-all_, avec lequel il a tant d'identité. Le Quiché et le Cakchiquel l'emploient fréquemment aussi dans le sens de mystérieux, extraordinaire, merveilleux.' _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. i., pp. 101-2, 194. NONOHUALCAS;--The Tutul-Xius, chiefs of a Nahuatl house in Tulan, seem to have borne the name of _Nonoual_, which may have given rise to _Nonohualco_ or _Onohualco_. '_Nonoual_ ne serait-il pas une altération de _Nanaual_ ou _Nanahuatl_?' _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, in _Landa_, _Rel. de las Cosas de Yucatan_, p. 420. OLMECS;--Olmecatl was the name of their first traditionary leader. _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. i., p. 152. _Olmecatl_ may mean an inhabitant of the town of _Olman_; but as _mecatl_ is also used for 'shoot', 'offspring', 'branch', the word probably comes from _olli_, and means 'people of the gum'. _Buschmann_, _Ortsnamen_, p. 16. OTOMÍS;--'El vocablo _Otomitl_, que es el nombre de los _Otomies_, tomáronlo de su caudillo, el cual se llamaba _Oton_.' _Sahagun_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. iii., lib. x., p. 122. Not a native word, but Mexican, derived perhaps from _otli_, 'road', and _tomitl_, 'animal hair', referring possibly to some peculiar mode of wearing the hair. _Buschmann_, _Ortsnamen_, pp. 18-19. '_Otho_ en la misma lengua othomí quiere decir _nada_, y _mi_, quieto, ó sentado, de manera que traducida literalmente la palabra, significa nada-quieto, cuya idea pudiéramos expresar diciendo _peregrino_ ó _errante_.' _Pimentel_, _Cuadro_, tom. i., p. 118; _Náxera_, _Disertacion_, p. 4. 'Son étymologie mexicaine, Otomitl, signifie la flèche d'Oton.' _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. i., p. 158. PIPILES;--A reduplication of _pilli_, which has two meanings, 'noble' and 'child', the latter being generally regarded as its meaning in the tribal name. _Buschmann_, _Ortsnamen_, pp. 137-8. So called because they spoke the Mexican language with a childish pronunciation. _Juarros' Hist. Guat._, p. 224. POKOMAMS;--'_Pokom_, dont la racine _pok_ désigne une sorte de tuf blanc et sablonneux.... La termination _om_ est un participe présent. De _Pokom_ vient le nom de Pokomam et de Pokomchi, qui fut donné à ces tribus de la qualité du sol où ils bâtirent leur ville.' _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. ii., p. 122. QUICHÉS;--'La palabra _quiché_, _kiché_, ó _quitze_, significa _muchos árboles_.' _Pimentel_, _Cuadro_, tom. ii., p. 124. 'De _quï_ beaucoup, plusieurs, et de _che_, arbre, ou de _queche_, _quechelah_, _qechelah_, la forêt.' _Ximenez_, in _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Popol Vuh_, p. cclxv. TARASCOS;--'Tarasco viene de _tarhascue_, que en la lengua de Michoacan significa suegro, ó yerno segun dice el P. Lagunas en su Gramática.' _Pimentel_, _Cuadro_, tom. i., p. 273. '_Taras_ en la lengua mexicana se dice _Mixcoatl_, que era el dios de los _Chichimecas_.' _Sahagun_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. iii., lib. x., p. 138. 'Á quienes dieron el nombre de tarascos, por el sonido que les hacian las partes genitales en los muslos al andar.' _Veytia_, _Hist. Ant. Mej._, tom. ii., p. 105; _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. des Nat. Civ._, tom. iii., p. 57. TEPANECS;--_Tepan_, 'stony place', from _tetl_, or _tecpan_, 'royal palace'. _Buschmann_, _Ortsnamen_, p. 92. '_Tecpantlan_ signifie auprès des palais.' _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Popol Vuh_, p. cx. 'Cailloux roulés sur la roche, _te-pa-ne-ca_, littéralement ce qui est mêlé ensemble sur la pierre; ou bien _te-pan-e-ca_, c'est-à-dire avec des petites pierres sur la roche ou le solide, _e_, pour _etl_, le haricot, frijol, étant pris souvent dans le sens d'une petite pierre sur une surface, etc.' _Id._, _Quatre Lettres_, p. 408. TLAHUICAS;--From _tlahuitl_, 'cinnabar', from this mineral being plentiful in their country. _Buschmann_, _Ortsnamen_, p. 93. _Tlahuilli_, 'poudres brillantes.' _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Quatre Lettres_, p. 422. '_Tlauia_, alumbrar a otros con candela o hacha.' _Molina_, _Vocabulario_. TLAPANECS;--'Y llámanlos tambien tlapanecas que quiere decir _hombres almagrados_, porque se embijaban con color.' _Sahagun_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. iii., lib. x., p. 135. From _tlalpantli_, 'ground'; may also come from _tlalli_, 'land'. _Buschmann_, _Ortsnamen_, p. 162. _Tlapallan_, 'terre colorée'. _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Popol Vuh_, p. lxiii. Tla, 'feu'. _Id._, _Quatre Lettres_, p. 416. '_Tlapani_, quebrarse algo, o el tintorero que tiñe paños.' _Molina_, _Vocabulario_. Probably a synonym of Yoppi, q. v. _Orozco y Berra_, _Geografía_, pp. 26-7. TLASCALTECS;--'_Tlaxcalli_, tortillas de mayz, o pan generalmente.' _Molina_, _Vocabulario_. _Tlaxcalli_, 'place of bread or tortillas', the past participle of _ixca_, 'to bake or broil'. _Buschmann_, _Ortsnamen_, p. 93. TOLTECS;--'_Toltecayotl_, maestria de arte mecanica. _Toltecatl_, official de arte mecanica. _Toltecauia_, fabricar o hazer algo el maestro.' _Molina_, _Vocabulario_. 'Los _tultecas_ todos se nombraban _chichimecas_, y no tenian otro nombre particular sino este que tomaron de la curiosidad, y primor de las obras que hacian, que se llamaron obras _tultecas_ ó sea como si digesemos, oficiales pulidos y curiosos como ahora los de Flandes, y con razon, porque eran sutiles y primorosos en cuanto ellos ponian la mano, que todo era muy bueno.' _Sahagun_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. iii., lib. x., p. 107. Toltecs, 'people of Tollan'. Tollan, 'place of willows or reeds', from _tolin_, 'willow, reed.' _Buschmann_, _Ortsnamen_, p. 76. '_Toltecatl_ était le titre qu'on donnait à un artiste habile.' _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. i., p. 194. Tollan: 'Elle est frappante ... par l'identité qu'elle présente avec le nom de _Metztli_ ou le Croissant. En effet, ce qu'elle exprime, d'ordinaire, c'est l'idée d'un "pays recourbé" ou incliné. Sa première syllabe _tol_, primitif de _toloa_, "abaxar, inclinar la cabeça," dit Molina, "entortar, encorvar," dit-il ailleurs, signifie donc baisser, incliner la tête, se tortuer, courber, ce qui, avec la particule locale _lan_ pour _tlan_ ou _tan_, la terre, l'endroit, annonce une terre ou un pays recourbé, sens exact du mot _tollan_. Du même verbe vient _tollin_, le jonc, le roseau, dont la tête s'incline au moindre vent; de là, le sens de Jonquière, de limné, que peut prendre _tollan_, dont le hiéroglyphe représente précisément le son et la chose, et qui paraît exprimer doublement l'idée de cette terre fameuse de la Courbe ou du Croissant, basse et marécageuse en beaucoup d'endroits suivant la tradition.... Dans sa (the word _toloa_) signification active, Molina le traduit par "tragar", avaler, engloutir, ce qui donne alors pour _tollan_, le sens de terre engloutie, abîmée, qui, comme vous le voyez, convient on ne peut mieux dans le cas présent. Mais si _tollan_ est la terre engloutie, si c'est en même temps le pays de la Courbe, Metztli ou le Croissant, ces deux noms, remarquez-le, peuvent s'appliquer aussi bien au lieu où il a été englouti, à l'eau qui se courbait le long des rivages du Croissant, soit à l'intérieur des grandes golfes du nord et du midi, soit au rivage convexe, tourné comme le genou de la jambe, vers l'Orient. C'est ainsi qu'on retrouve l'identification continuelle de l'idée mâle avec l'idée femelle, du contenu et du contenant, de _tollan_, le pays englouti, avec _tollan_, l'océan engloutisseur, de l'eau qui est contenue et des continents qui l'enserrent dans leurs limites. Ajoutons, pour compléter cette analyse, que _tol_, dans la langue quichée, est un verbe, dont _tolan_ est le passé, et qu'ainsi que _tulan_ il signifie l'abandon, la nudité, etc. De _tol_, faites _tor_, dans la même langue, et vous aurez avec _toran_, ce qui est tourné ou retourné, comme en mexicain, de même que dans _turn_ (touran) vous trouverez ce qui a été renversé, bouleversé de fond en comble, noyé sous les eaux, etc. Dans la langue maya, _tul_ signifie remplir, combler, et _an_, comme en quiché, est le passé du verbe: mais si à _tul_ on ajoute _ha_ ou _a_, l'eau, nous avons _Tuhla_ ou _Tula_, rempli, submergé d'eau. En dernière analyse, _tol_ ou _tul_ paraît avoir pour l'origine _ol_, _ul_, couler, venir, suivant le quiché encore; primitif d'_olli_, ou bien d'_ulli_, en langue nahuatl, la gomme élastique liquide, la boule noire du jeu de paume, qui devient le hiéroglyphe de l'eau, remplissant les deux golfes. Le préfixe _t_ pour _ti_ serait une préposition; faisant _to_, il signifie l'orbite de l'oeil, en quiché, image de l'abîme que la boule noire remplit comme sa prunelle, ce dont vous pouvez vous assurer dans la figure de la page suivante; _to_ est, en outre, l'aide, l'instrument, devenant _tool_; mais en mexicain, _to_, primitif de _ton_, est la chaleur de l'eau bouillante. _Tol_, contracté de _to-ol_, pourrait donc avoir signifié "le liquide bouillant", ou la venue de la chaleur bouillante, de l'embrasement. Avec _teca_, étendre, le mot entier _tolteca_, nous aurions donc, étendre le courbé, etc., et _tol-tecatl_, le toltèque, serait ce qui étend le courbé ou l'englouti, on bien l'eau bouillante, etc. Ces étymologies rentrent donc toutes dans la même idée qui, sous bien des rapports, fait des Toltèques, une des puissances telluriques, destructrices de la terre du Croissant.' _Id._, _Quatre Lettres_, pp. 118-20. TOTONACS;--From _tototl_ and _nacatl_, 'bird-flesh'; or from _tona_, 'to be warm'. _Buschmann_, _Ortsnamen_, p. 13. '_Totonaco_ significa á la letra, tres corazones en un sentido, y tres panales en otro,' from _toto_, 'three', and _naco_, 'heart', in the Totonac language. _Dominguez_, in _Pimentel_, _Cuadro_, tom. i., pp. 226-7. '_Totonal_, el signo, en que alguno nasce, o el alma y espiritu.' _Molina_, _Vocabulario_. TUTUL-XIUS;--'Le nom des Tutul-Xiu paraît d'origine nahuatl; il serait dérivé de _totol_, _tototl_, oiseau, et de _xíuitl_, ou _xíhuitl_, herbe.' _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, in _Landa_, _Rel. de las Cosas de Yucatan_, p. 47. XICALANCAS;--'_Xicalli_, vaso de calabaça.' _Molina_, _Vocabulario_. _Xicalli_, 'place of this species of calabash or drinking-shell.' _Buschmann_, _Ortsnamen_, p. 17. 'Xicalanco, la Ville des courges ou des tasses faites de la courge et appelée Xicalli dans ces contrées, et dont les Espagnols ont fait Xicara.' _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. i., p. 110. XOCHIMILCAS;--From _xochitl_, 'flower', and _milli_, 'piece of land', meaning 'place of flower-fields.' _Buschmann_, _Ortsnamen_, p. 94. '_Xochimicque_ captiuos en guerra.' _Molina_, _Vocabulario_. '_Xochimilca_, habitants de _Xochimilco_, lieu où l'on sème tout en bas de la Base, nom de la terre végétale et fertile où l'on ensemençait, _m'il_, qu'on retourne, d'où le mot _mil_ ou _milli_, champ, terre ensemencée, et sans doute aussi le latin _milium_, notre _míl_ et _millet_.' 'J'ajouterai seulement que ce nom signifie dans le langage ordinaire, ceux qui cultivent de fleurs, de _xochitl_, fleur, littéralement, ce qui vit sous la base.' _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Quatre Lettres_, pp. 406-8. YOPPI;--'Llámanles _yopes_ porque su tierra se llama _Yopinzinco_.' _Sahagun_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. iii., lib. x., p. 135. 'Inferimos ... que yope, yopi, jope, segun se encuentra escrita la palabra en varios lugares, es sinónimo de tlapaneca.' _Orozco y Berra_, _Geografía_, pp. 26-7. _Yopaa_, 'Land of Tombs.' _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. iii., p. 9. ZAPOTECS;--'_Tzapotl_, cierta fruta conocida.' _Molina_, _Vocabulario_. _Tzapotlan_, 'place of the zapotes, trees or fruits.' _Buschmann_, _Ortsnamen_, p. 16. 'Derivado de la palabra mexicana _tzapotlan_, que significa "lugar de los _zapotes_", nombre castellanizado de una fruta muy conocida.' _Pimentel_, _Cuadro_, tom. i., p. 319. '_Zapotecapan_ est le nom que les Mexicains avaient donné à cette contrée, à cause de la quantité et de la qualité supérieure de ses fruits.' _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. iii., p. 38. ZOTZILES;--'_Zotzil_, murciélago.' _Pimentel_, _Cuadro_, tom. ii., p. 245. Zotzilha 'signifie la ville des Chauves-Souris.' _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. ii., p. 88. CHAPTER III. GOVERNMENT OF THE NAHUA NATIONS. SYSTEM OF GOVERNMENT--THE AZTEC CONFEDERACY--ORDER OF SUCCESSION--ELECTION OF KINGS AMONG THE MEXICANS--ROYAL PREROGATIVES--GOVERNMENT AND LAWS OF SUCCESSION AMONG THE TOLTECS AND IN MICHOACAN, TLASCALA, CHOLULA, HUEXOTZINCO, AND OAJACA--MAGNIFICENCE OF THE NAHUA MONARCHS--CEREMONY OF ANOINTMENT--ASCENT TO THE TEMPLE--THE HOLY UNCTION--ADDRESS OF THE HIGH-PRIEST TO THE KING--PENANCE AND FASTING IN THE HOUSE CALLED TLACATECCO--HOMAGE OF THE NOBLES--GENERAL REJOICING THROUGHOUT THE KINGDOM--CEREMONY OF CORONATION--THE PROCURING OF SACRIFICES--DESCRIPTION OF THE CROWN--CORONATIONS, FEASTS, AND ENTERTAINMENTS--HOSPITALITY EXTENDED TO ENEMIES--CORONATION-SPEECH OF NEZAHUALPILLI, KING OF TEZCUCO, TO MONTEZUMA II. OF MEXICO--ORATION OF A NOBLE TO A NEWLY ELECTED KING. The prevailing form of government among the civilized nations of Mexico and Central America was monarchical and nearly absolute, although some of the smaller and less powerful states, as for instance, Tlascala, affected an aristocratic republican system. The three great confederated states of Mexico, Tezcuco, and Tlacopan were each governed by a king, who had supreme authority in his own dominion, and in matters touching it alone. Where, however, the welfare of the whole allied community was involved, no one king could act without the concurrence of the others; nevertheless, the judgment of one who was held to be especially skilful and wise in any question under consideration, was usually deferred to by his colleagues. Thus in matters of war, or foreign relations, the opinion of the king of Mexico had most weight, while in the administration of home government, and in decisions respecting the rights of persons, it was customary during the reigns of the two royal sages of Tezcuco, Nezahualcoyotl and Nezahualpilli, to respect their counsel above all other.[1] The relative importance of these three kingdoms must, however, have shown greater disparity as fresh conquests were made, since in the division of territory acquired by force of arms, Tlacopan received only one fifth, and of the remainder, judging by the relative power and extent of the states when the Spaniards arrived, it is probable that Mexico took the larger share.[2] [Sidenote: ELECTION OF KINGS.] [Sidenote: ORDER OF SUCCESSION.] In Tezcuco and Tlacopan the order of succession was lineal and hereditary, in Mexico it was collateral and elective. In the two former kingdoms, however, although the sons succeeded their fathers, it was not according to birth, but according to rank; the sons of the queen, or principal wife, who was generally a daughter of the royal house of Mexico, being always preferred to the rest.[3] In Mexico, the eldest surviving brother of the deceased monarch was generally elected to the throne, and when there were no more brothers, then the nephews, commencing with the eldest son of the first brother that had died; but this order was not necessarily observed, since the electors, though restricted in their choice to one family, could set aside the claims of those whom they considered incompetent to reign; and, indeed, it was their particular duty to select from among the relatives of the deceased king the one best fitted to bear the dignity and responsibility of supreme lord.[4] During the early days of the Mexican monarchy the king was elected by vote of the whole people, who were guided in their choice by their leaders; even the women appear to have had a voice in the matter at this period.[5] Afterwards, the duty of electing the king of Mexico devolved upon four or five of the chief men of the empire. The kings of Tezcuco and Tlacopan were also electors, but with merely an honorary rank; they ratified the decision of the others, but probably took no direct part in the election, although their influence and wishes doubtless carried great weight with the council. As soon as the new king had been chosen the body of electors was dissolved, and others were appointed in their place, whose duties also terminated with their first electoral vote.[6] This plan of election was not without its advantages. As the persons to whom the choice was entrusted were great ministers or lords who lived at court, they had better opportunities of observing the true character of the future candidates for the throne than the common people, who are ever too apt to judge, by pleasing exterior rather than by real merit, those with whose private life they can have no acquaintance. In the next place, the high private rank of the Mexican electors placed them beyond the ordinary influence of bribery or threats; and thus the state was in a measure free from that system of corruption which makes the voice of the people a mockery in more democratic communities, and which would have prevailed to a far greater extent in a country where feudal relations existed between lord and vassal. Then again, the freedom of choice accorded to electors enabled them to prevent imbeciles from assuming the responsibilities of kingship, and thus the most conspicuous evil of an hereditary monarchy was avoided. [Sidenote: POWER OF THE MEXICAN KINGS.] The almost absolute authority vested in the person of the sovereign rendered great discrimination necessary in his selection. It was essential that the ruler of a people surrounded by enemies and continually bent upon conquest, should be an approved and valiant warrior; having the personal direction of state affairs, it was necessary that he should be a deep and subtle politician; the gross superstition and theocratic tendencies of the governed required the governor to be versed in religion, holding the gods in reverence; and the records of the nation prove that he was generally a man of culture, and a patron of art and science. In its first stages the Mexican monarchy partook rather of an aristocratic than of an absolute nature. Though the king was ostensibly the supreme head of the state, he was expected to confer with his council, which was composed of the royal electors, and other exalted personages, before deciding upon any important step;[7] and though the legislative power rested entirely in his hands, the executive government was entrusted to regularly appointed officials and courts of justice. As the empire, owing to the able administration of a succession of conquering princes, increased in greatness, the royal power gradually increased, although I find nothing of constitutional amendments or reconstructions until the time of Montezuma II., when the authority of all tribunals was reduced almost to a dead letter, if opposed to the desires or commands of the king. The neighboring independent and powerful kingdom of Michoacan was governed by an absolute monarch, who usually resided at his capital, on Lake Patzcuaro. Over each province was placed a governor, chosen from the first ranks of the nobility, who ruled with great if not absolute authority, in the name of the king, and maintained a court that was in almost every respect a miniature of that of his sovereign. The order of succession was hereditary and lineal, the eldest son generally succeeding to the throne. The selection of a successor, however, was left to the reigning king, who, when he felt himself to be near his end, was at liberty to choose from among his sons the one whom he thought best fitted to govern. In order to test his capability and accustom him to handling the reigns of government, and that he might have the old monarch's advice, the chosen heir immediately began to exercise the functions of king. A custom similar to this existed among the ancient Toltecs. Their kings were only permitted to reign for a _xiuhmolpilli_, that is to say an 'age,' which was fifty-two years, after which time the eldest son was invested with royal authority and commenced to reign.[8] When the old Michoacan monarch fell sick, the son who had been nominated as his successor immediately dispatched messengers to all the grandees of the kingdom, with orders to repair immediately to the capital. None was exempt from being present, and a failure to comply with the summons was held to be lèse-majesté. Having assembled at the palace, if the invalid is able to receive them, the nobles pass one by one through his chamber and with words of condolence and encouragement seek to comfort him. Before leaving the palace each mourner deposits in the throne-room certain presents, brought for the occasion as a more substantial testimonial of his sorrow. If, however, the physicians pronounce the royal patient beyond hope of recovery, no one is allowed to see him.[9] [Sidenote: GOVERNMENT IN TLASCALA.] [Sidenote: THE PONTIFF OF YOPAA.] He who reads the romantic story of the conquest, feels his heart warm towards that staunch little nation of warriors, the Tlascaltecs. There is that about the men who ate their meat saltless for fifty years rather than humble themselves before the mighty despots of Mexico, that savors of the same material that defied the Persian host at Thermopylæ. Had the Tlascaltecs steadily opposed the Spaniards, Cortés never could have gone forward to look upon the face of King Montezuma, nor backward to King Charles as the conqueror of New Spain; the warriors who routed their allied enemies on the bloody plains of Poyauhtlan, assuredly could have offered the hearts of the invaders an acceptable sacrifice to the gods of Tlascala. The state of Tlascala, though invariably spoken of as a republic, was certainly not so in the modern acceptation of the term. At the time of the conquest it was governed by four supreme lords, each independent in his own territory, and possessed of equal authority with the others in matters concerning the welfare of all.[10] A parliament or senate, composed of these four lords and the rest of the nobility, settled the affairs of government, especially those relating to peace and war. The law of succession was much the same as in Michoacan. The chief before his death named the son whom he wished to succeed him, who, however, did not, as in Michoacan, commence to govern until after his father's death. The old chief's choice was restricted in two ways: in the first place the approval of his three colleagues was necessary; and secondly, legitimate sons, that is the sons of a wife to whom he had been united according to certain forms, must take precedence of his other children. In default of sons, the brothers of the deceased chief succeeded.[11] In any event the property of the late ruler was inherited by his brothers, who also, according to a custom which we shall find to be almost universal among the civilized peoples of the New World, married his widows.[12] Such information as I find upon the subject ascribes the same form of government to Cholula and Huexotzinco, that was found in Tlascala.[13] The Miztecs and Zapotecs acknowledged one supreme chief or king; the law of inheritance with them was similar to that of Tlascala, except that in default of sons a daughter could inherit.[14] The Zapotecs appear, at least in the more ancient times, to have been, if possible, even more priest-ridden than their neighbors; the orders of priests existing among them were, as will be seen elsewhere, numerous, and seem to have possessed great power, secular as well as sacerdotal. Yopaa, one of their principal cities, was ruled absolutely by a pontiff, in whom the Zapotec monarchs had a powerful rival. It is impossible to overrate the reverence in which this spiritual king was held. He was looked upon as a god, whom the earth was not worthy to hold, nor the sun to shine upon. He profaned his sanctity if he so much as touched the ground with his foot. The officers who bore his palanquin upon their shoulders were members of the first Zapotec families; he scarcely deigned to look upon anything about him. He never appeared in public, except with the most extraordinary pomp, and all who met him fell with their faces to the ground, fearing that death would overtake them were they to look upon the face of the holy Wiyatao, as he was called. The most powerful lords never entered his presence except with eyes lowered and feet bared, and even the Zapotec princes of the blood must occupy a seat before him lower than his own. Continence was strictly imposed upon the Zapotec priests, and especially was it incumbent upon the pontiff of Yopaa, from the eminence of his position, to be a shining light of chastity for the guidance of those who looked up to him; yet was the pontifical dignity hereditary in the family of the Wiyatao. The way in which this paradox is explained is as follows: on certain days in each year, which were generally celebrated with feasts and dances, it was customary for the high-priest to become drunk. While in this state, seeming to belong neither to heaven nor to earth, one of the most beautiful of the virgins consecrated to the service of the gods was brought to him. If the result of this holy debauch proved to be a male infant, the child was brought up with great care as a prince of the royal family. The eldest son of the reigning pontiff inherited the throne of Yopaa, or in default of children, the high-priest's nearest relative succeeded. The younger children devoted themselves to the service of the gods, or married and remained laymen, according to their inclination or the paternal wish; in either case the most honorable and important positions usually fell to their lot.[15] * * * * * The pomp and circumstance which surrounded the Aztec monarchs, and the magnificence of their every-day life was most impressive. From the moment of his coronation the Aztec sovereign lived in an atmosphere of adulation unknown to the mightiest potentate of the old world. Reverenced as a god, the haughtiest nobles, sovereigns in their own land, humbled themselves before him; absolute in power, the fate of thousands depended upon a gesture of his hand. [Sidenote: CEREMONY OF ANOINTMENT.] The ceremony of anointment, which preceded and was entirely distinct from that of coronation, was an occasion of much display. In Mexico, as soon as the new king was elected, which was immediately after the funeral of his predecessor, the kings of Tezcuco and Tlacopan were sent for to be present at the ceremony of anointment; all the great feudatory lords, who had been present at the funeral of the late king, were also invited to attend. When all are assembled the procession sets out for the temple of Huitzilopochtli, the god of war. The kings of Tezcuco and Tlacopan, surrounded by all the most powerful nobles of the realm, bearing their ensigns and insignia of rank, lead the van. Next comes the king elect, naked, excepting only the maxtli, or cloth about the loins; following these are the lesser nobles, and after them the common people. Silently the procession wends its way along the streets; no beat of drum nor shout of people is heard above the tramping. The road in advance is as free from obstruction as a corridor in the royal palace; no one moves among the multitude that string along its edges, but all stand with bended head and eyes downcast until the solemn pageant has passed, when they close in with the jostling and whispering crowd that follows. Arrived at the temple the king and that part of the procession which precedes him ascend to the summit. During the ascent he is supported on either side by a great lord, and such aid is not superfluous, for the staircases, having in all one hundred and fourteen steps, each a foot high, are so arranged that it is necessary to go completely round the building several times before reaching the top. On the summit the king is met by the high-priest and his colleagues, the people meanwhile waiting below. His first action upon reaching the summit is to pay reverence to the image of the god of battles by touching the earth with his hand and then carrying it to his mouth. The high-priest now anoints the king throughout his entire body with a certain black ointment, and sprinkles him with water which has been blessed at the grand feast of Huitzilopochtli, using for this purpose branches of cedar and willow and leaves of maize;[16] at the same time he addresses a few words of counsel to him. The newly anointed monarch is next clothed with a mantle, on which are represented skulls and bones, to remind him, we are told, that even kings are mortal; his head is covered with two cloths, or veils, one blue and the other black, and decorated in a similar manner; about his neck is tied a small gourd, containing a certain powder, which is esteemed a strong preservative against disease, sorcery, and treason. A censer containing live coals is put into his right hand, and into his left a bag of copal, and thus accoutred and provided he proceeds to incense the god Huitzilopochtli.[17] This act of worship he performs on his knees, amid the cheers of the people below, and the playing of musical instruments. He has concluded now, and the high-priest again addresses a short speech to him. Consider well, Sire, he says, the great honor which your subjects have conferred upon you, and remember now that you are king, that it is your duty to watch over your people with great care, to look upon them as your children, to preserve them from suffering, and to protect the weak from the oppression of the strong. Behold before you the chiefs of your kingdom together with all your subjects, to whom you are both father and mother, for it is to you they turn for protection. It is now your place to command and to govern, and most especially is it your duty to bestow great attention upon all matters relating to war, to search out and punish criminals without regard to rank, to put down rebellion, and to chastise the seditious. Let not the strength of religion decline during your reign, see that the temples are well cared for, let there be ever an abundance of victims for sacrifice, and so will you prosper in all your undertakings and be beloved of the gods. Gomara affirms that the high-priest imposed an oath upon the king that during his reign he would maintain the religion of his ancestors, and observe their laws; that he would give offence to none, and be valiant in war; that he would make the sun to shine, the clouds to give rain, the rivers to flow, and the earth to bring forth fruits in abundance.[18] The allied kings and the nobles next address him to the same purpose; to which the king answers with thanks and promises to exert himself to the utmost of his power for the happiness of the state. The speeches being ended the procession again winds round the temple until, following terrace after terrace, it finally reaches the ground in the same order that it went up. The king now receives homage and gifts from the rest of the nobility, amidst the loud acclaims of the people. He is next conducted to a temple called Tlacatecco, where during four days he remains alone, doing penance and eating but once a day, with the liberty, however, of choosing his own food. Twice in each twenty-four hours he bathes, once at noon and once at midnight, and after each bath he draws blood from his ears and offers it, together with some burnt copal, to Huitzilopochtli. The remainder of his time during these four days he occupies in praying the gods to endow him with the wisdom and prudence necessary to the ruler of a mighty kingdom. On the fifth day he is conducted in state to the royal palace, where the feudatory lords come to renew the investiture of their feifs. Then follow great public rejoicings, with games, feasts, dances, and illuminations. * * * * * [Sidenote: CORONATION CEREMONY.] The coronation was, as I have stated, a ceremony distinct from the anointment. To prepare for it, it was necessary that the newly elected king should go out to war, to procure victims for the sacrifices necessary on such an occasion. They were never without enemies upon whom war might be made; either some province of the kingdom had rebelled, or Mexican merchants had been unjustly put to death, or insult had been offered to the royal ambassadors, or, if none of these excuses was at hand, the importance of the occasion alone rendered war justifiable. Of the manner in which war was waged, and of the triumphal return of the victorious army, I shall speak in another place. It appears that when a king of Mexico was crowned, the diadem was placed upon his head by the king of Tezcuco. The crown, which was called by the Mexicans _copilli_, was in shape like a small mitre, the fore part of which stood erect and terminated in a point, while the hinder part hung down over the neck. It was composed of different materials, according to the pleasure of the wearer; sometimes it was of thin plates of gold, sometimes it was woven of golden thread and adorned with beautiful feathers.[19] Accounts of the particular ceremonies used at the coronation are wanting, but all agree that they were of unparalleled splendor. The new king entertained most sumptuously at his own palace all the great nobles of his realm; honors were conferred with a lavish hand, and gifts were made in profusion both by and to the king. Splendid banquets were given in which all the nobility of the kingdom participated, and the lower classes were feasted and entertained with the greatest liberality. The fondness of the Aztecs for all kinds of public games and festivals is evidenced in the frequency of their feasts, and in no way could a newly elected monarch better secure a place in the affections of his subjects than by inaugurating his reign with a series of splendid entertainments. The strange fascination which this species of enjoyment possessed for them is shown by the fact that strangers and foreigners came from afar to witness the coronation feasts, and it is related that members of hostile nations were frequently discovered disguised among the crowd, and were not only allowed by the clemency of the king to pass unmolested, but were provided with seats, from which they could obtain a good view of the proceedings and where they would be secure from insult.[20] One of the principal features of the day was the congratulatory speech of one monarch to another, which was courteous and flattering and filled with good advice; the following address of Nezahualpilli, king of Tezcuco, to Montezuma II., on the occasion of the accession of the latter to the throne of Mexico, will illustrate. [Sidenote: ADDRESS TO THE KING.] The great good fortune, most mighty lord, which has befallen this kingdom in deserving thee for its monarch, is plainly shown by the unanimity with which thou wast elected, and by the general rejoicing of thy people thereat. And they have reason to rejoice; for so great is the Mexican empire that none possessed of less wisdom, prudence, and courage, than thou, were fit to govern it. Truly is this people beloved of the gods, in that they have given it light to choose that which is best; for who can doubt that a prince who, before he came to the throne, made the nine heavens his study,[21] will, now that he is king, obtain the good things of the earth for his people? Who can doubt that his well-tried courage will be even greater now that it is so much needed? Who can believe that so mighty and powerful a prince will be found wanting in charity toward the orphan and the widow? Who can doubt that the Mexican people are favored of the gods, in having for a king one to whom the great Creator has imparted so much of his own glory that by simply looking upon his face we are made to partake of that glory? Rejoice, O happy land! for the gods have given thee a prince who will be a firm pillar for thy support, a father and a refuge for thy succor, a more than brother in pity and mercy toward his people. Verily thou hast a king who will not avail himself of his high place to give himself up to sloth and pleasure, but who, rather, will lie sleepless through the night, pondering thy welfare. Tell me, then, most fortunate land, have I not reason for saying, Rejoice and be happy! And thou most noble and puissant lord, be of good heart, for as the high gods have appointed thee to this office, so will they grant thee strength to fill it; and be well assured that the gods who have been so gracious to thee during these many years, will not now fail in their goodness; by them hast thou been raised to thy present exalted position; we pray that with their help thou mayest continue to hold it during many happy years to come.[22] It is probable that the orations used upon those occasions by the Aztecs were, like their prayers, not spoken ex tempore, nor even prepared beforehand by the speaker; most likely they were in the form of a fixed ritual, each being prepared to suit a special occasion, such as the coronation or burial of a monarch, and repeated as often as such an occasion occurred. Some orations must be delivered by particular persons; others needed only an eloquent speaker. Sahagun gives us a speech which was addressed to a newly elected king. It could be delivered, he says, by one of the high-priests, or by a noble noted for his eloquence, or by some delegate from the provinces who was an eloquent speaker, or possibly by some learned senator, or other person well versed in the art of speech-making. The language is constrained and quaint, and possibly tiresome, but as a specimen of Aztec oratory I give it in full, adhering to the sense, and as clearly as possible to the words of the original: O king, most pitiful, most devout, and best beloved, more worthy to be esteemed than precious stones or choice feathers, thou art here by the will of the Lord our God, who has appointed thee to rule over us in the place of the kings thy ancestors, who, dying, have let fall from their shoulders the burden of government under which they labored, even as one who toils up a hill heavy-laden. Perchance these dead ones still remember and care for the land which they governed, now, by the will of God, a desert, in darkness, and desolate without a king; peradventure they look with pity upon their country, which is become a place of briars and barren, and upon their poor people who are orphans, fatherless and motherless, knowing not nor understanding those things which are best; who are unable to speak for dumbness, who are as a body without a head. He who has lately left us was strong and valorous: for a few short days he was lent to us, then like a vision he slipped from our midst, and his passing was as a dream, for the Lord our God hath called him to rest with the dead kings, his ancestors, who are to-day in a manner shut from our sight in a coffer. Thus was he gathered to his people, and is even now with our father and mother, the God of Hell, who is called Mictlantecutli. Will he, peradventure, return from the place to which he is gone? May it not be that he will come back to us? Gone is he forever, and his kingdom has lost him. Never again, through all coming time, may we see his face, nor those who come after us. He is gone from our sight forever. Our light is put out; we, whom he illumined, whom he carried, as it were, upon his shoulders, are abandoned, and in darkness, and in great peril of destruction. Behold he has left his people and the throne and seat whereon our Lord God placed him, and which he made it his constant aim to hold in peace and quietness. He did not cover his hands and feet with his mantle for laziness, but with diligence did he work for the good of his people. In thee, O most compassionate king, we have a great solace and joy; in thee hath the Lord God given us a sun-like glory and splendor. God points at thee with his finger, he hath written down thy name in red letters. It is fixed above and below, in heaven and in hell, that thou shalt be king and possess the throne and seat and dignity of this kingdom, the root of which was deep planted long ago by thine ancestors, they themselves being its first branches. To thee, Sire, is entrusted the care of the seignory. Thou art the successor of the lords, thy predecessors, and must bear the burden they bore; upon thy back must thou place the load of this kingdom; to the strength of thy thighs and thine arms does the Lord God entrust the government of the common people, who are capricious and hard to please. For many years must thou support and amuse them as though they were young children; during all thy life must thou dandle them in thine arms, nurse them on thy lap and soothe them to sleep with a lullaby. O, our lord, most serene and estimable, this thing was determined in heaven and in hell; this matter was considered and thou wast signaled out, upon thee fell the choice of the Lord our God. Was it possible that thou couldst hide thyself or escape this decision? In what esteem dost thou hold the Lord God? With what respect dost thou consider the kings and great nobles who have been inspired by God to choose thee for our father and mother, whose election is divine and irrevocable? This being so, O our lord, see that thou girdest thyself for thy task, that thou puttest thy shoulder to the burden which has been imposed upon thee. Let the will of God be obeyed. Perchance thou wilt carry this load for a space, or it may be that death will cut thee off, and thy election be as a dream. Take heed, therefore, that thou art not ungrateful, setting small store by the benefits of God. Be assured that he sees all secret things, and that he will afflict thee in such manner as may seem good to him. Peradventure he will send thee into the mountains and waste places, or he will cast thee upon dirt and filthiness, or some fearful and ugly thing will happen to thee; perchance thou shalt be defamed and covered with shame, or discord and revolt shall arise in thy kingdom, so that thou shalt fall into contempt and be cast down; perhaps other kings, thine enemies, may rise up against thee and conquer thee; or possibly the Lord may suffer famine and want to desolate thy kingdom. What wilt thou do if in thy time thy kingdom should be destroyed, and the wrath of our God should visit thee in a pestilence? Or if the light of thy splendor should be turned into utter darkness, and thy dominions laid waste? Or if death should come upon thee while thou art yet young, or the Lord God should set his foot upon thee before thou hast fully gathered up the reins of government? What wilt thou do if God on a sudden should send forth armies of enemies against thee, from the wilderness or from the sea, from the waste and barren places where men wage war and shed blood that the thirst of the sun and the earth may be slaked? Manifold are the punishments of God for those that offend him. Wherefore, O our king, it behoves thee with all thy strength to do that which is right in the fulfilment of thine office, taking care that this be done with tears and sighs, and continual prayer to the Lord our God, the invisible, the impalpable. Draw near to him, Sire, weeping, and in all sincerity, that he may help thee to govern in peace. Beware that thou receivest with kindness and humility those that approach thee in grief and despair. Neither speak nor act rashly, but hear calmly and to the end all complaints brought before thee; do not harshly interrupt the words of the speaker, for thou art the image of the Lord God, in thee is represented his person, thou art his reliance, with thy mouth he speaks, with thine ear he listens. Be no respecter of persons, Sire, but punish all alike, and justly, for thou hast thy power of God, thy right hand to punish is as the claws and teeth of God, for thou art his judge and executioner. Do justice, therefore, heeding the wrath of none; this is the command of God, who hath given the doing of these things into thine hand. Take care that in the high places of the lords and judges there be nothing done snatchingly nor in haste, that there be no hot words nor deeds done in anger. Say not now in thine heart, I am the lord, my will is law, but rather let this be an occasion for the humbling of thy valor and the lowering of thy self-esteem. Look to it that thy new dignities be not the means of puffing thee up with pride and haughtiness, but in place thereof ponder often on thy former lowly estate, from which, without desert, thou wast taken and placed where thou now art. Say to thine heart, Who was I? Who am I? Not by mine own deserts did I attain this high place, but by the will of God; verily all this is a dream, and not sober truth. Be watchful, Sire, that thou dost not rest free from care, that thou dost not grow heedless with pleasure, and become a glutton and wine-bibber, spending in feasting and drunkenness that which is earned by the sweat of thy subjects; let not the graciousness which God has shown in electing thee king, be repaid with profanity, folly, and disturbances. O King and grandchild of ours, God watches over those that govern his kingdoms, and when they do wrong he laughs at them; he mocks and is silent; for he is the Lord our God, he does what he pleases, he scoffs at whom he pleases; we are the work of his hand, in the hollow of his palm he tosses us to and fro even as balls and playthings, he makes a mockery of us as we stumble and fall, he uses us for his ends as we roll from side to side. Strive hard, O king, to do what thou hast to do little by little. Perchance the number of our sins has rendered us unworthy, and thy election will be to us a vision that passes; or perchance it may be the will of the Lord that thou possess the royal dignity for a time; perchance he will prove thee, and put thee to the test, and, if thou art found wanting will set up another in thy place. Are not the friends of the Lord great in number? Art thou the only one whom he holds dear? Many are the friends of the Lord; many are those that call upon him; many are those that lift up their voices before him; many are those that weep before him; many are those that tearfully pray to him; many are those that sigh in his presence; verily all these are uncountable. There are many generous and prudent men of great ability and power, who pray to the Lord and cry aloud to him; behold, therefore, there are not lacking others beside thyself on whom to confer the dignity of king. Peradventure as a thing that endures not, as a thing seen in sleep, the Lord gives thee this great honor and glory; peradventure he gives thee to smell of his tender sweetness, and passes it quickly over thy lips. O king, most fortunate, bow down and humble thyself; weep with sadness and sigh; pray fervently and do the will of the Lord by night as well as by day, during the time he sees fit to spare thee. Act thy part with calmness, continually praying on thy throne with kindness and softness. Take heed that thou givest none cause for pain or weariness or sorrow, that thou settest thy foot upon none, that thou frightest none with angry words or fierce looks. Refrain also, O our king, from all lewd jests and converse, lest thou bring thy person into contempt; levity and buffoonery are not fit for one of thy dignity. Incline not thine ear to ribaldry, even though it come from a near relative, for though as a man thou art mortal, yet in respect to thine office thou art as God. Though thou art our fellow-creature and friend, our son and our brother, yet are we not thine equals, nor do we look upon thee as a man, in that thou now art the image of the Lord God; he it is that speaks within thee, instructing us and making himself heard through thy lips; thy mouth is his mouth, thy tongue is his tongue, thy face is his face. Already he has graced thee with his authority, he has given thee teeth and claws that thou mayest be feared and respected. See to it, Sire, that thy former levity be now laid aside, that thou take to thyself the heart of an old man, of one who is austere and grave. Look closely to thine honor, to the decency of thy person, and the majesty of thine office; let thy words be few and serious, for thou art now another being. Behold the place on which thou standest is exceeding high, and the fall therefrom is perilous. Consider that thou goest on a lofty ridge and upon a narrow path having a fearful depth sheer down on either side, so that it is impossible to swerve to the right or to the left without falling headlong into the abyss. It also behoves thee, Sire, to guard thyself against being cross-grained and fierce and dreaded as a wild beast by all. Combine moderation with rigor, inclining rather to mercy than to pitilessness. Never show all thy teeth nor put forth the full length of thy claws. Never appear startled or in fear, harsh or dangerous; conceal thy teeth and claws; assemble thy chief men together, make thyself acceptable to them with gifts and kind words. Provide also for the entertainment of the common people according to their quality and rank; adapt thyself to the different classes of the people and ingratiate thyself with them. Have a care and concern thyself about the dances, and about the ornaments and instruments used at them, for they are the means of infusing a warlike spirit into men. Gladden the hearts of the common people with games and amusements, for thus wilt thou become famous and be beloved, and even after death thy fame will live and the old men and women who knew thee will shed tears of sorrow for thine absence. O most fortunate and happy king, most precious treasure, bear in mind that thou goest by a craggy and dangerous road, whereon thou must step with firmness, for in the path of kings and princes there are many yawning gulfs, and slippery places, and steep, pathless slopes, where the matted thorn-bushes and long grass hide pitfalls having pointed stakes set upright in them. Wherefore it behoves thee to call upon thy God with moanings and lamentations, to watch constantly, and to shun the harlot, who is a curse and a sickness to man. Sleep not lightly in thy bed, Sire, but rather lie and ponder the affairs of thy kingdom; even in thy slumbers let thy dreams be of the good things in thy charge, that thou mayest know how best to distribute them among thy lords and courtiers, for there are many who envy the king, and would fain eat as he eats and drink as he drinks, wherefore is it said that kings 'eat the bread of grief.' Think not, Sire, that the royal throne is a soft and pleasant seat, for there is nothing but trouble and penitence. O blessed and most precious king, it is not my wish to cause pain to thine heart nor to excite thy wrath and indignation; it is sufficient for me that I have many times stumbled and slipped, aye, and have even fallen, during this discourse of mine; enough for me are the faults of the speech which I have spoken, going, in a manner, with jumps like a frog before our Lord God, the invisible, the impalpable, who is here and listening to us, who has heard distinctly the slightest of the words which I have spoken stammeringly and with hesitation, in bad order and with unapt gestures; but in doing this I have complied with the custom which obliges the aged men of the state to address a newly elected king. In like manner have I done my duty to our God who hears me, to whom I make an offering of this my speech. Long mayest thou live and reign, O lord and king. I have spoken. FOOTNOTES: [1] _Las Casas_, _Hist. Apologética_, MS., cap. ccxi.; _Zurita_, _Rapport_, in _Ternaux-Compans_, _Voy._, série ii., tom. i., p. 95; _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., p. 354. [2] Ixtlilxochitl, for whose patriotism due allowance must be made, writes: 'Es verdad, que el de Mexico y Tezcuco fueron iguales en dignidad señorío y rentas; y el de Tlacopan solo tenia cierta parte como la quinta, en lo que era rentas y despues en los otros dos.' _Hist. Chichimeca_, in _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. ix., p. 238. Zurita also affirms this: 'Dans certaines, les tributs étaient répartis en portions égales, et dans d'autres on en faisait cinq parts: le souverain de Mexico et celui de Tezcuco en prélevaient chacun deux, celui de Tacuba une seule.' _Rapport_, in _Ternaux-Compans_, _Voy._, série ii., tom. i., p. 12. 'Quedó pues determinado que á los estados de Tlacopan se agregase la quinta parte de las tierras nuevamente conquistadas, y el resto se dividiese igualmente entre el príncipe y el rey de Méjico.' _Veytia_, _Hist. Ant. Mej._, tom. iii., p. 164. Brasseur de Bourbourg agrees with and takes his information from Ixtlilxochitl. _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. iii., p. 191. Torquemada makes a far different division: 'Concurriendo los tres, se diese la quinta parte al Rei de Tlacupa, y el Tercio de lo que quedase, à Neçalhualcoiotl; y los demas, à Itzcohuatzin, como à Cabeça Maior, y Suprema.' _Monarq. Ind._, tom. i., p. 146. As also does Clavigero: 'Si diede quella Corona (Tlacopan) a Totoquihuatzin sotto la condizione di servir con tutte le sue truppe al Re di Messico, ogni volta che il richiedesse, assegnando a lui medesimo per ciò la quinta parte delle spoglie, che si avessero dai nemici. Similmente Nezahualcojotl fu messo in possesso del trono d'Acolhuacan sotto la condizione di dover soccorrere i Messicani nella guerra, e perció gli fu assegnata la terza parte della preda, cavatane prima quella del Re di Tacuba, restando l'altre due terze parti pel Re Messicano.' _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. i., p. 224. Prescott says it was agreed that 'one fifth should be assigned to Tlacopan, and the remainder be divided, in what proportion is uncertain, between the other powers.' _Mex._, vol. i., p. 18. [3] _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., p. 356; _Zurita_, _Rapport_, in _Ternaux-Compans_, _Voy._, série ii., tom. i., pp. 12-13; _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., p. 116; _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. iii., p. 577. [4] Torquemada writes: 'esta fue costumbre de estos Mexicanos, en las Elecciones, que hacian, que fuesen Reinando sucesivamente, los Hermanos, vnos despues de otros, y acabando de Reinar el vltimo, entraba en su lugar, el Hijo de Hermano Maior, que primero avia Reinado, que era Sobrino de los otros Reies, qui à su Padre avian sucedido.' _Monarq. Ind._, tom. i., p. 107. 'Los Reies (of Mexico) no heredaban, sino que eran elegidos, y como vimos en el Libro de los Reies, quando el Rei moria, si tenia hermano, entraba heredando; y muerto este, otro, si lo avia; y quando faltaba, le sucedia el sobrino, Hijo de su hermano maior, à quien, por su muerte, avia sucedido, y luego el hermano de este, y así discurrian por los demas.' _Id._, tom. ii., p. 177. Zurita states that in Tezcuco and Tlacopan, and their dependent provinces, 'le droit de succession le plus ordinaire était celui du sang en ligne directe de père en fils; mais tous les fils n'héritaient point, il n'y avait que le fils aîné de l'épouse principale que le souverain avait choisie dans cette intention. Elle jouissait d'une plus grande considération que les autres, et les sujets la respectaient davantage. Lorsque le souverain prenaient une de ses femmes dans la famille de Mexico, elle occupait le premier rang, et son fils succédait, s'il était capable.' Then, without definitely stating whether he is speaking of all or part of the three kingdoms in question, the author goes on to say, that in default of direct heirs the succession became collateral; and finally, speaking in this instance of Mexico alone, he says, that in the event of the king dying without heirs, his successor was elected by the principal nobles. In a previous paragraph he writes: 'L'ordre de succession variait suivant les provinces; les mêmes usages, à peu de différence prés, étaient reçus à Mexico, à Tezcuco et à Tacuba.' Afterward we read: 'Dans quelques provinces, comme par exemple à Mexico, les frères étaient admis à la succession, quoiqu'il y eût des fils, et ils gouvernaient successivement.' _Rapport_, in _Ternaux-Compans_, _Voy._, série ii., tom. i., pp. 12-18. M. l'Abbé Brasseur de Bourbourg, taking his information from Zurita, and, indeed, almost quoting literally from the French translation of that author, agrees that the direct line of succession obtained in Tlacopan and Tezcuco, but asserts, regarding Mexico, that the sovereign was elected by the five principal ministers of the state, who were, however, restricted in their choice to the brothers, nephews, or sons of the deceased monarch. _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. iii., pp. 576-7. Pimentel also follows Zurita. _Memoria_, p. 26. Prescott affirms that 'the sovereign was selected from the brothers of the deceased prince, or, in default of them, from his nephews.' _Mex._, vol. i., p. 23. Sahagun merely says: 'Escogian uno de los mas nobles de la linea de los señores antepasados,' who should be a valiant, wise, and accomplished man. _Hist. Gen._, tom. ii., lib. viii., p. 318. 'Per non lasciar troppa libertà agli Elettori, e per impedire, quanto fosse possibile, gl'inconvenienti de' partiti, o fazioni, fissarono la corona nella casa d'Acamapitzin; e poi stabilirono per legge, che al Re morto dovesse succedere uno de'suoi fratelli, e mancando i fratelli, uno de'suoi nipoti, e se mai non ve ne fossero neppur di questi, uno de'suoi cugini restando in balìa degli Elettori lo scegliere tra i fratelli, o tra i nipoti del Re morto colui, che riconoscessero più idoneo pel governo, schivando con sí fatta legge parecchj inconvenienti da noi altrove accennati.' _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., p. 112. Leon Carbajal quotes this almost literally. _Discurso_, pp. 54-5. That the eldest son could put forward no claim to the crown by right of primogeniture, is evident from the following: 'Quando algun Señor moria y dexava muchos hijos, si alguno se alzava en palacio y se queria preferir á los otros, aunque fuese el mayor, no lo consentia el Señor á quien pertenecia la confirmacion, y menos el pueblo. Antes dexavan pasar un año, ó mas de otro, en el qual consideravan bien que era mejor para regir ó governar el estado, y aquel permanecia por señor.' _Las Casas_, _Hist. Apologética_, MS., cap. ccxiii. Señor Carbajal Espinosa says that from the election of Chimalpopoca, who succeeded his brother Huitzilihuitl, and was the third king of Mexico, 'quedó establecida la ley de elegir uno de los hermanos del rey difunto, y á falta de éstos un sobrino, cuya práctica se observó constantemente, como lo harémos ver, hasta la ruina del imperio mexicano.' _Hist. de Mex._, tom. i., p. 334. 'El Imperio era monárquico, pero no hereditario. Muriendo el Emperador los gefes del Imperio antiguamente se juntaban y elegian entre sí mismos al que creian mas digno, y por el cual la intriga, el manejo, la supersticion, eran mas felizmente reconocidas.' _Carli_, _Cartas_, pt i., p. 114. 'Tambien auia sucession por sangre, sucedia el hijo mayor, siendo para ello, y sino el otro: en defeto de los hijos sucedian nietos, y en defeto dellos yua por elecion.' _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. iii., lib. iv., cap. xv. As the order in which the Mexican kings actually did follow each other should be stronger proof of what was the law than any other evidence, I take from the Codex Mendoza the following list: Acamapichtli, who is usually spoken of as the first king, succeeded Tenuch, although it is not stated that he was related to him in any way; then came Huicilyhuitl, son of Acamapichtli; Chimalpupuca, son of Huicilyhuitl, Yzcoaci, son of Acamapichtli; Huehuemoteccuma, son of Huicilyhuitl; Axayacaci, son of Tecocomochtli, and grandson of Yzcoaci; Tiçoçicatzi, son of Axayacaci; Ahuiçoçin, brother of Tiçoçicatzi; Motecçuma, son of Axayacaci; thus, according to this author, we see, out of nine monarchs, three succeeded directly by their sons, and three by their brothers. _Esplicacion_, in _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. v., pp. 42-53. See further, _Veytia_, _Hist. Ant. Mej._, and _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._ These writers differ slightly from the collection above quoted, but in no important respect. [5] After the death of Acamapichtli, the first king of Mexico, a general council was held, and the people were addressed as follows: 'Ya es fallido nuestro rey Acamapichtli, á quien pondremos en su lugar, que rija y gobierne este pueblo Mexicano? Pobres de los viejos, niños y mugeres viejas que hay: que será de nosotros á donde irémos á demandar rey que sea de nuestra patria y nacion Mexicana? hablen todos para de cual parte elegirémos rey, é ninguno puede dejar de hablar, pues á todos nos importa para el reparo, y cabeza de nuestra patria Mexicana esté.' Upon Huitzilihuitl being proposed, 'todos juntos, mancebos, viejos y viejas respondieron á una: que sea mucho de enhorabuena, que á él quieren por señor y rey.' _Tezozomoc_, _Crónica Mex._, in _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. ix., p. 10. Sahagun's description of their manner of electing kings, appears also to be more appropriate to this early period than to a later date: 'Cuando moria el señor ó rey para elegir otro, juntábanse los senadores que llamaban _tecutlatoque_, y tambien los viejos del pueblo que llamaban _achcacauhti_, y tambien los capitanes soldados viejos de la guerra que llamaban _Iauiequioaque_, y otros capitanes que eran principales en las cosas de la guerra, y tambien los Sátrapas que llamaban _Tlenamacazque ó papaoaque_: todos estos se juntaban en las casas reales, y allí deliberaban y determinaban quien habia de ser señor.' _Hist. Gen._, tom. ii., lib. viii., p. 318; _Acosta_, _Hist. de las Ynd._, p. 439. [6] The exact number and rank of these electors is hard to determine. 'Si le souverain de Mexico mourait sans héritier, les principaux chefs lui choisissaient un successeur dont l'élection était confirmée par les chefs supérieurs de Tezcuco et Tacuba.' _Zurita_, _Rapport_, in _Ternaux-Compans_, _Voy._, série ii., tom. i., pp. 15-16. Pimentel follows this, _Mem. sobre la Raza Indígena_, p. 26: 'Tutti e due i Re (of Tezcuco and Tlacopan) furono creati Elettori onorarj del Re di Messico, il qual onore soltanto riducevasi a ratificare l'elezion fatta da quattro Nobili Messicani, ch'erano i veri Elettori.' _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. i., p. 224. 'Despues en tiempo de Izcoatl quarto Rey, por consejo y orden de vn sabio y valeroso hombre, que tuuieron a llamado Tlacaellèl se señalaron quatro electores, y a estos juntamente con dos señores, o Reyes sujetos al Mexicano, que eran el de Tezcùco, y el de Tacuba, tocaua hazer la elecion.' _Acosta_, _Hist. de las Ynd._, p. 439. These four electors 'de ordinario eran hermanos, o parientes muy cercanos del Rey. Llamauan a estos Tlacohecalcàtl, que significa el Príncipe de los lanças arrojadizas, que era vn genero de armas que ellos mucho vsauan.' _Id._, p. 441. 'Seis electores elegian el Emperador, dos de cuales eran siempre los príncipes de Tescuco á de Acolhuacan y de Tacuba, y un príncipe de la sangre real.' _Carli_, _Cartas_, pt i., p. 114. 'Four of the principal nobles, who had been chosen by their own body in the preceding reign, filled the office of electors, to whom were added, with merely an honorary rank however, the two royal allies of Tezcuco and Tlacopan.' _Prescott's Mex._, vol. i., p. 23. Brasseur de Bourbourg gives the style and title of each elector, and says they were five in number, but does not state his authority: 'Les principaux dignitaires du royaume, le Cihuacohuatl ou Ministre suprême de la justice et de la maison du roi, le Tlacochcalcatl, Généralissime ou Maître de la maison des Armes, l'Atempanecatl, ou Grand-Maître des Eaux, l'Ezhuahuacatl, ou le Maître du Sang, et le Tlillancalqui, ou chef de la Maison-Noire, composant entre eux le conseil de la monarchie, élisaient celui qui leur paraissait le plus apte aux affaires publiques, et lui donnaient la couronne.... Il est douteux que les rois de Tetzcuco et de Tlacopan aient jamais pris une part directe à ce choix.' _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. iii., pp. 577-8. At the foot of the same page is the following note: 'Si havia duda ó diferencia quien debia de ser rey, averiguase lo mas aina que podian, y sino poco tenian que hacer (los señores de Tetzcuco y Tlacapan).' _Gomara_, _Crónica de Nueva-España, ap. Barcia_, cap. 99. This quotation is not to be found, however in the place indicated. 'Crearon cuatro electores, en cuya opinion se comprometian todos los votos del reino. Eran aquellos funcionarios, magnates y señores de la primera nobleza, comunmente de sangre real, y de tanta prudencia y probidad, cuanta se necesitaba para un cargo tan importante.' _Carbajal Espinosa_, _Hist. Mex._, tom. i., p. 578. 'Fue el quinto Rey, Motezuma primero deste nombre; y porque, para la elecion auia quatro eletores, con los quales interuenian los Reyes Tezcuco y de Tacuba. Se juntò con ellos Tlacaellel como Capitan general, y saliò elegido su sobrino Motezuma.' _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. iii., lib. ii., cap. xiii. After the king in rank, 'eran los quatro electores del Rey, que tambien sucedian por elecion, y de ordinario eran hermanos, o parientes cercanos del Rey, y a estos llamauan en su lengua, principes de las lanças arrojadizas, armas que ellos vsauan.' _Id._, cap. xix. [7] Acosta, _Hist. de las Ynd._, p. 441, gives the names of three military orders, of which the four royal electors formed one; and of a fourth, which was of a sacerdotal character. All these were of the royal council, and without their advice the king could do nothing of importance. Herrera helps himself to this from Acosta almost word for word: dec. iii., lib. ii., cap. xix. Sahagun implies that this supreme council was composed of only four members: 'Elegido el señor, luego elegian otros cuatro que eran como senadores que siempre habian de estar al lado de él, y entender en todos los negocios graves de reino, (estos cuatro tenian en diversos lugares diversos nombres).' _Hist. Gen._, tom. ii., lib. viii., p. 318. According to Ixtlilxochitl the council whose duties corresponded to this in Tezcuco, was composed of fourteen members. _Hist. Chichimeca_, in _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. ix., p. 243; _Veytia_, _Hist. Ant. Mej._, tom. ii., p. 183. [8] _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. i., p. 37. [9] _Beaumont_, _Crón. de Mechoacan_, pp. 52, 54-5; _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., pp. 338, 523; _Sahagun_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. iii., lib. x., p. 138; _Zurita_, _Rapport_, in _Ternaux-Compans_, _Voy._, série ii., tom. i., p. 17; _Gomara_, _Conq. Mex._, fol. 310-11; _Pimentel_, _Mem. Raza Indígena_, p. 27; _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. iii., p. 82. In the _West-Indische Spieghel_, pp. 265-6, we read: 'Dese Stadt ende Provincie wierden voor de comste der Spaenjaerden soo treffelick gheregeert, als eenighe van die Landen, daer was een Cacique die absolutelick regeerde, staende onder de ghehoorsaemheydt van de groote Heere van Tenoxtitlan.' The old chronicler is mistaken here, however, as the kingdom of Michoacan was never in any way subject to Mexico. [10] Clavigero says that the city of Tlascala was divided into four parts, each division having its lord, to whom all places dependent on such division were likewise subject. _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. i., p. 155. [11] _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. i., pp. 200, 276, tom. ii., pp. 347-9; _Peter Martyr_, dec. v., lib. ii.; _Laet_, _Novus Orbis_, p. 252; _Pimentel_, _Mem. Raza Indígena_, p. 27; _Prescott's Mex._, vol. i., p. 411. [12] _Camargo_, _Hist. Tlax._, in _Nouvelles Annales des Voy._, 1843, tom. xcviii., p. 197. [13] _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., pp. 350-1. [14] _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. iii., lib. iii., cap. xii. Brasseur de Bourbourg writes: 'Dans les divers états du Mixtecapan, les héritages passaient de mâle en mâle, sans que les femmes pussent y avoir droit.' _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. iii., p. 39; this may, however, refer merely to private property. [15] _Burgoa_, _Geog. Descrip._, cap. 53; _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. iii., pp. 29-30. [16] Acosta, _Hist. de las Ynd._, p. 474, writes: 'Pusieronle Corona Real, y vngieronle, como fue costumbre hazerlo con todos sus Reyes, con vna vncion que llamauan diuina, porque era la misma con que vngian su ydolo.' Torquemada, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., p. 360, says that Acosta is mistaken, for, he observes that 'la Corona que llamaba Copilli, no se daba en esta ocasión, sino que en lugar de ella, le ponían las mantas dichas sobre la Cabeça, ni tampoco era la vncion la misma que la de los Idolos; porque la Divina, que èl [Acosta] nombra, era de Ulli, y Sangre de Niños, con que tambien vngian al Sumo Sacerdote;' but Torquemada here directly contradicts a previous statement of his own, tom. i., p. 102, where he says that immediately after the election, having seated the king elect upon a throne, 'le pusieron la Corona Real en su Cabeça, y le vntaron todo el Cuerpo, con la Vncion, que despues acostumbraron, que era la misma con que vngian à su Dios,' thus using almost the same words as Acosta. Leon y Gama, _Dos Piedras_, says that the water used at the anointing was drawn from the fountain Tozpalatl, which was held in great veneration, and that it was first used for this purpose at the anointment of Huitzilihuitl, second king of Mexico. [17] Sahagun states that the king was dressed upon this occasion in a tunic of dark green cloth, with bones painted upon it; this tunic resembled the huipil, or chemise of the women, and was usually worn by the nobles when they offered incense to the gods. The veil was also of green cloth ornamented with skulls and bones, and in addition to the articles described by other writers, this author mentions that they placed dark green sandals upon his feet. He also affirms that the four royal electors were confirmed in their office at the same time as the king, being similarly dressed, save that the color of their costume was black, and going through the same performances after him, except, of course, the anointment. _Sahagun_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. ii., p. 319. Gomara says they hung upon the king's neck 'vnas correas coloradas largas y de muchos ramales: de cuios cabos colgauan ciertas insignias de rei, como pinjantes.' _Conq. Mex._, fol. 305. [18] _Gomara_, _Conq. Mex._, fol. 306. [19] The crown used by the early Chichimec sovereigns was composed of a herb called _pachxochitl_, which grew on the rocks, surmounted by plumes of the royal eagle, and green fathers called _Tecpilotl_, the whole being mounted with gold and precious stones, and bound to the head with strips of deer-skin. _Ixtlilxochitl_, _Hist. Chichimeca_, in _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, tom. xi., p. 213. In another place, _Relaciones_, in _id._, p. 336, the same writer says that the crown differed according to time and season. In time of war it was composed of royal eagle feathers, placed at the back of the head, and held together with clasps of gold and precious stones; in time of peace the crown was made of laurel and green feathers of a very rare bird called Quezaltotolc; in the dry season it was made of a whitish moss which grew on the rocks, with a flower at the junction called _teoxuchitl_. [20] Concerning anointment and coronation, see _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. i., p. 102; tom. ii., pp. 83, 359-69; _Zurita_, _Rapport_, in _Ternaux-Compans_, _Voy._, série ii., tom. i., pp. 20-9; _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., pp. 113-15; _Sahagun_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. ii., lib. viii., pp. 318-21; _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. iii., lib. iv., cap. xv.; _Gomara_, _Conq. Mex._, fol. 305-6; _Acosta_, _Hist. de las Ynd._, pp. 356, 439-40, 474; _Ortega_, in _Veytia_, _Hist. Ant. Mej._, tom. iii., p. 309; _Tezozomoc_, _Crón. Mex._, in _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, tom. ix., p. 142-3. In addition to the numerous works of acknowledged authority on the subject of aboriginal American civilization there are a number of others, chiefly of modern date, that treat more or less completely of the matter. Many of these are mere compilations, put together without regard to accuracy or consistency; others are works which deal ostensibly with other Spanish American matters and only refer to the ancient civilization in passing; their accounts are usually copied bodily from one or two of the old writers; some few profess to exhaust the subject; in these latter, however, the authors have failed to cite their authorities, or at best have merely given a list of them. To attempt to note all the points on which these writers have fallen into error, or where they differ from my text, would prove as tiresome to the reader as the result would lie useless. It will therefore be sufficient to refer to this class of books at the conclusion of the large divisions into which this work naturally falls. About the system of government, laws of succession, ceremonies of election, anointment and coronation, of the Aztecs and other nations included in this division, see: _Carbajal Espinosa_, _Hist. Mex._, tom. i., pp. 578-83, 596; _Soden_, _Spanier in Peru_, tom. ii., pp. 8-14, 51-2; _Touron_, _Hist. Gén._, tom. iii., pp. 6-7, 25-38; _Baril_, _Mexique_, pp. 204-7; _Bussierre_, _L'Empire Mexicain_, pp. 119, 150-8, 229-30, 244; _Lafond_, _Voyages_, tom. i., p. 119; _Poinsett's Notes Mex._, _app._, pp. 22-3; _Macgregor's Progress of America_, p. 21; _Dillon_, _Hist. Mex._, pp. 24-6, 41-3; _Hassel_, _Mex. Guat._, p. 247; _Dilworth_, _Conq. Mex._, p. 45; _Pradt_, _Cartas_, pp. 106, 176; _Monglave_, _Résumé_, pp. 9, 14-19, 22-3, 32-6, 68; _Klemm_, _Cultur-Geschichte_, tom. v., pp. 59-75, 186; _Cortés_, _Aventuras_, _pref._, pp. 7-13; _Chamber's Jour._, vol. iv., p. 253; _West und Ost Indischer Lustgart_, p. 97. [21] 'Que antes de Reinar avia investigado los nueve dobleces de el Cielo.' _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. i., p. 194. Ortega, in _Veytia_, _Hist. Ant. Mej._, tom. iii., p. 306, writes: 'Quel el que siendo particular supo penetrar los secretos del cielo;' 'that he who, being a private individual, could penetrate the secrets of heaven,' which appears more intelligible. [22] _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. i., pp. 194-5. CHAPTER IV. PALACES AND HOUSEHOLDS OF THE NAHUA KINGS. EXTENT AND INTERIOR OF THE GREAT PALACE IN MEXICO--THE PALACE OF NEZAHUALCOYOTL, KING OF TEZCUCO--THE ZOÖLOGICAL COLLECTIONS OF THE NAHUA MONARCHS--MONTEZUMA'S ORATORY--ROYAL GARDENS AND PLEASURE-GROUNDS--THE HILL OF CHAPULTEPEC--NEZAHUALCOYOTL'S COUNTRY RESIDENCE AT TEZCOZINCO--TOLTEC PALACES--THE ROYAL GUARD--THE KING'S MEALS--AN AZTEC CUISINE--THE AUDIENCE CHAMBER--AFTER-DINNER AMUSEMENTS--THE ROYAL WARDROBE--THE KING AMONG HIS PEOPLE--MEETING OF MONTEZUMA II. AND CORTÉS--THE KING'S HAREM--REVENUES OF THE ROYAL HOUSEHOLD--POLICY OF AZTEC KINGS. [Sidenote: RELIABILITY OF AUTHORITIES.] In the preceding chapter we have seen how the monarchs were chosen, and anointed, and crowned, and feasted, and lectured; now let us follow them to their homes. And here I must confess I am somewhat staggered by the recitals. It is written that as soon as the new king was formally invested with the right of sovereignty, he took possession of the royal palaces and gardens, and that these abodes of royalty were on a scale of magnificence almost unparalleled in the annals of nations. How far we may rely on these accounts it is difficult to say; how we are to determine disputed questions is yet more difficult. In the testimony before us, there are two classes of evidence: one having as its base selfishness, superstition, and patriotism; the other disaffection, jealousy, and hatred. Between these contending evils, fortunately, we may at least approximate to the truth. To illustrate: there can be no doubt that much concerning the Aztec civilization has been greatly exaggerated by the old Spanish writers, and for obvious reasons. It was manifestly to the advantage of some, both priests and adventurers, to magnify the power and consequence of the people conquered, and the cities demolished by them, knowing full well that tales of mighty realms, with countless man-eaters and fabulous riches, would soonest rouse the zeal and cupidity of the Spaniards, and best secure to them both honors and supplies. Gathered from the lips of illiterate soldiers little prone to diminish the glory of their achievements in the narration, or from the manuscripts of native historians whose patriotic statements regarding rival states no longer in existence could with difficulty be disproved, these accounts passed into the hands of credulous writers of fertile imagination, who drank in with avidity the marvels that were told them, and wrote them down with superhuman discrimination--with a discrimination which made every so-called fact tally with the writings of the Fathers. These writers possessed in an eminent degree the faculty called by latter-day scholars the imaginative in history-writing. Whatever was told them that was contrary to tradition was certainly erroneous, a snare of the devil; if any facts were wanting in the direction pointed out by doctrines or dogmas, it was their righteous duty to fill them in. Thus it was in certain instances. But to the truth of the greater part of these relations, testimony is borne by the unanimity of the authors, though this is partly owing to their copying each from the writings of the others, and, more conclusively, by the architectural remains which survived the attacks of the iconoclastic conquerors, and the golden and bejeweled ornaments of such exquisite workmanship as to equal if not surpass anything of the kind in Europe, which ornaments were sent to Spain as proofs of the richness of the country. At this distance of time it is impossible to draw a definite line between the true and the false; nor do I feel it my duty to dogmatize in these matters, but rather to tell the tale as I find it, at the same time laying every shade of evidence before the reader. * * * * * [Sidenote: ROYAL PALACE AT MEXICO.] The principal palace in the city of Mexico was an irregular pile of low buildings, enormous in extent, constructed of huge blocks of _tetzontli_, a kind of porous stone common to that country, cemented with mortar. The arrangement of the buildings was such that they enclosed three great plazas or public squares, in one of which a beautiful fountain incessantly played. Twenty great doors opened on the squares, and on the streets, and over these was sculptured in stone the coat of arms of the kings of Mexico,--an eagle gripping in his talons a jaguar.[23] In the interior were many halls, each of immense size, and one in particular is said by a writer who accompanied Cortés, known as the Anonymous Conqueror, to have been of sufficient extent to contain three thousand men; while upon the terrace that formed its roof thirty men on horseback could have gone through the spear exercise.[24] In addition to these there were more than one hundred smaller rooms, and the same number of marble baths, which together with the fountains, ponds, and basins in the gardens, were supplied with water from the neighboring hill of Chapultepec. There were also splendid suites of apartments retained for the use of the kings of Tezcuco and Tlacopan, and their attendants, when they visited Mexico, and for the ministers and counselors, and the great lords and their suites, who constantly resided at the capital. Besides these, the private attendants of the king--and their name was legion--had to be provided for; so that when we consider the other extensive buildings, such as the harem, in which, according to some authorities, were nearly three thousand women; the armory, the granaries, storehouses, menageries, and aviaries, which either formed part or were in the immediate vicinity of the palace buildings, we are prepared somewhat to credit the Anonymous Conqueror aforesaid when he affirms that, although he four times wandered about the palace until he was tired, with no other purpose than to view its interior, yet he never succeeded in seeing the whole of it.[25] The walls and floors of halls and apartments were many of them faced with polished slabs of marble, porphyry, jasper, obsidian, and white tecali;[26] lofty columns of the same fine stones supported marble balconies and porticoes, every niche and corner of which was filled with wondrous ornamental carving, or held a grinning grotesquely sculptured head. The beams and casings were of cedar, cypress, and other valuable woods, profusely carved and put together without nails. The roofs of the palace buildings formed a suite of immense terraces, from which a magnificent view of the whole city could be obtained. Superb mats of most exquisite finish were spread upon the marble floors; the tapestry that draped the walls and the curtains that hung before the windows were made of a fabric most wonderful for its delicate texture, elegant designs and brilliant colors; through the halls and corridors a thousand golden censers, in which burned precious spices and perfumes, diffused a subtle odor.[27] The palace built by Nezahualcoyotl, king of Tezcuco, even surpassed that of Montezuma in many respects. The Tezcucan historian, Ixtlilxochitl, has given a full description of it, which I partially translate. The collection of buildings, which composed not only the royal residence, but also the public offices and courts of law, extended from east to west twelve hundred and thirty-four and a half yards, and from north to south, nine hundred and seventy-eight yards. These were encompassed by a wall made of adobes strongly cemented together, and standing on a foundation of very hard mortar, six feet in width at the base. On its southern and eastern sides the wall was three times a man's stature in height; on the western side, towards the lake, and on the northern side it rose to the height of five times a man's stature.[28] For one third of the distance from the base to the top, the wall grew gradually thinner, while the remainder was of one thickness.[29] Within this inclosure were the royal dwelling, the council-chambers, and other halls and apartments. There were also two large plazas, the outer one of which served as the public market-place. The inner court-yard was surrounded by the various courts of justice, and other halls where matters relative to science, art, and the army were judicially and otherwise considered, all of which will be described in their place, and also a hall where the archives of the kingdom were preserved. In the centre of the court-yard, which was also used as a market-place, was a tennis-court; on the west side were the apartments of the king, more than three hundred in number, all admirably arranged; here were also storehouses for tribute, and splendid suites of apartments reserved for the use of the kings of Mexico and Tlacopan when they visited Tezcuco. These apartments led into the royal pleasure-gardens, which were artistically laid out with labyrinthian walks winding through the dark foliage, where often the uninitiated would lose themselves; then there were sparkling fountains, and inviting baths, and shady groves of cedar and cypress, and ponds well stocked with fish, and aviaries filled with birds of every hue and species, besides extensive menageries.[30] The city of Mexico, however, furnished the largest collection of animals, or at all events it is more fully described by the conquerors than others. The Aztec monarchs took special pleasure in maintaining zoölogical collections on an immense scale, which fancy was probably more fully indulged by Montezuma II. than by any other. That prince caused to be erected in the city of Mexico an immense edifice, surrounded by extensive gardens, which was used for no other purpose than to keep and display all kinds of birds and beasts. [Sidenote: MONTEZUMA'S MENAGERIE.] One portion of this building consisted of a large open court, paved with stones of different colors, and divided into several compartments, in which were kept wild beasts, birds of prey, and reptiles. The larger animals were confined in low wooden cages made of massive beams. They were fed upon the intestines of human sacrifices, and upon deer, rabbits, and other animals. The birds of prey were distributed according to their species, in subterranean chambers, which were more than seven feet deep, and upwards of seventeen feet in length and breadth. Half of each chamber was roofed with slabs of stone, under which perches were fixed in the wall, where the birds might sleep and be protected from the rain; the other half was covered only with a wooden grating, which admitted air and sunlight. Five hundred turkeys were daily killed for food for these birds. Alligators were kept in ponds walled round to prevent their escape, and serpents in long cages or vessels, large enough to allow them to move about freely. These reptiles were also fed on human blood and intestines. Mr Prescott tells us that the whole of this menagerie "was placed under the charge of numerous keepers, who acquainted themselves with the habits of their prisoners, and provided for their comfort and cleanliness." Thomas Gage, the shrewd old English heretic, takes another view. In his quaint though free and slashing style he writes: "But what was wonderful to behold, horrid to see, hideous to hear in this house, was the Officers' daily occupations about these beasts, the floor with blood like a gelly, stinking like a slaughter-house, and the roaring of the Lions, the fearful hissing of the Snakes and Adders, the doleful howling and barking of the Wolves, the sorrowful yelling of the Ownzes and Tigres, when they would have meat. And yet in this place, which in the night season seemed a dungeon of hell, and a dwelling place for the Devil, could a heathen Prince pray unto his Gods and Idols; for near unto this Hall was another of a hundred and fifty foot long and thirty foot broad, where was a chappel with a roof of silver and gold in leaf, wainscotted and decked with great store of pearl and stone, as Agats, Cornerines, Emeralds, Rubies, and divers other sorts; and this was the Oratory where Montezuma prayed in the night season, and in that chappel the Devil did appear unto him, and gave him answer according to his prayers, which as they were uttered among so many ugly and deformed beasts, and with the noise of them which represented Hell it self, were fitted for a Devil's answer."[31] [Sidenote: ZOÖLOGICAL COLLECTION OF MONTEZUMA.] In another part of the building was an immense hall which served as an aviary, in which were collected specimens of all the birds in the empire, excepting those of prey. They were of infinite variety and splendid plumage; many specimens were so difficult to obtain that their feathers brought almost fabulous prices in the Mexican market; while some few, either because of their extreme rarity or their inability to live in confinement, did not appear even in the royal aviary, except in imitation, for we are told that, both in Mexico and Tezcuco, all kinds of birds and animals that could not be obtained alive were represented in gold and silver so skillfully that they are said to have served the naturalist Hernandez for models. But to attain this honor, a bird must indeed have been a rara avis, a very phoenix, for it is related by Torquemada and many others, on the authority of a Spanish eye-witness, that the Emperor Montezuma II. happening one day to see a sparrow-hawk soaring through the air, and "taking a fancy to its beauty and mode of flight," ordered his followers to catch it without delay and bring it alive to his hand; and such were the efforts made and care used, that in an incredibly short space of time "they captured that fierce and haughty hawk as though it had been but a gentle domestic pigeon, and brought it to the king."[32] Marble galleries, supported upon jasper pillars, all of one piece, surrounded this building, and looked out upon a large garden, wherein were groves of rare trees, choice shrubbery and flowers, and fountains filled with fish. But the prominent feature of the garden was ten large ponds for the use of water-fowl, some of which were filled with fresh and some with salt water, according to the nature of the birds that frequented them. Each pond was surrounded with tessellated marble pavement and shaded by clumps of trees. As often as the water began to stagnate it was drained off and renewed. Montezuma is said to have passed much of his time here, alone or with his women, seated in the shade, amid the plashing of fountains and odor of flowers, musing upon affairs of state or diverting his mind from such cares by watching the motions of the strange birds upon the water. No less than three hundred persons were employed in attending upon the water-fowl and the birds in the aviary; feeding them and in the moulting season carefully gathering the gorgeous plumes, which served as material for the celebrated Aztec feather-work. The habits of the birds were closely studied, and great care was taken that every species should be supplied with the food best suited to its taste, whether it consisted of worms, insects, or seeds. The fish with which the water-fowl were supplied amounted to one hundred and fifty pounds daily. In another hall a collection of human monstrosities was kept. As we shall presently see, many of these unfortunate creatures were trained to play the part of jesters at the royal table. Yet another hall contained a number of albinos, or white Indians, who were considered a great curiosity. In addition to these city palaces the Aztec monarchs had numerous equally splendid country residences, besides whole tracts of country set apart as royal hunting-grounds. In these parts timber was not allowed to be cut nor game disturbed, which regulations were enforced with great rigor. [Sidenote: THE HILL OF CHAPULTEPEC.] The principal country villa of Montezuma II., and the only one of which any signs are yet visible, was situated upon the hill of Chapultepec, which stood in a westerly direction from the city of Mexico. In the days of the Aztec kings, the lake of Tezcuco washed the base of the hill, round which the royal grounds stretched for miles in every direction. The gardens were laid out in terraces, that wound down the hillside amid dense groves of pepper-trees, myrtles, and cypresses, innumerable fountains and artificial cascades. Little of the ancient glory of either palace or gardens is now left, except the natural beauty of the foliage that clothes the hill, and the magnificent view to be obtained from the summit. Two statues of Montezuma II. and his father, cut in bas relief on the porphyry rock, were still to be seen, Gama tells us, in the middle of the last century, but these are now gone, swept away by the same ruthless hands that laid waste the hanging gardens and tore down halls and monuments until the groves of gigantic cypresses are all that is left standing in the gardens of Chapultepec that ministered to the pleasure of the ancient owners. Peter Martyr, describing the palace at Iztapalapan, writes, in the language of an early translator: "That house also hath orchardes, finely planted with diuers trees, and herbes, and flourishing flowers, of a sweete smell. There are also in the same, great standing pooles of water with many kindes of fish, in the which diuers kindes of all sortes of waterfoule are swimminge. To the bottome of these lakes, a man may descend by marble steppes brought farr of. They report strange thinges of a walke inclosed with nettinges of Canes, least any one should freely come within the voyde plattes of grounde, or to the fruite of the trees. Those hedges are made with a thousande pleasant deuises, as it falleth out in those delicate purple crosse alleyes, of mirtle, rosemary, or boxe, al very delightfull to behold."[33] Nezahualcoyotl, the Tezcucan Solomon, was no whit behind his royal brother of Mexico in the matter of splendid country residences and gardens. Not content with the royal pleasure-grounds called Huectecpan, writes the Chichimec historian,[34] this great king made others, such as the forest so famous in Tezcotzincan history, and those called Cauchiacac, Tzinacamoztoc, Cozcaquauhco, Cuetlachatitlan, or Tlateitec, and those of the lake Acatelelco, and Tepetzinco; he likewise marked out a large tract, where he might pass his leisure moments in hunting. These gardens were adorned with fountains, drains, sewers, ponds, and labyrinths, and were planted with all kinds of flowers and trees, both indigenous and foreign. But Nezahualcoyotl was not one to overlook utility in laying out his grounds. Five large patches of the most fertile lands lying near the capital were brought under cultivation and the products appropriated exclusively to the use of the royal household. Certain towns and provinces in the vicinity of the court furnished attendants and laborers for the palaces, gardens, and plantations. In return for such service said towns and provinces were exempt from taxation and enjoyed certain privileges. The manner of service was divided; thus twenty-eight towns supplied those who attended to the cleanliness and order of the royal buildings and waited upon the king and his suite; fourteen of these towns[35] did service during one half of the year and the remainder[36] during the other half. Five towns provided attendants for the king's chamber,[37] and eight provinces,[38] with their dependent towns, furnished, each in its turn, foresters, gardeners, and agricultural laborers for the woods and gardens, ornamental or otherwise. [Sidenote: SUMMER PALACE AT TEZCOZINCO.] King Nezahualcoyotl's favorite country residence, some remains of which are still visible, was at Tezcozinco, on a conical hill lying about two leagues from Tezcuco. A broad road, running between high hedges, and probably winding spirally round the hill, appears to have led up to the summit,[39] which, however, could be reached in a shorter time by means of a flight of steps, many of which were cut into the living rock, and the remainder made of pieces of stone firmly cemented together. Dávila Padilla, who wrote in the latter part of the sixteenth century, says that he counted five hundred and twenty of these steps, without reckoning those that had already crumbled to pieces.[40] He furthermore adds that for the last twelve steps in the ascent the staircase was tunneled through the solid rock, and became so narrow that only one person could pass at a time. Dávila Padilla inquired the reason of this of the natives, and was told by them, as they had heard it from their fathers, that this narrow passage enabled the Tezcucan monarch to assert his rank by taking precedence of his royal visitors when they went in a body to worship the idol that stood upon the summit; not a very polite proceeding certainly.[41] Water was brought over hill and dale to the top of the mountain by means of a solid stone aqueduct. Here it was received in a large basin, having in its centre a great rock, upon which were inscribed in a circle the hieroglyphics representing the years that had elapsed since Nezahualcoyotl's birth, with a list of his most noteworthy achievements in each.[42] Within this circle the royal coat of arms was sculptured, the elaborate device of which it is almost impossible to imagine from the clumsy description of it given by Ixtlilxochitl. As nearly as I can make it out, certain figures representing a deer's foot adorned with feathers and having a precious stone tied to it, a hind supporting an arm which grasps a bow and arrows, and a corseleted warrior, wearing a helmet with its ear-pieces, formed the centre; these were flanked by two houses, one in flames and falling to pieces, the other whole and highly ornamented; two tigers of the country, vomiting fire and water, served as supporters; the whole was surrounded by a border composed of twelve heads of kings and great nobles. From this basin the water was distributed through the gardens in two streams, one of which meandered down the northern side of the hill, and the other down the southern side. Dávila Padilla relates that there also stood upon the summit an image of a coyote, hewn from the living rock, which represented a celebrated fasting Indian.[43] There were likewise several towers or columns of stone, having their capitals made in the shape of a pot, from which protruded plumes of feathers, which signified the name of the place. Lower down was the colossal figure of a winged beast, called by Ixtlilxochitl a lion,[44] lying down, with its face toward the east, and bearing in its mouth a sculptured portrait of the king; this statue was generally covered with a canopy adorned with gold and feather-work.[45] [Sidenote: ORNAMENTAL GARDENS AT TEZCOZINCO.] A little lower yet were three basins of water, emblematic of the great lake, and on the borders of the middle one three female figures were sculptured on the solid rock, representing the heads of the confederated states of Mexico, Tezcuco, and Tlacopan.[46] Upon the northern side of the hill was another pond; and here upon the rock was carved the coat of arms of the city of Tollan, which was formerly the chief town of the Toltecs; upon the southern slope of the hill was yet another pond, bearing the coat of arms and the name of the city of Tenayuca, which was formerly the head town of the Chichimecs. From this basin a stream of water flowed continually over the precipice, and being dashed into spray upon the rocks, was scattered like rain over a garden of odorous tropical plants.[47] In the garden were two baths, dug out of one large piece of porphyry,[48] and a flight of steps also cut from the solid rock, worked and polished so smooth that they looked like mirrors, and on the front of the stairs were carved the year, month, day, and hour in which information was brought to King Nezahualcoyotl of the death of a certain lord of Huexotzinco, whom he esteemed very highly, and who died while the said staircase was being built.[49] The garden is said to have been a perfect little paradise. The gorgeous flowers were all transplanted from the distant tierra caliente; marble pavilions, supported on slender columns, with tesselated pavements and sparkling fountains, nestled among the shady groves and afforded a cool retreat during the long summer days. At the end of the garden, almost hidden by the groups of gigantic cedars and cypresses that surrounded it, was the royal palace,[50] so situated that while its spacious halls were filled with the sensuous odors of the tropics, blown in from the gardens, it remained sheltered from the heat.[51] [Sidenote: TOLTEC PALACES.] If the ancient traditions may be believed, the Toltec monarchs built as magnificent palaces as their Aztec successors. The sacred palace of that mysterious Toltec priest-king, Quetzalcoatl, had four principal halls, facing the four cardinal points. That on the east was called the Hall of Gold, because its halls were ornamented with plates of that metal, delicately chased and finished; the apartment lying toward the west was named the Hall of Emeralds and Turquoises, and its walls were profusely adorned with all kinds of precious stones; the hall facing the south was decorated with plates of silver and with brilliant-colored sea-shells, which were fitted together with great skill. The walls of the fourth hall, which was on the north, were red jasper, covered with carving and ornamented with shells. Another of these palaces or temples, for it is not clear which they were, had also four principal halls decorated entirely with feather-work tapestry. In the eastern division the feathers were yellow; in the western they were blue, taken from a bird called Xiuhtototl; in the southern hall the feathers were white, and in that on the north they were red.[52] The number of attendants attached to the royal houses was very great. Every day from sunrise until sunset the antechambers of Montezuma's palace in Mexico were occupied by six hundred noblemen and gentlemen, who passed the time lounging about and discussing the gossip of the day in low tones, for it was considered disrespectful to speak loudly or make any noise within the palace limits. They were provided with apartments in the palace,[53] and took their meals from what remained of the superabundance of the royal table, as did, after them, their own servants, of whom each person of quality was entitled to from one to thirty, according to his rank. These retainers, numbering two or three thousand, filled several outer courts during the day. [Sidenote: MONTEZUMA AT TABLE.] [Sidenote: THE ROYAL WARDROBE.] The king took his meals alone, in one of the largest halls of the palace. If the weather was cold, a fire was kindled with a kind of charcoal made of the bark of trees, which emitted no smoke, but threw out a delicious perfume; and that his majesty might suffer no inconvenience from the heat, a screen ornamented with gold and carved with figures of the idols[54] was placed between his person and the fire. He was seated upon a low leather cushion, upon which were thrown various soft skins, and his table was of a similar description, except that it was larger and rather higher, and was covered with white cotton cloths of the finest texture. The dinner-service was of the finest ware of Cholula, and many of the goblets were of gold and silver, or fashioned of beautiful shells. He is said to have possessed a complete service of solid gold, but as it was considered below a king's dignity to use anything at table twice, Montezuma with all his extravagance, was obliged to keep this costly dinner-set in the temple. The bill of fare comprised everything edible of fish, flesh, and fowl, that could be procured in the empire or imported from beyond it. Relays of couriers were employed in bringing delicacies from afar, and as the royal table was every day supplied with fresh fish brought, without the modern aids of ice and air-tight packing, from a sea-coast more than two hundred miles distant, by a road passing chiefly through a tropical climate, we can form some idea of the speed with which these couriers traveled. There were cunning cooks among the Aztecs, and at these extravagant meals there was almost as much variety in the cooking as in the matter cooked. Sahagun[55] gives a most formidable list of roast, stewed, and boiled dishes of meat, fish, and poultry, seasoned with many kinds of herbs, of which, however, the most frequently mentioned is chile.[56] He further describes many kinds of bread, all bearing a more or less close resemblance to the modern Mexican tortilla,[57] and all most tremendously named; imagine, for instance, when one wished for a piece of bread, having to ask one's neighbor to be good enough to pass the totanquitlaxcallitlaquelpacholli; then there were tamales of all kinds,[58] and many other curious messes, such as frog-spawn, and stewed ants cooked with chile, but more loathsome to us than even such as these, and strangest of all the strange compounds that went to make up the royal carte, was one highly seasoned, and probably savory-smelling dish, so exquisitely prepared that its principal ingredient was completely disguised, yet that ingredient was nothing else than human flesh.[59] Each dish was kept warm by a chafing-dish placed under it. Writers do not agree as to the exact quantity of food served up at each meal, but it must have been immense, since the lowest number of dishes given is three hundred,[60] and the highest three thousand.[61] They were brought into the hall by four hundred pages of noble birth, who placed their burdens upon the matted floor and retired noiselessly. The king then pointed out such viands as he wished to partake of, or left the selection to his steward, who doubtless took pains to study the likes and dislikes of the royal palate. This steward was a functionary of the highest rank and importance; he alone was privileged to place the designated delicacies before the king upon the table; he appears to have done duty both as royal carver and cup-bearer, and, according to Torquemada, to have done it barefooted and on his knees.[62] Everything being in readiness, a number of the most beautiful of the king's women[63] entered, bearing water in round vessels called xicales, for the king to wash his hands in, and towels that he might dry them, other vessels being placed upon the ground to catch the drippings. Two other women at the same time brought him some small loaves of a very delicate kind of bread made of the finest maize-flour, beaten up with eggs. This done, a wooden screen, carved and gilt, was placed before him, that no one might see him while eating.[64] There were always present five or six aged lords, who stood near the royal chair barefooted, and with bowed heads. To these, as a special mark of favor, the king occasionally sent a choice morsel from his own plate. During the meal the monarch sometimes amused himself by watching the performances of his jugglers and tumblers, whose marvelous feats of strength and dexterity I shall describe in another place; at other times there was dancing, accompanied by singing and music; there were also present dwarfs, and professional jesters, who were allowed to speak, a privilege denied all others under penalty of death, and, after the manner of their kind, to tell sharp truths in the shape of jests. The more solid food was followed by pastry, sweetmeats, and a magnificent dessert of fruit. The only beverage drank at the meal was chocolate,[65] of which about fifty jars were provided;[66] it was taken with a spoon, finely wrought of gold or shell, from a goblet of the same material. Having finished his dinner, the king again washed his hands in water brought to him, as before, by the women. After this, several painted and gilt pipes were brought, from which he inhaled, through his mouth or nose, as suited him best, the smoke of a mixture of liquid-amber, and an herb called tobacco.[67] His siesta over, he devoted himself to business, and proceeded to give audience to foreign ambassadors, deputations from cities in the empire, and to such of his lords and ministers as had business to transact with him. Before entering the presence-chamber, all, no matter what their rank might be, unless they were of the blood-royal, were obliged to leave their sandals at the door, to cover their rich dresses with a large coarse mantle, and to approach the monarch, barefooted and with downcast eyes, for it was death to the subject who should dare to look his sovereign in the face.[68] The king usually answered through his secretaries,[69] or when he deigned to speak directly to the person who addressed him, it was in such a low tone as scarcely to be heard;[70] at the same time he listened very attentively to all that was communicated to him, and encouraged those who, from embarrassment, found difficulty in speaking. Each applicant, when dismissed, retired backward, keeping his face always toward the royal seat. The time set apart for business having elapsed, he again gave himself up to pleasure, and usually passed the time in familiar badinage with his jesters, or in listening to ballad-singers who sang of war and the glorious deeds of his ancestors, or he amused himself by looking on at the feats of strength and legerdemain of his jugglers and acrobats; or, sometimes, at this hour, he would retire to the softer pleasures of the harem. He changed his dress four times each day, and a dress once worn could never be used again. Concerning this custom, Peter Martyr, translated into the quaintest of English, writes: "Arising from his bed, he is cloathed after one maner, as he commeth forth to bee seene, and returning backe into his chamber after he hath dined, he changeth his garments: and when he commeth forthe againe to supper, hee taketh another, and returning backe againe the fourth which he weareth vntill he goe to bed. But concerning 3. garments, which he changeth euery day, many of them that returned haue reported the same vnto me, with their owne mouth: but howsoeuer it be, all agree in the changing of garmentes, that being once taken into the wardrope, they are there piled vp on heaps, not likely to see the face of Muteczuma any more: but what manner of garmentes they be, we will elswhere declare, for they are very light. These things being obserued, it wil not be wondred at, that we made mention before concerning so many garments presented. For accounting the yeares, and the dayes of the yeares, especially, wherein Muteczuma hath inioyed peace & howe often he changeth his garments euery daye, all admiration will cease. But the readers will demand, why he heapeth vp so great a pile of garments, & that iustly. Let them knowe that Muteczuma vsed to giue a certeine portion of garments to his familiar friends, or well deseruing soldiers, in steed of a beneuolence, or stipend, when they go to the wars, or returne from ye victory, as Augustus Cæsar lord of the world, a mightier Prince than Muteczuma, commanded only a poore reward of bread to be giuen ouer & aboue to such as performed any notable exployt, while being by Maro admonished, that so smal a larges of bread was an argument yet he was a bakers son: then although it be recorded in writing that Cæsar liked ye mery conceit, yet it is to be beleued yet he blushed at that diuination, because he promised Virgil to alter his disposition & that hereafter he would bestow gifts worthy a great king, & not a bakers son."[71] [Sidenote: THE KING OUT OF DOORS.] The kings did not often appear among their people,[72] though we are told that they would sometimes go forth in disguise to see that no part of the religious feasts and ceremonies was omitted, to make sure that the laws were observed, and probably, as is usual in such cases, to ascertain the true state of public opinion with regard to themselves.[73] Whenever they did appear abroad, however, it was with a parade that corresponded with their other observances. Upon these occasions the king was seated in a magnificent litter, overshadowed by a canopy of feather-work, the whole being adorned with gold and precious stones, and carried upon the shoulders of four noblemen. He was attended by a vast multitude of courtiers of all ranks, who walked without speaking, and with their eyes bent upon the ground. The procession was headed by an official carrying three wands, whose duty it was to give warning of the king's approach, and by others who cleared the road of all obstructions.[74] All who chanced to meet the royal party, instantly stopped, and remained motionless with heads bent down, like friars chanting the Gloria Patri, says Father Motolinia, until the procession had passed. When the monarch alighted, a carpet was spread upon the ground for him to step on. The meeting of Montezuma II. and Cortés, as described by Bernal Diaz, will show the manner in which the Aztec kings were attended when out of doors: "When we arrived at a spot where another narrow causeway led towards Cuyoacan, we were met by a number of caciques and distinguished personages, all splendidly dressed. They had been sent by Montezuma to meet us and welcome us in his name; and as a sign of peace each touched the earth with his hand and then kissed it.[75] While we were thus detained, the lords of Tezcuco, Iztapalapa, Tacuba, and Cuyoacan, advanced to meet the mighty Montezuma, who was approaching seated on a splendid litter, and escorted by a number of powerful nobles. When we arrived at a place not far from the capital, where were certain fortifications, Montezuma, descending from his litter, came forward leaning on the arms of some of the attendant lords, while others held over him a canopy of rich feather-work ornamented with silver and gold, having an embroidered border from which hung pearls and chalchihuis stones.[76] Montezuma was very sumptuously dressed, according to his custom, and had on his feet a kind of sandals, with soles of gold, the upper part being studded with precious stones. The four grandees[77] who supported him were also very richly attired, and it seemed to us that the clothes they now wore must have been held in readiness for them somewhere upon the road, for they were not thus dressed when they first came out to meet us. And besides these great lords there were many others, some of whom held the canopy over the king's head, while others went in advance, sweeping the ground over which he was to walk, and spreading down cotton cloths that his feet might not touch the earth. Excepting only the four nobles upon whose arms he leaned, and who were his near relatives, none of all his followers presumed to look in the king's face, but all kept their eyes lowered to the ground in token of respect."[78] [Sidenote: THE ROYAL HAREM.] Besides the host of retainers already mentioned there were innumerable other officers attached to the royal household, such as butlers, stewards, and cooks of all grades, treasurers, secretaries, scribes, military officers, superintendents of the royal granaries and arsenals, and those employed under them. A great number of artisans were constantly kept busy repairing old buildings and erecting new ones, and a little army of jewelers and workers in precious metals resided permanently at the palace for the purpose of supplying the king and court with the costly ornaments that were eventually such a windfall for the conquerors, and over the description of which they one and all so lovingly linger. Nor was the softer sex unrepresented at court. The Aztec sovereigns were notorious for their uxoriousness. Montezuma II. had in his harem at least one thousand women, and this number is increased by most of the historians to three thousand, including the female attendants and slaves. Of these we are told on good authority that he had one hundred and fifty pregnant at one time, all of whom killed their offspring in the womb;[79] yet notwithstanding this wholesale abortion, he had more than fifty sons and daughters. His father had one hundred and fifty children, of whom Montezuma II. killed all his brothers and forced his sisters to marry whom he pleased;--at least such is the import of Oviedo's statement.[80] Nezahualpilli, of Tezcuco, had between seventy and one hundred children.[81] Camargo tells us that Xicotencatl, one of the chiefs of Tlascala had a great number of sons by more than fifty wives or concubines.[82] These women were the daughters of the nobles, who thought themselves honored by having a child in the royal harem. Occasionally the monarch presented one of his concubines to some great lord or renowned warrior, a mark of favor which thenceforth distinguished the recipient as a man whom the king delighted to honor. The seraglio was presided over by a number of noble matrons, who kept close watch and ward over the conduct of their charges and made daily reports to the king, who invariably caused the slightest indiscretion to be severely punished. Whether eunuchs were employed in the Aztec harems is uncertain; this, however, we read in Motolinia: "Moteuczomatzin had in his palace dwarfs and little hunchbacks, who when children were with great ingenuity made crook-backed, ruptured,[83] and disjointed, because the lords in this country made the same use of them as at the present day the Grand Turk does of eunuchs."[84] The enormous expenditure incurred in the maintenance of such a household as this, was defrayed by the people, who, as we shall see in a future chapter, were sorely oppressed by over-taxation. The management of the whole was entrusted to a head steward or majordomo, who, with the help of his secretaries, kept minute hieroglyphic accounts of the royal revenue. Bernal Diaz tells us that a whole apartment was filled with these account-books.[85] In Tezcuco, writes Ixtlilxochitl, the food consumed by the court was supplied by certain districts of the kingdom, in each of which was a gatherer of taxes, who besides collecting the regular tributes, was obliged to furnish the royal household, in his turn, with a certain quantity of specified articles, for a greater or less number of days, according to the wealth and extent of his department. The daily supply amounted to thirty-one and a quarter bushels of grain; nearly three bushels and three quarters of beans;[86] four hundred thousand ready-made tortillas; four xiquipiles[87] of cocoa, making in all thirty-two thousand cocoa-beans;[88] one hundred cocks of the country;[89] twenty loaves of salt; twenty great baskets of large chiles, and twenty of small chiles; ten baskets of tomatoes; and ten of seed.[90] All this was furnished daily for seventy days by the city of Tezcuco and its suburbs, and by the districts of Atenco, and Tepepulco; for sixty-five days by the district of Quauhtlatzinco; and for forty-five days by the districts of Azapocho and Ahuatepec.[91] [Sidenote: AZTEC KINGS AND THEIR SUBJECTS.] Such, as full in detail as it is handed down to us, was the manner in which the Aztec monarchs lived. The policy they pursued toward their subjects was to enforce obedience and submission by enacting laws that were calculated rather to excite awe and dread than to inspire love and reverence. To this end they kept the people at a distance by surrounding themselves with an impassable barrier of pomp and courtly etiquette, and enforced obedience by enacting laws that made death the penalty of the most trivial offenses. There was little in common between king and people; as is ever the case between a despot and his subjects. The good that the kings did by their liberality and love of justice, and the success they nearly all achieved by their courage and generalship, merited the admiration of their subjects. On the other hand, the oppression which they made their vassals feel, the heavy burdens they imposed upon them, their own pride and arrogance, and their excessive severity in punishments, engendered what we should now call a debasing fear, but which is none the less an essential element of progress at certain stages.[92] FOOTNOTES: [23] _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. ii., lib. vii., cap. ix. Though it is more than probable that Gomara means the same thing, yet the manner in which he expresses it leaves us in some doubt whether the tiger might not have been standing over the eagle. 'El escudo de armas, que estaua por las puertas de palacio y que traen las vanderas de Motecçuma, y las de sus antecessores, es vna aguila abatida a vn tigre, las manos y vñas puestas como para hazer presa.' _Conq. Mex._, fol. 108. 'Het Wapen dat boven de Poorte stont, was een Arent die op een Griffioen nederdaelde, met open Clauwen hem ghereet maeckende, om syn Roof te vatten.' _West-Indische Spieghel_, p. 246. [24] _Relatione fatta per vn gentil'huomo del Signor Fernando Cortese_, in _Ramusio_, _Navigationi_, tom. iii., fol. 309. [25] _Ib._ [26] 'Le tecali paraît être la pierre transparente semblable à l'albâtre oriental, dont on faisait un grand usage à Mexico, et dont les réligieux se servirent même pour faire une espèce de vitres à leurs fenêtres. On en trouve encore de ce genre dans plusieurs couvents de la Puebla de los Angeles.' _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. iv., p. 8. [27] Incense-offering among the Mexicans, and other nations of Anáhuac, was not only an act of religion towards their gods, but also a piece of civil courtesy to lords and ambassadors. _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., p. 51. Cortés during his march to the capital was on more than one occasion met by a deputation of nobles, bearing censers which they swung before him as a mark of courtesy. [28] Prescott, _Mex._, vol. i., p. 177, makes in both cases the 'estado' the same measure as the 'vara,' that is three feet, a clumsy error certainly, when translating such a sentence as this: 'que tenia de grueso dos varas, y de alto tres estados.' [29] 'Á manera de estribo,' writes Ixtlilxochitl. [30] _Ixtlilxochitl_, _Hist. Chich._, in _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, tom. ix., pp. 242-3. [31] _Gage's New Survey_, p. 99. Concerning this oratory, see _Las Casas_, _Hist. Apologética_, MS., tom. i., cap. l. Torquemada, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. i., p. 296, asserts that the gold and silver plates with which the walls and roof were coated, were almost as thick as a finger, and that the first conquerors did not see this chapel or oratory, because Montezuma always went to the temple to pray, and probably, as the natives declared, knowing the covetousness of the Spaniards, he purposely concealed all this wealth from them; it is also said that when Mexico was taken the natives destroyed this chapel, and threw its treasures into the lake. [32] _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. i., p. 297. [33] _Peter Martyr_, dec. v., lib. ii. [34] _Ixtlilxochitl_, _Hist. Chich._, in _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. ix., pp. 251-2. [35] Their names, as given by Ixtlilxochitl, _Hist. Chich._, in _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. ix., p. 251, were: Huexotla, Coatlichan, Coatapec, Chimalhuacan, Ytztapalocan, Tepetlaoztoc, Acolman, Tepechpan, Chiuhnauhtlan, Teioiocan, Chiauhtla, Papalotlan, Xaltocan, and Chalco. [36] Otompan, Teotihuacan, Tepepolco, Cempoalon, Aztaquemecan, Ahuatepec, Axapochoc, Oztoticpac, Tizayocan, Tlalanapan, Coioac, Quatlatlauhcan, Quauhtlacca, and Quatlatzinco. _Ib._ [37] 'Para la recámara del rey,' namely: Calpolalpan, Mazaapan, Yahualiuhcan, Atenco, and Tzihuinquilocan. _Ib._ It is unreasonable to suppose that these so-called 'towns' were really more than mere villages, since the kingdoms proper of Mexico, Tezcuco, and Tlacopan, of which they formed only a fraction, were all contained in a valley not two hundred miles in circumference. [38] Tolantzinco, Quauhchinanco, Xicotepec, Pauhatla, Yauhtepec, Tepechco, Ahuacaiocan, and Quauhahuac. _Ib._; see also _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. i., p. 167. [39] 'La cerca tan grande que tenia para subir á la cumbre de él y andarlo todo.' _Ixtlilxochitl_, _Hist. Chich._, in _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. ix., p. 251. [40] 'Para subir hasta esta cumbre se passan quinientos y veynte escalones, sin algunos que estan ya deshechos, por auer sido de piedras sueltas y puestas à mano: que otros muchos escalones ay, labrados en la propia peña con mucha curiosidad. El año pasado los anduue todos, y los contè, para deponer de vista.' _Dávila Padilla_, _Hist. Fvnd. Mex._, p. 619. Prescott, _Mex._, vol. i., p. 186, citing the above author, gives five hundred and twenty as the whole number of steps, without further remark. [41] Torquemada also mentions this staircase. _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., p. 436. [42] 'Esculpida en ella en circunferencia los años desde que habia nacido el rey Nezahualcoiotzin, hasta la edad de aquel tiempo.' _Ixtlilxochitl_, _Hist. Chich._, in _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. ix., p. 252. Prescott says that the hieroglyphics represented the 'years of Nezahualcoyotl's reign.' _Mex._, vol. i., p. 182. [43] _Hist. Fvnd. Mex._, p. 619. 'This figure was, no doubt, the emblem of Nezahualcoyotl himself, whose name ... signified "hungry fox."' _Prescott's Mex._, vol. i., p. 183, note 42. [44] 'Un leon de mas de dos brazas de largo con sus alas y plumas.' _Hist. Chich._, in _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. ix., p. 252. [45] These figures were destroyed by order of Fr Juan de Zumárraga, first Bishop of Mexico. _Dávila Padilla_, _Hist. Fvnd. Mex._, p. 619; _Ixtlilxochitl_, _Hist. Chich._, in _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. ix., p. 252. The injury wrought by this holy iconoclast is incalculable. Blinded by the mad fanaticism of the age, he saw a devil in every Aztec image and hieroglyph; his hammers did more in a few years to efface all vestiges of Aztec art and greatness than time and decay could have done in as many centuries. It is a few such men as this that the world has to thank for the utter extinction in a few short years of a mighty civilization. In a letter to the Franciscan Chapter at Tolosa, dated June 12, 1531, we find the old bigot exulting over his vandalism. 'Very reverend Fathers,' he writes: 'be it known to you that we are very busy in the work of converting the heathen; of whom, by the grace of God, upwards of one million have been baptized at the hands of the brethren of the order of our seraphic Father Saint Francis; five hundred temples have been leveled to the ground, and more than twenty thousand figures of the devils they worshiped have been broken to pieces and burned.' And it appears that the worthy zealot had even succeeded in bringing the natives themselves to his way of thinking, for further on he writes: 'They watch with great care to see where their fathers hide the idols, and then with great fidelity they bring them to the religious of our order that they may be destroyed; and for this many of them have been brutally murdered by their parents, or, to speak more properly, have been crowned in glory with Christ.' _Dicc. Univ._, App., tom. iii., p. 1131. [46] There is a singular confusion about this passage. In _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. ix., p. 252, Ixtlilxochitl is made to write: 'Un poquito mas abajo estaban tres albercas de agua, y en la del medio estaban en sus bordos tres damas esculpidas y labradas en la misma peña, que significaban la gran laguna; y las _ranas_ los cabezas del imperio.' In _Prescott's Mex._, App., vol. iii., pp. 430-2, Ixtlilxochitl's description of Tezcozinco is given in full; the above-quoted passage is exactly the same here except that for _ranas_, frogs, we read _ramas_, branches. Either of these words would render the description incomprehensible, and in my description I have assumed that they are both misprints for _damas_. Mr Prescott, _Mex._, vol. i., pp. 182-3, surmounts the difficulty as follows: 'On a lower level were three other reservoirs, _in each of which stood a marble statue of a woman_, emblematic of the three states of the empire.' This is inaccurate as well as incomplete, inasmuch as the figures were not statues, each standing in a basin, but were all three cut upon the face of the rock-border of the middle basin. [47] I have no doubt that this is the basin known to modern travelers as the 'Baths of Montezuma,' of which Ward says that it is neither of the proper shape, nor large enough for a bath, but that it more probably 'served to receive the waters of a spring, since dried up, as its depth is considerable, while the edge on one side is formed into a spout.' _Mexico_, vol. ii., p. 297. Of late years this excavation has been repeatedly described by men who claim to have visited it, but whose statements it is hard to reconcile. Bullock mentions having seen on this spot 'a beautiful basin about twelve feet long by eight wide, having a well about five feet by four deep in the centre, surrounded by a parapet or rim two feet six inches high, with a throne or chair, such as is represented in ancient pictures to have been used by the kings. There are steps to descend into the basin or bath; the whole cut out of the living porphyry rock with the most mathematical precision, and polished in the most beautiful manner.' _Mexico_, vol. ii., pp. 125-6. Latrobe says there were 'two singular basins, of perhaps two feet and a half in diameter, not big enough for any monarch bigger than Oberon to take a duck in.' _Rambler_, p. 187; _Vigne's Travels_, vol. i., p. 27, mentions 'the remains of a circular stone bath ... about a foot deep and five in diameter, with a small surrounding and smoothed space cut out of the solid rock.' Brantz Mayer, who both saw it and gives a sketch of it, writes: 'The rock is smoothed to a perfect level for several yards, around which, seats and grooves are carved from the adjacent masses. In the centre there is a circular sink, about a yard and a half in diameter, and a yard in depth, and a square pipe, with a small aperture, led the water from an aqueduct, which appears to terminate in this basin.' _Mex. as it Was_, p. 234. Beaufoy says that two-thirds up the southern side of the hill was a mass of fine red porphyry, in which was an excavation six feet square, with steps leading down three feet, having in the centre a circular basin four and a half feet in diameter and five deep also with steps. _Mex. Illustr._, p. 195. 'On the side of the hill are two little circular baths, cut in the solid rock. The lower of the two has a flight of steps down to it; the seat for the bather, and the stone pipe which brought the water, are still quite perfect.' _Tylor's Anahuac_, p. 152. [48] 'Tras este jardin se seguian los baños hechos y labrados de peña viva, que con dividirse en dos baños era de una pieza.' _Ixtlilxochitl_, _Hist. Chich._, in _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. ix., p. 252. [49] _Ib._ [50] Dávila Padilla says that some of the gateways of this palace were formed of one piece of stone, and he saw one beam of cedar there which was almost ninety feet in length and four in breadth. _Hist. Fvnd. Mex._, p. 620. [51] Concerning the royal buildings, gardens, &c., of the Aztecs, compare _Las Casas_, _Hist. Apologética_, MS., tom. i., cap. l.; _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. i., pp. 167, 296-8; _Ixtlilxochitl_, _Hist. Chich._, in _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. ix., pp. 243-4, 251-2; _Dávila Padilla_, _Hist. Fvnd. Mex._, pp. 619-20; _Relatione fatta per vn gentil'huomo del Signor Fernando Cortese_, in _Ramusio_, _Navigationi_, tom. iii., fol. 309; _Sahagun_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. ii., lib. viii., pp. 302-9; _Camargo_, _Hist. Tlax._, in _Nouvelles Annales des Voy._, 1843, tom. xcviii., p. 196; _Acosta's Hist. Nat. Ind._, p. 484; _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. i., pp. 271-4; _Oviedo_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. iii., pp. 305-7, 504; _Bernal Diaz_, _Hist. Conq._, fol. 69; _Motolinia_, _Hist. Indios_, in _Icazbalceta_, _Col. de Doc._, tom. i., pp. 181-5; _Gomara_, _Conq. Mex._, fol. 107-11; _Ortega_, in _Veytia_, _Hist. Ant. Mej._, tom. iii., pp. 315-19; _Cortés_, _Cartas_, pp. 110-11; _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. ii., lib. vii., cap. ix.-xi.; _West-Indische Spieghel_, pp. 245-6, 343; _Gage's New Survey_, pp. 97-9; _Peter Martyr_, dec. v., lib. iii., iv., x.; _Chevalier_, _Mexique_, pp. 30-2; _Prescott's Mex._, vol. i., pp. 177-84, vol. ii., pp. 65, 115-21; _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. iv., pp. 8-11; _Pimentel_, _Raza Indígena_, p. 57; _Tápia_, _Relacion_, in _Icazbalceta_, _Col. de Doc._, tom. ii., pp. 581-3. Other works of no original value, which touch on this subject, are: _Klemm_, _Cultur-Geschichte_, tom. v., pp. 15, 244, 65-6, 234-7; _Ranking's Hist. Researches_, pp. 347-51; _Bussierre_, _L'Empire Mexicain_, pp. 90-4, 109; _Macgregor's Progress of America_, p. 22; _Dilworth's Conq. Mex._, pp. 66, 70; _West und Ost Indischer Lustgart_, pt i., p. 125. [52] _Sahagun_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. iii., lib. x., pp. 107-8. [53] Close to the great audience hall was a very large court-yard, 'en que avia çient aposentos de veynte é çinco ó treynta piés de largo cada uno sobre sí en torno de dicho patio, é allí estaban los señores prinçipales apossentados, como guardas del palacio ordinarias.' _Oviedo_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. iii., p. 501. [54] 'Vna como tabla labrada con oro, y otras figuras de idolos.' _Bernal Diaz_, _Hist. Conq._, fol. 68. [55] _Hist. Gen._, tom. ii., lib. viii., pp. 297-302. [56] This pungent condiment is at the present day as omnipresent in Spanish American dishes as it was at the time of the conquest; and I am seriously informed by a Spanish gentleman who resided for many years in Mexico, and was an officer in Maximilian's army, that while the wolves would feed upon the dead bodies of the French that lay all night upon the battle-field, they never touched the bodies of the Mexicans, because the flesh of the latter was completely impregnated with chile. Which, if true, may be thought to show that wolves do not object to a diet seasoned with garlic. [57] Described too frequently in vol. i., of this series, to need repetition. [58] The tamale is another very favorite modern Mexican dish. The natives generally make them with pork; the bones are crushed almost to powder; the meat is cut up in small pieces, and the whole washed; a small quantity of maize paste, seasoned with cinnamon, saffron, cloves, pimento, tomatoes, coarse pepper, salt, red coloring matter, and some lard added to it, is placed on the fire in a pan; as soon as it has acquired the consistency of a thick gruel it is removed, mixed with the meat, some more lard and salt added, and the mass kneaded for a few moments; it is then divided into small portions, which are enveloped in a thin paste of maize. The tamales thus prepared are covered with a banana-leaf or a corn-husk, and placed in a pot or pan over which large leaves are laid. They are allowed to boil from one hour and a half to two hours. Game, poultry, vegetables, or sweetmeats are often used instead of pork. [59] Torquemada, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. i., p. 229, regrets that certain persons, out of the ill-will they bore the Mexicans, have falsely imputed to Montezuma the crime of eating human flesh without its being well seasoned, but he admits that when properly cooked and disguised, the flesh of those sacrificed to the gods appeared at the royal board. Some modern writers seem to doubt even this; it is, however, certain that cannibalism existed among the people, not as a means of allaying appetite, but from partly religious motives, and there seems no reason to doubt that the king shared the superstitions of the people. I do not, however, base the opinion upon Oviedo's assertion, which smacks strongly of the 'giant stories' of the nursery, that certain 'dishes of tender children' graced the monarch's table. _Hist. Gen._, tom. iii., p. 501. Bernal Diaz, _Hist. Conq._, fol. 68, also cannot withstand the temptation to deal in the marvelous, and mentions 'carnes de muchachos de poca edad;' though it is true the soldier-like bluntness the veteran so prided himself upon, comes to his aid, and he admits that perhaps after all Montezuma was not an ogre. [60] _Bernal Diaz_, _Hist. Conq._, fol. 68. [61] _Oviedo_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. iii., p. 501. [62] _Monarq. Ind._, tom. i., p. 229. [63] Bernal Diaz, _Hist. Conq._, fol. 68, says there were four of these women; Torquemada, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. i., p. 229, says there were twenty. [64] 'E ya que començaua á comer, echauanle delante vna como puerta de madera muy pintada de oro, porque no le viessen comer.' _Bernal Diaz_, _Hist. Conq._, fol. 68. 'Luego que se sentaba à la Mesa, cerraba el Maestre-Sala vna Varanda de Madera, que dividia la Sala, para que la Nobleça de los Caballeros, _que acudia à verle comer_, no embaraçase la Mesa.' _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. i., p. 229. 'Tosto che il Re si metteva a tavola, chiudeva lo Scalco la porta della Sala, acciocchè nessuno degli altri Nobili lo vedesse mangiare.' _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. i., p. 270. [65] 'A potation of chocolate, flavored with vanilla and other spices, and so prepared as to be reduced to a froth of the consistency of honey, which gradually dissolved in the mouth.' _Prescott's Mex._, vol. ii., p. 125. 'This was something like our chocolate, and prepared in the same way, but with this difference, that it was mixed with the boiled dough of maise, and was drunk cold.' _Bernal Diaz_, _Hist. Conq._, [Lockhart's translation Lond., 1814, vol. i., note, p. 393]. 'La bebida es agua mezclada con cierta harina de unas almendras que llaman _cacao_. Esta es de mucha sustancia, muy fresca, y sabrosa y agradable, y no embriaga.' _Las Casas_, _Hist. Apologética_, MS., cap. ccxi. [66] 'Entonces no mirauamos en ello; mas lo que yo vi, que traian sobre cincuenta jarros grandes hechos de buen cacao con su espuma, y de lo que bebia.' _Bernal Diaz_, _Hist. Conq._, fol. 68. Oviedo, as usual, is content with no number less than three thousand: 'É luego venian tres mill _xícalos_ (cántaros ó ánforas) de brevage.' _Hist. Gen._, tom. iii., p. 501. Las Casas makes it three hundred: 'A su tiempo, en medio ò en fin de los manjares segun la costumbre que tenian, entravan otros trescientos pajes, cada uno con un vaso grande que cabia medio azumbre, (about a quart), y aun tres quartillos de la bebida en el mismo, y servia el un vaso al rey el maestresala, de que bebia lo que le agradava.' _Las Casas_, _Hist. Apologética_, MS., cap. ccxi. [67] 'Vnas yervas que se dize tabaco.' _Bernal Diaz_, _Hist. Conq._, fol. 68. [68] Only five persons enjoyed the privilege of looking Montezuma II. in the face: the kings of Tezcuco and Tlacopan, and the lords of Quauhtitlan, Coyouacan, and Azcapuzalco. _Las Casas_, _Hist. Apologética_, MS., cap. ccxi. Bernal Diaz says that all who approached the royal seat made three reverences, saying in succession, 'Lord,' 'my lord,' 'sublime lord.' _Hist. Conq._, fol. 68. [69] This custom of speaking through a secretary was adopted by the other Aztec monarchs as well as Montezuma, and was also imitated by many of the great tributary lords and governors of provinces who wished to make as much display of their rank and dignity as possible. See _Motolinia_, _Hist. Indios_, in _Icazbalceta_, _Col. de Doc._, tom. i., p. 184; _Las Casas_, _Hist. Apologética_, MS., cap. ccxi.; _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. i., p. 205. [70] 'Lo que los señores hablaban y la palabra que mas ordinariamente decian al fin de las pláticas y negocios que se les comunicaban, eran decir con muy baja voz _tlaa_, que quiere decir "sí, ó bien, bien."' _Motolinia_, _Hist. Indios_, in _Icazbalceta_, _Col. de Doc._, tom. i., p. 184. [71] _Peter Martyr_, dec. v., lib. iv. [72] Torquemada writes of Montezuma II.: 'Su trato con los Suios era poco: raras veces se dejaba vèr, y estabase encerrado mucho tiempo, pensando en el Govierno de su Reino.' _Monarq. Ind._, tom. i., p. 205. [73] _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. i., p. 205. [74] Picking up straws, says Las Casas: 'É iban estos oficiales delante quitando las pajas del suelo por finas que fuesen.' _Hist. Apologética_, MS., cap. ccxi. [75] This was the Aztec manner of salutation, and is doubtless what Bernal Diaz means where he writes: 'Y en señal de paz tocauan con la mano en el suelo, y besauan la tierra con la mesma mano.' _Hist. Conq._, fol. 65. [76] Green stones, more valued than any other among the Aztecs. [77] Cortés himself says that the king was supported by two grandees only; one of whom was his nephew, the king of Tezcuco, and the other his brother, the lord of Iztapalapa. _Cartas_, p. 85. [78] _Bernal Diaz_, _Hist. Conq._, fol. 65. [79] _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. i., p. 230; _Gomara_, _Conq. Mex._, fol. 107; _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. ii., lib. vii., cap. ix.; _Bernal Diaz_, _Hist. Conq._, fol. 67; _West-Indische Spieghel_, p. 246. Clavigero disbelieves the report that Montezuma had one hundred and fifty women pregnant at once. _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. i., p. 268. Oviedo makes the number of women four thousand. _Hist. Gen._, tom. iii., p. 505. [80] _Oviedo_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. iii., p. 505. [81] _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., p. 435. [82] _Hist. Tlax._, in _Nouvelles Annales des Voy._, 1843, tom. xcviii., p. 169. [83] 'Quebraban,' which probably here means 'castrated.' [84] 'Tenia Moteuczomatzin en su palacio enanos y corcobadillos, que de industria siendo niños los hacian jibosos, y los quebraban y descoyuntaban, porque de estos se servian los señores en esta tierra como ahora hace el Gran Turco de eunucos.' _Hist. Indios_, in _Icazbalceta_, _Col. de Doc._, tom. i., pp. 184-5. Torquemada, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. i., p. 298, uses nearly the same words. [85] _Hist. Conq._, fol. 68. [86] 'Otros tres Tlacopintlix de frisoles.' The Tlacopintlix was one 'fanega,' and three 'almudes,' or, one bushel and a quarter. [87] 'Xiquipilli, costal, talega, alforja, o bolsa.' _Molina_, _Vocabulario_. [88] 'Treinta y dos mil cacaos,' possibly cocoa-pods instead of cocoa-beans. [89] 'Cien gallos.' Probably turkeys. [90] Probably pumpkin or melon seed. [91] _Ixtlilxochitl_, _Hist. Chich._, in _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. ix., p. 241. [92] Concerning the king's manner of living and the domestic economy of the royal household, see: _Cortés_, _Cartas_, pp. 84-5, 109-13; _Bernal Diaz_, _Hist. Conq._, fol. 66-8; _Sahagun_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. ii., lib. viii., pp. 286-322; _Las Casas_, _Hist. Apologética_, MS., cap. ccxi.; _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. i., pp. 167-8, 205-6, 228-31, 298, tom. ii., p. 435; _Motolinia_, _Hist. Indios_, in _Icazbalceta_, _Col. de Doc._, tom. i., pp. 184-5; _Peter Martyr_, dec. v., lib. iii., iv.; _Gomara_, _Conq. Mex._, fol. 103-4, 107-8; _Acosta_, _Hist. de las Ynd._, p. 507; _Oviedo_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. iii., pp. 307, 501, 505; _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. i., pp. 268-71; _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. ii., lib. vii., cap. v., vii., ix., xii-xiii., dec. iii., lib. ii., cap. xiv.; _Veytia_, _Hist. Ant. Mej._, tom. iii., pp. 189-91; _Ortega_, in _Id._, pp. 310-17; _West-Indische Spieghel_, p. 246; _Gage's New Survey_, pp. 97, 100-1; _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. i., p. 284, tom. iv., pp. 9-13; _Prescott's Mex._, tom. ii., pp. 121-9; _Zuazo_, _Carta_, in _Icazbalceta_, _Col. de Doc._, tom. i., p. 362; _Carli_, _Cartas_, pt i., pp. 117-18. Other works of more or less value bearing on this subject are: _Touron_, _Hist. Gén._, tom. iii., pp. 25-38, 355-7, 359; _Bussierre_, _L'Empire Mex._, pp. 109, 119-22, 254-5; _Baril_, _Mexique_, pp. 204-7; _Dufey_, _Résumé_, tom. i., pp. 136-7; _Brownell's Ind. Races_, pp. 83, 93-5; _Ranking's Hist. Researches_, pp. 315-16, 321-3, 342-7, 350; _Soden_, _Spanier in Peru_, p. 136; _Carbajal Espinosa_, _Hist. Mex._, tom. i., pp. 582-4; _Lafond_, _Voyages_, tom. i., pp. 104-5; _Cooper's Hist. N. Amer._, pp. 112-13; _Dilworth's Conq. Mex._, pp. 65-6, 70-1; _Hawks_, in _Hakluyt's Voy._, vol. iii., p. 469; _Monglave_, _Résumé_, pp. 19, 82-3; _Incidents and Sketches_, p. 60; _Klemm_, _Cultur-Geschichte_, tom. v., pp. 63-6, 209-11, 234, 242; _Dillon_, _Hist. Mex._, p. 52; _West und Ost Indischer Lustgart_, pp. 123-5. CHAPTER V. THE PRIVILEGED CLASSES AMONG THE NAHUAS. TITLES OF THE NOBILITY AND GENTRY--THE POWER OF THE NOBLES--THE ARISTOCRACY OF TEZCUCO--THE POLICY OF KING TECHOTLALATZIN--PRIVILEGES OF THE NOBLES--MONTEZUMA'S POLICY--RIVALRY BETWEEN NOBLES AND COMMONS--THE KNIGHTLY ORDER OF TECUHTLI--CEREMONY OF INITIATION--ORIGIN OF THE ORDER--THE NAHUA PRIESTHOOD--THE PRIESTS OF MEXICO--DEDICATION OF CHILDREN--PRIESTESSES--PRIESTHOOD OF MIZTECAPAN--THE PONTIFF OF YOPAA--TRADITION OF WIXIPECOCHA--THE CAVE OF YOPAA--THE ZAPOTEC PRIESTS--TOLTEC PRIESTS--TOTONAC PRIESTS--PRIESTS OF MICHOACAN, PUEBLA, AND TLASCALA. [Sidenote: THE AZTEC ARISTOCRACY.] Descending in due order the social scale of the Aztecs, we now come to the nobility, or, more properly speaking, the privileged classes. The nobles of Mexico, and of the other Nahua nations, were divided into several classes, each having its own peculiar privileges and badges of rank. The distinctions that existed between the various grades, and their titles, are not, however, clearly defined. The title of Tlatoani was the highest and most respected; it signified an absolute and sovereign power, an hereditary and divine right to govern. The kings, and the great feudatory lords who were governors of provinces, and could prove their princely descent and the ancient independence of their families, belonged to this order. The title of Tlatopilzintli was given to the eldest son of the king, and that of Tlatoque to all the princes in general. Tlacahua signified a lord without sovereignty, but who had vassals under his orders, and was, to a certain extent, master of his people. The appellation of Pilli was given to all who were noble, without regard to rank. Axcahua, was a rich man, a proprietor of wealth in general, and Tlaquihua, a landed proprietor, or almost the same thing as an English country gentleman. The title of Tlatoani was invariably hereditary, but many of the others were conferred only for life, as a reward for important military or other services to the state. Of the tenure by which they held their lands I shall have occasion to speak hereafter. The power of the nobles, as a body, was very great; according to some accounts there were, in Montezuma's realms, thirty great lords who each controlled one hundred thousand vassals, and three thousand other lords also very powerful. A number of nobles possessing such formidable power as this, would, if permitted to live on their estates, some of which were a long distance from the capital, have been a constantly threatening source of danger to the crown; at any moment an Aztec Runnimede might have been expected. To guard against any such catastrophe, the more powerful nobles were required to reside in the capital, at least during the greater part of each year; and permission to return to their homes for a short time, could only be obtained on condition that they left a son or brother as a guarantee of good faith during their absence.[93] In the kingdom of Tezcuco were twenty-six great fiefs,[94] each independent of the rest and having several fiefs of less importance subjected to it. The greater part of these great chiefs bore the sovereign title of Tlatoani, or a similar one. They recognized no prerogative of the king except his right to preside at their grand assemblies, to receive their homage upon his accession to the throne, to levy certain tributes in their provinces, and to call upon them to appear in the field with a contingent of troops in case of war. For the rest, each Tlatoani was perfectly independent in his own domain, which he governed with the same omnipotence as the king of Tezcuco himself. Notwithstanding the precautions taken, it frequently happened that one of these great feudatories would feel himself strong enough to set the authority of the king at defiance, but as their private feuds generally prevented any number of the Tlatoanis from uniting their forces against the crown, the rebels were in most instances speedily reduced to subjection; in which event the leaders either suffered death or were degraded from their rank. They were an unruly family, these overgrown vassals, and the Aztec monarchs were often at their wit's end in endeavors to conciliate and keep them within bounds. Torquemada tells us that Techotlalatzin, king of Tezcuco, was sorely harassed by the powerful nobles of his realm. He accordingly set about remedying the evil with great prudence and perseverance. His first step was to unite, by strong bonds of interest, the less important nobles to the crown. To this end he heaped favors upon all. The vanity of some he flattered by conferring the dignity and title of Tlatoani upon them, to others he gave wealth and lands. By this means he weakened the individual power of the great vassals by increasing their number, a policy the efficiency of which has been frequently proved in the old world as well as in the new. Techotlalatzin next proceeded to summon them one after another to court, and then under pretense of being in constant need of their advice, he formed twenty-six of their number into a council of state, obliging them by this means to reside constantly in the capital. With this council he conferred upon all grave and difficult questions, whatever might be their nature. It was the duty of its members to draw up and issue ordinances, both for the general government and for the administration of affairs in particular provinces; and to enact laws for enforcing good order in towns and villages, as well as those relating to agriculture, science and art, military discipline, and the tribunals of justice. [Sidenote: ORDERS OF NOBILITY.] At the same time Techotlalatzin created a large number of new offices and honorary trusts, which were dependent on the crown. Four of the most powerful nobles were invested with the highest dignities. The first, with the title Tetlahto, was made commander-in-chief of the army, and president of the military council. The second was entitled Yolqui; his office was that of grand master of ceremonies; it was his duty to receive and introduce the ambassadors and ministers of foreign princes, to conduct them to court, to lodge them and provide for their comfort, and to offer them the presents appointed by the king. The third lord received the title of Tlami or Calpixcontli; he was master of the royal household, and minister of finance, and was assisted in his functions by a council of other nobles. It was the duty of this body to keep strict account of all taxes paid by the people; its members were required to be well informed as to the exact condition of each town and province, with the nature of its produce, and the fertility of its soil; they had also to distribute the taxes with equality and justice, and in proportion to the resources of the people. The care and management of the interior of the palace was also intrusted to them, and it was their place to provide all the food for the consumption of the royal household. The fourth great officer was styled Amechichi; he acted as grand chamberlain, and attended to the king's private apartments. Like the Tlami, he was assisted by other nobles. A fifth officer was afterward appointed, who bore the title of Cohuatl, and superintended the workers in precious metals, jewels, and feathers, who were employed by the court. At first sight it may appear that such duties as these would be below the dignity of a haughty Aztec grandee, yet we find the nobles of Europe during the middle ages not only filling the same positions, but jealous of their right to do so, and complaining loudly if deprived of them. Sismondi tells us that the count of Anjou, under Louis VI., claimed the office of grand seneschal of France; that is, to carry dishes to the king's table on state days. The court of Charlemagne was crowded with officers of every rank, some of the most eminent of whom exercised functions about the royal person which would have been thought fit only for slaves in the palace of Augustus or Antonine. The free-born Franks saw nothing menial in the titles of cup-bearer, steward, marshal, and master of the horse, which are still borne by some of the noblest families in many parts of Europe. As soon as habits of submission and an appreciation of the honors showered upon them had taken root among his great vassals, Techotlalatzin subdivided the twenty-six provinces of his kingdom into sixty-five departments. The ancient lords were not by this measure despoiled of all their authority, nor of those estates which were their private property; but the jurisdiction they exercised in person or through their officials was greatly diminished by the nomination of thirty-five new governors, chosen by the king, and of whose fidelity he was well assured. This was a mortal blow to the great aristocrats, and a preliminary step toward the total abolition of feudal power. But the master-stroke was yet to come. The inhabitants of each province were carefully counted and divided into sections. They were then changed about from place to place, in numbers proportioned to the size and population of the territory. For example, from a division containing six thousand people, two thousand were taken and transported into the territory of another lord, from the number of whose vassals two thousand were also taken and placed upon the vacated land in the first lord's possessions; each noble, however, retained his authority over that portion of his vassals which had been removed. By this means, although the number of each lord's subjects remained the same, yet as a large portion of each territory was occupied by the vassals of another, a revolt would be difficult. Nor could two nobles unite their forces against the crown, as care was taken that the interchange of dependents should not be effected between two estates adjoining each other. These measures, despotic as they were, were nevertheless executed without opposition from either nobles or people,--such was the awe in which the sovereign was held and his complete ascendancy over his subjects.[95] [Sidenote: PRIVILEGES OF THE NOBLES.] The privileges of the nobles were numerous. They alone were allowed to wear ornaments of gold and gems upon their clothes, and, indeed, in their entire dress, as we shall presently see, they were distinguished from the lower classes. The exact limits of the power they possessed over their vassals is not known, but it was doubtless nearly absolute. Fuenleal, bishop of Santo Domingo, writes to Charles V. of the lower orders, that "they were, and still are, so submissive that they allow themselves to be killed or sold into slavery without complaining."[96] In Mexico their power and privileges were greatly augmented by Montezuma II., who we are told ousted every plebeian that held a position of high rank, and would allow none who were not of noble birth to be employed in his palace or about his person. At the time of this monarch's accession there were many members of the royal council who were men of low extraction; all these he dismissed and supplied their places with creatures of his own. It is related that an old man who had formerly been his guardian or tutor had the boldness to remonstrate with him against such a course; telling him with firmness that he acted contrary to his own interests, and advising him to weigh well the consequences of the measures he was adopting. To banish the plebeians from the palace, added the old man, was to estrange them forever from the king; and the time would come when the common people would no longer either wish or dare to look upon him. Montezuma haughtily made answer, that this was precisely what he wished; it was a burning shame, he said, that the low and common people should be allowed to mix with the nobles in the royal service; he was astonished and indignant that his royal predecessors had so long suffered such a state of things to be.[97] By these measures the services of many brave soldiers, promoted, as a reward for their gallantry, from the ranks of the people, were lost to the crown; nor were such men likely to be slow to show their discontent. The new policy, incited by a proud aristocracy, struck exactly those men who had the best right to a share in the government. It was the officers promoted for their merits from the ranks who had contributed most to the success of the Mexican arms; it was the great merchants who, by their extended commerce, had made the wealth of the country. A spirit of rivalry had long existed between the poor well-born nobles, and the wealthy base-born merchants. During many successive reigns the importance of the latter class had been steadily increasing, owing to the valuable services they had rendered the state. From the earliest times they were permitted a certain degree of familiarity with the kings, who took great delight in hearing them recount the wonderful adventures they had met with while on their long expeditions into strange parts. Doubtless the royal ear did not always meet the truth unembellished, any more than did that of Haroun Alraschid upon similar occasions, but probably the monarchs learned many little secrets in this way that they could never know by other means. Afterward these merchants were admitted to the royal councils, and during the latter years of the reign of Ahuitzotl we find them enjoying many of the exclusive privileges hitherto reserved to the warrior aristocracy. [Sidenote: CLASS CONFLICTS.] The merchants appear to have partly brought upon themselves the misfortunes which subsequently overtook them, by aggravating the envious feelings with which they were already regarded. Not content with being admitted to equal privileges with the nobles, and vexed at not being able to vie with them in brilliant titles and long lines of illustrious ancestry, they did their utmost to surpass them in the magnificence of their houses, and in the pomp which they displayed upon every occasion. At the public feasts and ceremonies these parvenus outshone the proudest nobles by the profuseness of their expenditure; they strove for and obtained honors and exalted positions which the aristocracy could not accept for lack of wealth; they were sparing of money in no place where it could be used for their own advancement. It is easy to conceive the effect such a state of things had on the proud and overbearing nobles of Mexico. On several occasions they complained to their kings that their order was losing its prestige by being obliged to mix on equal terms with the plebeians; but the services that the great commercial body rendered every day to the crown were too material to allow the kings to listen patiently to such complaints. During the reign of Ahuitzotl, the pride of the merchants had reached its zenith; it is not therefore surprising that the leaders of the aristocratic party, when that monarch was dead, elected as his successor Montezuma II., a prince well known for his partiality for the higher classes. His policy, as events proved, was a far less wise one than that of Techotlalatzin of Tezcuco, of which we have already spoken. By not restraining his overweening pride he prepared the way for disaffection and revolt; he furnished his enemies with weapons which they were not slow to use; he alienated the affections of his subjects, so that when aid was most needed there was none to help him, and when, fettered and a prisoner in the hand of the Spaniards, he called upon his people, the only replies were hoots and missiles. The generals of the army and military officers of the higher ranks, must of course be included among the privileged classes; usually, indeed, they were noble by birth as well as influential by position, and in Mexico, from the time of Montezuma's innovations this was always the case. There were several military orders and titles which were bestowed upon distinguished soldiers for services in the field or the council. Of those which were purely the reward of merit, and such as could be attained by a plebeian, I shall speak in a future chapter. There was one, however, the membership of which was confined to the nobility; this was the celebrated and knightly order of the Tecuhtli. To obtain this rank it was necessary to be of noble birth, to have given proof in several battles of the utmost courage, to have arrived at a certain age, and to have sufficient wealth to support the enormous expenses incurred by members of the order. [Sidenote: CEREMONY OF INITIATING A TECUHTLI.] For three years before he was admitted, the candidate and his parents busied themselves about making ready for the grand ceremony, and collecting rich garments, jewels, and golden ornaments, for presents to the guests. When the time approached, the auguries were consulted, and a lucky day having been fixed upon, the relations and friends of the candidate, as well as all the great nobles and Tecuhtlis that could be brought together, were invited to a sumptuous banquet. On the morning of the all-important day the company set out in a body for the temple of Camaxtli,[98] followed by a multitude of curious spectators, chiefly of the lower orders, intent upon seeing all there is to see. Arrived at the summit of the pyramid consecrated to Camaxtli, the aspirant to knightly honors bows down reverently before the altar of the god. The high-priest now approaches him, and with a pointed tiger's bone or an eagle's claw perforates the cartilage of his nose in two places, inserting into the holes thus made small pieces of jet or obsidian,[99] which remain there until the year of probation is passed, when they are exchanged for beads of gold and precious stones. This piercing the nose with an eagle's claw or a tiger's bone, signifies, says Torquemada, that he who aspires to the dignity of Tecuhtli must be as swift to overtake an enemy as the eagle, as strong in fight as the tiger. The high-priest, speaking in a loud voice, now begins to heap insults and injurious epithets upon the man standing meekly before him. His voice grows louder and louder; he brandishes his arms aloft, he waxes furious. The assistant priests are catching his mood; they gather closer about the object of the pontiff's wrath; they jostle him, they point their fingers sneeringly at him, and call him coward. For a moment the dark eyes of the victim gleam savagely, his hands close involuntarily, he seems about to spring upon his tormentors; then with an effort he calms himself and is passive as ever. That look made the taunters draw back, but it was only for a moment; they are upon him again; they know now that he is strong to endure, and they will prove him to the uttermost. Screaming insults in his ears, they tear his garments piece by piece from his body until nothing but the maxtli is left, and the man stands bruised and naked in their midst. But all is useless, their victim is immovable, so at length they leave him in peace. He has passed safely through one of the severest ordeals of the day, but that fierce look a while ago was a narrow escape; had he lifted a finger in resistance, he must have gone down from the temple to be scorned and jeered at by the crowd below as one who had aspired to the dignity of Tecuhtli, yet who could restrain his temper no better than a woman. The long months of careful preparation would have been all in vain, his parents would have spat upon him for vexation and shame, perchance he would have been punished for sacrilege. But he is by no means a member of the coveted order yet. He is next conducted to another hall of the temple,[100] where he commences his noviciate, which is to last from one to two years, by four days of penance, prayer, and fasting. As soon as he is conducted to this hall the banquet which has been prepared for the guests commences, and after a few hours of conviviality each returns to his home. During these first four days the candidate's powers of endurance are sorely taxed. The only articles of furniture allowed him are a coarse mat and a low stool; his garments are of the coarsest description. When night comes, the priests bring him a black preparation, with which to besmear his face, some spines of the maguey-plant to draw blood from his body with, a censer and some incense. His only companions are three veteran warriors, who instruct him in his duties and keep him awake, for during the four days he is only allowed to sleep for a few minutes at a time, and then it must be sitting upon his stool. If, overcome by drowsiness, he exceed this time, his guardians thrust the maguey-thorns into his flesh, crying: Awake, awake! learn to be vigilant and watchful; keep your eyes open that you may look to the interests of your vassals. At midnight he goes to burn incense before the idol, and to draw blood from different parts of his body as a sacrifice. He then walks round the temple, and as he goes he burns paper and copal in four holes in the ground, which he makes at the four sides of the building, facing the cardinal points; upon each of these fires he lets fall a few drops of blood drawn from his body. These ceremonies he repeats at dawn and sunset. He breaks his fast only once in twenty-four hours, at midnight: and then his repast consists merely of four little dumplings of maize-meal, each about the size of a nut, and a small quantity of water; but even this he leaves untasted if he wishes to evince extraordinary powers of endurance. The four days having elapsed, he obtains permission from the high-priest to complete his time of probation in some temple of his own district or parish; but he is not allowed to go home, nor, if married, to see his wife during this period. [Sidenote: FINAL CEREMONIES.] For two or three months preceding his formal admission into the order, the home of the postulant is in a bustle of preparation for the coming ceremony. A grand display is made of rich stuffs and dresses, and costly jewels, for the use of the new knight when he shall cast off his present chrysalis-husk of coarse nequen and emerge a full-blown Tecuhtli. A great number of presents are provided for the guests; a sumptuous banquet is prepared, and the whole house is decorated for the occasion. The oracles are again consulted, and upon the lucky day appointed the company assemble once more at the house of the candidate, in the same manner as at the commencement of his noviciate. In the morning the new knight is conducted to a bath, and after having undergone a good scrubbing, he is again carried, in the midst of music and dancing, to the temple of Camaxtli. Accompanied by his brother Tecuhtlis he ascends the steps of the teocalli. After he has respectfully saluted the idol, the mean garments he has worn so long are taken off, and his hair is bound up in a knot on the top of his head with a red cord, from the ends of which hang some fine feathers; he is next clad in garments of rich and fine materials, the principal of which is a kind of tunic, ornamented with a delicately embroidered device, which is the insignia of his new rank; in his right hand he receives some arrows and in his left a bow. The high-priest completes the ceremony with a discourse, in which he instructs the new knight in his duties, tells him the names which he is to add to his own, as a member of the order; describes to him the signs and devices which he must emblazon on his escutcheon, and impresses upon his memory the advantages of being liberal and just, of loving his country and his gods. As soon as the newly made Tecuhtli has descended into the court of the temple, the music and dancing recommence, and are kept up until it is time to begin the banquet. This is served with great magnificence and liberality, and, to the guests at least, is probably the most interesting feature of the day. In front of each person at table are placed the presents intended for him, consisting of costly stuffs and ornaments in such quantity that each bundle was carried with difficulty by two slaves; each guest is also given a new garment, which he wears at table. The value of the gifts was proportioned to the rank of the receiver, and such distinctions must be made with great care, for the Aztec nobility were very jealous of their rights of precedence. The places of such nobles as had been invited to the feast but were from illness or other cause unable to attend were left vacant, and their share of presents and food was placed upon the table exactly as if they had been present; Torquemada tells us, moreover, that the same courtesy was extended to the empty seat as to the actual guest.[101] Upon these occasions the absent noble generally sent a substitute, whose seat was placed next to that of the person he represented. On the following day the servants and followers of the guests were feasted and presented with gifts, according to the means and liberality of the donor. The privileges of the Tecuhtlis were important and numerous. In council they took the first places, and their votes outweighed all others; in the same manner at all feasts and ceremonies, in peace or in war, they were always granted preëminence. As before remarked, the vast expenses entailed upon a Tecuhtli debarred the honor from many who were really worthy of it. In some instances, however, when a noble had greatly distinguished himself in war, but was too poor to bear the expenses of initiation, these were defrayed by the governor of his province, or by the other Tecuhtlis.[102] [Sidenote: ORIGIN OF THE ORDER.] The origin of the order of Tecuhtli is not known. Both the Toltecs and the Tlascaltecs claim to have established it. Veytia, however, asserts that this was not the case, but that it was first instituted by Xolotl, king of the Chichimecs.[103] M. l'Abbé Brasseur de Bourbourg infers from ancient Toltec history that the ceremony of initiation and the probation of the candidate derive their origin from the mysterious rites of which traces are still found among the nations of Mexico and Central America. The traditions relating to Votan and Quetzalcoatl, or Gucumatz, evidently allude to it. The birth of Ceacatl-Quetzalcoatl is celebrated by his father, Mixcohua-Camaxtli, at Culhuacan, with great rejoicings and the creation of a great number of knights; it is these same knights who are afterwards sent to avenge his death upon his assassins at Cuitlahuac, a town which appears, since that time, to have been always the principal place of residence of the order. After the separation of Cholula from the rest of the Toltec empire by Ceacatl-Quetzalcoatl, that town, together with Huexotzinco and Tlascala, appears to have had special privileges in this particular. It is in these places that after the conquest of the Aztec plateau by the Teo-Chichimecs, we find most of their chiefs bearing the title of Tecuhtli; it may be that the priests were forced into confirming their warlike conquerors in the honor, or it may be that they did so voluntarily, hoping by this means to submit the warriors to their spiritual power. This, however, is certain, that the rank of Tecuhtli remained to the last the highest honor that a prince or soldier could acquire in the states of Tlascala, Cholula, and Huexotzinco.[104] [Sidenote: THE MEXICAN PRIESTHOOD.] The priesthood filled a very important place among the privileged classes, but as a succeeding volume has been set apart for all matters relating to religion, I will confine myself here to such an outline of the sacerdotal system as is necessary to make our view of Aztec social distinctions complete. The learned Abbé, M. Brasseur de Bourbourg, gives us a very correct and concise account of the Mexican priesthood, a partial translation of which will answer the present purpose. Among the nations of Mexico and Central America, whose civilization is identical, the priesthood always occupied a high rank in the state, and up to the last moment its members continued to exercise a powerful influence in both public and private affairs. In Anáhuac the priestly offices do not appear to have been appropriated exclusively by an hereditary caste; all had an equal right to fill them, with the exception of the offices about the temple of Huitzilopochtli, at Mexico, which were granted to some families dwelling in certain quarters of that city.[105] The ministers of the various temples, to be fitted for an ecclesiastical career, must be graduates of the Calmecac, colleges or seminaries to which they had been sent by their parents in their infancy. The dignities of their order were conferred by vote; but it is evident that the priests of noble birth obtained almost invariably the highest honors. The quarrels between the priest and warrior classes, which, in former times, had brought so much harm to the Mexican nation, had taught the kings to do their best to effect a balance of power between the rival bodies; to this end they appropriated to themselves the privilege of electing priests, and placed at the head of the clergy a priest or a warrior of high rank, as they saw fit; this could be all the more easily done, as both classes received the same education in the same schools. The august title of Topiltzin, which in ancient times expressed the supreme military and priestly power, came to mean, in after years, a purely ecclesiastical authority. In Tezcuco and Tlacopan, where the crown was inherited in a direct line by one of the sons of the deceased monarch, the supreme pontiff was usually selected from among the members of the royal family; but in Mexico, where it involved, almost always, the duties of Tlacochcalcatl, or commander-in-chief of the army, and, eventually, succession to the throne, the office of high-priest, like that of king, was elective. The election of the spiritual king, for so we may call him, generally followed close upon that of the temporal monarch, and such was the honor in which the former was held, that he was consecrated with the same sacred unguent with which the king was anointed. In this manner Axayacatl, Montezuma II., and Quauhtemoc, were each made pontiff before the royal crown was placed upon their head. The title of him who held this dignity was Mexicatl-Teohuatzin, that is to say, the 'Mexican lord of sacred things;' he added also, besides a great number of other titles, that of Teotecuhtli, or 'divine master,' and he was, by right, high-priest of Huitzilopochtli; he was the 'head of the church,' and of all its branches, not only at Mexico, but in all the provinces of the Mexican empire; he had absolute authority over all priests, of whatever rank, and the colleges and monasteries of every class were under his control. He was elected by the two dignitaries ranking next to himself in the aboriginal hierarchy. The Mexicatl-Teohuatzin was looked upon as the right arm of the king, particularly in all matters of war and religion, and it rarely happened that any important enterprise was set on foot without his advice. At the same time it is evident that the high-priest was, after all, only the vicar and lieutenant of the king, for on certain solemn occasions the monarch himself performed the functions of grand sacrificer. The Quetzalcoatl, that is, the high-priest of the god of that name, was almost equal in rank to the Mexicatl-Teohuatzin; but his political influence was far inferior. The ordinary title of the priests was Teopixqui, or 'sacred guardian;' those who were clothed with a higher dignity were called Huey-Teopixqui, or 'great sacred guardian.' The Huitznahuac-Teohuatzin and the Tepan-Teohuatzin followed, in priestly rank, the high-priest of Huitzilopochtli; they were his vicars, and superintended the colleges and monasteries in every part of his kingdom. The Tlaquimilol-Tecuhtli, or 'grand master of relics,'[106] took charge of the ornaments, furniture, and other articles specially relating to worship. The Tlillancalcatl, or 'chief of the house of Tlillan,' exercised the functions of principal sacristan; he took care of the robes and utensils used by the high-priest. The choristers were under the orders of the Ometochtli, the high-priest of the god so named, who had, as director of the singing-schools, an assistant styled Tlapitzcatzin; it was this latter officer's duty to instruct his pupils in the hymns which were chanted at the principal solemnities. The Tlamacazcatlotl, or 'divine minister' overlooked the studies in the schools; another priest discharged the duties of grand master of the pontifical ceremonies; another was archdeacon and judge of the ecclesiastical courts; the latter had power to employ and discharge the attendants in the temples; besides these there was a crowd of other dignitaries, following each other rank below rank in perfect order. [Sidenote: SACERDOTAL OFFICES.] In Mexico and the other towns of the empire, there were as many complete sets of priests as there were temples. Besides the seventy-eight sanctuaries dedicated to Huitzilopochtli, which were in part directed by the priests we have already enumerated, the capital contained many others. Each had jurisdiction in its own section, which corresponded to our parish; the priests and their pupils dwelling in a school or college which adjoined the temple. It was the province of the priests to attend to all matters relating to religion and the instruction of youth. Some took charge of the sacrifices, others were skilled in the art of divination; certain of them were entrusted with the arrangement of the festivals and the care of the temple and sacred vessels, others applied themselves to the composition of hymns and attended to the singing and music. The priests who were learned in science superintended the schools and colleges, made the calculations for the annual calendar, and fixed the feast-days; those who possessed literary talent compiled the historical works, and collected material for the libraries. To each temple was attached a monastery, or we might call it a chapter, the members of which enjoyed privileges similar to those of our canons. The Tlamacazqui, 'deacons' or 'ministers' and the Quaquacuiltin, 'herb-eaters,' were those who dedicated themselves to the service of the gods for life. They led a very ascetic life; continence was strictly imposed upon them, and they mortified the flesh by deeds of penance in imitation of Quetzalcoatl, who was their patron deity. The name of Tlamacazcayotl, signifying 'government of the religious,' was given to these orders, and they had monasteries for the reception of both sexes. The high-priest of the god Quetzalcoatl was their supreme lord; he was a man of great authority, and never deigned to put his foot out of doors unless it was to confer with the king. When a father of a family wished to dedicate one of his children to the service of Quetzalcoatl, he with great humility advised the high-priest of his intention. That dignitary deputed a Tlamacazqui to represent him at the feast which was given in his honor, and to bring away the child. If at this time the infant was under four years of age, a slight incision was made on his chest, and a few drops of blood were drawn as a token of his future position. Four years was the age requisite for admission into the monastery. Some remained there until they were of an age to enter the world, some dedicated their whole lives to the service of the gods; others vowed themselves to perpetual continence. All were poorly clothed, wore their hair long, lived upon coarse and scanty fare, and did all kinds of work. At midnight they arose and went to the bath; after washing, they drew blood from their bodies with spines of the maguey-plant; then they watched and chanted praises of the gods until two in the morning. Notwithstanding this austerity, however, these monks could betake themselves alone to the woods, or wander through the mountains and deserts, there in solitude to spend the time in holy contemplation. [Sidenote: MEXICAN PRIESTESSES.] Females were consecrated to the service of the gods in several ways. When a girl was forty days old, the father carried her to the neighboring temple; he placed in her little hands a broom and a censer, and thus presented her to the Teopixqui, or priest; who by accepting these symbols of his future state, bound himself to perform his part of the engagement. As soon as the little one was able to do so in person, she carried a broom and a censer to the temple, with some presents for the priest; at the required age she entered the monastery. Some of the girls took an oath of perpetual continence; others, on account of some vow which they had made during sickness, or that the gods might send them a good husband, entered the monastery for one, two, three, or four years. They were called Cihuatlamacasque, 'deaconesses,' or Cihuaquaquilli, 'eaters of vegetables.' They were under the surveillance of a number of staid matrons of good character; upon entering the monastery each girl had her hair cut short.[107] They all slept in one dormitory, and were not allowed to disrobe before retiring to rest, in order that they might always be ready when the signal was given to rise. They occupied themselves with the usual labors of their sex; weaving and embroidering the tapestry and ornamental work for the temple. Three times during the night they rose to renew the incense in the braziers, at ten o'clock, at midnight, and at dawn.[108] On these occasions a matron led the procession; with eyes modestly bent upon the ground, and without daring to cast a glance to one side or the other, the maidens filed up one side of the temple, while the priests did the same on the other, so that all met before the altar. In returning to the dormitory the same order was observed. They spent part of the morning in preparing bread and confectionery, which they placed, while warm, in the temple, where the priests partook of it after sacrifice.[109] The young women, for their part, fasted strictly; they first broke their fast at noon, and with the exception of a scanty meal in the evening, this was all they ate during the twenty-four hours. On feast-days they were permitted to taste meat, but at all other times their diet was extremely meagre. While sweeping the temple they took great care never to turn their back to the idol, lest the god should be insulted. If one of these young women unhappily violated her vows of chastity she redoubled her fasting and severity, in the fear that her flesh would rot, and in order to appease the gods and induce them to conceal her crime, for death was the punishment inflicted on the Mexican vestal who was convicted of such a trespass. The maiden who entered the service of the gods for a certain period only, and not for life, did not usually leave the monastery until she was about to be married. At that time the parents, having chosen a husband for the girl, and gotten everything in readiness, repaired to the monastery, taking care first to provide themselves with quails, copal, hollow canes filled with perfume, which Torquemada says they called _poquietl_, a brassier for incense, and some flowers. The girl was then clothed in a new dress, and the party went up to the temple; the altar was covered with a cloth, upon which were placed the presents they had brought with them, accompanied by sundry dishes of meats and pastry. A complimentary speech was next made by the parents to the Tequaquilli, or chief priest of the temple, and when this was concluded the girl was taken away to her father's house. But of those young men and maidens who stayed in the temple-schools for a time only, and received a regular course of instruction at the hands of the priests, it is my intention to speak further when treating of the education of the Mexican youth. The original accounts are rather confused on this point, so that it is difficult to separate with accuracy those who entered with the intention of becoming permanent priests from those who were merely temporary scholars. [Sidenote: DRESS OF THE MEXICAN PRIESTS.] The ordinary dress of the Mexican priests differed little from that of other citizens; the only distinctive feature being a black cotton mantle, which they wore in the manner of a veil thrown back upon the head. Those, however, who professed a more austere life, such as the Quaquaquiltin and Tlamacazqui before mentioned, wore long black robes; many among them never cut their hair, but allowed it to grow as long as it would; it was twisted with thick cotton cords, and bedaubed with unctuous matter, the whole forming a weighty mass, as inconvenient to carry as it was disgusting to look at. The high-priest usually wore, as a badge of his rank, a kind of fringe which hung down over his breast, called Xicolli; on feast-days he was clothed in a long robe, over which he wore a sort of chasuble or cope, which varied in color, shape, and ornamentation, according to the sacrifices he made and the divinity to which he offered them.[110] Among the Miztecs and Zapotecs the priests had as much or even more influence than among the Mexicans. In briefly reviewing the sacerdotal system of these nations, let us once more take M. Brasseur de Bourbourg for our guide. The kingdom of Tilantongo, which comprised upper Miztecapan, was spiritually governed by the high-priest of Achiuhtla; he had the title of Taysacaa,[111] and his power equalled, if it did not surpass, that of the sovereign. This office, it appears, was reserved for the royal family, and was transmitted from male to male; a member of any free family could, however, become a sacaa, or simple priest. All, even to the successor of the Taysacaa, had to submit to a vigorous noviciate of one year's duration, and to this rule no exceptions were made. Up to the time of commencing his noviciate, and for four years after it was ended, the candidate for the priesthood was supposed to have led a perfectly chaste life, otherwise he was judged unworthy to be admitted into the order. His only food during the year of probation was herbs, wild honey, and roasted maize; his life was passed in silence and retirement, and the monotony of his existence was only relieved by waiting on the priests, taking care of the altars, sweeping the temple, and gathering wood for the fires. When four years after his admission to the priesthood had elapsed, during which time he seems to have served a sort of apprenticeship, he was permitted to marry if he saw fit, and at the same time to perform his priestly functions. If he did not marry he entered one of the monasteries which were dependent on the temples, and while performing his regular duties, increased the austerity of his life. Those priests who were entrusted with the higher and more important offices, such as the instruction of youth or a seat in the royal council, were selected from the latter class. The king, or the nobles, each in his own state, provided for their wants, and certain women, sworn to chastity, prepared their food. They never left the monastery except on special occasions, to assist at some feast, to play at ball in the court of their sovereign lord, to go on a pilgrimage for the accomplishment of a vow made by the king or by themselves, or to take their place at the head of the army, which, on certain occasions, they commanded. If one of these monks fell sick, he was well cared for in the monastery; if he died he was interred in the court of the building. If one of them violated his vow of chastity, he was bastinadoed to death. [Sidenote: THE PONTIFF OF YOPAA.] [Sidenote: THE CAVE OF YOPAA.] In Zapotecapan the supreme pontiff was called the Wiyatao;[112] his residence was in the city of Yopaa,[113] and there he was from time immemorial spiritual and temporal lord, though, indeed, he made his temporal power felt more or less throughout the whole kingdom; and he appears in the earliest history of this country as master and lord of both the princes and the people of those nations who acknowledged him as the supreme head of their religion. The origin of the city of Yopaa is not known; it was situated on the slope of Mount Teutitlan,[114] which in this place formed a valley, shut in by overshadowing rocks, and watered by a stream which lower down flowed into the river Xalatlaco. The original inhabitants of this region were the disciples and followers of a mysterious, white-skinned personage named Wixipecocha. What race he belonged to, or from what land he came when he presented himself to the Zapotecs, is not known; a certain vague tradition relates that he came by sea from the south, bearing a cross in his hand, and debarked in the neighborhood of Tehuantepec;[115] a statue representing him is still to be seen, on a high rock near the village of Magdalena. He is described as a man of a venerable aspect, having a bushy, white beard, dressed in a long robe and a cloak, and wearing a covering upon his head resembling a monk's cowl. The statue represents him seated in a pensive attitude, apparently occupied in hearing the confession of a woman who kneels by his side.[116] His voice, to accord with his appearance, must have been of remarkable sweetness. Wixipecocha taught his disciples to deny themselves the vanities of this world, to mortify the flesh with penance and fasting, and to abstain from all sensual pleasures. Adding example to precept, he utterly abjured female society, and suffered no woman to approach him except in the act of auricular confession, which formed part of his doctrine.[117] This extraordinary conduct caused him to be much respected; especially as it was an unheard-of thing among these people for a man to devote his life to celibacy. Nevertheless, he was frequently persecuted by those whose vices and superstitions he attacked. Passing through one province after another he at length arrived in the Zapotec valley, a large portion of which was at that time occupied by a lake named Rualo. Afterwards, being entered into the country of the Miztecs, to labor for their conversion, the people sought to take his life. Those who were sent to take him prisoner, overtook him at the foot of Cempoaltepec, the most lofty peak in the country; but at the moment they thought to lay hands upon him, he disappeared suddenly from their sight, and soon afterwards, adds the tradition, his figure was seen standing on the summit of the highest peak of the mountain. Filled with astonishment, his persecutors hastened to scale the rocky height. When after great labor they arrived at the point where they had seen the figure, Wixipecocha appeared to them again for a few instants, then as suddenly vanished, leaving no traces of his presence save the imprints of his feet deeply impressed upon the rock where he had stood.[118] Since then we do not know that Wixipecocha reappeared in the ordinary world, though tradition relates that he afterwards showed himself in the enchanted island of Monapostiac, near Tehuantepec, whither he probably went for the purpose of obtaining new proselytes. In spite of the silence which history maintains concerning the time of his advent and the disciples which he left behind him, there can be no doubt that the priests of Yopaa did not continue to promulgate his doctrines, or that the Wiyatao, the supreme pontiff in Zapotecapan, was not there as the vicar and successor of the prophet of Monapostiac. Like the ancient Brahmans of Hindustan, the first disciples of Wixipecocha celebrated the rites of their religion in a deep cave, which M. de Bourbourg thinks was most probably hollowed out in the side of the mountain by the waters of the flood. This was afterwards used as a place of worship by the Wiyataos, who, as the number of their proselytes increased, brought art to the aid of nature, and under the hands of able architects the cave of Yopaa was soon turned into a temple, having halls, galleries, and numerous apartments all cut in the solid rock. It was into the gloomy recesses of this temple that the priests descended on solemn feast-days to assist at those mysterious sacrifices which were sacred from the profane gaze of the vulgar, or to take part in the burial rites at the death of a king.[119] The classes of religious men were as numerous and their names and duties as varied among the Zapotecs as elsewhere. A certain order of priests who made the interpreting of dreams their special province were called Colanii Cobee Pécala. Each form of divination was made a special study. Some professed to foretell the future by the aid of stars, earth, wind, fire, or water; others, by the flight of birds, the entrails of sacrificial victims, or by magic signs and circles. Among other divinities a species of parroquet, with flaming plumage, called the _ara_,[120] was worshiped in some districts. In this bird a god was incarnate, who was said to have descended from the sky like a meteor. There were among the Zapotecs hermits or fakirs, who passed their entire lives in religious Ecstasy and meditation, shut up in dark caves, or rude huts, with no other companion but an ara, which they fed respectfully upon a species of altar; in honor of the bird they lacerated their flesh and drew blood from their bodies; upon their knees they kissed it morning and evening, and offered it with their prayers sacrifices of flowers and copal. [Sidenote: ZAPOTEC PRIESTS.] Priests of a lower order were styled Wiyana and Wizaechi, and the monks Copapitas. The influence which they were supposed to have with the gods, and the care which they took to keep their number constantly recruited with scions of the most illustrious families, gained them great authority among the people. No noble was so great but he would be honored by having a son in the temple. They added, also, to the credit of their profession by the strict propriety of their manners, and the excessive rigor with which they guarded their chastity. Parents who wished to consecrate one of their children to the service of the gods, led him, while still an infant, to the chief priest of the district, who after carefully catechizing the little one, delivered him over to the charge of the master of the novices. Besides the care of the sanctuary, which fell to their lot, these children were taught singing, the history of their country, and such sciences as were within their comprehension. These religious bodies were looked upon with much respect. Their members were taught to bear themselves properly at home and in the street, and to preserve a modest and humble demeanor. The least infraction of the rules was severely punished; a glance or a sign which might be construed into a carnal desire, was punished as criminal, and those who showed by their actions a strong disposition to violate their vow of chastity were relentlessly castrated. The Wiyanas were divided into several orders, but all were ruled in the most absolute manner by the pontiff of Yopaa. I have already spoken of the veneration in which this spiritual monarch was held, and of the manner in which he surmounted the difficulty of having children to inherit the pontifical chair, when continence was strictly imposed upon him.[121] The ordinary dress of the Zapotec priests was a full white robe, with openings to pass the arms through, but no sleeves; this was girt at the waist with a colored cord. During the ceremony of sacrifice, and on feast-days, the Wiyatao wore, over all, a kind of tunic, with full sleeves, adorned with tassels and embroidered in various colors with representations of birds and animals. On his head he wore a mitre of feather-work, ornamented with a very rich crown of gold; his neck, arms, and wrists were laden with costly necklaces and bracelets; upon his feet were golden sandals, bound to his legs with cords of gold and bright-colored thread.[122] [Sidenote: PRIESTS OF MICHOACAN.] The Toltec sacerdotal system so closely resembled the Mexican already described that it needs no further description in this volume. Their priests wore a long black robe reaching to the ground; their heads were covered with a hood, and their hair fell down over their shoulders and was braided. They rarely put sandals on their feet, except when about to start on a long journey.[123] Among the Totonacs six great ecclesiastics were elected, one as high-priest, one next to him in rank, and so on with the other four. When the high-priest died, the second priest succeeded him. He was anointed and consecrated with great ceremony; the unction used upon the occasion was a mixture of a fluid called in the Totonac tongue _ole_, and blood drawn at the circumcision of children.[124] There existed also among these people an order of monks devoted to their goddess Centeotl. They lived a very austere and retired life, and their character, according to the Totonac standard, was irreproachable. None but men above sixty years of age, who were widowers of virtuous life and estranged from the society of women, were admitted into this order. Their number was fixed, and when one of them died another was received in his stead. They were so much respected that they were not only consulted by the common people, but likewise by the great nobles and the high-priest. They listened to those who consulted them, sitting upon their heels, with their eyes fixed upon the ground, and their answers were received as oracles even by the kings of Mexico. They were employed in making historical paintings, which they gave to the high-priest that he might exhibit them to the people. The common Totonac priests wore long black cotton robes with hoods; their hair was braided like the other common priests of Mexico, and anointed with the blood of human sacrifices, but those who served the goddess Centeotl were always dressed in the skins of foxes or coyotes.[125] At Izacapu, in Michoacan, there was a pontiff named Curinacanery, who was looked upon with such deep veneration that the king himself visited him once a year to offer him the first-fruits of the season, which he did upon his knees, having first respectfully kissed his hand. The common priests of Michoacan wore their hair loose and disheveled; a leathern band encircled their foreheads; their robes were white, embroidered with black, and in their hands they carried feather fans.[126] In Puebla they also wore white robes, with sleeves, and fringed on the edges.[127] The papas, or sacrificing priests of Tlascala, allowed their hair to grow long and anointed it with the blood of their victims.[128] Much more might be written concerning the priests of these countries, but as it does not strictly come within the province of this volume, it is omitted here.[129] FOOTNOTES: [93] _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. i., p. 231; _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. ii., lib. vii., cap. xii.; _Oviedo_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. iii., p. 502. [94] _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. i., p. 88; _Veytia_, _Hist. Ant. Mej._, tom. ii., p. 182, makes the number twenty-seven. [95] _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. i., p. 88, _et seq._; see also _Veytia_, _Hist. Ant. Mej._, tom. ii., p. 182, _et seq._; _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. ii., pp. 428, _et seq._; _Ixtlilxochitl_, _Relaciones_, in _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. ix., p. 353, _et seq._; _Oviedo_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. iii., p. 502; _Herrera_, dec. ii., lib. vii., cap. xii. [96] _Lettre_, in _Ternaux-Compans_, _Voy._, série i., tom. x., p. 251. [97] _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. i., p. 196. [98] Camaxtli was the Tlascaltec god of war, corresponding with and probably the same as the Mexican Huitzilopochtli. The order of Tecuhtli being held in higher esteem in Tlascala than elsewhere, the ceremony of initiation is generally described as it took place in that state. [99] 'Unas piedras chequitas de piedra negra, y creo eran de la piedra de que hacen las navajas.' _Las Casas_, _Hist. Apologética_, MS., cap. lxvii. [100] 'Se iba à vna de las Salas, ò Aposentos de los Ministros que servian al Demonio, que se llamaba Tlamacazcalco.' _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., p. 362. It seems unlikely, however, that the candidate would be taken to another temple at this juncture. Brasseur explains the name of the hall to which he was taken as 'le Lieu des habitations des Ministres, prêtres de Camaxtli.' _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. iii., p. 587. [101] 'Y à las Sillas solas que representaban las Personas ausentes, hacian tanta cortesia, y le captaban Benevolencia, como si realmente estuvieran presentes los Señores que faltaban.' _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., p. 364. [102] Concerning the ceremony of initiation see: _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., pp. 361-6; _Las Casas_, _Hist. Apologética_, MS., cap. lxvii.; _Gomara_, _Conq. Mex._, fol. 306-8; _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., pp. 120-1; _Camargo_, _Hist. Tlax._, in _Nouvelles Annales des Voy._, 1843, tom. xcviii., pp. 147-9. [103] _Veytia_, _Hist. Ant. Mej._, tom. ii., pp. 58-60. [104] _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. iii., p. 586. [105] _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. iii., lib. ii., cap. xv. [106] The Tlaquimilloli, from whence the title is derived, was a sacred package or bundle, containing relics of gods and heroes. [107] Clavigero asserts that the hair of such only as entered the service on account of some private vow, was cut. [108] Clavigero says that only a part of them rose upon each occasion. 'S'alzavano alcune due ore incirca innanzi alla mezza notte, altre alla mezza notte, ed altre allo spuntar del di per attizzar, e mantener vivo il fuoco, e per incensare gl'Idoli.' _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., p. 42. [109] 'Elles passaient une partie de la matinée à preparer le pain en galette et les pâtisseries qu'elles présentaient, toutes chaudes, dans le temple, où les prêtres allaient les prendre après l'oblation.' _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. iii., p. 556. Clavigero says they prepared the offering of provisions which was presented to the idols: 'Tutte le mattine preparavano l'obblazioni di commestibili da presentarsi agl'Idoli.' _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., p. 42. [110] Clavigero writes: 'L'insegna de' Sommi Sacerdoti di Messico era un fiocco, o nappa di cotone pendente dal petto, e nelle feste principali vestivansi abiti sfarzosi, ne' quali vedevansi figurate le insegne di quel Dio, la cui festa celebravano.' _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., p. 38. The most important works that can be consulted concerning the Mexican priesthood are: _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. iii., pp. 549-59; from which I have principally taken my account; _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., pp. 163-5, 175-91; _Las Casas_, _Hist. Apologética_, caps. cxxxiii., cxxxix., cxl.; _Sahagun_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. i., lib. ii., pp. 112 et seq., 218-23, tom. iii., pp. 276-7; _Gomara_, _Conq. Mex._, fol. 323-5; _Acosta_, _Hist. de las Ynd._, pp. 335-42; _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. iii., lib. ii., cap. xv-xvii.; _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., p. 36 et seq. [111] This is the title given by the Spanish authors; it is probably derived from _tay_, a man, and _sacaa_, a priest. _Vocabul. en lengua Mixteca, etc._, according to _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. iii., p. 17, note. [112] Wiyatao, Burgoa writes _huijatoo_, and translates, 'great watchman;' the Zapotec vocabulary translates it by the word _papa_, or priest. [113] Yopaa, Burgoa also writes Lyobaa and Yobaa; it signifies the Place of Tombs, from _Yo_, place, or ground, and _paa_, tomb, in the Zapotec tongue, 'the centre of rest.' [114] Teutitlan was its name in the Nahuatl language. Its Zapotecan name was Xaquiya. [115] _Rasgos y señales de la primera predicacion en el Nuevo-Mundo_, MS. de Don Isidro Gondra; _Carriedo_, _Estudios históricos y estadísticos del Estado Oaxaqueño_, _Mexico_, 1850, tom. i., cap. i.; quoted in _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. iii., p. 9. [116] _Burgoa_, _Geog. Descrip._, tom. ii., pt ii., cap. lxxii. [117] _Rasgos y señales de la primera predicacion en el Nuevo-Mundo_, MS. de Don Isidro Gondra; quoted in _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. iii., p. 10. [118] _Burgoa_, _Geog. Descrip._, tom. ii., pt ii., cap. lxxii. [119] _Burgoa_, _Geog. Descrip._, tom. ii., pt ii., cap. liii. [120] So called from the cry of _ara_, _ara_, which it constantly repeats. [121] See this vol., pp. 142-3. [122] _Burgoa_, _Geog. Descrip._, tom. ii., cap. liii. Of the Miztec high-priest Torquemada writes: 'Se vestia, para celebrar sus Fiestas, de Pontifical, de esta manera. Unas mantas mui variadas de colores, matiçadas, y pintadas de Historias acaecidas à algunos de sus Dioses: poniase vnas como Camisas, ò Roquetes, sin mangas (à diferencia de los Mexicanos) que llegaban mas abajo de la rodilla, y en las piernas vnas como antiparas, que le cubrian la pantorrilla; y era esto casi comun à todos los Sacerdotes Sumos, y calçado, con que adornaban las Estatuas de los Dioses; y en el braço izquierdo, vn pedaço de manta labrada, à manera de liston, como suelen atarse algunos al braço, quando salen à Fiestas, ò Cañas, con vna borla asida de ella, que parecia manipulo. Vestia encima de todo vna Capa, como la nuestra de Coro, con vna borla colgando à las espaldas, y vna gran Mitra en la cabeça, hecha de plumas verdes, con mucho artificio, y toda sembrada, y labrada de los mas principales Dioses, que tenian. Quando bailaban, en otras ocasiones, y patios de los Templos (que era el modo ordinario de cantar sus Horas, y reçar su Oficio) se vestian de ropa blanca pintada, y vnas ropetas, como camisetas de Galeote.' _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., p. 217. [123] _Ixtlilxochitl_, _Relaciones_, in _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, tom. ix., p. 327. [124] _Las Casas_, _Hist. Apologética_, MS., cap. cxxxiii. [125] _Las Casas_, _Hist. Apologética_, MS., cap. cxxi.; _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., p. 181; _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., p. 44; _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. ii., lib. v., cap. xiv. [126] _Beaumont_, _Crón. Mechoacan_, MS., pp. 52-3; Herrera says of the priests of Mechoacan: 'Trahian los cabellos largos, y coronas abiertas en la cabeça, como los de la Yglesia Catolica, y guirnaldas de fluecos colorados.' _Hist. Gen._, dec. iii., lib. iii., cap. x. [127] _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. i., p. 438. [128] _Camargo_, _Hist. Tlax._, in _Nouvelles Annales des Voy._, 1843, tom. xcviii., p. 201. [129] Less important, or more modern, authorities that treat of the privileged classes among the Aztecs, are: _Pimentel_, _Mem. sobre la Raza Indígena_, pp. 19-22; _Carbajal Espinosa_, _Hist. Mex._, tom. i., pp. 495-504; _Carli_, _Cartas_, pt i., pp. 114-15; _Carbajal_, _Discurso_, pp. 108-14; _Chaves_, _Rapport_, in _Ternaux-Compans_, _Voy._, série ii., tom. v., pp. 303-6, 337; _Dilworth's Conq. Mex._, p. 36; _Monglave_, _Résumé_, pp. 14-19, 32-5; _Hazart_, _Kirchen-Geschichte_, tom. ii., pp. 503-5; _Montanus_, _Nieuwe Weereld_, pp. 74, 235-6, 264-5; _West und Ost Indischer Lustgart_, pt i., pp. 73-7, 98-100; _Cortés_, _Aventuras_, pref., p. 6; _Baril_, _Mexique_, pp. 201-2; _Klemm_, _Cultur-Geschichte_, tom. v., pp. 59-70, 88-98, 209-10; _Soden_, _Spanier in Peru_, tom. ii., pp. 12-13, 19; _Chevalier_, _Mex., Ancien et Mod._, pp. 116-120. CHAPTER VI. PLEBEIANS, SLAVES, TENURE OF LANDS, AND TAXATION. INFLUENCE OF THE COMMONERS--OPPRESSION BY NOBLES--DEPRIVED OF OFFICE BY MONTEZUMA II.--CLASSES OF SLAVES--PENAL SLAVES--VOLUNTARY SLAVERY--SLAVE MARKET AT AZCAPUZALCO--PUNISHMENT AND PRIVILEGES OF SLAVES--DIVISION OF LANDS--CROWN LANDS--LANDS OF THE NOBLES--MUNICIPAL PROPERTY--PROPERTY OF THE TEMPLES--TENURE OF LANDS IN ZAPOTECAPAN, MIZTECAPAN, MICHOACAN, TLASCALA, CHOLULA, AND HUEXOTZINCO--SIMILARITY TO FEUDAL SYSTEM OF EUROPE--SYSTEM OF TAXATION--MUNICIPAL TAXES--LICE TRIBUTE--TRIBUTE FROM CONQUERED PROVINCES--REVENUE OFFICERS--INJUSTICE OF MONTEZUMA II. [Sidenote: PLEBEIANS AND SLAVES.] No writer seems to have thought it worth while to define the exact condition of the lower orders of free citizens among the Aztecs. In Mexico, under the earlier kings, they appear to have enjoyed considerable privileges. They were represented in the royal councils, they held high offices at court and about the king's person, their wishes were consulted in all affairs of moment, and they were generally recognized as an important part of the community. Gradually, however, their power lessened as that of the nobles increased, until, in the time of Montezuma II., they were, as we have seen, deprived of all offices that were not absolutely menial, and driven from the palace. Still, there is no doubt that from the earliest times the plebeians were always much oppressed by the nobles, or that, as the Bishop of Santo Domingo, before quoted,[130] remarks, "they were, and still are, so submissive that they allow themselves to be killed or sold into slavery without complaining." Father Acosta, also, writes that "so great is the authority which the caciques have assumed over their vassals that these latter dare not open their lips to complain of any order given them, no matter how difficult or disagreeable it may be to fulfill; indeed, they would rather die and perish than incur the wrath of their lord; for this reason the nobles frequently abuse their power, and are often guilty of extortion, robbery, and violence towards their vassals."[131] Camargo tells us that the plebeians were content to work without pay for the nobles, if they could only insure their protection by so doing.[132] Of those who stood below the macehuales, as the plebeians were called, and lowest of all in the social scale, the slaves, we have more definite information. Slavery was enforced and recognized by law and usage throughout the entire country inhabited by the Nahua nations. There were in ancient Mexico three classes of slaves; namely, prisoners of war, persons condemned for crime to lose their freedom, and those who sold themselves, or children sold by their parents. The captor of a prisoner of war had an undisputed right to doom his prize to be sacrificed to the gods; this power he almost invariably exerted, and it was held a punishable crime for another to deprive him of it by rescuing the prisoner or setting him free.[133] Sahagun tells us that the captor could, if he chose, either sell or hold his prisoners as slaves; and if among them any man or woman showed unusual ability in music, embroidering, weaving, or other domestic occupation, he or she was frequently purchased by the king or some noble or wealthy man, and employed in his house, and thus saved from the sacrifice.[134] The offences which the Aztecs punished with slavery were the following: firstly, failure on the part of any relation of a person convicted of high treason, to give timely information of the plot to the proper authorities, provided he or she had knowledge of it, the wives and children of the traitor being also enslaved; secondly, the unauthorized sale of a free man or woman or of a free child kidnapped or found astray, the kidnapper fraudulently asserting such person to be a slave, or such child to be his own; thirdly, the sale or disposal, by a tenant or depositary, of another's property, without the permission of the owner or his representative, or of a proper legal authority; fourthly, hindering a collared slave from reaching the asylum of the sovereign's palace, provided it was the act of one who was not the owner or the owner's son; fifthly, stealing things of value, or being an inveterate thief; sixthly, stealing from a field a certain number of ears of corn or of useful plants, exception being made to this law when the act was committed by a child under ten years of age, or when the stolen property was paid for; seventhly, the impregnating, by a free man, of another's female slave, if the woman died during her pregnancy, or in consequence of it. This latter statement is contradicted by Torquemada, upon the strength of information given him, as he alleges, by Aztecs well acquainted with the laws of their country.[135] Gomara asserts, though he allows that others deny it, that when a man died insolvent, his son or his wife became the property of his creditors.[136] Torquemada affirms that it was customary for a creditor to look for payment of his claim to the estate, real or personal, if any there was, but no member of the debtor's family was awarded to him to cancel the debt.[137] It sometimes happened that persons too poor to pay their taxes were put up for sale, but this mostly occurred in conquered provinces. Penal slaves did not become the property of the king or the state, but were publicly sold to private persons, or assigned to the parties whom they had injured; nor were such offenders held to be slaves, or their punishment considered to have commenced until they had been formally delivered to the new owner. [Sidenote: PENAL AND VOLUNTARY SLAVERY.] Among those who voluntarily surrendered their freedom for a consideration, besides such as were driven by extreme poverty to do so, were the indolent who would not trust to their own exertions for a livelihood, gamesters, to obtain the wherewithal to satisfy their passion for gambling,[138] and harlots, to provide themselves with showy clothing and finery. The two latter classes were not obliged to go into service until after the expiration of a year from the time of receiving the consideration for which they sold themselves. Slaves were continually offered for sale in the public market-place of every town, but the principal slave-mart in the Mexican empire seems to have been the town of Azcapuzalco, which was situated about two leagues from the city of Mexico; it occupied the site of the ancient capital of the Tepanec kingdom, which was destroyed by King Nezahualcoyotl of Tezcuco. Great numbers of slaves were brought to Azcapuzalco from all the provinces; and it is said that the merchants who traded in them had to adopt great precautions to prevent their property from being stolen or rescued on the journey. With a view to advantageous sales the slaves thus exposed in the public markets were kept well clothed and fed, and were forced to dance and look cheerful. Parents could pawn, or sell a son as a slave, but were allowed to take him back on surrendering another son to serve in his stead; on such occasions the master was wont to show his generosity by allowing an extra compensation for the new servant. There was yet another kind of slavery, called by the Mexicans _huehuetlatlacolli_, meaning 'ancient servitude.' When one or more families were entirely destitute and famine-stricken, they sold a son to some noble, and bound themselves to always 'keep that slave alive,' that is to say, to supply another to fill his place if he died or became incapacitated. This obligation was binding upon each member of the families making the contract, but was null and void if the man who was actually serving died in his master's house, or if his employer took from him anything that he had lawfully acquired; therefore, to prevent this forfeiture of ownership, the master neither took from his slave anything but personal service, nor allowed him to dwell in his house. It frequently happened that as many as four or five families were bound in this manner to supply a noble and his heirs with a slave. But in 1505 or 1506, a year of famine in the country, Nezahualpilli of Tezcuco, foreseeing the evils that this system of perpetual contract would entail upon his subjects if the scarcity of food continued long, repealed the law, and declared all families exempt from its obligations; it is recorded that Montezuma II. soon after followed his example.[139] [Sidenote: CONDITION AND TREATMENT OF SLAVES.] Slavery in Mexico was, according to all accounts, a moderate subjection, consisting merely of an obligation to render personal service, nor could that be exacted without allowing the slave a certain amount of time to labor for his own advantage. Slaves were kindly treated and were allowed far greater privileges than any in the old world; they could marry and bring up families, hold property, including other slaves to serve them, and their children were invariably born free. There is, however, some obscurity on this point, as Sahagun tells us that in the year Ce Tochtli, which came round every fifty-two years, there was generally a great famine in the land, and at that time many persons, driven to it by hunger, sold not only themselves as slaves, but also their children and descendants for countless generations.[140] Very young or poor slaves lived at the home of their master, and were treated almost as members of the family; the other slaves lived independently, either on their owner's land, or upon their own. It frequently happened that a master succumbed to the charms of one of his female slaves and made her his wife, or that a comely bondman found favor in the sight of his mistress, and became her lord; nor was this so strange as it may at first appear, there being no difference of race or color to make such alliances repugnant or shameful. Feelings of affection and respect existed, as a rule, between master and servant. A slave who had served long and faithfully was often entrusted with the stewardship of his owner's household and property, and, on the other hand, if the master through misfortune should become poor, his bondmen would cheerfully labor for his support. No well-behaved slave could be sold without his consent unless his owner could prove that poverty or debt made such sale unavoidable; nor could such faults as laziness, disobedience, or running away, be punished without due warning, which the master for his own justification usually gave in the presence of respectable witnesses. If after this had occurred two or three times the slave continued refractory, a wooden collar was placed on his neck, and then his master was authorized to transfer him against his will. Purchasers of a collared slave always inquired how many times he had been so disposed of before, and if after two or three such sales he continued incorrigible, he could be sold for the sacrifice. But even yet he has one chance left; if he can escape from his master's premises and gain the courtyard of the royal palace, he not only avoids punishment, but he is from that day forth a free man; moreover, no person, save his owner or his owner's sons, is allowed in any manner to prevent him from reaching the asylum, under penalty of being made the slave of him whom he attempts to deprive of his chance for freedom. The sale of a slave was conducted with much formality, and must be made in the presence of at least four respectable witnesses; in cases of self-sale the witnesses acted as conscientious arbitrators to secure the highest price and most favorable conditions for him who sold himself. The usual price for an average slave was twenty mantles, equivalent to one load of cotton cloth; some were worth less, while others brought as many as forty mantles. Slavery among the Nahua nations appears, then, to have been only a partial deprivation of a freeman's rights. As a slave was permitted to possess property and even other slaves of his own, and as his children were born free and he had complete control of his own family, we can scarcely say he lost his citizenship, although it is true he was not eligible for public office. It was a common practice for a master during his lifetime, or on his death-bed, to emancipate his slaves, but if no such provision were made they went to the heirs with the rest of the property. Murder of a slave, even by his master, was a capital offence. Yet in spite of all this testimony in favor of the mildness of slavery among the Nahua nations, there is still room for some reasonable doubt concerning the patriarchal character of the system; inasmuch as we are told that many slaves, not mentioned as being prisoners of war or criminals, as well as servants, dwarfs, or deformed persons, and purchased children, were put to death at religious feasts and royal funerals.[141] * * * * * [Sidenote: TENURE OF LANDS.] The lands were divided between the crown, the nobility, the various tribes or clans of the people, and the temples. The division, however, was by no means equal, by far the greater portion being appropriated by the king and the aristocracy.[142] All landed property was duly surveyed, and each estate was accurately marked out on maps, or paintings, kept on file by a competent officer in the district where they were situated. The crown lands were painted in purple, those of the nobility in scarlet, and those of the _calpullis_, or wards, in light yellow. Certain portions of the crown property called _tecpantlalli_, or 'lands of the palace,' were granted to nobles of the rank of Tecuhtli, who were called _tecpanpouhque_ or _tecpantlaca_, 'people of the palace.' They had the free use and enjoyment of such lands, and in return certain services were expected of them. It was their duty to attend to the repairs and proper arrangement of the royal residences, and to cultivate and keep in order the royal gardens, for all of which they had to provide the necessary number of workmen; besides this they were obliged to wait on the king and accompany him whenever he appeared in public. Although in consideration of these services the 'people of the palace' paid no rent, yet the eminent domain of their lands was vested in the sovereign. When one of them died his eldest son inherited his privileges, subject to the same obligations, but if he changed his residence to another part of the country, or died without male issue, the usufruct was forfeited and the land reverted to the sovereign, who transferred it to another usufructuary, or left the choice of one to the community in whose district the property was situated.[143] The produce of other lands belonging to the crown was set apart for the support of the royal household, and for benevolent purposes. [Sidenote: LANDED PROPERTY OF THE NOBLES.] In conquered provinces, the habits and customs and established form of government of the vanquished were usually respected. The sovereigns of Anáhuac retained the native princes in power, and allowed the people to keep their property; but they invariably set apart a certain part of the territory, proportioned to the conquest, which became the property of the conquering monarch. These lands, called _yaotlalli_, which means 'war lands,' were cultivated by the conquered people for the benefit of their conqueror. If they belonged to Mexico their name was _mexica-tlalli_; if to Acolhuacan, _acolhua-tlalli_, and so on.[144] [Sidenote: INHERITANCE OF ESTATES.] The lands of the nobility were called _pillalli_, and were either ancient possessions of the nobles transmitted by inheritance from father to son, or were rewards of valor granted by the king. They were held by various tenures; some of them could be alienated at the will of the owner, subject only to the restriction that they should not pass into the hands of a plebeian; others were entailed upon the eldest male issue and could not be otherwise disposed of. Many of the Aztec estates were of very ancient origin. After the Chichimecs obtained undisputed possession of the valley of Mexico, their chief or sovereign Xolotl made grants of land to his own people, and to others who acknowledged him as their supreme lord, under the condition that the grantees should render service to the crown with their persons, vassals, and estates, whenever he should require it of them, and the same policy was adopted by his successors.[145] Sons generally inherited their father's estates by right of primogeniture, but if the eldest son was judged incapable of taking proper care of the property, the father left it to whichever son he pleased, stipulating, however, that the heir should insure a competency to him he had supplanted.[146] In the republic of Tlascala daughters could not inherit an estate, the object being to prevent landed property from going into the hands of strangers. In the kingdoms of Mexico, Tezcuco, and Tlacopan it is probable that the law was the same in this respect, but the authorities give us no information concerning the matter.[147] These feudatories paid no rent for their lands, but were bound to assist their suzerain, the king, with their persons, vassals, and fortunes in all cases of foreign or civil war. Each king, on his accession, confirmed the investiture of estates derived from the crown.[148] The lands of the people were called _calpulli_, and every city was divided into as many of these as there were wards in it, and the whole number of calpulli being collectively named _altepatlalli_. The calpulli, as well as the _tlaxicalli_, or streets, were all measured out and their boundaries marked, so that the inhabitants of one ward or street could not invade the possessions of another. Each of these divisions belonged to its respective community, and was of greater or less extent and importance according to the partition which had been made by the first settlers in Anáhuac. The owners of a calpulli were all members of the same clan or tribe, and their district bore their name. The right of tenure was perpetual and inalienable, and was the common property of the community and not of individuals. Any member of the community not possessed of any land, had the right to ask for a portion suitable to his position and requirements, which was granted him. This portion he was entitled to hold as long as he cultivated and improved it, and he could transmit it to his heirs; he had no authority to sell his portion, but he could let it to another for a number of years. If he neglected to cultivate it for two years the head man of the calpulli remonstrated with him; if he paid no heed to this warning he was ousted the following year in favor of some other person; a reasonable excuse for such neglect was, however, always accepted. If the land assigned to anyone proved unfruitful and barren, he was at liberty to abandon it and another portion was granted him. Under no pretext whatever could any person settle upon the land lawfully occupied by another, nor could the authorities of the calpulli deprive the latter of his right. If a land-owner died without heirs, his portion was considered vacant and assigned to the first applicant for it. If a calpulli was in great need the authorities were allowed to lease its lands, but under no circumstances were the inhabitants permitted to work on the lands of another district. The elders of the tribe formed the council of the calpulli; this body elected a principal, called _calpullec_, whose duty it was to watch over the interests of the community; he acted only with the advice and consent of the council. Each city set apart a piece of land in the suburbs wherefrom to supply the needs of the army in time of war. These portions were called _milchimalli_, or _cacalomilli_, according to the kind of grain they produced, and were cultivated jointly by all the calpullis. It was not unusual for the kings to make a life-grant of a portion of the people's property to some favorite noble, for though there is no doubt that the calpulli lands of right belonged to the people, yet in this respect as in others, the kings were wont to usurp a power not their own.[149] Every temple, great and insignificant, had its own lands and country estates, the produce of which was applied to the support of the priests and of public worship; the tenants who occupied these lands were looked upon as vassals of the temples. The chief priests, who, on the temple lands, exercised a power similar to that of the royal governors, frequently visited these estates to inspect their condition and to administer justice to their tenants. The temple of Huitzilopochtli was considered the wealthiest in Mexico. Torquemada says that in Tezcuco fifteen large cities furnished the temples of that kingdom with wood, provisions, and other necessaries.[150] Clavigero makes the number of towns twenty-nine.[151] Throughout Zapotecapan and Miztecapan landed property was invariably transmitted from male to male, females being excluded from the succession. No one had the right to sell his land in perpetuity; the law forbade its transfer out of a family either by marriage or otherwise; and if a proprietor was compelled by the force of necessity to dispose of his real estate, it returned after the lapse of some years to his son or his nearest relative, who paid to the holder the consideration for which it had been pledged or its equivalent.[152] In Miztecapan the first-born son, before taking possession of his inheritance, had to do penance for a year; he was confined in a religious house, clothed in rags, daubed with India-rubber juice, and his face and body rubbed with fetid herbs; during that time he had to draw blood repeatedly from his body and limbs, and was subjected to hard labor and privation. At the expiration of the year he was washed with odorous water by four girls, and then conducted by friends to his house with great pomp and festivity.[153] [Sidenote: ESTATES IN MICHOACAN.] Early writers say nothing about the tenure of lands among the Tarascos of Michoacan, but merely state in general terms that the sovereign's power over the lives and property of his subjects was unlimited.[154] The tenure of lands in the republic of Tlascala had its origin in the division made at the time when the country was first settled; which was as follows: Any Tecuhtli who established an entail, called _teccalli_, or _pilcalli_, took for his own use the best and largest part of the lands that fell to his lot or were awarded to him in the partition, including woods, springs, rivers, and lakes; of the remainder a fair division was made among his servitors and vassals, or, in other words, his soldiers, friends, and kinsmen. All were bound to keep the manor-house in repair and to supply their lord with game, flowers, and other comforts, and he in his turn, was expected to entertain, protect, and feed them in his house. To these kinsmen, friends, and servitors, was given the name of _teixhuihuan_, meaning the 'grand-children of the manor-house.' In this manner all the nobles divided their land. All were greatly respected by their vassals. They derived their income from the taxes that their tenants paid them out of what they obtained from the chase, from the soil, and by raising domestic animals.[155] No information has reached us respecting the provisions under which land was held in Cholula and Huexotzinco, or among the Totonacs. In the province of Pánuco, the eldest son was the sole inheritor of land and, therefore, the only one that paid tribute; the other sons had to rent land from those who were in possession of it.[156] There can be no doubt that in all this there is, as so many writers have observed, a strong resemblance to the feudal systems of Europe. The obligation of military service, and other relations of lord and vassal smack strongly of the institutions of the Middle Ages, but, as Mr Prescott says, the minor points of resemblance "fall far short of that harmonious system of reciprocal service and protection, which embraced, in nice gradation, every order of a feudal monarchy. The kingdoms of Anáhuac were, in their nature, despotic, attended, indeed, with many mitigating circumstances, unknown to the despotisms of the East; but it is chimerical to look for much in common--beyond a few accidental forms and ceremonies--with those aristocratic institutions of the Middle Ages, which made the court of every petty baron the precise image in miniature of that of his sovereign." I have no inclination to draw analogies, believing them, at least in a work of this kind, to be futile; and were I disposed to do so, space would not permit it. Nations in their infancy are almost as much alike as are human beings in their earlier years, and in studying these people I am struck at every turn by the similarity between certain of their customs and institutions and those of other nations; comparisons might be happily drawn between the division of lands in Anáhuac and that made by Lycurgus and Numa in Laconia and Rome, or between the relations of Aztec master and slave and those of Roman patron and client, for the former were nearly as mild as the latter; but the list of such comparisons would never be complete, and I am fain to leave them to the reader. [Sidenote: SYSTEM OF TAXATION.] The people of Anáhuac and of the surrounding countries paid taxes to the crown and to the temples, either with personal service or with the productions or results of their labor; in short, with everything useful. We have seen that in the kingdom of Tezcuco twenty-nine cities were appointed to provide the king's household with everything requisite of food, furniture, and so forth, and were, consequently, exempt from all other taxes. Fourteen of these cities served in this manner during one half of the year, and fifteen during the other half. They likewise furnished the workingmen and laborers, such as water-carriers, sweepers, tillers of the palace lands, and gardeners. Boys who were too young to do men's work were required to provide annually four hundred armfuls of wood for the fires which were kept up day and night in the principal rooms of the palace. The young men of Tollantzinco, either themselves or through their servants supplied fine rushes for mats, stools, or seats, called _icpalli_, pine-wood splinters for lighting fires, other wood for torches, _acayetl_, or pipes with tobacco, various kinds of dyes, liquid amber both in cakes and in vessels, copal incense in their golden cylinders, and a large quantity of other articles, which it is unnecessary to specify.[157] Manufacturers paid their taxes with the objects produced by their industry. Journeymen mechanics, such as carpenters, masons, workers in feathers and precious metals, and musicians, were, according to Oviedo, exempt from such tax, and in lieu thereof rendered personal service to the sovereign without remuneration.[158] Merchants paid their taxes with such articles as they traded in. The last class of tribute-payers were the _tlamaitl_, tenants attached to a nobleman's land, who tilled the same for their own benefit. They were obliged to do a certain amount of work every year for the landlord, and to render military service when it was required of them by the sovereign. Brasseur says that these tenants paid no tribute to the king, but his statement is contradicted by Clavigero.[159] Taxes paid in fruit and grain were collected immediately after harvest; other tributes were collected at different times through the year. In each town there was a magazine for storing the revenues, from which supplies were drawn as required. In the vicinity of Mexico it was customary to convey the agricultural produce into the capital, in order that the inhabitants, who, being surrounded with the waters of the lake, had no land of their own to cultivate, might be regularly supplied with food. There was no uniform system of collecting taxes from the merchants and manufacturers. Payments were made by them in accordance with their circumstances and the nature of the articles they contributed. There were about three hundred and seventy tributary towns in the Mexican empire, some of which paid their taxes every twenty days, and some every four days, while others only did so once in six months, or even only once a year. The people of Tlatelulco, says Purchas,[160] "were charged for tribute, alwayes to repaire the Church called Huiznahuac. Item, fortie great Baskets (of the bignesse of half a Bushell) of cacao ground, with the Meale of Maiz (which they called _Chianpinoli_,) and euery Basket had sixteene hundred Almonds of Cacao. Item, other fortie Baskets of Chianpinoli. Item, eight hundred burthens of great Mantels. Item, eightie pieces of Armour, of slight Feathers, and as many Targets of the same Feathers, of the deuices & colours as they are pictured. All the which tribute, except the said armes and targets they gaue euery 24. dayes,[161] and the said armes and targets they gaue for tribute but once in the whole yeere. The said tribute had his beginning since the time of Quauhtlatoa and Moquihuix, which were Lords of Tlatilulco. The Lords of Mexico, which first enioyned to those of Tlatilulco, to pay tribute, and to acknowledge their subiection, were Yzcoatçi and Axiacaçi." Sometimes merchants' guilds or individuals did not pay their taxes at the regular assessment of the town in which they lived, but did so according to prior arrangement made with the revenue officers. [Sidenote: TAXES PAID BY CITIES.] [Sidenote: TAXES PAID IN VERMIN.] In addition to the taxes levied upon private individuals, each town contributed a large number of cotton garments, with a certain quantity of breadstuffs and feathers and such other productions as were a specialty of the province in which it was situated. Mazatlan, Xoconocho, Huehuetlan, and other towns on the Pacific coast, paid, besides the cotton garments, four thousand bundles of fine feathers of divers colors, two hundred sacks of cocoa, forty tiger-skins, and one hundred and sixty birds of a certain species. Coyolapan, Atlacuechahuaxan, Huaxyacac, and other towns of the Zapotecs, forty pieces of gold of a specified size, and twenty sacks of cochineal. Tlachquiauhco, Ayotlan, and Teotzapotlan, twenty vessels of a fixed size filled with gold dust. Tochtepec, Otlatitlan, Cozamalloapan, Michapan and other places on the gulf of Mexico, besides cotton garments, cocoa, and gold, paid twenty-four thousand bundles of exquisite feathers of various qualities and colors, six necklaces, two of which were of the finest emerald, and four of the commoner description, twenty ear-rings of amber set in gold, and an equal number made of crystal rock, one hundred pots of liquid amber, and sixteen thousand loads of India-rubber. Tepeyacac, Quecholac, Tecamachalco, Acatzinco and other towns of that region of country, each contributed four thousand sacks of lime, four thousand loads of solid reed for building purposes, with as many of smaller reed for making darts, and eight thousand loads of reeds filled with aromatic substances. Malinaltepec, Tlalcozauhtitlan, Olinallan, Ichcatlan, Qualac, and other southern towns situated in the warm region, paid each six hundred measures of honey, forty large jars of yellow ochre for paint, one hundred and sixty copper shields, forty round plates of gold of fixed dimensions, ten small measures of fine turquoises, and one load of smaller turquoises. Quauhnahuac, Panchimalco, Atlacholoayan, Xiuhtepec, Huitzilac, and other towns of the Tlahuicas, paid each sixteen thousand large leaves of paper, and four thousand _xicalli_, or gourds, of different sizes. Quauhtitlan, Tehuilloyocan, and other neighboring towns, each gave eight thousand mats and eight thousand _icpalli_, or stools. Some cities paid their taxes with fire-wood, stone, and beams for building; others with copal-gum; others sent to the royal houses and forests a certain number of birds and animals, such as Xilotepec, Michmaloyan, and other cities of the Otomís, which were each compelled to furnish yearly forty live eagles to the king. After the Matlaltzincas were made subject to the Mexican crown by King Axayacatl, they were required not only to pay a heavy tax in kind, but also to keep under cultivation a field of seven hundred _toesas_[162] by three hundred and fifty, for the benefit of the army. As the Saxon king imposed a tax of wolves' heads upon his subjects for the purpose of ridding his kingdom of those ravenous animals, so did the Mexican monarchs exact from those who were too poor to pay the regular taxes a certain quantity of snakes, scorpions, centipedes and other obnoxious creatures. Lice, especially, were contributed in large numbers in Mexico.[163] It is related that soon after Cortés arrived in the city of Mexico, certain cavaliers of his force, among whom were Alonso de Ojeda and Alonso de Mata, were roaming through the royal palace, admiring its great extent and all its wonders, doubtless with an eye to plunder, when they came across some bags, filled with some soft, fine, and weighty material; never doubting but that it must be valuable, they hastened to untie the mouth of one of the sacks, when to their disgust and disappointment they found its contents to consist of nothing but lice, which, as they afterwards ascertained, had been paid as tribute by the poor.[164] Duties were levied upon property, manufactures, and articles exposed for sale in the market-places, in proportion to the wealth of the person taxed or the value of the merchandise sold. Produce and merchandise of every description, carried into the city of Mexico, was subject to toll duties, which were paid into the royal treasury. The proportion in which taxes were paid is stated at from thirty to thirty-three per cent., or about one third of everything made and produced. Oviedo affirms that each taxpayer, in addition to one third of his property, delivered one out of every three of his children, or in lieu thereof a slave, for the sacrifice; if he failed to do this he forfeited his own life.[165] The government had in the head town of each province large warehouses for the storage of breadstuffs and merchandise received by the tax-gatherers; also auditing offices to which the _calpixques_, or stewards of the revenue, were required to render a very strict account of their collections, and such as were convicted of embezzlement, were immediately put to death and their property confiscated.[166] In the royal treasury were paintings by which were recorded the tributary towns, and the quantity and kind of tribute paid by each. In the Codex Mendoza may be seen thirty-six such paintings, each one of which represents the principal towns of one or of several provinces of the empire, together with the quantity and quality of the taxes and the time when they were paid.[167] The personal and ordinary service consisted in providing every day the water and wood needed at the chiefs' houses; this was distributed from day to day among the towns or wards, and thus each individual was occupied in rendering such service once or twice in the year at the utmost. Residents in the vicinity were the only ones so subjected, and then, in consideration of such service, were exempted from paying a portion of the imposts. Other labor was mostly done by slaves, of whom there were large numbers. Foreign provinces subjected by the empire without having made any resistance, were not required to pay a fixed tribute, but sent several times in the year whatever they thought proper, as a present to the king, who showed himself more or less gracious according to the value of the presents. No calpixques or tax-gatherers were placed in such provinces by the Mexican sovereign, but they continued under the rule of their own chiefs. Such countries as were reduced by war, had to submit to the rigorous conditions imposed by the conqueror, and bore the name of _tequitin tlacotl_, which means 'paying tribute like slaves.' Over them were stationed stewards and calpixques, who had authority even over the lords of the country, and who besides recovering the tributes forced men to cultivate land, and women to spin, weave, and embroider for their private benefit; indeed, so great was their tyranny, that whatever they coveted they were sure to obtain by fair means or foul. The kings of Tezcuco and Tlacopan, and other sovereign lords, allies of the king of Mexico, shared these tributes if they aided in the conquest.[168] [Sidenote: TAXATION UNDER MONTEZUMA II.] The sovereigns selected the calpixques from among the Aztec _pilli_, or nobles of inferior rank. They were under the supervision of the chief treasurers or _hueycalpixques_, who resided at the several capitals, and it was their duty to gather the tributes or taxes, and to see that the lands belonging to the municipalities or to private persons were kept under cultivation. The duties of these calpixques were not very arduous at first, as the people generally hastened to pay their taxes before being called upon; but during the reign of Montezuma II. the taxes increased so enormously, owing to the great extravagance of the court, that this commendable zeal cooled down very considerably. The bulk of the immense wealth which the conquerors saw with so much admiration at Montezuma's court was the result of this excessive taxation, and it was one of the main causes of that alienation of the people from their sovereign which rendered the conquest a possible achievement. Notwithstanding the easy disposition of the taxpayers, they could not submit patiently to a yoke so onerous. The merchants, whose trading expeditions had been so useful to the state in former times, were no less overwhelmed by the taxes than the inhabitants of conquered provinces by the tributes. It was among that powerful class that the first symptoms of defection were noticed. To the main grievance was added the tyranny and harshness exhibited by the revenue officers in collecting the taxes. They carried a small rod in one hand and a feather fan in the other, and, accompanied by a large retinue of understrappers, went through cities and fields, unmercifully maltreating the unfortunate beings who could not promptly comply with their demands, and even selling them into slavery; at least it is certain that such sales occurred in conquered provinces. [Sidenote: SELFISHNESS OF MONTEZUMA II.] From the first years of his reign Montezuma II. began to oppress the merchants with heavy taxation, even upon the most trifling things. The greatest sufferers were the retail dealers, who had to pay excessive duties upon the merchandise they introduced into the principal _tianguez_, or market-place, from which such merchandise was taken to the lesser market-places. But the king and his creatures finding that this did not directly injure the wholesale traders, among whom were the judges of the mercantile court,--that is to say, the consuls and syndics, so to name them, of the company of Tlatelulco,--witnesses were soon found to trump up charges of high treason against them, which ended in their being put to death, and their goods and chattels confiscated and distributed among the people of the royal household. A very large portion of the taxes and tributes was expended in supporting the army, the public employees, the poor and destitute, such as widows, orphans, and the aged, and also in providing food for the people in times of great scarcity, but almost as large a portion was appropriated by the king to his own uses.[169] It was by such acts as these that Montezuma II. undid the work of his fathers, and spoiled the harmony of his realm by caring only for his own glory and that of his court. FOOTNOTES: [130] See page 191 of this volume. [131] _Acosta_, _De procuranda, indorum salute_; quoted in _Pimentel_, _Mem. sobre la Raza Indígena_, p. 81. [132] _Hist. Tlax._, in _Nouvelles Annales des Voy._, 1843, tom. xcix., p. 130. [133] _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., pp. 134-6; _Cortés_, _Carta Inéd._, in _Icazbalceta_, _Col. de Doc._, tom. i., p. 474. [134] _Hist. Gen._, tom. i., lib. i., pp. 32-3; see also, tom. ii., lib. vii., pp. 258-9, lib. ix., pp. 353, 370. The Anonymous Conqueror agrees with Sahagun: 'Tutti quei che si pigliauano nella guerra, ò erano màgiati da loro, ò erano tenuti per schiaui.' _Relatione fatta per vn gentil'huomo del Signor Fernando Cortese_, in _Ramusio_, _Navigationi_, tom. iii., fol. 304. Motolinia, however, asserts that _all_ prisoners of war were sacrificed: 'por que ningun esclavo se hacian en ellas, ni rescataban ninguno de los que en las guerras prendian, mas todos los guardavan para sacrificar.' _Carta al Emperador Cárlos V._, Jan. 2, 1555, in _Icazbalceta_, _Col. de Doc._, tom. i., p. 272. Gomara also confirms this with a grim joke: 'Los catiuos en guerra no siruian de esclauos, sino de sacrificados: y no hazian mas de comer para ser comidos.' _Conq. Mex._, fol. 320-1; see also fol. 309. [135] 'Algunos quisieron decir, que si vn libre tenia acceso à alguna Esclava, y quedaba preñada de la copula, era Esclavo el Varon que cometiò acto con Esclava, y servia al Señor de la Esclava; pero esto no fue asi, segun confesion de los mismos Indios Sabios, que sabian sus Leies, y las practicaban.' _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., p. 566. [136] _Conq. Mex._, fol. 320. [137] _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., p. 566. [138] _Duran_, _Hist. Indias_, MS., tom. iii., cap. xxii., xxiii. [139] _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., pp. 564-5; _Sahagun_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. ii., lib. viii., p. 303. Brasseur de Bourbourg asserts that these contracts remained in force down to the time of the Spanish conquest. _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. iii., p. 611. [140] 'Y cuando acontecia la dicha hambre, entónces se vendian por esclavos muchos pobres hombres y mugeres, y comprábanlos los ricos que tenian muchas provisiones allegadas, y no solamente los dichos pobres se vendian a sí mismos, sino que tambien vendian á sus hijos, y á sus descendientes, y á todo su linaje, y así eran esclavos perpetuamente, porque decian que esta servidumbre que se cobraba en tal tiempo, no tenia remedio para acabarse en algun tiempo, porque sus padres se habian vendido por escapar de la muerte, ó por librar su vida de la última necesidad.' _Hist. Gen._, tom. ii., lib. vii., pp. 258-9. [141] 'Vendian niños recien nacidos, y de dos años, para cumplir sus promesas, y ofrecer en los templos, como nosotros las candelas, y sacrificarlos para alcançar sus pretensiones.' _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. ii., lib. vi., cap. xvi. 'Porque como andaban todos los Reinos, con sus mercancias, traìan de todos ellos muchos esclavos, los quales, si no eran todos, à lo menos, los mas, sacrificaban.' _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., p. 272. 'Porque casi todos los que sacrificaban á los idolos eran los que prendian en las guerras ... mui poquitos eran los otros que sacrificavan.' _Motolinia_, _Carta al Emperador Cárlos V._, Jan. 2, 1555, in _Icazbalceta_, _Col. de Doc._, tom. i., pp. 264, 272. 'Luego proponian un parlamento á los esclavos, enanos y corcobados, diciendo: hijos mios, id á la buena ventura con vuestro señor Axayaca á la otra vida.... Luego le abrieron el pecho, teniendolo seis ó siete sacerdotes, y el mayoral le sacaba el corazon, y todo el dia y toda la noche ardía el cuerpo del rey, con los corazones de los miserables esclabos que morian sin culpa.' _Tezozomoc_, _Crónica Mex._, in _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. ix., pp. 90, 142. 'Sacrificando en sus honras doscientos esclavos, y cien esclavas.' _Ixtlilxochitl_, _Hist. Chichimeca_, in _Id._, pp. 282, 250. 'Quando moria algun principal, matavan juntamente con él un esclavo, y enterravan con él para que le fuese á servir.' _Codex Telleriano-Remensis_, in _Id._, vol. v., p. 130. 'Avec lui, de jeunes filles, des esclaves et des bossus.' _Camargo_, _Hist. Tlax._, in _Nouvelles Annales des Voy._, 1843, tom. xcviii., p. 202. 'Se quemaba junto con sus cuerpos y con los corazones de los cautivos y esclavos que mataban.' _Leon y Gama_, _Dos Piedras_, p. 35; _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. iii., pp. 453, 573-4; _Veytia_, _Hist. Ant. Mej._, tom. iii., pp. 6, 8; _Pimentel_, _Mem. sobre la Raza Indígena_, p. 65; Among those who in later times have treated of slavery among the Nahua nations are the following: _Montanus_, _Nieuwe Weereld_, p. 261; _Dapper_, _Neue Welt_, p. 294; _Chevalier_, _Mex., Ancien et Mod._, p. 62; _Bussierre_, _L'Empire Mex._, pp. 155-6; _Müller_, _Amerikanische Urreligionen_, p. 541; _Klemm_, _Cultur-Geschichte_, pp. 69-70; _Soden_, _Spanier in Peru_, tom. ii., pp. 14-15; _Simon's Ten Tribes_, p. 273. [142] _Toribio and Olarte_, in _Ternaux-Compans_, _Voy._, série i., tom. x., p. 405. [143] _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., pp. 545-6; _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., p. 122. [144] _Zurita_, _Rapport_, in _Ternaux-Compans_, _Voy._, série ii., tom. i., p. 67; _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. iii., p. 603; _Carbajal_, _Discurso_, p. 61; _Tezozomoc_, _Crónica Mex._, in _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, tom. ix., p. 40. [145] _Boturini_, _Idea_, p. 165; _Ixtlilxochitl_, _Hist. Chich._, in _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. ix., pp. 208, 216, 224-5, 241; _Id._, _Relaciones_, in _Id._, pp. 339-43, 346, 353, 386-7, 395, 451, 453; _Heredia y Sarmiento_, _Sermon_, MS., pp. 51-2; _Veytia_, _Hist. Ant. Mej._, tom. iii., p. 189; _Vetancvrt_, _Teatro, Mex._, pt ii., pp. 13-14. [146] Herrera, _Hist. Gen._, dec. ii., lib. vi., cap. xvii., says that brothers inherited estates and not sons; but this assertion is not borne out by any other authority. [147] _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., p. 348; _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., p. 123. [148] _Fuenleal_, _Lettre_, in _Ternaux-Compans_, _Voy._, série i., tom. x., pp. 252-4; _Cortés_, _Cartas_, p. 68; _Witt_, _Lettre_, in _Ternaux-Compans_, _Voy._, série ii., tom. v., p. 287; _Carbajal_, _Discurso_, p. 63; _Oviedo_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. iii., p. 535; _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. i., p. 231; _Zurita_, _Rapport_, in _Ternaux-Compans_, _Voy._, série ii., tom. i., pp. 48-9, 65; _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., pp. 122-4; _Gomara_, _Conq. Mex._, fol. 304; _Vetancvrt_, _Teatro, Mex._, pt ii., pp. 53-4. [149] 'Ce n'est pas qu'ils eussent ces terres en propre; car, comme les seigneurs exerçaient un pouvoir tyrannique, ils disposaient des terrains et des vassaux suivant leur bon plaisir. Les Indiens n'étaient donc, proprement dit, ni propriétaires ni maîtres de ces villages; ils n'étaient que les laboureurs ou les amodiateurs des seigneurs terriers, de telle façon que l'on pourrait dire que tout le territoire, soit des plaines, soit des montagnes, dépendait du caprice des seigneurs et qu'il leur appartenait, puisqu'ils y exerçaient un pouvoir tyrannique, et que les Indiens vivaient au jour le jour; les seigneurs partageant entre eux tous leurs produits.' _Simancas_, _De l'Ordre de Succession_, in _Ternaux-Compans_, _Voy._, série i., tom. x., pp. 224-5; _Zurita_, _Rapport_, in _Id._, série ii., tom. i., pp. 51-7; _Fuenleal_, _Lettre_, in _Id._, tom. v., p. 221; _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. iii., pp. 603-7; _Carbajal Espinosa_, _Hist. Mex._, tom. i., p. 590; _Variedades Civ._, tom. i., pp. 158-9; _Pimentel_, _Mem. sobre la Raza Indígena_, pp. 35-6; _Bussierre_, _L'Empire Mex._, pp. 153-5. [150] _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., p. 164. [151] _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., p. 36. See further: _Las Casas_, _Hist. Apologética_, MS., cap. 141; _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. iii., pp. 558-9; _Carbajal_, _Discurso_, p. 36; _Soden_, _Spanier in Peru_, tom. ii., p. 13; _Dillon_, _Hist. Mex._, p. 43; _Chevalier_, _Mex., Ancien et Mod._, pp. 117-18. [152] _Burgoa_, _Geog. Descrip._, tom. i., pt ii., fol. 188; _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. iii., pp. 39-40. [153] _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., p. 54; _Klemm_, _Cultur-Geschichte_, tom. v., pp. 95-6. [154] _Beaumont_, _Crón. Mechoacan_, MS., p. 52. [155] _Camargo_, _Hist. Tlax._, in _Nouvelles Annales des Voy._, 1843, tom. xcviii., p. 176; _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. i., pp. 276-7. [156] _Witt_, _Lettre_, in _Ternaux-Compans_, _Voy._, série ii., tom. v., p. 289. [157] _Ixtlilxochitl_, _Hist. Chich._, in _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. ix., p. 241-2. [158] _Hist. Gen._, tom. iii., pp. 535, 305-6. [159] 'Nè i Vasalli de' Feudatari erano esenti da' tributi, che pagavano al Re gli altri Vassalli della Corona.' _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., pp. 122-7. [160] _His Pilgrimes_, vol. iv., p. 1080. [161] In the _Codex Mendoza_, in _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. v., p. 54, we read that it was paid every eighty days. [162] The toesa is the same thing as the French toise, which is 6.3945 English feet, or seven Castilian feet. [163] _Tezozomoc_, _Crónica Mex._, in _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, tom. ix., pp. 17-18; _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. i., p. 206; _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. i., p. 275; _Zuazo_, _Carta_, in _Icazbalceta_, _Col. de Doc._, tom. i., p. 366; _Cortés_, _Hist. N. España_, p. 173. [164] Torquemada adds: 'Ai quien diga, que no eran Piojos, sino Gusanillos; pero Alonso de Ojeda en sus Memoriales, lo certifica de vista, y lo mismo Alonso de Mata.' _Monarq. Ind._, tom. i., p. 461. [165] 'Dábanle sus vassallos en tributo ordinario de tres hijos uno, y el que no tenia hijos avia de dar un indio ó india para sacrificar á sus dioses, é si no lo daban, avian de sacrificarle á él.' _Oviedo_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. iii., p. 502. Nowhere else do I find mention of such a custom, although in Michoacan the despotic power of the king, and his tyrannous abuse of it, led to almost the same results. In Michoacan: 'Tributauan al Rey quanto tenian y el queria, hasta las mugeres y hijos, si los queria; de manera que eran mas que esclauos, y viuian en terrible seruidumbre.' _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. iii., lib. iii., cap. x., dec. ii., lib. vii., cap. xiii. 'Si bien todas las atenciones dedicadas á los decorosos mugeriles privilegios destruian la sujecion del tributo á sus Monarcas, sirviendolos en la ceguedad de ofrecerles no solo la hacienda, y la vida, sino á sus proprias mugeres, en caso de discurrir aceptable el vergonzoso obsequio.' _Salazar y Olarte_, _Hist. Conq. Mex._, tom. ii., pp. 69-70. [166] _Sahagun_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. ii., lib. viii., p. 307. [167] _Codex Mendoza_, in _Purchas his Pilgrimes_, vol. iv., pp. 1080-1101; _Id._, in _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. v., pp. 54-89, vol. i., plates xix-lvii; _Cortés_, _Hist. N. España_, p. 176; _Cortés_, _Cartas_, p. 110. [168] _Tápia_, _Relacion_, in _Icazbalceta_, _Col. de Doc._, tom. ii., p. 592. [169] _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. i., pp. 147, 206, 231, 461, tom. ii., pp. 545-7, 560; _Gomara_, _Conq. Mex._, fol. 111-13; _Las Casas_, _Hist. Apologética_, MS., cap. cxli.; _Toribio and Olarte_, in _Ternaux-Compans_, _Voy._, série i., tom. x., pp. 401-8; _Fuenleal_, in _Id._, pp. 244-54; _Chaves_, _Rapport_, in _Id._, série ii., tom. v., p. 301; _Simancas_, in _Id._, série i., tom. x., pp. 229-31; _Camargo_, _Hist. Tlax._, in _Nouvelles Annales des Voy._, 1843, tom. xcviii., pp. 180, 198-9; _Witt_, _Lettre_ in _Ternaux-Compans_, _Voy._, série ii., tom. v., pp. 284-93; _Acosta_, _Hist. de las Ynd._, pp. 491-2; _Bernal Diaz_, _Hist. Conq._, fol. 68; _Veytia_, _Hist. Ant. Mej._, tom. iii., pp. 189-90, 193-8; _Prescott's Mex._, vol. i., pp. 38-40; _Solis_, _Hist. Conq. Mex._, tom. i., pp. 417-19; _Pimentel_, _Mem. sobre la Raza Indígena_, pp. 36-7; _Carbajal Espinosa_, _Hist. Mex._, tom. i., pp. 99, 101, 437, 495, 589-93, 631, tom. ii., p. 203; _Laet_, _Novus Orbis_, p. 240; _Dicc. Univ._, tom. x., p. 637; _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. iii., pp. 606-9; _Carbajal_, _Discurso_, pp. 36, 45-6, 58; _Dillon_, _Hist. Mex._, pp. 42-5; _Klemm_, _Cultur-Geschichte_, pp. 55, 59, 68-72, 211; _Baril_, _Mexique_, pp. 206-8; _Bussierre_, _L'Empire Mex._, pp. 153-8; _Soden_, _Spanier in Peru_, tom. ii., p. 13; _Lang's Polynesian Nat._, p. 99; _Brownell's Ind. Races_, p. 83; _Touron_, _Hist. Gén._, tom. iii., pp. 25-9, 38; _Monglave_, _Résumé_, pp. 23, 65. CHAPTER VII. EDUCATION, MARRIAGE, CONCUBINAGE, CHILDBIRTH, AND BAPTISM. EDUCATION OF THE NAHUA YOUTH--MANNER OF PUNISHMENT--MARRIAGE PRELIMINARIES--NUPTIAL CEREMONY--OBSERVANCE AFTER MARRIAGE--MAZATEC, OTOMÍ, CHICHIMEC, AND TOLTEC MARRIAGES--DIVORCE--CONCUBINAGE--CEREMONIES PRELIMINARY TO CHILDBIRTH--TREATMENT OF PREGNANT WOMAN--PROCEEDINGS OF MIDWIFE--SUPERSTITIONS WITH REGARD TO WOMEN WHO DIED IN CHILDBED--ABORTION--BAPTISM--SPEECHES OF MIDWIFE--NAMING OF CHILDREN--BAPTISM AMONG THE TLASCALTECS, MIZTECS, AND ZAPOTECS--CIRCUMCISION AND SCARIFICATION OF INFANTS. In examining the domestic customs of the Nahua nations it will be as well to first inquire how their children were reared and instructed. The education of a child was commenced by its parents as soon as it was able to walk, and was finished by the priests. Aside from the superstitious and idolatrous flavor with which everything Aztec was more or less tainted, the care taken to mold aright the minds of the youth of both sexes is worthy of admiration. Both parents and priests strenuously endeavored to inspire their pupils with a horror of vice and a love of truth. Respect for their elders and modesty in their actions was one of their first lessons, and lying was severely punished. [Sidenote: EDUCATION OF YOUTH.] In a series of ancient Aztec paintings, which give a hieroglyphical history of the Aztecs, are represented the manner in which children were brought up, the portion of food allowed them, the labors they were employed in, and the punishments resorted to by parents for purposes of correction. Purchas relates that the book containing this picture-history with interpretations made by natives, was obtained by the Spanish governor, who intended it for a present to the emperor Charles V. The ship on which it was carried was captured by a French man-of-war, and the book fell into the hands of the French king's geographer, Andrew Thevet. At his death it was purchased for twenty French crowns by Richard Hakluyt, then chaplain to the English ambassador at the French court, and was left by him in his last will and testament to Samuel Purchas, who had woodcut copies made from the original and published them, with explanatory text, for the benefit of science and learning. In that part of the work which relates to the bringing up and education of children,--a specimen page of which is given in the chapter of this volume which treats of hieroglyphics,--a boy and girl with their father and mother are depicted; three small circles, each of which represents one year, show that the children are three years of age, while the good counsel they are receiving issues visibly from the father's lips; half an oval divided in its breadth shows that at this age they were allowed half a cake of bread at each meal. During their fourth and fifth years the boys are accustomed to light bodily labor, such as carrying light burdens, while the girl is shown a distaff by her mother, and instructed in its use. At this age their ration of bread is a whole cake. During their sixth and seventh years the pictures show how the parents begin to make their children useful. The boy follows his father to the market-place, carrying a light load, and while there occupies himself in gathering up grains of corn or other trifles that happen to be spilt about the stalls. The girl is represented as spinning, under the close surveillance of her mother, who lectures and directs her at the same time. The allowance of bread is now a cake and a half, and continues to be so until the children have reached their thirteenth year. We are next shown the various modes of punishing unruly children. When eight years old they are merely shown the instruments of punishment as a warning. At ten, boys who were disobedient or rebellious were bound hand and foot and pricked in different parts of the body with thorns of the maguey; girls were only pricked in the hands and wrists; if this did not suffice they were beaten with sticks. If they were unruly when eleven years old they were held over a pile of burning chile, and forced to inhale the smoke, which caused great pain.[170] At twelve years of age a bad boy was bound hand and foot and exposed naked in a damp place during an entire day; the naughty girl of the same age was obliged to rise in the night and sweep the whole house.[171] From the age of thirteen years the allowance of bread was increased to two cakes. Between the ages of thirteen and fifteen the boys were employed in bringing wood from the mountains by land or in canoes, or in catching fish; the girls spent their time in grinding corn, cooking, and weaving. At fifteen, the boys were delivered to the priests to receive religious instruction, or were educated as soldiers by an officer called Achcauhtli.[172] [Sidenote: SCHOOLS FOR YOUTH.] The schools and seminaries were annexed to the temples, and the instruction of the young of both sexes was a monopoly in the hands of the priests. In general boys were sent to the colleges between the ages of six and nine years; they were dressed in black, their hair was left uncut,[173] and they were placed under the charge of priests specially appointed for that purpose, who instructed them in the branches most suitable to their future calling. All were instructed in religion and particular attention was given to good behavior and morals. No women were permitted to enter the college, nor could the youths on any account have communication with the other sex. At certain seasons they were required to abstain from various kinds of food. The schools, or colleges, were of two distinct classes. Those attended by the common people were called _telpochcalli_, or 'houses of the youths;' there was one of these in each quarter of the city, after the manner of our public schools, and the parents of the district were required to enter their children at the age of four or five years. The telpochtlato, or 'chief of youth,' instructed them how to sweep the sanctuary, to replenish the fire in the sacred censers, to clean the schoolhouse, to do penance, more or less severe according to their age, and to go in parties to the forest to gather wood for the temple. Each pupil took his meals at the house of his parents, but all were obliged to sleep in the seminary. At nightfall all assembled in the _cuicacalco_, or 'house of song,' and were there taught the arts of singing and dancing, which formed part of a Mexican education; they were also exercised here in the use of arms.[174] At the age of fifteen or sixteen, or sometimes earlier, it was customary for the parents to withdraw their children from the telpochcalli that they might follow a trade or profession, but this was never done without first making a present to the telpochtlato. The schools at which the sons of the nobility and those destined to be priests were educated, were called _calmecac_, which means a college, or monastery. The pupils did not do as much manual labor as those educated in the telpochcalli, nor did they take their meals at home, but in the building. They were under the supervision of priests of the Tlamacazqui order, who instructed them in all that the plebeians learned, besides many of the arts and sciences, such as the study of heroic songs and sacred hymns, which they had to learn by heart, history, religion, philosophy, law, astronomy, astrology, and the writing and interpreting of hieroglyphics. If not quick and diligent, they were given less food and more work; they were admonished to be virtuous and chaste, and were not allowed to leave the temple, until with their father's permission they went out from it to be married, or, in the case of a youth of strength and courage, to go to the wars; those who showed qualities fitted for a military life were exercised in gymnastics and trained to the use of weapons, to shoot with the bow, manage the shield, and to cast darts at a mark. Their courage, strength, and endurance underwent severe tests; they were early afforded opportunities of realizing the hardships of camp life, and, while boys, were sent to carry provisions to the soldiers, upon which occasions their behavior was closely watched, and a display of courage met with suitable promotion and reward.[175] [Sidenote: FEMALE SEMINARIES.] Annexed to the temples were large buildings used as seminaries for girls. The maidens who were educated in them were principally the daughters of lords and princes. They were presided over by matrons or vestal priestesses, brought up in the temple, who watched over those committed to their care with great vigilance. Day and night the exterior of the building was strictly guarded by old men, to prevent any intercourse between the sexes from taking place; the maidens could not even leave their apartments without a guard; if any one broke this rule and went out alone, her feet were pricked with thorns till the blood flowed. When they went out, it was together and accompanied by the matrons; upon such occasions they were not allowed to raise their eyes, or in any way take notice of anyone; any infringement of these rules was visited with severe punishment. The maidens had to sweep those precincts of the temple occupied by them, and attend to the sacred fire; they were taught the tenets of their religion and shown how to draw blood from their bodies when offering sacrifice to the gods. They also learned how to make feather-work, and to spin, and weave mantles; particular attention was given to their personal cleanliness; they were obliged to bathe frequently, and to be skilful and diligent in all household affairs. They were taught to speak with reverence, and to humble themselves in the presence of their elders, and to observe a modest and bashful demeanor at all times. They rose at day-break, and whenever they showed themselves idle or rude, punishment was inflicted. At night the pupils slept in large rooms in sight of the matrons, who watched them closely. The daughters of nobles, who entered the seminaries at an early age, remained there until taken away by their parents to be married.[176] Children brought up in the house of their parents were taught the worship of the gods, and were frequently conducted to the temple in order that they might witness the religious performances. Military men instructed their sons in the use of weapons and the art of war, and lost no opportunity of inuring them to danger, always endeavoring to inspire courage and daring. Laborers and artisans usually taught their children their own trade. The sons of the nobles who were placed in the seminaries were never permitted to go out unless accompanied by one of the superiors of the temple; their food was brought to them by their parents. The punishments inflicted were excessively severe. Liars had thorns thrust into their lips; and sometimes, if the fault was frequent, their lips were slightly split. Those who were negligent or disobedient were bound hand and foot, and pricked with thorns or badly pinched. A girl who was detected looking at or speaking to a man was severely punished; and if addicted to walking the streets, her feet were tied together, and pricked with sharp thorns.[177] There was in Tezcuco, during the reign of Nezahualcoyotl, a large seminary, built upon the west side of the temple, which consisted of several spacious halls and rooms, with a courtyard, and was called the _tlacoteo_. Here the king's sons were brought up and instructed. The guardians and tutors who had charge of them took much pains to instruct them in everything becoming their high estate. Besides the use of arms, they were taught all the arts and sciences as far as then known, and were made fully acquainted with the practical working of precious metals and stones. Separate rooms were devoted to the use of the king's daughters, where they were given an education fitting their station. In accordance with a law of the realm, the king, his children and relatives, with their guardians and masters, and the grandees of the kingdom, came together every eighty days, in a large hall of the tlacoteo; all were seated according to rank; the males on one side, and the females on the other. All the men, even those of royal blood, were dressed in coarse garments of _nequen_, or maguey-fibre. An orator ascended a sort of pulpit and commenced a discourse, in which he censured those who had done badly during the last eighty days, and praised those who had done well; this he did without favor, not even hesitating to blame the king if he saw fit. The discourse was delivered with such eloquence and feeling as generally to move the audience to tears.[178] [Sidenote: A PARENT'S DISCOURSE TO HIS SONS.] Sahagun, Motolinia, Mendieta, and other early writers, who were well acquainted with the Mexican language, give us specimens of the exhortations delivered by parents to their children. I select one from the first-mentioned author, as an example: "Give ear unto me and hearken, O my sons," says the Mexican parent, "because I am your father; and I, though unworthy, am chosen by the gods to rule and govern this city. Thou who art my first-born and the eldest of thy brothers; and thou the second, and thou the third, and thou the last and least--know that I am anxious and concerned, lest some of you should prove worthless in after life; lest, peradventure, not one among you should prove worthy to bear my dignities and honors after me; perhaps it is the will of the gods that the house which I have with so great labor built up, shall fall to the ground and remain a ruin and a dung-hill; that my name shall be no more remembered among men; that after my death no man shall speak well of me. Hear now the words that I shall speak unto you, that you may learn how to be of use in the world, and how to draw near unto the gods that they may show favor to you; for this I say unto you, that those who weep and are grieved; those who sigh, pray and ponder; those who are watchful at night, and wakeful in the morning; those who diligently keep the temples cleanly and in order; those who are reverent and prayerful--all these find favor with the gods; to all such the gods give riches, honor, and prosperity, even as they give them to those who are strong in battle. It is by such deeds the gods know their friends, and to such they give high rank and military distinctions; success in battle, and an honorable place in the hall of justice; making them parents of the sun, that they may give meat and drink not only to the gods of heaven, but also to the gods of hell; and such as are thus honored are revered by all brave men and warriors: all men look on them as their parents, because the gods have shown them favor; and have rendered them fit to hold high offices and dignities and to govern with justice; they are placed near the god of fire, the father of all the gods, whose dwelling is in the water surrounded by turreted walls of flowers, and who is called Ayamictlan and Xiuhtecutli; or they are made lords of the rank of Tlacatecutli or Tlacochtecutli, or they are given some lower post of honor. Perchance they are given some such office as I now hold, not through any merit of my own, but because the gods know not my unworthiness. I am not what I am by my own asking; never did I say, I wish to be so and so, I desire this or that honor; the gods have done me this honor of their own will, for surely all is theirs, and all that is given comes from their hand; nor shall any one say, I desire this or that honor, for the gods give as they please and to whom they please, and stand in need of counsel from none. Harken, my sons, to another sorrow that afflicts me when I arise at midnight to pray and do penance. Then I ponder many things, and my heart rises and sinks even as one who goes up and down mountains, for I am satisfied with no one of you. Thou, my eldest son, dost not give any sign of improvement, I see in thee nothing manly, thou remainest ever a boy, thy conduct does not become an elder brother. And thou, my second son, and thou, my third, I see in you no discretion or manliness; peradventure it is because you are second and third that you have become careless. What will become of you in the world? Lo, now, are you not the children of noble parents? Your parents are not tillers of the soil or wood-cutters. What, I say again, will become of you? Do you wish to be nothing but merchants, to carry a staff in your hands and a load on your backs? Will you become laborers and work with your hands? Harken, my sons, and give heed unto my words, and I will point out to you those things which you shall do. See to the proper observance of the dances, and the music, and the singing, for thus will you please both the people and the gods; for with music and singing are favors and riches gained. Endeavor to learn some honorable trade or profession, such as working in feathers or precious metals; for by such means bread can be obtained in time of necessity. Pay attention to every branch of agriculture, for the earth desires not food or drink, but only to bring forth and produce. Your fathers sought to understand these things, for though they were gentlemen and nobles they took care that their estate should be properly cultivated. If you think only of your high rank and are unmindful of these things, how will you support your family, in no part of the world does anyone support himself by his gentility only. But above all study well to provide all those things which are necessary for the sustenance of the body, for these are the very foundation of our being, and rightly are they called _tonacaiutltomio_, that is to say our flesh and bones, because it is by them that we work, live, and are strong. There is no man in the world but what eats, for each one has a stomach and intestines. The greatest lords need food, the most valiant warrior must carry a bag of victuals. By the sustenance of the body life is upheld, by it the world is peopled. See, therefore, my sons, that you be careful to plant the corn and the magueys, for do we not know that fruit is the delight of children; truly it cools and quenches the thirst of the little ones. And you, boys, do you not like fruit? But how will you get it if you do not plant and grow it. Give heed, my sons, to the conclusion of my discourse, and let it be written upon your hearts. Many more things could I say, but my task would never be ended. A few more words only will I add that have been handed down to us from our forefathers. Firstly, I counsel you to propitiate the gods, who are invisible and impalpable, giving them your whole soul and body. Look to it that you are not puffed up with pride, that you are neither obstinate, nor of a weak, vacillating mind, but take heed to be meek and humble and to put your trust in the gods, lest they visit your transgressions upon you, for from them nothing can be hidden, they punish how and whom they please. Secondly, my sons, endeavor to live at peace with your fellow-men. Treat all with deference and respect; if any speak ill of you answer them not again; be kind and affable to all, yet converse not too freely with any; slander no man; be patient, returning good for evil, and the gods will amply avenge your wrongs. Lastly, my children, be not wasteful of your goods nor of your time, for both are precious; at all seasons pray to the gods and take counsel with them; be diligent about those things which are useful. I have spoken enough, my duty is done. Peradventure you will forget or take no heed of my words. As you will. I have done my duty, let him profit by my discourse who chooses."[179] [Sidenote: MARRIAGE.] The customary marrying-age for young men was from twenty to twenty-two, and for girls from eleven to eighteen.[180] Marriages between blood relations or those descended from a common ancestor were not allowed. A brother could, and was enjoined to, marry his deceased brother's wife, but this was only considered a duty if the widow had offspring by the first marriage, in order that the children might not be fatherless.[181] When a youth reached a marriageable age, he or his parents asked permission of his teacher. He seldom was allowed any choice of his own, but was expected to abide by the selection of his parents. It rarely happened that a marriage took place without the sanction of parents or relatives, and he who presumed to choose his own wife, or married without such consent, had to undergo penance, and was looked upon as ungrateful, ill-bred, and apostate. In some parts the high priest commanded them to marry when they arrived at the proper age, and he who refused to comply was obliged to remain continent through life, and dedicate the remainder of his days to the service of the gods. Should he afterward repent and desire to marry, he was despised by all his friends and publicly denounced as infamous, inasmuch as he had shown himself to be devoid of firmness, and unable to keep the vow of chastity to which he had voluntarily bound himself; nor would any respectable woman afterward accept him as a husband. In Tlascala, if any one carelessly allowed the time to pass by without taking a wife, or deciding upon a life of chastity, his hair was cut short and he was driven out from the company of the youths with whom he was educated. Cutting the hair formed a part of the marriage ceremony, but the mode of cutting was different from that of the penalty.[182] When the time came for the parents to choose a wife for their son, all the relations were called together and informed by the father that the youth had now reached an age when he should be provided with a wife; for that he was now a man, and must learn how to perform the duties of a man, and refrain from boyish tricks and promiscuous intercourse with women. The youth was then summoned before his parents, and his father addressed him, saying: "My son, thou art now a man, and it seems to us proper to search among the maidens for a wife for thee. Ask thy tutors for permission to separate thyself from thy friends, the youths with whom thou hast been educated. Make known our wishes to those called Telpuchtlatoque, who have the charge of thee." The youth in answer expressed his willingness and desire to enter into their plans. The parents then set about preparing a quantity of food, such as tamales, chocolate, and other dishes; and also provided a small axe, which was to bear a part in the next proceeding. The repast being prepared, an invitation was sent to the priests who were instructors of the youth, accompanied with presents of food and pipes of tobacco; all the relations were also invited. When the meal was finished, the relations, and guardians of the ward in which the parents of the pair lived, seated themselves. Then one of the youth's relations, addressing the priestly instructors of the youth said: "Here, in the presence of all, we beg of you not to be troubled because this lad, our son, desires to withdraw from your company, and to take a wife; behold this axe, it is a sign that he is anxious to separate from you; according to our Mexican custom, take it, and leave us the youth." Then the priest answered: "I, and the young men with whom your son has been educated have heard how that you have determined to marry him and that from henceforward, forever, he will be parted from us; let everything be done as you wish." The tutor of the youth next addressed him, entreating him to persevere in the paths of virtue, not to forget the teachings he has received, and to continue to be a zealous servant of the gods; he advised him that as he was now about to take a wife he must be careful to provide for her support, and to bring up and instruct his children in the same manner as he had been educated. He adjured him to be courageous in battle, to honor and obey his parents, to show respect to his seniors and all aged persons; and so the speaker ambled morally along at some length, but I spare the reader the remainder of the discourse.[183] The priests then took their leave, bearing the axe with them, and the young man remained in his father's house. [Sidenote: PRELIMINARIES TO MARRIAGE CEREMONY.] Soon after this the parents called the relations together once more to consult upon the selection of a maiden suitable to be the wife of their son. Their first act, and one that was of paramount importance, was to ascertain the day and sign of his birth. If they were unable to remember or calculate the sign they called in the aid of astrologers, or soothsayers, who by certain reckonings and ceremonies interpreted all they sought to know. The birthday and sign of the damsel were in like manner ascertained. If the horoscope of both was favorable, the astrologers predicted a happy union with prosperity and good fortune to both, but if the signs did not agree they foretold adversity and evil fortune, and it became necessary to choose another maiden. Once assured of a favorable combination according to the auguries, steps were taken to obtain the consent of the girl's parents. For this purpose the parents and relatives of the youth commissioned two old women, chosen from among the most discreet and virtuous of the district, who were to act as negotiators in the affair; these were called _cihuatlanque_. They went on the part of the bridegroom and conveyed the message to the parents or nearest relatives of the young girl. Their first visit was made shortly after midnight or upon the following morning, upon which occasion they took with them some presents to offer to the girl's parents. Upon their arrival they commenced a suitable address, in which they formally solicited the hand of the girl in marriage. The first overture was invariably rejected and some frivolous excuse given, even though the girl's relatives might be more desirous of the match than those who solicited it. The embassy was told that the girl was not yet of an age to marry, or that she was not worthy of the honor offered her. After some few more such compliments had been paid, the matrons returned to those who had sent them. A few days having elapsed, the old women were sent back bearing more presents, and with instructions to again solicit the alliance, and to define clearly the position of the suitor, his qualifications and riches. Upon this second interview the negotiations assumed a more business-like aspect; the conversation turned upon the portion that each would bring to the other, and finally the relatives of the girl consented to consider the affair; yet they still maintained a semblance of reluctance, insisting that the girl was not worthy to become the wife of so estimable a young man; but adding that, as the matter was urged with so much importunity, they would on the morrow assemble all the relations of the young woman, that they might consult together about the affair; they then closed the conference by inviting their visitors to be present on that occasion and receive their final decision. [Sidenote: MARRIAGE CEREMONIES.] The next day the parents of the girl called a meeting of all her relatives, at which the proposed alliance was discussed with due deliberation; and the girl being called before them, much good advice was given her; her duties as a wife were defined, she was charged to serve and please her husband, and not bring disgrace upon her parents. Information of their decision was then sent to the parents of the young man, and preparations for a fitting celebration of the wedding commenced. The augurs were consulted and requested to name a lucky day for the ceremony; the signs _Acatl_, _Ozomatli_, _Cipactli_, _Quauhtli_, or _Calli_, were deemed most favorable, and one or other of them was generally selected for the celebration of the nuptials. Several ensuing days were spent by both families in preparing for the marriage celebration, and in issuing invitations to friends and relations. The ceremony was always performed at the house of the bridegroom's parents, where the best room was put in order for the occasion; the roof and walls were festooned with green branches and garlands of flowers, disposed with great taste, and the floor was strewn with the same. In the centre stood a brazier containing fire. When all the arrangements were completed, certain of the bridegroom's friends and relatives went to the house of his intended to conduct her to the room. If the distance was great, or the bride the daughter of a lord or great personage, she was borne upon a litter, otherwise she was carried on the back of the bride's-woman, or sponsor, accompanied by a large concourse of people, disposed in two rows and bearing torches. The bride occupied the centre of the procession, and immediately about her walked her nearest relatives. As the procession passed, many of the lookers-on profited by the occasion, to point her out to their own daughters as an example worthy of emulation. [Sidenote: CONSUMMATION OF MARRIAGE.] [Sidenote: DANCING THE CHEMISE.] The bridegroom met his betrothed at the entrance of his house, preceded by four women bearing lighted torches; in his hands he carried a censer with burning incense, and another was given to the bride; with these they at once perfumed each other, and the groom, taking her by the hand, led her into the room prepared for the ceremony. They were then seated upon an ornamented and painted mat spread close to the fireplace, the woman being placed on the left of the man.[184] The bridegroom's mother then came forward with presents for her daughter-in-law, and dressed her in a _huipil_, or short chemise, at the same time laying at her feet a _cuatli_, or skirt, richly embroidered and worked. Next the bride's mother gave presents to the bridegroom; she covered him with a mantle, which she fastened at the shoulder, and placed a maxtli or breech-clout at his feet. The most important part in the ceremony was next performed by the priest, who made a long address to the betrothed couple, in which he defined the duties of the married state, and pointed out to them the obedience a wife should observe towards her husband, and the care and attention the latter should give to her, how that he was bound to maintain and support her, and the children they might have. He was enjoined to bring up and educate his children near him, teaching all according to their abilities, to make them useful members of society, and to instruct them in habits of industry. A wife's duties, he said, were to labor and aid her husband in obtaining sustenance for their family. Both were exhorted to be faithful to one another, to maintain peace and harmony between themselves, to overlook each other's failings, and to help one another, ever bearing in mind that they were united for life by a tie which only death could sever. The rites of marriage were always conducted with much solemnity, and during the ceremony nothing was said or done contrary to the rules of modesty and decorum. At the conclusion of the address the couple stood up, and the priest tied the end of the man's mantle to the dress of the woman; they then walked seven times round the fire, casting therein copal and incense, and giving presents to each other, while their friends and relatives threw chains of flowers about their necks and crowned them with garlands.[185] The mother-in-law of the bride now brought some food, and gave four mouthfuls to the bride to eat and afterwards gave the same quantity to the bridegroom. They then received the congratulations of their friends, while at the same time a dance was performed to the sound of musical instruments. Accompanied by the dancers and musicians, the newly wedded pair was conducted to the temple, at the door of which the tlamacaxques, or priests, appeared to receive them. While the company remained below, the wedded couple with their sponsors and parents ascended the steps of the temple. The priest wore his robes of ceremony, and carried in his hand an incensory filled with incense, with which he proceeded to perfume them. He then placed himself between the two, with the man on his right and the woman on his left, and taking them by the hands led them to the altar of the idol, muttering prayers as he went. The altar reached, he placed upon each of the parties a very fine and showy shawl woven and variegated with many colors, in the centre of which was painted a skeleton, as a symbol that death only could now separate them from each other. He then perfumed them again with the incensory, and led them back to the door of the temple, where they were received by the assemblage and accompanied to their home with dancing and music. The marriage ceremonies being finished, the relatives and friends partook of a banquet, and amidst much rejoicing congratulated each other on the new relations they had acquired. In the feasting, drinking, and dancing the bridal pair took no part; they had now to enter upon a season of fasting and penance, which lasted four days, in the strict retirement of their room, where they were closely guarded by old women; on no account were they permitted to leave their room except for the necessary calls of nature, or to offer sacrifice to the gods; the time was to be passed in prayer, and on no account were they to allow their passions to get the better of them or indulge in carnal intercourse. Such weakness on their part would, they believed, bring discord or death or some other dire misfortune between them. The close confinement, the watchful guard and imposed penances were intended to calm their passions and purify their minds, whereby they would be more fitted to undertake the duties before them, and not be led astray by unruly desires. What small supply of sustenance they received in the four days of their retirement was carried to them by the old women who had charge of them, and during this time they neither washed nor bathed themselves; they were dressed in new garments and wore certain charms and regalia pertaining to their patron idol. At midnight they came forth to offer sacrifice and burn incense on the altar in their house, in front of which they also left food offerings for their god; this they did during the four days of abstinence, while their friends and relatives continued their rejoicings, festivities, and dancing.[186] Upon the fourth night, when the marriage was to be consummated, two priests of the temple prepared a couch of two mats, between which were placed some feathers and a stone somewhat the color of an emerald, called _chalchiuite_; underneath they put a piece of tiger-skin, and on top of all they spread some cotton cloths. At the four corners of the bed were placed green reeds perfumed, and thorns of the maguey with which the pair were to draw blood from their tongues and ears when they sacrificed to the gods.[187] The following morning the bridal pair took the bed on which they had lain, with the cloths, reeds, and food they had offered to their god during the four days of penance, to the temple and left them as a thanksgiving offering.[188] If any charcoal or ashes were found in the bridal chamber they considered it an evil omen, but if, on the other hand, a grain of corn or other seed was found, they considered it a sign of a long and prosperous life and a happy union. A baptismal ceremony was next performed, the wedded pair being placed on green reed mats, while the priests poured water over them. Nobles received four ablutions with water in honor of _Chalchihuitlicue_, the goddess of waters, and four of wine, in reverence to _Tezcatzoncatl_, the god of wine. After the bath they were dressed in new vestments, the bride's head was adorned with white feathers and her hands and feet with red. To her husband was given a thurible, filled with incense wherewith to perfume his household gods. At the conclusion of these ceremonies a further distribution of dresses and presents was made, and the company partook of food and wine, while the scene was enlivened with songs and dances. Some more good advice, of which the Aztecs seem to have had a never-failing store, was then given to the wedded pair by the mothers-in-law or nearest relatives, and thus ended the nuptial ceremonies, which were conducted in accordance with the means of the principal parties concerned.[189] In some places, proof of the maiden's virginity was required on the morning following the consummation of the marriage. In such case the sponsors entered the room where the wedded pair had passed the night and demanded the bride's chemise; if they found it stained with blood they brought it out, placed it on a stick, and exhibited it to all present as an evidence that the bride was a virgin; then a dance was formed and the procession went through all the place, carrying the chemise on a stick, dancing and expressing their joy, and this was called 'dancing the chemise.' If it happened that the chemise was unstained, tears and lamentations took the place of rejoicing, abuse and insults were heaped upon the bride, and her husband was at liberty to repudiate her.[190] In the kingdom of Miztecapan, before the ceremony of tying their mantles together was performed it was customary to cut a lock of hair from the bridegroom's head and from the bride's, after which they took each other by the hand and their dresses were tied by the ends. The man then took the girl on his back and carried her a short distance; which proceeding terminated the nuptials. In Ixcatlan, he who desired to get married presented himself before the priests, and they took him to the temple, where in presence of the idols he worshiped they cut off some of his hair, and showing it to the people, shouted "This man wishes to get married." From thence he was obliged to descend and take the first unmarried woman he met, in the belief that she was especially destined for him by the gods. They were then married according to the customary Mexican rites. The Mazatec bridegroom abstained for the first fifteen days of his wedded life from carnal knowledge of his wife, and both spent the time in fasting and penance. Among the Otomís it was not considered an offence for an unmarried man to deflour a single woman. The husband was permitted to repudiate the woman the day following his marriage if she did not please him; but if he remained satisfied upon that occasion he was not afterwards allowed to send her away. They had then to undergo a period of penance and abstinence and remain secluded for twenty or thirty days, during which time they were to abstain from all sexual intercourse, to draw blood from themselves as a sacrifice, and to bathe frequently. The Chichimecs, although they contracted marriage at a very early age, could not have legitimate connection with their wives until the woman was forty years old. After their intercourse with the Toltecs this custom began to be abolished, although the princes and nobles observed it rigorously for some time longer. Marriage with near relatives was never permitted among them, and polygamy was strictly prohibited.[191] [Sidenote: DIVORCE AND DIVISION OF PROPERTY.] Among the Mexicans divorce was permitted, but as a general rule was discouraged. In the event of discord arising between man and wife so that they could not live together peacefully, or where one or other of the parties had just cause of complaint, they applied to a judge for permission to separate. Such permission was not granted unless good and sufficient cause was shown in support of the application. The judge investigated the case with much care and attention, closely examining the parties in reference to their marital relations; whether they had been married with the consent of their parents, and if all the ceremonies of marriage had been fully observed. If the answers proved that the parties had not been married according to the usual rites and ceremonies, or if they had been living together in a state of fornication, the judge refused to interfere between them; but if he found they had properly complied with the regulations governing marriage, he used his best efforts to reconcile them; he reminded them of the solemn obligations appertaining to the marriage contract, and warned them not to bring disgrace upon themselves and their parents by breaking the bonds by which they were united, thereby creating a scandal in the community. If his endeavors to effect a reconciliation were of no avail, and he found that one or other of the parties had just cause of complaint, a license to separate could be issued, but more frequently the judge refused to interfere in the matter, and dismissed them with a stern reproval. Marriage was looked upon as a solemn and binding tie only to be dissolved by death, and any attempt or desire to annul the contract was deemed a disgrace and a bad example. Under these circumstances divorce was always discouraged both by the magistrates and the community. A judge was generally unwilling to sanction with the authority of the law the annulment of so binding an engagement; therefore only a tacit consent was given by the court, by which the whole onus of the disgrace attending a separation was thrown upon the parties themselves. When a dissolution took place between man and wife, they could not again under any circumstances be united; the divorce once effected, no subsequent condonation could authorize their living together.[192] We have no information how or on what terms a division of property was made in the event of a dissolution of marriage, or to which of the parties the custody of the children belonged. The ancient historians throw no light upon the subject. As much deference and respect was shown to old age, it is probable that the decision of such matters was left to the influence and wisdom of the friends and relatives, and that through their intervention equitable arrangements were made. [Sidenote: CONCUBINES IN MEXICO.] Concubinage, of which there were three classes, was permitted throughout the Mexican empire. The first class was the union of young men with unmarried women, before they arrived at the age when they were expected to marry. All young men, with the exception of those who were consecrated to a perpetual chastity, were allowed to have concubines. The youth usually asked his parents to select a girl for him, and the one upon whom their choice fell cohabited with him. Such women were called _tlacacavili_. No contract was made nor any ceremony performed; the connection was a simple private arrangement of the relatives on both sides. When a girl lived with an unmarried man as his concubine without the consent of her parents she was called _temecauh_, which had a more general signification. It does not appear, however, that concubinage among the unmarried men was common; on the contrary, the manner in which parents are reputed to have brought up their children, and the care taken by the priests in their education would seem to show that such a practice was discouraged, or rather tolerated than allowed, and it is probable the custom was chiefly confined to the sons of nobles and wealthy men. When a young man arrived at the age when he should marry, he was expected to dispense with his concubine that he might marry the girl selected by his parents to be his lawful wife. He could, however, legitimatize the connection between his concubine and himself by notifying his parents of his wishes and having the usual marriage ceremonies performed; she then became his lawful wife and was called _ciuatlantli_. If while they lived together in concubinage the woman had a child, her parents then required that he should at once restore her to them, or make her his wife, as they considered it proper that having a child she should also have a husband as a legal protector. Young women were not dishonored by living in a state of concubinage, nor were their chances of contracting advantageous marriages in any degree lessened. The second order of concubines might rather be termed, perhaps, the less legitimate wives of married men; with them the tying of garments constituted the entire marriage ceremony; the husband could not repudiate them without just cause and the sanction of the courts, but neither they nor their children could inherit property; in this respect they were treated as concubines, but nevertheless they were called _Ciuatlantli_, which corresponds with the latin word _uxor_, and was the title borne by the first and legitimate wife. The third class of concubines were merely kept mistresses; with them no marriage rite of any kind was performed. They were kept usually by the nobles and chief men who could afford to maintain large establishments; they occupied a third rank in the domestic circle after the principal wife and less legitimate ones, and were called _ciuanemactli_, or _tlaciuantli_, if their master had obtained them from their parents; those whom he took without such permission were called _tlaciuaantin_.[193] The Toltec kings could only marry one woman, and in case of her death could not marry again or live in concubinage with any woman; the same rule held good with their queens in the event of the king dying first. Prostitution among the Mexicans was tolerated, but at the same time was restrained within certain bounds; that is, the law took cognizance of the practice as regarded the women engaged in such traffic. It was looked upon as a necessary evil, and the law did not interfere with men who consorted with prostitutes; but the latter, if they plied their traffic too openly, or with too great frequency, so as to create a public scandal and become a nuisance, were punished according to the extent of the offence.[194] * * * * * We may suppose that, the marriage ceremonies being concluded, the young couple were left in peace, and that for a time there was a truce to the speech-making and ever-ready advice of anxious parents and meddling relatives. But this respite was generally of brief duration. As soon as the woman found herself to be pregnant, all her friends and relations were immediately upon the tiptoe of expectation and interest again. The parents were at once informed of the interesting event, and a feast was prepared, of which all who had been present at the wedding partook. After the repast the inevitable speeches commenced. An old man, squatting on his hams, first spoke in behalf of the husband, referring to the precious burden carried by the pregnant woman and to the future prospects of the child; after a while another relieved the speaker and pursued the subject in the same strain; the man and his wife then responded, dwelling upon the pleasure in store for them, and expressing their hopes that, with the favor of the gods, it might be realized. The parents of the pair were next addressed directly by one of the guests upon the same theme and made a reply. Certain elderly relatives then seized the opportunity to admonish and instruct the young woman, to which she made a suitable answer, thanking them for their solicitude on her behalf.[195] [Sidenote: PREGNANCY AND CHILDBIRTH.] During the months of her pregnancy the mother was very careful to insure the safety and health of the child, though many of the rules observed for this purpose were of a partly superstitious nature. Thus, sleeping in the day-time would contort the child's face; approaching too near the fire or standing in the hot sun would parch the foetus; hard and continued work, lifting weights, running, mental excitement, such as grief, anger, or alarm, were particularly avoided; in case of an earthquake all the pots in the house were covered up or broken to stop the shaking; eating _tzictli_, or _chicle_, was thought to harden the palate of the unborn child, and to make its gums thick so that it would be unable to suck, and also to communicate to it a disease called _netentzzoponiztli_; neither must the edible earth, of which, as we shall see in a future chapter, the Mexicans were very fond, be eaten by the mother, lest the child should prove weak and sickly; but everything else the woman fancied was to be given her, because any interference with her caprices might be hurtful to her offspring.[196] Moderation in sexual connection with her husband was recommended to a woman from one to three months advanced in pregnancy, but total abstinence in this respect was thought to be injurious to the unborn child; during the later stages of the woman's pregnancy, however, the husband abstained entirely from having intercourse with her.[197] When the time for the confinement drew near another feast was prepared and the usual invitations were issued. When all were gathered an old man was the first to speak, on behalf of the married couple. By virtue of his long experience in these matters he recommended that the pregnant woman be placed in the _xuchicalli_, or bath, under the protection of Xuchicaltzin, the god of the bath, and of Yoalticitl, goddess of the bath and of childbirth. He further advised the parents to select a competent _ticitl_, or midwife. This functionary having been named, a female relative of the husband addressed her, asking her to accept the trust, praising her qualifications, and exhorting her to exert her utmost skill and care. The mother and relatives of the wife also made brief speeches to the same purpose. The midwife-elect then expressed her wish and intention to do all in her power.[198] Wealthy people frequently employed several midwives, who for some days prior to the birth busied themselves in waiting on their patient and putting everything in readiness for the important hour. Zuazo states that some of these acted merely as witnesses to the fact of the birth.[199] The 'hour of death,' as the time of confinement was named, having arrived, the patient was carried to a room previously set in order for the purpose; here her hair was soaped and she was placed in a bath to be washed. Care was taken that the water should not be too hot, lest the foetus should be scalded; in some cases the woman was beaten on the back with maize leaves which had been boiled in the water used for the bath. The midwife next proceeded to rub and press the abdomen of the patient in order to set the child in place. If the pain grew worse, soothing remedies were administered. A decoction of _cihoapatli_ herbs was given to promote the delivery; should this not prove effective, however, a small piece, about an inch and a half long, of the tail of the _tlaquatzin_, or _tlaquatl_, was given, which is a very powerful emetic. If after all the woman got no ease, it was concluded that she would die. In cases of great danger prayers were addressed to Cioacoatl, Quilaztli, Yoalticitl, and other deities. Should the child die in the womb it was removed piecemeal, unless the parents objected, in which case the mother was left to die. [Sidenote: GHASTLY TALISMANS.] Mocioaquezqui, 'brave woman,' was the name given to her who died in childbed. After death the body was washed, dressed in good, new clothes, and buried with great ceremony in the courtyard of the temple dedicated to the 'celestial women.'[200] Talismanic virtues were supposed to reside in the corpse; thus, the middle fingers of the left hand, and the hair, were thought to make their possessor irresistible in battle; soldiers, therefore, sought by every means, fair or foul, to procure them. Thieves believed that the left hand and arm of the corpse would strike terror into their victims, and they therefore engaged sorcerers to procure it. The birth of twins was believed to foretell the death of one of the parents at the hands of their child; to prevent this, one of the infants was killed.[201] Abortion was not unusual, and was procured by taking a decoction of certain herbs; the crime was nevertheless punished with death.[202] If everything went well, and the woman was easily delivered, the midwife gave a loud cry of triumph. She next addressed some words of counsel to the child, and then proceeded to wash it. Turning to the water, she addressed the goddess of waters, Chalchihuitlicue, asking her favor and protection for the child. Then taking some water, the midwife breathed upon it, gave some to the infant to taste, and then touched its head and chest therewith, saying: "Come, my son (or daughter) to Chalchihuitlicue; it is for her to bear you on the back and in her arms throughout this life!" Then, placing the infant in the water, she continued: Enter thou into the water called _metlalac_ and _tuspalac_; may it wash thee, and may the Omnipotent cleanse from thee all ill that is inherent in thee from the beginning of the world and from before the beginning. Begone, all evil imparted to thee by thy father and thy mother.[203] Having washed the child, the midwife clothed it, addressing it meanwhile in whispers of welcome and admonition. Then, raising her voice, she complimented the mother on her bravery and endurance.[204] A female relative next praised the fortitude of the patient, who in her response dilated on the trouble and pain she had gone through, and expressed her joy at the treasure vouchsafed her by the gods. The midwife then closed the ceremony by congratulating the grandparents and assembled friends. A few days after the confinement the mother took a bath in the temazcalli, and indulged in rich food and wine; on this occasion a feast was also tendered to invited friends, who partook of it near the spot where the woman bathed. All these elaborate preparations and midwife ceremonies at birth could, however, only have been in vogue among the well-to-do classes, for the Mexican women, were, as a rule, little affected by the troubles of child-bearing; their training and manner of life were not calculated to make them delicate. Motolinia, and many with him, say, for instance, that the Tlascaltec women delivered themselves, the mother applying to a neighbor only at the birth of her first child.[205] [Sidenote: CASTING THE NATIVITY OF INFANTS.] It was now time to cast the nativity of the infant. For this purpose the services of a _tonalpouhqui_, or horoscopist, were engaged. These tonalpouhquis were a highly respected class, and were therefore approached with much respect and liberally fed with mantles, food, and other articles. Having been told the hour of birth, the horoscoper consulted his book for the sign of the day on which the infant was born.[206] If the birth had taken place exactly at midnight, the signs for the closing and breaking day were combined. Comparing the birthday sign with the other twelve signs, as well as with the principal sign of the group, he deduced the required fortune, and, if the augury was favorable, dwelt on the honors and happiness in store for the infant. Should the augury prove unfavorable, as well as the sign for the fifth day after birth, which was the occasion of the second bath, or baptism, this ceremony was postponed to another day, generally the most favorable of the thirteen, in order to moderate, if possible, the threatened misfortune. The fortune-teller dilated upon the troubles in store for the infant and the vices it would develop, but 'hedged' his oracle by adding that the adjoining signs contained certain redeeming features which might have power to counterbalance the evil import of the birthday sign.[207] [Sidenote: BAPTISM OF INFANTS.] Preparations are now made for the baptism. The portals of the dwelling are decorated with green branches, flowers, and sweet-smelling herbs are scattered over the floors and courtyard, and the approaches to the house are carefully swept; tamales are cooked, maize and cacao ground, and delicacies of every description prepared for the table, not forgetting the liquors; for any shortcoming in this respect would reflect severely on the hospitality of the host.[208] The relatives of the family assemble before sunrise, and other friends drop in as the day advances; each, as he congratulates the host, presents a gift of clothing for the infant, and receives in his turn a present of mantles, flowers, and choice food.[209] In the course of the morning the midwife carries the infant to the courtyard, and places it upon a heap of leaves, beside which are set a new _apaxtle_, or earthenware vessel, filled with clear water, and several miniature implements, insignia of the father's trade or profession. If he is a noble or a warrior, the articles consist of a small shield, and a bow with arrows of a corresponding size, placed with their heads directed toward the four cardinal points. Another set of arms made from dough of amaranth-seed, and bound together with the dried navel-string of the child, is also prepared. If the child is a girl, there are placed beside it, instead of the little weapons, a spindle and distaff, and some articles of girl's clothing. When the sun rises the midwife sets her face and the face of the child toward the west, and addressing the infant, says: "O eagle, O tiger, O brave little man and grandson of mine, thou hast been brought into the world by thy father and mother, the great lord and the great lady. Thou wast created in that house which is the abode of the supreme gods that are above the nine heavens. Thou art a gift from our son Quetzalcoatl, the omnipresent; be joined to thy mother, Chalchihuitlicue, the goddess of water." Then placing her dripping fingers on the lips of the child, she continues: "Take this, for upon it thou hast to live, to wax strong, and flourish; by it we obtain all necessary things; take it!" Then touching the child on the breast with her moistened fingers, she says: "Take this holy and pure water that thine heart may be cleansed." Then the midwife pours water on the child's head, saying: "Receive, O my son, the water of the Lord of the World, which is our life, with which we wash and are clean; may this celestial light-blue water enter into thy body, and there remain; may it destroy and remove from thee all evil and adverse things that were given thee before the beginning of the world; behold, all of us are in the hands of Chalchihuitlicue, our mother." She now washes the body of the child, exclaiming: "Evil, wheresoever thou art, begone, avaunt; for the child liveth anew and is born again; once more it is purified; a second time is it renewed of our mother, Chalchihuitlicue." Then lifting up the little one toward heaven, she addresses Ometochtli and Omecioatl:[210] "Behold, O Lord, the creature which thou hast sent to this place of sorrow, affliction, and anguish, to this world; give it, O Lord, of thy gifts and inspiration, for thou art the great god and the great goddess." Then stooping as if to set the child down, she raises it a second time, crying upon the goddess of the waters:[211] "O lady goddess, mother of the gods, inspire this child with thy virtue." A third time she stoops and raising the child toward heaven, addresses the gods: "O lords celestial, and gods who dwell in heaven, behold this creature whom ye have sent among men, fill it with your spirit and mercy, that it may live." A fourth time she sets down and raises the babe, and calling now upon the sun and the earth she says:[212] "O our Lord, Sun, father of all, and thou, O Earth, our mother, take ye this child for your own, and, as it is born for war,[213] so let it die defending the cause of the gods, and be permitted to enjoy the delights prepared in heaven for the brave." The midwife now takes the implements and prays to the patron deity of the trade or profession they represent on behalf of the child; then she places the mantle upon the shoulders of the infant, girds on the little maxtli, and asks the boys present to give the child a name. This was, however, merely a matter of form; the parents really had the choosing of the name and told it to the boys. It was usually taken either from the sign of the day, or from a bird or animal, in the case of a boy; the girls were named from flowers, and this rule was especially observed by the Toltecs and Miztecs. Sometimes a child took its name from some important event which occurred at the time of its birth; as when the Tlascaltec chief Citlalpopoca, 'smoking star,' was so named because at his birth a flaming comet was seen in the sky. Sometimes children were named after the feast held at the time of their nativity; thus, boys born during the festival of the renewal of the sacred fire, called _toxilmolpilia_, were named _molpilli_, 'a tied object,' and girls _xiuhnenetl_, 'little doll of the year of fire.' Occasionally a child was named after some renowned ancestor. A second name could be acquired by valiant deeds in battle. Motolinia adds that sons of prominent men took a surname from the dignity or office held by the father, either in youth or manhood; or they inherited it with the estate at the death of the parent. Children born during the last five days of the year, called _nemontemi_, 'unlucky days,' were considered unfortunate; boys born under such circumstances were often named _nemoquichtli_, 'unlucky man,' and girls _nencihuatl_, 'unlucky woman.'[214] The midwife, having baptized the child, now calls upon it three times by its new name; admonishing it to make good use of the implements or weapons placed in its hands.[215] It is thereupon carried into the house, preceded by torch-bearers, and placed in the cradle, before which the midwife offers prayers to Yoalticitl, 'goddess of the cradle,' commending the child to her care, and beseeching her to nourish and protect it; then, turning to the cradle, she adds: "O thou, the mother of the child, receive this babe with gentleness, taking heed not to injure it." Then she places the child in the cradle, the parents meanwhile calling upon Yoalticitl to protect it, and upon Yoaltecutli, 'the god of night,' to lull it to sleep. During this ceremony, which is termed _tlacoculaquilo_, or 'the act of placing the child in the cradle,' the boys of the village, dressed to imitate soldiers, enter the house, seize certain food previously prepared for them, called the 'child's navel,' scatter the rest, and rush forth, munching and shouting the child's name and future destinies. The lights, called _ocote_, which have been used during the ceremonies, must be left to burn out, and the fire that was lighted on the birthday must be kept brightly burning until after the baptizing, nor is any one allowed to borrow from its flame, for that would injure the prospects of the child. The umbilical cord is buried with the mimic weapons in a place where a battle may be expected to take place on a future day. The girl's instruments and navel-string are buried under a metate. The afterbirth is interred in a corner of the house. After the cradling ceremony the guests proceed to the banqueting-room, where they seat themselves according to age and rank. The festivities lasted twenty days,[216] or even longer, if the father was wealthy, during which time the house was kept open to all comers. Each visitor presented his gifts and made a speech to the infant on the duties, honors, and happiness in store for it, and adorning his discourse according to the rank of the parents, or his own courtesy. He next congratulated the mother, then the midwife, urging her further care of the infant, and lastly the father, referring to his character and services, and wishing him joy. If the father was a lord, the neighboring princes sent an embassy, preceded by numerous presents, and a chosen orator delivered a congratulatory address before the father and those present, to which an old man responded on behalf of all, commenting upon the good wishes of the neighboring nobles. The orator of the embassy then begged that the shortcomings of his former speech might be excused, and was answered by the oldest or most respected person present, on the parent's behalf. The female friends who came to inspect the infant, rubbed the joints of the body, especially the knees, with ashes, thinking that this would strengthen them and prevent the bones from becoming loose. The same was done to the children who accompanied them.[217] In some parts the baptismal ceremony consisted in putting some quicklime upon the child's knee, and saying to it: "O thou little one, that hast come into the world to suffer, suffer and be silent. Thou livest, but thou shalt die; much pain and anguish shall come upon thee; thou shalt become dust, even as this lime, which was once stone."[218] If a boy, an arrow or dart was then placed in the child's left hand, to indicate that he must be brave and defend his country; if a girl, she was given a distaff, as a sign that she must become industrious in all womanly pursuits.[219] In Tlascala and Miztecapan the infant was bathed in a sacred spring, which, it was thought, would avert misfortune. Mendieta says that the midwife merely sprinkled the child a certain number of times, first with wine and then with water.[220] Among the Zapotecs both mother and child were washed in a river, and invocations were addressed to all land and aquatic animals, entreating their favor and deprecating their anger;[221] it was also customary to assign some animal or bird to a child, as its _nagual_, or tutelary genius, and with the fortune of such creature its fate was supposed to be so intimately connected, that the death of one involved the death of the other.[222] Burgoa adds further that this was assigned by lot, but it is stated elsewhere, and with greater probability if we may judge by similar superstitions in the old world, that the first bird or beast that appeared after the birth of the child was appointed its spiritual protector.[223] * * * * * [Sidenote: CIRCUMCISION AND SCARIFICATION.] Whether the custom of circumcision, which has been the great prop of argument in favor of the Jewish origin of the Aztecs, really obtained among these people, has been doubted by numerous authors. Although circumcision was certainly not by any means general, yet sufficient proof exists to show that it was in use in some form among certain tribes. Las Casas and Mendieta state that the Aztecs and Totonacs practiced it, and Brasseur de Bourbourg has discovered traces of it among the Mijes. Las Casas affirms that the child was carried to the temple on the twenty-eighth or twenty-ninth day after birth; there the high-priest and his assistant placed it upon a stone, and cut off the prepuce at the root; the part amputated they afterward burned to ashes. Girls of the same age were defloured by the finger of the priest, who ordered the mother to repeat the operation at the sixth year. Zuazo adds that these rites were only performed upon the children of great men, and that there was no compulsion in the matter, the parents having the option of having their children defloured or circumcised at any time within five years.[224] In the fifth month, at Huitzilopochtli's festival, all children born during the year were scarified on the breast, stomach, or arms, and by this means received as followers of their god.[225] At the festival in honor of Teteionan or Toci, 'mother of the gods,' in the eleventh month, the women delivered during the year underwent purification and presented their children. In the evening a signal was sounded from the temple, and the mothers, dressed in their best, accompanied by friends, and preceded by torch-bearers and servants carrying the babes, made the tour of the town or quarter; a halt was made at every temple to leave an offering and a lighted torch for the presiding goddess. At the temple of Toci extra offerings were made, including _tzocoyotl_, cakes of flour and honey; and here the priest performed the ceremony of purification by pronouncing certain prayers over the women.[226] In the eighteenth month of every fourth year, the children born since the last corresponding feast, were taken to the temple, where their ears were pierced with a sharp bone, and macaw-feathers, _tlachcayotl_, inserted; the god-father and god-mother, or, as they are termed, uncles and aunts, whose duty it was to initiate the children into the service of the gods, holding them during the operation.[227] An offering of flour of the _chian_ seed was made, and the god-father was presented with a red robe, the god-mother with a huipil. Each child was then passed through the flames of a fire prepared for the purpose; the priest next took its head between his hands, and in that manner lifted it bodily from the ground. Everyone thereupon went home to feast, but at noon the god-father and god-mother returned to the temple and executed a dance, holding the children on their backs, and giving them pulque to drink, in very small cups. This went on till dusk, when they retired to their houses to continue the dancing and drinking. This feast and month, Itzcalli, 'growth,' obtained its name from the ceremony of squeezing the heads of children, which, it was thought, would make them grow; but it was also called the 'feast of the intoxication of boys and girls.'[228] [Sidenote: HEAD-FLATTENING.] Among the Miztecs, the mother took hot baths for twenty days after delivery, at the end of which time a feast was held in honor of the goddess of the bath, the child sharing in the honors of the occasion.[229] They also gave the child a feast on its first birthday. Great care was exercised to make children hardy and strong, and no mother, however high in rank, allowed her child to be given to a nurse, unless her own health demanded such a step. The test of a wet nurse was to press out a drop of milk upon the nail, when if it did not run the milk was considered good.[230] No food was given to the child the first day, in order to create an appetite.[231] It was suckled for three years, in some places much longer;[232] and, during this time the mother adhered to a diet that would keep up the quality of the milk; many abstained from intercourse with their husbands for the same period, to prevent the possibility of another child interfering with the proper nurture of the first one. Another feast was given at the weaning of the child. Gomara mentions that a kind of head-flattening was practiced; he says that the infants were so placed in the cradle as not to allow the occiput to grow, for such a development was considered ugly.[233] Humboldt, however, says that the Aztecs never flattened the head. That it was practiced to a considerable extent in remote times by people inhabiting the country, seems to be shown by the deformed skulls found in their graves, and by the sculptured figures upon the ruins. Klemm states that the cradle consisted of a hard board to which the infant was bound in such a manner as to cause the malformation. The cradle among the poor Aztecs was generally of light cane, and could be tied to the back of the mother.[234] FOOTNOTES: [170] Clavigero writes: 'Nella dipintura cinquantesimaseconda si rappresentano due ragazzi d'undici anni, ai quali per non essersi emendati con altri gastighi, fanno i lor Padri ricevere nel naso il fumo del _Chilli_, o sia peverone.' _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., p. 103. But this is a mistake; in this picture we see a girl being punished by her mother in the manner described, and a boy by his father. [171] Clavigero mentions this girl as 'una putta ... cui fa sua Madre spazzar la notte tutta la casa, e parte della strada.' _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., p. 103. [172] For these picture-writings and the interpretations of them, see: _Purchas his Pilgrimes_, vol. iv., pp. 1103-7; _Codex Bodleian_, in _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. i., plates 59-62; _Codex Mendoza_, in _Id._, vol. i., and vol. v., pp. 92-7; _Carbajal Espinosa_, _Hist. Mex._, tom. i., pp. 566-575; _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., pp. 102-3. [173] 'Tenian estas gentes tambien por ley que todos los niños llegados à los seis años hasta los nueve habian de enviar los padres à los Templos para ser instruidos en la doctrína y noticia de sus leyes las cuales contenian casi todas las virtudes esplicadas la en ley natural.' _Las Casas_, _Hist. Apologética_, MS., cap. clxxv., ccxv. 'Todos estos religiosos visten de negro y nunca cortan el cabello ... y todos los hijos de las personas principales, así señores como ciudadanos honrados, estan en aquellas religiones y hábito desde edad de siete ú ocho años fasta que los sacan para los casar.' _Cortés_, _Cartas_, p. 105. 'Cuando el niño llegaba á diez ó doce años, metíanle en la casa de educacion ó _Calmecac_.' _Sahagun_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. ii., lib. viii., p. 326; _Oviedo_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. iii., p. 302; _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., p. 187. [174] A native author asserts that this 'house of song' was frequently the scene of debauch and licentiousness. _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. iii., p. 553. [175] 'Los hijos de los nobles no se libraban tampoco de faenas corporales, pues hacian zanjas, construian paredes y desempeñaban otros trabajos semejantes, aunque tambien se les enseñaba á hablar bien, saludar, hacer reverencias y, lo que es mas importante, aprendian la astronomía, la historia y demas conocimientos que aquellas gentes alcanzaban.' _Pimentel_, _Mem. sobre la Raza Indígena_, p. 66; _Acosta_, _Hist. de las Ynd._, pp. 444-6. [176] 'Iban tan honestas que no alzaban los ojos del suelo, y si se descuidaban, luego les hacian señal que recogiesen la vista ... las mujeres estaban por si en piezas apartadas, no salian las doncellas de sus aposentos á la huerta ó verjeles sin ir acompañadas con sus guardas.... Siendo las niños de cinco años las comenzaban á enseñar á hilar, tejer y labrar, y no las dejaban andar ociosas, y á la que se levantaba de labor fuera de tiempo, atábanle los piés, porque asentase y estuviese queda.' _Mendieta_, _Hist. Ecles._, pp. 121-2. [177] See further, for information on the education of the Mexicans: _Solis_, _Hist. Conq. Mex._, tom. i., pp. 421-3; _Carbajal_, _Discurso_, pp. 17-18; _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. iii., pp. 563-4; _Bussierre_, _L'Empire Mex._, pp. 144-5; _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. iii., lib. ii., cap. xix.; _Montanus_, _Nieuwe Weereld_, pp. 267-8; _Fuenleal_, in _Ternaux-Compans_, _Voy._, série i., tom. x., p. 251; _Peter Martyr_, dec. v., lib. iv.; _Laet_, _Novus Orbis_, p. 239; _Klemm_, _Cultur-Geschichte_, tom. v., pp. 38-47; _Chevalier_, _Mex., Ancien et Mod._, pp. 119-20. [178] _Ixtlilxochitl_, _Hist. Chich._, in _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, tom. ix., pp. 244-5. [179] _Sahagun_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. ii., lib. vi., pp. 113-19. A literal translation of Sahagun would be unintelligible to the reader. I therefore have merely followed as closely as possible the spirit and sense of this discourse. For further exhortations and advice to children see _Id._, pp. 119-52; _Mendieta_, _Hist. Ecles._, pp. 112; _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., pp. 493-9; _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., pp. 104-9. [180] Although Gomara says 'casan ellos a los veinte años, y aun antes: y ellas á diez.' _Conq. Mex._, fol. 314. [181] _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., p. 330; _Carbajal_, _Discurso_, p. 16. [182] 'Por otro respecto no era pena trasquilar los tales mancebos, sino ceremonia de sus casamientos: esto era, por que dejando la cabellera significaba dejar la lozania y liviandad de mancebo; y asi como desde adelante habia de criar nueva forma de cabellos, tuviese nueva seso y cordura para regir su muger y casa. Bien creo que debia de haber alguna diferencia en estos trasquilados cuando se trasquilaban por ceremonia ó por pena.' _Las Casas_, _Hist. Apologética_, MS., cap. cxxxix.; _Carbajal Espinosa_, _Hist. Mex._, tom. i. p. 577. [183] _Sahagun_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. ii., lib. vi., pp. 152-3; _Mendieta_, _Hist. Ecles._, p. 125; _Las Casas_, _Hist. Apologética_, MS., cap. cxxxix. [184] 'Venian los de la casa del mozo á llevar á la moza de parte de noche: llevábanla con gran solemnidad _acuestas_ de una matrona, y con muchas hachas de teas encendidas en dos rencles delante de ella.' _Sahagun_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. i., lib. ii., pp. 82, 157. 'Pronuba, quam _Amantesam_ vocabant, sponsam tergo gestans, quatuor foeminis comitantibus quæ pineis tædis, prælucerent, illam post Solis occasum, ad limen domus in qua parentes sponsi manebant, sistebat.' _Laet_, _Novus Orbis_, p. 239. 'La celebracion era que la desposada la llevaba á cuestas á prima noche una amanteca, que es medica, é hiban con ellas cuatro mujeres con sus achas de pino resinado encendidas, con que la hiban alumbrando, y llegada á casa del desposado, los padres del desposado la salian á recibir al patio de la casa, y la metian en una sala donde el desposado la estava aguardando.' _Codex Mendoza_, in _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. v., p. 99. [185] 'Un sacerdote ataba una punta del _hueipilli_, ó camisa de la doncella, con otra del _tilmatli_, ó capa del jóven.' _Carbajal Espinosa_, _Hist. Mex._, tom. i., p. 557. 'Al tiempo que los novios se avian de acostar é dormir en uno, tomaban la halda delantera de la camisa de la novia, é atábanla á la manta de algodon que tenia cubierta el novio.' _Oviedo_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. iii., p. 548. 'Unas viejas que se llaman titici, ataban la esquina de la manta del mozo, con la falda del vipil de la moza.' _Sahagun_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. i., lib. ii., p. 83. 'Hechos los tratados, comparecian ambos contrayentes en el templo, y uno de los sacerdotes examinaba su voluntad con preguntas rituales; y despues tomaba con una mano el velo de la muger, y con otra el manto del marido, y los añudaba por los extremos, significando el vínculo interior de las dos voluntades. Con este género de yugo nupcial volvian á su casa, en compañia del mismo sacerdote: donde ... entraban á visitar el fuego doméstico, que á su parecer, mediaban en la paz de los casados, y daban siete vueltas á él siguiendo al sacerdote.' _Solis_, _Hist. Conq. Mex._, tom. i., pp. 432-3. [186] 'Quedando los esposos en aquella estancia durante los cuatro dias siguientes, sin salir de ella, sino á media noche para incensar á los ídolos y hacerles oblaciones de diversas especies de manjares.' _Carbajal Espinosa_, _Hist. Mex._, tom. i., p. 557. 'Á la media noche y al medio dia salian de su aposento á poner encienso sobre un altar que en su casa tenian.' _Mendieta_, _Hist. Ecles._, p. 128. 'Los padrinos llevaban á los novios á otra pieza separada, donde los dejaban solos, encerrándolos por la parte de afuera, hasta la mañana siguiente, que venian á abrirles, y todo el concurso repetia las enhorabuenas, suponiendo ya consumado el matrimonio.' _Veytia_, _Hist. Ant. Mej._, tom. ii., p. 26. [187] The position of the tiger-skin is doubtful: 'Ponian tambien vn pedaço de cuero de Tigre, debajo de las esteras.' _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., p. 415. 'Ponian un pedazo de cuero de tigre encima de las esteras.' _Mendieta_, _Hist. Ecles._, p. 128. 'La estera sobre que habian dormido, que se llamaba _petatl_, la sacaban al medio del patio, y allí la sacudian con cierta ceremonia, y despues tornaban á ponerla en el lugar donde habian de dormir.' _Sahagun_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. ii., lib. vi., p. 158. [188] 'Otra ceremonia, casi como esta, vsaban los del Pueblo de Israèl, acerca del acostar los Novios, la primera noche de sus Bodas, que les ponian vna sabana, ó lienço, para que en èl se estampase el testimonio de la virginidad, que era la sangre, que del primer acto se vertìa, la qual se quitaba de la cama delante de testigos, que pudiesen afirmar haverla visto, con la señal de la sangre, que comprobaba la corrupcion de la Doncella y embuelta, ó doblada, la ponian en cierto lugar, diputado para esto, donde quedaba guardada, en memoria de la limpieça, y puridad, con que la dicha Doncella venia á poder de su Marido. Seria posible, que quisiese significar entre estos Indios lo mismo, este cuidado de los viejos, de traer manta, ó sabana, y tenderla sobre la cama de los desposados, para los primeros actos matrimoniales; y es creible, que seria este el intento, pues la ropa, y esteras, que sirvieron en este Sacrificio, se llevaban al Templo, y no servian mas en casa, como ni mas, ni menos la ceremonia antigua de guardar la sabana, con sangre, entre los Hebreos, en lugar particular, y seguro.' _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., p. 416. [189] _Mendieta_, _Hist. Ecles._, pp. 116-20, 127-8; _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., p. 416; _Oviedo_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. iii., pp. 548-9; _Sahagun_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. ii., lib. vi., pp. 158-60; _Carbajal_, _Discurso_, p. 19. [190] _Veytia_, _Hist. Ant. Mej._, tom. ii., pp. 26-7. [191] For further information relating to marriage ceremonies and customs see _Mendieta_, _Hist. Ecles._, pp. 125-8; _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., pp. 83, 186, 412-20, 496-7; _Sahagun_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. i., lib. ii., pp. 81-3, tom. ii., lib. vi., pp. 152-62, tom. iii., lib. x., pp. 116-17; _Veytia_, _Hist. Ant. Mej._, tom. ii., pp. 23-7, 178; _Las Casas_, _Hist. Apologética_, MS., cap. cxxxix., clxxv.; _Ixtlilxochitl_, _Hist. Chich._, in _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. ix., p. 214; _Id._, _Relaciones_, in _Id._, pp. 327, 335, 340, 400; _Acosta_, _Hist. de las Ynd._, pp. 374-5; _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. ii., p. 189, tom. iii., pp. 79, 565-7; _Klemm_, _Cultur-Geschichte_, tom. v., pp. 33-5; _Gomara_, _Conq. Mex._, fol. 298, 314-16; _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. ii., lib. vi., cap. xvi., dec. iii., lib. ii., cap. xvii.; _Chaves_, _Rapport_, in _Ternaux-Compans_, _Voy._, série ii., tom. v., pp. 308-9; _Montanus_, _Nieuwe Weereld_, p. 265; _Gemelli Careri_, in _Churchill's Col. Voyages_, vol. iv., p. 484; _Alegre_, _Hist. Comp. de Jesus_, tom. i., p. 279; _Carbajal Espinosa_, _Hist. Mex._, tom. i., pp. 555-9, 577; _Baril_, _Mexique_, pp. 202-3; _Touron_, _Hist. Gén._, tom. iii., pp. 11-12; _Simon's Ten Tribes_, pp. 274-5; _Bussierre_, _L'Empire Mex._, pp. 145-7; _Carbajal_, _Discurso_, pp. 15-30; _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., pp. 89-93, 111. [192] 'Nunca sentenciaban en disfavor del Matrimonio, ni consentian, que por autoridad de Justicia, ellos se apartasen; porque decian ser cosa ilicita, y de mucho escandalo para el Pueblo, favorecer, con autoridad publica, cosa contraria à la raçon; pero ellos se apartaban de hecho, y este hecho se toleraba, aunque no en todos, segun el mas, ò menos escandalo, que se engendraba en el Pueblo. Otros dicen, que por Sentencia difinitiva, se hacia este Repudio, y Divorcio ... los Jueces sentenciaban (si acaso concedemos, que havia sentencia) que se apartasen, y quedasen libres, y sin obligacion el vno, al otro; pero no de la murmuracion del Pueblo, que buelto contra ellos, decian ser dignos de grandisima pena, por haver quebrado la Fè è integridad del Matrimonio, y haver dado tan mal exemplo à la Republica.' _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., p. 442; _Carbajal_, _Discurso_, pp. 20-1; _Monglave_, _Résumé_, p. 31; _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., p. 131. [193] 'Tengono molte moglie, & tante quante ne possono mantenere come i mori, però come si è detto, vna è la principale & patrona & i figliuoli di qsta hereditano, & quei dell'altre no, che non possono anzi son tenuti per bastardi. Nelle nozze di questa patrona principale fanno alcune cirimonie, il che non si osserua nelle nozze dell'altre.' _Relatione fatta per vn gentil'huomo del Signor Fernando Cortese_, in _Ramusio_, _Navigationi_, tom. iii., fol. 310. See further, _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., p. 376; _Las Casas_, _Hist. Apologética_, cap. ccxiii., ccxiv., in _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. viii., pp. 127-8; _Carbajal_, _Discurso_, pp. 20-7; _Camargo_, _Hist. Tlax._, in _Nouvelles Annales des Voy._, 1843, tom. xcviii., pp. 169, 197; _Gomara_, _Conq. Mex._, fol. 107; _Carbajal Espinosa_, _Hist. Mex._, tom. i., pp. 430-1; _Oviedo_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. iii., p. 260; _Peter Martyr_, dec. iv., lib. iv., dec. v., lib. x. [194] _Las Casas_, _Hist. Apologética_, cap. ccxiii., ccxiv., in _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. viii., p. 127; _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., p. 370; _Carbajal_, _Discurso_, pp. 27-8; _Sahagun_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. iii., lib. x., pp. 37-8; _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., pp. 132-3. [195] I have thought it unnecessary to give these speeches in full, but the reader can find them all together in _Sahagun_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. ii., lib. vi., pp. 161-73. [196] Sahagun adds: 'Mandaba que á la preñada la diesen de comer suficientemente y buenos manjares, calientes y bien guisados, con especialidad cuando á la preñada le viene su purgacion, ó como dicen la regla, y esto llaman que la criatura se laba los pies, porque no se halle ésta en vacio, ó haya alguna vaciedad ó falta de sangre ó humor necesario, y así reciba algun daño.' _Hist. Gen._, tom. ii., lib. vi., p. 182. [197] Sahagun's original MS. contains twenty-four additional lines on this subject, but these his editor deems too indelicate to print. _Id._, p. 181. [198] For these addresses see _Sahagun_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. ii., lib. vi., pp. 174-83. [199] 'Se llegan algunas mujeres como parteras, y otras como testigos para ver si el parto es supuesto ó natural; y al tiempo del nacer no permiten que la criatura llegue á la tierra con la vida; é antes que se la cortenle hacen ciertas señales en el corpezuelo.' _Zuazo_, _Carta_, in _Icazbalceta_, _Col. de Doc._, tom. i., pp. 363-4. [200] _Cihuapipiltin_, or _Ciuapipilti_. A long description of the burial rites upon these occasions in _Sahagun_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. ii., lib. vi., pp. 186-91. These will, however, be described in a future chapter. [201] Motolinia, _Hist. Indios_, in _Icazbalceta_, _Col. de Doc._, tom. i., p. 130, and Torquemada, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., p. 84, who seems to have copied from him, are the authorities for this, but the custom could not have been very general, for it is said that in Tlascala the mother assigned a breast to each of the twins. [202] The principal authority on the matter of pregnancy and childbirth, and the one whom I have thus far followed, is Sahagun, _Hist. Gen._, tom. ii., lib. vi., pp. 160-92. [203] Clavigero, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., p. 86, differs from Sahagun in these prayers or invocations; Torquemada, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., p. 445, Klemm, _Cultur-Geschichte_, tom. v., p. 36, and Brasseur de Bourbourg, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. iii., p. 560, follow Clavigero more or less closely. [204] _Sahagun_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. ii., lib. vi., pp. 199-200; _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., pp. 445-6. [205] The Teochichimec husband undertook the office of midwife when the birth took place on the road. He heated the back of his wife with fire, threw water over her in lieu of a bath, and gave her two or three kicks in the back after the delivery, in order to promote the issue of superfluous blood. The new-born babe was placed in a wicker basket, and thrown over the back of the mother, who proceeded on her journey. _Sahagun_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. ii., lib. vi., pp. 191-203; also _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., pp. 445-6; _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., p. 86; _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. iii., pp. 560; _Carbajal Espinosa_, _Hist. Mex._, tom. i., pp. 551-2, 673, etc. The utensils which served at the birth of the child were, according to Las Casas, _Hist. Apologética_, MS., cap. clxxix., offered at the fountain or river where the mother washed herself. [206] By Sahagun, _Hist. Gen._, tom. i., lib. iv., pp. 282-328, and Duran, _Hist. Indias_, MS., tom. iii., cap. ii., the signs of the calendar and their subdivisions are described at length. Each sign had thirteen sub-signs, representing the same number of days, by whom its good or bad import was moderated to a certain extent. Under certain signs the child was liable to become a drunkard, under another a jester, under a third a warrior, and so on. Brasseur de Bourbourg, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. iii., p. 560, and Espinosa, _Hist. Mex._, tom. i., p. 552, state that the sign which had been most frequent at this period during the past thirteen years was also considered by the astrologer. [207] _Sahagun_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. ii., lib. vi., pp. 215-7; _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., p. 449. [208] A long description of this feast, the table, attendance, etc., is given by Sahagun, _Hist. Gen._, tom. i., lib. iv., pp. 332-6, and by Torquemada, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., pp. 457-8. I shall have occasion to describe it in a future chapter of this volume, devoted to such matters. [209] The poorer classes contented themselves with an interchange of flowers and food. [210] A dual deity, uniting both sexes in one person. [211] Sahagun, _Hist. Gen._, tom. ii., lib. vi., p. 220, makes the midwife, in this instance, call upon Citlalatonac. This goddess was, however, identical with Ometochtli and Omecioatl (see, more especially, _Carbajal Espinosa_, _Hist. Mex._, tom. i., p. 472), to whom the preceding prayer was directed. Clavigero and Torquemada assert that the prayer was addressed to the water-goddess. [212] Sahagun addresses the Sun-God only. [213] We may presume that the midwife is here addressing the child of a warrior. [214] Clavigero, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., p. 84, Torquemada, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., p. 287, and Brasseur de Bourbourg, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. iii., p. 287, translate Nemoquichtli and Nencihuatl 'useless man' and 'useless woman.' Torquemada, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., p. 454-6, discusses names, why and how they were applied, in Mexico and elsewhere. Motolinia, in _Icazbalceta_, _Col. de Doc._, tom. i., p. 37, states that the name given at baptism was discarded for one applied by the priest, when the parents carried the child to the temple in the third month. See also _Ritos Antiguos_, p. 22, in _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. ix. Gomara, _Conq. Mex._, fol. 312, says that the name given by the priest was the surname, nobles sometimes taking a third name. Brasseur de Bourbourg, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. iii., p. 562, says that several additional names could be taken under various circumstances. In _Codex Mendoza_, in _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. v., p. 90, it is stated that the name was given by three boys who sat by eating _yxcue_. [215] Boturini states that the infant is thereupon passed four times through the fire. _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., p. 88; but this ceremony is described elsewhere in this volume as taking place in the temple. [216] _Sahagun_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. i., lib. iv., pp. 330-6. [217] It was believed, says Torquemada, that this rubbing of their own limbs had a strengthening effect upon the new-born. _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., p. 457. [218] _Gomara_, _Conq. Mex._, fol. 312. [219] _Dávila_, _Teatro Ecles._, tom. i., p. 18. [220] _Hist. Ecles._, p. 107. [221] _Burgoa_, _Geog. Descrip._, tom. ii., pt ii., fol. 329. [222] _Id._, fol. 395. [223] The following are contradictory accounts of baptism. On the fourth day the child and mother took a purification bath, and the assembled guests were feasted on zamorra, a dish made from maize and the flesh of hens, deer, etc. Three days after, the mother carried the child to the adjoining ward, accompanied by six little boys, if it was a male child, otherwise six girls went with her, to carry the implements or insignia of the father's trade. Here she washed the child in a stream, and then returned home. Two years after a feast was served in the house of the most intimate neighbor, who was asked to name the child, and with him it remained and was held as a member of his family. _Chaves_, _Rapport_, in _Ternaux-Compans_, _Voy._, série ii., tom. v., pp. 306-8. The infant was carried to the temple, where the priest made an oration on the miseries to be endured in this world, and placed a sword in the right hand of the child and a buckler in the left; or, if it was destined to be a mechanic, an artisan's tool; if a girl it received a distaff. The priest then took the child to the altar and drew a few drops of blood from its body with a maguey-thorn or knife, after which he threw water over it, delivering certain imprecations the while. _Touron_, _Hist. Gén._, tom. iii., pp. 12-13. The implements were placed in the hands of the child by the priest before the idol. _Acosta_, _Hist. de las Ynd._, p. 374. Also _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. iii., lib. ii., cap. xvii. The child underwent three baptisms or baths. _Zuazo_, _Carta_, in _Icazbalceta_, _Col. de Doc._, tom. i., p. 364. On the seventh day the baptism took place, and a dart was placed in the hand of the child to signify that he should become a defender of his country. _Motolinia_, _Hist. Indios_, in _Id._, p. 37. In _Spiegazione delle Tavole del Codice Mexicano_ (Vaticano), tav. xxxi., in _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. v., p. 181, it is stated that the child was sprinkled with a bunch of ficitle dipped in water, and fumigated with incense before receiving its name. Offerings were made at the temple which the priest divided among the school children. Tylor, in his _Anahuac_, p. 279, and _Primitive Culture_, vol. ii., pp. 429-36 gives short reviews of the baptismal ceremony and its moral import. [224] _Las Casas_, _Hist. Apologética_, MS., cap. clxxv.; _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., pp. 83-4; _Mendieta_, _Hist. Ecles._, pp. 107-8; _Zuazo_, _Carta_, in _Icazbalceta_, _Col. de Doc._, tom. i., p. 364; _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. iii., p. 35. Clavigero, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., p. 73, reviews the subject of circumcision and denies that it was ever practiced. Ternaux-Compans, _Voy._, série i., p. 45, tom. x., referring to Diaz' statement that all Indians of the Vera Cruz Islands are circumcised, says that he must have confounded the custom of drawing blood from the secret organs with circumcision. Cogolludo, _Hist. Yuc._, p. 191, says circumcision was unknown to the Indians of Yucatan. Duran and Brasseur evidently consider the slight incisions made for the purpose of drawing blood from the prepuce or ear, in the eleventh month, as the act. Carbajal Espinosa, _Hist. Mex._, tom. i., p. 538, following Clavigero, holds the scarification of breast, stomach and arms to be the circumcision referred to by other authors. Herrera, _Hist. Gen._, dec. iii., lib. ii., cap. xvii., and especially Acosta, _Hist. de las Ynd._, p. 374, consider the incision on the prepuce and ear to have been mistaken for circumcision, and state that it was chiefly performed upon sons of great men; they do not state when the ceremony took place. [225] _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., p. 266; _Carbajal Espinosa_, _Hist. Mex._, tom. i., p. 538. [226] This rite was followed by another, which usually took place in the temple of Huitzilopochtli. The priest made a slight incision on the ear of the female child, and on the ear and prepuce of the male, with a new obsidian knife handed to him by the mother, then, throwing the knife at the feet of the idol, he gave a name to the infant, at the request of the parent, after duly considering the horoscope and signs of the time. _Duran_, _Hist. Indias_, MS., tom. iii., cap. iii., quoted by _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. iii., pp. 525-6. Duran really states that these ceremonies took place in the fourth month, but as Toci's festival occurs in the eleventh month, Brasseur alters the evident mistake. The naming of the infant may have been a mere confirmation of the name given by the midwife. [227] _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii. p. 286. [228] _Sahagun_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. i., lib. ii., pp. 189-90. Sahagun translates Itzcalli by 'growth,' but other authors differ from him, as we shall see in a future chapter on the Calendar. [229] _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. iii., lib. iii., cap. xii. [230] _Motolinia_, _Hist. Indios_, in _Icazbalceta_, _Col. de Doc._, tom. i., p. 77; _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., pp. 460-1. [231] _Gomara_, _Conq. Mex._, fol. 312. [232] _Carbajal Espinosa_, _Hist. Mex._, tom. i., p. 553. [233] _Gomara_, _Conq. Mex._, fol. 318. [234] The authorities on childbirth, baptism, and circumcision are: _Sahagun_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. i., lib. ii., pp. 187-90, lib. iv., pp. 281-337, tom. ii., lib. vi., pp. 160-222, tom. iii., lib. x., pp. 119-20; _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., pp. 2-73, 86-89; _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., pp. 83-4, 266, 286, 445-61; _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. iii., lib. ii., cap. xvii., lib. iii., cap. xii., lib. iv., cap. xvi.; _Las Casas_, _Hist. Apologética_, MS., cap. clxxv., clxxix.; _Codex Mendoza_, pp. 90-1, in _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. v.; _Motolinia_, _Hist. Indios_, in _Icazbalceta_, _Col. de Doc._, tom. i., pp. 37-8, 77, 108; _Zuazo_, _Carta_, in _Id._, pp. 363-4; _Mendieta_, _Hist. Ecles._, pp. 107-8, 139; _Burgoa_, _Geog. Descrip._, tom. ii., pt ii., fol. 329, 395; _Dávila_, _Teatro Ecles._, tom. i., p. 18; _Camargo_, _Hist. Tlax._, in _Nouvelles Annales des Voy._, 1843, tom. xcviii., p. 203; _Carbajal Espinosa_, _Hist. Mex._, tom. i., pp. 538, 551-5, 673; _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. i., p. 240, tom. iii., pp. 35, 525-6, 560-3; _Acosta_, _Hist. de las Ynd._, p. 374; _Gomara_, _Conq. Mex._, fol. 312, 317-18; _Touron_, _Hist. Gén._, tom. iii., pp. 12-13; _Chaves_, _Rapport_, in _Ternaux-Compans_, _Voy._, série ii., tom. v., pp. 306-8; _Montanus_, _Nieuwe Weereld_, pp. 32, 265; _Klemm_, _Cultur-Geschichte_, tom. v., pp. 36-9; _Bussierre_, _L'Empire Mex._, pp. 140-1; _D'Avity_, _L'Amérique_, tom. ii., p. 73; _Baril_, _Mexique_, pp. 199-200; _Ritos Antiguos_, pp. 22-3, in _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. ix.; _Laet_, _Novus Orbis_, p. 239; _Adair's Amer. Ind._, p. 217; _Müller_, _Reisen_, tom. iii., pp. 118-20; _Purchas his Pilgrimes_, vol. iv., pp. 1102-3, 1140; _Carli_, _Cartas_, pt i., p. 101; _Duran_, _Hist. Indias_, MS., tom. iii., cap. iii.; _Diaz_, _Itinéraire_, in _Ternaux-Compans_, _Voy._, série i., tom. x., p. 45; _Humboldt_, _Essai Pol._, tom. i., p. 90; _Morton's Crania Amer._, p. 147; _Delafield's Antiq. Amer._, p. 19. CHAPTER VIII. NAHUA FEASTS AND AMUSEMENTS. EXCESSIVE FONDNESS FOR FEASTS--MANNER OF GIVING FEASTS--SERVING THE MEAL--PROFESSIONAL JESTERS--PARTING PRESENTS TO GUESTS--ROYAL BANQUETS--TOBACCO SMOKING--PUBLIC DANCES--MANNER OF SINGING AND DANCING--THE NETETELIZTLI--THE DRAMA AMONG THE NAHUAS--MUSIC AND MUSICAL INSTRUMENTS--NAHUA POETRY--ACROBATIC FEATS--THE NETOLOLIZTLI, OR 'BIRD DANCE'--PROFESSIONAL RUNNERS--THE GAME OF TLACTLI--GAMES OF CHANCE--THE PATOLIZTLI, OR 'BEAN GAME'--TOTOLOQUE, MONTEZUMA'S FAVORITE GAME. [Sidenote: FEASTS AND ENTERTAINMENTS.] The excessive fondness of the Aztecs for feasts and amusements of every kind seems to have extended through all ranks of society. Every man feasted his neighbor and was himself in turn feasted. Birthdays, victories, house-warmings, successful voyages or speculations, and other events too numerous to enumerate were celebrated with feasts. Every man, from king to peasant, considered it incumbent upon him to be second to none among his equals in the giving of banquets and entertainments, and as these involved the distribution of costly presents among his guests, it often happened that the host ruined himself by his hospitality; indeed, it is said that many sold themselves into slavery that they might be able to prepare at least one feast that would immortalize their memory.[235] Moreover the priests, with the subtle policy characteristic of their class, took advantage of this disposition to ordain long and frequent celebrations in honor of innumerable gods; in short, it is difficult to conceive what part of the year could have been saved for business from what seems to have been a continual round of merry-making. The grandeur of the feast depended, of course, upon the wealth of the host, the rank of the guests, and the importance of the event celebrated. For many days before a noble or wealthy man entertained his friends, an army of servants were employed in sweeping the approaches to the house, decorating the halls and courts with branches and garlands, erecting _chinamas_, or arbors, and strewing the floors with flowers and sweet herbs; others prepared the table service, killed and dressed dogs, plucked fowls, cooked tamales, baked bread, ground cacao, brewed drinks, and manufactured perfumed cigarettes. Invitations were in the meantime sent to the guests. These on their arrival were presented with flowers as a token of welcome. Those of a superior condition to the host were saluted after the Aztec fashion by touching the hand to the earth and then carrying it to the lips. On some occasions garlands were placed upon the heads of the guests and strings of roses about their necks, while copal was burnt before those whom the host delighted specially to honor. While waiting for the meal the guests employed their time in walking freely about the place, complimenting their host on the tasteful manner in which the house was decorated, or admiring the fine shrubbery, green grass plats, well-kept flower-beds, and sparkling fountains in the gardens. Dinner being announced, all took their seats, according to rank and age, upon mats or _icpalli_, stools, ranged close along the walls.[236] Servants then entered with water and towels, with which each guest washed his hands and mouth. Smoking-canes were next presented on _molcaxetes_, or plates, to stimulate the appetite. The viands, kept warm by chafing dishes, were then brought in upon artistically worked plates of gold, silver, tortoise-shell, or earthenware. Each person before beginning to eat threw a small piece of food into a lighted brazier, in honor of Xiuhtecutli, the god of fire,[237] probably by way of grace. The numerous highly seasoned dishes of meat and fish having been duly discussed, the servants cleared the tables and feasted upon the remains of the banquet in company with the attendants of the guests.[238] Vessels called _teutecomatls_, filled with chocolate, each provided with a spoon to stir the fluid with, were then brought on, together with water for washing the hands and rinsing the mouth. The women who were present on these occasions, although they sat apart from the men, received a kind of spiced gruel instead of cacao. The old people, however, were plied with _octli_, a very potent beverage, until they became drunk, and this was held to be an indispensable part of the ceremony. The smoking-canes were now once more produced, and while the guests reclined luxuriously upon their mats enjoying the grateful influence of the fragrant leaf which we are told by Bernal Diaz they called 'tobacco,' and sipping their drinks, the music suddenly struck up, and the young folks, or perhaps some professionals, executed a dance, singing at the same time an ode prepared for the occasion, as well as other songs. Dwarfs, deformed beings, and curious objects were also introduced to vary the entertainment; but the professional jesters were the favorites, and the jokes made by them raised many a laugh, though this was rather forced perhaps by those at whose expense said jokes were cracked, for these fools were fully as privileged as their contemporary European brothers of motley, and sometimes spoke very biting truths in the shape of a jest; in some cases they were disguised in the costume of a foreign nation, whose dialect and peculiarities they imitated; at other times they would mimic old women, well-known eccentric individuals, and so forth. The nobles kept a number of these jesters for their own amusement, and often sent them to a neighboring brother-noble to propound riddles; taking care to provide them with means to pay forfeit should the riddle be solved.[239] These private banquets generally lasted till midnight, when the party broke up. Each guest received at parting presents of dresses, gourds, cacao-beans, flowers, or articles of food. Should any accident or shortcoming have marred the pleasure of the party, the host would sooner repeat the entertainment than have any slur rest upon his great social venture. In any case it was doubtless difficult for the good man to escape censure either for extravagance or stinginess. At the royal feasts given when the great vassals came to the capital to render homage to their sovereign, the people flocked in from the provinces in great numbers to see the sights, which consisted of theatrical representations, gladiatorial combats, fights between wild beasts, athletic sports, musical performances, and poetical recitations in honor of kings, gods, and heroes. The nobles, in addition to this, partook daily of banquets at the palace, and were presented by the monarch with costly gifts.[240] [Sidenote: TOBACCO IN THE NEW WORLD.] To the tobacco-loving reader it will be interesting to learn how the weed was smoked in the New World before it was introduced into the Old by the immortal Jean Nicot, whose name be forever blessed. The habit of smoking did not possess among the Nahuas the peculiar character attached to it by the North American natives, as an indispensable accessory to treaties, the cementing of friendship, and so forth, but was indulged in chiefly by the sick, as a pastime and for its stimulating effect. The origin of the custom among the Nahuas may be traced to the use of reed-grass, filled with aromatic herbs, which was lighted and given to guests that they might diffuse the perfume about them; gradually they came to puff the reeds and swallow the smoke, pretending to find therein a remedy against headache, fatigue, phlegm, sleeplessness, etc. Three kinds of tobacco were used, the _yetl_, signifying tobacco in general, obtained from a large leaved plant, the _picyetl_, from a small but stronger species, and _quauyetl_, a less esteemed kind known later on as wild tobacco. Clavigero asserts that the _picyetl_ and _quauyetl_ were the only species known among the Mexicans. It was generally smoked after dinner in the form of paper, reed, or maize-leaf cigarettes, called _pocyetl_, 'smoking tobacco,' or _acayetl_, 'tobacco-reed,' the leaf being mixed in a paste, says Veytia, with _xochiocotzotl_, liquid amber, aromatic herbs, and pulverized charcoal, so as to keep smouldering when once lighted, and shed a perfume. The picyetl tobacco was smoked later in the day, without admixture, and somewhat in the shape of cigars. The smoke was inhaled, and the nose closed, in order that none of the grateful qualities should be lost. Wooden, metal, or bamboo tubes were sometimes used instead of cigarettes. Snuffing the pulverized leaf is an ancient custom which we owe to them.[241] Dancing was the favorite Aztec amusement, and the fanciful arrangement of their dances, as well as the peculiar grace of their motions, is highly praised by all the old chroniclers. Dancing, and especially religious dances, formed an important part of an Aztec youth's education, and much trouble was taken by the priests to instruct them in it. [Sidenote: THE MITOTE AND RIBBON DANCE.] The preparations for the great public dances, when the performers numbered thousands,[242] were on an immense scale. The choirs and bands attached to the service of the various temples were placed under the supervision of a leader, usually a priest, who composed the ode of the day, set it to music, instructed the musicians, appointed the leaders of the dance, perfected the arrangements generally, observed that all did their duty, and caused every fault or negligence to be severely punished.[243] The _Neteteliztli_ dance took place either in the plaza or in the courtyard of the temple, in the centre of which mats were spread for the musicians. The nobles and aged men formed a circle nearest to the drums, the people of less importance formed another circle a little distance behind, and the young people composed the third ring. Two leading dancers directed the movements, and whatever steps they made were imitated by the performers. When all was ready, a whistle gave the signal and the drums were beaten lightly to a well-known tune started by the leaders and taken up by the dancers, who at the same time began to move their feet, arms, heads and bodies in perfect accord. Each verse or couplet was repeated three or four times, the dancers keeping time with their _ayacachtli_, or rattles. Each must keep his relative position in the circle, and complete the circuit at the same time; the inner circle, therefore, moved at a slow, dignified pace, suited to the rank and age of the men composing it; the second proceeded somewhat faster, while the dancers in the outer circle approached a run as the dance became livelier. The motions were varied; at one time the dancers held one another by the hand, at another, round the waist; now they took the left hand neighbor for partner, now the right, sometimes facing one way, sometimes another. The first song ended, which referred to the event of the day, a popular ode, treating of their gods, kings, or heroes, was taken up and sung in a higher scale and to a livelier measure, the dance meanwhile constantly increasing in animation. This was the case with all the succeeding songs, each one becoming higher and shriller as it proceeded; flutes, trumpets, and sharp whistles were sometimes added to the band to increase the effect. When one set of dancers became tired, another took its place, and so the dance continued through the whole day, each song taking about an hour. Jesters and clowns in various disguises circulated between the lines, cutting capers, cracking jokes, and serving refreshments. Herrera states that the solemn _mitote_ was danced by twos in the outer circle.[244] At private dances, two parallel lines were usually formed, the dancers turning in various directions, changing partners, and crossing from line to line.[245] Sometimes one stepped from each line, and performed a pas de deux while the others looked on. The 'ribbon dance,' resembled the English may-pole dance to a certain extent. A pole, fifteen to twenty feet high, was erected on a smooth piece of ground, and twenty or more persons, each seizing the end of a colored ribbon attached to its summit, began to dance about the mast, crossing each other and winding in apparent confusion, until the pole was covered with a motley texture of a certain design. When the band became too short, the plaiting was unwound by reversing the order of the dance. They had a number of other mitotes, or dances, varying chiefly in the colors worn by the dancers, the finery, painting, and disguises, and conforming to the text of the songs, such as the _huexotzincaiutl_, _anaoacaiutl_, _cuextecaiutl_, _tocotin_, and others to be described under religious festivals.[246] Children from four to eight years of age, the sons of nobles, took part in some dances and sang the soprano, and the priests joined in the solemn performances. Certain dances, as the _netecuitotoli_,[247] could only be performed by the king and nobles,[248] a space being always set apart for the sovereign when he danced. Women joined the men in some dances, but generally danced apart. Certain dancing-houses of bad repute termed _cuicoyan_, 'great joy of women,' were open to females at night, and were then scenes of unmitigated debauch.[249] Great pains was taken to appear as fine as possible at the dances; noted warriors appeared magnificently dressed, and occasionally bearing shields set with feathers; nobles in court dress of rich mantles knotted at the shoulders, fanciful maxtlis round the loins, tassels of feathers and gold in the hair, lip-ornaments of gold and precious stones, gold rings in the ears, bracelets of the same metal set with plumes, or strings of chalchiuites and turquoises round the wrists and other parts of the arms, and some had gold bells attached to the ankles; the gaily colored dresses of the lower class were decorated with feathers and embroidery; garlands and flowers encircled the head, necklaces of shells and beans hung about the neck, bracelets clasped the arms and legs, and all carried nosegays. The women also shone in huipiles, gaily colored, fancifully embroidered, and set with fringes.[250] [Sidenote: THE ABORIGINAL DRAMA.] The drama scarcely equaled in excellence the choral dance, yet in this respect, as in others, the Nahuas showed considerable advancement. Thalia presided more frequently than Melpomene over the play, which generally took the character of a burlesque. The performers mostly wore masks of wood, or were disguised as animals. No special building was devoted to the drama, but the lower porch of a temple usually served as the stage; some large towns, however, boasted of a permanent stage, erected in the centre of the plaza. The principal of these was at Tlatelulco, and consisted of a terrace of stone and lime, thirteen feet high, by thirty in breadth. When in use it was decorated with foliage, and mats of various colors, whereon was emblazoned the coat of arms of the city, were hung all round it. At Cholula the porch of the temple of Quetzalcoatl served as a stage; this was whitewashed and adorned with arches of branches, feathers, and flowers, from which hung birds, rabbits, and other curious objects. Here the people congregated after dinner on gala-days to witness the performance, in which deaf, lame, blind, deformed, or sick people, or, sometimes, merchants, mechanics, or prominent citizens, were mimicked, burlesqued, and made fun of. Each actor endeavored to represent his rôle in the most grotesque manner possible. He who was for the moment deaf gave nonsensical answers to questions put to him; the sick man depicted the effects of pain, and so forth. When these had exhausted their stock of jokes, others entered as beetles, frogs, or lizards, croaking, whistling, and skipping about the stage after the manner of the creatures they represented. The boys from the temples also appeared as birds and butterflies, and flocked into the trees in the courtyard. Each performer rehearsed his part before appearing in public, and great care was taken that no blunder should mar the beauty of the plot. The priests added to the fun by blowing mud-balls at the actors through wooden tubes, and praising or censuring the performance in a jocular manner. The entertainment concluded with a ball, which was attended by all the actors.[251] Some authors have spoken very favorably of the dramatic skill of the Nahuas. Clavigero is not inclined to indorse this opinion, although he thinks a great advance would have been made in this direction had the Mexican Empire survived another century; a very natural conclusion, certainly. The ceremonies at the religious festivals often partook of a dramatic character, as will be seen presently.[252] Music, a principal attraction at our theatrical entertainments, did not play an important part on the Nahua stage, and, though we hear of singers appearing, instrumental concert is not mentioned. Aside from this, the high importance attached to music is evident from the myth of its origin. According to this myth no less a personage than Tezcatlipoca[253] brought, or sent for, music from the sun, and constructed a bridge of whales and turtles, symbols of strength, by which to convey it to the earth. [Sidenote: MUSICAL INSTRUMENTS.] Drums, horns, shells, trumpets, and shrill whistles made from cleft bones were the instruments most used. The drum was the favorite, and the beating of several in nice accord sufficed alone for an accompaniment to the song and the dance. Two kinds of drum are mentioned; of these, the _huehuetl_[254] was a hollow cylinder of wood, about three feet high, and a foot and a half in diameter, curiously carved and painted, and having its upper end covered with a dressed deer-skin, tightened or loosened in tuning, and played upon with the hands. The other kind of drum was called the _teponaztli_, 'wing of the stone-vapor;' this was entirely of wood, and had no opening but two parallel slits in one side, the enclosed piece being divided in the centre so as to form two tongues, each of which increased in thickness towards its extremity; the drum was placed in a horizontal position and the sound was produced by beating the tongues with sticks tipped with rubber balls. This drum varied in length from a toy of a few inches to five feet. Sometimes it was carved in the shape of a man, woman, or animal, and lay lengthways on trestles. The huehuetl gave forth a dull sound resembling that of the East Indian tom-tom. These drums, when of the largest size, could be heard at a distance of two miles.[255] The teponaztli produced a melancholy sound, which is considered by Brasseur de Bourbourg to have been a symbol of the hollow warning noise preceding the annihilation of Earth, which was symbolized by the instrument itself.[256] The _tetzilacatl_ was a kind of gong made of copper and struck with a hammer of the same material. The _ayacachtli_ was a rattle of copper, perforated and filled with pebbles, used by dancers. The ancient writers unite in praising the perfect unison and good time observed by the singers, both in solo and quartette, with chorus and responses, and they mention particularly the little boys of from four to eight years of age, who rendered the soprano in a manner that reflected great credit on the training of their priestly tutors. Each temple, and many noblemen kept choirs and bands of professional musicians, usually led by a priest, who composed odes appropriate to every occasion, and set them to music. Bass singers were rare, and were prized in proportion to their rarity. They had a great number of popular songs or ballads, which were well known in all classes. Young people were obliged to learn by heart long epics, in which were recounted the glorious deeds of heroes in battle and the chase; or didactic pieces, pointing some moral and inculcating a useful lesson; or hymns of praise and appeal for sacred festivals. Clavigero, Pimentel, and other authors extol the aboriginal muse highly, and describe the language used as pure, brilliant, figurative, and interwoven with allusions to the beauties of nature; unmeaning interjections scattered here and there to assist the metre, evince a lack of finish, however, and the long, compound words, a single one of which often formed a whole verse, certainly did not add to the harmony, yet they observed good metre and cadence.[257] The art of music was under royal protection, and singers as well as musicians were exempt from taxation. Nezahualcoyotl, the great Tezcucan patron of art, himself composed a number of odes and elegies, and founded an academy of sciences and music, where the allied kings of Mexico, Tezcuco, and Tlacopan presided, and distributed prizes to the successful competitors. Toltec songs are highly praised for their beauty and variety. The Totonacs and Tepanecs are said to have been as far advanced in music and singing as the Aztecs;[258] but concerning these arts I shall speak more at length in a future chapter. [Sidenote: GYMNASTIC PERFORMANCES.] The acrobatic feats performed by the Nahuas excited the surprise and admiration of the conquerors, and the court of Spain, before which some of these athletes were introduced, was no less astounded at the grace, daring, and strength displayed by them. Some of these gymnastic performances have only of late become known to us; thus, the so-called Chinese foot-balancing trick, in which a man lying on his back spins a heavy pole on the soles of his raised feet, throws it up, catches it, and twirls it in every direction, was a common feat with the Nahua acrobat, who, indeed, excelled the circus-man of to-day, in that he twirled the pole while a man sat at each end of it. Another feat was performed by three. One having braced himself firmly, another mounted on his shoulders, while the third climbed up and stood upon the head of the second. In this position the human column moved slowly about, the man on the top performing a kind of dance at the same time. Again, a man would dance on the top of a beam, the lower end of which was forked and rested upon the shoulders of two other dancers. Some raised a stick from the ground while a man balanced at the end of it; others leaped upon a stick set upright in the ground, or danced upon the tight-rope. Another game involving an equal display of grace and daring was the _netotoliztli_, or 'bird dance,' known to the Spaniards as the 'flying-game,' and performed especially during the laymen's feast. In the centre of an open place, generally a public square, a lofty pole was erected. On the top of this pole was placed a wooden, moveable cap, resembling an inverted mortar; to this were fastened four stout ropes which supported a wooden frame about twelve feet square. Four other, longer ropes were carefully wound thirteen times about the pole just below the cap, and were thence passed through holes made one in each of the four sides of the frame. The ends of these ropes, while wound about the pole, hung several feet below the frame. Four gymnasts, who had practiced some time previously, and were disguised as birds of different form, ascended by means of loops of cord tied about the pole, and each having fastened one of the ropes round his waist, they started on their circular flight with spread wings. The impulse of the start and the weight of the men set the frame in motion, and the rope unwound quicker and quicker, enabling the flyers to describe larger and larger circles. A number of other men, all richly dressed, sat perched upon the frame, whence they ascended in turn to the top of the revolving cap, and there danced and beat a drum, or waved a flag, each man endeavoring to surpass his predecessor in daring and skill.[259] As the flyers neared the ground, and the ropes were almost untwisted, the men on the frame glided down the ropes so as to gain the ground at the same time, sometimes passing from one rope to the other in their descent and performing other tricks. The thirteen turns of the rope, with the four flyers, represented the cycle with its four divisions of thirteen years. Running was practiced, not only for exercise, but as a profession; as the government employed a large number of couriers to run with messages, who were trained for the purpose from early childhood. To these I shall have occasion to refer again. Races were held at the chief temple in Mexico under the auspices of the priests,[260] at which prizes were awarded to the four competitors who succeeded in first gaining the topmost of the one hundred and twenty steps. The Nahuas must have been able swimmers, too, for it is said that travelers usually took to the water when crossing rivers, leaving the bridges to those who carried burdens. There were also sham fights and public reviews, both for the exercise of the army and the delectation of the masses. At these times the soldiers competed for prizes in shooting with the arrow or throwing the dart.[261] On grand occasions, such as the coronation of a king, soldiers fought with wild beasts, or wrestled with one another, and animals were pitted against each other in fenced enclosures.[262] [Sidenote: THE TLACHTLI, OR NATIONAL GAME.] [Illustration: H] The national game of the Nahuas was the _tlachtli_, which strongly resembled in many points our game of football, and was quite as lively and full of scuffle. It was common among all the nations whose cult was similar to the Toltec, and was under special divine protection, though what original religious significance it had is not clear. Indeed, for that matter, nearly every game enjoyed divine patronage, and _Ometochtli_, 'two rabbits,' the god of games, according to Duran, was generally invoked by athletes as well as gamblers, in conjunction with some special god. Instruments of play, and natural objects were also conjured to grant good luck to the applicant. As an instance of the popularity of the game of tlachtli,[263] it may be mentioned that a certain number of towns contributed annually sixteen thousand balls in taxes, that each town of any size had a special play-ground devoted to the game, and that kings kept professionals to play before them, occasionally challenging each other to a game besides. The ground in which it was played, called the _tlachco_,[264] was an alley whose shape is shown in the cut; one hundred feet long[265] and half as wide, except at each end where there were rectangular nooks, which doubtless served as resting-places for the players. The whole was enclosed by smooth whitewashed walls, from nine to twelve feet high on the sides, and somewhat lower at the ends, with battlements and turrets, and decreasing in thickness toward the top.[266] At midnight, previous to the day fixed for the game, which was always fixed favorably by the augurs, the priests with much ceremony placed two idols--one representing the god of play, the other the god of the tlachtli[267]--upon the side walls, blessed the edifice, and consecrated the game by throwing the ball four times round the ground, muttering the while a formula. The owner of the tlachco, usually the lord of the place, also performed certain ceremonies and presented offerings, before opening the game. The balls, called _ullamaloni_, were of solid India-rubber, three to four inches in diameter. The players were simply attired in the maxtli, or breech-clout, and sometimes wore a skin to protect the parts coming in contact with the ball, and gloves; they played in parties, usually two or three on each side. The rule was to hit the ball only with knee, elbow, shoulder, or buttock, as agreed upon, the latter was however the favorite way, and to touch the wall of the opposite side with the ball, or to send it over, either of which counted a point. He who struck the ball with his hand or foot, or with any part of his body not previously agreed upon, lost a point; to settle such matters without dispute a priest acted as referee. On each side-wall, equidistant from the ends, was a large stone, carved with images of idols, pierced through the centre with a hole large enough to just admit the passage of the ball;[268] the player who by chance or skill drove the ball through one of these openings not only won the game for his side, but was entitled to the cloaks of all present, and the haste with which the spectators scrambled off in order to save their garments is said to have been the most amusing part of the entertainment. A feat so difficult was, of course, rarely accomplished, save by chance, and the successful player was made as much of as a prize-winner at the Olympic games, nor did he omit to present thank offerings to the god of the game for the good fortune vouchsafed him. The possession of much property depended upon the issue of the game; the rich staked their gold and jewels, the poor their dresses, their food, or even their liberty.[269] [Sidenote: BALL-PLAYING AND GAMBLING.] Gambling, the lowest yet most infatuating of amusements, was a passion with the Nahuas, and property of all kinds, from ears of corn or cacao-beans, to costly jewelry and personal liberty, were betted upon the issue of the various games. Professional gamesters went from house to house with dice and play-mats, seeking fresh victims. All gambling tools were formally charmed, and this charm was renewed and strengthened at intervals by presenting the instruments in the temple, with prayers that the blessing of the idol might descend upon them. [Sidenote: POPULAR AMUSEMENTS.] _Patoliztli_, which somewhat resembled our backgammon, appears to have been the most popular game of chance. _Patolli_, or large beans marked with dots, like dice, were shaken in the hand and thrown upon a mat, upon which was traced a square marked with certain transverse and diagonal lines. The thrower of the beans marked his points on these lines according to the number of spots which fell upward. He who first gained a certain score won the game. The players were usually surrounded by a crowd of interested spectators, who betted heavily on the result, and called loudly for the favor of Macuilxochitl, the patron deity of the game. Golden and jewelled dice were often used instead of beans by the rich.[270] They had another game in which reeds took the place of dice. Two players, each with ten pebbles by his side, shot split reeds in turn towards small holes made in the ground, by bending them between the fingers; if a reed fell over a hole a marker was placed on a square; this continued until the markers were all exhausted by the winner.[271] Montezuma's favorite game was called _totoloque_, and consisted in throwing small golden balls at pieces of the same metal set up as targets at a certain distance. Five points won the stakes. Peter Martyr jumps at the conclusion that chess must have been known to the Nahuas, because they possessed checkered mats.[272] FOOTNOTES: [235] _Ritos Antiguos_, p. 20, in _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. ix. [236] The highest in rank or consideration sat on the right side, and those of inferior degree on the left; young men sat at the ends on both sides, according to their rank. _Sahagun_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. ii., lib. ix., pp. 347-8. [237] Speaking of this Xiuhtecutli, Torquemada says: 'Honrabanlo como à Dios, porque los calentaba, cocia el Pan y guisaba la Carne, y por esto en cada Casa le veneraban; y en el mismo Fogòn, ò Hogar, quando querian comer, le daban el primer bocado de la vianda, para que alli se quemase; y lo que avian de beber, lo avia de gustar primero, hechando en el fuego parte de el licor.' _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., p. 57. Sahagun says the morsel of food was thrown into the fire in honor of the god Tlaltecutli: 'Antes que comenzasen á comer los convidados la comida que les habian puesto, tomaban un bocado de la comida, y arrojábanlo al fuego á honra del dios Tlaltecutli, y luego comenzaban á comer.' _Hist. Gen._, tom. i., lib. iv., p. 333. [238] _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., p. 457. [239] _Sahagun_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. ii., lib. viii., p. 292. [240] For description of feasts see: _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., pp. 457-8; _Sahagun_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. i., lib. iv., pp. 332-6, tom. ii., lib. ix., pp. 359-60, 364-5; _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. iii., pp. 615-6; _Id._, in _Nouvelles Annales des Voy._, 1858, tom. clix., pp. 74-6; _Gomara_, _Conq. Mex._, fol. 318; _Prescott's Mex._, vol. i., pp. 152-7; _Bussierre_, _L'Empire Mex._, p. 178; _Baril_, _Mexique_, pp. 210-11; _Ritos Antiguos_, p. 20, in _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. ix. [241] _Veytia_, _Hist. Ant. Mej._, tom. iii., pp. 49-51; _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., p. 227. _Hernandez_, _Nova Plant._, p. 173; _Oviedo_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. i., p. 525; _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. iii., p. 646; _Carbajal Espinosa_, _Hist. Mex._, tom. i., p. 684; _Klemm_, _Cultur-Geschichte_, tom. v., pp. 12-13. [242] 'Iuntauanse a este bayle, no mil hombres, como dize Gomara, pero mas de ocho mil.' _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. ii., lib. vii., cap. viii. [243] Sahagun, _Hist. Gen._, tom. ii., lib. viii., p. 315, ever prepared with capital punishment, states that 'el señor les mandaba prender, y otro dia los mandaba matar.' [244] _Hist. Gen._, dec. iii., lib. ii., cap. xix. [245] _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., p. 180. [246] _Sahagun_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. ii., lib. viii., pp. 308-9; _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., pp. 181-2. [247] Netecuhytotiliztli, according to _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., p. 286. [248] _Sahagun_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. i., lib. ii., p. 189. [249] _Tezozomoc_, _Hist. Mex._, tom. i., p. 87. [250] 'I Plebei si travestivano in varie figure d'animali con abiti fatti di carta, e di penne, o di pelli'--no doubt to distinguish them from the gentry when they joined in the dance. _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., pp. 179-81, and others who follow him. In _Sahagun_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. i., lib. ii., pp. 130-3, is a long description of feast-day dress. For description of dances see _Id._, tom. ii., lib. viii. pp. 308-9, 314-15; _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., pp. 550-2; _D'Avity_, _L'Amérique_, tom. ii., p. 68; _Montanus_, _Nieuwe Weereld_, pp. 267-8; _Acosta_, _Hist. de las Ynd._, pp. 446-9; _Purchas his Pilgrimes_, vol. iv., pp. 1064-5; _Carbajal Espinosa_, _Hist. Mex._, tom. i., pp. 643-5; _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. iii., pp. 669-71; _Mendieta_, _Hist. Ecles._, pp. 140-3; _Tezozomoc_, _Hist. Mex._, tom. i., pp. 61, 87; _Gomara_, _Conq. Mex._, fol. 106-7; _Klemm_, _Cultur-Geschichte_, tom. v., pp. 56-8; _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. ii., lib. vii., cap. viii., dec. iii., lib. ii., cap. xix., and Translation, Lond. 1726, vol. iii., p. 227, with cut. [251] Klemm, _Cultur-Geschichte_, tom. v., pp. 144-5, has it that the audience also attended this ball. [252] _Acosta_, _Hist. de las Ynd._, pp. 391-2; _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., pp. 76-8; _Pimentel_, _Mem. sobre la Raza Indígena_, pp. 59-60; _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. iii., pp. 674-6. [253] For an account of Tezcatlipoca see Vol. III. of this work. [254] Called _tlapanhuehuetl_ by Tezozomoc and Brasseur de Bourbourg. [255] _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., p. 179, etc. [256] _Quatre Lettres_, p. 94. [257] Gomara, _Conq. Mex._, fol. 106, states, 'y esto va todo en copla por sus consonantes,' but it is not likely that they were anything else than blank verse, for such a thing as rhyme is not mentioned by any other writer. [258] Concerning music and singing see: _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., pp. 174-9; _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. i., p. 229, tom. ii., pp. 551-2; _Acosta_, _Hist. de las Ynd._, p. 447; _Mendieta_, _Hist. Ecles._, pp. 140-1; _Gomara_, _Conq. Mex._, fol. 106; _Pimentel_, _Mem. sobre la Raza Indígena_, pp. 57-9; _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. i., p. 282, tom. iii., pp. 279, 669, 672-74; _Carbajal Espinosa_, _Hist. Mex._, tom. i., pp. 641-2; _Purchas his Pilgrimes_, vol. iv., pp. 1064-5; _Tezozomoc_, _Hist. Mex._, tom. i., p. 61; _Klemm_, _Cultur-Geschichte_, tom. v., pp. 145-50; _Müller_, _Amerikanische Urreligionen_, p. 545; _Ranking's Hist. Researches_, p. 344; _Prescott's Mex._, vol. i., pp. 170-5, 194; _Lenoir_, _Parallèle_, p. 64; _Dupaix_, _Rel., 2de Expéd._, pl. 62-3, in _Antiq. Mex._, tom. iii.; _Fuenleal_, in _Ternaux-Compans_, _Voy._, série ii., tom. v., pp. 218-19; _Boturini_, _Idea_, pp. 85-99. [259] Espinosa seems to think that one man did all the dancing on the summit, and Brasseur says that each of the flyers performed on the top of the mast before taking their flight. [260] _Acosta_, _Hist. de las Ynd._, pp. 387-8. [261] _Sahagun_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. ii., lib. viii., p. 292. [262] _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. i., pp. 53, 87; _Carbajal Espinosa_, _Hist. Mex._, tom. i., p. 238. [263] Sahagun calls it _tlaxtli_, or _tlachtl_; and Tezozomoc _tlachco_, but this is shown by others to be the name of the play-ground. [264] Gomara says _tlachtli_, or _tlachco_; Herrera, _Hist. Gen._, dec. ii., lib. vii., cap. viii., _tlachtli_. [265] Duran makes it one hundred to two hundred feet, Espinosa fifty varas, Brasseur, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. iii., p. 667, sixty to eighty feet. [266] Carbajal Espinosa, _Hist. Mex._, tom. i., p. 647, says that the side walls are lowest, 'de ménos altura los laterales que los dos de los extremos,' but this agrees neither with other statements, nor with the requirements of the play. Sahagun's description of the tlachco gives two walls, forty to fifty feet long, twenty to thirty feet apart, and about nine feet high. [267] Carbajal Espinosa thinks that one of them was _Omeacatl_, 'the god of joy.' [268] Carbajal Espinosa, _Hist. Mex._, tom. i., p. 647, states that the stones were in the centre of the ground, 'en el espacio que mediaba entre los jugadores,' but no other author confirms this. It is not unlikely that these stones are the idols placed upon the walls by the priests, for they are described as being decorated with figures of idols. For description and cuts of the ruins of what seem to have been similar structures in Yucatan, see Vol. IV., pp. 172, 230-1, of this work. [269] Veytia, _Hist. Ant. Mej._, tom. ii., p. 107, says that the ball had to be kept up in the air a long time, and he who let it drop lost, which is unlikely, since the point was to drive it against the opponent's wall; it is possible, however, that this trial of skill formed a part of the play, at times. He also states that in the centre of the play-ground was a hole filled with water, and the player who sent the ball into it lost his clothes and had opprobrious epithets hurled at him, among which 'great adulterer' was the most frequent; moreover, it was believed that he would die by the hand of an injured husband. A hole filled with water does not, however, seem appropriate to a nice play-ground; besides, the ball would be very likely to roll into the pool, for the opponents would not prevent it. Camargo, _Hist. Tlax._, in _Nouvelles Annales des Voy._, 1843, tom. xcviii., p. 196, and Brasseur de Bourbourg, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. i., p. 123, say that nobles only were allowed to play the game, which can only refer to certain play-grounds or occasions, for the number of the balls paid in taxes proves the game too general to have been reserved for nobles. [270] Gomara, _Conq. Mex._, fol. 105, is the authority for the names of the game and beans. Torquemada affirms, however, 'y dicenle Juego Patolli, porque estos dados, se llaman asi.' _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., p. 554. Clavigero, on the other hand, says: 'Patolli è un nome generico significante ogni sorta di giuoco.' Carbajal Espinosa translates him. Referring to the dice, Sahagun says that they were 'cuatro frisoles grandes, y cada uno tiene un ahugero;' afterwards he contradicts this by saying that they consisted of three large beans with 'ciertos puntos en ellos.' _Hist. Gen._, tom. ii., lib. viii., pp. 292, 317. Brasseur de Bourbourg describes the playing process as follows: 'Ils jetaient les dés en l'air avec les deux mains, marquant les cases avec de petits signaux de diverses couleurs, et celui qui retournait le premier dans les cases gagnait la partie,' which agrees with Torquemada's account. _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. iii., p. 671. [271] 'Hacian encima de un encalado unos hoyos pequeñitos ... y con unas cañuelas hendidas por medio daban en el suelo y saltaban en alto, y tantas cuantas en las cañuelas caian lo hueco por arriba tantas casas adelantaba sus piedras.' _Duran_, _Hist. Indias_, MS., tom. iii., cap. xxii. [272] For Nahua games and amusements, see: _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. i., pp. 53, 87, tom. ii., pp. 305-6, 552-4; _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., pp. 182-6; _Sahagun_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. ii., lib. viii., pp. 291-3, 316-17; _Gomara_, _Conq. Mex._, fol. 104-6; _Duran_, _Hist. Indias_, MS., tom. iii., cap. 22-3; _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. ii., lib. vii., cap. vii-viii.; _Peter Martyr_, dec. v., lib. x.; _Purchas his Pilgrimes_, vol. iv., pp. 1065, 1127-8; _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. i., pp. 123, 129, tom. iii., pp. 665-9; _Carbajal Espinosa_, _Hist. Mex._, tom. i., pp. 645-9; _Klemm_, _Cultur-Geschichte_, tom. v., pp. 54-6; _Acosta_, _Hist. de las Ynd._, pp. 387-8; _Mendieta_, _Hist. Ecles._, p. 407; _Las Casas_, _Hist. Apologética_, MS., cap. 64; _West und Ost Indischer Lustgart_, pt i., pp. 100-1; _Cortés_, _Aven. y Conq._, p. 306; _Veytia_, _Hist. Ant. Mej._, tom. ii., pp. 107-8; _Dilworth's Conq. Mex._, p. 80; _Lenoir_, _Parallèle_, pp. 47-8, quoting _Picart_, _Cérémonies Relig._, tom. ii., p. 81. CHAPTER IX. PUBLIC FESTIVALS. FREQUENT OCCURRENCE OF RELIGIOUS FEASTS--HUMAN SACRIFICES--FEASTS OF THE FOURTH YEAR--MONTHLY FESTIVALS--SACRIFICE OF CHILDREN--FEAST OF XIPE--MANNER OF SACRIFICE--FEASTS OF CAMAXTLI, OF THE FLOWER-DEALERS, OF CENTEOTL, OF TEZCATLIPOCA, AND OF HUITZILOPOCHTLI--FESTIVAL OF THE SALT-MAKERS--THE SACRIFICE BY FIRE--FEAST OF THE DEAD--THE COMING OF THE GODS--THE FOOTPRINTS ON THE MAT--HUNTING FEAST--THE MONTH OF LOVE--HARD TIMES--NAHUA LUPERCALIA--FEASTS OF THE SUN, OF THE WINTER SOLSTICE--HARVEST AND EIGHT-YEAR FESTIVALS--THE BINDING OF THE SHEAF. [Sidenote: RELIGIOUS FESTIVALS.] The amusements described in the preceding chapter were chiefly indulged in during the great religious festivals, when the people flocked together from all quarters to propitiate or offer up thanks to some particular god. These festivals were of very frequent occurrence. The Nahuas were close observers of nature; but like other nations in a similar or even more advanced stage of culture, the Greeks and Northmen for example, they entirely misunderstood the laws which govern the phenomena of nature, and looked upon every natural occurrence as the direct act of some particular divinity. The coming of the rains was held to be the coming of the rain-gods, with their heralds the thunder and lightning; the varying condition of the crops was ascribed to their Ceres; drought, storms, eclipses, all were considered the acts of special deities. The religious machinery required to propitiate the anger, humor the whims, and beseech the favor of such a vast number of capricious divinities, was as intricate as it was ponderous. Besides the daily services held in the various temples, prayers were offered several times during each day in that of the sun, special rites attended every undertaking, from the departure of a private traveler to the setting forth of an army for war, and fixed as well as movable feasts were held, the number of which was continually increased as opportunity offered. The priests observed fasts among themselves, attended with penance, scarifications, and mutilations sometimes so severe as to result fatally. Thus, at the festival in honor of Camaxtli, the priests fasted one hundred and sixty days, and passed several hundred sticks, varying in thickness from half an inch to an inch and a half through a hole freshly made in the tongue.[273] The people imitated these penances in a less degree, and scarified the members of their bodies that had been the means of committing a sin. Blood was drawn from the ears for inattention, or for conveying evil utterances to the mind; from the tongue for giving expression to bad words; the eyes, the arms, the legs, all suffered for any reprehensible act or neglect. The people of each province, says Las Casas, had a manner of drawing blood peculiar to themselves.[274] At the public festivals each private person brought such offering to the god as his means allowed. The poor had often nothing to give but a flower, a cake, or personal service, but the wealthy gave rich robes, jewels, gold, and slaves. But no great feast seems to have been complete without human sacrifice. This was always the great event of the day, to which the people looked eagerly forward, and for which victims were carefully preserved. Most of these miserable beings were captives taken in war, and it was rarely that the supply failed to be sufficient to the occasion, especially among the Mexicans, since, as I have before said, there was nearly always trouble in some part of the empire, if not, a lack of victims for sacrifice was held good cause for picking a quarrel with a neighboring nation; besides, if the number of war prisoners was not sufficient there were never wanting refractory slaves to swell the number. We have it upon good authority that upon almost every monthly feast, and upon numerous other grand celebrations, several hundred human hearts were torn hot from living breasts as an acceptable offering to the Nahua gods and a pleasant sight to the people.[275] The grandest festivals were celebrated during the fourth year, called Teoxihuitl, or 'divine year,' and at the commencement of every thirteenth year. On these occasions a greater number of victims bled and the penances were more severe than at other times. The Nahuas also observed a grand festival every month in the year; but, as these feasts were closely connected with their religion, and therefore will be necessarily described at length in the next volume, I will confine myself here to such an outline description of them as will suffice to give the reader an idea of what they were.[276] [Sidenote: RELIGIOUS FEASTS.] The Aztec feast that is mentioned first by the old writers, namely that of the month Atlcahualco, 'the diminishing of the waters,' or, as it was called in some parts, Quahuitlehua, 'burning of the trees or mountains,' was celebrated in honor of the Tlalocs, gods of rains and waters. At this feast a great number of sucking infants were sacrificed, some upon certain high mountains, others in a whirlpool in the lake of Mexico. The little ones were mostly bought from their mothers, though sometimes they were voluntarily presented by parents who wished to gain the particular favor of the god. Those only who had two curls on the head, and who had been born under a lucky sign were thought acceptable to the gods. The sacrifices were not all made in one place, but upon six several mountains and in the lake. These were visited one after another by a great procession of priests attended by the music of flutes and trumpets, and followed by a vast multitude of people thirsting for the sight of blood; nay, more, literally hungering for the flesh of the babes, if we may credit the assertion of some authors, that the bodies were actually brought back and the flesh eaten as a choice delicacy by the priests and chief men. But of cannibalism more anon. The little ones were carried to their death upon gorgeous litters adorned with plumes and jewels, and were themselves dressed in a splendid manner in embroidered and jeweled mantles and sandals, and colored paper wings. Their faces were stained with oil of India-rubber, and upon each cheek was painted a round white spot. No wonder that, as the old chroniclers say, the people wept as the doomed babes passed by; surely there was good cause for weeping in such a sight. Gladiatorial combats and sacrifice of prisoners of war at the temple completed this feast.[277] The next feast, that in the month of Tlacaxipehualiztli, 'the flaying of men,' was held in honor of Xipe, who was especially the patron deity of the goldsmiths.[278] This god was thought to inflict sore eyes, itch, and other diseases upon those who offended him, and they were therefore careful to observe his feast with all due regularity and honor. On this occasion thieves convicted for the second time of stealing gold or jewels[279] were sacrificed, besides the usual number of prisoners of war. The vigil of the feast, on the last day of the preceding month, began with solemn dances. At midnight the victims were taken from the chapel, where they had been compelled to watch, and brought before the sacred fire. Here the hair was shaven from the top of their heads, the captors at the same time drawing blood from their own ears in honor of the idol; the severed topknot of each war prisoner was afterwards hung up at the house of his captor as a token and memorial of the father's bravery. Towards daybreak some of the prisoners were taken up to the great temple to be sacrificed. But before we proceed farther it will be necessary to see how these human offerings were made. [Sidenote: SACRIFICIAL RITES.] Sacrifices varied in number, place, and manner, according to the circumstances of the festival. In general the victims suffered death by having the breast opened, and the heart torn out; but others were drowned, others were shut up in caves and starved to death, others fell in the gladiatorial sacrifice, which will be described elsewhere. The customary place was the temple, on the topmost platform of which stood the altar used for ordinary sacrifices. The altar of the great temple at Mexico, says Clavigero, was a green stone, probably jasper, convex above, and about three feet high and as many broad, and more than five feet long. The usual ministers of the sacrifice were six priests, the chief of whom was the Topiltzin, whose dignity was preëminent and hereditary; but at every sacrifice he assumed the name of that god to whom it was made. When sacrificing he was clothed in a red habit, similar in shape to a modern scapulary, fringed with cotton; on his head he wore a crown of green and yellow feathers, from his ears hung golden ear-ornaments and green jewels, and from his under lip a pendant of turquoise. His five assistants were dressed in white habits of the same make, but embroidered with black; their hair was plaited and bound with leather thongs, upon their foreheads were little patches of various-colored paper; their entire bodies were dyed black. The victim was carried naked up to the temple, where the assisting priests seized him and threw him prostrate on his back upon the altar, two holding his legs, two his feet, and the fifth his head; the high-priest then approached, and with a heavy knife of obsidian cut open the miserable man's breast; then with a dexterity acquired by long practice the sacrificer tore forth the yet palpitating heart, which he first offered to the sun and then threw at the foot of the idol; taking it up he again offered it to the god and afterwards burned it, preserving the ashes with great care and veneration. Sometimes the heart was placed in the mouth of the idol with a golden spoon. It was customary also to anoint the lips of the image and the cornices of the door with the victim's blood. If he was a prisoner of war, as soon as he was sacrificed they cut off his head to preserve the skull, and threw the body down the temple steps, whence it was carried to the house of the warrior by whom the victim had been taken captive, and cooked and eaten at a feast given by him to his friends; the body of a slave purchased for sacrifice was carried off by the former proprietor for the same purpose. This is Clavigero's account. The same writer asserts that the Otomís having killed the victim, tore the body in pieces, which they sold at market. The Zapotecs sacrificed men to their gods, women to their goddesses, and children to some other diminutive deities. At the festival of Teteionan the woman who represented this goddess was beheaded on the shoulders of another woman. At the feast celebrating the arrival of the gods, the victims were burned to death. We have seen that they drowned children at one feast in honor of Tlaloc; at another feast of the same god several little boys were shut up in a cavern, and left to die of fear and hunger.[280] [Sidenote: SACRIFICES IN HONOR OF XIPE.] Let us now proceed with the feast of Xipe. We left a part of the doomed captives on their way to death. Arrived at the summit of the temple each one is led in turn to the altar of sacrifice seized by the grim, merciless priests, and thrown upon the stone; the high priest draws near, the knife is lifted, there is one great cry of agony, a shuffle of feet as the assistants are swayed to and fro by the death struggles of their victim, then all is silent save the muttering of the high-priest as high in air he holds the smoking heart, while from far down beneath comes a low hum of admiration from the thousands of upturned faces. The still quivering bodies were cast down the temple steps, as at other times, but on this occasion they were not taken away until they had been flayed, for which reason these victims were called _xipeme_, 'flayed,' or _tototecti_, 'one who dies in honor of Totec.' The remains were then delivered over to the captor by certain priests, at the chapel where he had made his vow of offering, a vow which involved a fast of twenty days previous to the festival. A thigh was sent to the king's table, and the remainder was cooked with maize and served up at the banquet given by the captors, to which their friends were invited. This dish was called _tlacatlaolli_; the giver of the feast, says Sahagun, did not taste the flesh of his own captive, who was held, in a manner, to be his son, but ate of others. [Sidenote: GHASTLY BEGGARS.] [Sidenote: THE FEAST OF CAMAXTLI.] The next day another batch of prisoners, called _oavanti_, whose top hair had also been shaved, were brought out for sacrifice. In the meantime a number of young men also termed _tototecti_, began a gladiatorial game, a burlesque on the real combat to follow; dressing themselves in the skins of the flayed victims, they were teased to fight by a number of their comrades; these they pursued and put to flight, and thereupon turned against one another, dragging the vanquished to the guard-house, whence they were not discharged until a fine had been paid. A number of priests, each representing a god, now descended from the summit of the temple, and directed their steps to the stone of sacrifice, which stood below and must not be confounded with the altar, and seated themselves upon stools round about it, the high-priest taking the place of honor. After them came four braves, two disguised as eagles, and two as tigers, who performed fencing tactics as they advanced, and were destined to fight the captives. A band of singers and musicians, who were seated behind the priests, and bore streamers of white feathers mounted on long poles which were strapped to their shoulders, now began to sound flutes, shells, and trumpets, to whistle and to sing, while others approached, each dragging his own captive along by the hair. A cup of pulque was given to each of these poor wretches, which he presented toward the four quarters of the earth, and then sucked up the fluid by means of a tube. A priest thereupon took a quail, cut off its head before the captive, and taking the shield which he carried from him he raised it upwards, at the same time throwing the quail behind him--a symbol, perhaps, of his fate. Another priest arrayed in a bear-skin, who stood as god-father to the doomed men, now proceeded to tie one of the captives to a ring fixed in the elevated flat stone upon which the combat took place; he then handed him a sword edged with feathers instead of flint, and four pine sticks wherewith to defend himself against the four braves who were appointed to fight with him, one by one. These advanced against him with shield and sword raised toward the sky, and executing all manner of capers; if the captive proved too strong for them, a fifth man who fought both with the right and left hand was called in.[281] Those who were too faint-hearted to attempt this hopeless combat, had their hearts torn out at once, whilst the others were sacrificed only after having been subdued by the braves. The bleeding and quivering heart was held up to the sun and then thrown into a bowl, prepared for its reception. An assistant priest sucked the blood from the gash in the chest through a hollow cane, the end of which he elevated towards the sun, and then discharged its contents into a plume-bordered cup held by the captor of the prisoner just slain. This cup was carried round to all the idols in the temples and chapels, before whom another blood-filled tube was held up as if to give them a taste of the contents; this ceremony performed, the cup was left at the palace. The corpse was taken to the chapel where the captive had watched, and there flayed, the flesh being consumed at a banquet as before.[282] The skin was given to certain priests, or college youths, who went from house to house dressed in the ghastly garb, with the arms swinging, singing, dancing, and asking for contributions; those who refused to give anything received a stroke in the face from the dangling arm. The money collected was at the disposal of the captor, who gave it to the performers, and, no doubt, it eventually found its way to the temple or school treasury.[283] After the sacrifice, the priests, chiefs, and owners of the captives commenced to dance the _motzontecomaitotia_, circling round the stone of combat, weeping and lamenting as if going to their death, the captors holding the heads of the dead men by the hair in their right hands, and the priests swinging the cords which had held them toward the four quarters of the compass, amid many ceremonies. The next morning solemn dances were held everywhere, beginning at the royal palaces, at which everybody appeared in his best finery, holding tamales or cakes in his hands in lieu of flowers, and wearing dry maize, instead of garlands, as appropriate to the season. They also carried imitations of amaranths made of feathers and maize-stalks with the ears. At noon the priests retired from the dance, whereupon the lords and nobles arranged themselves in front of the palace by threes, with the king at their head, holding the lord of Tezcuco by the right hand and the lord of Tlacopan by the left, and danced solemnly till sunset. Other dances by warriors, and women, chiefly prostitutes, followed at the temple and lasted till midnight, the motions consisting of swinging of arms and interwinding. The festivities were varied by military reviews, sports, and concerts, and extended over the whole month. It was held incumbent upon everyone at this time to eat a kind of uncooked cake called _huilocpalli_. The Tlascaltecs called this month Cohuailhuitl, 'feast of the snake,' a name which truly indicates rejoicings, such as carnivals, sports, and banquets, participated in by all classes. Celebrations in honor of Camaxtli were also held at this time here as well as in Huexotzinco and many other places, for which the priests prepared themselves by a severe fast. The ceremonies when they took place in the fourth year, called 'God's year,' were especially imposing. When the time came for the long fast which preceded the feast to begin, those of the priests who had sufficient courage to undergo the severe penance then exacted from the devout were called upon to assemble at the temple. Here the eldest arose and exhorted them to be faithful to their vows, giving notice to those who were faint-hearted to leave the company of penance-doers within five days, for, if they failed, after that time by the rules of the fast they would be disgraced and deprived of their estates. On the fifth day they again met to the number of two or three hundred, although many had already deserted, fearing the severity of the rules, and repaired to Mount Matlalcueje, stopping half-way up to pray, while the high-priest ascended alone to the top, where stood a temple devoted to the divinity of this name. Here he offered chalchiuite-stones and quetzal-feathers, paper and incense, praying to Matlalcueje and Camaxtli to give his servants strength and courage to keep the fast. Other priests belonging to various temples in the meantime gathered loads of sticks, two feet long and as thick as the wrist, which they piled up in the chief temple of Camaxtli. These were fashioned to the required form and size and polished by carpenters who had undergone a five days' fast, and were, in return for their services, fed outside the temple. Flint-cutters, who had also undergone a fast to ensure the success of their work, were now summoned to prepare knives, which were placed upon clean cloths, exposed to the sun and perfumed; a broken blade was held as a sign of bad fasting, and the one who broke it was reprimanded. At sunset, on the day of the great penance, the _achcauhtli_, 'eldest brothers,' began chanting in a solemn tone and playing upon their drums.[284] On the termination of the last hymn, which was of a very lugubrious character and delivered without accompaniment, the self-torture commenced. Certain penance-doers seized each a knife and cut a hole in the tongue of each man, through which the prepared sticks were inserted, the smaller first and then the stouter, the number varying according to the piety and endurance of the penitent. The chief set the example by passing four hundred and fifty through his tongue,[285] singing a hymn at the same time in spite of all. This was repeated every twenty days during the fast, the sticks decreasing in size and number as the time for the feast drew near. The sticks which had been used were thrown as an offering to the idol within a circle formed in the courtyard of the temple with a number of poles, six fathoms in height, and were afterwards burnt. After the lapse of eighty days, a branch was placed in the temple-yard, as a sign that all the people had to join in the fast for the remaining eighty days, during which nothing but maize-cakes, without chile--a severe infliction, indeed, for this people--were to be eaten, no baths taken and no communion with women indulged in.[286] Fires were to be kept alight the whole time, and so strict was this rule that the life of the slaves in great houses depended upon the proper attention paid to it. The chief achcauhtli went once more to the Matlalcueje mountain[287] escorted by four others, where, alone and at night, he offered copal, paper, and quails; he also made a tour round the province, carrying a green branch in his hand, and exhorting all to observe the fast. The devout seized this opportunity to make him presents of clothes and other valuables. Shortly before the end of the fast all the temples were repaired and adorned, and three days previous to the festival the achcauhtlis painted themselves with figures of animals in various colors, and danced solemnly the whole day in the temple-yard. Afterwards they adorned the image of Camaxtli, which stood about seventeen feet high, and dressed the small idol by his side in the raiments of the god Quetzalcoatl, who was held to be the son of Camaxtli. This idol was said to have been brought to the country by the first settlers. The raiment was borrowed from the Cholultecs, who asked the same favor when they celebrated Camaxtli's feast. Camaxtli was adorned with a mask of turquoise mosaic,[288] green and red plumes waved upon his head, a shield of gold and rich feathers was fastened to his left arm, and in his right hand he held a dart of fine workmanship pointed with flint. He was dressed in several robes and a _tecucxicolli_, like a priest's vestment, open in front and finely bordered with cotton and rabbit-hair, which was spun and dyed like silk. A number of birds, reptiles, and insects were killed before him, and flowers offered. At midnight, a priest dressed in the vestments of the idol lighted a new fire, which was consecrated with the blood of the principal captive, called the Son of the Sun. All the other temples were supplied from this flame. A great number of captives were thereupon sacrificed to Camaxtli as well as to other gods, and the bodies consumed at the banquets that followed. The number killed in the various towns of the province amounted to over one thousand, a number greatly increased by the numerous sacrifices offered at the same time in other places where Camaxtli was worshiped.[289] [Sidenote: FEAST OF THE FLOWER-DEALERS.] The next feast, which was that of the month called Tozoztontli, or 'short vigil,' was characterized by a constant night watch observed by the priests in the various temples, where they kept fires burning and sounded the gongs to prevent napping. More of the children bought in the first month were now sacrificed, and offerings of fruit and flowers were made to induce the Tlalocs to send rain.[290] The chief event, however, of this month, was a fast given in honor of Cohuatlicue, or Coatlantona, by the _xochimanques_, or flower-dealers, of Mexico. The celebration took place in the temple of Yopico, which was under the special care and protection of the people of Xochimilco and Quauhnahuac, whose lands were renowned for the beauty and abundance of their flowers. Here were offered the first flowers of the season, of which hitherto none might inhale the perfume, and here the people sat down and chanted hymns of praise to the goddess. Cakes made of wild amaranth or savory, called _tzatzapaltamale_, were also offered. In this temple of Yopico was a grotto in which the skins of the victims sacrificed at the feast of the preceding month were now deposited by the priests who had worn them continuously until this time. These marched in solemn procession to the grotto, accompanied by a number of people whom the angered Xipe had smitten with itch, or eye diseases; this act of devotion would, it was thought, induce the god to relent and remove the curse. The owners of the captives to whom the skins had belonged, and their families, of whom none was permitted to wash his head during the month, in token of sorrow for the slain, followed the procession. The priests doffed their strange and filthy attire and deposited it in the grotto; they were then washed in water mixed with flour, their bodies at the same time being belabored and slapped with the moist hands of their assistants, to bring out the unhealthy matter left by the rotting skins. This was followed by a lustration in pure water. The diseased underwent the same washing and slapping. On returning home feasting and amusements broke out anew. Among other sports the owners of the late prisoners gave the paper ornaments which had been worn by them to certain young men, who, having put them on, took each a shield in one hand and a bludgeon in the other; thus armed they ran about threatening to maltreat those whom they met. Everybody fled before them, calling out "here comes the _tetzonpac_." Those who were caught forfeited their mantles, which were taken to the house of the warrior, to be redeemed, perhaps, after the conclusion of the game. The paper ornaments were afterwards wrapped in a mat and placed upon a tripod in front of the wearer's house. By the side of the tripod a wooden pillar was erected, to which the thigh-bone of a victim, adorned with gaudy papers, was attached amid many ceremonies, and in the presence of the captor's friends. Both these trophies commemorated the bravery of the owner. This lasted six days. About this time, says Duran, certain old diviners went about provided with talismans, generally small idols, which they hung round the necks of boys by means of colored thread, as a security against evil, and for this service received presents from the parents.[291] [Sidenote: FEAST OF CENTEOTL.] The following month, which was called Huey-Tozoztli, 'great vigil,'[292] a feast was celebrated in honor of Centeotl, the god of cereals, and Chicomecoatl, goddess of provisions. At this time both people and priest fasted four days. Offerings of various kinds were made to the gods of the feast, and afterwards a procession of virgins strangely and gaudily attired carried ears of corn to be used as seed, to the temple to be blessed.[293] The first half of the succeeding month, called Toxcatl, was, among the Mexicans, taken up with a continuous series of festivals in honor of Tezcatlipoca; the latter half of the month was devoted to the worship of his brother-god Huitzilopochtli. Ten days before the feast began, a priest, arrayed in the vestments of Tezcatlipoca, and holding a nosegay in one hand and a clay flute in the other, came out from the temple, and turning first to the east and then to the other three quarters, blew a shrill note on his instrument; then, stooping, he gathered some dust on his finger and swallowed it, in token of humility and submission. On hearing the whistle all the people knelt, ate dust, and implored the clemency and favor of the god. On the eve of the festival the nobles brought to the temple a present of a new set of robes, in which the priests clothed the idol, adorning it besides with its proper ornaments of gold and feathers; the old dress was deposited in the temple coffers as a relic. The sanctuary was then thrown open to the multitude. In the evening certain fancifully attired priests carried the idol on a litter round the courtyard of the temple, which was strewn with flowers for the occasion. Here the young men and maidens devoted to the service of the temple formed a circle round the procession, bearing between them a long string of withered maize as a symbol of drought. Some decked the idol with garlands, others strewed the ground with maguey-thorns, that the devout might step upon them and draw blood in honor of the god. The girls wore rich dresses, and their arms and cheeks were dyed; the boys were clothed in a kind of net-work, and all were adorned with strings of withered maize. Two priests marched beside the idol, swinging their lighted censers now towards the image, now towards the sun, and praying that their appeals might rise to heaven, even as the smoke of the burning copal; and as the people heard and saw they knelt and beat their backs with knotted cords. As soon as the idol was replaced, offerings poured in of gold, jewels, flowers, and feathers, as well as toasted quails, corn, and other articles of food prepared by women who had solicited and obtained the privilege. This food was afterwards divided among the priests, who, in fact, seem to have really reaped the benefit on most religious occasions. It was carried to them by a procession of virgins who served in the temple. At the head of the procession marched a priest strangely attired in a white-bordered surplice, reaching to the knee, and a sleeveless jacket of red skin, with a pair of wings attached, to which hung a number of ribbons, suspending a gourd filled with charms. The food was set down at the temple stairway, whence it was carried to the priests by attendant boys. After a fast of five days these divine viands were doubtless doubly welcome. [Sidenote: FEAST OF TEZCATLIPOCA.] Among the captives brought out for sacrifice at the same festival a year before, the one who possessed the finest form, the most agreeable disposition, and the highest culture, had been selected to be the mortal representative of the god till this day. It was absolutely necessary, however, that he should be of spotless physique, and, to render him still more worthy of the divine one whom he personated, the calpixques, under whose care he was placed, taught him all the accomplishments that distinguished the higher class. He was regaled upon the fat of the land, but was obliged to take doses of salted water to counteract any tendency toward obesity; he was allowed to go out into the town day and night, escorted by eight pages of rank dressed in the royal livery, and received the adoration of the people as he passed along. His dress corresponded with his high position; a rich and curiously bordered mantle, like a fine net, and a maxtli with wide, embroidered margin, covered his body; white cock-feathers, fastened with gum, and a garland of _izquixuchitl_ flowers, encircled the helmet of sea-shells which covered his head; strings of flowers crossed his breast; gold rings hung from his ears, and from a necklace of precious stones about his neck dangled a valuable stone; upon his shoulders were pouch-like ornaments of white linen with fringes and tassels; golden bracelets encircled the upper part of his arms, while the lower part was almost covered with others of precious stones, called _macuextli_; upon his ankles golden bells jingled as he walked, and prettily painted slippers covered his feet. Twenty days before the feast he was bathed, and his dress changed; the hair being cut in the style used by captains, and tied with a curious fringe which formed a tassel falling from the top of the head, from which two other tassels, made of feathers, gold, and _tochomitl_, and called _aztaxelli_, were suspended. He was then married to four accomplished damsels, to whom the names of four goddesses, Xochiquetzal, Xilonen, Atlatonan, and Huixtocioatl were given, and these remained with him until his death, endeavoring to render him as happy as possible. The last five days the divine honors paid to him became still more imposing, and celebrations were held in his honor, the first day in the Tecanman district, the second in the ward where the image of Tezcatlipoca stood, the third in the woods of the ward of Tepetzinco, and the fourth in the woods of Tepepulco; the lords and nobles gave, besides, solemn banquets followed by recreations of all kinds. At the end of the fourth feast, the victim was placed with his wives in one of the finest awning-covered canoes belonging to the king, and sent from Tepepulco to Tlapitzaoayan, where he was left alone with the eight pages who attended him during the year. These conducted him to the Tlacochcalco, a small and plain temple standing near the road, about a league from Mexico,[294] which he ascended, breaking a flute against every step of the staircase. At the summit he was received by the sacrificing ministers, who served him after their manner, and held up his heart exultingly to the sun; the body was carried down to the courtyard on the arms of priests, and the head having been cut off was spitted at the Tzompantli, or 'place of skulls;' the legs and arms were set apart as sacred food for the lords and people of the temple. This end, so terrible, signified that riches and pleasures may turn into poverty and sorrow; a pretty moral, truly, to adorn so gentle a tale. After the sacrifice, the college youths, nobles, and priests commenced a grand ball for which the older priests supplied the music; and at sunset the virgins brought another offering of bread made with honey. This was placed upon clay plates, covered with skulls and dead men's bones, carried in procession to the altar of Tezcatlipoca, and destined for the winners in the race up the temple steps, who were dressed in robes of honor, and, after undergoing a lustration, were invited to a banquet by the temple dignitaries. The feast was closed by giving an opportunity to boys and girls in the college, of a suitable age, to marry. Their remaining comrades took advantage of this to joke and make sport of them, pelting them with soft balls and reproving them for leaving the service of the god for the pleasures of matrimony.[295] Tezcatlipoca's representative was the only victim sacrificed at this festival, but every leap-year the blood flowed in torrents. [Sidenote: FEAST OF HUITZILOPOCHTLI.] [Sidenote: INCENSING OF HUITZILOPOCHTLI.] After this celebration commenced the festival in honor of the younger brother of Tezcatlipoca, Huitzilopochtli, the Mexican god of war. The priests of the god prepared a life-size statue like his original image, the bones of which were composed of mezquite-wood, the flesh of _tzoalli_, a dough made from amaranth and other seeds. This they dressed in the raiments of the idol, viz: a coat decorated with human bones, and a net-like mantle of cotton and nequen, covered by another mantle, the _tlaquaquallo_, adorned with feather-work, and bearing a gold plate upon its front; its wide folds were painted with the bones and members of a human being, and fell over a number of men's bones made of dough, which represented his power over death. A paper crown, very wide at the top and set with plumes, covered this head, and attached to its feather-covered summit was a bloody flint-knife, signifying his fury in battle. The image was placed upon a stage of logs, formed to resemble four snakes whose heads and tails protruded at the four corners, and borne by four of the principal warriors[296] to the temple of Huitznahuac, attended by a vast number of people, who sang and danced along the road. A sheet of maguey-paper, twenty fathoms in length, one in breadth, and one finger in thickness, upon which were depicted the glorious deeds of the god, was carried before the procession on the points of darts ornamented with feathers, the bearers singing the praises of the deity to the sound of music.[297] At sunset the stage was raised to the summit of the temple by means of ropes attached to the four corners, and placed in position. The paper painting was then rolled up in front of it, and the darts made into a bundle. After a presentation of offerings consisting of tamales and other food, the idol was left in charge of its priests. At dawn the next morning similar offerings, accompanied with incense, were made to the family image of the god at every house. That day the king himself appeared in the sacerdotal character. Taking four quails, he wrenched their heads off one after another, and threw the quivering bodies before the idol; the priests did the same, and then the people. Some of the birds were prepared and eaten by the king, priest, and principal men at the feast, the rest were preserved for another occasion. Each minister then placed coals and _chapopotli_ incense[298] in his _tlemaitl_,[299] and wafted the disagreeable odor towards the idol. The ashes were then emptied from the censers into an immense brazier, called the _tlexictli_, or 'fire-navel.' This ceremony gave the name to the festival, which was known as the 'incensing of Huitzilopochtli.' The girls devoted to the service of the temple now appeared, having their arms and legs decorated with red feathers, their faces painted, and garlands of toasted maize on their heads; in their hands they held split canes, upon which were flags of paper or cloth painted with vertical black bars. Linking hands they joined the priests in the grand dance called _toxcachocholoa_. Upon the large brazier, round which the dancers whirled, stood two shield-bearers with blackened faces, who directed the motions. These men had cages of candlewood tied to their backs after the manner of women. The priests who joined in the dance wore paper rosettes upon their foreheads, yellow and white plumes on their heads, and had their lips and their blackened faces smeared with honey. They also wore undergarments of paper, called _amasmaxtli_, and each held a palm wand in his hand, the upper part of which was adorned with flowers, while the lower end was tipped with a ball, both balls and flowers being made of black feathers; the part of the wand grasped in the hand was rolled in strips of black-striped paper. When dancing, they touched the ground with their wands as if to support themselves. The musicians were hidden from view in the temple. The courtiers and warriors danced in another part of the courtyard, apart from the priests, with girls attired somewhat like those already described. At the same time that the representative of Tezcatlipoca was chosen, the year before, another youth was appointed to represent Huitzilopochtli, to whom was given the name of Ixteocale, that is, 'eyes of the lord of the divine house.'[300] He always associated with the other doomed one of Tezcatlipoca, and shared his enjoyments; but, as the representative of a less esteemed god, he was paid no divine honors. His dress was characteristic of the deity for whom he was fated to die. Papers painted with black circles covered his body, a mitre of eagle-feathers, with waving plumes and a flint knife in the centre adorned his head, and a fine piece of cloth, a hand square, with a bag called _patoxin_ above it, was tied to his breast; on one of his arms he had an ornament made of the hair of wild beasts, like a maniple, called _imatacax_, and golden bells jingled about his ankles. Thus arrayed he led the dance of the plebeians,[301] like the god conducting his warriors to battle. This youth had the privilege of choosing the hour of his death, but any delay involved the loss to him of a proportionate amount of glory and happiness in the other world. When he delivered himself up to the sacrificers, they raised him on their arms, tore out his heart, beheaded him, and spitted the head at the place of skulls. After him several other captives were immolated, and then the priests started another dance, the _atepocaxixilihua_, which lasted the remainder of the day, certain intervals being devoted to incensing the idol. On this day the male and female children born during the year were taken to the temple and scarified on the chest, stomach, and arms, to mark them as followers of the god. The feast in honor of Quetzalcoatl, as it was celebrated during this month in Cholula, and the feast of the following month, called Etzalqualiztli, dedicated to the Tlalocs, or rain gods, the reader will find fully described in the next volume.[302] [Sidenote: SMALL FEAST OF THE LORDS.] The next month was one of general rejoicing among the Nahuas, and was for this reason called Tecuilhuitzintli, or Tecuilhuitontli, 'small feast of the lords.' The nobles and warriors exercised with arms to prepare for coming wars; hunting parties, open-air sports, and theatricals divided the time with banquets and indoor parties; and there was much interchanging of roses out of compliment. Yet the amusements this month were mostly confined to the lower classes, the more imposing celebrations of the nobility taking place in the following month. The religious celebrations were in honor of Huixtocihuatl, the goddess of salt, said to have been a sister to the rain gods, who quarreled with her, and drove her into the salt water, where she invented the art of making salt. Her chief devotees were, of course, the salt-makers, mostly females, who held a ten-days' festival in her temple, singing and dancing every evening from dusk till midnight in company with the doomed captives. They were all adorned with garlands of a sweet-smelling herb called _iztauhiatl_, and danced in a ring formed by cords of flowers, led by some of their own sex; the music was furnished by two old men. The female who represented the goddess and was to die in her honor danced with them, generally in the centre of the circle, and accompanied by an old man holding a beautiful plume, called _huixtopetlacotl_; if very nervous she was supported by old women.[303] She was dressed in the yellow robes of the goddess, and wore on her head a mitre surmounted by a number of green plumes; her huipil and skirt with net covering were worked in wavy outlines, and bordered with chalchiuites; ear-rings of gold in imitation of flowers hung from her ears; golden bells and white shells held by straps of tiger-skin, jingled and clattered about her ankles; her sandals were fastened with buttons and cords of cotton. On her arm she bore a shield painted with broad leaves, from which hung bits of parrot-feathers, tipped with flowers formed of eagle-plumage; it was also fringed with bright quetzal-feathers. In her hand she held a round bludgeon, one or two hands broad at the end, adorned with rubber-stained paper, and three flowers, at equal distances apart, filled with incense and set with quetzal-feathers; this shield she flourished as she danced. The priests who performed the sacrifice were dressed in an appropriate costume; on the great day, the priests performed another and solemn dance, devoting intervals to the sacrifice of captives, who were called Huixtoti in honor of the deity. Finally, towards evening, the female victim was thrown upon the stone by five young men, who held her while the priests cut open her breast, pressing a stick or a swordfish-bone against her throat to prevent her from screaming. The heart was held up to the sun and then thrown into a bowl. The music struck up and the people went home to feast.[304] [Sidenote: GREAT FEAST OF THE LORDS.] The feast of the following month, Hueytecuilhuitl, or 'great feast of the lords,' occurred at the time of the year when food was most scarce, the grain from the preceding harvest being nearly exhausted and the new crop not yet ripe for cutting. The nobles at this time gave great and solemn banquets among themselves, and provided at their personal expense feasts for the poor and needy. On the eleventh day a religious celebration took place in honor of Centeotl, under the name of Xilonen, derived from _xilotl_, which means a tender maize-ear, for this goddess changed her name according to the state of the grain. On this occasion, a woman who represented the goddess and was dressed in a similar manner, was sacrificed. The day before her death a number of women took her with them to offer incense in four places, which were sacred to the four characters of the divisions of the cycle, the reed, the flint, the house, and the rabbit. The night was spent in singing, dancing, and praying before the temple of the goddess.[305] On the day of sacrifice certain priestesses and lay women whirled in a ring about the victim, and a number of priests and principal men who danced before her. The priests blew their shells and horns, shook their rattles and scattered incense as they danced, the nobles held stalks of maize in their hands which they extended toward the woman. The priest who acted as executioner wore a bunch of feathers on his shoulders, held by the claws of an eagle inserted in an artificial leg. Towards the close of the dance this priest stopped at the foot of the temple, shook the rattle-board before the victim, scattered more incense, and turned to lead the way to the summit. This reached, another priest seized the woman, twisted her shoulders against his, and stooped over, so that her breast lay exposed. On this living altar she was beheaded and her heart torn out. After the sacrifice there was more dancing, in which the women, old and young, took part by themselves, their arms and legs decorated with red macaw-feathers, and their faces painted yellow and dusted with marcasite. The whole pleasantly finished with a feast. Offerings were also presented to the household gods. This festival inaugurated the eating of corn.[306] During the next month, which was called Tlaxochimaco, or 'the distribution of flowers,'[307] gifts of flowers were presented to the gods and mutually interchanged among friends. At noon on the day of the great feast, the signal sounded and a pompous dance was begun in the courtyard of the temple of Huitzilopochtli, to whom the honors of the day were paid, in which the performers consisted of various orders of warriors led by the bravest among them. Public women joined these dances, one woman going hand in hand with two men, and the contrary, or with their hands resting on each other's shoulders, or thrown round the waist.[308] The musicians were stationed at a round altar, called _momuztli_. The motions consisted of a mere interwinding walk, to the time of a slow song. At sunset, after the usual sacrifices, the people went home to perform the same dance before their household idol; the old indulging in liquor as usual. The festival in honor of Iyacacoliuhqui, the god of commerce, was, however, the event of the month, owing to the number and solemnity of the sacrifices of slaves, brought from all quarters by the wealthy merchants for the purpose, and the splendor of the attendant banquets. The Tlascaltecs called this month Miccailhuitzintli, 'the small festival of the dead,' and gathered in the temples to sing sorrowful odes to the dead, the priests, dressed in black mantles, making offerings of food to the spirit of the departed. This seems to have been a commemoration of the ordinary class only, for the departed heroes and great men were honored in the following month. Duran and others assert, however, that the festival was devoted to the memory of the little ones who had died, and adds that the mothers performed thousands of superstitious ceremonies with their children, placing talismans upon them and the like, to prevent their death.[309] [Sidenote: FEAST OF THE FALL OF FRUIT.] The feast of the next month, called Xocotlhuetzin, 'fall, or maturity of fruit,' was dedicated to Xiuhtecutli, the god of fire. At the beginning of the month certain priests went out into the mountains and selected the tallest and straightest tree they could find. This was cut down and trimmed of all except its top branches.[310] It was then moved carefully into the town upon rollers, and set up firmly in the courtyard of the temple, where it stood for twenty days. On the eve of the feast-day the tree was gently lowered to the ground; early the next morning carpenters dressed it perfectly smooth, and fastened a cross-yard five fathoms long, near the top, where the branches had been left. The priests now adorned the pole with colored papers, and placed upon the summit a statue of the god of fire, made of dough of amaranth-seeds, and curiously dressed in a maxtli, sashes, and strips of paper. Three rods were stuck into its head, upon each of which was spitted a tamale, or native pie. The pole was then again hoisted into an erect position. Those who had captives to offer now appeared, dancing side by side with the victims, and most grotesquely dressed and painted. At sunset the dance ceased, and the doomed men were shut up in the temple, while their captors kept guard outside, and sang hymns to the god. About midnight every owner brought out his captive and shaved off his top hair, which he carefully kept as a token of his valor. At dawn the human offerings were taken to the Tzompantli, where the skulls of the sacrificed were spitted, and there stripped by the priests of their dress and ornaments. At a certain signal each owner seized his captive by the hair and dragged or led him to the foot of the temple-steps. Thereupon those priests who were appointed to execute the fearful sacrifice descended from the temple, each bearing in his hand a bag filled with certain stupefying powder extracted from the _yiauhtli_ plant, which they threw into the faces of the victims to deaden somewhat the agony before them. Each naked and bound captive was then borne upon the shoulders of a priest up to the summit of the temple, where smoldered a great heap of glowing coal. Into this the bearers cast their living burdens, and when the cloud of dust was blown off the dull red mass could be seen to heave, human forms could be seen writhing and twisting in agony, the crackling of flesh could be distinctly heard.[311] But the victims were not to die by fire; in a few moments, and before life was extinct, the blackened and blistered wretches were raked out by the watching priests, cast one after another upon the stone of sacrifice, and in a few moments all that remained upon the summit of the temple was a heap of human hearts smoking at the feet of the god of fire. These bloody rites over, the people came together and danced and sang in the courtyard of the temple. Presently all adjourned to the place where the pole before mentioned stood. At a given signal the youths made a grand scramble for the pole, and he who first reached the summit and scattered the image and its accoutrements among the applauding crowd below, was reckoned the hero of the day. With this the festival ended, and the pole was dragged down by the multitude amid much rejoicing. [Sidenote: FEASTS OF TEPANECS AND TLASCALTECS.] The Tepanecs, according to Duran, had a very similar ceremony. A huge tree was carried to the entrance of the town, and to it offerings and incense were presented every day during the month preceding the festival. Then it was raised with many ceremonies, and a bird of dough placed at the top. Food and wine were offered, and then the warriors and women, dressed in the finest garments and holding small dough idols in their hands, danced round the pole, while the youths struggled wildly to reach and knock down the bird image. Lastly, the pole was overthrown.[312] The Tlascaltecs called the same month Hueymiccailhuitl, 'the great festival of the dead,' and commemorated the event with much solemnity, painting their bodies black and making much lamentation. Both here and in other parts of Mexico the priests and nobles passed several days in the temple, weeping for their ancestors and singing their heroic deeds. The families of lately deceased persons assembled upon the terraces of their houses, and prayed with their faces turned towards the north, where the dead were supposed to sojourn. Heroes who had fallen in battle, or died in captivity, defunct princes, and other persons of merit were, in a manner, canonized, and their statues placed among the images of the gods, whom, it was believed, they had joined to live in eternal bliss.[313] The festival of the next month, called Ochpaniztli, was held in honor of Centeotl, the mother-goddess. Fifteen days before the festival began those who were to take part in it commenced a dance, which they repeated every afternoon for eight days. At the expiration of this time the medical women and midwives brought forth the woman who was to die on this occasion, and dividing themselves into two parties, fought a sham battle by pelting each other with leaves. The doomed woman, who was called 'the image of the mother of the gods,' placed herself at the head of one party of the combatants, supported by three old women who guarded and attended upon her continually. This was repeated during four successive days. On the fifth day the unfortunate creature was conducted by her guardians and the medical women through the market-place. As she walked she scattered maize, and at the end of her journey she was received by the priests, who delivered her again to the women that they might console her (for it was necessary that she should be in a good humor, say the old chroniclers) and adorn her with the ornaments of the mother-goddess. At midnight she was carried to the summit of the temple, caught up upon the shoulders of a priest, and in this position beheaded. The body while yet warm was flayed, and the skin used in certain religious ceremonies which will be described at length elsewhere.[314] In this month the temples and idols underwent a thorough cleansing and repairing, a sacred work in which everyone was eager to share according to his means and ability, believing that divine blessings would ensue. To this commendable custom is no doubt to be attributed the good condition in which the religious edifices were found by the Conquerors. Roads, public buildings, and private houses also shared in this renovation, and special prayers were offered up to the gods for the preservation of health and property. The festival of the succeeding month, called Teotleco, 'coming of the gods,' was sacred to all the deities, though the principal honors were paid to Tezcatlipoca as the supreme head. Fifteen days of the month being passed, the college-boys prepared for the great event by decorating the altars in the temples, oratories, and public buildings, with green branches tied in bunches of three. In the same manner they decked the idols in private houses, receiving from the inmates, as their reward, baskets containing from two to four ears of maize; this gift was called _cacalotl_. [Sidenote: FOOTSTEPS OF THE GODS.] Tezcatlipoca, being younger and stronger than the other gods, and therefore able to travel faster, was expected to arrive during the night of the eighteenth. A mat, sprinkled with flour, was therefore placed on the threshold of his temple, and a priest set to watch for the footprints which would indicate the august arrival.[315] He did not, however, remain constantly close to the mat; had he done so he would probably never have seen the longed-for marks, but he approached the spot from time to time, and immediately on perceiving the tracks he shouted: "His majesty has arrived;" whereupon the other priests arose in haste, and soon their shells and trumpets resounded through all the temples, proclaiming the joyful tidings to the expectant people. These now flocked in with their offerings, each person bringing four balls made of roasted and ground amaranth-seed kneaded with water; they then returned to their homes to feast and drink pulque. Others beside the old people appear to have been permitted to indulge in libations on this occasion, which they euphoniously called 'washing the feet of the god' after his long journey. On the following day other deities arrived, and so they kept coming until the last divine laggard had left his footprints on the mat. Every evening the people danced, feasted, 'washed the feet of the gods,' and made a sacrifice of slaves, who were thrown alive upon a great bed of live coal which glowed on the _tecalco_.[316] At the head of the steps leading up to the place of sacrifice stood two young men, one of whom wore long, false hair, and a crown adorned with rich plumes; his face was painted black, with white curved stripes drawn from ear to forehead, and from the inner corner of the eye to the cheek; down his back hung a long feather, with a dried rabbit attached to it. The other man was dressed to resemble an immense bat, and held rattles like poppy-heads in his hands. Whenever a victim was cast into the fire these weird figures danced and leaped, the one whistling with his fingers and mouth, the other shaking his rattles.[317] After the sacrificing was ended, the priests placed themselves in order, dressed in paper stoles which crossed the chest from shoulder to armpit, and ascended the steps of the small edifice devoted to fire sacrifices; hand in hand they walked round, and then rushed suddenly down the steps, releasing each other in such a manner as to cause many to tumble. This game, which certainly was not very dignified for priests to play at, was called _mamatlavicoa_, and gave rise to much merriment, especially if any of the reverend players should lose his temper, or limp, or make a wry face after a fall. The festival closed with a general dance, which lasted from noon till night. At this season all males, young and old, wore feathers of various colors gummed to the arms and body, as talismans to avert evil.[318] The festival of the next month, called Tepeilhuitl, was sacred to the Tlalocs, and is fully described elsewhere.[319] The Mexican Bacchus, Centzontotochtin, was also especially honored during this month, according to Torquemada, and slaves were sacrificed to him. A captive was also sacrificed by night to a deity named Nappatecutli.[320] [Sidenote: FESTIVAL OF THE MONTH QUECHOLLI.] The festivals of the ensuing month, which was called Quecholli,[321] were devoted to various deities, though Mixcoatl, god of the chase, seems to have carried the honors in most parts of Mexico. The first five days of the month were passed in repose, so far as religious celebrations were concerned, but on the sixth day the authorities of the city wards ordered canes to be gathered and carried to the temple of Huitzilopochtli; there young and old assembled during the four days following, to share in the sacred work of making arrows. The arrows, which were all of uniform length, were then formed into bundles of twenty, carried in procession to the temple of Huitzilopochtli, and piled up in front of the idol. The four days were, moreover, devoted to fasting and penance, involving abstinence from strong liquors, and separation of husbands from wives. On the second day of the fast, the boys were summoned to the temple, where, having first blown upon shells and trumpets, their faces were smeared with blood drawn from their ears. This sacrifice, called _momacaico_, was made to the deer which they proposed to hunt. The rest of the people drew blood from their own ears, and if any one omitted this act he was deprived of his mantle by the overseers. On the second day following, darts were made to be used in games and exercises, and shooting matches were held at which maguey-leaves served for targets. The next day was devoted to ceremonies in honor of the dead by rich and poor. The day after, a great quantity of hay was brought from the hills to the temple of Mixcoatl. Upon this certain old priestesses seated themselves, while mothers brought their children before them, accompanied by five sweet tamales. On this day were also ceremonies in honor of the god of wine, to whom sacrifices of male and female slaves were made by the pulque-dealers. On the tenth day of the month a number of hunters set out for mount Cacatepec, near Tacubaya, to celebrate the hunting festival of Mixcoatl, god of the chase. On the first day they erected straw huts, in which they passed the night. The next morning, having broken their fast, they formed themselves into a great circle, and all advancing toward a common centre, the game was hemmed in and killed with ease. The spirits of the children sacrificed to the rain-gods, whose dwelling was upon the high mountains, were supposed to descend upon the hunters and make them strong and fortunate. Having secured their game, the hunters started for home in grand procession, singing songs of triumph, and hymns to the mighty Mixcoatl. After a solemn sacrifice of a portion of the game to the god, each took his share home and feasted upon it.[322] The Tlascaltecs sacrificed to the god at the place where the hunt took place, which was upon a neighboring hill. The way leading to the spot was strewn with leaves, over which the idol was carried with great pomp and ceremony.[323] Towards the close of the month male and female slaves were sacrificed before Mixcoatl.[324] In Tlascala and the neighboring republics this was the 'month of love,' and great numbers of young girls were sacrificed to Xochiquetzal, Xochitecatl, and Tlazolteotl, goddesses of sensual delights. Among the victims were many courtesans, who voluntarily offered themselves, some to die in the temple, others on the battle-field, where they rushed in recklessly among the enemy. As no particular disgrace attended a life of prostitution, it seems improbable that remorse or repentance could have prompted this self-sacrifice; it must therefore be attributed to pure religious fervor. As a recompense for their devotion, these women before they went to their death had the privilege of insulting with impunity their chaster sisters. It is further said that a certain class of young men addicted to unnatural lusts, were allowed at this period to solicit custom on the public streets. At Quauhtitlan, every fourth year, during this month, a festival was celebrated in honor of Mitl, when a slave was bound to a cross and shot to death with arrows.[325] The feast of the next month, called Panquetzaliztli, was dedicated to Huitzilopochtli, god of war; that of the following month, called Atemoztli, was sacred to the Tlalocs. Both these festivals will be described elsewhere.[326] [Sidenote: FEAST OF THE MONTH OF HARD TIMES.] The ensuing month was named Tititl, or the month of 'hard times,' owing to the inclement weather. The celebrations of this period were chiefly in honor of an aged goddess, named Ilamatecutli, to whom a female slave was sacrificed. This woman represented the goddess and was dressed in white garments decorated with dangling shells and sandals of the same color; upon her head was a crown of feathers; the lower part of her face was painted black, the upper, yellow; in one hand she carried a white shield ornamented with feathers of the eagle and the night-heron, in the other she held a knitting stick. Before going to her death she performed a dance, and was permitted, contrary to usual custom, to express her grief and fear in loud lamentations. In the afternoon she was conducted to the temple of Huitzilopochtli, accompanied by a procession of priests, among whom was one dressed after the manner of the goddess Ilamatecutli. After the heart of the victim had been torn from her breast, her head was cut off and given to this personage, who immediately placed himself at the head of the other priests and led them in a dance round the temple, brandishing the head by the hair the while. As soon as the performers of the _vecula_, as this dance was named, had left the summit of the temple, a priest curiously attired descended, and, proceeding to a spot where stood a cage made of candlewood adorned with papers, set fire to it. Immediately upon seeing the flames the other priests, who stood waiting, rushed one and all up again to the temple-top; here lay a flower, which was secured by the first who could put hands upon it, carried back to the fire, and there burned. On the following day a game was played which resembled in some respects the Roman Lupercalia. The players were armed with little bags filled with paper, leaves, or flour, and attached to cords three feet long. With these they struck each other, and any girl or woman who chanced to come in their way was attacked by the boys, who, approaching quietly with their bags hidden, fell suddenly upon her, crying out: "This is the sack of the game." It sometimes happened, however, that the woman had provided herself with a stick, and used it freely, to the great discomfiture and utter rout of the urchins.[327] A captive was sacrificed during this month to Mictlantecutli, the Mexican Pluto, and the traders celebrated a grand feast in honor of Yacatecutli.[328] During the last Aztec month, which was called Itzcalli, imposing rites were observed throughout Mexico in honor of Xiuhtecutli, god of fire;[329] in the surrounding states, such as Tlacopan, Coyuhuacan, Azcapuzalco,[330] Quauhtitlan,[331] and Tlascala,[332] ceremonies more or less similar were gone through, accompanied by much roasting and flaying of men and women. [Sidenote: MISCELLANEOUS FEASTS.] Besides these monthly festivals there were many others devoted to the patron deities of particular trades, to whom the priests and people interested in their worship made offerings, and, in some cases, human sacrifices. There were also many movable feasts, held in honor of the celestial bodies, at harvest time, and on other like occasions. These sometimes happened to fall on the same day as a fixed festival, in which case the less important was either set aside or postponed. It is related of the Culhuas that on one occasion when a movable feast in honor of Tezcatlipoca chanced to fall upon the day fixed for the celebration of Huitzilopochtli, they postponed the former, and thereby so offended the god that he predicted the destruction of the monarchy and the subjugation of the people by a strange nation who would introduce a monotheistic worship.[333] One of the most solemn of the movable feasts was that given to the sun, which took place at intervals of two or three hundred days, and was called Netonatiuhqualo, or 'the sun eclipsed.' Another festival took place when the sun appeared in the sign called Nahui Ollin Tonatiuh,[334] a sign much respected by kings and princes, and regarded as concerning them especially. At the great festival of the winter solstice, which took place either in the month of Atemoztli or in that of Tititl, all the people watched and fasted four days, and a number of captives were sacrificed, two of whom represented the sun and moon.[335] About the same time a series of celebrations were held in honor of Iztacacenteotl, goddess of white maize; the victims sacrificed on this occasion were lepers and others suffering from contagious diseases.[336] Whenever the sign of Ce Miquiztli, or One Death, occurred, Mictlantecutli, god of hades, was fêted, and honors were paid to the dead.[337] Of the heavenly bodies, they esteemed next to the sun a certain star, into which Quetzalcoatl was supposed to have converted himself on leaving the earth. It was visible during about two hundred and sixty days of the year, and on the day of its first appearance above the horizon, the king gave a slave to be sacrificed, and many other ceremonies were performed. The priests, also, offered incense to this star every day, and drew blood from their bodies in its honor, acts which many of the devout imitated.[338] At harvest-time the first-fruits of the season were offered to the sun. The sacrifice on this occasion was called Tetlimonamiquian, 'the meeting of the stones.' The victim, who was the most atrocious criminal to be found in the jails, was placed between two immense stones, balanced opposite each other; these were then allowed to fall together. After the remains had been buried, the principal men took part in a dance; the people also danced and feasted during the day and night.[339] Every eight years a grand festival took place, called Atamalqualiztli, 'the fast of bread and water,' the principal feature of which was a mask ball, at which people appeared disguised as various animals whose actions and cries they imitated with great skill.[340] [Sidenote: THE BINDING OF THE YEARS.] The most solemn of all the Mexican festivals was that called Xiuhmolpilli, that is to say, 'the binding-up of the years.' Every fifty-two years was called a 'sheaf of years,' and it was universally believed that at the end of some 'sheaf' the world would be destroyed. The renewal of the cycle was therefore hailed with great rejoicing and many ceremonies.[341] FOOTNOTES: [273] See the Totonac daily temple service, in _Las Casas_, _Hist. Apologética_, MS., cap. clxxv. 'Luego aquel viejo mas principal metia y sacaba por su lengua en aquel dia cuatro cientos y cincuenta palos de aquellos ... otros no tan viejos sacaban trescientos.... Estos palos que metian y sacaban por las lenguas eran tan gordos como el dedo pulgar de la mano ... y otros tanto gruezos como las dos dedos de la mano pulgar y él con que señalamos podian abrazar.' _Id._, cap. clxxii. [274] 'En cada provincia tenian diferente costumbre porque unos de los brazos y otros de los pechos y otros de los muslos, &c. Y en esto se cognoscian tambien de que Provincia eran.' _Las Casas_, _Hist. Apologética_, MS., cap. clxx. [275] 'En esta Fiesta, y en todas las demàs, donde no se hiciere mencion de particulares Sacrificios de Hombres, los avia, por ser cosa general hacerlos en todas las Festividades, y no era la que carecia de ello.' _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., p. 255. [276] 'Le feste, che annualmente si celebravano, erano più solenni nel _Teoxihuitl_, o Anno divino, quali erano tutti gli anni, che aveano per carattere il Coniglio.' _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., p. 84; _Carbajal Espinosa_, _Hist. Mex._, tom. i., p. 549. 'En cada principio del mes en el dia que nombramos cabeza de sierpe celebraban una fiesta solemnisima ... la cual era tan guardada y festejada que ni aun barrer la casa ni hacer de comer no se permitia.' _Duran_, _Hist. Indias_, MS., tom. iii., cap. ii. [277] Sahagun in his short résumé of the festival states that some hold this celebration to have been in honor of Chalchihuitlicue, the water-goddess, and others in honor of Quetzalcoatl; but thinks that it might have been in honor of all these deities, namely, the Tlalocs, Chalchihuitlicue, and Quetzalcoatl. _Sahagun_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. i., lib. ii., pp. 49-50, 83-7. See also _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., pp. 250-2, 295. [278] Although Sahagun states that Huitzilopochtli also received honors this month, yet no direct ceremonies were observed before his image. The large number of captives sacrificed, however, the universality and length of the festivities, the royal dance, etc., would certainly point to a celebration in honor of a greater deity than Xipe. He also says: 'En esta fiesta mataban todos los cautivos, hombres, mugeres, y niños,' which is not very probable. _Hist. Gen._, tom. i., lib. ii., p. 88. [279] Thieves convicted the second time of stealing gold articles were sacrificed. _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. iii., p. 503. [280] _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., pp. 45-9. The same author says with regard to the number of sacrifices made annually in the Mexican Empire, that he can affirm nothing, as the reports vary greatly. 'Zumárraga, the first bishop of Mexico, says, in a letter of the 12th of June, 1531, addressed to the general chapter of his order, that in that capital alone twenty thousand human victims were annually sacrificed. Some authors quoted by Gomara, affirm that the number of the sacrificed amounted to fifty thousand. Acosta writes that there was a certain day of the year on which five thousand were sacrificed in different places of the empire; and another day on which they sacrificed twenty thousand. Some authors believe, that on the mountain Tepeyacac alone, twenty thousand were sacrificed to the goddess Tonantzin. Torquemada, in quoting, though unfaithfully, the letter of Zumárraga, says, that there were twenty thousand infants annually sacrificed. But, on the contrary, Las Casas, in his refutation of the bloody book, wrote by Dr. Sepulveda, reduces the sacrifices to so small a number, that we are left to believe, they amounted not to fifty, or at most not to a hundred. We are strongly of opinion that all these authors have erred in the number, Las Casas by diminution, the rest by exaggeration of the truth.' _Id._, Translation, Lond. 1807, vol. i., p. 281. [281] This farce differed from the regular gladiatorial combat which will be described elsewhere. [282] 'Quedauan las cabeças coraçones para los sacerdotes.' _Gomara_, _Conq. Mex._, fol. 327. [283] 'Guardaban alguno que fuese principal señor para este dia; el cual dessolaban para que se vestiese Montezuma gran Rey de la tierra y con él baylaba con sus reales contenencias.' _Las Casas_, _Hist. Apologética_, MS., cap. clxx. 'Embutian los cueros de algodon o paja, y, o los colgauan en el templo, o en palacio,' in the case of a prisoner of rank. _Gomara_, _Conq. Mex._, fol. 327. It is not stated that the persons who wore the skins and made the collection were connected with the temple, but this was no doubt the case, especially as many authors mention that priests had to dress themselves in the ghastly garb for a certain time. For representation of priest dressed in a flayed skin see _Nebel_, _Viaje_, pl. xxxiv. [284] 'Cuatro de ellos cantaban á las navajas.' _Motolinia_, _Hist. Indios_, in _Icazbalceta_, _Col. de Doc._, tom. i., p. 57. [285] 'Estos palos que metian y sacaban por las lenguas eran tan gordos como el dedo pulgar de la mano, y otros como el dedo pulgar del pie: y otros tanto gruezos como los dos dedos de la mano pulgar y él con que señalamos podian abrazar.' _Las Casas_, _Hist. Apologética_, MS., cap. clxxii. [286] Motolinia conveys the idea that the people also performed the infliction on the tongue: 'aquella devota gente ... sacaban por sus lenguas otros palillos de á jeme y del gordor de un cañon de pato.' _Hist. Indios_, in _Icazbalceta_, _Col. de Doc._, tom. i., p. 58. [287] 'Cada dia de estos iba el viejo de noche á la sierra ya dicha y ofrecia al demonio mucho papel, y copalli, y cordonices.' _Motolinia_, _Hist. Indios_, in _Icazbalceta_, _Col. de Doc._, tom. i., p. 58. [288] 'La cual decian que habia venido con el ídolo pequeño, de un pueblo que se dice Tollan, y de otro que se dice Poyauhtlan, de donde se afirma que fué natural el mismo ídolo.' _Motolinia_, _Hist. Indios_, in _Icazbalceta_, _Col. de Doc._, tom. i., pp. 58-9. [289] See also _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., pp. 288-90, 252-3, 296. [290] 'Echaban por el pueblo cierto pecho ó derrama recogiendo tanto haber que pudiesen comprar cuatro niños esclavos de cinco á seis años. Estos comprados ponianlos en una cueva y cerrabanla hasta otro año que hacian otro tanto.' _Las Casas_, _Hist. Apologética_, MS., cap. clxx. [291] Duran adds that all male children under twelve years of age were punctured in the ears, tongue, and leg, and kept on short allowance on the day of festival, but this is not very probable, for other authors name the fifth month for the scarification of infants. _Hist. Indias_, MS., tom. iii., appendix, cap. iii. For particulars of the feast see _Sahagun_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. i., lib. ii., pp. 52-4, 95-7; _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., pp. 253-5, 296; _Boturini_, _Idea_, pp. 51-2. [292] Boturini, _Idea_, p. 52, translates this name as 'the great bleeding,' referring to the scarifications in expiation of sins. [293] _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., pp. 255-6; _Sahagun_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. i., lib. ii., pp. 97-100. According to Duran, _Hist. Indias_, MS., tom. iii., appendix, cap. iii., the Tlalocs were worshiped this month also, and this involved bloody rites. _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. vii., pp. 43-4. Motolinia states that food was offered to the stalks: 'delante de aquellas cañas ofrecian comida y atolli.' _Hist. Indios_, in _Icazbalceta_, _Col. de Doc._, tom. i., p. 46. For a more detailed description of this feast see Vol. III. of this work, pp. 360-2. [294] 'Le Tlacochcalco, ou maison d'armes, était un arsenal, consacré à Huitzilopochtli, dans l'enceinte du grand temple. Il se trouvait à côté un teocalli où l'on offrait des sacrifices spéciaux à ce dieu et à Tetzcatlipoca.' _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. iii., p. 510. This sanctuary outside the town was also dependent on the great temple, and, as the fate of the youth was to illustrate the miserable end to which riches and pleasures may come, it is, perhaps, more likely that this poor and lonely edifice was the place of sacrifice. Clavigero, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., p. 70, says 'conducevanlo ... al tempio di Tezcatlipoca.' [295] Brasseur de Bourbourg indicates that the race in the temple, and the liberation of the marriageable took place in leap-years only, but he evidently misunderstands his authority. Prescott, _Mex._, vol. i., pp. 75-7, gives an account of this festival. [296] Contrary to the statement of others, Brasseur de Bourbourg says that the stage was borne by temple officers; surely, warriors were the fit persons to attend the god of war. [297] 'Llevábanle entablado con unas saetas que ellos llamaban _teumitl_, las cuales tenían plumas en tres partes junto el casquillo, y en el medio, y el cabo, iban estas saetas una debajo, y otra encima del papel; tomábanlas dos, uno de una parte, y otro de otra, llevándolas asidas ambas juntas con las manos, y con ellas apretaban el papelon una por encima, y otra por debajo.' _Sahagun_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. i., lib. ii., pp. 105-6. [298] 'El Incienso no era del ordinario, que llaman Copal blanco, ni de el Incienso comun ... sino de vna Goma, ò Betun negro, à manera de Pez, el qual licor se engendra en la Mar, y sus Aguas, y olas, lo hechan en algunas partes à sus riberas, y orillas, y le llaman Chapopotli, el qual hecha de sì mal olor, para quien no le acostumbra à oler, y es intenso, y fuerte.' _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., p. 266. [299] A kind of perforated and ornamented censer, shaped like a large spoon. [300] Clavigero writes: '_Ixteocale_, che vale, Savio Signor del Cielo.' _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., p. 72. Several other names are also applied to him. [301] 'Mischiavasi nel ballo de'Cortigiani.' _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., p. 72. [302] Pp. 286-7, 334-43. [303] 'Se juntauan todos los caualleros y principales personas de cada prouincia ... vestian vna muger de la ropa y insignias de la diosa de la sal, y baylauan con ella todos.' _Gomara_, _Conq. Mex._, fol. 327. [304] 'Era esta fiesta de muy poca solemnidad y sin ceremonias, ni comidas, y sin muertes de hombres; en fin no era mas de una preparacion para la fiesta venidera del mes que viene.' _Duran_, _Hist. Indias_, MS., tom. iii., appendix, cap. iii.; _Sahagun_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. i., lib. ii., pp. 124-8; _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., pp. 74-5. [305] Duran says that the women took the victim to mount Chapultepec, to the very summit, and said, 'My daughter, let us hasten back to the place whence we came,' whereupon all started back to the temple, chasing the doomed woman before them. _Hist. Indias_, MS., tom. iii., appendix, cap. iii. [306] _Sahagun_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. i., lib. ii., pp. 128-39; _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., pp. 269-71, 297-8; Brasseur de Bourbourg, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. iii., p. 518, says: 'Les rois eux-mêmes prenaient alors part à la danse, qui avait lieu dans les endroits où ils pouvait s'assembler le plus de spectateurs.' [307] _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., p. 271. [308] 'Salian los Hombres Nobles, y muchas Mugeres Principales, y asianse de las manos los vnos, de los otros, mezclados Hombres, y Mugeres mui por orden, y luego se hechaban los braços al cuello, y asi abraçados, començaban à moverse mui paso à paso.' _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., p. 271. [309] _Duran_, _Hist. Indias_, MS., tom. iii., appendix, cap. iii.; _Veytia_, _Hist. Ant. Mej._, tom. i., p. 65; _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., pp. 271-3, 298; _Sahagun_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. i., lib. ii., pp. 61-2, 139-41. [310] 'Cortaban un gran árbol en el monte, de veinte y cinco brazas de largo.' _Sahagun_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. i., lib. ii., p. 141. 'L'emportaient (the tree) processionnellement au temple de Huitzilopochtli, sans rien lui enlever de ses rameaux ni de son feuillage.' _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. iii., p. 521. [311] Clavigero says that the captors sprinkled the victims and threw them into the fire. _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., p. 77. [312] _Duran_, _Hist. Indias_, MS., appendix, tom. iii., cap. iii. [313] 'C'était l'époque où la noblesse célébrait la commémoration des princes et des guerriers qui les avaient précédés.' _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. iii., p. 522; _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., pp. 298, 273-5; _Codex Telleriano-Remensis_, in _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, tom. v., pp. 130-1. [314] See volume iii., of this work, pp. 354-9, where a detailed description of this festival is given. [315] Sahagun writes: 'Á la media noche de este mismo dia, molian un poco de harina de maíz, y hacian un montoncillo de ella bien tupida: y lo fabricaban de harina, redondo como un queso, sobre un petate. En el mismo veían cuando habian llegado todos los dioses, porque aparecia una pisada de un pie pequeño sobre la harina.' _Hist. Gen._, tom. i., lib. ii., p. 157. [316] These sacrifices by fire appear to have been made upon the summit of a small temple which stood within the courtyard of the larger one. [317] 'Ballavano attorno ad un gran fuoco molti giovani travestiti in parecchie forme di mostri, e frattanto andavano gettando de'prigionieri nel fuoco.' _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., p. 78; _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. iii., p. 527. [318] The burning and dancing took place on the first two days of the following month, according to Sahagun. 'Estos dos dias postreros eran del mes que se sigue.' _Hist. Gen._, tom. i., lib. ii., p. 159; _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., pp. 278-9. [319] See vol. iii., p. 343-6. [320] _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., pp. 152-3. [321] The name of a bird with red and blue plumage. [322] 'Al undécimo dia de este mes, iban á hacer una casa á aquella sierra que estaba encima de _Atlacuioayan_, y esta era fiesta por sí, de manera que en este mes habia dos fiestas.' _Sahagun_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. i., lib. ii., p. 165. 'No sacrificaban este dia hombres sino caza, y asi la caza servia de victimas á los Dioses.' _Duran_, _Hist. Indias_, MS., appendix, tom. iii., cap. iii.; _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., pp. 148-9. [323] _Acosta_, _Hist. de las Ynd._, pp. 327-8; _Montanus_, _Nieuwe Weereld_, p. 221; _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. iii., lib. ii., cap. xv. [324] _Sahagun_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. i., lib. ii., p. 167. [325] _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., pp. 299, 280-1; _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. iii., p. 530, tom. ii., pp. 462-3. [326] See vol. iii. of this work, pp. 297-300, 323-4, 346-8. [327] Gomara says men and women danced two nights with the gods and drank until they were all drunk. _Conq. Mex._, fol. 328. According to Duran, Camaxtli was fêted in this month, and a bread called _yocotamally_ was eaten exclusively on the day of the festival. _Hist. Indias_, MS., tom. iii., appendix, cap. iii.; _Sahagun_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. i., lib. ii., pp. 179-82. [328] _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., p. 83; _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., p. 153. [329] See vol. iii. of this work, pp. 390-3. [330] See _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., p. 286; _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. iii., p. 539; _Las Casas_, _Hist. Apologética_, MS., cap. clxxi. [331] See _Gomara_, _Conq. Mex._, fol. 329; _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., pp. 286-7; _Las Casas_, _Hist. Apologética_, MS., cap. clxxi.; _Motolinia_, _Hist. Indios_, in _Icazbalceta_, _Col. de Doc._, tom. i., pp. 43-4. [332] See _Las Casas_, _Hist. Apologética_, MS., cap. clxxi.; _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., p. 291. [333] _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. iii., p. 538. [334] '_Nahui Ollin Tonatiuh_, esto es, el sol en sus cuatro movientos, acompañado de la _Via lactea_.' _Leon y Gama_, _Dos Piedras_, pt i., p. 91. [335] 'Mataban quatro Cautivos de los que se llamaban Chachame, que quiere decir: Tontos; y mataban tambien la imagen del Sol, y de la Luna, que eran dos Hombres.' _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., p. 148. 'On immolait ensuite un grand nombre de captifs, dont les principaux, appelés Chachamé, figuraient le soleil et la lune.' _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. iii., p. 535. [336] _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., pp. 150-2; _Leon y Gama_, _Dos Piedras_, pt i., p. 91. [337] _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. iii., p. 538. [338] 'Creen que Topilcin su rey primero se conuertio en aquella estrella.' _Gomara_, _Conq. Mex._, fol. 331; _Las Casas_, _Hist. Apologética_, MS., cap. clxxiv. [339] _Veytia_, _Hist. Ant. Mej._, tom. i., pp. 249-50. 'Papahua-tlamacazqui, ou Ministres aux longs cheveux. C'est par leurs mains que passaient les prémices des fruits de la terre qu'on offrait aux astres du jour et de la nuit.... On immolait un grand nombre de captifs et, à leur défaut, les criminels.... Sur leur sépulture on exécutait un ballet.' _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. i., pp. 274-5. For description of Zapotec harvest-feast see _Burgoa_, _Geog. Descrip._, tom. ii., pt ii., fol. 332-3; _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. iii., pp. 40-2. [340] _Sahagun_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. i., lib. ii., pp. 195-7. [341] For description of this feast see vol. iii. of this work, pp. 393-6. The authorities on Aztec festivals are: _Sahagun_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. i., lib. ii., pp. 49-218, lib. i., pp. 1-40; _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. vii., pp. 1-98; _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., pp. 147-56, 246-300; _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., pp. 66-86; _Las Casas_, _Hist. Apologética_, MS., cap. clxix-clxxvii.; _Motolinia_, _Hist. Indios_, in _Icazbalceta_, _Col. de Doc._, tom. i., pp. 38-62; _Gomara_, _Conq. Mex._, fol. 326-36; _Duran_, _Hist. Indias_, MS., tom. iii., appendix, cap. iii.,; _Leon_, _Camino del Cielo_, pp. 96-100; _Camargo_, _Hist. Tlax._, in _Nouvelles Annales des Voy._, 1843, tom. xcix., pp. 130-7; _Mendieta_, _Hist. Ecles._, pp. 99-107; _Acosta_, _Hist. de las Ynd._, pp. 327-9, 354-6, 360-4, 382-93; _Boturini_, _Idea_, pt i., pp. 50-3, 90-3; _Tezozomoc_, _Hist. Mex._, tom. i., pp. 161-6; _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. iii., lib. ii., cap. xv-xvii.; _Purchas his Pilgrimes_, tom. iv., pp. 1040-8; _Gemelli Careri_, in _Churchill's Col. Voyages_, vol. iv., pp. 490-1; _Montanus_, _Nieuwe Weereld_, pp. 221, 248, 265-7; _West und Ost Indischer Lustgart_, pt i., pp. 71-2; _Codex Telleriano-Remensis_, in _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. v., pp. 129-34; _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. i., pp. 234-5, 274-5, tom. ii., pp. 462-3, tom. iii., pp. 40-2, 498-547; _Klemm_, _Cultur-Geschichte_, tom. v., pp. 104-14; _Carbajal Espinosa_, _Hist. Mex._, tom. i., pp. 515-17, 531-51; _Bussierre_, _L'Empire Mex._, pp. 128-38; _Lenoir_, _Parallèle_, pp. 9-11. CHAPTER X. FOOD OF THE NAHUA NATIONS. ORIGIN OF AGRICULTURE--FLOATING GARDENS--AGRICULTURAL PRODUCTS--MANNER OF PREPARING THE SOIL--DESCRIPTION OF AGRICULTURAL IMPLEMENTS--IRRIGATION--GRANARIES--GARDENS--THE HARVEST FEAST--MANNER OF HUNTING--FISHING--METHODS OF PROCURING SALT--NAHUA COOKERY--VARIOUS KINDS OF BREAD--BEANS--PEPPER--FRUIT--TAMALES--MISCELLANEOUS ARTICLES OF FOOD--EATING OF HUMAN FLESH--MANUFACTURE OF PULQUE--PREPARATION OF CHOCOLATL--OTHER BEVERAGES--INTOXICATING DRINKS--DRUNKENNESS--TIME AND MANNER OF TAKING MEALS. [Sidenote: AGRICULTURE AND CIVILIZATION.] Hunting, fishing, and agriculture furnished the Nahua nations with means of subsistence, besides which they had, in common with their uncivilized brethren of the sierras and forests, the uncultivated edible products of the soil. Among the coast nations, the dwellers on the banks of large streams, and the inhabitants of the lake regions of Anáhuac and Michoacan, fish constituted an important article of food. But agriculture, here as elsewhere, distinguished savagism from civilization, and of the lands of the so-called civilized nations few fertile tracts were found uncultivated at the coming of the Spaniards. Cultivation of the soil was doubtless the first tangible step in the progressive development of these nations, and this is indicated in their traditionary annals, which point, more or less vaguely, to a remote period when the Quinames, or giants, occupied the land as yet untilled; which means that the inhabitants were savages, whose progress had not yet exhibited any change sufficiently marked to leave its imprint on tradition. At a time still more remote, however, the invention of bows and arrows is traditionally referred to.[342] The gradual discovery and introduction of agricultural arts according to the laws of development, were of course unintelligible to the aboriginal mind; consequently their traditions tell us wondrous tales of divine intervention and instruction. Nevertheless, the introduction of agriculture was doubtless of very ancient date. The Olmecs and Xicalancas, traditionally the oldest civilized peoples in Mexico, were farmers back to the limit of traditional history, as were the lineal ancestors of all the nations which form the subject of this volume. Indeed, as the Nahua nations were living when the Spaniards found them, so had they probably been living for at least ten centuries, and not improbably for a much longer period. It was, however, according to tradition, during the Toltec period of Nahua culture that husbandry and all the arts pertaining to the production and preparation of food, were brought to the highest degree of perfection. Many traditions even attribute to the Toltecs the invention or first introduction of agriculture.[343] But even during this Toltec period hunting tribes, both of Nahua and other blood, were pursuing their game in the forests and mountains, especially in the northern region. Despised by their more civilized, corn-eating brethren, they were known as barbarians, dogs, Chichimecs, 'suckers of blood,' from the custom attributed to them of drinking blood and eating raw flesh. Many tribes, indeed, although very far from being savages, were known to the aristocratic Toltecs as Chichimecs, by reason of some real or imaginary inferiority. By the revolutions of the tenth century, some of these Chichimec nations, probably of the Nahua blood and tillers of the soil, although at the same time bold hunters and valiant warriors, gained the ascendancy in Anáhuac. Hence the absurd versions of native traditions which represent the Valley of Mexico as occupied during the Chichimec period by a people who, until taught better by the Acolhuas, lived in caverns and subsisted on wild fruits and raw meat, while at the same time they were ruled by emperors, and possessed a most complicated and advanced system of government and laws. Their barbarism probably consisted for the most part in resisting for a time the enervating influences of Toltec luxury, especially in the pleasures of the table.[344] [Sidenote: CHINAMPAS, OR FLOATING GARDENS.] The Aztecs were traditionally corn-eaters from the first, but while shut up for long years on an island in the lake, they had little opportunity for agricultural pursuits. During this period of their history, the fish, birds, insects, plants, and mud of the lake supplied them with food, until floating gardens were invented and subsequent conquests on the main land afforded them broad fields for tillage. As a rule no details are preserved concerning the pre-Aztec peoples; where such details are known they will be introduced in their proper place as illustrative of later Nahua food-customs. The _chinampas_, or floating gardens, cultivated by the Aztecs on the surface of the lakes in Anáhuac, were a most extraordinary source of food. Driven in the days of their national weakness to the lake islands, too small for the tillage which on the main had supported them, these ingenious people devised the chinampa. They observed small portions of the shore, detached by the high water and held together by fibrous roots, floating about on the surface of the water. Acting on the suggestion, they constructed rafts of light wood, covered with smaller sticks, rushes, and reeds, bound together with fibrous aquatic plants, and on this foundation they heaped two or three feet of black mud from the bottom of the lake. Thus the broad surface around their island home was dotted with fertile gardens, self-irrigating and independent of rains, easily moved from place to place according to the fancy of the proprietor. They usually took the form of parallelograms and were often over a hundred feet long. All the agricultural products of the country, particularly maize, chile, and beans were soon produced in abundance on the chinampas, while the larger ones even bore fruit and shade trees of considerable size, and a hut for the convenience of the owner, or gardener. The floating gardens have remained in use down to modern times, but since the waters of the lakes receded so much from their former limits, they have been generally attached to the shore, being separated by narrow canals navigated by the canoes which bear their produce to the markets. In later times, however, only flowers and garden vegetables have been raised in this manner.[345] On the mainland throughout the Nahua territory few fertile spots were left uncultivated. The land was densely populated, and agriculture was an honorable profession in which all, except the king, the nobility, and soldiers in time of actual war, were more or less engaged.[346] [Sidenote: ABORIGINAL AGRICULTURE.] Agricultural products in the shape of food were not a prominent feature among articles of export and import, excepting, of course, luxuries for the tables of the kings and nobles. Each province, as a rule, raised only sufficient supplies for its own ordinary necessities; consequently, when by reason of drought or other cause, a famine desolated one province, it was with the greatest difficulty that food could be obtained from abroad. The Mexicans were an improvident people, and want was no stranger to them.[347] The chief products of Nahua tillage were maize, beans, magueyes, cacao, chian, chile, and various native fruits.[348] The maize, or Indian corn, the dried ears of which were called by the Aztecs _centli_, and the dried kernels separated from the cob, _tlaolli_,[349] was the standard and universal Nahua food. Indigenous to America, in the development of whose civilization, traditionally at least, it played an important part, it has since been introduced to the world. It is the subject of the New World traditions respecting the introduction of agriculture among men. Tortillas, of maize, accompanied by the inevitable frijoles, or beans, seasoned with chile, or pepper, and washed down with drinks prepared from the maguey and cacao, were then, as now, the all-sustaining diet, and we are told that corn grew so strong and high in the fields that covered the surface of the country in some parts, as to seriously embarrass the conqueror Cortés in his movements against the natives hidden in these natural labyrinths.[350] [Sidenote: CORNFIELDS AND GRANARIES.] Respecting the particular methods of cultivation practiced by the Nahuas, except in the raising of corn, early observers have left no definite information.[351] The valleys were of course the favorite localities for cornfields, but the highlands were also cultivated. In the latter case the trees and bushes were cut down, the land burned over, and the seed put in among the ashes. Such lands were allowed to rest several years--Torquemada says five or six--after each crop, until the surface was covered with grass and bushes for a new burning. No other fertilizer than ashes, so far as known, was ever employed. Fields were enclosed by stone walls and hedges of maguey, which were carefully repaired each year in the month of Panquetzaliztli. They had no laboring animals, and their farming implements were exceedingly few and rude. Three of these only are mentioned. The _huictli_ was a kind of oaken shovel or spade, in handling which both hands and feet were used. The _coatl_, or _coa_ (serpent), so called probably from its shape, was a copper implement with a wooden handle, used somewhat as a hoe is used by modern farmers in breaking the surface of the soil. Another copper instrument, shaped like a sickle, with a wooden handle, was used for pruning fruit-trees. A simple sharp stick, the point of which was hardened in the fire, or more rarely tipped with copper, was the implement in most common use. To plant corn, the farmer dropped a few kernels into a hole made with this stick, and covered them with his foot, taking the greatest pains to make the rows perfectly straight and parallel; the intervals between the hills were always uniform, though the space was regulated according to the nature and fertility of the soil. The field was kept carefully weeded, and at a certain age the stalks were supported by heaping up the soil round them. At maturity the stalks were often broken two thirds up, that the husks might protect the hanging ear from rain. During the growth and ripening of the maize, a watchman or boy was kept constantly on guard in a sheltered station commanding the field, whose duty it was to drive away, with stones and shouts, the flocks of feathered robbers which abounded in the country. Women and children aided the men in the lighter farm labors, such as dropping the seeds, weeding the plants, and husking and cleaning the grain. To irrigate the fields the water of rivers and of mountain streams was utilized by means of canals, dams, and ditches. The network of canals by which the cacao plantations of the tierra caliente in Tabasco were watered, offered to Cortés' army even more serious obstructions than the dense growth of the maizales, or cornfields. Granaries for storing maize were built of _oyametl_, or _oxametl_, a tree whose long branches were regular, tough, and flexible. The sticks were laid in log-house fashion, one above another, and close together, so as to form a tight square room, which was covered with a water-tight roof, and had only two openings or windows, one at the top and another at the bottom. Many of these granaries had a capacity of several thousand bushels, and in them corn was preserved for several, or, as Brasseur says, for fifteen or twenty, years. Besides the regular and extensive plantations of staple products, gardens were common, tastefully laid out and devoted to the cultivation of fruits, vegetables, medicinal herbs, and particularly flowers, of which the Mexicans were very fond, and which were in demand for temple decorations and bouquets. The gardens connected with the palaces of kings and nobles, particularly those of Tezcuco, Iztapalapan, and Huaxtepec, excited great wonder and admiration in the minds of the first European visitors, but these have been already mentioned in a preceding chapter.[352] We shall find the planting and growth of maize not without influence in the development of the Nahua calendars, and that it was closely connected with the worship of the gods and with religious ideas and ceremonies. Father Burgoa relates that in Oajaca, the cultivation of this grain, the people's chief support, was attended by some peculiar ceremonies. At harvest-time the priests of the maize god in Quegolani, ceremonially visited the cornfields followed by a procession of the people, and sought diligently the fairest and best-filled ear. This they bore to the village, placed it on an altar decked for the occasion with flowers and precious chalchiuites, sang and danced before it, and wrapped it with care in a white cotton cloth, in which it was preserved until the next seed-time. Then with renewed processions and solemn rites the magic ear with its white covering was wrapped in a deer-skin and buried in the midst of the cornfields in a small hole lined with stones. When another harvest came, if it were a fruitful one, the precious offering to the earth was dug up and its decayed remains distributed in small parcels to the happy populace as talismans against all kinds of evil.[353] [Sidenote: THE CHASE IN ANÁHUAC.] The game most abundant was deer, hare, rabbits, wild hogs, wolves, foxes, jaguars, or tigers, Mexican lions, coyotes, pigeons, partridges, quails, and many aquatic birds. The usual weapon was the bow and arrow, to the invention of which tradition ascribes the origin of the chase; but spears, snares, and nets were also employed, and the sarbacan, a tube through which pellets or darts were blown, was an effective bird-killer. Game in the royal forests was protected by law, and many hunters were employed in taking animals and birds alive for the king's collections. Among the peculiar devices employed for taking water-birds was that already mentioned in connection with the Wild Tribes; the hunter floating in the water, with only his head, covered with a gourd, above the surface, and thus approaching his prey unsuspected. Young monkeys were caught by putting in a concealed fire a peculiar black stone which exploded when heated. Corn was scattered about as a bait, and when the old monkeys brought their young to feed they were frightened by the explosion and ran away, leaving the young ones an easy prey. The native hunters are represented as particularly skillful in following an indistinct trail. According to Sahagun, a superstition prevailed that only four arrows might be shot at a tiger, but to secure success a leaf was attached to one of the arrows, which, making a peculiar whizzing sound, fell short and attracted the beast's attention while the hunter took deliberate aim. Crocodiles were taken with a noose round the neck and also, by the boldest hunters, by inserting a stick sharpened and barbed at both ends in the animal's open mouth. It is probable that, while a small portion of the common people in certain parts of the country sought game for food alone, the chase among the Nahuas was for the most part a diversion of the nobles and soldiers. There were also certain hunts established by law or custom at certain periods of the year, the products of which were devoted to sacrificial purposes, although most likely eaten eventually. In the month Quecholli a day's hunt was celebrated by the warriors in honor of Mixcoatl. A large forest--that of Zacatepec, near Mexico, being a favorite resort--was surrounded by a line of hunters many miles in extent. In the centre of the forest various snares and traps were set. When all was ready, the living circle began to contract, and the hunters with shouts pressed forward toward the centre. To aid in the work, the grass was sometimes fired. The various animals were driven from their retreats into the snares prepared for them, or fell victims to the huntsmen's arrows. Immense quantities of game were thus secured and borne to the city and to the neighboring towns, the inhabitants of which had assisted in the hunt, as an offering to the god. Each hunter carried to his own home the heads of such animals as he had killed, and a prize was awarded to the most successful. In the month Tecuilhuitontli also, while the warriors practiced in sham fights for actual war, the common people gave their attention to the chase. Large numbers of birds were taken in nets spread on poles like spear-shafts. In earlier times, when the chase was more depended on for food, the first game taken was offered to the gods; or, by the Chichimecs and Xochimilcas, to the sun, as Ixtlilxochitl informs us.[354] [Sidenote: FISHERIES AND SALT.] Fish was much more universally used for food than game. Torquemada tells us that the Aztecs first invented the art of fishing prompted by the mother of invention when forced by their enemies to live on the lake islands; and it was the smell of roasted fish, wafted to the shore, that revealed their presence. This tradition is somewhat absurd, and it is difficult to believe that the art was entirely unknown during the preceding Toltec and Olmec periods of Nahua civilization. Besides the supply in lake and river, artificial ponds in the royal gardens were also stocked with fish, and we have seen that fresh fish from the ocean were brought to Mexico for the king's table. Respecting the particular methods employed by the Nahua fishermen, save that they used both nets and hooks, the authorities say nothing. The Tarascos had such an abundance of food in their lakes that their country was named Michoacan, 'land of fish'; and the rivers of Huastecapan are also mentioned as richly stocked with finny food.[355] The Nahuas had, as I have said, no herds or flocks, but besides the royal collections of animals, which included nearly every known variety of quadrupeds, birds, and reptiles, the common people kept and bred _techichi_ (a native animal resembling a dog), turkeys, quails, geese, ducks, and many other birds. The nobles also kept deer, hares, and rabbits.[356] Next to chile, salt, or _iztatl_, was the condiment most used, and most of the supply came from the Valley of Mexico. The best was made by boiling the water from the salt lake in large pots, and was preserved in white cakes or balls. It was oftener, however, led by trenches into shallow pools and evaporated by the sun. The work would seem to have been done by women, since Sahagun speaks of the women and girls employed in this industry as dancing at the feast in honor of the goddess of salt in the month Tecuilhuitontli. A poor quality of salt, _tequizquitl_, brick-colored and strongly impregnated with saltpetre, was scraped up on the flats around the lakes, and largely used in salting meats. Las Casas mentions salt springs in the bed of fresh-water streams, the water of which was pumped out through hollow canes, and yielded on evaporation a fine white salt; but it is not certain what part of the country he refers to. The Aztec kings practically monopolized the salt market and refused to sell it to any except tributary nations. In consequence of this disposition, republican Tlascala, one of the few nations that maintained its independence, was forced for many years to eat its food unsalted; and so habituated did the people become to this diet, that in later times, if we may credit Camargo, very little salt was consumed.[357] [Sidenote: THE NAHUA CUISINE.] We now come to the methods adopted by the Nahuas in preparing and cooking food. Maize, when in the milk, was eaten boiled, and called _elotl_; when dry it was often prepared for food by simply parching or roasting, and then named _mumuehitl_. But it usually came to the Aztec table in the shape of _tlaxcalli_, the Spanish tortillas, the standard bread, then as now, in all Spanish America. It would be difficult to name a book in any way treating of Mexico in which tortillas are not fully described. The aborigines boiled the corn in water, to which lime, or sometimes nitre, was added. When sufficiently soft and free from hulls it was crushed on the _metlatl_, or metate, with a stone roller, and the dough, after being kneaded also on the metate, was formed by the hands of the women into very thin round cakes which were quickly baked on earthen pans, or _comalli_, and piled up one on another that they might retain their warmth, for when cold they lost their savor. Peter Martyr speaks of these tortillas as "bread made of Maizium." They were sometimes, but rarely, flavored with different native plants and flowers. There was, however, some variety in their preparation, according to which they bore different names. For example _totanquitlaxcallitlaquelpacholli_ were very white, being folded and covered with napkins; _huietlaxcalli_ were large, thin, and soft; _quauhtlaqualli_ were thick and rough; _tlaxcalpacholli_, grayish; and _tlacepoallitlaxcalli_ presented a blistered surface. There were many other kinds. In addition to the tlaxcalli, thicker corn-bread in the form of long cakes and balls were made. _Atolli_ varied in consistency from porridge, or gruel, to mush, and may consequently be classed either as a drink or as food. To make it, the hulled corn was mashed, mixed with water, and boiled down to the required consistency; it was variously sweetened and seasoned, and eaten both hot and cold. According to its condition and seasoning it received about seventeen names; thus _totonquiatolli_ was eaten hot, _nequatolli_ was sweetened with honey, _chilnequatolli_ was seasoned with chile, and _quauhnexatolli_ with saltpetre. Beans, the _etl_ of the Aztecs, the frijoles of the Spaniards, were while yet green boiled in the pod, and were then called _exotl_; when dry they were also generally boiled; but Ixtlilxochitl mentions flour made from beans. _Chilli_, chile, or pepper, was eaten both green and dry, whole and ground. A sauce was also made from it into which hot tortillas were dipped, and which formed a part of the seasoning in nearly every Nahua dish. "It is the principal sauce and the only spice of the Indias," as Acosta tells us. Flesh, fowl, and fish, both fresh and salted, were stewed, boiled, and roasted, with the fat of the techichi, and seasoned with chile, _tomatl_ (since called tomatoes), etc. The larger roasted game preserved for eating from the sacrifices in the month of Itzcalli is termed _calpuleque_ by Sahagun. _Pipian_ was a stew of fowl with chile, tomatoes, and ground pumpkin-seeds. Deer and rabbits were barbecued. Peter Martyr speaks of "rost and sodden meates of foule." Fruits, for the most part, were eaten as with us, raw, but some, as the plantain and banana, were roasted and stewed. So much for the plain Nahua cookery. Into the labyrinthine mysteries of the mixed dishes I shall not penetrate far. It is easier for the writer, and not less satisfactory to the reader, to dismiss the subject with the remark that all the articles of food that have been mentioned, fish, flesh, and fowl, were mixed and cooked in every conceivable proportion, the product taking a different name with each change in the ingredients. The two principal classes of these mixed dishes were the pot-stews, or cazuelas, of various meats with multitudinous seasonings; and the _tamalli_, or tamales, meat pies, to make which meats were boiled, chopped fine, and seasoned, then mixed with maize-dough, coated with the same, wrapped in a corn-husk, and boiled again. These also took different names according to the ingredients and seasoning. The tamale is still a favorite dish, like tortillas and frijoles. Miscellaneous articles of food, not already spoken of, were _axayacatl_, flies of the Mexican lakes, dried, ground, boiled, and eaten in the form of cakes; _ahuauhtli_, the eggs of the same fly, a kind of native caviar; many kinds of insects, ants, maguey-worms, and even lice; _tecuitlatl_, 'excrement of stone,' a slime that was gathered on the surface of the lakes, and dried till it resembled cheese; eggs of turkeys, iguanas, and turtles, roasted, boiled, and in omelettes; various reptiles, frogs, and frog-spawn; shrimps, sardines, and crabs; corn-silk, wild-amaranth seeds, cherry-stones, tule-roots, and very many other articles inexpressible; yucca flour, potoyucca, tunas; honey from maize, from bees, and from the maguey; and roasted portions of the maguey stalks and leaves. The women did all the work in preparing and cooking food; in Tlascala, however, the men felt that an apology was due for allowing this work to be done by women, and claimed, as Sahagun says, that the smoke of cooking would impair their eye-sight and make them less successful in the hunt. All these articles of food, both cooked and uncooked, were offered for sale in the market-places of each large town, of which I shall speak further when I come to treat of commerce. Eating-houses were also generally found near the markets, where all the substantials and delicacies of the Nahua cuisine might be obtained.[358] [Sidenote: EATING OF HUMAN FLESH.] One article of Nahua food demands special mention--human flesh. That they ate the arms and legs of the victims sacrificed to their gods, there is no room for doubt. This religious cannibalism--perhaps human sacrifice itself--was probably not practiced before the cruel-minded Aztec devotees of Huitzilopochtli came into power, or at least was of rare occurrence; but during the Aztec dominion, the custom of eating the flesh of sacrificed enemies became almost universal. That cannibalism, as a source of food, unconnected with religious rites, was ever practiced, there is little evidence. The Anonymous Conqueror tells us that they esteemed the flesh of men above all other food, and risked their lives in battle solely to obtain it. Bernal Diaz says that they sold it at retail in the markets; and Veytia also states that this was true of the Otomís. Father Gand assures us that there were many priests that ate and drank nothing but the flesh and blood of children. But these ogreish tales are probably exaggerations, since those who knew most of the natives, Sahagun, Motolinia, and Las Casas, regard the cannibalism of the Nahuas rather as an abhorrent feature of their religion than as the result of an unnatural appetite. That by long usage they became fond of this food, may well be believed; but that their prejudice was strong against eating the flesh of any but their sacrificed foes, is proven, as Gomara says, by the fact that multitudes died of starvation during the siege of Mexico by Cortés. Even the victims of sacrifice seem only to have been eaten in banquets, more or less public, accompanied with ceremonial rites. A number of infants sacrificed to the Tlalocs were eaten each year, and the blood of these and of other victims was employed in mixing certain cakes, some of which were at one time sent as a propitiatory offering to Cortés.[359] [Sidenote: DRINKS AND DRUNKENNESS.] The most popular Nahua beverages were those since known as pulque and chocolate. The former, called by the natives _octli_--pulque, or pulcre, being a South American aboriginal term applied to the liquor in some unaccountable way by the Spaniards--was the fermented juice of the maguey. One plant is said to yield about one hundred pounds in a month. A cavity is cut at the base of the larger leaves, and allowed to fill with juice, which is removed to a vessel of earthen ware or of skin, where it ferments rapidly and is ready for use. In a pure state it is of a light color, wholesome, and somewhat less intoxicating than grape wine; but the aborigines mixed with it various herbs, some to merely change its color or flavor, and others to increase its intoxicating properties. This national drink was honored with a special divinity, Ometochtli, one of the numerous Nahua gods of wine. According to some traditions the Quinames, or giants, knew how to prepare it, but its invention is oftener attributed to the Toltecs, its first recorded use having been to aid in the seduction of a mighty monarch from his royal duties.[360] _Chocolatl_--the foundation of our chocolate--was made by pounding cacao to a powder, adding an equal quantity of a seed called _pochotl_, also powdered, and stirring or beating the mixture briskly in a dish of water. The oily foam which rose to the surface was then separated, a small quantity of maize flour was added, and the liquid which was set before the fire. The oily portion was finally restored and the beverage was drunk lukewarm, sweetened with honey and often seasoned with vanilla. This drink was nutritious, refreshing, and cooling, and was especially a favorite with those called upon to perform fatiguing labor with scant food.[361] Miscellaneous drinks were water, plantain-juice, the various kinds of porridge known as _atolli_, already mentioned, the juice of maize-stalks, those prepared from chian and other seeds by boiling, and fermented water in which corn had been boiled--a favorite Tarasco drink. Among the ingredients used to make their drinks more intoxicating the most powerful was the _teonanacatl_, 'flesh of god,' a kind of mushroom which excited the passions and caused the partaker to see snakes and divers other visions.[362] The Aztec laws against drunkenness were very severe, yet nearly all the authors represent the people as delighting in all manner of intoxication, and as giving way on every opportunity to the vice when the power of their rulers over them was destroyed by the coming of the Spaniards. Drinking to excess seems to have been with them a social vice, confined mostly to public feasts and private banquets. It may have been chiefly against intemperance among the working classes, and officials when on duty, that the stringent laws were directed. Mendieta speaks of the people as very temperate, using pulque only under the direction of the chiefs and judges for medicinal purposes chiefly. The nobles made it a point of honor not to drink to excess, and all feared punishment. But Motolinia and other good authorities take an opposite view of the native character in this respect.[363] [Sidenote: MEALS OF THE COMMON PEOPLE.] Concerning the manner of serving the king's meals, as well as the banquets and feasts of nobles and the richer classes, enough has been already said. Of the daily meals among the masses little is known. The Nahuas seem to have confined their indulgence in rich and varied viands to the oft-recurring feasts, while at their homes they were content with plain fare. This is a peculiarity that is still observable in the country, both among the descendants of the Nahuas and of their conquerors. The poorer people had in each house a metate for grinding maize, and a few earthen dishes for cooking tortillas and frijoles. They ate three meals a day, morning, noon, and night, using the ground for table, table-cloth, napkins, and chairs, conveying their tlaxcalli and chile to the mouth with the fingers, and washing down their simple food with water or atole. The richer Nahuas were served with a greater variety on palm-mats often richly decorated, around which low seats were placed for their convenience; napkins were also furnished.[364] FOOTNOTES: [342] 'Dicen que en aquellos principios del mundo se mantenian los hombres solamente con frutas y yerbas, hasta que uno á quien llaman Tlaominqui, que quiere decir, _el que mató con flecha_ halló la invencion del arco y la flecha, y que desde entónces comenzaron á ejercitarse en la caza y mantenerse de carnes de los animales que mataban en ella.' _Veytia_, _Hist. Ant. Mej._, tom. i., p. 10. The giants lived 'mas como brutos que como racionales: su alimento eran las carnes crudas de las aves y fieras que cazavan sin distincion alguna, las frutas y yerbas silvestres porque nada cultivaban;' yet they knew how to make pulque to get drunk with. _Id._, p. 151. [343] The Olmecs raised at least maize, chile, and beans before the time of the Toltecs. _Veytia_, _Hist. Ant. Mej._, tom. i., p. 154. The Toltec 'comida era el mismo mantenimiento que ahora se usa del maíz que sembraban y beneficiaban así el blanco como el de mas colores.' _Sahagun_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. iii., lib. x., p. 112. To the Toltec agriculture 'debitrici si riconobbero le posteriori Nazioni del frumentone, del cotone, del peverone, e d'altri utilissimi frutti.' _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. i., p. 127. The Toltecs 'truxeron mays, algodon, y demas semillas.' _Vetancvrt_, _Teatro Mex._, pt ii., p. 11. 'Tenian el maiz, algodon, chile, frijoles y las demas semillas de la tierra que hay.' _Ixtlilxochitl_, _Relaciones_, in _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, tom. ix., pp. 327, 393-4. [344] 'Su comida era toda especie de caza, tanto cuadrúpeda como volátil, sin distincion ni otro condimento que asada, y las frutas ... pero nada sembraban, ni cultivaban.' _Veytia_, _Hist. Ant. Mej._, tom. ii., p. 6. 'No sembraban, ni cocian, ni asaban las Carnes de la caza.' Their kings and nobles kept forests of deer and hare to supply the people with food, until in Nopaltzin's reign they were taught to plant by a descendant of the Toltecs. _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. i., pp. 32, 38-9, 67, 279. They were the first inhabitants of the country and 'solo se mantenian de caça.' 'Caçauan venados, liebres, conejos, comadrejas, topos, gatos monteses, paxaros, y aun inmundicias como culebras, lagartos, ratones, langostas, y gusanos, y desto y de yeruas rayzes se sustentauan.' _Acosta_, _Hist. de las Ynd._, pp. 453-5. And to the same effect _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. i., pp. 132-3; _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. i., p. 203; _Heredia y Sarmiento_, _Sermon_, p. 74; _Camargo_, _Hist. Tlax._, in _Nouvelles Annales des Voy._, 1843, tom. xcviii., pp. 140, 151; _Vetancvrt_, _Teatro Mex._, pt ii., p. 12. They began to till the ground in Hotzin's reign, but before that they roasted their meat and did not, as many claim, eat it raw. _Ixtlilxochitl_, _Hist. Chich._, in _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. ix., pp. 213-14; _Id._, _Relaciones_, p. 335. Agriculture introduced in Nopaltzin's reign. _Id._, p. 344. But Sahagun, _Hist. Gen._, tom. iii., lib. x., p. 115, says some of the Chichimecs 'hacian tambien alguna sementerilla de maíz.' [345] 'Sobre juncia y espadaña se echa tierra en tal forma, que no la deshaga el agua, y allí se siembra, y cultiua, y crece, y madura, y se lleua de vna parte á otra.' The products are maize, chile, wild amaranth, tomatoes, beans, chian, pumpkins, etc. _Acosta_, _Hist. de las Ynd._, p. 472. 'La lor figura regolare è quadrilunga: la lunghessa, e la larghezza son varie; ma per lo più hanno, secondo che mi pare, otto pertiche in circa di lunghezza, non più di tre di larghezza, e meno d'un piede d'elevazione sulla superficie dell'acqua.' _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., pp. 152-3. Produce not only plants useful for food, dress, and medicine, but flowers and plants that serve only for decoration and luxury. _Id._, tom. iv., p. 227. Carbajal Espinosa, _Hist. Mex._, tom. i., p. 620, translates Clavigero's description. 'Fairy islands of flowers, overshadowed occasionally by trees of considerable size.' 'That archipelago of wandering islands.' 200 or 300 feet long, 3 or 4 feet deep. _Prescott's Mex._, vol. ii., pp. 70, 107-8. The black mud of the chinampas is impregnated with muriate of soda, which is gradually washed out as the surface is watered. _Humboldt_, _Essai Pol._, tom. i., pp. 200-2. Mention by Gayangos in _Cortés_, _Cartas_, p. 79; _Heredia y Sarmiento_, _Sermon_, pp. 95-6. 'Camellones, que ellos llaman Chinampas.' _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., p. 483; _Carli_, _Cartas_, pt i., pp. 38-9. [346] 'Es esta provincia (Tlascala) de muchos valles llanos y hermosos, y todos labrados y sembrados.' In Cholula 'ni un palmo de tierra hay que no esté labrado.' _Cortés_, _Cartas_, pp. 68, 75. 'Tout le monde, plus ou moins, s'adonnait à la culture, et se faisait honneur de travailler à la campagne.' _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. iii., p. 634; _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., p. 481. 'Hasta los montes y sierras fragosas las tenian ocupadas con sembrados y otros aprovechamientos.' _Ixtlilxochitl_, _Hist. Chich._, in _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. ix., p. 250. [347] _Cortés_, _Cartas_, p. 75; _Ixtlilxochitl_, _Hist. Chich._, in _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. ix., p. 250; _Veytia_, _Hist. Ant. Mej._, tom. iii., p. 331. [348] A full list and description of the many edible Mexican plants which were cultivated by the Nahuas in the sixteenth and earlier centuries, as they have been ever since by their descendants, is given by the botanist, Hernandez, in his _Nova Plantarum_; see also _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. i., pp. 45-68; repeated in _Carbajal Espinosa_, _Hist. Mex._, tom. i., pp. 102-19; _Acosta_, _Hist. de las Ynd._, p. 236, et seq. Maize, maguey, cacao, bananas, and vanilla. _Prescott's Mex._, vol. i., pp. 134-6. The Totonacs raised fruits, but no cacao or _veinacaztli_. _Sahagun_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. iii., lib. x., p. 131. The people of Michoacan raised 'maíz, frisoles, pepitas y fruta, y las semillas de mantenimientos, llamados _oauhtli, y chian_.' _Id._, p. 137. The Matlaltzincas also raised the _hoauhtli_. _Id._, p. 130. Besides corn, the most important products were cotton, cacao, maguey (metl), frijoles, chia, and chile. _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., p. 158; _Carbajal Espinosa_, _Hist. Mex._, tom. i., p. 624. 'Les Mexicains cultivaient non-seulement toutes les fleurs et toutes les plantes que produit leur pays, mais encore une infinité d'autres qu'ils y avaient transplantées des contrées les plus éloignées.' _Tezozomoc_, _Hist. Mex._, tom. i., p. 44. _Id._, _Crónica_, in _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. ix., p. 18. 'Hay frutas de muchas maneras, en que hay cerezas, y ciruelas que son semejables á las de España.' _Cortés_, _Cartas_, p. 104. Fruit was more abundant among the Huastecs than elsewhere. _Tezozomoc_, _Hist. Mex._, tom. i., p. 147. 'They haue also many kindes of pot herbes, as lettice, raddish, cresses, garlicke, onyons, and many other herbes besides.' _Peter Martyr_, dec. v., lib. iii. Edible fruits. _Sahagun_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. ii., lib. viii., p. 300. [349] _Molina_, _Diccionario_. 'Centli, o Tlaulli, que otros dizen mayz.' _Gomara_, _Conq. Mex._, p. 343. [350] _Cortés_, _Cartas_, p. 64; _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. i., p. 515. In Tlascala 'no tienen otra riqueza ni granjeria, sino centli que es su pan.' _Gomara_, _Conq. Mex._, fol. 87. [351] Peter Martyr and the Anonymous Conqueror say, however, that cacao-trees were planted under larger trees, which were cut down when the plant gained sufficient strength. Dec. v., lib. iv.; _Icazbalceta_, _Col. de Doc._, tom. i., p. 380. [352] On the culture of maize and other points mentioned above see _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., pp. 481-2, 564, tom. i., p. 166; _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., pp. 153-6; _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. iii., pp. 633-7, tom. iv., p. 61; _Carbajal Espinosa_, _Hist. Mex._, tom. i., pp. 621-4; _Cortés_, _Cartas_, p. 75; _Bernal Diaz_, _Hist. Conq._, p. 128; _Camargo_, _Hist. Tlax._, in _Nouvelles Annales des Voy._, 1843, tom. xcviii., p. 196; _Peter Martyr_, dec. v., lib. ii.; _Gagern_, in _Soc. Mex. Geog., Boletin_, 2da época, tom. i., pp. 815-16. [353] _Burgoa_, _Geog. Descrip._, tom. ii., pt ii., pp. 332-3; _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. iii., pp. 40-2. [354] On hunting see _Motolinia_, _Hist. Indios_, in _Icazbalceta_, _Col. de Doc._, tom. i., p. 48; _Sahagun_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. i., lib. ii., p. 165, tom. iii., lib. xi., pp. 149-229, including a full list and description of Mexican animals; _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. i., p. 298, tom. ii., pp. 281, 297; _Peter Martyr_, dec. v., lib. iii.; _Cortés_, _Cartas_, p. 22; _Camargo_, _Hist. Tlax._, in _Nouvelles Annales des Voy._, 1843, tom. xcviii., p. 196; _Ixtlilxochitl_, _Relaciones_, in _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. ix., pp. 335, 346, 458; _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., pp. 160-2. List of Mexican animals in _Id._, tom. i., pp. 68-99; _Carbajal Espinosa_, _Hist. Mex._, tom. i., pp. 626-7, 120-44, with same list; _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. i., p. 235. [355] _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. i., pp. 99-105, tom. ii., p. 162, with list and description of Mexican fishes, of which over 100 varieties fit for food are mentioned; repeated in _Carbajal Espinosa_, _Hist. Mex._, tom. i., pp. 145-50, 628; _Peter Martyr_, dec. v., lib. ii., iii.; _Tezozomoc_, _Hist. Mex._, tom. i., pp. 60, 147; _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. i., p. 93; _Camargo_, _Hist. Tlax._, in _Nouvelles Annales des Voy._, 1843, tom. xcviii., p. 132; _Acosta_, _Hist. de las Ynd._, p. 460. List of fishes in _Sahagun_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. iii., lib. xi., pp. 199-207. [356] 'Crian muchas gallinas ... que son tan grandes como pavos.' 'Conejos, liebres, venados y perros pequeños, que crian para comer castrados.' _Cortés_, _Cartas_, pp. 23, 94, 104, 222. 'Young whelpes flesh is vsuall there ... which they geld and fatte for foode.' _Peter Martyr_, dec. v., lib. iii. The same author, dec. v., lib. iii., gives some queer information respecting the turkeys. 'The femalles sometimes lay 20. or 30. egges, so that it is a multiplying company. The males, are alwayes in loue, and therefore they say, they are very light meate of digestion.' A certain priest reports that 'the male is troubled with certayne impedimentes in the legges, that he can scarse allure the henne to treade her, vnlesse some knowne person take her in his hand, and hold her.... As soone as hee perceiueth the henne which he loueth, is held, hee presently commeth vnto her, and performes his businesse in the hand of the holder,' See _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., pp. 158-9, tom. iv., p. 228; _Carbajal Espinosa_, _Hist. Mex._, tom. i., pp. 624-6; _Oviedo_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. iii., pp. 291-2. [357] _Peter Martyr_, dec. v., lib. iii.; _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. i., p. 450; _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. ii., lib. vii., cap. v.; _Oviedo_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. iii., p. 284; _Cortés_, _Cartas_, p. 66; _Sahagun_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. i., lib. ii., pp. 124-8, tom. iii., lib. x., p. 130; _Albornoz_, in _Icazbalceta_, _Col. de Doc._, tom. i., p. 507; _Camargo_, _Hist. Tlax._, in _Nouvelles Annales des Voy._, 1843, tom. xcviii., p. 180; _Gomara_, _Conq. Mex._, fol. 100; _Solis_, _Hist. Conq. Mex._, tom. i., pp. 390-1. [358] On the preparation of food, and for mention more or less extensive of miscellaneous articles of food, see _Sahagun_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. i., lib. ii., pp. 129-30, 184-6, tom. ii., lib. vii., p. 258, tom. viii., pp. 297, 302-5, tom. iii, lib. x., pp. 118-19, 130, 132; _Acosta_, _Hist. de las Ynd._, pp. 237-38, 250-1, 254, 257-8; _Bernal Diaz_, _Hist. Conq._, fol. 68-9; _Cortés_, _Cartas_, pp. 23, 68, 103-5; _Relacion de Algunas Cosas_, in _Icazbalceta_, _Col. de Doc._, tom. i., pp. 378-9; _Peter Martyr_, dec. v., lib. ii., iii.; _Las Casas_, _Hist. Apologética_, MS., cap. 43, 175; _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. i., pp. 93, 353, 373, tom. ii., p. 297; _Gomara_, _Conq. Mex._, fol. 39, 318-19; _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., pp. 158, 217, etc., tom. iv., p. 228; _Solis_, _Hist. Conq. Mex._, tom. i., p. 394; _Tezozomoc_, _Hist. Mex._, tom. i., pp. 44, 48-9, 60, 88, 133, 141-3; _Spiegazione delle Tavole del Codice Mexicano_ (Vaticano), in _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. v., p. 191; _Carbajal Espinosa_, _Hist. Mex._, tom. i., pp. 624, 628-30, 674-9; _Diaz_, _Itinerario_, in _Icazbalceta_, _Col. de Doc._, tom. i., pp. 298-9; _Zuazo_, _Carta_, in _Id._, pp. 359-61; _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. i., p. 234, tom. iii., pp. 631, 641-4; _Camargo_, _Hist. Tlax._, in _Nouvelles Annales des Voy._, 1843, tom. xcviii., pp. 142, 151-2. [359] 'Oi dezir, que le (for Montezuma) solian guisar carnes de muchachos de poca edad.' _Bernal Diaz_, _Hist. Conq._, fol. 68, 35, 37. A slave 'elaborately dressed' was a prominent feature of the banquet. _Prescott's Mex._, vol. i., p. 155. They ate the arms and legs of the Spaniards captured. _Gemelli Careri_, in _Churchill's Col. Voyages_, vol. iv., p. 527. 'They draw so much blood, as in stead of luke warme water may suffice to temper the lumpe, which by the hellish butchers of that art, without any perturbation of the stomacke being sufficiently kneaded, while it is moyst, and soft euen as a potter of the clay, or a wax chandler of wax, so doth this image maker, admitted and chosen to be maister of this damned and cursed worke.' _Peter Martyr_, dec. v., lib. iv., i. 'Cocian aquella carne con maíz, y daban á cada uno un pedazo de ella en una escudilla ó cajete con su caldo, y su maíz cocida, y llamaban aquella comida _tlacatlaolli_.' _Sahagun_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. i., lib. ii., pp. 89, 14, 84, 93, 97. 'La tenian por cosa, como sagrada, y mas se movian à esto por Religion, que por vicio.' _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., pp. 584-5. See also _Albornoz_, in _Icazbalceta_, _Col. de Doc._, tom. i., p. 488; _Zuazo_, _Carta_, in _Id._, pp. 363, 365; _Motolinia_, _Hist. Indios_, in _Id._, pp. 40-1, 59; _Relacion de Algunas Cosas_, in _Id._, p. 398; _Veytia_, _Hist. Ant. Mej._, tom. iii., pp. 282-3; _Gand_, in _Ternaux-Compans_, _Voy._, série i., tom. x., p. 197; _Bologne_, in _Id._, p. 215; _Duran_, _Hist. Indias_, MS., tom. iii., appendix, cap. iii.; _Carbajal_, _Discurso_, p. 60; _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., p. 47; _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. iii., pp. 502-3, tom. iv., p. 90; _Las Casas_, _Hist. Apologética_, MS., cap. 175-6. [360] _Texcalcevia_, _texcalcevilo_, and _mataluhtli_ are some of the names given to pulque according to its hue and condition. _Sahagun_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. i., lib. ii., pp. 175, 179, 186. Pulque from Chilian language. _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., pp. 221-2. See _Carbajal Espinosa_, _Hist. Mex._, tom. i., pp. 679-80; _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. iii., pp. 643-4, tom. i., pp. 340-5; _Duran_, _Hist. Indias_, MS., tom. iii., cap. xxii.; _Veytia_, _Hist. Ant. Mej._, tom. i., p. 151. 'Antes que á su vino lo cuezan con unas raices que le echan, es claro y dulce como aguamiel. Despues de cocido, hácese algo espeso y tiene mal olor, y los que con él se embeodan, mucho peor.' _Motolinia_, _Hist. Indios_, in _Icazbalceta_, _Col. de Doc._, tom. i., pp. 22-3; and _Ritos Antiguos_, pp. 16-17, in _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. ix. 'No hay perros muertos, ni bomba, que assi hiedan como el haliento del borracho deste vino.' _Gomara_, _Conq. Mex._, fol. 319. [361] 'Esta bebida es el mas sano y mas sustancioso alimento de cuantos se conocen en el mundo, pues el que bebe una taza de ella, aunque haga una jornada, puede pasarse todo el dia sin tomar otra cosa; y siendo frio por su naturaleza, es mejor en tiempo caliente que frio.' _Relacion de Algunas Cosas_, in _Icazbalceta_, _Col. de Doc._, tom. i., p. 381. 'La mejor, mas delicada y cara beuida que tienen es de harina de cacao y agua. Algunas vezes le mezclan miel, y harina de otras legumbres. Esto no emborracha, antes refresca mucho.' _Gomara_, _Conq. Mex._, fol. 319. 'Of certaine almondes ... they make wonderfull drinke.' _Peter Martyr_, dec. v., lib. ii., iv. 'Cierta bebida hecha del mismo cacao, que dezian era para tener acceso con mugeres.' _Bernal Diaz_, _Hist. Conq._, fol. 68. Red, vermilion, orange, black, and white. _Sahagun_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. ii., lib. viii., pp. 301-2. See _Acosta_, _Hist. de las Ynd._, p. 251; _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., pp. 219-20; _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. iii., pp. 642-3. [362] _Chicha_ and _sendechó_, fermented drinks. _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., p. 221. Sendechó, an Otomí drink, for a full description see _Mendoza_, in _Soc. Mex. Geog., Boletin_, 2da época, tom. ii., pp. 25-8. 'Ale, and syder.' _Peter Martyr_, dec. v., lib. iv. 'Panicap que es cierto brebaje que ellos beben.' _Cortés_, _Cartas_, p. 76. See besides references in note 19; _Motolinia_, _Hist. Indios_, in _Icazbalceta_, _Col. de Doc._, tom. i., p. 23; _Sahagun_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. iii., lib. x., pp. 118, 130; _Mendieta_, _Hist. Ecles._, p. 139; _Carbajal Espinosa_, _Hist. Mex._, tom. i., pp. 676, 678-9. [363] _Mendieta_, _Hist. Ecles._, pp. 138-40. 'Comunmente comenzaban á beber despues de vísperas, y dábanse tanta prisa á beber de diez en diez, ó quince en quince, y los escanciadores que no cesaban, y la comida que no era mucha, á prima noche ya van perdiendo el sentido, ya cayendo ya asentado, cantando y dando voces llamando al demonio.' _Motolinia_, _Hist. Indios_, in _Icazbalceta_, _Col. de Doc._, tom. i., pp. 23, 32. 'Beben con tanto exceso, que no paran hasta caer como muertos de puro ebrios, y tienen á grande honra beber mucho y embriagarse.' _Relacion de Algunas Cosas_, in _Id._, pp. 582, 587. Drinkers and drunkards had several special divinities. _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. iii., p. 493. Drank less before the conquest. _Duran_, _Hist. Indias_, MS., tom. iii., cap. xxii.; _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. i., p. 119. [364] 'Comen en el suelo, y suziamente ... parten los hueuos en vn cabello que se arrancan,' whatever that operation may be. _Gomara_, _Conq. Mex._, fol. 319. 'Es gente que con muy poco mantenimiento vive, y la que menos come de cuantas hay en el mundo.' _Relacion de Algunas Cosas_, in _Icazbalceta_, _Col. de Doc._, tom. i., pp. 379-80. 'Molto sobrj nel mangiare.' _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. i., p. 119. 'It is not lawfull for any that is vnmaried to sit at table with such as are maried, or to eate of the same dish, or drinke of the same cup, and make themselues equall with such as are married.' _Peter Martyr_, dec. iv., lib. iv. The nobles gave feasts at certain periods of the year for the relief of the poor. _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., p. 270. See also _Sahagun_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. iii., lib. x., p. 138; _Oviedo_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. iii., p. 535; _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. iii., pp. 644-5. Additional references for the whole subject of Nahua food are:--_Montanus_, _Nieuwe Weereld_, pp. 74, 80, 247, 251; _Dapper_, _Neue Welt_, pp. 83, 91, 278-9, 283; _Klemm_, _Cultur-Geschichte_, tom. v., pp. 10-13, 20-6, 102, 104, 180-3, 189, 196; _Wappäus_, _Geog. u. Stat._, pp. 44-9; _Tylor's Anahuac_, pp. 62, 103, 145-6, 173-4; _Fossey_, _Mexique_, pp. 44, 215, 485-6; _Malte-Brun_, _Précis de la Géog._, tom. vi., p. 456; _Monglave_, _Résumé_, pp. 37-8, 261; _Delaporte_ _Reisen_, tom. x., pp. 257, 268-9; _Dillon_, _Hist. Mex._, p. 45; _Chevalier_, _Mex., Ancien y Mod._, pp. 15-27; _Müller_, _Amerikanische Urreligionen_, p. 538; _Boyle's Ride_, vol. i., pp. 278-9; _Macgregor's Progress of Amer._, vol. i., p. 22; _Gibbs_, in _Hist. Mag._, vol. vii., p. 99; _Hazart_, _Kirchen-Geschichte_, tom. ii., p. 502; _Helps' Span. Conq._, tom. ii., p. 455; _Lafond_, _Voyages_, tom. i., p. 107; _Baril_, _Mexique_, pp. 208-9; _Bussierre_, _L'Empire Mex._, pp. 164-6, 178, 230; _Lenoir_, _Parallèle_, p. 39; _Long, Porter, and Tucker's America_, p. 162; _Soden_, _Spanier in Peru_, tom. ii., pp. 16-17. CHAPTER XI. DRESS OF THE NAHUA NATIONS. PROGRESS IN DRESS--DRESS OF THE PRE-AZTEC NATIONS--GARMENTS OF THE CHICHIMECS AND TOLTECS--INTRODUCTION OF COTTON--THE MAXTLI--THE TILMATLI--DRESS OF THE ACOLHUAS--ORIGIN OF THE TARASCAN COSTUME--DRESS OF THE ZAPOTECS AND TABASCANS--DRESS OF WOMEN--THE HUIPIL AND CUEITL--SANDALS--MANNER OF WEARING THE HAIR--PAINTING AND TATTOOING--ORNAMENTS USED BY THE NAHUAS--GORGEOUS DRESS OF THE NOBLES--DRESS OF THE ROYAL ATTENDANTS--NAMES OF THE VARIOUS MANTLES--THE ROYAL DIADEM--THE ROYAL WARDROBE--COSTLY DECORATIONS. With but few exceptions the dress of all the civilized nations of Mexico appears to have been the same. The earliest people, the historians inform us, went entirely naked or covered only the lower portion of the body with the skins of wild animals. Afterwards, as by degrees civilization advanced, this scanty covering grew into a regular costume, though still, at first, made only of skins. From this we can note a farther advance to garments manufactured first out of tanned and prepared skins, later of maguey and palm-tree fibres, and lastly of cotton. From the latter no further progress was made, excepting in the various modes of ornamenting and enriching the garments with feather-work, painting, embroidery, gold-work, and jewelry. The common people were obliged to content themselves with plain clothing, but the dress of the richer classes, nobles, princes, and sovereigns, was of finer texture and richer ornamentation.[365] The descriptions of the dresses of the nations which occupied the Valley of Mexico before the Aztecs vary according to different authors. While some describe them as gorgeously decked out in painted and embroidered garments of cotton and nequen, others say, that they went either wholly naked or were only partially covered with skins. Thus Sahagun and Brasseur de Bourbourg describe the Toltecs as dressed in undergarments and mantles on which blue scorpions were painted,[366] while the latter author in another place says that they went entirely naked.[367] Veytia goes even farther than Sahagun, affirming that they knew well how to manufacture clothing of cotton, that a great difference existed between the dress of the nobles and that of the plebeians, and that they even varied their clothing with the seasons. He describes them as wearing in summer a kind of breech-cloth or drawers and a square mantle tied across the breast and descending to the ankles, while in winter in addition to the above they clothed themselves in a kind of sack, which reached down as far as the thighs, without sleeves but with a hole for the head and two others for the arms.[368] [Sidenote: DRESS OF THE AZTECS, TARASCOS, AND HUASTECS.] The Chichimecs, generally mentioned as the successors of the Toltecs, are mostly described as going naked, or only partly dressed in skins.[369] This appears, however, only to relate to the people spoken of as wild Chichimecs; those who inhabited Tezcuco and others in that neighborhood as civilized as the Aztecs, dressed probably in a similar fashion to theirs; at least, as we shall presently see, this was the case with their sovereigns and nobles. All the Nahuas, with the exception of the Tarascos and Huastecs, made use of the breech-cloth, or maxtli.[370] This with the Mexicans in very early times is said to have been a kind of mat, woven of the roots of a plant which grew in the Lake of Mexico, and was called _amoxtli_.[371] Later, the fibre of the palm-tree and the maguey furnished the material for their clothing, and it was only during the reign of King Huitzilihuitl that cotton was introduced.[372] The maxtli was about twenty-four feet long and nine inches wide, and was generally more or less ornamented at the ends with colored fringes and tassels, the latter sometimes nine inches long. The manner of wearing it was to pass the middle between the legs and to wind it about the hips, leaving the ends hanging one in front and the other at the back, as is done at this day by the Malays and other East Indian natives. It was at the ends usually that the greatest display of embroidery, fancy fringes, and tassels was made.[373] [Sidenote: GARMENTS OF THE TARASCOS.] As a further covering the men wore the _tilmatli_, or _ayatl_, a mantle, which was nothing more than a square piece of cloth about four feet long. If worn over both shoulders, the two upper ends were tied in a knot across the breast, but more frequently it was only thrown over one shoulder and knotted under one of the arms. Sometimes two or three of these mantles were worn at one time. This, however, was only done by the better classes. The older Spanish writers generally compare this mantle to the Moorish albornoz. It was usually colored or painted, frequently richly embroidered or ornamented with feathers and furs. The edges were scalloped or fringed with tufts of cotton and sometimes with gold. Rich people had, besides these, mantles made of rabbit or other skins, or of beautiful feathers, and others of fine cotton into which was woven rabbit-hair, which latter were used in cold weather.[374] In only one instance garments with sleeves are mentioned. Ixtlilxochitl, in describing the dress of the Acolhuas, says that they wore a kind of long coat reaching to the heels with long sleeves.[375] The dress of the Tarascos differed considerably from that of the other Nahua nations. This difference is said to have originated in ancient times, when they together with other tribes, as the legend relates, immigrated into Mexico. While on their wanderings being obliged to cross a river, and having no ropes with which to construct rafts, they used for this purpose their maxtlis and mantles. Not being able to procure other clothing immediately, they were under the necessity of putting on the _huipiles_, or chemises, of the women, leaving to the latter only their _naguas_, or petticoats. In commemoration of this event, they later adopted this as their national costume, discarding the maxtli and wearing the huipil and a mantle.[376] The tilmatli, or ayatl, was by the Tarascos called _tlanatzi_. It was worn over one shoulder and was knotted under the other arm. They frequently trimmed it with hare-skins and painted it gaudily. The young wore it considerably shorter than old people. The manufacture of feather garments seems to have been a specialty of the Tarascos.[377] The Zapotecs chiefly dressed in skins, while others in Oajaca are said to have worn small jackets, and Cortés reports these people to have been better dressed than any he had previously seen.[378] In Tabasco but little covering was used, the greater part of the population going almost naked.[379] [Sidenote: DRESS OF WOMEN.] There was no difference in the dress of the women throughout Anáhuac. The huipil and _cueitl_ were the chief articles, and were universally used. Besides these, mantles of various shapes and materials were worn. The huipil was a kind of chemise, with either no sleeves at all or very short ones; it covered the upper part of the body to a little below the thighs. The lower part of the body was covered by the cueitl, a petticoat, reaching to about half-way between the knees and ankles, and often nicely embroidered and ornamented. Skins, _ixcotl_, or palm-fibre, nequen, and cotton were the materials used for these garments. Out of doors they frequently put on another over-dress similar to the huipil, only longer and with more ornamental fringes and tassels. Sometimes they wore two or three of these at the same time, one over the other, but in that case they were of different lengths, the longest one being worn underneath. A mantle similar in size and shape to that used by the men, white and painted in various designs on the outside, was also used by the females. To the upper edge of this, on that portion which was at the back of the neck, a capuchin, like that worn by the Dominican and other monks, was fastened, with which they covered their head.[380] To protect their feet they used sandals, by the Aztecs called _cactli_, which were made of deer or other skins, and frequently also of nequen and cotton. The strings or straps used to fasten them were of the same material.[381] I do not find any description of the manner in which they were fastened, but in an old Mexican manuscript on maguey paper, in which some of the natives are painted in various colors, I find that the sandals were fastened in three places; first by a strap running across the foot immediately behind the toes, then another over the instep and running toward the heel, and lastly by a strap from the heel round the ankle. [Sidenote: HAIR-DRESSING AND PAINTING.] As a general thing Mexicans wore the hair long, and in many parts of the empire it was considered a disgrace to cut the hair of a free man or woman.[382] Unlike most of the American natives they wore moustaches, but in other parts of the body they eradicated all hair very carefully.[383] There were public barber-shops and baths in all the principal cities.[384] The Aztecs had various ways of dressing the hair, differing according to rank and office. Generally it was left hanging loose down the back. The women also frequently wore it in this way, but oftener had it done up or trimmed after various fashions; thus some wore it long on the temples and had the rest of the head shaved, others twisted it with dark cotton thread, others again had almost the whole head shaved. Among them it was also fashionable to dye the hair with a species of black clay, or with an herb called _xiuhquilitl_, the latter giving it a violet shade. Unmarried girls wore the hair always loose; they considered it as especially graceful to wear the hair low[385] on the forehead. The virgins who served in the temples had their hair cut short.[386] The Otomís shaved the fore part of the heads of children, leaving only a tuft behind, which they called _piochtli_, while the men wore the hair cut short as far as the middle of the back of the head, but left it to grow long behind; and these long locks they called _piocheque_. Girls did not have their hair cut until after marriage, when it was worn in the same style as by the men.[387] The Tarascos, or as they were also called Quaochpanme, derived this last name from an old fashion of having their heads shaved, both men and women.[388] Later they wore the hair long, the common people simply letting it hang down the back, while the rich braided it with cotton threads of various colors.[389] The Miztecs wore the hair braided, and ornamented with many feathers.[390] The Nahua women used paint freely to beautify their person, and among some nations they also tattooed. Among the Aztecs they painted their faces with a red, yellow, or black color, made, as Sahagun tells us, of burnt incense mixed with dye. They also dyed their feet black with the same mixture. Their teeth they cleaned and painted with cochineal; hands, neck, and breast were also painted.[391] Among the Tlascaltecs the men painted their faces with a dye made of the _xagua_ and _bixa_.[392] The Otomís tattooed their breasts and arms by making incisions with a knife and rubbing a blue powder therein. They also covered the body with a species of pitch called _teocahuitl_, and over this again they applied some other color. Their teeth they dyed black.[393] The Nahuas, like all semi-barbarous people, had a passion for loading themselves with ornaments. Those worn by the kings, nobles, and rich persons, were of gold or silver, set with precious stones; those of the poorer classes were of copper, stone, or bone, set with imitations in crystal of the rarer jewels. These ornaments took the shape of bracelets, armlets, anklets, and rings for the nose, ears, and fingers. The lower lip was also pierced, and precious stones, or crystals, inserted. The richer classes used principally for this purpose the chalchiuite, which is generally designated as an emerald. There existed very stringent laws regarding the class of ornaments which the different classes of people were allowed to wear, and it was prohibited, on pain of death, for a subject to use the same dress or ornaments as the king. Duran relates that to certain very brave but low-born warriors permission was accorded to wear a cheap garland or crown on the head, but on no account might it be made of gold.[394] Gomara tells us that the claws and beaks of the eagle and also fish-bones were worn as ornaments in the ears, nose, and lips.[395] The Otomís used ear-ornaments made of burned clay, nicely browned, and others of cane.[396] The Tarascos chiefly relied on feathers for their personal adornment.[397] Of the natives encountered by Cortés when he landed at Vera Cruz, Peter Martyr tells us that in the "hole of the lippes, they weare a broad plate within fastened to another on the outside of the lippe, and the iewell they hang thereat is as great as a siluer Caroline doller and as thicke as a mans finger."[398] In Oajaca more ornaments were worn than in any other part of the country, owing, perhaps, as the Abbé Brasseur de Bourbourg remarks, to the plentiful supply of precious metals in that state.[399] [Sidenote: DRESS OF THE NOBLES.] The dress of the nobles and members of the royal household differed from that of the lower classes only in fineness of material and profusion of ornaments. The kings appear to have worn garments of the same shape as those of their subjects, but, in other respects, a particular style of dress was reserved for royalty, and he who presumed to imitate it was put to death. On occasions, however, when the monarch wished to bestow a special mark of favor upon a brave soldier or distinguished statesman, he would graciously bestow upon him one of his garments, which, even though the recipient were a great noble, was received with joy, and the wearer respected as a man whom the king delighted to honor.[400] In Tlascala differences of rank among the nobles were easily recognized by the style of dress. The common people were strictly forbidden to wear cotton clothes with fringes or other trimmings, unless with special permission, granted in consideration of services rendered.[401] The court laws of etiquette prescribed the dress to be worn by the royal attendants, who could only appear without sandals, barefooted, and in coarse mantles before the king, and even the apparel of the sovereign was in like manner fixed by custom, if not by law. The different kinds of tilmatlis, or mantles, had each its appropriate name, and varied in material as well as in ornament and color. The cotton mantles are described as being of exceeding fineness of texture, so much so that it required an expert to determine whether they were cotton or silk.[402] The mantle worn as every-day dress in the palace was white and blue and called the _xiuhtilmatli_.[403] There were many other kinds of mantles, of which the following are the principal: A yellowish, heavily fringed mantle, on which monstrous heads were painted, was called _coazayacaiotilmatli_; another, blue, ornamented with red shells, with three borders, one light, another dark blue, and a third of white feather-work, and fringed with the same kind of shells, was named _tecuciciotilmatli_; another, dark yellow, with alternate black and white circles painted on it, and a border representing eyes, was the _temalcacaiotilmatlitenisio_; a similar one, differing only in the figures and shape of the ornaments, was the _itzcayotilmatli_; a very gaudy one, worked in many colors, was the _umetechtecomaiotilmatli_; another, with a yellow ground, on which were butterflies made of feathers, and with scalloped edges, was called _papaloiotilmatlitenisio_; the _xaoalquauhiotilmatlitenisio_, was embroidered with designs representing the flower called _ecacazcatl_, and further ornamented with white feather-work and feather edges; the _ocelotentlapalliyiticycacocelotl_ was an imitation of a tiger-skin, also ornamented with an edge of white feathers; the _ixnextlacuilolli_ was worked in many colors, and had a sun painted on it.[404] Other mantles, differing mainly in their style of ornamentation, were the _coaxacayo_ and _tlacalhuaztilmatli_, the latter worn when the king went into his gardens or to the chase. In the same manner there are also various kinds of maxtlis mentioned, such as the _ynyaomaxaliuhqui_, _ytzahuazalmaxtlatl_ and _yacahualiuqui_.[405] In fact there appears to have been a different dress for every occasion. We are told, for instance, that when going to the temple the king wore a white mantle, another when going to preside at the court of justice, and here he again changed his dress, according as the case before the court was a civil or criminal suit.[406] The sandals of the kings were always richly ornamented with precious stones, and had golden soles.[407] [Sidenote: DRESS OF THE KINGS.] Whenever the sovereign appeared in public he wore the royal crown, called _copilli_, which was of solid gold, and is described by most writers as having been shaped like a bishop's mitre; but in the hieroglyphical paintings, in which the Mexican kings are represented, it is simply a golden band, wider in front than at the back, the front running up to a point; on some occasions it was ornamented with long feathers.[408] The following description of ornaments, worn by the Mexican kings and nobles, I extract from Sahagun:-- [Sidenote: ABORIGINAL DRESS.] The _quetzalalpitoai_ consisted of two tassels of fine feathers garnished with gold, which they wore bound to the hair on the crown of the head, and hanging down to the temples. The _tlauhquecholtzontli_ was a handsome garment of feathers worn on the shoulders. On the arms they placed gold rings; on the wrists a thick black strap made soft with balsam, and upon it a large chalchiuite or other precious stone. They also had a _barbote_, or chin-piece, of chalchiuite or other precious stone, set in gold, inserted in the chin. These chin-ornaments were made long, of crystal, with some blue feathers in the centre, which made them look like sapphire. The lip had a hole bored in it, from which precious stones or gold crescents were suspended. The great lords likewise had holes in their nose, and placed therein very fine turquoises or other precious stones, one on each side of the nose. On their necks they wore strings of precious stones, or a medal suspended by a gold chain, with pearl pendants hanging from its edge, and a flat jewel in the centre of it. They used bracelets of mosaic work made with turquoises. On their legs they wore, from the knee down, greaves of very thin gold. They carried in the right hand a little golden flag with a tuft of gaudy feathers on the top. Upon their heads they wore a bird made of rich feathers, with its head and beak resting on the forehead, its tail toward the back of the head, its wings falling over the temples.[409] FOOTNOTES: [365] 'La gente pobre vestia de nequen, que es la tela que se haze del maguey, y los ricos vestian de algodon, con orlas labradas de pluma, y pelo de conejos.' _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. ii., lib. vii., cap. ii. [366] _Sahagun_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. iii., lib. x., p. 112; _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. i., p. 283. 'Maxtli enrichi de broderies, et ... tunique d'une grande finesse.' _Id._, p. 350. 'En tiempo de calor con sus mantas y pañetes de algodon, y en tiempo de frio se ponian unos jaquetones sin mangas que los llevaban hasta las rodillas con sus mantas y pañetes.' _Ixtlilxochitl_, _Relaciones_, in _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. ix., p. 327. [367] 'Nu suivant la coutume des indigènes qui travaillaient aux champs.' _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. i., p. 348. [368] 'Algodon, que sabian beneficiar y fabricar de él las ropas de que se vestian.' _Veytia_, _Hist. Ant. Mej._, tom. ii., p. 43; _Id._, tom. i., p. 253. [369] 'Su vestuario eran las pieles ... que las ablandaban y curaban para el efecto, trayendo en tiempo de frios el pelo adentro, y en tiempo de calores ... el pelo por la parte afuera.' _Ixtlilxochitl_, _Hist. Chich._, in _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. ix., p. 214; _Motolinia_, _Hist. Indios_, in _Icazbalceta_, _Col. de Doc._, tom. i., p. 4; _Gomara_, _Conq. Mex._, fol. 298; _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. i., p. 133; _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. i., p. 38. 'Por lo frio de su clima vestian todos pieles de animales adobadas y curtidas, sin que perdiesen el pelo, las que acomodaban á manera de un sayo, que por detras les llegaba hasta las corvas, y por delante á medio muslo.' _Veytia_, _Hist. Ant. Mej._, tom. ii., p. 5, tom. i., p. 25. 'S'habillaient ... de peaux de bêtes fauves, le poil en dehors durant l'été, vieillard en hiver.... Chez les classes aisées ... ces peaux étaient tannées ou maroquinées avec art; on y usait aussi des toiles de nequen, et quelquefois des cotonnades d'une grande finesse.' _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. ii., p. 186. [370] 'Maxtlatl, bragas, o cosa semejante.' _Molina_, _Vocabulario_. The Tarascos 'n'adoptèrent jamais l'usage des caleçons.' _Camargo_, _Hist. Tlax._, in _Nouvelles Annales des Voy._, 1843, tom. xcviii., p. 132. The maxtli is frequently spoken of as drawers or pantaloons. The Huastecs 'no traen maxtles con que cubrir sus vergüenzas.' _Sahagun_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. iii., lib. x., p. 134. [371] _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. i., p. 84. [372] 'Cominciarono in questo tempo a vestirsi di cotone, del quale erano innanzi affatto privi per la loro miseria, nè d'altro vestivansi, se non delle tele grosse di filo di maguei, o di palma salvatica.' _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. i., p. 181. 'Les Mexicains, les Tecpanèques et les autres tribus qui restèrent en arrière, conservèrent l'usage des étoffes de coton, de fil de palmier, de maguey ixchele, de poil de lapin et de lièvre, ainsi que des peaux d'animaux.' _Camargo_, _Hist. Tlax._, in _Nouvelles Annales des Voy._, 1843, tom. xcviii., p. 132. 'Non aveano lana, nè seta comune, nè lino, nè canapa; ma supplivano alla lana col cotone, alla seta colla piuma, e col pelo del coniglio, e della lepre, ed al lino, ed alla canapa coll' _Icxotl_, o palma montana, col _Quetzalichtli_, col _Pati_, e con altre spezie di Maguei.... Il modo, che avevano di preparar questi materiali, era quello stesso, che hanno gli Europei nel lino, e nella canapa. Maceravano in acqua le foglie, e poi le nettavano, le mettevano al Sole, e le ammaccavano, finattantochè le mettevano in istato di poterle filare.' _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., pp. 207-8. Ycçotl, Palma Montana. 'Non videtur filendum, è folijs huius arboris fila parari, linteis, storisq. intexendis perquam accommoda, politiora, firmioraq. eis quæ ex Metl passim fieri consueuere, madentibus in primis aqua, mox protritis, ac lotis, iterumq. et iterum maceratis, et insolatis, donec apta reddantur, vt neri possint, et in usus accommodari materies est leuis, aclenta.' _Hernandez_, _Nova Plant._, p. 76. [373] '_Maxtles_, c'est ainsi qu'on nomme en langue mexicaine des espèces _d'almaysales_ qui sont longues de quatre brasses, larges d'une palme et demie et terminées par des broderies de diverses couleurs, qui ont plus d'une palme et demie de haut.' _Camargo_, _Hist. Tlax._, in _Nouvelles Annales des Voy._, 1843, tom. xcviii., p. 132. 'Cuoprono le loro parti vergogno se cosi di dietro come dinanzi, con certi sciugatoi molto galanti, che sono come gran fazzuoli che si legano il capo per viaggio, di diuersi colori, e orlati di varie foggie, e di colori similmente diuersi, con i suoi fiocchi, che nel cingersegli, viene l'un capo dauanti e l'altro di dietro.' _Relatione fatta par vn gentil'huomo del Signor Fernando Cortese_, in _Ramusio_, _Navigationi_, tom. iii., fol. 305. In Meztitlan, 'les uns et les autres couvraient leur nudités d'une longue bande d'étoffe, semblable à un almaizar, qui leur faisait plusieurs fois le tour du corps et passait ensuite entre les jambes, les extrémités retombant par-devant jusqu'aux genoux.' _Chaves_, _Rapport_, in _Ternaux-Compans_, _Voy._, série ii., tom. v., p. 316. 'Los vestidos que traen (Totonacs) es como de almaizales muy pintados, y los hombres traen tapadas sus verguenzas.' _Cortés_, _Cartas_, p. 23. In Oajaca, 'Maxtles conque se cubrian sus vergüenzas.' _Sahagun_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. iii., lib. x., pp. 136, 123, 131. The Miztecs 'por çaraguelles trahian matzles; que los Castellanos dizen mastiles.' _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. iii., lib. iii., cap. xii.; _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., p. 223. [374] 'Il Tilmatli era un mantello quadro, lungo quattro piedi in circa; due estremità d'esso annodavano sul petto, o sopra una spalla.... Gli Uomini solevano portar due, o tre mantelli.' _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., p. 223, and plate, p. 224. 'I vestimenti loro son certi manti di bambagia come lenzuola, ma non cosi grande, lauoratori di gentili lauori di diuerse maniere, e con le lor franze e orletti, e di questi ciascun n 'ha duoi ò tre e se gli liga per dauanti al petto.' _Relatione fatta per vn gentil'huomo del Signor Fernando Cortese_, in _Ramusio_, _Navigationi_, tom. iii., fol. 305; _Camargo_, _Hist. Tlax._, in _Nouvelles Annales des Voy._, 1843, tom. xcviii., p. 131. 'Todos traen albornoces encima de la otra ropa, aunque son diferenciados de los de Africa, porque tienen maneras; pero en la hechura y tela y los rapacejos son muy semejables.' _Cortés_, _Cartas_, pp. 75, 23. 'Leur vêtement consistait anciennement dans deux ou trois manteaux d'une vare et demi en carré, noués, par en haut, le noeud se mettant pour les uns sur la poitrine, pour les autres à l'épaule gauche, et souvent par derrière.' _Chaves_, _Rapport_, in _Ternaux-Compans_, _Voy._, série ii., tom. v., pp. 315-16. 'Ningun plebeyo vestia de algodon, con franja, ni guarnicion, ni ropa rozagante, sino senzilla, llana, corta, y sin ribete, y assi era conocido cada vno en el trage.' _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. ii., lib. vi., cap. xvii.; _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. iv., p. 174. 'Otras hacian de pelo de Conejo, entretexido de hilo de Algodon ... con que se defendian del frio.' _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., p. 488; _Diaz_, _Itinerario_, in _Icazbalceta_, _Col. de Doc._, tom. i., p. 298. The Totonacs; 'algunos con ropas de algodon, ricas a su costumbre. Los otros casi desnudos.' _Gomara_, _Conq. Mex._, fol. 39, 95; _Sahagun_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. iii., lib. x., p. 131. Huastecs 'andan bien vestidos: y sus ropas y mantas son muy pulidas y curiosas con lindas labores, porque en su tierra hacen las mantas que llaman _centzontilmatli, cenzonquaehtli_, que quiere dezir, mantas _de mil colores_: de allá se traen las mantas que tienen unas cabezas de monstruos pintadas, y las de remolinos de agua engeridas unas con otras, en las cuales y en otras muchas, se esmeraban las tejedoras.' _Id._, p. 134. 'Una manta cuadrada anudada sobre el pecho, hácia el hombro siniestro, que descendia hasta los tobillos; pero en tiempo de invierno cubrian mas el cuerpo con un sayo cerrado sin mangas, y con una sola abertura en la sumida para entrar la cabeza, y dos á los lados para los brazos, y con él se cubrian hasta los muslos.' _Veytia_, _Hist. Ant. Mej._, tom. i., p. 253; _Zuazo_, _Carta_, in _Icazbalceta_, _Col. de Doc._, tom. i., p. 360. [375] 'Vestíanse, unas túnicas largas de pellejos curtidos hasta los carcañales, abiertas por delante y atadas con unas á manera de agugetas, y sus manos que llegaban hasta las muñecas, y las manos.' _Ixtlilxochitl_, _Relaciones_, in _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. ix., p. 341. [376] _Camargo_, _Hist. Tlax._, in _Nouvelles Annales des Voy._, 1843, tom. xcviii., p. 132; _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. iii., p. 57. [377] _Camargo_, _Hist. Tlax._, in _Nouvelles Annales des Voy._, 1843, tom. xcviii., pp. 130-1; _Beaumont_, _Crón. Mechoacan_, MS., pp. 49-50; _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. iii., lib. iii., cap. ix. [378] 'El trage de ellos era de diversas maneras, unos traían mantas, otros como unas xaquetillas.' _Sahagun_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. iii., lib. x., p. 136. 'Era mas vestida que estotra que habemos visto.' _Cortés_, _Cartas_, p. 93. 'La mayor parte andauan en cueros.' _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. iii., lib. iii., cap. xiv. The Miztecs 'vestian mantas blancas de algodon, texidas, pintadas, y matizadas con flores, rosas, y aves de diferentes colores: no trahian camisas.' _Id._, cap. xii. [379] 'Andan casi desnudos.' _Gomara_, _Conq. Mex._, fol. 36. [380] 'Traen camisas de medias mangas.' _Gomara_, _Conq. Mex._, fol. 317; _Relatione fatta per vn gentil'huomo del Signor Fernando Cortese_, in _Ramusio_, _Navigationi_, tom. iii., fol. 305; _Ixtlilxochitl_, _Relaciones_, in _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. ix., p. 327; _Cortés_, _Cartas_, p. 23. In Jalisco they had 'vn Huipilillo corto, que llaman Ixquemitl, ò teapxoloton.' _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. i., p. 339. 'Una sopravvesta ... con maniche più lunghe.' _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., p. 223; _Veytia_, _Hist. Ant. Mej._, tom. ii., p. 6, tom. i., pp. 253-4; _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. i., p. 283. In Michoacan 'no traían vipiles.' _Sahagun_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. iii., lib. x., pp. 138, 123; _Spiegazione delle Tavole del Codice Mexicano_ (Vaticano), in _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. v., pp. 203-4; _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. iii., lib. iii., cap. xii. [381] _Sahagun_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. iii., lib. x., pp. 112, 123; _Ixtlilxochitl_, _Relaciones_, in _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. ix., pp. 336, 341; _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. ii., lib. vi., cap. xvii.; _Id._, dec. iii., lib. iii., cap. ix., xii.; _Beaumont_, _Crón. Mechoacan_, MS., p. 50; _Veytia_, _Hist. Ant. Mej._, tom. i., p. 259; _Gomara_, _Conq. Mex._, fol. 317; _Chaves_, _Rapport_, in _Ternaux-Compans_, _Voy._, série ii., tom. v., p. 316; _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., p. 223. [382] 'Aveano a disonore l'esser tosati.' _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., p. 224. [383] _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. i., p. 350. 'Ni bien baruados, porque se arrancan y vntan los pelos para que no nazcan.' _Gomara_, _Conq. Mex._, fol. 317. The Mistecs 'las barbas se arrancauan con tenazillas de oro.' _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. iii., lib. iii., cap. xii. [384] _Cortés_, _Cartas_, pp. 68, 104; _Oviedo_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. iii., p. 300. [385] 'Hazen lo negro con tierra por gentileza y porque les mate los piojos. Las casadas se lo rodean a la cabeça con vn ñudo a la frente. Las virgines y por casar, lo traen suelto, y echado atras y adelante. Pelan se y vntan se todas para no tener pelo sino en la cabeça y cejas, y assi tienen por hermosura tener chica frente, y llena de cabello, y no tener colodrillo.' _Gomara_, _Conq. Mex._, fol. 317; _Sahagun_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. ii., lib. viii., pp. 309-10, tom. iii., lib. x., pp. 113, 120, tom. xi., p. 309; _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., p. 224; _Chaves_, _Rapport_, in _Ternaux-Compans_, _Voy._, série ii., tom. v., p. 316. The Chichimecs wore it, 'largo hasta las espaldas, y por delante se lo cortan.' _Ixtlilxochitl_, _Relaciones_, in _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. ix., p. 335. [386] _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., p. 224. [387] _Sahagun_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. iii., lib. x., p. 124. [388] 'Llámase tambien Quaochpanme, que quiere decir hombres de cabeza rapada ó raida, porque antiguamente estos tales no traían cabellos largos, antes se rapaban la cabeza así los hombres, como las mugeres.' _Sahagun_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. iii., lib. x., p. 137; _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. iii., p. 57. [389] _Beaumont_, _Crón. Mechoacan_, MS., p. 50. [390] _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. iii., lib. iii., cap. xiv. [391] 'Se raiaban las Caras.' _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. i., p. 255; _Sahagun_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. ii., lib. viii., p. 310. [392] _Gomara_, _Conq. Mex._, fol. 75. [393] _Sahagun_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. iii., lib. x., pp. 124-6. [394] _Duran_, _Hist. Indias_, MS., tom. i., cap. xxvi. [395] _Gomara_, _Conq. Mex._, fol. 317; _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. iii., lib. iii., cap. xii.; Clavigero, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., p. 224, describes the ornaments, but in his accompanying plate fails to show any of them. _Tezozomoc_, _Crónica Mex._, in _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. ix. pp. 79-80; _Purchas his Pilgrimes_, vol. iv., p. 1119. [396] 'De barro cocido bien bruñidas, ó de caña.' _Sahagun_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. iii., lib. x., p. 124. [397] _Id._, p. 137. The Totonacs 'traian vnos grandes agujeros en los beços de abaxo, y en ellos vnas rodajas de piedras pintadillas de azul, y otros con vnas hojas de oro delgadas, y en las orejas muy grandes agujeros, y en ellos puestas otras rodajas de oro, y piedras.' _Bernal Diaz_, _Hist. Conq._, fol. 28; _Cortés_, _Cartas_, p. 23. [398] _Peter Martyr_, dec. iv., lib. vii. [399] The Miztecs 'traen imán, axorcas muy anchas de oro, y sartales de piedra á las muñecas, y joyeles de éstas y de oro al cuello.' _Sahagun_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. iii., lib. x., p. 136; _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. iii., p. 30. [400] 'Ninguna Persona (aunque fuesen sus propios Hijos) podia vestirlo, so pena de la vida.' _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., p. 542; _Duran_, _Hist. Indias_, MS., tom. i., cap. xxvi. [401] _Camargo_, _Hist. Tlax._, in _Nouvelles Annales des Voy._, 1843, tom. xcviii., p. 198. [402] 'Tan delgadas y bien texidas que necesitaban del tacto para diferenciarse de la seda.' _Solis_, _Hist. Conq. Mex._, tom. i., p. 132; _Acosta_, _Hist. de las Ynd._, p. 507. [403] _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., pp. 115-16; _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., p. 542. [404] _Sahagun_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. ii., lib. viii., pp 286-8. [405] _Tezozomoc_, _Crónica Mex._, in _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. ix., p. 57. [406] 'Para salir de Palacio los Reies à visitar los Templos, se vestian de blanco; pero para entrar en los Consejos, y asistir en otros Actos publicos, se vestian de diferentes colores, conforme la ocasion.' _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., p. 543. 'Les rois s'habillaient tantôt de blanc, tantôt d'étoffes d'un jaune obscur ornées de franges de mille couleurs.' _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. i., p. 284, tom. iv., pp. 210-11. 'Mantas de á dos haces, labradas de plumas de papos de aves, tan suaves, que trayendo la mano por encima á pelo y á pospelo, no era mas que una marta cebellina muy bien adobada: hice pesar una dellas, no pesó mas de seis onzas.' _Zuazo_, _Carta_, in _Icazbalceta_, _Col. de Doc._, tom. i., p. 360. 'Vestidos de pelo de conejo y de algodon de mucha curiosidad, y estas eran vestiduras de Caciques y de gente muy principal' in Michoacan. _Beaumont_, _Crón. Mechoacan_, MS., pp. 49-50; _Ixtlilxochitl_, _Hist. Chich._, in _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. ix., pp. 336, 240, 265; _Id._, _Relaciones_, in _Id._, p. 336; _Oviedo_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. iii., p. 298. Description of Montezuma's dress when meeting Cortés, in _Solis_, _Hist. Conq. Mex._, tom. i., p. 369; _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. iii., p. 77; _Veytia_, _Hist. Ant. Mej._, tom. iii., p. 386; _Prescott's Mex._, vol. ii., p. 317. Representations of the dresses of the Mexican kings and nobles are also in the _Codex Mendoza_, in _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. i. [407] 'Traia calçados vnos como cotaras, que assi se dize lo que se calçan, las suelas de oro, y muy preciada pedreria encima en ellas.' _Bernal Diaz_, _Hist. Conq._, fol. 65. 'Portoit une chaussure de peau de chevreuil.' _Nouvelles Annales des Voy._, 1824, tom. xxiv., p. 137. 'Çapatos de oro, que ellos llaman zagles, y son a la manera antigua de los Romanos, tenian gran pedreria de mucho valor, las suelas estauan prendidas con correas.' _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. ii., lib. vii., cap. v. 'Cotaras de cuero de tigres.' _Tezozomoc_, _Crónica Mex._, in _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. ix., p. 79; _Solis_, _Hist. Conq. Mex._, tom. i., p. 369; _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. i., p. 525; _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. iv., pp. 210-11; _Cortés_, _Cartas_, p. 85; _Veytia_, _Hist. Ant. Mej._, tom. iii., p. 386; _Ixtlilxochitl_, _Relaciones_, in _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. ix., p. 327; _Prescott's Mex._, vol. ii., pp. 73-4, 317. [408] 'La corona de Rey, que tiene semejança a la corona de la Señoria de Venecia.' _Acosta_, _Hist. de las Ynd._, p. 471. 'Unas tiaras de oro y pedrería.' _Ixtlilxochitl_, _Hist. Chich._, in _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. ix., p. 295. 'En la Cabeça vnos Plumajes ricos, que ataban tantos cabellos de la Corona, quanto toma el espacio de la Corona Clerical: estos Plumajes prendian y ataban con vna correa colorada, y de ella colgaban con sus pinjantes de Oro, que pendian à manera de chias de Mitra de Obispo.' _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., pp. 542-3. 'Era di varie materie giusta il piacere dei Re, or di lame sottili d'oro or tessuta di filo d'oro, e figurata con vaghe penne.' _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., p. 115, tom. iii., p. 77. 'Before like a Myter, and behinde it was cut, so as it was not round, for the forepart was higher, and did rise like a point.' _Purchas his Pilgrimes_, tom. iv., p. 1062; _Veytia_, _Hist. Ant. Mej._, tom. iii., p. 386; _Prescott's Mex._, vol. ii., p. 317; _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. iv., p. 210. [409] _Sahagun_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. vii., lib. ii., pp. 288-90; _Tezozomoc_, _Crónica Mex._, in _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. ix., pp. 57, 79; _Ixtlilxochitl_, _Hist. Chich._, in _Id._, p. 327; _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. i., p. 525; _Veytia_, _Hist. Ant. Mej._, tom. i., p. 259, tom. iii., p. 392; _Camargo_, _Hist. Tlax._, in _Nouvelles Annales des Voy._, 1843, tom. xcix., p. 178. Further mention of ornaments in the enumeration of presents given by Montezuma to Cortés in _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. iii., pp. 65, 80; _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. ii., lib. v., cap. v.; _Oviedo_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. iii., pp. 279, 283, 285, 292, 298; _Solis_, _Hist. Conq. Mex._, tom. i., pp. 125, 132-3; _Purchas his Pilgrimes_, vol. iv., pp. 1118-9, 1124; _Cortés_, _Cartas_, pp. 69, 85; _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. iv., pp. 76, 84, 214, 263-4; _Prescott's Mex._, vol. ii., p. 83. Among the modern authors who have written upon the subject of dress may be mentioned: _Carbajal Espinosa_, _Hist. Mex._, tom. i., pp. 326, 680-2, tom. ii., pp. 91, 224-5, with numerous cuts; _Bussierre_, _L'Empire Mex._, p. 145; _Chevalier_, _Mex., Ancien et Mod._, pp. 57-8; _Dillon_, _Hist. Mex._, p. 47; _Klemm_, _Cultur-Geschichte_, tom. v., pp. 13-14, 22, 28, 189; _Monglave_, _Résumé_, p. 36; _Brownell's Ind. Races_, pp. 65, 79; _Baril_, _Mexique_, p. 209; _Pimentel_, _Mem. sobre la Raza Indígena_, p. 61. CHAPTER XII. COMMERCE OF THE NAHUA NATIONS. THE MAIN FEATURES OF NAHUA COMMERCE--COMMERCE IN PRE-AZTEC TIMES--OUTRAGES COMMITTED BY AZTEC MERCHANTS--PRIVILEGES OF THE MERCHANTS OF TLATELULCO--JEALOUSY BETWEEN MERCHANTS AND NOBLES--ARTICLES USED AS CURRENCY--THE MARKETS OF ANÁHUAC--ARRANGEMENT AND REGULATIONS OF THE MARKET-PLACES--NUMBER OF BUYERS AND SELLERS--TRANSPORTATION OF WARES--TRAVELING MERCHANTS--COMMERCIAL ROUTES--SETTING OUT ON A JOURNEY--CARAVANS OF TRADERS--THE RETURN--CUSTOMS AND FEASTS OF THE MERCHANTS--NAHUA BOATS AND NAVIGATION. [Sidenote: COMMERCE IN PRE-AZTEC TIMES.] Traditional history tells us but little respecting American commerce previous to the formation of the great Aztec alliance, or empire, but the faint light thrown on the subject would indicate little or no change in the system within the limits of Nahua history. The main features of the commercial system in the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries, were: markets in one or more of the public squares of every town, where eatables and other articles of immediate necessity were daily sold--shops proper being unknown; frequently recurring fairs in each of the large towns, where the products of agriculture, manufacture, and art in the surrounding country were displayed before consumers and merchants from home and from abroad; similar fairs but on a grander scale in the great commercial centres, where home products were exchanged for foreign merchandise, or sold for export to merchants from distant nations who attended these fairs in large numbers; itinerant traders continually traversing the country in companies, or caravans; and the existence of a separate class exclusively devoted to commerce. From the earliest times the two southern Anáhuacs of Ayotlan and Xicalanco, corresponding to what are now the southern coast of Oajaca and the tierra caliente of Tabasco and southern Vera Cruz, were inhabited by commercial peoples, and were noted for their fairs and the rich wares therein exposed for sale. These nations, the Xicalancas, Mijes, Huaves, and Zapotecs even engaged to some extent in a maritime coasting trade, mostly confined, however, as it would appear, to the coasts of their own territories and those immediately adjacent; and in this branch of commerce little or no advance had been made at the time when the Spaniards came.[410] The Toltecs are reported to have excelled in commerce as in all other respects, and the markets of Tollan and Cholula are pictured in glowing colors; but all traditions on this subject are exceedingly vague.[411] In the new era of prosperity that followed the Toltec disasters Cholula seems to have held the first place as a commercial centre, her fairs were the most famous, and her merchants controlled the trade of the southern coasts on either ocean. After the coming of the Teo-Chichimec hordes to the eastern plateau, Tlascala became in her turn the commercial metropolis of the north, a position which she retained until forced to yield it to the merchants of the Mexican valley, who were supported by the warlike hordes of the Aztec confederacy. Before the Aztec supremacy, trade seems to have been conducted with some show of fairness, and commerce and politics were kept to a great extent separate. But the Aztecs introduced a new order of things. Their merchants, instead of peaceful, industrious, unassuming travelers, became insolent and overbearing, meddling without scruple in the public affairs of the nations through whose territory they had to pass, and trusting to the dread of the armies of Mexico for their own safety; caravans became little less than armed bodies of robbers. The confederate kings were ever ready to extend by war the field of their commerce, and to avenge by the hands of their warriors any insult, real or imaginary, offered to their merchants. The traveling bands of traders were instructed to prepare maps of countries traversed, to observe carefully their condition for defence, and their resources. If any province was reported rich and desirable, its people were easily aggravated to commit some act of insolence which served as a pretext to lay waste their lands, and make them tributary to the kings of Anáhuac. Within the provinces that were permanently and submissively tributary to Mexico, Tezcuco, and Tlacopan, traffic may be supposed to have been as a rule fairly conducted. The merchants had in turn to pay into the royal treasury a large percentage of their gains, but this, under the circumstances, they could well afford. Tlatelulco while an independent city was noted for her commerce, as was Tenochtitlan for the prowess of her warriors, and when mercantile enterprise was forced to yield to the power of arms, Tlatelulco, as a part of Mexico, retained her former preëminence in trade, and became the commercial centre of Anáhuac. Her merchants, who were a separate class of the population, were highly honored, and, so far as the higher grades were concerned, the merchant princes, the _pochtecas_, dwellers in the aristocratic quarter of Pochtlan, had privileges fully equal to those of the nobles. They had tribunals of their own, to which alone they were responsible, for the regulation of all matters of trade. They formed indeed, to all intents and purposes, a commercial corporation controlling the whole trade of the country, of which all the leading merchants of other cities were in a sense subordinate members. Jealousy between this honored class of merchants and the nobility proper, brought about the many complications during the last years of the Aztec empire, to which I have referred in a preceding chapter. Throughout the Nahua dominion commerce was in the hands of a distinct class, educated for their calling, and everywhere honored both by people and by kings; in many regions the highest nobles thought it no disgrace to engage in commercial pursuits. [Sidenote: THE TLATELULCAN COMPANY.] Besides the pochtecas, two other classes of merchants are mentioned in Tlatelulco, the _nahualoztomecas_, those who made a specialty of visiting the lands of enemies in disguise, and the _teyaohualohuani_ or traders in slaves.[412] The merchants were exempt from military and other public service, and had the right not only to make laws for the regulation of trade, but to punish even those who were not of their class for offenses against such laws. Sahagun gives an account of the gradual development and history of the Tlatelulcan company, stating the names of the leading merchants under the successive kings, with details respecting the various articles dealt in at different periods, all of which is not deemed of sufficient interest to be reproduced in these pages. Nahua trade was as a rule carried on by means of barter, one article of merchandise being exchanged for another of equivalent value. Still, regular purchase and sale were not uncommon, particularly in the business of retailing the various commodities to consumers. Although no regular coined money was used, yet several more or less convenient substitutes furnished a medium of circulation. Chief among these were nibs, or grains, of the cacao, of a species somewhat different from that employed in making the favorite drink, chocolate. This money, known as _patlachté_, passed current anywhere, and payments of it were made by count up to eight thousand, which constituted a _xiquipilli_. In large transactions sacks containing three xiquipilli were used to save labor in counting. _Patolquachtli_ were small pieces of cotton cloth used as money in the purchase of articles of immediate necessity or of little value. Another circulating medium was gold-dust kept in translucent quills, that the quantity might be readily seen. Copper was also cut into small pieces shaped like a T, which constituted perhaps the nearest approach to coined money. Cortés, in search of materials for the manufacture of artillery, found that in several provinces pieces of tin circulated as money, and that a mine of that metal was worked in Taxco. Sahagun says the Mexican king gave to the merchant-soldiers, dispatched on one of their politico-commercial expeditions, sixteen hundred _quauhtli_, or eagles, to trade with. Bustamante, Sahagun's editor, supposes these to have been the copper pieces already mentioned, but Brasseur believes, from the small value of the copper and the large amount of rich fabrics purchased with the eagles, that they were of gold. The same authority believes that the golden quoits with which Montezuma paid his losses at gambling also served as money.[413] [Sidenote: THE MARKETS OF ANÁHUAC.] The Nahuas bought and sold their merchandise by count and by measures both of length and capacity, but not by weight; at least, such is the general opinion of the authorities. Sahagun, however, says of the skillful merchant that he knows "the value of gold and silver, according to the weight and fineness, is diligent and solicitous in his duty, and defrauds not in weighing, but rather gives overweight," and this too in the "time of their infidelity." Native words also appear in several vocabularies for weights and scales. Brasseur de Bourbourg regards this as ample proof that scales were used. Clavigero thinks weights may have been employed and mention of the fact omitted in the narratives.[414] The market, _tianquiztli_, of Tlatelulco was the grandest in the country and may be taken as a representative of all. Its grandeur consisted, however, in the abundance and variety of the merchandise offered for sale and in the crowd of buyers and sellers, not in the magnificence of the buildings connected with it; for the market-place was simply an open plaza, surrounded as all the authorities say with 'porticoes' where merchandise was exhibited. What these porticoes were we are left to conjecture. Probably they were nothing more than simple booths arranged in streets and covering the whole plaza, where merchants and their wares were sheltered from the rays of a tropical sun. Whatever may have been the nature and arrangement of these shelters, we know that the space was systematically apportioned among the different industries represented. Fishermen, hunters, farmers, and artists, each had their allotted space for the transaction of business. Hither, as Torquemada tells us, came the potters and jewelers from Cholula, the workers in gold from Azcapuzalco, the painters from Tezcuco, the shoe-makers from Tenayocan, the huntsmen from Xilotepec, the fishermen from Cuitlahuac, the fruit-growers of the tierra caliente, the mat-makers of Quauhtitlan, the flower-dealers of Xochimilco, and yet so great was the market that to each of these was afforded an opportunity to display his wares. All kinds of food, animal and vegetable, cooked and uncooked, were arranged in the most attractive manner; eating-houses were also attached to the tianquiztli and much patronized by the poorer classes. Here were to be found all the native cloths and fabrics, in the piece and made up into garments coarse and fine, plain and elaborately embroidered, to suit the taste and means of purchasers; precious stones, and ornaments of metal, feathers, or shells; implements and weapons of metal, stone, and wood; building material, lime, stone, wood, and brick; articles of household furniture; matting of various degrees of fineness; medicinal herbs and prepared medicines; wood and coal; incense and censers; cotton and cochineal; tanned skins; numerous beverages; and an infinite variety of pottery; but to enumerate all the articles noticed in the market-place by the conquerors would make a very long list, and would involve, beside, the repetition of many names which have been or will be mentioned elsewhere. Cortés speaks of this market as being twice as large as that of Salamanca, and all the conquistadores are enthusiastic in their expressions of wonder not only at the variety of products offered for sale, but at the perfect order and system which prevailed, notwithstanding the crowd of buyers and sellers. The judges of the commercial tribunal, twelve in number according to Torquemada, four, according to Zuazo, held their court in connection with the market buildings, where they regulated prices and measures, and settled disputes. Watchmen acting under their authority, constantly patrolled the tianquiztli to prevent disorder. Any attempt at extortionate charges, or at passing off injured or inferior goods, or any infringement on another's rights was immediately reported and severely punished. The judges had even the right to enforce the death penalty. Other markets in the Nahua regions were on a similar plan, those of Tlascala and Tezcuco coming next to that of Tlatelulco in importance.[415] [Sidenote: BUYERS AND SELLERS.] Trade was carried on daily in the tianquiztli, chiefly for the convenience of the inhabitants of the city, but every fifth day was set apart as a special market-day, on which a fair was held, crowded not only by local customers, but by buyers and sellers from all the country round, and from foreign lands. In Tlatelulco these special market-days were those that fell under the signs calli, tochtli, acatl, and tecpatl. In other large cities, days with other signs were chosen, in order that the fairs might not occur on the same day in neighboring towns. Las Casas says that each of the two market-places in the city of Mexico would contain 200,000 persons, 100,000 being present each fifth day; and Cortés tells us that more than 60,000 persons assembled daily in the Tlatelulco market. According to the same authority 30,000 was the number of daily visitors to the market of Tlascala. Perhaps, however, he refers to the fair-days, on which occasion at Tlatelulco, the Anonymous Conqueror puts the number at 50,000, limiting the daily concourse to about 25,000.[416] Considering the population of the cities and surrounding country, together with the limited facilities for transportation, these accounts of the daily attendance at the markets, as also of the abundance and variety of the merchandise, need not be regarded as exaggerations. On the lakes about the city of Mexico merchandise of all kinds was transported to and from the markets by boats, 50,000 of which, as Zuazo tells us, were employed daily in bringing provisions to the city.[417] The heavier or more bulky articles of trade, such as building material, were often offered for sale in the boats to save the labor of repeated handling. Boats were also used for transportation on the southern coasts, to some extent on navigable rivers, and also by traveling merchants in crossing such streams as could not conveniently be bridged. The only other means of transportation known in the country was that afforded by the carriers. Large numbers of these carriers, or porters, were in attendance at the markets to move goods to and from the boats, or to carry parcels to the houses of consumers. For transportation from town to town, or to distant lands, merchandise was packed in bales, wrapped in skins and mats, or in bamboo cases covered with skin, known as _petlacalli_. Cases, or cages, for the transportation of the more fragile wares were called _cacaxtli_. The _tlamama_, or regular carriers, were trained to their work of carrying burdens from childhood, seventy or eighty pounds was the usual burden carried, placed on the back and supported by the _mecapalli_, a strap passing round the forehead; twelve or fifteen miles was the ordinary day's journey. The tlamama, clad in a maxtli, carried on long trips, besides his bale of merchandise, a sort of palm-leaf umbrella, a bag of provisions, and a blanket. [Sidenote: TRAVELING MERCHANTS.] Expeditions to distant provinces were undertaken by the company of Tlatelulco for purposes of commercial gain; or by order of the king, when political gains were the object in view, and the traders in reality armed soldiers; or more rarely by individual merchants on their own private account. For protection large numbers usually traveled in company, choosing some one of the company to act as leader. Previous to departure they gave a banquet to the old merchants of the town, who by reason of their age had ceased to travel; at this feast they made known their plans, and spoke of the places they intended to visit and roads by which they would travel. The old merchants applauded the spirit and enterprise of those who were going on the expedition, and, if they were young and inexperienced, encouraged them and spoke of the fame they would gain for having left their homes to undertake a dangerous journey and suffer privations and hardships. They reminded them of the wealth and honored name acquired by their fathers in similar expeditions, and gave them advice as to the best manner of conducting themselves on the road.[418] On the route the carriers marched in single file, and at every camping-place the strictest watch was kept against enemies, and especially against robbers, who then as now infested the dangerous passes to lie in wait for the richly laden caravans. Rulers of the different friendly provinces, mindful of the benefits resulting from such expeditions, constructed roads and kept them in repair; furnished bridges or boats for crossing unfordable streams; and at certain points, remote from towns, placed houses for the travelers' accommodation. Expeditions in hostile provinces were undertaken by the nahualoztomecas, who disguised themselves in the dress of the province visited, and endeavored to imitate the manners and to speak the language of its people, with which it was a qualification of their profession to make themselves acquainted. Extraordinary pains was taken to guard against robbers on the return to Mexico, and it is also said to have been customary for the merchants on nearing the city, to dress in rags, affecting poverty, and an unsuccessful trip. The motive for this latter proceeding is not very apparent, nor for the invariable introduction of goods into the city by night; they had not even the hope of evading the payment of taxes which in later times prompts men to similar conduct, since merchandise could only be sold in the public market, where it could not be offered without paying the royal percentage of duties. The usual route of commercial expeditions was south-eastward to Tochtepec near the banks of the Rio Alvarado, whence the caravans took separate roads according as their destination was the coast region of Goazacoalco, the Miztec and Zapotec towns on the Pacific, or the still more distant regions across the isthmus of Tehuantepec. The southern limit reached by the traders of the Aztec empire, it is impossible accurately to determine. The merchants of Xicalanco furnished Cortés, when about to undertake the conquest of Honduras, tolerably correct maps of the whole region as far south as the isthmus of Panamá;[419] the raiders from Anáhuac are known to have penetrated to Chiapa, Soconusco, and Guatemala; it is by no means improbable that her merchants reached on more than one occasion the Isthmus.[420] The preceding pages contain all that has been preserved concerning Nahua trade and traders except what may be termed the mythology of commerce, a branch of the subject not without importance, embracing the ceremonies, sacrifices, and superstitions connected with the setting-out, journey, and return of the Tlatelulcan caravans. Commerce, like every other feature of Nahua civilization, was under the care of a special deity, and no merchant dared to set out on an expedition in quest of gain, without fully complying with all the requirements of the god as interpreted by the priesthood. The particular divinity of the traders was Iyacatecutli, or Iyacacoliuhqui, 'lord with the aquiline nose'--that nasal type being, as the Abbé Brasseur thinks, symbolic of mercantile cunning and skill. Services in his honor were held regularly in the month of Tlaxochimaco; but the ceremonies performed by traveling merchants, seem to have been mostly devoted to the god of fire and the god of the roads. [Sidenote: SETTING-OUT OF THE MERCHANTS.] First a day was selected for the start whose sign was deemed favorable--Ce Cohuatl, 'one serpent,' was a favorite. The day before they departed the hair was cropped close, and the head soaped; during all their absence, even should it last for years, these operations must not be repeated, nor might they wash more than the neck, face, and hands, bathing the body being strictly prohibited. At midnight they cut flag-shaped papers for Xiuhtecutli, the god of fire, fastened them to sticks painted with vermilion, and marked on them the face of the god with drops of melted _ulli_, or India-rubber. Other papers also marked with ulli, were cut in honor of Tlaltecutli, to be worn on the breast. Others, for the god of the merchants, were used to cover a bamboo stick, which they worshiped and carried with them. The gods of the roads, Zacatzontli and Tlacotzontli, also had their papers ornamented with ulli-drops and painted butterflies; while the papers for Cecoatlutlimelaoatl, one of the signs of the divining art, were decorated with snake-like figures. When all the papers were ready, those of the fire-god were placed before the fire in the house, the others being arranged in systematic order in the courtyard. Then the merchants, standing before the fire, offered to it some quails which they first beheaded, and forthwith, drawing blood from their own ears and tongue, they repeated some mystic word and sprinkled the blood four times on the fire. Blood was then sprinkled in turn on the papers in the house, towards the heavens and cardinal points, and finally on the papers in the courtyard. The fire-god's papers, after a few appropriate words to the deity, were burned in a brazier with pure white copal. If they burned with a clear flame, it was a good omen; otherwise ill fortune and disaster were betokened. The papers left outside were burned together--save those of the merchants' god--in a fire which was kindled in the court, and the ashes were carefully buried there. All this at midnight. At early dawn the principal merchants of the city or of the neighborhood, or simply friends and relatives of the party about to set out on the journey, according to the wealth of the party, with youths and old women, were invited to assemble and, after a washing of mouths and hands, to partake of food. After the repast, concluded by another washing and by smoking of pipes and drinking of chocolate, the host spoke a few words of welcome to the guests, and explained his plans. To this some one of the chief merchants briefly responded with wishes for the success of the expedition, advice respecting the route to be followed and behavior while abroad, applause for the spirit and enterprise shown, and words of encouragement to those about to undertake their first commercial journey, picturing to them in vivid colors both the hardships and the honors that were before them. Then the merchandise and provisions for the trip were made ready in bales and placed in the canoes, if the start was to be made by water, under the direction of the leader who, after attending to this matter, made a farewell address of thanks for advice and good wishes, recommending to the care of those that remained behind their wives and children. The friends again replied briefly and all was ready for the departure. A fire was built in the courtyard and a vase of copal was placed near it. As a final parting ceremony each of the departing merchants took a portion of the copal and threw it on the fire, stepping at once toward his canoe. Not another word of farewell must be spoken, nor a parting glance be directed backward to friends behind. To look back or speak would be a most unpropitious augury. [Sidenote: CARAVANS OF TRADERS.] Thus they set out, generally at night, as Sahagun implies. On the journey each merchant carried continually in his hand a smooth black stick representing his god Iyacatecutli--probably the same sticks that have been mentioned as being covered with papers in honor of this god the night before the departure from home. When they halted for the night the sticks of the company were bound together in a bundle, forming a kind of combination divinity to whose protecting care the encampment was piously entrusted. To this god offerings of ulli and paper were made by the leaders, and to the gods of the roads as well. Blood must also be drawn and mingled with the offering, else it were of no avail; and, a most inconvenient rule for poor weak humanity, the sacrificial offering had to be repeated twice again each night, so that one or another of the chiefs must be continually on the watch. The caravans, when their destination was a friendly province, usually bore some presents from the sovereigns of Mexico as tokens of their good will, and they were received by the authorities of such provinces with some public ceremonies not definitely described. When the merchants returned home, after consultation with a _tonalpouhqui_, they awaited a favorable sign, such as Ce Calli, or Chicome Calli, 'one, or seven house,' and then entered the city under shade of night. They repaired immediately to the house of the leading merchant of the corporation, or to that of the merchant under whose direction their trip had been made, formally announcing their safe arrival, and also their intention to invite all the merchants on the following day to partake of "a little chocolate in their poor house," that is, to be present at a most sumptuous banquet. Papers were then cut and at midnight offered with ulli, much after the manner already described, to the gods as a thank-offering for their protection. The feast that took place next day, when all the guests were assembled, was accompanied by additional offerings to the gods of fire and trade, and, of course, by speeches of the returned travelers and their guests, but presented no particularly noticeable contrasts with the many feasts that have been described. Not only was the traveler obliged, according to the Nahua superstition, to abstain from baths during his absence, but even his family during the same period, while allowed to bathe the body, must not wash the head or face oftener than once in eighty days; thus were the gods propitiated to watch kindly over their absent relative wandering in distant lands. If a merchant died while on a journey, his body, at least if he belonged to the highest rank, was neither buried nor burned, but, clad in fine apparel, and decorated with certain mystical papers and painted devices, it was put in a wooden cage, or cacaxtli, and secured to a tree on the top of a high mountain. Advice of the death was forwarded to the old merchants, who in turn informed the family of the deceased, and regular funeral ceremonies were performed either immediately or on the return of the caravan. If the deceased met his death at the hands of an enemy, a wooden image was prepared, dressed in the clothing of the dead merchant, and made the subject of the usual funeral rites. [Sidenote: FEASTS OF THE MERCHANTS.] Besides the regular feasts attending the departure and return of caravans, many others took place under the auspices of the mercantile class. We have noticed the fondness of the Nahua people for entertainments of this kind, and it is natural that the merchants, as the richest class in the community, should have been foremost in contributing to this popular taste. Each merchant, when he had acquired great wealth by good fortune in his trading ventures, deemed it, as Sahagun tells us, a most disgraceful thing "to die without having made some splendid expenditure" by entertaining his friends and fellow-merchants in a banquet, which should be remembered as _the_ event of his career. A long time was devoted to making ready for the feast, to the purchase of provisions and decorations, and to engaging dancers and singers, that no item might be neglected, nor any oversight be allowed to mar the perfect enjoyment of the invited guests. All being ready, a propitious sign was selected, and invitations issued. The object of the display of hospitality being not only the entertainment of friends, but a thanksgiving to the gods for favors shown to the host, the first ceremonies were naturally in honor of the deities. These began in the night preceding the feast-day, with offerings of flowers in the shrine of Huitzilopochtli, in the chapels of other gods, and finally in the courtyard of the host, where were placed drums and two plates, on which perfumed canes were burning. Those officiating whistled in a peculiar manner, and all, stooping, put some earth in their mouth, crying "our lord has sounded." Then all burned perfumed copal, and a priest beheaded a quail before the drum, throwing it on the ground and watching in what direction it might flutter. If northward, it was a bad omen, foretelling sickness, or perhaps death. But the west and south were fortunate directions, indicating a peaceful and friendly disposition on the part of the gods. Incense was burned toward the cardinal points, the burning coals were thrown from the censer into the fire, and then the performers engaged for the _areito_, including, it would seem, soldiers of several classes, led by the _tlacatecatl_, began to dance and sing. Neither the host nor merchant guests joined in the dance, but remained in the house to receive the company and present them with bouquets of flowers. At midnight ulli-marked paper was offered to the gods, and its ashes buried to promote the prosperity of future generations. Before the light of day chocolate was drunk and the _nanacatl_, or intoxicating mushroom, was eaten, which caused some to dance, others to sing, and yet others to sit pensive in their rooms dreaming dreams and seeing visions of horrid import, whose narration at a later hour, when the effects of the drug had passed away, formed a prominent feature of the entertainment. At the appearance of the morning star all the ashes of the sacrifices, the flowers, the burning canes, and all the implements used in the foregoing ceremonies, were buried, that they might not be seen by any visitor polluted by any kind of vice or uncleanness. The rising sun was greeted with songs, dancing, and beating of the teponaztli. The day was passed in feasting and music, and at the close of the day's banquet food was distributed to the common people. The banquet was often continued more than one day, and if after the first day's feast the provision of food was exhausted, it was regarded by the guests as a bad sign--a very sensible superstition truly. [Sidenote: SACRIFICE OF SLAVES.] There was another merchant's feast in the month of Panquetzaliztli, in which a number of slaves were killed and eaten. The victims were purchased sometime beforehand at the slave mart in Azcapuzalco, kept clean,--being therefore called _tlaaltilzin_, 'washed'--and fattened for the occasion. The male slaves meantime had no work but to dance daily on the housetop, but the women had to spin. The articles collected for this feast embraced large numbers of rich mantles, maxtlis, and huipiles, which were to be presented to guests. Not only the residents of Mexico were invited but members of the Tlatelulcan company who lived in other towns. The giver of the feast went personally to many towns, especially to Tochtepec, to issue invitations and distribute gifts. On his arrival he went first to the shrine of Iyacatecutli, before whose image he performed certain ceremonies and left some offerings. Then he went to the house of the Tlatelulcan company, prepared a feast and summoned the rich traders, who came at midnight. Washing of the hands and mouth preceded and followed the eating, presents were made, chocolate drunk, pipes smoked, quails offered in the courtyard, and incense burned. One of the best speakers then announced the purpose of their visitor to kill a few slaves in honor of Huitzilopochtli, and in his name invited the company to be present at the pleasing spectacle, and partake of the human flesh and other choice viands. Another speaker responded in a speech of acceptance, and the feast-giver directed his steps homeward to Mexico. After resting awhile the merchant ceremonially invited those of his own city to be present at the feast, and the latter, after many precautions, including an inspection by the older merchants to satisfy themselves that food enough had been provided and that the affair could not be a failure, deigned to accept, although they warned the would-be host of the fearful responsibility he would incur should the feast be in any respect improperly managed, through his unwillingness to spend money enough. Ce Calli, Ome Xochitl, and Ome Ozomatli, were good signs for this feast. On the first day the male slaves, richly attired and decorated, were made to dance and perform the areito, carrying garlands of flowers and also pipes from which they were continually puffing smoke. The females, in equally rich attire were stationed with plenty of food in one of the rooms where all could readily see them. The eating, drinking, and distribution of gifts were kept up all night. The following day's feast was a repetition of the first, and was called _tlaixnexia_; that of the third day was called _tetevaltia_, and on this day they made many changes in the dress of the slaves, putting on wigs of many-colored feathers, painted ear-flaps, stone nose-ornaments like butterflies, jackets with fringed borders and death's heads for decoration, hawks' wings, _tlomaitl_, on the shoulders, rings, _matacaxtli_, on the arms, stained sandals, and girdles called _xiuhtlalpilli_. From this time forward strict guard was kept over them day and night until their death. On yet a fourth occasion, apparently some days, or perhaps weeks, later, the merchant assembled his guests, and then just before sunset the victims were made drunk with _teuvetli_, and carried to Huitzilopochtli's temple, where they were made to dance and sing, and kept awake all night. At midnight they were placed on a mat before the fire, and the master of the banquet, dressed much like the slaves themselves, put out the fire, and in the darkness gave to each four mouthfuls of a dough moistened with honey, called _tzoalli_. Then a man dancing before them played upon an instrument called _chichtli_, hairs were pulled out of the top of each slave's head and put in a plate, _quacaxitl_, held by the dancer, and the master threw incense toward the east, west, north, and south. The slaves were offered food, but could not be induced to eat, expecting each moment the messenger of death. They were first taken to the ward of Coatlan, and in the courtyard of the temple of Huitzcalco were forced to fight against certain persons, the most valiant of whom were called _tlaamaviques_. If by force of arms these persons captured any of the slaves, they were entitled to receive their full value from the owner, or in default of such payment to take the bodies after the sacrifice and eat the same. After the contest the victims were sacrificed on the shrine of Huitzilopochtli, the complicated details of the ceremonies which followed differing only very slightly from those of similar sacrifices already several times described. The bodies were thrown down the steps as usual, carried home by the owner, cooked with maize, seasoned with salt without chile, and were finally eaten by the guests. With this horrible repast the great feast of the month of Panquetzaliztli ended; but he who had given it carefully preserved the clothing, and other relics of the slaughtered slaves, guarding them in a basket as most precious and pleasant souvenirs all the days of his life; and after his death the basket and its contents were burned at his obsequies. Acosta tells us that in Cholula the merchants, especially those that dealt in slaves, furnished each year a slave of fine physique to represent their god Quetzalcoatl, in whose honor he was sacrificed, with appropriate and complicated ceremonies, his flesh being afterwards eaten in a banquet.[421] * * * * * [Sidenote: BOATS AND NAVIGATION.] The little to be said of Nahua watercraft may be as appropriately inserted here as elsewhere. I have already referred to the important use made of canoes in the transportation of merchandise upon the lakes of Anáhuac. In the art of navigation, however, no progress was made by the Nahuas at all in proportion to their advancement in other respects. As navigators they were altogether inferior to their savage brethren of the Columbian and Hyperborean groups on the north-west coasts, whose skill in the manufacture and management of boats has been described in a preceding volume of this work. The reason is obvious: their progress in agriculture enabled them to obtain a food supply without risking their lives habitually on the sea; their sunny clime obviated the necessity of whale-blubber and seal-skins. In the earlier stages of civilization men make progress only when impelled by some actual necessity; consequently among the Nahuas, when means were supplied of crossing streams, and of transporting goods on the lakes and for short distances along the coast at the mouth of large rivers, progress in this direction ceased. Clavigero's investigations led him to believe that the use of sails was unknown, and although Brasseur de Bourbourg in one place speaks of such aids to navigation, yet he gives no authority for his statement.[422] Rafts and 'dug-out' canoes were the vessels employed; the former were used for the most part in crossing streams and were of various material and construction. Those of the ruder kind were simply a number of poles tied together with strings.[423] Those called by the Spaniards _balsas_ were of superior construction, made of _otlatl_ reeds, or _tules_, and rushes of different kinds in bundles. The best balsas were about five feet square, made of bamboos and supported by hollow gourds closed by a water and air tight covering. The rafts were propelled by swimmers, one in front and another behind.[424] The canoes--_acalli_, 'water-houses' among the Aztecs, called also _tahucup_ in Tabasco--were hollowed out from the trunk of a single tree, were generally flat-bottomed and without keel, somewhat narrower at the bow than at the stern as Las Casas says, and would carry from two to sixty persons. As to the instruments employed in hollowing out and finishing the acalli we have no information, neither do we know whether fire was one of the agents made use of.[425] [Sidenote: BOATS USED IN WAR.] The use of boats was not altogether confined to traffic, but extended to war and the transportation of troops. Fierce conflicts on the waters of the lakes are recorded in the ancient annals of Anáhuac; canoe fleets of armed natives came out to meet the Spaniards at various points along the coast; and we read of the vain efforts to defend the approaches to the Aztec capital, by thousands of boats which could offer little resistance to the advance of Cortés' brigantines.[426] These fleets, so inefficient against Spanish vessels and arms, must have been of great service to the Aztecs in maintaining their domination over the many towns on the lake shores. To increase the efficiency of boats and boatmen, races and sham fights were established, which, besides affording useful training to paddlers and warriors, furnished an additional means of entertainment to the people who gathered in crowds to watch the struggles of the competitors, applaud the ducking of each vanquished boat's crew, and to reward the victors with honors and prizes.[427] FOOTNOTES: [410] _Burgoa_, _Geog. Descrip._, tom. i., pt ii., fol. 181; _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. iii., pp. 42-3. [411] _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. i., pp. 271-3; _Ixtlilxochitl_, _Relaciones_, in _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. ix., p. 332. [412] 'Teyaoyaualoani, el que cerca a los enemigos.' _Molina_, _Vocabulario_. [413] The Toltecs 'usaban de una cierta moneda de cobre de largo de dos dedos y de ancho uno á manera de achitas pequeñas, y de grueso, como un real de á ocho. Esta moneda no ha mucho tiempo que la han dejado los de Tutupec del mar del sur.' _Ixtlilxochitl_, _Relaciones_, in _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. ix., p. 332. 'No saben que cosas es moneda batida de metal ninguno.' _Gomara_, _Conq. Mex._, fol. 87, 342. The cacao nibs 'val ciascuno come vn mezzo marchetto (about three cents) fra noi.' _Relatione fatta per vn gentil'huomo del Signor Fernando Cortese_, in _Ramusio_, _Navigationi_, tom. iii., fol. 306. See _Cortés_, _Cartas_, p. 311; _Sahagun_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. ii., lib. ix., p. 342; _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. iii., pp. 627-9; _Id._, _Quatre Lettres_, p. 276; _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., p. 666. Salt used as money. _Chaves_, in _Ternaux-Compans_, _Voy._, série ii., tom. v., p. 328. I omit a long list of references to authors who merely mention cacao and the other articles as used for money. [414] 'No tenian peso (que yo sepa) los Mexicanos, falta grandissima para la contratacion. Quien dize que no lo vsauan por escusar los engaños, quien por que no lo auian menester, quien por ignorancia, que es lo cierto. Por donde parece que no auian oido como hizo Dios todos las cosas en cuento, peso, y medida.' _Gomara_, _Conq. Mex._, fol. 342; _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., p. 166; _Sahagun_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. iii., lib. x., pp. 42, 40; _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. iii., pp. 629-30. [415] On the Nahua markets and the articles offered for sale, see: _Cortés_, _Cartas_, pp. 68, 103-5; _Bernal Diaz_, _Hist. Conq._, fol. 70; _Relatione fatta per vn gentil'huomo del Signor Fernando Cortese_, in _Ramusio_, _Navigationi_, tom. iii., fol. 309; _Sahagun_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. ii., lib. viii., pp. 323-5, tom. ix., p. 357; _Las Casas_, _Hist. Apologética_, MS., cap. lxx.; _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., pp. 554-60; _Oviedo_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. iii., pp. 272, 299-301; _Gomara_, _Conq. Mex._, fol. 87-8, 116-18; _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. ii., lib. vii., cap. xv., xvi.; _Peter Martyr_, dec. v., lib. iii., iv.; _Zuazo_, _Carta_, in _Icazbalceta_, _Col. de Doc._, tom. i., pp. 359-61. [416] _Cortés_, _Cartas_, pp. 103, 68; _Relatione fatta per vn gentil'huomo del Signor Fernando Cortese_, in _Ramusio_, _Navigationi_, tom. iii., fol. 309. 'Es tanta la gente que concurre á vender y comprar, que no puede facilmente declararse.' _Las Casas_, _Hist. Apologética_, MS., cap. lxx. [417] _Carta_, in _Icazbalceta_, _Col. de Doc._, tom. i., p. 359. 'Sobre cincuenta mill canoas y cient mill segun se cree.' _Las Casas_, _Hist. Apologética_, MS., cap. lxx. 'The lake day and night is plyed with boates going and returning.' _Peter Martyr_, dec. v., lib. iii. [418] For specimens of the exhortations of old merchants to young men see _Sahagun_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. i., lib. iv., pp. 310-314; _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., pp. 585-6. [419] _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. iii., lib. vi., cap. xii.; _Bernal Diaz_, _Hist. Conq._, fol. 197. [420] A very full account of the Nahua commerce is given in _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., pp. 163-70, and the same is translated with slight changes, in _Carbajal Espinosa_, _Hist. Mex._, tom. i., pp. 628-35, in _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. iii., pp. 612-32, and in _Id._, in _Nouvelles Annales des Voy._, 1858, tom. clix., pp. 45-58. See also _Helps' Span. Conq._, vol. ii., pp. 329-31; _Gage's New Survey_, pp. 109-12; _Müller_, _Amerikanische Urreligionen_, p. 541; _Klemm_, _Cultur-Geschichte_, tom. v., pp. 25-8; _West-Indische Spieghel_, pp. 247-8; _Bussierre_, _L'Empire Mex._, pp. 166-71; _Touron_, _Hist. Gén._, tom. iii., pp. 43-6. See also Note 12. [421] On merchants' feasts, ceremonies, and superstitions, see _Sahagun_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. ii., lib. ix., pp. 335-86, tom. i., lib. iv., pp. 310-15; _Acosta_, _Hist. de las Ynd._, pp. 388-92; _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., pp. 585-7. See also account of a feast of flower-dealers in this volume, p. 315, and account of the Cholultec feast in honor of Quetzalcoatl in vol. iii., pp. 286-7 of this work. [422] Clavigero's description of Nahua boats and navigation is in his _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., pp. 168-9. 'Leurs barques, dont les plus grandes mesuraient jusqu'à soixante pieds de longueur, couvertes et abritées contre le mauvais temps, marchaient à la voile et à la rame,' probably referring to a boat met by Columbus some distance out at sea. _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. iii., p. 632. [423] Invented, according to tradition, by the Tarascos of Michoacan during their early migrations. _Camargo_, _Hist. Tlax._, in _Nouvelles Annales des Voy._, 1843, tom. xcviii., pp. 131-2. [424] 'Mettevansi a sedere in questa macchina quattro, o sei passaggieri alla volta.' _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., p. 168. 'Ces radeaux sont fort légers et très-solides; ils sont encore en usage dans l'Amérique, et nous avons passé ainsi plus d'une rivière.' _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. ii., p. 295. [425] _Las Casas_, _Hist. Apologética_, MS., cap. lxx: 'En cada vna cabian sesenta Hombres.' _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. i., p. 460, and _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. ii., lib. viii., cap. iv. 'The Canowes are litle barkes, made of one tree.' _Peter Martyr_, dec. iv., lib. iii. Called _Acates_. _Id._, dec. v., lib. ii. 'Estas acallis ó barcas cada una es de una sola pieza, de un arbol tan grande y tan grueso como lo demanda la longitud, y conforme al ancho que le pueden dar, que es de lo grueso del árbol de que se hacen, y para esto hay sus maestros como en Vizcaya los hay de navíos.' _Motolinia_, _Hist. Indios_, in _Icazbalceta_, _Col. de Doc._, tom. i., p. 200. [426] 'The sides of the Indian boats were fortified with bulwarks.' _Prescott's Mex._, vol. iii., p. 100; _Bernal Diaz_, _Hist. Conq._, fol. 140; _Cortés_, _Cartas_, p. 211. [427] 'Spesso s'esercitavano in questo genere di combattimenti.' _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., p. 151; _West-Indische Spieghel_, p. 251. 200,000 canoes on the lake about Mexico. _Gomara_, _Conq. Mex._, fol. 115. See also note 8 of this chapter. Additional notes on Nahua boats. 'Habia en México muchas acallis ó barcas para servicio de las casas, y otras muchas de tratantes que venian con bastimentos á la ciudad, y todos los pueblos de la redonda, que están llenos de barcas que nunca cesan de entrar y salir á la ciudad, las cuales eran innumerables.' 'Con estas salen á la mar, y con las grandes de estas acallis navegan de una isla á otra, y se atreven á atravesar algun golfo pequeño.' _Motolinia_, _Hist. Indios_, in _Icazbalceta_, _Col. de Doc._, tom. i., pp. 187, 200. 'Lo mas del trato, y camino de los Indios, en aquella Tierra, es por Agua, en Acales, ò Canoas.' _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., p. 613; _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. ii., lib. viii., cap. iv.; _Montanus_, _Nieuwe Weereld_, p. 247; _Carbajal Espinosa_, _Hist. Mex._, tom. i., p. 633, tom. ii., p. 591; _Klemm_, _Cultur-Geschichte_, tom. v., pp. 75-6. CHAPTER XIII. WAR CUSTOMS OF THE NAHUAS. IMPORTANCE OF THE MILITARY PROFESSION--INDICATIONS OF RANK--EDUCATION OF WARRIORS--REWARDS FOR VALOR--MILITARY ORDERS AND THEIR DRESS--GORGEOUS WAR-DRESSES OF MONTEZUMA AND THE AZTEC NOBILITY--DRESS OF THE COMMON SOLDIERS--ARMOR AND DEFENSIVE WEAPONS--OFFENSIVE WEAPONS--STANDARDS--AMBASSADORS AND COURIERS--FORTIFICATIONS--THE MILITARY COUNCIL--ARTICLES OF WAR--DECLARATION OF WAR--SPIES--ORDER OF MARCH AND BATTLE--WAR CUSTOMS OF THE TLASCALTECS AND TARASCOS--RETURN OF THE CONQUERING ARMY--CELEBRATION OF FEATS OF ARMS. [Sidenote: THE MILITARY PROFESSION.] As might be expected from a people so warlike and ambitious as the Nahuas, the profession of arms ranked high above all other callings, save that of the priests. This was especially the case in the later days, under the Aztec kings, whose unscrupulous ambition and passion for conquest could only be gratified by their warriors. Huitzilopochtli, god of war, protector of the empire, was glorified and honored above all other gods; his altars must be red with blood, for blood alone could extort his favor, and wars were frequently waged solely for his propitiation; valor was the loftiest virtue, the highest honors were paid to those who distinguished themselves in battle; no dignities, positions, or decorations, under the government, were given to any but approved soldiers. Children were taught by parent and priest the chivalrous deeds of their ancestors, whom they were urged to emulate in daring; titles, rewards, and posts of honor were offered to stimulate the ambition of the young men. The king might not receive his crown until with his own hand he had taken captives to be sacrificed at the feast of his coronation. The priests were the foremost inciters to war and carnage. All wars were religious crusades. The highest earthly rewards were in store for the victor, while the soul of him that fell in battle took immediate flight to heaven. Only defeat and cowardice were to be dreaded. The Nahua warrior's services were rewarded only by promotion, since no paid troops were employed. But promotion was sure to follow brilliant exploits performed by even the humblest soldier, while without such daring deeds the sons of the highest nobles could hope for no advancement. Dress and ornaments were the indications of rank, and were changed in some detail for every new achievement. To escape from the coarse nequen garments of the common soldier, and to put on successively the decorative mantles of the higher grades, was deemed a sufficient reward and incentive. The costume of each warrior indicated the exact number of prisoners captured by the wearer. Especial care was taken, however, with the sons of lords intended for the profession of arms. At an early age their heads were shaved, except a tuft on the back of the head called _mocuexpaltia_, a designation changed to _cuexpatchicuepul_ when the boy was fifteen years old. At this age he was sent to war in charge of veteran warriors, and if with their aid he took a prisoner, the tuft was cut off and another given to be worn over the ear with feather plumes; on his return he was addressed after the following manner by his grandparents or uncles: "My child, the Sun and the Earth have washed and renewed thy face, because thou didst dare to attempt the capture of an enemy in company with others. Lo, now it were better to abandon thee to the mercies of the enemy than that thou shouldst again take a prisoner with the aid of others, because, should it so happen, they will place another tuft over thine other ear and thou wilt appear like a girl; truly, it were better thou shouldst die than that this should happen to thee." If after a fair trial the youth failed to take a captive, he was disgraced, and ceased to be a warrior in the eyes of his comrades: but if, unaided, he was successful, he was called a warlike youth, _telpuchtlitaquitlamani_, and was presented to the king, whose stewards dyed his face red, his temples and body yellow, and bestowed upon him mantles and maxtlis of the colors and designs which his achievements gave him the right to wear. If he took two captives, the honors were of course greater; three entitled him to a command over others; four made him a captain who might wear long lip-ornaments, leathern ear-rings, and gaudy tassels. With five prisoners the young man became a _quauhiacatl_, 'eagle that guides,' with corresponding insignia, a head-plume with silver threads, the mantle called _cuechintli_, another called _chicoapalnacazminqui_ of two colors, and still another decorated with straps. The prisoners must, however, be from nations of acknowledged prowess, such as those of Atlixco, the Huexotzincas, or Tlascaltecs; double or triple the number of Cuextecas or Tenimes must be captured, and no number of these could entitle a youth to the highest honors.[428] In the Mexican picture-writings are delineated the successive grades by which a graduate from the temple school advanced, with the costumes and defensive armor he was permitted to wear. First we see him leaving for the war, carrying the _impedimenta_ of the chief priest, who goes into the field to embolden the troops, enforce orders, and perform other duties. The pictures that follow portray the devices on the shields, manner of painting, armor, head-dresses, and ornaments they were allowed to assume, according to the number of captives each had taken. The warrior-priests were rewarded, in like manner, with accoutrements and insignia of peculiar designs, and with important commands in the army.[429] [Sidenote: THREE MILITARY ORDERS.] Three military orders were established by the Aztec monarchs, the members of which were granted certain privileges, and entitled to wear badges of distinction; they also had apartments allotted to them in the royal palace and formed the royal guard. Promotion to the order was open to all, but could only be won by some notable feat of arms. The members of the first of these three orders were called Achcauhtin, or Princes, of the second, Quauhtin, or Eagles, of the third, Ocelome, or Tigers. The distinctive mark of the Princes was their manner of dressing the hair, which was tied on the crown of the head with a red thong, and worked into as many braids, each terminating in a cotton tassel, as were the deeds of valor performed by the wearer; the Eagles wore a kind of casque, in the form of an eagle's head; the Tigers wore a particular armor, spotted like the skin of the animal whose name they bore. These insignia were only used in war; at court all military officers wore the _tlachquauhyo_, a dress of many colors. The members of these three military orders had the privilege of wearing garments of much finer texture than the common people, as well as such feathers and jewels as they could afford to buy. An inferior order of knighthood appears also to have existed, the members of which had their hair cropped close about their ears, and wore skull-caps and split collars; these were only armed for defence from the girdle upwards, whereas their superiors fought in complete armor. All these privileged warriors were permitted to use painted and gilt vessels, but the common soldiers might use none but plain earthen ones.[430] Montezuma, who was a member of the order of Princes, when he went in person against the enemy, wore upon his legs greaves of gold, and upon his arms thin plates of the same metal, as well as bracelets; about his neck were a collar and chains of gold and precious stones; from his ears and lower lip hung ornaments of gold set with precious chalchiuites; and from the back of his head to his waist was suspended the glittering decoration of royalty, only worn by kings, the _quachictli_. This was an ornament of exquisite workmanship, wrought with great labor of costly feathers and jewels, and shaped somewhat like a butterfly. In addition to this he was distinguished from his retinue by a shield upon which was displayed the royal coat of arms in feather-work; and he carried also a small drum, upon which he beat the signal for battle.[431] [Sidenote: MILITARY DRESS AND ORNAMENTS.] On the occasion when the sovereigns and nobility of Mexico, Tezcuco, and Tlacopan came out to receive Cortés, there was little, so far as dress was concerned, by which king might be distinguished from subject; the only difference was that the monarchs wore crowns of gold and precious stones, bejeweled sandals with golden soles, and tassels at the end of the ribbon with which their hair was bound.[432] A prince of the blood-royal, on his début upon the battle-field, was clad in plain white; his behavior was closely watched, and after the action such insignia and colors as he had merited by his conduct were bestowed upon him. Sahagun gives an extended description of the gorgeous war-costumes of the noble Aztec warriors, with the native name for each fraction of the equipments. Here are described head-dresses composed of rich feathers, prominent among which were the quetzal; corselets of red and green feathers, worked with gold thread; head-dresses of green feathers set in gold bands, or of tiger-skin; helmets of silver; a garment called _tocivitl_ reaching to the knees, made of yellow macaw-feathers, embroidered with gold, and worn with a golden casque plumed with quetzal-feathers; and other equally gorgeous attire. As a means of directing their men some officers bore small drums, painted and ornamented with feathers so as to correspond with their dress, in a net at their backs; others carried little flags made of feathers held together with bands of gold or silver. Many noble warriors had their armorial bearings, devils, monsters, and what not, painted or embroidered upon their backs. Truly such _spolia opima_ were worthy of a hero's toil.[433] The rank and file of the Aztec army wore no clothing but the maxtli in battle, but by painting their faces and bodies in grotesque patterns with brilliant colors, and covering their heads with raw cotton, they presented a sufficiently fierce and gaudy appearance.[434] The Tlascaltec leaders wore a quilted cotton tunic two fingers in thickness that fitted closely to the body and also protected the shoulders and thighs; the wealthier class wore over the tunic a cuirass of thin gold or silver plates, and over all they threw a rich mantle of feather-work elegantly embroidered; to protect their legs they put on leathern boots or wooden greaves ornamented with gold. On their heads they wore a morion made of hide or wood representing the head of some animal, bird, or serpent. From the crown waved a magnificent tuft of richly variegated plumes, a conspicuous mark, that served to denote the warrior's rank. [Sidenote: ARMOR AND DEFENSIVE WEAPONS.] The armor and defensive weapons of the Nahua knights, though of little service against the firearms and swordsmanship of the Spaniards, yet were admirably suited for protection from the weapons in use among themselves. The _chimalli_, or Mexican shield, was made of various materials and in divers forms; sometimes it was round, sometimes oval, sometimes rounded only on the lower side; it was commonly constructed of flexible bamboo canes, bound firmly together, and covered with hide. The face of the shield was ornamented according to the rank and taste of the bearer; that of a noble was generally covered with thin plates of gold, with a heavy boss in the centre. In Tabasco, and along the coast, tortoise-shells, inlaid with gold, silver, or copper, were commonly used as shields. Reed-grass, hides, or nequen-cloth, coated with India-rubber, served to protect an Aztec common soldier. Some shields were of an ordinary size, others were intended to cover the entire body, and were so constructed that when not in use they could be folded up and carried under the arm. The body-armor of the nobles and higher grades of warriors consisted of a breast-piece made of quilted cotton, one or two fingers in thickness, called _ichcahuepilli_; over this was a thick cotton coat, which covered part of the arms and thighs, made in one piece, fastened behind, and decorated with feathers of whatever colors the uniform of the company to which the wearer belonged might be. This cotton armor was completely arrow-proof, and was of great service to the Spanish Conquerors, who lost no time in adopting it in place of their heavy steel armor. Arm and leg guards made of wood covered with leather or gold plates and trimmed with feathers, and morions of the same material shaped and painted to represent the head of a tiger, serpent, or monster, with mouth open and teeth bared, complete the defensive equipment. Over a cuirass of gold and silver plates some lords wore a garment of feathers which is said to have been proof against arrows and javelins. Nobles and officers also wore lofty plumes so as to present the appearance of increased stature.[435] The shields used by the Toltecs were made of skins ornamented with feathers of various colors; on their heads they wore helmets of gold, silver, or skins. The body-armor worn by the principal warriors was made of double cloth padded with cotton; it differed from that of the Aztecs inasmuch as it reached down to the ankles and was worn over a thin white tunic. The private soldiers, like those of the Aztec army, also painted the upper part of the body to represent armor, but from the waist to the thighs they wore short drawers and over them, fastened round the waist, a kind of kilt that reached to the knees and availed them somewhat for defence. Across the body was a sash made of feathers that passed from the right shoulder to the left side of the waist. They wore sandals on their feet and had feather-ornaments upon their heads, more or less rich according to the quality of the warrior. When going to battle they adorned their necks, breasts, arms, and legs with their most valuable trinkets of gold or precious stones.[436] Tezozomoc mentions that the Tarascos wore steel helmets, but, as I have already stated, none of these nations were acquainted with the use of iron in any shape.[437] Some of the armor in use among the Tabascans must have been exceedingly rich, judging by that which was presented to Juan de Grijalva by the cacique of that province. It consisted of greaves for the knees and legs made of wood and covered with sheets of gold, head-pieces covered with gold plates and precious stones, among which was a visor, of which the upper half was of jewels linked together, and the lower half of gold plates; then there were cuirasses of solid gold, besides a quantity of armor-plates sufficient to cover the whole body.[438] * * * * * [Sidenote: OFFENSIVE WEAPONS.] The offensive weapons of the Aztecs consisted of bows and arrows, slings, clubs, spears, light javelins, and swords; and in the use of all of these the soldiers were well skilled. The bows were made of tough, elastic wood, and were about five feet in length; for strings they used the sinews of animals or stags' hair twisted. The arrows were light canes, with about six inches of oak or other hard wood inserted in the end; at the extremity a piece of iztli was fastened with twisted nequen-fibre, and further secured by a paste of resin or other adhesive substance. Sometimes instead of iztli they used the bones of animals or fish; the bone of a fish called _libisa_ is said to have caused by its venomous properties[439] a wound very difficult to heal. It is well known that none of the Nahua nations used poisoned arrows; such weapons would have defeated the object for which they often engaged in war, namely that of taking their enemies alive for the purpose of immolating them upon the altars of their gods. It is reasonable to believe that many of them attained to great accuracy in shooting with the bow, but there is room to doubt the assertion that some of them were able to shoot with three or four arrows at a time; or to throw an ear of corn into the air and pierce every kernel before it reached the ground; or to throw up a coin of the size of half a dollar, and keep it in the air as long as they pleased with their arrows.[440] The sling was a braid of pita-thread or other fibre, broader in the middle than at the ends, with which stones were thrown with much force and accuracy; the missiles were carried in a pouch filled with stones and suspended from the waist in front. The _maza_ was a club similar to the Roman _clava_, tapering from the handle towards the end and terminating in a knotty head, filled with points of iztli or tempered copper.[441] The _macana_, or _macuahuitl_, called by the Spaniards _espada_, a sword, was made of tough wood, about three and a half feet long, with a flat blade four fingers in width armed upon both sides with sharp pieces of iztli about three fingers long by three wide, which were inserted into the grooved edge at intervals, and cemented with some adhesive compound.[442] This weapon, when not in immediate use, was carried slung to the arm with a cord. Many of these swords were two-handed and very heavy, and it is asserted that with them the Aztec warrior could at one blow cut a man in two or sever a horse's head. The one with which the famous Tlascaltec commander Tlahuicol fought was so weighty that a man of ordinary strength could hardly raise it from the ground.[443] The Mexican spears were very strong, and were pointed with iztli or copper. Spears were the principal weapon used by the Zapotecs and other tribes of Oajaca. The _tlacochtli_, or Mexican javelin, was like a long arrow made of otlatl or bamboo; the point was usually hardened in the fire or armed with iztli, copper, or bone; many had three points, thus inflicting a very severe wound; they were hurled with great force, and had a cord attached, so that when thrown they could be recovered for another cast. Some writers mention a ballista as being used with which to launch the javelin, but I do not find any description of its form or of the manner of using it;[444] certainly the javelin was projected with great velocity, if it be true, as asserted, that they would pass through a man's body; they were much dreaded by the Spanish Conquerors. [Sidenote: THE BLOW-PIPE AND STANDARDS.] When the Chichimecs first settled in the valley of Anáhuac the only weapons were the bow and arrow and blow-pipe, in the use of which they were very expert. The blow-pipe was a long hollow tube through which clay pellets were projected, and it is affirmed that with them the Chichimecs could kill a man or wild beast at a moderate distance; afterwards this weapon came to be generally used by other nations, but was only employed for shooting small birds. Among other things, Cortés was presented by Montezuma with a dozen blow-pipes beautifully ornamented and painted with figures of birds and animals; the mouth-piece of each was made of gold, five or six inches long; they were also ornamented in the centre with gold, and accompanying them were gold net-work pouches to carry the pellets.[445] The Matlaltzincas and Tabascans used weapons similar to those of the nations of the Anáhuac valley; the former were especially dexterous in their practice with the sling, which, when not in actual use, was carried wound about the head.[446] The fighting men among the Jaliscans were similarly armed, but the lords and captains carried only long staves with which to urge their men to fight and punish any who were disorderly or showed symptoms of cowardice.[447] Each nation had its own particular standard on which were painted or embroidered the armorial bearings of the state. That of the Mexican empire, as we have seen, bore an eagle in the act of seizing a tiger, or jaguar. That of the republic of Tlascala, a bird with its wings spread as in the act of flying, which some authors call an eagle, others a white bird or crane. Each of the four lordships of the republic had also its appropriate ensign; Tizatlan had a crane upon a rock, Tepeticpac a wolf with a bunch of arrows in his paws, Ocotelulco a green bird upon a rock, and Quiahuiztlan a parasol made of green feathers.[448] Each company or command had also a distinct standard, the colors of which corresponded to that of the armor and plumes of the chief. The great standard of the Tlascaltec army was carried by the general commanding, and the smaller banners of the companies by their respective captains; they were carried on the back and were so firmly tied there that they could not be detached without great difficulty.[449] When upon a march and not in presence of the enemy the standard of the Tlascaltecs was carried in the van, but in action it was always placed in the rear. The Mexican standard was borne in the centre of the army. Instruments of music, consisting of drums, horns, and large sea-shells, were sounded while fighting to encourage and animate the men. [Sidenote: AMBASSADORS AND COURIERS.] The office of ambassador was one of much consequence, and persons of the highest rank, selected for their courteous manners and oratorical powers, were appointed to the position. Their persons were held sacred and they were usually received by those to whom they were sent with honor and respect, perfumed with incense, presented with flowers, and well lodged and entertained; in case any insult or indignity was offered them, it constituted a sufficient cause of war. Such an instance occurred when the Tepanecs, during the reign of their king Maxtlaton, invited the Mexican monarch Itzcoatl and his chiefs to visit their province and partake of their hospitality. Itzcoatl declined at the advice of his chiefs, but the latter went, carrying presents. They were accepted by the Tepanecs and the chiefs sent back in women's apparel, which they were compelled to wear; the indignity brought about a war between the two nations. The proper courtesy and protection due to their position was, however, only accorded them when on the high road that led to their destination; if they deviated from it they lost their rights and privileges as ambassadors. When on duty they wore a special garb that denoted their office; it consisted of a green habit resembling a scapulary, or small cloak; handsome feathers were twisted in the hair with tufts of divers colors; in the right hand they carried an arrow with the point towards the ground, and in the left a shield; a small net containing provisions hung from the left arm. A complete courier-system was established throughout the empire; these couriers were employed to carry messages in peace and war, and fresh provisions for the king's table; as we have seen in a former chapter, it is asserted that Montezuma had fresh fish brought to his palace daily from the gulf coast. They were exceedingly swift runners, being exercised from childhood and encouraged by rewards to excel in speed. Stations were fixed at distances of about six miles apart, where small towers were built, in which dwelt one or more couriers ready at all times to set out with dispatches. As soon as a courier arrived at one of these towers, one of those waiting received from him the message he bore, usually expressed in paintings, and at once started for the next stage, and thus the tidings were conveyed to the capital in an incredibly short time. When the dispatches were of an important nature, the courier wore some badge or was dressed in a manner indicative of the intelligence entrusted to him. For instance, if it related to a defeat in battle, he traveled with hair dishevelled, preserving a strict silence until the message was delivered to the person to whom it was directed; on the other hand, if he brought news of a victory, his hair was neatly tied with a colored string, about his body was wrapped a white cotton cloth, on his left arm he carried a shield and in his right hand a sword which he brandished as if in combat, singing at the same time the glorious deeds of the victors.[450] [Sidenote: NAHUA FORTIFICATIONS.] The Mexicans and other Nahua nations, favored by the general features of the country, adopted a system of fortifications and entrenchments admirably adapted to secure them from the attacks of internal enemies, though insufficient as a defense against the superior tactics and indomitable perseverance of Cortés. The position of the city of Tenochtitlan, or Mexico, gave it all the advantages of a fortified town. There was no avenue of approach to it but the causeways, which were defended by towers and ditches spanned by draw-bridges; it was the untimely raising of one of these draw-bridges that caused such destruction to the Spaniards and their allies on the 'noche triste.' Besides this, the inhabitants prepared themselves to defend their city by means of boats, and were frequently exercised in sham naval engagements. The temples of Mexico served all the purposes of citadels, especially the great temple built by the Emperor Tizoc. It occupied the centre of the city and was surrounded by a stone wall eight feet high and very thick, having turrets and stone figures upon it; the wall was pierced by four principal entrances, over each of which were fortified apartments, well stocked with weapons, offensive and defensive, ready for immediate service; here, in case of a revolt or sudden alarm, the garrison went and armed themselves.[451] One of the royal palaces also contained a large armory where great quantities of arms were kept and armorers employed in their manufacture. The peculiar architecture of the temple rendered the ascent to its top very slow and difficult; during the battles of the Mexicans with Cortés' troops after Montezuma's death, five hundred Mexican nobles took possession of this summit, whence they hurled darts, arrows, and stones against the Spaniards, many of whom lost their lives during the assault before the position was taken by Cortés in person. In his dispatch to the Emperor Charles the Fifth he says: "so arduous was the attempt to take this tower that if God had not broken their spirits, twenty of them would have been sufficient to resist the ascent of a thousand men, although they fought with the greatest valor even unto death."[452] Besides the arsenal and general rendezvous there were many turreted towers and strong buildings throughout the city, from the top of which men could shoot their arrows and hurl darts and stones with great effect. The lofty teocalli served as watch-towers, whence the movements of the enemy could be observed. Naturally impregnable localities, such as the vicinity of impassable rivers or ravines were selected as sites for cities, which they further strengthened with forts or surrounded with stone walls. The city of Guacachula, taken by Cortés shortly after his retreat from Mexico on the 'noche triste,' is thus described by him in his letter to Charles the Fifth: "This city of Guacachula is situated upon a plain bounded upon one side by some very lofty and craggy hills; encircling the plain, on the other sides, about two cross-bow shots apart, are two rivers that run through large and deep ravines. There are but few means of entrance to the city, and those extremely difficult both in the ascent and descent so that they can hardly be passed on horseback. The whole city is surrounded by a very strong wall of stone and lime about twenty-two feet high on the outside and almost level with the ground upon the inside. Around the whole wall runs a battlement, half the height of a man, as a protection when fighting; it has four entrances of sufficient width to admit a man on horseback, and in each entrance are three or four curves in the wall that lap one over the other and in the course of the curves, on the top of the wall are parapets for fighting. In the whole circuit of the wall is a large quantity of stones large and small and of different shapes for use in action." Four leagues distant from Guacachula was another city called Izucan, also strongly fortified with breastworks, towers, and a deep river that encircled a great part of the city.[453] One of the most celebrated structures built for defence was the stone wall erected by the Tlascaltecs to secure themselves from the incursions of the Mexicans. This wall was six miles long, extending across a valley from one mountain to another; it was nearly nine feet high and twenty feet thick, surmounted along its whole length by a breastwork that enabled its defenders to fight in comparative security from the top. There was only one entrance, about ten paces wide, where one part of the wall overlapped the other in curvilinear form in the manner of a ravelin for a distance of forty paces. Bernal Diaz and Cortés differ as to the materials of which the wall was built. The former affirms that it was built of stones cemented together with lime and a bitumen so strongly that it was necessary to use pick-axes to separate them, while the latter says it was built of dry stone. Cortés, describing the residence of the cacique of Iztacmaxtitlan, a garrison of the Mexicans, says it was situated on a lofty eminence, with a better fortress than there was in half Spain, defended by a wall, barbican, and moats.[454] In many other parts of the country were stone fortifications, wooden stockades and intrenchments. A short distance from the village of Molcaxac stood a strong fortress built on the top of a mountain; it was surrounded by four walls, erected at certain intervals between the base of the mountain and the top. Twenty-five miles from Córdova was the fortress of Quauhtochco, now Guatusco, encircled by high stone walls in which were no entrance gates; the interior could only be gained by means of steep narrow steps, a method commonly adopted in the country.[455] The nations of Michoacan and Jalisco employed heavy tree-trunks in fortifying their positions against the Spanish invaders, or cut deep intrenchments in which they fixed sharpened stakes. Previous to an attack led by Pedro Alvarado against the inhabitants of Jalisco, the latter took up a strong position on a hill which they fortified by placing large stones in such a manner, that upon cutting the cords that held them they would be precipitated upon the assailants; in the assault many Spaniards were killed and Alvarado was thrown from his horse with such violence that he died two days afterwards.[456] * * * * * Under the tripartite treaty made by the kingdoms of Mexico, Tezcuco, and Tlacopan, a military council was established consisting of a president and twenty-one members. During the reign of the emperor Nezahualcoyotl their deliberations were held in a hall of his palace in Tezcuco. The president belonged to the highest rank of the nobility and commanders of the army, the other members were composed of six of the principal men of Tezcuco, three nobles and three commoners, and fifteen selected from the other chief provinces. All were veteran officers of recognized courage and good conduct. To this court were referred all matters relating to war. The council assembled when required, to discuss and decide all affairs of the service, whether for the punishment of offenses subversive of military discipline, or to transact the business relative to a declaration of war against other powers. In the latter case the consultation always took place in presence of the sovereign, or of the three heads of the empire. All ambassadors and soldiers were subject to this tribunal, which meted out reward as well as punishment. The following were the articles of war: [Sidenote: ARTICLES OF WAR.] First: any general or other military officer who, accompanying the king on a campaign, should forsake him, or leave him in the power of the enemy, thereby failing in his duty, which was to bring back his sovereign dead or alive, suffered death by decapitation. Second: any officer who formed the prince's guard and deserted his trust, suffered death by decapitation. Third: any soldier who disobeyed his superior officer, or abandoned his post, or turned his back upon the enemy, or showed them favor, suffered death by decapitation. Fourth: any officer or soldier who usurped the captive or spoil of another, or who ceded to another the prisoner he himself had taken, suffered death by hanging. Fifth: any soldier who in war caused injury to the enemy without permission of his officer, or who attacked before the signal was given, or who abandoned the standard or headquarters, or broke or violated any order issued by his captain, suffered death by decapitation. Sixth: the traitor who revealed to the enemy the secrets of the army or orders communicated for the success thereof, suffered death by being torn to pieces; his property was forfeited to the crown and all his children and relations were made slaves in perpetuity. Seventh: any person who protected or concealed an enemy in time of war, whether noble or plebeian, suffered death by being torn to pieces in the middle of the public square, and his limbs were given to the populace to be treated as objects of derision and contempt. Eighth: any noble or person of distinction who, in action, or at any dance or festival, exhibited the insignia or badges of the kings of Mexico, Tezcuco, or Tlacopan, suffered death and forfeiture of property. Ninth: any nobleman who, being captured by the enemy fled from prison and returned to his country suffered death by decapitation; but, if he fought and vanquished seven soldiers in gladiatorial combat previous to return, he was free and was rewarded as a brave man. The private soldier who fled from an enemy's prison and returned to his country was well received. Tenth: any ambassador who failed to discharge his trust in accordance with the orders and instructions given to him or who returned without an answer, suffered death by decapitation.[457] As I have already stated, the primary object of most wars was to procure victims for sacrifices to Huitzilopochtli and other gods, and the Mexicans were never at a loss for an excuse to pick a quarrel. The refusal of a neighboring power to receive in its temple one of the Mexican gods, neglect to pay tribute demanded, insults offered to ambassadors or traveling merchants, or symptoms of rebellion in a city or a province, furnished sufficient pretext to take up arms. The rulers of Mexico, however, always endeavored to justify their conduct before they made war, and never commenced hostilities without sending due notice of their intention to the adversary. Before an actual challenge was sent or war declared against any nation, the council met in presence of the three heads of the empire, and gravely discussed the equity of the case. If the difficulty lay with a province subject to the empire, secret emissaries were sent to inquire whether the fault originated solely with the governor or if he was sustained by his subjects. If it appeared that the whole blame rested with the governor, a force was sent to arrest him, and he was publicly punished, together with all others implicated; but if the rising was with the consent of the people, they were summoned to submit and place themselves in obedience to the king whose vassals they were, and a fine, proportionate to the magnitude of the case, was imposed. It was customary for the rulers of Mexico or Tezcuco to send messengers to distant provinces with a demand that they should receive one or more of their gods and worship them in their temples. If the messenger was killed or the proposed god rejected, a war ensued. [Sidenote: DECLARATION OF WAR.] As I have said, it was a breach of international etiquette to proceed to war without giving due notice to the enemy, and military law prescribed that three embassies should be despatched before commencing hostilities. The number of ambassadors varied according to the circumstances and rank of the princes against whom war was to be made, for the higher his rank the fewer in number were the envoys. If he was a great king only one was sent, and he was generally of the blood-royal or a famous general. Sometimes the ambassadors were instructed to deliver their message directly to the hostile prince, at other times to the people of the province. In the first case upon entering into the prince's presence they paid their respects with reverence, and having seated themselves in the centre of the audience-hall, waited till permission was given them to speak. The signal made, the principal among them delivered his message in a low tone of voice and with a studied address, the audience preserving a decorous silence, and listening attentively. As a general thing, in all embassies an interchange of presents was made, and if the message was from one friendly power to another, a refusal of such gifts was a serious affront. If, however, it was to an enemy, the ambassador could not receive a present without express orders from his master. When the three powers of Mexico, Tezcuco, and Tlacopan acted in unison, in the event of a difficulty with another nation, the first ambassadors sent were of the Mexican nation and were called _quaquauhnochtzin_. Upon arriving at the capital of the kingdom or province they proceeded at once to the public square and summoned before them the ministers and aged men, to whom they made known the several circumstances of the case, warning them that, in case their lord refused to accede to their propositions, upon them and their families would fall the evils and hardships produced by war, and exhorting them to counsel and persuade their lord to maintain the good will and protection of the empire; for this purpose they granted twenty days, within which time they would expect an answer, and in order that there might be no complaint of being surprised and taken unprepared they left a supply of weapons and then retired outside the town to await the answer. If within the twenty days it was decided to accept the terms of the ambassadors, the ministers went to the place where they were in waiting and conducted them into the city, where they were received with every mark of respect, and in a short time were sent back to their own country, accompanied by other ambassadors, bearing costly presents in token of friendship and esteem. If, however, twenty days passed without a satisfactory adjustment of the difficulty, a second set of ambassadors, held in readiness for the occasion, who had to be of the kingdom of Tezcuco and were called _achcacauhtzin_, were sent into the city. These carried with them a quantity of arms, some feathers of a bird called _tecpilotl_, and a small earthenware jar containing a certain balsamic and aromatic ointment, compounded of various herbs and gums. They went directly to the palace of the prince and in presence of the gentlemen of his court delivered their message. They then represented to him the miseries of war, and warned him, that if within the space of twenty days he did not agree to their terms, in the event of his being taken captive during the war which would ensue he would be put to death under the penalty of the law, which sentenced him to have his head smashed with a club, and that his vassals would be chastised in proportion to the offence each had committed. If the refractory prince or noble refused immediate compliance, the ambassadors anointed his right arm and his head with the ointment brought with them, telling him to be strong and of good courage and to fight bravely against the troops of the empire, whose valor in war they greatly extolled. They then tied the tecpilotl-plumes at the back of his head with red strings, handed him the weapons they had brought with them, and retired to the place where the first ambassadors were, to await the expiration of the twenty days. If he surrendered within the time, he was required to pay a stipulated annual tribute of small amount, but if he refused to surrender, there came a third set of ambassadors, who were of the kingdom of Tlacopan; they appeared before the lord in the presence of his ministers and court, and delivered their message with stronger threats and warnings, to the effect that if he did not surrender at the expiration of a further twenty days, the army of the empire would march against his territory and punish the inhabitants regardless of age or sex, and that although they might implore its clemency they would not be heard; they then gave them a larger supply of arms than on the preceding occasions, telling them to avail themselves of them and not to say at a future time that they had been assailed unprepared. If the lord of the province surrendered within the last twenty days, he was punished according to the pleasure of the three powers, but not with death nor with the confiscation of his rank or property; he was usually condemned to pay an extraordinary tribute out of his own revenues; should he continue rebellious, war broke out, and the army of the empire, already prepared on the frontiers, commenced its operations.[458] It was usual to send a formal challenge or declaration of war, accompanied by some presents, either of arms, clothing, or food, as it was held to be a discreditable act to attack any unarmed or defenseless people. A notable instance of this spirit was shown by the Tlascaltecs when they confronted the army of Cortés; their general is reported to have exclaimed: "Who are these presumptuous men, so few in number that they attempt to enter our country in spite of us? Lest they think we want to take them by hunger rather than by force of arms, let us send them food, that we may find them savory after the sacrifice, for they come starved and worn out." Before the battle they sent three hundred turkeys and two hundred baskets of centli or tamales, each basket weighing about twenty-five pounds, a gift most acceptable to the Castilians.[459] When war against another nation was decided upon, the first care of the Mexicans was to investigate the character and resources of the region they were about to invade. Certain spies called _quimichtin_, who were selected for their knowledge of the language and customs of the enemy's country, were sent thither, dressed after the manner of the inhabitants. These spies were directed to prepare maps of the districts they passed through, showing the plains, rivers, mountains, and dangerous passes as well as the most practicable routes, and were to take notice of all means of defense possessed by the enemy. The sketches and information thus obtained were given to the chiefs of the army to guide them in their march and enable them to make the best disposition of their forces. Such spies as brought valuable news were rewarded with the grant of a piece of land, and if one came over from the enemy's side and gave advice of their preparations and force, he was well paid and given presents of mantles.[460] When a war was to be conducted jointly by the three allied powers, proclamation was made by heralds in the public thoroughfares of the capital cities. Commissariat officers called _calpixques_ collected the necessary stores and provisions for the campaign, and distributed weapons and coarse mantles of nequen to the army. The troops then went to the temple and performed the ceremony of scarifying their bodies, while the customary sacrifices were offered by the priests to Huitzilopochtli. [Sidenote: ORDER OF MARCH AND BATTLE.] If the expedition was an important one and the army large, it was composed of several divisions, called _xiquipilli_, each consisting of eight thousand men under their respective commanders. When all was in readiness the order of march was thus formed: the priests with their idols started one day's march in advance; next came the captains and flower of the army, followed by the soldiers of Mexico; after them the Tezcucans, and then those of Tlacopan, the rear being closed by the troops of other provinces; one day's march separated each division. Perfect order was maintained on the route, and when near the enemy's country the chiefs traced out the camping-ground each division should occupy, and directed all to entrench and fortify their positions.[461] The battle was sometimes fought on a piece of neutral ground lying between the confines of two territories. Such a place was known by the name _yauhtlalli_, and was especially reserved for the purpose, and always left uncultivated.[462] Before the action commenced each soldier received from the royal magazine a handful of pinole and a kind of cake called _tlaxcaltotopochtli_; afterwards the high-priest or chief addressed the troops, reminding them of the glory to be gained by victory, and the eternal bliss in store for those who fell, and concluded by counseling them to place their trust in Huitzilopochtli and fight valiantly. If the king was present on the field the signal for attack was given by him. The Mexican monarch issued his orders to commence the action by sounding on a large shell making a noise like a trumpet; the lords of Tezcuco beat upon a small drum, and lords of other provinces struck two bones together. The signals for retreat were given upon similar instruments. When the battle commenced, the shrieking of musical instruments, the clashing of swords against bucklers, and shouting of the combatants made a noise so great as to strike terror into those unused to it. While fighting the warriors shouted the names of their respective towns or districts to enable them to recognize each other and prevent confusion.[463] In fighting there appears to have been no special tactics; the commanders of divisions and the captains used every effort to keep their men together, and were very careful to protect the standard, as, if that was taken, the battle was considered lost and all fled. They observed the wise policy of keeping a number of men in reserve to replace any who were wearied or had exhausted their weapons. The archers, slingers, and javelin men commenced the action at a distance and gradually drew nearer, until they came to close quarters, when they took to their swords and spears. All movements, both in advance and retreat, were rapidly executed; sometimes a retreat was feigned in order to draw the enemy into an ambuscade which had been prepared beforehand. The chief object was to take prisoners and not to slay; when an enemy refused to surrender, they endeavored to wound them in the foot or leg so as to prevent escape, but they never accepted a ransom for a prisoner. Certain men were attached to the army whose duty it was to remove the killed and wounded during the action, so that the enemy might not know the losses and take fresh heart.[464] [Sidenote: TLASCALTECS AND TARASCOS.] The Tlascaltecs formed their army into battalions, each having its appointed chief, the whole being under the command of a general-in-chief, who was elected from among those of the four seigniories into which the republic was divided. Their mode of fighting differed little from that of the Mexicans, with the exception of a certain practice which they observed upon first coming in contact with the enemy. This consisted in carrying with them two darts which they believed would presage victory or defeat according to the result of their delivery into the hostile ranks. According to Motolinia the tradition among them in regard to this belief was, that their ancestors came from the north-west, and that in order to reach the land they navigated eight or ten days; from the oldest among them they then received two darts which they guarded as precious relics, and regarded as an infallible augury by which to know whether they would gain a victory or ought to retreat in time.[465] When a victory was won the great standard was brought to the front and placed upon a rising ground or in some conspicuous position, and all were obliged to assemble around it; he who neglected to do so was punished. The Tarascos fought with great courage to the sound of numerous horns and sea-shells, and carried to battle banners made of feathers of many colors. Their skill and valor is best proven by the fact that the Mexicans were never able to subdue them. They showed especial strategy in luring the foe into ambush. Like the Mexicans their chief object in battle was to take prisoners to sacrifice to their gods.[466] Among the Mexicans, when the battle was over, the first prisoners taken were given to the priests to be sacrificed before the idols they carried with them. An account was taken of the losses sustained and of the number of prisoners and other booty gained. Rewards were distributed to all who had distinguished themselves and punishment inflicted on any who had misbehaved. All disputes relative to the capture of prisoners were inquired into and adjusted. If a case arose where neither of the disputants could prove their title, the prisoner was taken from them and given to the priests to be sacrificed. Those inhabitants of the conquered province who could prove that they had taken no active part in the war were punished at the discretion of their conqueror; usually they were condemned to pay a certain annual tribute, or to construct public works; meantime, the vanquished province was supplied with a governor and officers, appointed from among the conquerors.[467] When the king or a feudatory lord captured a prisoner for the first time, his success was made the occasion of much rejoicing. The captive, dressed in showy apparel and mounted on a litter, was borne to the town in great triumph, accompanied by a host of warriors shouting and singing; at the outskirts of the city the procession was met by the inhabitants, some playing on musical instruments, others dancing and singing songs composed for the occasion. The prisoner was saluted with mimic honors, and his captor greatly extolled and congratulated. Numbers of people arrived from the adjoining towns and villages to assist in the general hilarity, bringing with them presents of gold, jewels, and rich dresses. Upon the day appointed for the sacrifice a grand festival was held, previous to and after which the lord fasted and performed certain prescribed ceremonies. The victim was usually dressed for the occasion in the robes of the god of the sun, and sacrificed in the usual manner. With some of the blood that flowed, the priest sprinkled the four sides of the temple; the remainder was collected in a vessel and sent to the noble captor, who with it sprinkled all the gods in the court yard of the temple as a thank-offering for the victory he had gained. After the heart was taken out the body was rolled down the steps and received below; the head was then cut off and placed upon a high pole, afterwards the body was flayed, and the skin stuffed with cotton and hung up in the captor's house as a memento of his prowess.[468] [Sidenote: GLADIATORIAL COMBAT.] When a renowned captain or noble was made prisoner, the right of fighting for his liberty was granted him--an honor not permitted to warriors of an inferior rank. Near the temple was an open space capable of containing a large multitude; in the middle was a circular mound built of stone and mortar, about eight feet high, with steps leading to the top, where was fixed a large round stone, three feet high, smooth, and adorned with figures. This stone was called the _temalacatl_; upon it the prisoner was placed, tied at the ankle with a cord, which passed through a hole in the centre of the stone. His weapons consisted of a shield and macana.[469] He who had taken him prisoner then mounted the stone, better armed, to combat with him. Both the combatants were animated with the strongest motives to fight desperately. The prisoner fought for his life and liberty, and his adversary to sustain his reputation. If the former was conquered, a priest, called _chalchiuhtepehua_, immediately seized him, hurried him dead or alive to the sacrificial stone and tore out his heart. The victor was then publicly congratulated and rewarded with military honors. If, however, the prisoner vanquished his first opponent and six others, by whom, in succession, he was attacked, he was granted his freedom, all spoil taken from him in battle was restored to him, and he returned to his country covered with glory. A notable violation of this law is recorded of the Huexotzincas. In a battle between them and the Cholultecs, the leader of the latter nation became separated from his own people during the heat of battle, and was, after a gallant resistance, made prisoner and conducted to the capital. Being placed on the gladiatorial stone he conquered the seven adversaries that were brought against him, but the Huexotzincas, dreading to liberate so famous a warrior, contrary to their universal law, put him to death, and thereby covered themselves with ignominy.[470] [Sidenote: PRISONERS OF WAR.] If the prisoner was a person of very high rank, he was taken before the king, who ordered that he should be sumptuously fed and lodged for forty days. At the end of that time he was accorded the right of combat, and if conquered, after the usual sacrificial ceremonies the body was cut into small pieces; these were sent to the relations and friends of the deceased, who received them as relics of great value and acknowledged the favor by returning gold, jewels, and rich plumes.[471] If we are to believe Gomara and others, the number of victims, chiefly prisoners of war, sacrificed at some of the festivals, was enormous. The historians relate that in front of the principal gate of the temple there was a mound built of stone and lime with innumerable skulls of prisoners inserted between the stones. At the head and foot of the mound were two towers built entirely of skulls and lime; on the top of the mound were seventy or more upright poles, each with many other sticks fastened crossways to it, at intervals, from top to bottom; on the points of each cross stick were five skulls. They go on to say that two soldiers of Cortés counted these skulls and found them to amount to one hundred and thirty-six thousand. Those that composed the towers they could not count.[472] The nations contiguous to the Mexicans imitated to a great extent their manner of disposing of prisoners of war, and kept them to be sacrificed at their festivals. The first prisoner taken in battle by the Tlascaltecs was flayed alive and he who captured him dressed himself in the horrid trophy, and so covered served the god of battles during a certain number of days. He paraded from one temple to another followed by a crowd that shrieked for joy; but had, however, to run from his pursuers, for if they caught him they beat him till he was nearly dead. This ceremony was called _exquinan_, and was sometimes observed by two or three at the same time.[473] At one of their festivals they bound their prisoners to high crosses and shot them to death with arrows; at other times they killed them with the bastinado. They had also solemn banquets, at which they ate the flesh of their prisoners. At the taking of Mexico, the Tlascaltec soldiery feasted upon the bodies of the slain Mexicans, and Cortés, although shocked at the revolting practice, was unable to prevent it.[474] The Mexicans, Tlascaltecs, and neighboring nations always made the return of a successful army the occasion of great festivity and rejoicing; the loud sound of drums and musical instruments greeted the entry of the victorious troops into the capital; triumphal arches were erected in the streets and the houses decorated with flowers; an abundance of copal was burned and sumptuous banquets were prepared; all were dressed in their gayest attire, and the warriors put on all the insignia of their rank; gifts were distributed to those who had performed any deed of gallantry, and minstrels sung or recited poems in their praise. Many went to the temples to observe especial acts of devotion to the gods, and numbers of the prisoners were then sacrificed. All these ceremonies tended to inspire the youths with courage and make them ambitious to gain distinction in war.[475] FOOTNOTES: [428] _Sahagun_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. ii., lib. viii., pp. 329-32. [429] _Codex Mendoza_, in _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. i., pl. lxiv-lxvi. In explanation of plate lxv., No. 19, it is stated that the warrior was called Quachic by reason of having taken five prisoners in war. 'Haber cautivado en la guerra cinco, demas de que en otras guerras a cautivado otros muchos de sus enemigos.' Explanation of _Id._, vol. v., p. 104; while Purchas says such a one was 'called Quagchil ... shewing that hee had taken fiue at the Wars of Guexo, besides that in other Wars he tooke many of his enemies.' _Purchas his Pilgrimes_, vol. iv., p. 1110-11. [430] Torquemada and Brasseur speak of a yet higher rank among the princes. 'Vna de las maiores grandeças, à que llegaba, era atarse el cabello, que era demonstracion de Gran Capitan, y estos se llamaban Quachictin, que era el mas honroso nombre, que à los Capitanes se los daba, y pocos lo alcançaban.' _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., p. 543. 'Dont les membres se nommaient "Quachictin," c'est-à-dire, Couronnés. Leurs insignes consistaient dans la courroie écarlate dont nous avons parlé plus haut, mais dont le bout, avec sa houppe de plumes, pendait alors jusqu'à la ceinture.' _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. iii., pp. 590-1. Herrera and Acosta both mention a fourth order: 'Auia otros como caualleros Pardos, que no eran de tanta cuenta, como estos, los quales tenian vnas coletas cortadas por encima de la oreja en redondo.' _Acosta_, _Hist. de las Ynd._, pp. 443-4; _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. iii., lib. ii., cap. xix.; _West und Ost Indischer Lustgart_, pt i., p. 99; _Montanus_, _Nieuwe Weereld_, pp. 267-8; _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., p. 140. [431] The greaves were called _cozehuatl_, the brachials _matemecatl_, the bracelets _matzopetztli_, the lip ornament _tentetl_, the ear-rings _nacochtli_, and the collar or necklace _cozcapetlatl_. _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., p. 543; _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. iii., p. 595; _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., p. 141. [432] _Ixtlilxochitl_, _Hist. Chich._, in _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. ix., pp. 295-6. [433] _Sahagun_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. ii., lib. viii., pp. 293-7. [434] _Las Casas_, _Hist. Apologética_, MS., cap. lxvi.; _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. iii., p. 593; _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., p. 143; _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., p. 543. [435] _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., pp. 141-3; _Relatione fatta per vn gentil'huomo del Signor Fernando Cortese_, in _Ramusio_, _Navigationi_, tom. iii., fol. 305. [436] _Veytia_, _Hist. Ant. Mej._, tom. i., pp. 289-90. [437] _Tezozomoc_, _Crónica Mex._, in _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. ix., p. 83. [438] _Carli_, _Cartas_, pt i., pp. 17-21; _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. i., p. 354; _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. ii., lib. iii., cap. ii.; _Gomara_, _Conq. Mex._, fol. 37; _Oviedo_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. i., p. 519; _Cogolludo_, _Hist. Yuc._, p. 14. For further reference to defensive weapons and armor, see: _Carbajal Espinosa_, _Hist. Mex._, tom. i., pp. 608-19; _West-Indische Spieghel_, p. 246; _Montanus_, _Nieuwe Weereld_, p. 267; _Klemm_, _Cultur-Geschichte_, tom. v., pp. 81-3; _Mexique_, _Études Hist._, p. 8; _Leon y Gama_, _Dos Piedras_, pt ii., p. 28; _Bussierre_, _L'Empire Mex._, p. 161; _Camargo_, _Hist. Tlax._, in _Nouvelles Annales des Voy._, 1843, tom. xcviii., p. 133; _Müller_, _Amerikanische Urreligionen_, p. 542. [439] _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. ii., lib. vii., cap. xi.; _Gage's New Survey_, pp. 99-100. [440] 'I Tehuacanesi erano singolarmente rinomati per la lor destrezza nel tirar tre, o quatro frecce insieme.... La destrezza di quei Popoli nel tirar le frecce non sarebbe credibile, se non fosse accertata per la deposizione di centinaja di testimonj oculati. Radunatisi parecchj frecciatori gettano in sù una pannocchia di frumentone, e si mettono a saettarla con una tal prontezza, e con una tal desterità, che non la lasciano venite a terra, finattantochè non le hanno levati tutti i grani. Gettano similmente una moneta d'argento non più grande d'un giulio, e saettandola la trattengono in aria, quanto voglioni.' _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., p. 143. [441] Ixtlilxochitl mentions clubs studded with iron, but it is well known that the Aztec nations had no knowledge of that mineral, although it is said they possessed the art of being able to temper copper to the hardness of steel, 'porras claveteadas de hierro, cobre y oro.' _Ixtlilxochitl_, _Relaciones_, in _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. ix., p. 332. [442] According to Gomara it was made of 'cierta rayz que llaman çacotl, y de teuxalli, que es vna arena rezia, y como de vena de diamantes, que mezclan y amassan con sangre de morcielagos, y no se que otras aues.' _Gomara_, _Conq. Mex._, fol. 110. [443] In reference to the macana, which all assert to have been a most formidable weapon, I quote only a few authorities. 'Sus espadas de palo largas, de un palo muy fuerte, engeridas de pedernales agudísimos, que de una cuchillada cortaban á cercen el pescuezo de un caballo.' _Motolinia_, _Hist. Indios_, in _Icazbalceta_, _Col. de Doc._, tom. i., p. 188. Bernal Diaz describing a battle with the Tlascaltecs where Pedro de Moron was wounded and had his horse killed, says 'dieron vna cuchillada â la yegua, que le cortaron el pescueço redondo, y alli quedó muerta.' _Bernal Diaz_, _Hist. Conq._, fol. 44. 'Taglia come vn rasoio di Tolosa. Io viddi che combattendosi vn di, diede vn Indiano vna cortellata a vn cauallo sopra il qual era vn caualliero con chi combatteua, nel petto, che glielo aperse fin alle interiora, et cadde incontanente morto, & il medesimo giorno viddi che vn'altro cortellata a vn'altro cauallo su il collo che se lo gettò morto a i piedi.' _Relatione fatta per vn gentil'huomo del Signor Fernando Cortese_, in _Ramusio_, _Navigationi_, tom. iii., fol. 305. The Anonymous Conqueror does not say the head was cut off, but that one horse was killed with a cut on the breast that opened it to the entrails, and the other from a cut on the neck was laid dead at his feet. 'Lo que podrán efectuar con aquella espada en el pescuezo del caballo sera de la herida cuanto entraren los filos en la carne, que no pasarán de un canto de real de plata, porque todo lo otro es grueso, por tener el lomo que arriba referimos las navajas.' _Las Casas_, _Hist. Apologética_, MS., cap. lxvi.; _Hernandez_, _Nova Plant._, p. 340; _Purchas his Pilgrimes_, vol. iv., p. 1129. [444] It may be that this ballesta was a somewhat similar implement to that used by the Aleuts and Isthmians. See vol. i., pp. 90, 761. 'Dardi che essi tirano con vn manga no fatto di vn'altro bastone.' _Relatione fatta per vn gentil'huomo del Signor Fernando Cortese_, in _Ramusio_, _Navigationi_, tom. iii., fol. 305; _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. iii., pp. 594-5. [445] _Cortés_, _Cartas_, p. 101; _Veytia_, _Hist. Ant. Mej._, tom. ii., p. 5; _Oviedo_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. iii., p. 299; _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. i., p. 460. [446] _Sahagun_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. iii., lib. x., pp. 128-9. [447] _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. i., p. 339. [448] In regard to the armorial ensign of the Tlascaltecs, authors differ. It is admitted that the general-in-chief carried the standard of the republic, and important authorities say that the one borne by Xicotencatl in his battle with Cortés had emblazoned upon it a white bird resembling an ostrich or heron, but Clavigero and Prescott incline to the opinion that the emblem was an eagle. In regard to this we have the following accounts. Bernal Diaz, an actor in the battle, says the Tlascaltec army was ranged under the banner of Xicotencatl, 'qua era vn aue blanca tendidas las alas, como que queria bolar, que parece como auestruz.' _Hist. Conq._, fol. 45. 'Lleuaua el estandarte de la ciudad, que es vna grua de oro con las alas tendidas.' _Gomara_, _Conq. Mex._, fol. 75. 'Esta bandera de Tascaltecle es una grua que trae por divisa, ó armas al natural, de oro, é tendidas las alas.' _Oviedo_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. iii., p. 499. 'Xicotencatl ... llevaba el Estandarte de la Republica, que era vn Aguila de Oro, con las Alas estendidas.' _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. i., p. 423; _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., p. 145; _Prescott's Mex._, vol. i., p. 439; _Bussierre_, _L'Empire Mex._, p. 234. [449] 'Ha ogni compagnia il suo Alfiere con la sua insegna inhastata, & in tal modo ligata sopra le spalle, che non gli da alcun disturbo di poter combattere ne far ciò che vuole, & la porta cosi ligata bene al corpo, che se non fanno del suo corpo pezzi, non se gli puo sligare, ne torgliela mai.' _Relatione fatta per vn gentil'huomo del Signor Fernando Cortese_, in _Ramusio_, _Navigationi_, tom. iii., fol. 305. [450] 'Respetaban à los Embaxadores de sus mortales enemigos, como à Dioses, teniendo por mejor violar qualquier rito de su Religion, que pecar contra la fee dada à los Embaxadores.' _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., pp. 535-6. 'Los Correos, ò Mensageros, que se despachaban de las Guerras, tambien pasaban seguros, por todas partes.' _Ib._; _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., pp. 118-20. [451] 'A cada parte y puerta de las cuatro del patio del templo grande ya dicho habia una gran sala con muy buenos aposentos altos y bajos en rededor. En estos tenian muchas armas, porque como los Templos tengan por fortalezas de los pueblos tienen en ellos toda su municion.' _Las Casas_, _Hist. Apologética_, MS., cap. li. [452] 'Si Dios no les quebrara las alas.' _Cortés_, _Cartas_, p. 132. See also _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., pp. 151-2; _Ortega_, in _Veytia_, _Hist. Ant. Mej._, tom. iii., p. 319. [453] _Cortés_, _Cartas_, pp. 150, 152. [454] 'Una gran cerca de piedra seca.' _Cortés_, _Cartas_, pp. 59-60. 'Una fuerça bien fuerte hecha de cal y canto, y de otro betun tan rezio, que con picos de hierro era forçoso deshazerla.' _Bernal Diaz_, _Hist. Conq._, fol. 43; _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. i., pp. 418-19; _Bussierre_, _L'Empire Mex._, pp. 229, 232; _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. iv., pp. 134-5; _Gomara_, _Conq. Mex._, fol. 70; _Peter Martyr_, dec. v., lib. i.; _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., p. 150; _Solis_, _Hist. Conq. Mex._, tom. i., p. 241. [455] _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., p. 150. [456] _Benzoni_, _Hist. Mondo Nuovo_, p. 107; _Oviedo_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. iii., p. 567; _Camargo_, _Hist. Tlax._, in _Nouvelles Annales des Voy._, 1843, tom. xcviii., p. 133. [457] _Veytia_, _Hist. Ant. Mej._, tom. iii., pp. 203-4, 422-3; _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., pp. 384-5, 540; _Las Casas_, _Hist. Apologética_, MS., cap. ccxv.; _Ixtlilxochitl_, _Hist. Chich._, in _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. ix., pp. 243, 246; _Mendieta_, _Hist. Ecles._, p. 132. [458] Las Casas says that very old women were admitted to war councils. 'Nunca movian guerra sin dar parte al pueblo, y sin mucho consejo de los mas ancianos y caballeros ejercitados en la guerra, al cual consejo se admitian las mujeres muy viejas como personas que habian visto y oido muchas cosas y asi esperimentadas de lo pasado.' _Las Casas_, _Hist. Apologética_, MS., cap. lxvi. According to the Chevalier Boturini the first ambassadors were accredited to the king or lord of the province, the second were dispatched to the nobility requiring them to persuade their lord, and the third convoked the people and advised them of the motives their monarch had for waging war against them. _Boturini_, _Idea_, pp. 162-3. See also _Veytia_, _Hist. Ant. Mej._, tom. iii., pp. 424-7; _Ixtlilxochitl_, _Hist. Chich._, in _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, tom. ix., pp. 246-7; _Tezozomoc_, _Crónica Mex._, in _Id._, pp. 40, 73; _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., pp. 382-3, 534-5. [459] _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. i., p. 423; _Gomara_, _Conq. Mex._, fol. 75; _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. ii., lib. vi., cap. vi. [460] 'A estas Espias, que embiaban delante, llamaban Ratones, que andan de noche, ò escondidos, y à hurtadillas.' _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., p. 538. [461] Camargo says: 'L'armée était divisée par bataillons de cent hommes.' _Hist. Tlax._, in _Nouvelles Annales des Voy._, 1843, tom. xcviii., p. 134. 'Quando l'esercito era numeroso, si contava per _Xiquipilli_: ed ogni _Xiquipilli_ si componeva d'otto mila uomini.' _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., p. 147. [462] Also spelt _quiahtlale_, _jaotlalli_, meaning a place for war. _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., pp. 147-3; _Gomara_, _Conq. Mex._, fol. 322; _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., p. 538. [463] _Tezozomoc_, _Crónica Mex._, in _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. ix., pp. 31, 41, 50, 147. [464] For further account of their manner of conducting a war, see: _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., pp. 147-9; _Sahagun_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. ii., lib. viii., pp. 311-12; _Las Casas_, _Hist. Apologética_, MS., cap. lxvii.; _Mendieta_, _Hist. Ecles._, pp. 129-31; _Gomara_, _Conq. Mex._, fol. 322-3; _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. iii., pp. 598-601; _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., pp. 537-40; _Chaves_, _Rapport_, in _Ternaux-Compans_, _Voy._, série ii., tom. v., pp. 313-14; _Klemm_, _Cultur-Geschichte_, tom. v., pp. 86-8. [465] _Motolinia_, _Hist. Indios_, in _Icazbalceta_, _Col. de Doc._, tom. i., p. 11; _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. ii., lib. vi., cap. xvii.; _Gomara_, _Conq. Mex._, fol. 87; _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. i., p. 34; _Gage's New Survey_, p. 77; _Bussierre_, _L'Empire Mex._, p. 230. [466] _Beaumont_, _Crón. Mechoacan_, MS., pp. 51, 60-1. [467] _Sahagun_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. ii., lib. viii., p. 313; _Las Casas_, _Hist. Apologética_, MS., cap. lxvii. [468] _Mendieta_, _Hist. Ecles._, pp. 131-4; _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., pp. 541-2; _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., p. 149. [469] Camargo says the prisoner was given his choice of every kind of offensive and defensive weapons. _Hist. Tlax._, in _Nouvelles Annales des Voy._, 1843, tom. xcviii., pp. 188-9, but all other authors state that he was only given a short sword and shield. Boturini says a servant who was under the stone drew the cord and so controlled the prisoner that he could not move. _Idea_, p. 164. Duran says: 'El modo que en celebrarlo tenian; que era atar á los Presos con una soga al pie por un ahugero que aquella piedra tenia por medio, y desnudo en cueros le daban una rodela y una espada de solo palo emplumado en las manos, y unas pelotas de palo con que se defendian de los que salian á combatir con él, que eran cuatro muy bien armados.' _Hist. Indias_, MS., tom. i., cap. 36. [470] _Relatione fatta per vn gentil'huomo del Signor Fernando Cortese_, in _Ramusio_, _Navigationi_, tom. iii., fol. 305; _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., pp. 47-8. [471] _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., p. 536. [472] _Gomara_, _Conq. Mex._, fol. 121-2; _Acosta_, _Hist. de las Ynd._, pp. 333-5; _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. ii., lib. vii., cap. xviii.; _Montanus_, _Nieuwe Weereld_, p. 242. [473] _Camargo_, _Hist. Tlax._, in _Nouvelles Annales des Voy._, 1843, tom. xcix., p. 134. [474] _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., p. 51; _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. i., p. 423. For further reference to treatment of prisoners, see: _Ixtlilxochitl_, _Hist. Chich._, in _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. ix., pp. 250-1; _Tezozomoc_, _Crónica Mex._, in _Id._, p. 164; _Klemm_, _Cultur-Geschichte_, tom. v., pp. 102-3; _Müller_, _Amerikanische Urreligionen_, p. 634; _Fossey_, _Mexique_, pp. 215-16; _Peter Martyr_, dec. v., lib. viii. [475] Instances of how the Mexicans received their victorious armies are given in _Tezozomoc_, _Crónica Mex._, in _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. ix., pp. 39, 61, 177-8; _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. iii., pp. 321-2. See further, _Camargo_, _Hist. Tlax._, in _Nouvelles Annales des Voy._, 1843, tom. xcix., p. 136; _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. ii., lib. vi., cap. xvii.; _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., p. 574; _Acosta_, _Hist. de las Ynd._, pp. 489-90. CHAPTER XIV. NAHUA LAWS AND LAW COURTS. GENERAL REMARKS--THE CIHUACOATL, OR SUPREME JUDGE--THE COURT OF THE TLACATECATL--JURISDICTION OF THE TECUHTLIS--THE CENTECTLAPIXQUES AND TOPILLIS--LAW COURTS AND JUDGES OF TEZCUCO--EIGHTY-DAY COUNCIL--TRIBUNAL OF THE KING--COURT PROCEEDINGS--LAWYERS--WITNESSES--REMUNERATION OF JUDGES--JUSTICE OF KING NEZAHUALPILLI--HE ORDERS HIS SON'S EXECUTION--MONTEZUMA AND THE FARMER--JAILS--LAWS AGAINST THEFT, MURDER, TREASON, KIDNAPPING, DRUNKENNESS, WITCHCRAFT, ADULTERY, INCEST, SODOMY, FORNICATION, AND OTHER CRIMES--STORY OF NEZAHUALCOYOTL AND THE BOY. It has already been stated that among the Nahuas the supreme legislative power belonged to the king; the lawful share that he took in the administration of justice we shall see as we examine the system of jurisprudence adopted by them. When treating of the Nahua judiciary the majority of historians have preferred to discuss almost exclusively the system in vogue at Tezcuco, partly, perhaps, because it presents a nicer gradation of legal tribunals, and consequently a closer resemblance to European institutions than did the more simple routine of the Mexicans, but mainly because the materials of information were more accessible and abundant. Many writers, however, have not followed this rule, but throwing all the information they could obtain into a general fund, they have applied the whole indiscriminately to the 'Mexicans,' by which term they mean all the inhabitants of the regions conquered by Cortés. Las Casas, speaking of the allied kingdoms of Mexico, Tezcuco, and Tlacopan, says that "their government and laws scarcely differed, so that whatever may be said of those parts concerning which the most information can be obtained, may be understood, and perhaps it is best to say it, as applying to all."[476] Although the number and jurisdiction of the law-courts of Mexico and Tezcuco differed, there is reason to believe that the laws themselves and the penalties inflicted were the same, or nearly so. [Sidenote: THE CIHUACOATL, SUPREME JUDGE.] In Mexico, and in each of the principal cities of the empire, there was a supreme judge, called _cihuacoatl_,[477] who was considered second only to the king in rank and authority. He heard appeals in criminal cases from the court immediately below him, and from his decision no appeal was allowed, not even to the king.[478] Whether or not the cihuacoatl pronounced judgment in civil cases is uncertain. According to Clavigero he did;[479] Prescott,[480] Brasseur de Bourbourg,[481] and Carbajal Espinosa[482] agree with Clavigero, and Leon Carbajal[483] cites Torquemada as an authority for this statement, but the fact is Torquemada distinctly affirms the contrary,[484] as does Las Casas,[485] from whom Torquemada takes his information. It appears, however, reasonable to suppose that in some exceptional cases, as, for instance, where the title to large possessions was involved, or when the litigants were powerful nobles, the supreme judge may have taken cognizance of civil affairs. Whether the jurisdiction of the cihuacoatl was ever original, as well as final, as Prescott[486] asserts it to have been, I do not find stated by the earlier authorities, although this may have happened exceptionally, but in that case there could have been but one hearing, for the king, who was the only superior of the supreme judge, had no authority to reverse the decisions of the latter. The cihuacoatl was appointed by the king, and he in turn appointed the inferior judges. He held his office for life, and in addition to his regular judicial duties had charge of the most important affairs of government, and of the royal revenues. He was without a colleague, and must administer justice in person. Such was the respect paid to this exalted personage, that whoever had the audacity to usurp his power or insignia suffered death, his property was confiscated and his family enslaved.[487] The next court was supreme in civil matters and could only be appealed from to the cihuacoatl in cases of a criminal nature. It was presided over by three judges, the chief of whom was styled _tlacatecatl_, and from him the court took its name; his colleagues were called _quauhnochtli_ and _tlanotlac_.[488] Each of these had his deputies and assistants. Affairs of importance were laid in the first instance before this tribunal, but appeals from the inferior courts were also heard. Sentence was pronounced by a crier entitled _tecpoyotl_ in the name of the tlacatecatl, and was carried into execution by the quauhnochtli with his own hands. The office of tecpoyotl was considered one of high honor because he declared the will of the king as represented by his judges. [Sidenote: THE TECUHTLI AND CENTECTLAPIXQUE.] In each ward of the city there was a magistrate called _tecuhtli_ who was annually elected by the inhabitants of his district; he judged minor cases in the first instance only, and probably the office somewhat resembled that of our police judge. Appeal lay from him to the tlacatecatl.[489] It was the duty of the tecuhtlis to give a daily report of affairs that had been submitted to them, and of the judgments they had rendered thereon, to the tlacatecatl, who reviewed their proceedings. Whether the tlacatecatl could reverse the decision of a tecuhtli when no appeal had been made, is uncertain, but it appears improbable, inasmuch as a failure to exercise the right of appeal would imply recognition of justice in the judgment passed by the lower tribunal. In each ward, and elected in the same manner as the tecuhtlis, were officers whose title was _centectlapixque_, whose province it was to watch over the behavior and welfare of a certain number of families committed to their charge, and to acquaint the magistrates with everything that passed. Although the centectlapixques could not exercise judicial authority, yet it is probable that petty disputes were often submitted to them for arbitration, and that their arbitrament was abided by. In case the parties could not be brought to any friendly settlement, however, the centectlapixque immediately reported the matter to the tecuhtli of his district, and a regular trial ensued. The tecuhtlis had their bailiffs, who carried their messages and served summonses. In addition to these there were constables styled _topilli_, who arrested prisoners and enforced order.[490] [Sidenote: THE EIGHTY-DAY COUNCIL.] In Tezcuco, although the kingdom was divided into many provinces,[491] the higher courts of justice were placed in six of the principal cities only.[492] Each of these tribunals was presided over by two judges, who were very high magnates and usually relatives of the king, and from these an appeal lay to two supreme judges who resided at the capital.[493] These twelve judges were assisted by twelve sheriffs,[494] whose duty it was to arrest prisoners of exalted rank in their own district, or to go in search of offenders in other provinces. The peculiar badge of these officers was a certain ornamented mantle; wherever they went they were held in great awe and respect, as representatives of the king, and seldom encountered resistance in the exercise of their functions. There were also constables in attendance on the courts, who acted with great diligence in carrying messages or making arrests. Every ten or twelve days all the judges met in council with the king,[495] when cases of importance were discussed, and either finally settled, or laid over for decision at a grand council which convened every four Mexican months, making in all eighty days. On these occasions all the judges, without exception, met together, the king presiding in person. All being seated according to their order of precedence, an orator opened the proceedings with a speech, in which he praised virtue and severely reprimanded vice; he reviewed all the events of the past eighty days, and commented very severely even upon the acts of the king himself. In this council all suits were terminated, the sentences being carried out on the spot,[496] and affairs of state and policy were discussed and transacted; it generally sat during eight or ten days.[497] In addition to these judges there were magistrates of a lower order in all the provinces, who took cognizance of cases of minor importance, and who also heard and considered those of greater consequence preparatory to laying them before the Eighty-Day Council.[498] The historian Ixtlilxochitl gives a somewhat different account of the Tezcucan tribunals, which, as it contains the only description given by the ancient writers of the halls in which the judges sat, I translate in full. In the palace were two principal courtyards, the larger of which served as the market-place. The second courtyard was smaller than the first, and was situated more in the interior of the palace; in the centre of it a fire was kept continually burning. Here were the two most important tribunals in the kingdom. To the right of this courtyard, writes Ixtlilxochitl, was the supreme tribunal, which was called _teohicpalpan_, meaning, Tribunal of God. Here was a throne of gold, set with turquoises and other precious stones; before the throne stood a stool, upon which were a shield, a macana, and a bow with its quiver of arrows; upon these was placed a skull, surmounted by an emerald of a pyramidal shape, in the apex of which was fixed a plume of feathers and precious stones; at the sides, serving as carpets, were the skins of tigers and lions (tigres y leones), and mats (mantas) made of the feathers of the royal eagle, where a quantity of bracelets and anklets (grevas) of gold were likewise placed in regular order.[499] The walls were tapestried with cloth of all colors, made of rabbits' hair, adorned with figures of divers birds, animals, and flowers.[500] Attached to the throne was a canopy of rich plumage, in the centre of which was a glittering ornament of gold and precious stones. [Sidenote: THE TRIBUNAL OF THE KING.] The other tribunal was called that of the king; it also had a throne, which was lower than that of the Tribunal of God, and a canopy adorned with the royal coat of arms. Here the kings transacted ordinary business and gave public audience; but when they rendered decisions upon grave and important cases, or pronounced sentence of death, they removed to the Tribunal of God, placing the right hand upon the skull, and holding in the left the golden arrow which served as a sceptre, and on these occasions they put on the tiara (tiara) which they used, which resembled a half mitre. There were on the same stool three of these tiaras; one was of precious stones set in gold, another of feathers, and the third woven of cotton and rabbit-hair, of a blue color. This tribunal was composed of fourteen grandees of the kingdom, who sat in three divisions of the hall, according to their rank and seniority. In the first division was the king; in the second division were seated six grandees; the first of these six, on the right hand, was the lord of Teotihuacan, the second the lord of Acolman, the third the lord of Tepetlaoztoc; on the left side sat, first, the lord of Huexotla, second, the lord of Coatlichan, third, he of Chimalhuacan. In the third division of the hall, which was the exterior one, sat eight other lords, according to their rank and seniority; on the right side the first was the lord of Otompan, the second was the lord of Tollantzinco, the third the lord of Quauhchinanco, the fourth the lord of Xicotepec, and on the left side were, first, the lord of Tepechpan, second, the lord of Chiauhtla, third, the lord of Chiuhnauhtla, and fourth, he of Teiotocan. There followed, also, another hall, which adjoined this on the eastern side, and was divided into two parts; in the inner and principal division, were eight judges, who were nobles and gentlemen, and four others who were of the citizen class;[501] these were followed by fifteen provincial judges, natives of all the cities and chief towns of Tezcuco; the latter took cognizance of all suits, civil or criminal, which were embraced in the eighty laws that Nezahualcoyotl established; the duration of the most important of these cases was never more than eighty days. In the other, or exterior, division of the hall, was a tribunal composed of four supreme judges, who were presidents of the councils; and there was a wicket, through which they entered and went out to communicate with the king.[502] [Sidenote: COURT PROCEEDINGS.] Besides these various tribunals for the general administration of justice, there were others that had jurisdiction in cases of a peculiar nature only. There was a court of divorce, and another which dealt only with military matters; by it military men were tried and punished, and it had also the power to confer rewards and honors upon the deserving; the especial jurisdiction of another tribunal extended over matters pertaining to art and science, while a fourth court had charge of the royal exchequer, of taxes and tributes, and of those employed in collecting them. Of some of these institutions I have already had occasion to speak. The mode of procedure, or daily routine, in the law courts of Mexico and Tezcuco was strict and formal. At sunrise, or as some say, at daybreak, the judges took their places in court, squatting upon mats spread for the purpose, usually upon an elevated platform. Here they administered justice until noon, when they partook of a meal supplied from the royal kitchen. When this was over and they had rested for a short space, business was resumed, and carried on during the greater part of the afternoon. Punctuality on the part of the judges was strictly enforced, and he who absented himself from court without good cause, such as illness, or royal permission, was severely punished. This order was observed every day, except when the presence of the judges was required at the public sacrifices or solemn festivities, at which time the courts of justice remained closed.[503] [Sidenote: EXAMINATION OF WITNESSES.] Minor cases were conducted verbally, the parties producing their witnesses, who testified under oath for the complaint or the defence. The testimony, under oath, of the principals was also admitted as evidence; and one writer even asserts that the defendant could clear himself by his oath;[504] but it is plain that if such were the case conviction would be very rare. In cases of greater importance, especially in civil suits where the possession of real estate was involved, paintings, in which the property in dispute was represented, were produced as authentic documents, and the whole of the proceedings, such as the object of the claim, the evidence, the names of the parties and their respective witnesses, as well as the decision or sentence, were recorded in court by notaries, or clerks, appointed for that purpose.[505] A witness in an Aztec court of law occupied a serious position. In the first place the judges are by all writers said to have been particularly skillful in cross-examination. They seem to have made it an especial study to harass witnesses with pertinent questions and minute details; in the next place the punishment for perjury was death, and perjury among these people consisted in making a false statement when under oath, without the possibility of being saved by a legal quibble; in addition to this, superstition attached great weight to the oath which every witness was obliged to take, and which consisted in touching the forefinger to the earth and then to the tongue, as if to say, as Las Casas expresses it: By the goddess Earth, who supports and affords me sustenance, I swear to speak truth. This oath was considered to be very sacred and binding, and is said to have been rarely violated. Whether counsel or advocates were employed is a disputed point, some writers asserting distinctly that they were, and others that they were not.[506] Veytia states that the complainant and defendant were sometimes confronted with each other, and compelled to argue the case before the court, no other person being allowed to speak the while. The judges heard and passed sentence by a majority of votes,[507] each giving his decision aloud. If the trial took place in an inferior court, a disagreement sent the matter on appeal to a higher court; if it took place in the first instance before a superior tribunal, it was appealed to the great council of the emperor. The same writer also says that where a serious public offense had been committed, the witnesses were examined, and sentence was immediately passed without giving the accused time to defend himself.[508] We have already seen that the duration of suits was limited to eighty days, and generally they terminated much sooner than this, all possible expedition being always used. The better to avoid bribery and corruption, it was expressly forbidden for a judge to receive presents, no matter how trifling, and he who violated this rule was deposed from office, and otherwise punished with exceeding rigor. The way in which the judges were paid for their services was peculiar. A certain portion of land was set apart for their exclusive benefit, which was cultivated and harvested by tenants, who doubtless were allowed to retain a part of the produce in return for their labor. These lands were not inherited by the son on the death of the father, but passed to the judge appointed in the place of the latter.[509] Veytia does not mention these lands; he says that the judges had no fixed salary, but were paid according to the king's pleasure, more or less, in proportion to the size of their families, besides which the king made valuable presents when the Eighty-Day Council met, to those who had performed their duty to his satisfaction.[510] The allowance was in all cases made amply sufficient, that there might be no excuse on the ground of poverty for a judge receiving presents or bribes. They held their office for life, and were selected from the higher classes, especially the superior judges, who were generally relatives of the king, or even members of the royal family. None were eligible for the office who were not sober, upright men, brought up in the temples, and who were well acquainted with court life and manners. A judge who became drunk, or received a bribe, was three times severely reprimanded by his fellow-judges; if the offense was repeated, his head was shaved publicly, a great disgrace among the Aztecs, and he was deprived of his office with ignominy. A judge making a false report to the king, or convicted of receiving a large bribe, or of rendering a manifestly unjust decision, was punished with death.[511] All this machinery of the law was dispensed with in Tlascala, where all disputes and difficulties were promptly settled by certain old men appointed for that purpose.[512] [Sidenote: ANECDOTES OF NEZAHUALPILLI.] A love of impartial justice seems to have characterized all the Aztec monarchs, and, as we have seen, the laws they enacted to ensure this to their subjects were severe in the extreme. No favoritism was allowed; all, from the highest to the lowest were held amenable to the law. A story, illustrating this, is repeated by nearly all the old writers. In the reign of Nezahualpilli, the son of Nezahualcoyotl, who were accounted the two wisest kings of Tezcuco, a suit sprang up between a rich and powerful noble and a poor man of the people. The judge decided against the poor man, who thereby lost what little he had, and was in danger of having to sell himself as a slave to procure subsistence for his family. But suspicion of foul play having been aroused, the king ordered the matter to be thoroughly investigated, when it transpired that the judge had been guilty of collusion with the rich man; so the king commanded that the unjust judge should be hanged at once, and that the poor man's property should be restored to him. Neither were the rulers themselves, nor their families, exempt from observance of the law, and instances are not wanting where fathers have, Brutus-like, condemned their children to death, rather than allow the law to be violated, and the offender to go unpunished. Nezahualcoyotl caused four of his own sons to be publicly executed because they had sinned with their step-mothers, the wives of their father.[513] A very touching incident is narrated by Torquemada, showing to what an extent this love of impartial justice was carried by a Tezcucan sovereign. Nezahualpilli, king of Tezcuco, had married two sisters, whom he dearly loved, and especially did he dote upon the younger, whose name was Xocotzincatzin. By her he had several children, the eldest being a son, named Huexotzincatzin, who was beloved by all who knew him, on account of his amiable disposition and noble qualities, and who was besides a very valiant young man and a great warrior. No wonder that he was the king's pride, and beloved even more than his brothers and sisters, for his own and his mother's sake. So much had Huexotzincatzin distinguished himself, that, although he was but a young man, his father determined to bestow upon him the office and title of tlacatecatl, which was a post of the highest honor and importance.[514] For this purpose the king one day ordered that the prince be sent for and brought into his presence. With a light heart, and much elated, Huexotzincatzin, accompanied by his suite, and the nobles who were his tutors, set out for the royal palace. As he was about to enter, the prince met one of his father's concubines, attended by her ladies. This concubine was a very beautiful and proud woman, yet withal of a free and easy carriage, that encouraged Huexotzincatzin, who perhaps did not know who she was, to address her in a familiar and disrespectful manner. The woman, who, the historian remarks, could not have been possessed of much sense, either because she felt offended at his conduct towards her, or because she dreaded the consequence if the king should discover what had happened, turned from the prince without a word, and entered the palace. The king's concubines, as we have seen in a former chapter, were always accompanied by certain elderly women, whose duty it was to instruct them in discreet behavior and to watch continually over their actions. One of these women, who had been with the concubine at the time of her meeting with Huexotzincatzin, and had overheard the prince's remarks, went straightway to the king, and informed him of all that had happened. The king immediately sent for his concubine, and inquired of her if the prince had spoken lewdly to her publicly and in the presence of the ladies and courtiers, or if he had intended his words to reach her ear alone; for Nezahualpilli would fain have discovered some excuse for his son, the punishment for speaking lewdly in public to the king's concubines being, according to law, death; but the frightened woman replied that Huexotzincatzin had spoken openly to her, before all that were present. Then the king dismissed the concubine, and retired, mourning, into certain apartments which were called the 'rooms of sorrow.' [Sidenote: PUNISHMENT OF THE KING'S SON.] When these things came to the ears of the friends and tutors of the prince, they were much troubled on his account, because the severity of the king, and his strict adherence to the law were as a proverb among the people, and their apprehensions increased when, upon arriving at the royal apartments, the prince was denied admission, although his attendants were ordered to appear at once before the king. There they were closely questioned by him, and although they would willingly have saved the prince from the consequences of his folly, yet they dared not speak anything but truth, for he who was convicted of wilfully deceiving the king, suffered death. All they could do was to make excuses for the prince, and ask pardon for his crime, and this they did with many prayers and entreaties, advancing, as extenuating circumstances, his youth, his previous good conduct, and his possible ignorance of the fact that the lady was his father's concubine. The king listened patiently to the end, answering nothing, and then he commanded that Huexotzincatzin be forthwith arrested and placed in confinement. Later in that same day he pronounced sentence of death against his son. When it became known that Huexotzincatzin was to die, all the powerful nobles who were at court went in a body to the king and earnestly conjured him not to insist upon carrying out his sentence, telling him that it was barbarous and unnatural, and that future generations would hold in horror and hatred the memory of the man who had condemned his own son to death. Their prayers and arguments seemed, however, to render the old king only the more implacable, and he dismissed them, saying that if the law forbade such things, and if that law was inviolably observed throughout the kingdom, how could he justify his conduct to his subjects, were he to allow the same to be infringed upon in his own palace, and the offender to remain unpunished merely because he was his son; that it should never be said of him that he made laws for his subjects which did not apply to his own family. When Xocotzincatzin, the prince's mother, heard that he was condemned to death, she gathered the rest of her sons about her, and coming suddenly before her husband, she fell on her knees and besought him with many tears, to spare the life of her darling son, the first pledge of love that she, his favorite wife had given him. Finding all her entreaties fruitless, she then implored him for the sake of the love he had once borne her, to slay her and her other sons with Huexotzincatzin, since life without her first-born was unbearable. But the stern old king still sat to all appearance unmoved and immovable, and coldly directed the attendant ladies to convey the wretched mother to her apartments. The execution of the prince was delayed in every possible manner by those who had charge of it, in the hope that the king might even yet relent; but Nezahualpilli having been informed of this, immediately ordered that the sentence should be carried out without further delay. So Huexotzincatzin died. As soon as the news of his son's death was carried to the king, he shut himself up in certain apartments called the 'rooms of sorrow,' and there remained forty days, mourning for his first-born and seeing no one. The house of the late prince was then walled up, and none were allowed to enter it, and so all tokens of the unhappy young man were destroyed.[515] [Sidenote: MONTEZUMA AND THE FARMER.] Another anecdote, which is written in execrable Spanish by the native historian, Tezozomoc, may not be out of place here. It is told of the emperor Montezuma of Mexico, and the reader will at once recognize a resemblance between this and many other anecdotes with which he is familiar, where a bold and merited rebuke from a subject to his sovereign is received with respect and even favor. It happened one summer, that the king, being wearied with the cares of government, went for rest and recreation to his country palace at Tacubaya. One day, when out shooting birds, he came to an orchard, and having told his attendants to remain outside, he entered alone. He succeeded in killing a bird, and as he was returning, bearing his game in his hand, he turned aside into a field where a remarkably fine crop of corn was growing. Having plucked a few ears, he went towards the house of the owner of the field, which stood hard by, for the purpose of showing him the ears that he had plucked, and of praising his crop, but as by law it was death to look upon the king's face, the occupants of the house had fled, and there was no one therein. Now the owner of the field had seen the king pluck the corn from afar off, and, notwithstanding it was against the law, he ventured to approach the monarch in such a way as to make the meeting appear accidental. Making a deep obeisance, he thus addressed the king: "How is it, most high and mighty prince, that thou hast thus stolen my corn? Didst thou not thyself establish a law that he who should steal one ear of corn, or its value, should suffer death?" And Montezuma answered: "Truly I did make such a law." Then said the farmer: "How is it then, that thou breakest thine own law?" And the king replied: "Here is thy corn, take back that which I have stolen from thee." But the owner of the field began to be alarmed at his own boldness, and tried to excuse himself, saying that he had spoken merely in jest, for, said he: "Are not my fields, and myself, and my wife, and my children, all thine, to do with as thou wilt;" and he refused to take back the ears of corn. Then the king took off his mantle of net-work and precious stones, which was called _xiuhayatl_ and was worth a whole city, and offered it to the farmer, who at first was afraid to accept so precious a gift, but Montezuma insisted, so he took the mantle, promising to preserve it with great care as a remembrance of the king. When Montezuma returned to his attendants, the precious mantle was at once missed, and they began to inquire what had become of it; which the king perceiving, he told them that he had been set upon by robbers, when alone, who had robbed him of his mantle, at the same time he ordered them, upon pain of death, to say nothing more about the matter. The next day, having arrived at his royal palace in Mexico, when all his great nobles were about him, he ordered one of his captains to repair to Tacubaya, and inquire for a certain Xochitlacotzin, whom they should at once bring to his presence, but under penalty of death they should not injure or abuse him in any way. When the king's messengers told Xochitlacotzin their errand, he was greatly alarmed, and tried to escape, but they caught him, and telling him to fear nothing, for that the king was kindly disposed towards him, they brought him before Montezuma. The king, having bidden him welcome, asked him what had become of his mantle. At this the nobles who were present became much excited, but Montezuma quieted them, saying: "This poor man has more courage and boldness than any of you who are here, for he dared to speak the truth and tell me that I had broken my laws. Of such men have I greater need, than of those who speak only with honeyed words to me." Then having inquired what principal offices were vacant, he ordered his attendant lords to shelter and take care of Xochitlacotzin, who was henceforth his relative and one of the chief men of the realm. Afterwards he who had so lately been a poor farmer was given a principal house of Olac for his own, and it was long the boast of his descendants that they were relatives of Montezuma.[516] [Sidenote: PUNISHMENT OF CRIMES.] The Aztecs adopted numerous ways of punishing offenders against the law, as we shall see presently, but I do not think that imprisonment was largely resorted to. They had prisons, it is true, and very cruel ones, according to all accounts, but it appears that they were more for the purpose of confining prisoners previous to their trial, or between their condemnation and execution, than permanently, for punishment. These jails were of two classes, one called _teilpiloyan_ for those imprisoned on a civil charge, another called _quauhcalco_,[517] for prisoners condemned to death. The cells were made like cages, and the prison was so constructed as to admit very little light or air;[518] the food was scanty and of a bad quality, so that, as Las Casas expresses it, the prisoners soon became thin and yellow, and commenced at the prison to suffer the death that was afterwards adjudged them. Clavigero, however, asserts that those condemned to the sacrificial stone were well fed in order that they might appear in good flesh at the sacrifice.[519] A very close watch was kept upon the captives, so much so, indeed, that if through the negligence of the guard a prisoner of war escaped from the cage, the community of the district, whose duty it was to supply the prisoners with guards, was obliged to pay to the owner of the fugitive, a female slave, a load of cotton garments, and a shield.[520] Mendieta says that these prisons were only used for persons awaiting trial on very grave charges; for, he writes, in the case of one held to answer on an ordinary charge, "it was sufficient for the minister of justice to place the prisoner in a corner with a few light sticks before him; indeed, I believe that to have merely drawn a line and told him not to pass it would have sufficed, even though he might have reason to believe that there was a heavy punishment in store for him, because to flee from justice, and escape, was an impossibility. At all events, I with my own eyes have seen a prisoner standing entirely unguarded save for the before-mentioned sticks."[521] Like most semi-barbarous nations, the Aztecs were more prone to punish crime than to recompense virtue, and even when merit was rewarded, it was of the coarser and more material kind, such as valor in war or successful statesmanship. The greater part of their code might, like Dracon's, have been written in blood--so severe were the penalties inflicted for crimes that were comparatively slight, and so brutal and bloody were the ways of carrying those punishments into execution. In the strongest sense of the phrase the Aztecs were ruled with a rod of iron; but that such severity was necessary I have no doubt, inasmuch as whatever form of government exists, be it good or bad, that form of government is the necessary one, or it could have no existence. All young states must adopt harsh laws to secure the peace and well-being of the community, while as yet the laws of habit and usage are unestablished; and as that community progresses and improves, it will of itself mold its system of government to fit itself. The code of Dracon was superseded by that of Solon when the improved state of the Athenian community warranted a mitigation of the severity of the former, and in like manner the laws of Montezuma and Nezahualcoyotl would have given place to others less harsh had Aztec civilization been allowed to progress. [Sidenote: CODE OF LAWS.] The laws of the several Aztec kingdoms were essentially the same; some slight differences existed, however, and in these instances the code of Tezcuco proves the most rigid and severe, while more of lenience is exhibited in that of Mexico. I have before remarked that the majority of writers treat of the legislation of Tezcuco, but, as in other matters, many authorities who should be reliable surmount the difficulty of distinguishing that which belongs to one system of jurisprudence from that which belongs to another, by speaking generally of the code that existed in Nueva España, or among 'these people.' Most of the subjected provinces adopted the laws of the state to which they became subject. But this was by no means obligatory, because as conquered nations were not compelled to speak the language of their conquerors, neither were they forced to make use of their laws.[522] Let us now see what these laws were. [Sidenote: PUNISHMENT OF THEFT.] Theft was punished in various ways, and, it appears, not at all in proportion to the magnitude of the crime. Thus he who stole a certain number of ears of corn,[523] suffered death, while he who broke into the temples and stole therefrom, was enslaved for the first offence and hanged for the second, and it is distinctly stated[524] that in order to merit either of these punishments the theft must be an extensive one. In cases not specially provided for, it appears that a petty thief became the slave of the person from whom he had stolen; according to Ortega, however, the injured party had the privilege of refusing to accept the thief as a slave, in which case the latter was sold by the judges, and with the proceeds of the sale the complainant was reimbursed. The same writer states that in some cases a compromise could be effected by the offended party agreeing to be indemnified by the thief, in which case the latter paid into the treasury a sum equal to the amount stolen. This statement is somewhat obscure, inasmuch as it would be but poor satisfaction to the party robbed to see the equivalent of that robbery paid into the public treasury; but I understand the writer to mean that the loser had his loss made good, and that for the satisfaction of justice an equal amount was imposed as a fine upon the prisoner.[525] Theft of a large amount was almost invariably punished with death, which was inflicted in various ways. Usually the culprit was dragged ignominiously through the streets and then hanged;[526] sometimes he was stoned to death.[527] He who robbed on the highway was killed by having his head smashed with a club;[528] he who was caught in the act of pilfering in the market-place, no matter how trivial the theft, was beaten to death with sticks on the spot by the assembled multitude, for this was considered a most heinous sin; but notwithstanding the fearful risk incurred, it is asserted that many were so light-fingered that it was only necessary for a market woman to turn her head away, and her stall would be robbed in a trice. There was a regular judicial tribunal established for the settling of disputes in the general government of the market-place, of which I have had occasion to speak before; but this tribunal does not appear to have troubled itself much with persons who were caught in the act of stealing, as it seems to have been tacitly allowed to the people assembled in the market-place to exercise lynch law upon the culprit.[529] Besides these general laws for the prevention of theft, there were others which prescribed special penalties for those who stole certain particular articles. For instance, Ortega tells us that the thief of silver or gold was skinned alive and sacrificed to Xipe, the tutelary divinity of the workers in precious metals, such a theft being considered a direct insult to the god.[530] In some of these cases fines were imposed. Among a collection of laws given by Las Casas, for the authenticity of which he does not vouch, "because," he says, "they were taken out of a little Indian book of no authority," we find the following relating to theft: If any one stole the plants, called maguey, from which they manufactured more than twenty articles, and which were used for making syrup, he was compelled to pay as a fine as many cotton cloths as the judges might decree, and if he was unable to pay the fine imposed, or if he had stolen more than twenty plants, he was enslaved. Whoever stole a fishing-net or a canoe was punished in the same manner. Whoever stole corn to the amount of twenty ears or upward, died for it, and if he took a less quantity, he paid that which he was sentenced to pay. He that plucked the corn before it had formed seed, suffered death. Whoever stole a tecomatl, "which is a little gourd tied at the top with strips of red hide, and having feather tassels at the end, used by the lords for carrying a green powder, from which they take in smoke through the mouth, the powder being called in the island of Española 'tabacos'--whoever stole one of these died for it." He that stole precious stones, and more especially the stone called chalchiuite, no matter from whence he took it, was stoned to death in the market-place, because no man of the lower orders was allowed to possess this stone.[531] In Mexico, a distinction seems to have been made between the thief who reaped the benefit of his crime and him who did not; in other words, if the stolen property was recovered intact from the thief he was only enslaved, but if he had already disposed of his plunder he suffered death.[532] Whether the ultimate recovery of the property after it had passed from the thief's hands, would answer the same end, we are not told, but if not, then it would appear that according to Aztec jurisprudence the culprit was punished not so much in proportion to the actual injury he inflicted upon others, as in accordance with the actual extent of the crime he committed. In Michoacan, the first theft was not severely punished, but for the second offence the thief was thrown down a precipice and his carcass left to the birds of prey.[533] The murderer suffered death even though he should be a noble and his victim but a slave.[534] In Michoacan, we are told by Herrera,[535] that there was no punishment for murder, since, through fear, the crime was never committed. Beaumont allows that for a time there were no murders, but says that afterwards they became frequent, and then the criminal was dragged along the ground until he died.[536] He who administered poison to another, thereby causing death, died for it, and the same punishment was awarded to him who furnished the poison.[537] [Sidenote: THE FATE OF TRAITORS AND CONSPIRATORS.] Traitors, conspirators, and those who stirred up sedition among the people or created ill feeling between nations, were broken to pieces at the joints, their houses razed to the ground, their property confiscated, and their children and relations made slaves to the fourth generation. The lord of vassals who rebelled, unless taken captive in battle, was killed by having his head smashed with a club; the common rebel was tied to an oaken spit and roasted alive.[538] In Tezcuco, he who kidnapped a child and sold it into slavery, was hanged; in Mexico, the kidnapper was himself sold as a slave, and of the price he brought one half was given to the stolen child, or its parents, and the other half became the property of the purchaser; if several persons were implicated in the crime, they were all sold as slaves.[539] [Sidenote: LAWS AGAINST INTOXICATION.] Drunkenness was punished with excessive rigor; indeed, intoxicating liquor was not allowed to be drunk, except by express permission from the judges, and this license was only granted to invalids and persons over fifty years of age, who, it was considered, needed strong drink in order to warm their blood; and even they were only permitted to partake of a limited quantity, at each meal,[540] though according to the explanation of Mendoza's collection old men of seventy years were allowed to drink as much as they pleased.[541] Moderate conviviality at weddings and public feasts, was not forbidden, and upon these occasions the young people were allowed to partake of the wine-cup sparingly;[542] the same license was granted to those whose daily occupation necessitated great bodily exertion, such as masons, carpenters, and the like.[543] Women in childbed were allowed to use strong drink as a stimulant, but only during the first days of their confinement. With these exceptions, the law against drinking was strictly enforced. The young man who became drunk was conveyed to the jail, and there beaten to death with clubs; the young woman was stoned to death. In some parts, if the drunkard was a plebeian, he was sold for a slave for the first offence, and suffered death for the second; at other times the offender's hair was cut off in the public market-place, he was then lashed through the principal streets, and finally his house was razed to the ground, because, they said, one who would give up his reason to the influence of strong drink, was unworthy to possess a house, and be numbered among respectable citizens. Cutting off the hair was, as we shall see, a mode of punishment frequently resorted to by these people, and so deep was the degradation supposed to be attached to it, that it was dreaded almost equally with death itself. Should a military man, who had gained distinction in the wars, become drunk, he was deprived of his rank and honors, and considered thenceforth as infamous. Conviction of this crime rendered the culprit ineligible for all future emoluments, and especially was he debarred from holding any public office. A noble was invariably hanged for the first offence, his body being afterwards dragged without the limits of the town and cast into a stream used for that purpose only. But a mightier influence than mere fear of the penal law restrained the Aztec nobility and gentry from drinking to excess; this influence was social law. It was considered degrading for a person of quality to touch wine at all, even in seasons of festivity when, as I have said, it was customary and lawful for the lower classes to indulge to a certain extent. Wine-bibbing was looked upon as a coarse pleasure, peculiar exclusively to the common people, and a member of the higher orders, who was suspected of practicing the habit, would have forfeited his social position, even though the law had suffered him to remain unpunished.[544] These heathens, however, seem to have recognized the natural incongruity existing between precept and practice, fully as much as the most advanced Christian.[545] He who employed witchcraft, charms, or incantations for the purpose of doing injury to the community or to individuals, was sacrificed to the gods, by having his breast opened and his heart torn out.[546] [Sidenote: MISCELLANEOUS LAWS.] Whoever made use of the royal insignia or ensigns, suffered death, and his property was confiscated.[547] The reader will recollect that the same penalty was inflicted upon him who should usurp the insignia or office of the Mexican cihuacoatl, or supreme judge. Whoever maltreated an ambassador, minister, or courier, belonging to the king, suffered death; but ambassadors and couriers were on their part forbidden to leave the high road, under pain of losing their privileges.[548] He who by force took possession of land not belonging to him, suffered death.[549] He who sold the land of another, or that which he held in trust, without judicial authority, or permission from such as had power to grant it to him, was enslaved.[550] If a piece of land was fraudulently sold twice over, the first purchaser held it, and the vendor was punished.[551] He who squandered his patrimony suffered death.[552] The son that raised his hand against his father or mother, suffered death, and his children were prevented from inheriting the property of their grand-parents. In the same manner a father could disinherit a son who was cowardly or cruel.[553] He who removed boundary-marks, died for it.[554] Those who disturbed the peace by engaging in petty fights and squabbles, without using weapons, were confined in jail for a few days, and obliged to make good whatever damage they had done; for, says Las Casas, they generally revenged themselves by breaking something. If any one was wounded in a brawl, he who made the assault had to defray all the expenses of curing the injured party. But those who fought in the market-place, were dealt with far more severely.[555] Slanderers were treated with great severity. In Mexico, he who wilfully calumniated another, thereby seriously injuring his reputation, was condemned to have his lips cut off, and sometimes his ears also. In Tezcuco, the slanderer suffered death. The false witness had the same penalty adjudged to him that would have been awarded to the accused, if convicted. So great a lover of truth was king Nezahualcoyotl, that he is said to have made a law prescribing the death penalty to historians who should record fictitious events.[556] Whoever obtained goods on credit and did not pay for them, was enslaved, and the delinquent taxpayer met with the same punishment.[557] [Sidenote: PENALTY FOR ADULTERY.] Concerning the way in which adulterers were treated scarcely two of the ancient writers agree,[558] and it is probable that the law on this point differed more or less in various parts of the Aztec kingdoms; indeed, we have Clavigero's testimony that in some parts of the Mexican empire the crime of adultery was punished with greater severity than in others, and Las Casas and Mendieta both speak of several penalties attaching to the offence in different localities. According to what can be gathered on this point, it appears that adulterers taken in flagrante delicto, or under circumstances which made their guilt a moral certainty, were stoned to death. A species of trial was granted to the culprits, but if, as some writers assert, confession of guilt was extorted by torture,[559] this trial must have been as much a mockery of justice as were the proceedings of most European courts of law at that period. The amount of evidence necessary to convict is uncertain. Veytia says that accusation by the husband was in itself sufficient proof.[560] Las Casas and Torquemada, however, who are both far older authorities, tell us that no man or woman was punished for adultery upon the unsupported testimony of the husband, but that other witnesses, and the confession of the defendants were necessary to procure their conviction.[561] Usually if the condemned adulterers were of the lower orders, they were taken out into a public place and there stoned to death by the assembled multitude, and few of the old writers omit to remark that this manner of death was almost painless, since no sooner was the first stone thrown than the poor wretch was immediately covered with a pile of missiles, so great was the number of his executioners, and so eager was each to take a hand in the killing. Another common mode of execution consisted in placing the head of the condemned upon a stone, and smashing his skull by letting another stone fall upon it.[562] The noble convicted of the same crime was not killed in this public manner, but was strangled in jail; and as a mark of respect to his rank, his head, after death, was adorned with plumes of green feathers, and the body was then burned. Adulterers who were found guilty merely upon circumstantial evidence also suffered death by strangulation. It was strictly forbidden for a husband to take the law into his own hands, and he who should seek to avenge his honor by slaying his wife or her paramour, even though he took them in the act of adultery, suffered death; in the same manner should the criminal endeavor to save himself by killing the injured husband, his fate was to be roasted alive before a slow fire, his body being basted with salt and water that death might not come to his relief too soon.[563] An adulterer could not escape the law on the plea of drunkenness,[564] and, indeed, had such an excuse been held admissible, little would have been gained by exchanging the fate of the adulterer for that of the drunkard. The trespass of a married man with a free unmarried woman was not considered to constitute adultery, nor punished as such, so that the husband was not bound to so much fidelity as was exacted from the wife. I have before remarked that although the crime of adultery was punished in all parts of the Aztec empire, yet the penalty inflicted differed in point of severity and in manner of execution. Thus, in the province of Ixcatlan, if we may believe Clavigero, a woman accused of this crime was summoned before the judges, and if the proofs of her guilt were satisfactory, she was there and then torn to pieces, and her limbs were divided among the witnesses, while in Itztepec the guilty woman's husband cut off her ears and nose, thus branding her as infamous for life.[565] In some parts of the empire the husband who cohabited with his wife after it had been proved that she had violated her fidelity, was severely punished.[566] [Sidenote: UNNATURAL CRIMES.] Carnal connection with mother, sister, step-mother or step-sister, was punished by hanging; Torquemada says the same penalty was incurred by him who had connection with his mother-in-law, because they considered it a sin for a man to have access to both mother and daughter. Intercourse between brother-in-law and sister-in-law was, however, not criminal, and, indeed, it was customary for a man to raise up seed to his deceased brother by marrying his widow.[567] He who attempted to ravish a maiden, whether in the field, or in her father's house, suffered death.[568] In Michoacan, the ravisher's mouth was split from ear to ear with a flint knife, and he was afterwards impaled.[569] In Mexico, those who committed sodomy were hanged; in Tezcuco, the punishment for unnatural crime was characteristically brutal. The active agent was bound to a stake, completely covered with ashes and so left to die; the entrails of the passive agent were drawn out through his anus, he also was then covered with ashes, and, wood being added, the pile was ignited.[570] In Tlascala, the sodomite was not punished by law, but was scouted by society, and treated with scorn and contempt by all who knew him.[571] From the extreme severity of the laws enacted by the later sovereigns for the suppression of this revolting vice, and from the fact that persons were especially appointed by the judicial authorities to search the provinces for offenders of this class, it is evident that unnatural love had attained a frightful popularity among the Aztecs. Father Pierre de Gand, or, as he is sometimes known, de Mura, bears terrible testimony to this; he writes: "Un certain nombre de prêtres n'avaient point de femmes, _sed eorum loco pueros quibus abutebantur_. Ce péché était si commun dans ce pays, que, jeunes ou vieux, tous en étaient infectés; ils y étaient si adonnés, que mêmes des enfants de six ans s'y livraient."[572] Las Casas relates that in several of the more remote provinces of Mexico unnatural vice was tolerated, if not actually permitted,[573] and it is not improbable that in earlier times this was the case in the entire empire. Inexpressibly revolting as the sin must appear to a modern mind, yet we know that pederasty has obtained among peoples possessed of a more advanced civilization than the Aztecs. In ancient Greece this unnatural passion prevailed to such an extent that it was regarded as heroic to resist it. Plutarch, in his _Life of Agesilaus_, cannot praise too highly the self-control manifested by that great man in refraining from gratifying a passion he had conceived for a boy named Megabates, which Maximus Tyrius says deserves greater praise than the heroism of Leonidas; Diogenes Laertius, in his _Life of Zeno_, the founder of stoicism, the most austere of all ancient sects, praises that philosopher for being but little addicted to this vice; Sophocles, the Tragic Homer, and the Attic Bee, is said by Athenæus to have been especially addicted to it. Moralists were known to praise it as the bond of friendship, and it was spoken of as inspiring the enthusiasm of the heroic legion of Epaminondas. The defeat of the Romans by Hannibal at Cannæ was said to be caused by the jealousy of Juno, because a beautiful boy had been introduced into the temple of Jupiter. Las Casas tells us that pederasty was tolerated because they believed that their gods practiced it.[574] In precisely the same manner did the ancient Greeks make the popular religion bend to the new vice, and, by substituting Ganymede for Hebe as heavenly cup-bearer, make the head of all Olympus set an example of unnatural love. [Sidenote: LAWS RESPECTING CHASTITY.] The priest who violated his vow of chastity was banished; his house was demolished and his property confiscated.[575] Pimps were publicly disgraced in the market-place, by having their hair burnt off so close to the head that the drops of resin falling from the burning pitch-pine chips fell upon and seared the scalp; if the persons for whom the panderage was committed were of high rank, a greater penalty was inflicted upon the pander.[576] This was the law in Mexico; in Tezcuco, according to the historian of the Chichimecs, the pimp suffered death in all cases.[577] Simple fornication was not punished, unless it was committed by a noble lady, or with a maiden consecrated to the service of the gods, in which cases it was death. Fornication with the concubine of another also went unpunished, unless they had been living a long time together, and were in consequence, according to custom, considered man and wife. If any one had connection with a slave, and the woman died during her pregnancy, or in giving birth to the child, then the offender became a slave; but if she was safely delivered, the child was free and was taken care of by the father.[578] The woman who took any drug to procure an abortion, and she who furnished the drug, both suffered death.[579] If one woman sinned carnally with another, both died for it.[580] The man who went about the streets dressed as a woman, or the woman who dressed as a man, was slain.[581] In this account are comprised nearly all the special laws of the Aztecs which have been preserved, with the exception of those relating to military matters, marriage, divorce, and slavery, all of which I have already had occasion to consider. That the Aztec code was a severe and brutal one there can be no denial, but that it was more severe and brutal than was necessary, is, as I have before remarked, doubtful. We have already seen that a horrible death was the inevitable fate of those detected stealing in the market-place, yet we are told that did the owner of a stall but turn away his head for a moment, his wares would be pilfered. A people accustomed almost daily to see human blood poured out like water in sacrifice to their gods, must of necessity have been hardened to the sight of suffering, and upon such none but an execution of the most revolting description could create an impression of awe or fear. It appears remarkable that punishments involving only disgrace should have been adopted by such a people, yet it is doubtful whether slavery was not considered a lighter punishment than having the hair burned off in the public market. Some of the Aztec monarchs evinced a desire to be as lenient as the stubborn nature of their subjects would allow, but the yoke upon the people, if it were in any degree to control them, must at best be a heavy one; in short, despotism of the harshest was necessary and indispensable to them in their stage of civilization. [Sidenote: NEZAHUALCOYOTL AND THE BOY.] Nezahualcoyotl, king of Tezcuco, was especially merciful and considerate towards his subjects. For instance, he ordered that corn should be planted, at the expense of government, by the roadside, in order that none who were guilty of stealing from the fields, might excuse themselves on the ground of hunger.[582] It is related that this monarch went frequently among his people in disguise, for the purpose of discovering their grievances and general condition, and some of the adventures he met with on these occasions are as entertaining as any told by Sheherezade of the Good Caliph. I select one, not because it is the best, but because it points more particularly to Nezahualcoyotl's benevolence and love of justice. During the reign of this monarch, owing to the immense consumption of wood, the use of oil and tallow being then unknown, the forests began to grow thin, and the king foreseeing that unless some precautions were taken, there would soon be a scarcity of wood in the kingdom, ordered that within certain limits no wood should be touched. Now it happened one day, when the king was abroad in disguise, and accompanied only by his brother Quauhtlehuanitzin, that they passed by the skirts of a forest wherein it was prohibited to cut or gather wood. Here they found a boy who was engaged in picking up the light chips and twigs that had been carried by the wind outside of the enclosure, because in this locality the inhabitants were very numerous, and had exhausted all the timber that was not reserved by law. Nezahualcoyotl, seeing that under the trees of the forest there lay a great quantity of fallen wood, asked the boy why he contented himself with dry leaves and scattered twigs when so great an abundance of fuel lay close at hand. The boy answered that the king had forbidden the people to gather wood in the forest, and therefore he was obliged to take whatever he could get. The king told him to go, nevertheless, into the forest and help himself to fuel, and none would be the wiser, for that he and his companion would say nothing of the matter. But the boy rebuked them, saying that they must be traitors to the king who would persuade him to do this thing, or that they sought to avenge themselves upon his parents by bringing misfortune upon their son, and he refused to enter the forbidden ground. Then was the king much pleased with the boy's loyalty, and seeing the distress to which the people were reduced by the severity of the forest laws, he afterwards had them altered.[583] FOOTNOTES: [476] 'El govierno y las leyes quasi no diferian, por manera que por lo que de unas partes dijeremos, y adonde tuvimos mayor noticia, se podra entender, y quiza sera mejor, decirlo en comun y generalmente.' _Las Casas_, _Hist. Apologética_, MS., cap. ccxii. It is also stated that many Mexican cases, presenting more than ordinary difficulty, were tried in the Tezcucan law-courts; see _Zurita_, _Rapport_, in _Ternaux-Compans_, _Voy._, série ii., tom. i., p. 95; _Las Casas_, _Hist. Apologética_, MS., cap. ccxii.; _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., p. 354. Speaking of Mexico, Tezcuco, and Tlacopan, Zurita says: 'Les lois et la procédure étaient les mêmes dans ces trois états, de sorte qu'en exposant les usages établis dans l'un d'eux, on fera connaître ce qui se passait dans les autres.' _Rapport_, in _Ternaux-Compans_, _Voy._, série ii., tom. i., pp. 93-4. [477] The title cihuacoatl, meaning 'serpent-woman,' appears incomprehensible as applied to a judge, but M. l'Abbé Brasseur de Bourbourg, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. iii., pp. 579-80, sees reason to believe that the Mexicans, when they succeeded to the rights of the Toltec kings of Culhuacan, adopted also the titles of the court, and that the name cihuacoatl had been given to the prime minister in memory of Cihuacoatl, the sister of Camaxtli, who cared for the infancy of Quetzalcoatl. The learned Abbé translates cihuacoatl, _serpent femelle_, which is literally a serpent of the female sex. Molina, however, in his _Vocabulario_, gives 'ciua' as a substantive, meaning 'women' (mugeres), and 'coatl' as another substantive, meaning 'serpent' (culebra), the two as a compound he does not give. I translate the word 'serpent-woman,' because the sister of Camaxtli would more probably be thus distinguished among women, than among serpents as the 'woman-serpent.' [478] Although all other historians agree that the judgment of the cihuacoatl was final, the interpreter of Mendoza's collection states that an appeal lay from the judges (he does not state which) to the king. _Explicacion de la Coleccion de Mendoza_, in _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. v., p. 109. _Prescott_, _Mex._, vol. i., p. 29, attributes this to the changes made during Montezuma's reign, the period which the Mendoza paintings represent, and Leon Carbajal, _Discurso_, p. 98, totally denies the truth of the statement. [479] 'Dalle sentenze da lui pronunziate o nel civile, o nel criminale, non si poteva appellare ad un altro tribunale,' &c. _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., p. 127. [480] _Mex._, vol. i., p. 29. [481] _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. iii., p. 580. [482] _Hist. Mex._, tom. i., p. 593. [483] _Discurso_, p. 97. [484] 'Oìa de causas, que se debolvian, y remitian à èl, por apelacion; _y estas eran solas las criminales, porque de las civiles no se apelaba de sus Justicias ordinarias_.' _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., p. 352. It is possible that Señor Carbajal may have read only a subsequent passage in the same chapter, where Torquemada, speaking of the tribunal of the tlacatecatl, says: 'De este se apelaba, para el Tribunal, y Audiencia del Cihuacohuatl, que era Juez Supremo, despues del Rei.' From what has gone before, it is, however, evident that the author here refers only to the criminal cases that were appealed from the court of the tlacatecatl. [485] _Hist. Apologética_, MS., cap. ccxii. [486] _Mex._, vol. i., p. 29. _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., pp. 127-8, also affirms, indirectly, that cases were sometimes laid in the first instance before the supreme judge, inasmuch as he first says that the cihuacoatl took cognizance of both civil and criminal cases, and afterwards, when speaking of the court of the tlacatecatl, he writes: 'Se la causa era puramente civile, non v'era appellazione.' The same applies to Brasseur de Bourbourg. _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. iii., p. 580. [487] Herein lies the only difference between Las Casas and Torquemada on the subject of the Cihuacoatl. The former writes: 'Qualquiera que este oficio para si usurpara, ó lo concediera á otro, avia de morir por ello, _y sus padres y deudos eran desnaturados del pueblo donde acaeciese hasta lo quarta generación_. Allende que todos los bienes avian de ser confiscados, y aplicados para la republica.' _Hist. Apologética_, MS., cap. ccxii. Torquemada says: 'era tan autoriçado este oficio, que el que lo vsurpara para si, ò lo comunicàra à otro en alguna parte del Reino, muriera por ello, _y sus Hijos, y Muger fueran vendidos, por perpetuos esclavos_, y confiscados sus bienes por Lei, que para esto havia.' _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., p. 352. Notwithstanding all other historians distinctly affirm that the cihuacoatl was, in the exercise of his functions perfectly independent of the king, Brasseur de Bourbourg, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. iii., p. 580, makes the following extraordinary statement: 'Il jugeait en dernier ressort et donnait des ordres _en lieu et place du souverain, chaque fois que celui-ci ne le faisait pas directement et par lui-même_.' This must be from one of the original manuscripts in the possession of M. l'Abbé. [488] Las Casas, _Hist. Apologética_, MS., cap. ccxii., spells these names tacatecatl, acoahunotl, and tlaylotlat; Torquemada, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., p. 352, tlacateccatl, quauhnuchtli, and tlaylotlac; and Clavigero, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., p. 127, tlacatecatl, quauhnochtli, and tlanótlac, or tlaiíotlac, a defect in the impression makes it difficult to tell which. Scarcely two of the old writers follow the same system of orthography, and in future I shall follow the style which appears simplest, endeavoring only to be consistent with myself. [489] Clavigero, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., p. 128, writes 'Egiornalmente si portava al Cihuacoatl, od al Tlacatecatl per avvertirlo di tutto ciò, che occorreva, e ricever gli ordini da lui;' but it would probably be only in cases of great importance that the reports of the tecuhtli would be carried to the cihuacoatl. [490] _Las Casas_, _Hist. Apologética_, MS., cap. ccxii.; _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., p. 355; _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., pp. 127-8. [491] Torquemada, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., p. 354, says that there were fifteen provinces subject to the king of Tezcuco. [492] The English edition of Clavigero reads: 'the judicial power was divided amongst _seven_ principal cities,' p. 354; but the original agrees with the other authorities: 'nel Regno d'Acolhuacan era la giurisdizione compartita tra _sei_ Città principali.' _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., p. 128. [493] _Las Casas_, _Hist. Apologética_, MS., cap. ccxii. Torquemada, however, asserts that there were 'en la Ciudad de Tetzcuco (que era la Corte) dentro de la Casa Real dos Salas de Consejo ... y en cada Sala dos Jueces. Havia diferencia entre los dichos Jueces; porque los de la vna Sala eran de mas autoridad, que los de la otra; estos se llamaban Jueces maiores, y esotros menores; los maiores oìan de causas graves, y que pertenecian à la determinacion del Rei; los segundos, de otras, no tan graves, sino mas leves, y livianas.' _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., p. 354. The lower of these two probably either formed one of the six superior courts above mentioned, or corresponded with them in jurisdiction. According to Zurita, 'chacune des nombreuses provinces soumises à ces souverains entretenait à Mexico, à Tezcuco et à Tlacopan, qui étaient les trois capitales, deux juges, personnes de sens choisies à cet effet, et qui quelquefois étaient parents des souverains,' and adds: 'les appels étaient portés devant _douze autres juges supérieurs_ qui prononçaient d'après l'avis du souverain.' _Rapport_, in _Ternaux-Compans_, _Voy._, série ii., tom. i., pp. 95, 100. [494] Torquemada, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., p. 355, writes: 'Tenia cada Sala de estas dichas otro Ministro, que hacia oficio de Alguacil Maior,' &c., while other writers assign one to each judge, of whom there were two in each court. [495] Clavigero differs on this point from other writers, in making this meeting occur every Mexican month of twenty days. Zurita, _Rapport_, in _Ternaux-Compans_, _Voy._, série ii., tom. i., p. 101, writes: 'Tous les douze jours il y avait une assemblée générale des juges présidée par le prince;' to this the editor attaches the following note: 'il est évident, comme on le verra page 106, qu'il y a ici une erreur, et que ces assemblées, dont les sessions duraient douze jours, ne se tenaient que tous les quatre-vingts jours.' It is, however, the learned editor who is mistaken, because, as we have seen above, there were two distinct meetings of the judges; a lesser one every ten or twelve days, and a greater every eighty days, and it is of the latter that Zurita speaks on p. 106. [496] 'Al que él sentenciava le arrojava una flecha de aquellas.' _Tezozomoc_, _Crónica Mex._, in _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, tom. ix., p. 57. 'A capital sentence was indicated by a line traced with an arrow across the portrait of the accused.' _Prescott's Mex._, vol. i., p. 33. [497] It is probable that as matters of government, as well as legal affairs, were discussed at their Eighty-Day Council, it was not exclusively composed of judges, but that nobles and statesmen were admitted to membership. Torquemada is, however, the only writer who distinctly states this: 'tenian Audiencia General, que la llamaban Napualtlatolli, como decir, Palabra ochentena, que era Dia, en el qual se juntaban todos los de la Ciudad, y los Asistentes de todas las Provincias, con todo el Pueblo, asi nobles, como Comunes, y Plebeios,' &c. _Monarq. Ind._, tom. i., p. 168; Ixtlilxochitl, _Hist. Chich._, in _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. ix., pp. 244-5, says that the king was accompanied by all his sons and relatives, with their tutors and suites. [498] Concerning this judicial system of Tezcuco, see: _Las Casas_, _Hist. Apologética_, MS., cap. ccxii.; _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. i., p. 168, tom. ii., pp. 351-5; _Zurita_, _Rapport_, in _Ternaux-Compans_, _Voy._, série ii., tom. i., pp. 96, et seq.; _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., pp. 128-9; _Mendieta_, _Hist. Ecles._, pp. 134-6; _Sahagun_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. ii., lib. viii., pp. 302-5; _Pimentel_, _Mem. sobre la Raza Indígena_, pp. 28-9; _Carbajal Espinosa_, _Hist. Mex._, tom. i., p. 595. [499] This sentence reads as follows in the original: 'Á los lados serbian de alfombras unas pieles de tigres y leones, y mantas hechas de plumas de águila real, en donde asimismo estaban por su orden cantidad de braceletes, y grevas de oro.' _Ixtlilxochitl_, _Hist. Chich._, in _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. ix., p. 243. It is difficult to imagine why 'braceletes, y grevas de oro' should be placed upon the floor, but certainly the historian gives us to understand as much. Prescott, who affects to give Ixtlilxochitl's description 'in his own words,' and who, furthermore, encloses the extract in quotation marks, gets over this difficulty by omitting the above-quoted sentence entirely. _Mex._, vol. i., p, 34; and Veytia, _Hist. Ant. Mej._, tom. iii., p. 205, adopts the same convenient but somewhat unsatisfactory course. This latter author's version of the whole matter is, however, like much other of his work, inextricably confused, when compared with the original. [500] 'Las paredes estaban entapizadas y adornadas de unos paños hechos de pelo de conejo, de todos colores, con figuras de diversas aves, animales y flores.' This is rendered by Prescott: 'The walls were hung with tapestry, made of the hair of different wild animals, of rich and various colors, _festooned by gold rings_, and embroidered with figures of birds and flowers.' A few lines above, 'la silla y espaldar era de oro,' is construed into 'a throne of pure gold.' It seems scarcely fair to style the ancient Chichimec's description one 'of rather a poetical cast,' at the same time making such additions as these. [501] Ixtlilxochitl, _ubi supra_, writes: 'En los primeros puestos ocho jueces que eran nobles y caballeros, y los otros cuatro eran de los ciudadanos.' Veytia says: 'Los cuatro primeros eran caballeros de la nobleza de primer órden, los cuatro siguientes ciudadanos de Tezcuco.' _Hist. Ant. Mej._, tom. iii., p. 199. [502] _Ixtlilxochitl_, _Hist. Chich._, in _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. ix. p. 242-3. The whole of the above description is very difficult to translate literally, owing to the confused style in which it is written; and if in places it is somewhat unintelligible, the reader will recollect that I translate merely what Ixtlilxochitl says, and not what he may, or may not, have _meant_ to say. [503] _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., p. 354; _Las Casas_, _Hist. Apologética_, MS., cap. ccxii.; _Veytia_, _Hist. Ant. Mej._, tom. iii., p. 199; _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., p. 128; _Zurita_, _Rapport_, in _Ternaux-Compans_, _Voy._, série ii., tom. i., p. 100; _Mendieta_, _Hist. Ecles._, p. 134. [504] _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., p. 129. [505] Prescott, _Mex._, vol. i., p. 33, says: 'The paintings were executed with so much accuracy, that, in all suits respecting real property, they were allowed to be produced as good authority in the Spanish tribunals, very long after the Conquest; and a chair for their study and interpretation was established at Mexico in 1553, which has long since shared the fate of most other provisions for learning in that unfortunate country.' Boturini thus describes the paper used by the Aztecs: 'El Papel Indiano se componìa de las pencas del _Maguèy_, que en lengua Nacional se llama _Mètl_, y en Castellano _Pita_. Las echaban à podrir, y lavaban el hilo de ellas, el que haviendose ablandado estendian, para componer su papel gruesso, ò delgado, que despues bruñian para pintar en èl. Tambien hacian papel de las hojas de Palma, y Yo tengo algunos de estos delgados, y blandos tanto como la seda.' _Catálogo_, in _Id._, _Idea_, pp. 95-6. [506] Veytia writes very positively on this point: 'Habia tambien abogados y procuradores; á los primeros llamaban tepantlatoani, que quiere decir _el que habla por otro_, y á los segundos _tlanemiliani_, que en lo sustancial ejercian sus ministerios casi del mismo modo que en nuestros tribunales.... Daban términos á las partes para que sus abogados hablasen por ellas, y estos lo hacian del mismo modo que en nuestros tribunales.' _Hist. Ant. Mej._, tom. iii., pp. 207-8. Sahagun relates the qualities which were supposed by the Aztecs to constitute a good or bad _procurador_ or _solicitador_, and describes their duties: 'El procurador favorece à una banda de los pleyteantes, por quien en su negocio vuelve mucho y apela, teniendo poder, y llevando salario por ello. El buen procurador es vivo y solícito, osado, diligente, constante, y perseverante en los negocios, en los cuales no se deja vencer; sino que alega de su derecho, apela, tacha los testigos, ni se cansa hasta vencer á la parte contraria y triunfar de ella. El mal procurador es interesable, gran pedigüeño, y de malicia suele dilatar los negocios: hace alharacas, es muy negligente y descuidado en el pleito, y fraudulento de tal modo, que de entrambas partes lleva salario. El solicitador nunca para, anda siempre solícito y listo. El buen solicitador es muy cuidadoso, determinado, y solícito en todo, y por hacer bien su oficio, muchas veces deja de comer y de dormir, y anda de casa en casa solicitando los negocios, los cuales trata de buena tinta, y con temor ó recelo, de que por su descuido no tengan mal suceso los negocios. El mal solicitador es flojo y descuidado, lerdo, y encandilador para sacar dineros, y facilmente se deja cohechar, porque no hable mal el negocio ó que mienta, y así suele echar á perder los pleitos.' _Hist. Gen._, tom. iii., lib. x., pp. 23-4. Clavigero takes the opposite side of the question: 'Nei giudizj dei Messicani facevano la parti da per se stesse le loro allegazioni: almeno non sappiamo, che vi fossero Avvocati.' _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., p. 129. 'No counsel was employed; the parties stated their own case, and supported it by their witnesses.' _Prescott's Mex._, vol. i., p. 32. 'L'office d'avocat était inconnu; les parties établissaient elles-mêmes leur cause, en se faisant accompagner de leurs témoins.' _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. iii., p. 581. [507] The reader will have remarked in a previous note that Veytia assigns more judges to each court than any other writer. [508] _Veytia_, _Hist. Ant. Mej._, tom. iii., p. 208. [509] _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., pp. 355-6; _Mendieta_, _Hist. Ecles._, p. 135; _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., pp. 128-9. [510] _Veytia_, _Hist. Ant. Mej._, tom. iii., p. 200. [511] _Las Casas_, _Hist. Apologética_, MS., cap. ccxv., ccxii.; _Sahagun_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. ii., lib. viii., pp. 304, 313; _Mendieta_, _Hist. Ecles._, p. 135; _Veytia_, _Hist. Ant. Mej._, tom. iii., p. 423; _Zurita_, _Rapport_, in _Ternaux-Compans_, _Voy._, série ii., tom. i., pp. 101-2. Torquemada says the unjust judge was warned twice, and shaved at the third offense. _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., p. 356. See also _Id._, p. 385. [512] _Camargo_, _Hist. Tlax._, in _Nouvelles Annales des Voy._, 1843, tom. xcix., p. 136. [513] _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. i., p. 165. [514] Torquemada translates tlacatecatl, Captain General, (Capitan General). We have already seen that it was the title of the presiding judge of the second Mexican court of justice, but it was probably in this case a military title, both because military promotion would be more likely to be conferred upon a renowned warrior than a judgeship, and because the prince is spoken of as a young man, while only men of mature years and great experience were entrusted with the higher judicial offices. [515] _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. i., pp. 189-90. [516] _Tezozomoc_, _Crónica Mex._, in _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, tom. ix., p. 146. [517] These names are spelled _tlelpiloia_ and _quahucalco_ by Las Casas, and _teïlpiloyan_ and _quauhcalli_, by Brasseur de Bourbourg. [518] Las Casas, _Hist. Apologética_, MS., cap. ccxii., says that the jails called quahucalco resembled the stocks; the other writers do not notice this difference. [519] _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., p. 138. [520] _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., pp. 138-9; _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., p. 353; _Las Casas_, _Hist. Apologética_, MS., cap. ccxii.; _Mendieta_, _Hist. Ecles._, p. 138. [521] _Mendieta_, _Hist. Ecles._, p. 138. [522] _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., p. 137. [523] _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. i., p. 166, tom. ii., p. 381; _Ortega_, in _Veytia_, _Hist. Ant. Mej._, tom. iii., p. 225; _Boturini_, _Idea_, p. 27. The number of ears of corn varies according to the different writers from three or four to seven, except Las Casas, who makes the number twenty-one or over, stating, however, that this and some other laws that he gives are possibly not authentic. _Hist. Apologética_, MS., cap. ccxv. The Anonymous Conqueror writes: 'quando altri entrauano nelle possessioni altrui per rubbare frutti, ò il grano che essi hanno, che per entrar in vn campo, e rubbare tre ò quattro mazzocche ò spighe de quel loro grano, lo faceuano schiauo del patrone di quel campo rubbato.' _Relatione fatta per vn gentil'huomo del Signor Fernando Cortese_, in _Ramusio_, _Navigationi_, tom. iii., fol. 306. Clavigero agrees with the Anonymous Conqueror, that the thief of corn became the slave of the owner of the field from which he had stolen, and adds in a foot-note: 'Torquemada aggiunge, che avea pena di morte; ma ciò fu nel Regno d'Acolhuacan, non già in quello di Messico.' _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., p. 133. [524] _Las Casas_, _Hist. Apologética_, MS., cap. ccxiii.; _Mendieta_, _Hist. Ecles._, p. 138. [525] Ortega's statement reads: 'Casi siempre se castigaba con pena de muerte, á ménos de que la parte ofendida conviniese en ser indemnizada por el ladron, en cuyo caso pagaba este al fisco una cantidad igual á la robada.' _Veytia_, _Hist. Ant. Mej._, tom. iii., p. 225. [526] _Vetancvrt_, _Teatro Mex._, pt ii., p. 33; _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. i., p. 166. [527] _Explicacion de la Coleccion de Mendoza_, in _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. v., p. 112. [528] _Ixtlilxochitl_, _Hist. Chich._, in _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, tom. ix., p. 246. [529] _Mendieta_, _Hist. Ecles._, p. 138; _Ortega_, in _Veytia_, _Hist. Ant. Mej._, tom. iii., p. 225; _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., p. 381. Las Casas, _Hist. Apologética_, MS., cap. ccxiii., says that he who stole in the market-place was hanged there and then by order of the judges of the place, and in cap. cxv., he writes: 'El que en el mercado algo hurtava, era ley que luego publicamente alli en el mismo mercado lo matasen á palos.' Again in the same chapter he gives a law, for the authenticity of which he does not vouch, however, which reads as follows: 'el que en el mercado hurtava algo, los mismos del mercado tenian licencia para lo matar á pedradas.' [530] _Ortega_, in _Veytia_, _Hist. Ant. Mej._, tom. iii., p. 225. [531] _Las Casas_, _Hist. Apologética_, MS., cap. ccxv. [532] _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., p. 381; _Las Casas_, _Hist. Apologética_, MS., cap. ccxv. [533] _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. iii., lib. iii., cap. x.; _Beaumont_, _Crón. Mechoacan_, MS., p. 51. [534] 'L'omicida pagava colla propria vita il suo delitto, quantunque l'ucciso fosse uno schiavo.' _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., p. 130. The manner of putting the murderer to death is differently stated: 'El homicidio, bien fuese ejecutado por noble ó plebeyo, bien por hombre ó muger, se castigaba con pena de muerte, depedazando al homicida.' _Ortega_, in _Veytia_, _Hist. Ant. Mej._, tom. iii., p. 226. 'Al que mataba à otro, hacian degollar.' _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. i., p. 166. 'Al matador lo degollaban.' _Vetancvrt_, _Teatro Mex._, pt ii., p. 33. Other writers merely say that the murderer suffered death, without stating the manner of execution. See, _Las Casas_, _Hist. Apologética_, MS., cap. ccxiii.; _Ixtlilxochitl_, _Hist. Chich._, in _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. ix., p. 387; _Mendieta_, _Hist. Ecles._, p. 136. Diego Duran, in his inedited 'History of New Spain,' asserts that the murderer did not suffer death, but became the slave for life of the wife or relatives of the deceased. _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. viii., pp. 240-1. [535] _Hist. Gen._, dec. iii., lib. iii., cap. x. [536] _Beaumont_, _Crón. Mechoacan_, MS., pp. 51-2. [537] _Mendieta_, _Hist. Ecles._, p. 136; _Ortega_, in _Veytia_, _Hist. Ant. Mej._, tom. iii., p. 226; _Las Casas_, _Hist. Apologética_, MS., cap. ccxiii. In cap. ccxv., among his unauthenticated laws, we read that if the victim of poison was a slave, the person who caused his death was made a slave, in the place of suffering the extreme penalty, but the opposite to this is expressly stated by Clavigero and implied by Ortega. [538] _Relatione fatta per vn gentil'huomo del Signor Fernando Cortese_, in _Ramusio_, _Navigationi_, tom. iii., fol. 307; _Las Casas_, _Hist. Apologética_, MS., cap. ccxiii.; _Vetancvrt_, _Teatro Mex._, pt ii., p. 33; _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. i., p. 106; _Mendieta_, _Hist. Ecles._, p. 138; _Veytia_, _Hist. Ant. Mej._, tom. iii., p. 421. Ixtlilxochitl writes that the children and relations of the traitor were enslaved till the _fifth_ generation, and that salt was scattered upon his lands. _Hist. Chich._, in _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, tom. ix., p. 245. 'Il traditore del Re, o dello Stato, era sbranato, ed i suoi parenti, che consapevoli del tradimento non lo aveano per tempo scoperto, erano privati della libertà.' _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., p. 130. [539] _Ixtlilxochitl_, _Relaciones_, in _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. ix., p. 387; _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., p. 382; Las Casas, _Hist. Apologética_, MS., cap. ccxv., among the collection of unauthenticated laws so frequently mentioned heretofore, gives the following: 'Si algunos vendieron algun niño por esclavo, y despues se sabe, todos los que entendieron en ello eran esclavos, y dellos davan uno al que lo compró, y los otros repartian entre la madre del niño y entre él que lo descubrió.' In the same chapter, among another list of laws which, says Las Casas, 'son tenidas todas por autenticas y verdaderas,' we read: 'Era ley, y con rigor guardada, que si alguno vendia por esclavo algun niño perdido, que se hiciese esclavo al que lo vendia, y su hacienda se partiese en dos partes, la una era para el niño, y la otra al que lo havia comprado, y si quizas lo avian vendido y eran muchos, á todos hacian esclavos.' [540] Zurita writes: 'ils n'avaient droit d'en prendre que trois petites tasses à chaque repas.' _Rapport_, in _Ternaux-Compans_, _Voy._, série ii., tom. i., p. 110; _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. iii., lib. iv., cap. xvi. [541] _Codex Mendoza_, in _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. i., pl. 72; _Esplicacion_, in _Id._, vol. v., pp. 112-13; _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. iii., lib. iv., cap. xvi.; _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., p. 134. [542] 'Dans les noces publiques et les fêtes, les hommes âgés de plus de trente ans étaient ordinairement autorisés à en boire deux tasses.' _Zurita_, _Rapport_, in _Ternaux-Compans_, _Voy._, série ii., tom. i., p. 110; _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., p. 134; _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. iii., lib. iv., cap. xvi. [543] Ortega says that the privilege was also extended to private soldiers. _Veytia_, _Hist. Ant. Mej._, tom. iii., p. 227. Zurita, however, writes 'les guerriers regardaient comme un déshonneur d'en boire.' _Rapport_, in _Ternaux-Compans_, _Voy._, série ii., tom. i., p. 111. [544] _Las Casas_, _Hist. Apologética_, MS., cap. ccxiii., ccxv.; _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. i., p. 166, tom. ii., p. 386; _Vetancvrt_, _Teatro Mex._, pt ii, p. 33; _Codex Mendoza_, in _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. i., pl. 72; _Esplicacion_, in _Id._, vol. v., pp. 112-13; _Ixtlilxochitl_, _Hist. Chich._, in _Id._, vol. ix., p. 246; _Id._, _Relaciones_, p. 387; _Ortega_, in _Veytia_, _Hist. Ant. Mej._, tom. iii., pp. 226-7; _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., p. 134; _Zurita_, _Rapport_, in _Ternaux-Compans_, _Voy._, série ii., tom. i., pp. 110-11; _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. iii., lib. iv., cap. xvi. [545] See this vol. pp. 360-1. [546] _Las Casas_, _Hist. Apologética_, MS., cap. ccxv.; _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., p. 386; _Ixtlilxochitl_, _Relaciones_, in _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. ix., p. 387; _Ortega_, in _Veytia_, _Hist. Ant. Mej._, tom. iii., p. 226. [547] _Ixtlilxochitl_, _Hist. Chich._, in _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. ix., p. 246; _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., p. 130. [548] _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., p. 130. [549] _Ixtlilxochitl_, _Relaciones_, in _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. ix., p. 387; _Ortega_, in _Veytia_, _Hist. Ant. Mej._, tom. iii., p. 226. [550] _Las Casas_, _Hist. Apologética_, MS., cap. ccxv. [551] _Ixtlilxochitl_, _Relaciones_, in _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. ix., p. 388. [552] Las Casas, _Hist. Apologética_, MS., cap. ccxv., gives two laws on this point. To the first, which is among the collection of unauthenticated laws, adds: 'Y si era plebeyo ó de baja suerte hacian lo esclavo.' Ixtlilxochitl also gives two laws: 'A los hijos de los señores si malbarataban sus riquezas, ó bien muebles que sus padres tenian, les daban garrote.' _Hist. Chich._, in _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. ix., p. 246. 'Si algun principal mayorazgo fuese desbaratado, ó travieso, ó si entre dos de estos tales hubiese alguna diferencia sobre tierras ú otras cosas, el que no quisiese estarse quedo con la averiguacion que entre ellos se hiciese por ser soberbio y mal mirado, le fuesen quitados sus bienes y mayorazgo, y fuese puesto en depósito en alguna persona que diese cuenta de ello para el tiempo que le fuese pedido, de cual mayorazgo estubiese desposeido todo el tiempo que la voluntad del señor fuese.' _Relaciones_, in _Id._, p. 387; _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., p. 385; _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., p. 134. [553] _Veytia_, _Hist. Ant. Mej._, tom. iii., p. 423. [554] _Las Casas_, _Hist. Apologética_, MS., cap. ccxv.; _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., p. 386; _Ixtlilxochitl_, _Relaciones_, in _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. ix., p. 387. [555] _Las Casas_, _Hist. Apologética_, MS., cap. ccxiii. [556] _Ixtlilxochitl_, _Relaciones_, in _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. ix., p. 387; _Carbajal Espinosa_, _Hist. Mex._, tom. i., p. 604; _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., p. 134; _Ortega_, in _Veytia_, _Hist. Ant. Mej._, tom. iii., pp. 227-9; _Chaves_, _Rapport_, in _Ternaux-Compans_, _Voy._, série ii., tom. v., p. 313; _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. i., p. 165. [557] _Oviedo_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. iii., p. 502; _Las Casas_, _Hist. Apologética_, MS., cap. ccxv. [558] Concerning adultery see: _Las Casas_, _Hist. Apologética_, MS., cap. ccxiii., ccxv.; _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. i., p. 166, tom. ii., pp. 378, 380; _Ixtlilxochitl_, _Hist. Chich._, in _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. ix., p. 246; _Relaciones_, in _Id._, p. 387; _Codex Mendoza_, in _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. i., pl. 72; _Esplicacion_, in _Id._, vol. v., p. 112; _Veytia_, _Hist. Ant. Mej._, tom. iii., p. 423; _Mendieta_, _Hist. Ecles._, pp. 136-7; _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., pp. 130-1; _Bologne_, in _Ternaux-Compans_, _Voy._, série i., tom. x., p. 211; _Zurita_, _Rapport_, in _Id._, série ii., tom. i., pp. 107-10; _Ortega_, in _Veytia_, _Hist. Ant. Mej._, tom. iii., p. 224; _Vetancvrt_, _Teatro Mex._, pt ii., p. 33; _Duran_, in _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, tom. viii., pp. 242-3; _Valades_, _Rhetorica Christiana_, in _Id._, p. 129, note. [559] _Las Casas_ and _Mendieta_, as in preceding note. [560] 'Para la justificacion fuese bastante la denuncia del marido.' _Ibid._ [561] Las Casas writes: 'A ninguna muger ni hombre castigavan por adulterio, si solo el marido della los acusaba, sino que havia de haver testigos y confesion dellos.' _Hist. Apologética_, MS., cap. ccxv. Torquemada uses almost the same words. [562] Father Francisco de Bologne says that this mode of punishment was only resorted to in the case of the man, and that the female adulterer was impaled. _Ternaux-Compans_, _Voy._, série i., tom. x., p. 211. [563] This statement is made by Ixtlilxochitl and Veytia, _ubi sup._ [564] _Las Casas_, _Hist. Apologética_, MS., cap. ccxiii.; _Mendieta_, _ubi sup._ [565] _Ibidem._ Among the Miztecs, when extenuating circumstances could be proved, the punishment of death was commuted to mutilation of ears, nose, and lips. _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. iii., lib. iii., cap. xii. [566] _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., p. 380; _Clavigero_, _ubi sup._ [567] _Las Casas_, _Hist. Apologética_, MS., cap. ccxiii., ccxv.; _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., pp. 377-8, 380; _Ortega_, in _Veytia_, _Hist. Ant. Mej._, tom. iii., p. 224. [568] _Las Casas_, _Hist. Apologética_, MS., cap. ccxiii.; _Mendieta_, _Hist. Ecles._, p. 136. [569] _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. iii., lib. iii., cap. x.; _Beaumont_, _Crón. Mechoacan_, MS., p. 51. [570] _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. i., p. 166, tom. ii., p. 380; _Las Casas_, _Hist. Apologética_, MS., cap. ccxv.; _Veytia_, _Hist. Ant. Mej._, tom. iii., p. 423; _Ortega_, in _Id._, p. 224; _Vetancvrt_, _Teatro Mex._, pt ii., p. 33; _Mendieta_, _Hist. Ecles._, p. 137; _Ixtlilxochitl_, _Hist. Chich._, in _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. ix., pp. 245. Carbajal Espinosa differs from these in saying: 'al pasivo le arrancaban las entrañas, se llenaba su vientre de ceniza y el cadáver era quemado.' _Hist. Mex._, tom. i., p. 603. [571] _Camargo_, _Hist. Tlax._, in _Nouvelles Annales des Voy._, 1843, tom. xcviii., p. 193. Carli is therefore mistaken in saying this crime was punished with death. _Cartas_, p. 122. [572] _Lettre_, in _Ternaux-Compans_, _Voy._, série i., tom. x., p. 197. [573] _Hist. Apologética_, MS., cap. ccxiii. Clavigero writes: 'Appresso tutte le Nazioni di Anahuac, fuorchè appresso i Panuchesi, era in abbominazione sì fatto delitto, e da tutte si puniva con rigore.' This writer is very bitter against M. de Pauw for stating that this pederasty was common among the Mexicans, and adds: 'ma della falsità di tal calunnia, che con troppa, ed assai biasimevole facilità addottarono parecchj Autori Europei, ci consta per la testimonianza di molti altri Autori imparziarli, e meglio informati.' Clavigero does not, however, state who these 'more impartial and better informed writers' are. That the crime of sodomy was prevalent in Tabasco, we have the testimony of Oviedo, who writes that among the idols that the Christians saw there 'dixeron que avian hallado entre aquellos çemís ó yolos, dos personas hechas de copey (que es un árbol assi llamado), el uno caballero ó cabalgando sobre el otro, en figura de aquel abominable y nefando pecado de sodomia, é otro de barro que tenia la natura asida con ambas manos, la qual tenia como çircunçiso ... y no es este pecado entre aquellas mal aventuradas gentes despresçiado, ni sumariamente averiguado: antes es mucha verdad quanto dellos se puede deçir é culpar en tal caso.' _Hist. Gen._, tom. i., p. 533. Zuazo, speaking of the Mexicans, says: 'estas gentes tienen la _tria peccatela_ que decia el Italiano: no creen en Dios; _son casi todos sodomitas_: comen carne humana.' _Carta_, in _Icazbalceta_, _Col. de Doc._, tom. i., p. 365. [574] _Hist. Apologética_, MS., cap. ccxiii. [575] Las Casas, among his unauthentic laws has one which prescribes death in this case, but in another list, which he says is composed of authentic laws, banishment and confiscation of property is given as the penalty. _Hist. Apologética_, MS., cap. ccxv.; _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., p. 380; _Veytia_, _Hist. Ant. Mej._, tom. iii., p. 423. [576] _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., p. 380; _Las Casas_, _Hist. Apologética_, MS., cap. ccxiii.; _Mendieta_, _Hist. Ecles._, p. 137. Ortega adds that their heads were rubbed with ashes; 'se les untaba con ceniza caliente.' _Veytia_, _Hist. Ant. Mej._, tom. iii., p. 225. [577] _Ixtlilxochitl_, _Hist. Chich._, in _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. ix., p. 246; _Veytia_, _Hist. Ant. Mej._, p. 224. [578] _Ixtlilxochitl_, _Relaciones_, in _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. ix., p. 387; _Veytia_, _Hist. Ant. Mej._, tom. iii., p. 423; _Duran_, in _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. viii., pp. 243-4; _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., p. 380; _Las Casas_, _Hist. Apologética_, MS., cap. ccxv.; _Ortega_, in _Veytia_, _Hist. Ant. Mej._, tom. iii., pp. 224-5. [579] _Las Casas_, _Hist. Apologética_, MS., cap. ccxiii., ccxv.; _Mendieta_, _Hist. Ecles._, p. 136. [580] _Las Casas_, _Ibid._; _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., p. 380-1. [581] _Las Casas_, _Ibid._; _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., p. 380; _Mendieta_, _Hist. Ecles._, pp. 137-8; _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., p. 133. [582] _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., p. 381; _Ortega_, in _Veytia_, _Hist. Ant. Mej._, tom. iii., pp. 225-6; _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., p. 133. [583] _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. i., p. 165. In the following works more or less mention is made of the system of jurisprudence that existed among the Nahua peoples. _Pimentel_, _Mem. sobre la Raza Indígena_, pp. 31-5; _Carbajal Espinosa_, _Hist. Mex._, tom. i., pp. 593-605; _Amer. Ethno. Soc., Transact._, vol. i., p. 153; _Klemm_, _Cultur-Geschichte_, tom. v., pp. 35-6, 53-4, 69-75, 96-7, 105, 205; _Cortés_, _Aven. y Conq._, pref., p. 13; _Delaporte_, _Reisen_, tom. x., pp. 264-7; _Incidents and Sketches_, pp. 60-1; _Simon's Ten Tribes_, pp. 263-70; _Bussierre_, _L'Empire Mex._, pp. 150-8; _Chambers' Jour._, 1835, vol. iv., p. 253; _Baril_, _Mexique_, pp. 205-7; _Touron_, _Hist. Gén._, tom. iii., pp. 29-31; _Soden_, _Spanier in Peru_, tom. ii., p. 14. CHAPTER XV. NAHUA ARTS AND MANUFACTURES. METALS USED AND MANNER OF OBTAINING THEM--WORKING OF GOLD AND SILVER--WONDERFUL SKILL IN IMITATING--GILDING AND PLATING--WORKING IN STONE--LAPIDARY WORK--WOOD CARVING--MANUFACTURE OF POTTERY--VARIOUS KINDS OF CLOTH--MANUFACTURE OF PAPER AND LEATHER--PREPARATION OF DYES AND PAINTS--THE ART OF PAINTING--FEATHER MOSAIC WORK--LEAF-MATS--MANNER OF KINDLING FIRE--TORCHES--SOAP--COUNCIL OF ARTS IN TEZCUCO--ORATORY AND POETRY--NEZAHUALCOYOTL'S ODES ON THE MUTABILITY OF LIFE AND THE TYRANT TEZOZOMOC--AZTEC ARITHMETICAL SYSTEM. Gold, silver, copper, tin, and lead were the metals known to and used by the Nahuas. The latter, however, is merely mentioned, and nothing is known about where it was obtained or for what purposes it was employed. We have only very slight information respecting the processes by which any of the metals were obtained. Gold came to the cities of Anáhuac chiefly from the southern Nahua provinces, through the agency of traders and tax-gatherers; silver and tin were taken from the mines of Taxco and Tzompanco; copper was obtained from the mountains of Zacatollan, the province of the Cohuixcas, and from Michoacan. Nuggets of gold and masses of native copper were found on the surface of the ground in certain regions; gold was chiefly obtained, however, from the sand in the bed of rivers by divers. It was kept, in the form of dust, in small tubes or quills, or was melted in small pots, by the aid of hollow bamboo blow-pipes used instead of bellows, and cast in small bars. Prescott tells us that these metals were also mined from veins in the solid rock, extensive galleries being opened for the purpose. Quicksilver, sulphur, alum, ochre, and other minerals were collected to a certain extent and employed by the natives in the preparation of colors and for other purposes.[584] The use of iron, though that metal was abundant in the country, was unknown. Such metals as they had they were most skillful in working, chiefly by melting and casting, and by carving, but also to some extent by the use of the hammer. We have no details of the means employed to melt the harder metals, besides the rude blow-pipe and furnace mentioned in connection with gold. For cutting implements copper was the only metal used, but it was hardened with an alloy of tin until it sufficed to cut the hardest substances nearly as well as steel.[585] The pure and softer metal was used to make kettles and other vessels. Copper tools were, however, rare compared with those of stone, and seem to have been used chiefly in working wood where a sharp and enduring edge was required. Such tools usually took the form of axes and chisels. Sticks for working the ground, the nearest Nahua approach to the plow, were also often tipped with copper, as we have seen. Metal was not much used in making weapons, not being found in swords or arrow-heads, but employed with obsidian in spearheads and on the _maza_, or club. Both copper and tin dishes and plates are mentioned but were not in common use. In the manufacture of implements of copper and tin these metals were wrought by means of stone hammers and not cast.[586] [Sidenote: GOLD AND SILVER SMITHS.] No branch of Nahua art was carried to a higher degree of perfection than the ornamental working of gold and silver. The conquerors were struck with admiration on beholding the work of the native goldsmiths; they even in some cases frankly acknowledge that they admired the work more than the material, and saved the most beautiful specimens from the melting furnace, the greatest compliment these gold-greedy adventurers could pay to native art. Many of the finer articles were sent as presents and curiosities to European princes, who added their testimony to that of the conquerors, pronouncing the jewelry in many instances superior to the work of old-world artists. Azcapuzalco was the headquarters of the workers in gold and silver.[587] The imitation of natural objects, particularly animals, birds, and fishes, was a favorite field for the display of this branch of Nahua talent. The conqueror Cortés tells us that Montezuma had in his collection a counterfeit in gold, silver, stones, or feathers, of every object under heaven in his dominions, so skillfully made, so far as the work in metal was concerned, that no smith in the world could excel them. This statement is repeated by every writer on the subject. Dr Hernandez, the naturalist, in preparing a treatise on Mexican zoology for Philip II., is said to have supplied his want of real specimens of certain rare species by a resort to these imitations.[588] The native artists are said to have fashioned animals and birds with movable heads, legs, wings, and tongues, an ape with a spindle in its hands in the act of spinning and in certain comic attitudes; and what particularly interested and surprised the Spaniards was the art--spoken of by them as a lost art--of casting the parts of an object of different metals each distinct from the rest but all forming a complete whole, and this, as the authorities say, without soldering. Thus a fish was molded with alternate scales of gold and silver, plates were cast in sections of the same metal, and loose handles were attached to different vessels.[589] [Sidenote: GILDING AND PLATING.] After the Spaniards came, the native artisans had a new and wide field for the display of their skill, in imitating the numerous products of European art. A slight examination, often obtained by stealthily looking into the shop windows, enabled them to reproduce and not unfrequently to improve upon the finest articles of jewelry and plate.[590] Clavigero says that vessels of copper or other inferior metal were gilded, by employing an unknown process in which certain herbs were used, and which would have made the fortune of a goldsmith in Spain and Italy. Oviedo also tells us that various ornamental articles were covered with thin gold plate.[591] To enumerate the articles manufactured by the Nahua gold and silver smiths, and included in the long lists of presents made by Montezuma and other chieftains to their conquerors is impracticable; they included finely modeled goblets, pitchers, and other vessels for the tables of the kings and nobility; frames for stone mirrors and rich settings for various precious stones; personal ornaments for the wealthy, and especially for warriors, including rings, bracelets, eardrops, beads, helmets and various other portions of armor; small figures in human form worn as charms or venerated as idols; and finally the most gorgeous and complicated decorations for the larger idols, and their temples and altars.[592] Little is known of the methods or implements by which the workers in gold accomplished such marvelous results. The authors tell us that they excelled particularly in working the precious metals by means of fire; and the furnaces already mentioned are pictured in several of the Aztec picture-writings as simple vessels, perhaps of earthen ware, various in form, heaped with lumps of metal, and possibly with wood and coal, from which the tongues of flame protrude, as the workman sits by his furnace with his bamboo blow-pipe. How they cast or molded the molten gold into numerous graceful and ornamental forms is absolutely unknown. The process by which these patient workers carved or engraved ornamental figures on gold and silver vessels by means of their implements of stone and hardened copper, although not explained, may in a general way be easily imagined. They worked also to some extent with the hammer, but as gold-beaters they were regarded as inferior workmen, using only stone implements. The art of working in the precious metals was derived traditionally from the Toltecs, and the gold and silversmiths formed in Mexico a kind of corporation under the divine guidance of the god Xipe.[593] [Sidenote: WORKING IN STONE.] Stone was the material of most Nahua implements. For this purpose all the harder kinds found in the country were worked, flint, porphyry, basalt, but especially obsidian, the native _iztli_. Of this hard material, extensively quarried some distance north of Mexico, nearly all the sharp-edged tools were made. These tools, such as knives, razors, lancets, spear and arrow heads, were simply flakes from an obsidian block. The knives were double-edged and the best of them slightly curved at the point. The maker held a round block of iztli between his bare feet, pressed with his chest and hands on a long wooden instrument, one end of which was applied near the edge of the block, and thus split off knife after knife with great rapidity, which required only to be fitted to a wooden handle to be ready for use. The edge thus produced was at first as sharp as one of steel, but became blunted by slight use, when the instrument must be thrown away. Thus Las Casas tells us that ten or fifteen obsidian razors were required to shave one man's beard. Stone knives seem rarely if ever to have been sharpened by grinding.[594] Of obsidian were made the knives used in the sacrifice of human victims, and the lancets used in bleeding for medicinal purposes and in drawing blood in the service of the gods. For bleeding, similar knives are said to be still used in Mexico.[595] The use of stone in the manufacture of weapons has been mentioned in another chapter. Masks and even rings and cups were sometimes worked from obsidian and other kinds of stone. Axes were of flint, jade, or basalt, and were bound with cords to a handle of hard wood, the end of which was split to receive it.[596] Torquemada says that agricultural implements were made of stone.[597] Mirrors were of obsidian, or of _margajita_,--spoken of by some as a metal, by others as a stone,--often double-faced, and richly set in gold.[598] The quarrying of stone for building and sculpture was done by means of wooden and stone implements, by methods unknown but adequate to the working of the hardest material. Stone implements alone seem to have been used for the sculpture of idols, statues, and architectural decorations. A better idea of the excellence of the Nahuas in the art of stone-carving may be formed from the consideration of antiquarian relics in another volume than from the remarks of the early chroniclers. Most of the sculptured designs were executed in soft material, in working which flint instruments would be almost as effective as those of steel; but some of the preserved specimens are carved in the hardest stone, and must have taxed the sculptor's patience to the utmost even with hard copper chisels. The idols and hieroglyphics on which the native art was chiefly exercised, present purposely distorted figures and are a poor test of the artists' skill; according to traditional history portrait-statues of the kings were made, and although none of these are known to have survived, yet a few specimens in the various collections indicate that the human face and form in true proportions were not beyond the scope of American art; and the native sculptors were, moreover, extremely successful in the modeling of animals in stone.[599] [Sidenote: WORKING OF PRECIOUS STONES.] The Nahuas were no less skillful in working precious stones than gold and silver. Their Toltec ancestors possessed the same skill and used to search for the stones at sunrise, being directed to the hidden treasure by the vapor which rose from the place that concealed it. All the stones found in the country were used for ornamental purposes, but emeralds, amethysts, and turquoises were most abundant. The jewels were cut with copper tools with the aid of a silicious sand. Single stones were carved in various forms, often those of animals, and set in gold, or sometimes formed into small cups or boxes. Pearls, mother of pearl, and bright-colored shells were used with the precious stones in the formation of necklaces, bracelets, ear-rings, and other decorations for the nobles or for the idols. Various articles of dress or armor were completely studded with gems tastefully arranged, and a kind of mosaic, with which wooden masks for the idols were often covered, attracted much attention among the Spaniards. Mirrors of rock crystal, obsidian, and other stones, brightly polished and encased in rich frames, were said to reflect the human face as clearly as the best of European manufacture.[600] Trees were felled with copper hatchets, hewn with the same instruments into beams, and dragged by slaves over rollers to the place where they were needed for building. Some of the chief idols, as for instance that of Huitzilopochtli, according to Acosta, were of wood, but wood-carving was not apparently carried to a high degree of perfection. Some boxes, furnished with lids and hinges, also tables and chairs, were made of wood, which was the chief material of weapons and agricultural implements. The authorities devote but few words to the workers in wood, who, however, after the conquest seem to have become quite skillful under Spanish instruction, and with the aid of European tools. Fire-wood was sold in the markets; and Las Casas also tells us that charcoal was burned.[601] [Sidenote: MANUFACTURE OF POTTERY.] At Cholula the best pottery was made, but throughout the whole country nearly all the dishes used were of clay. Pots, kettles, vases, plates for domestic use, as well as censers and other utensils for the temple service, also idols, beads, and various ornaments were modeled from this material. The early Spaniards were enthusiastic in praising the native potters' skill, but beyond the statement that vessels of earthen ware were glazed and often tastefully decorated, they give no definite information respecting this branch of manufactures. Many small earthen trumpets, or flageolets, capable of producing various sounds, and of imitating the cries of different birds, have been found in different parts of the Mexican Republic. Fortunately relics of pottery in every form are of frequent occurrence in the museums, and from the description of such relics in another volume the excellence of Aztec pottery may be estimated. Besides the earthen dishes, and vessels of metal and carved wood, some baskets were made, and drinking-cups or bowls of different sizes and shapes were formed from the hollow shells of gourds. These were known as _xicalli_, later jicaras, and _tecomatl_.[602] Seashells were also used as dishes to some extent.[603] The finer kinds of cloth were made of cotton, of rabbit-hair, of the two mixed, or of cotton mixed with feathers. The rabbit-hair fabrics were pronounced equal in finish and texture to silk, and cotton cloths were also fine and white. Fabrics of this better class were used for articles of dress by the rich, nobles, and priests; they were both woven and dyed in variegated colors. The cloths in the manufacture of which feathers were employed often served for carpets, tapestry, and bed-coverings. Maguey-fibre, and that of the palm-leaves _icxotl_ and _izhuatl_ were woven into coarse cloths, the maguey-cloth being known as _nequen_. This nequen and the coarser kinds of cotton were the materials with which the poorer classes clothed themselves. The palm and maguey fibres were prepared for use in the same manner as flax in other countries, being soaked in water, pounded, and dried. The same material served also for cords, ropes, and mats. A coarser kind of matting was, however, made of different varieties of reeds. All the work of spinning and weaving was performed by the women, forming indeed their chief employment. The spindle used in spinning, shown in many of the Aztec manuscripts, was like a top, which was set whirling in a shallow dish, the fibre being applied to its pointed upper extremity until the impetus was exhausted. All we know of the native process of weaving is derived from the native paintings, a sample of which from the Mendoza Collection, showing a woman engaged in weaving, may be seen in chapter xvii. of this volume.[604] [Sidenote: MAKING OF CLOTH AND PAPER.] Paper, in Aztec _amatl_, used chiefly as a material on which to paint the hieroglyphic records to be described in a future chapter, was made for the most part of maguey-fibre, although the other fibres used in the manufacture of cloth were occasionally mixed with those of this plant. The material must have been pressed together when wet, and the product was generally very thick, more like a soft paste-board than our paper. The surface was smooth and well adapted to the painting which it was to bear. Certain gums are said to have been used for the more perfect coherence of the fibre, and the amatl was made in long narrow sheets suitable for rolling or folding. Humboldt describes certain bags of oval form, the work of a species of caterpillars, on the trees in Michoacan. They are white and may be separated into thin layers, which, as the author states, were used by the ancient inhabitants in the manufacture of a superior kind of paper.[605] The skins of animals killed by the Nahua hunters were tanned both with and without the hair, by a process of which the authorities say nothing, although universally praising its results. The leather was used in some cases as a sort of parchment for hieroglyphic writings, but oftener for articles of dress, ornament, or armor.[606] [Sidenote: DYEING AND PAINTING.] In the preparation of dyes and paints, both mineral, animal, and vegetable colors were employed, the latter extracted from woods, barks, leaves, flowers, and fruits. In the art of dyeing they probably excelled the Europeans, and many of their dyes have since the conquest been introduced throughout the world. Chief among these was the cochineal, _nochiztli_, an insect fed by the Nahuas on the leaves of the nopal, from which they obtained beautiful and permanent red and purple colors for their cotton fabrics. The flower of the _matlalxihuitl_ supplied blue shades; indigo was the sediment of water in which branches of the _xiuhquilipitzahuac_ had been soaked; seeds of the _achiotl_ boiled in water yielded a red, the French _roucou_; ochre, or _tecozahuitl_, furnished yellow, as did also the plant _xochipalli_, the latter being changed to orange by the use of nitre; other shades were produced by the use of alum; the stones _chimaltizatl_ and _tizatlalli_ being calcined, produced something like Spanish white; black was obtained from a stinking mineral, _tlaliac_, or from the soot of a pine called _ocotl_. In mixing paints they used chian-oil, or sometimes the glutinous juice of the _tzauhtli_. The numerous dye-woods of the tierra caliente, now the chief exports from that region, were all employed by the native dyers. It is probable that many of the secrets of this branch of Nahua art were never learned by the Spaniards.[607] The Nahua paintings showed no great artistic merit, being chiefly noticeable for the excellence of the colors. Very few specimens have been preserved for modern examination, except the hieroglyphic paintings in which most of the figures are hideously and, as it is supposed, purposely distorted, and consequently no criterion of the artist's skill. It is not known that the Nahuas ever attempted to paint natural scenery, except that they prepared maps of sections of their territory on which they rudely represented the mountains, rivers, and forests, indicating the lands of different owners or lords by the use of different colors. They sometimes made portraits of the kings and nobles, but the Spanish chroniclers admit that they exhibited much less skill in picturing the human form and face than in drawing animals, birds, trees, and flowers. Some modern critics of lively imagination have, however, detected indications of great artistic genius in the awkward figures of the picture-writings. Native painters, when Cortés arrived on the coast, painted his ships, men, horses, cannon, in fact everything new and strange in the white men's equipment, and hurried with the canvas to Montezuma at the capital. Very little is known of ornamental painting on the walls of private dwellings, but that on the temples naturally partook to a great extent of a hieroglyphic character. The durability of the paintings on cloth and paper, especially when rubbed occasionally with oil, was remarked by many observers, as was also the skill displayed by the natives later under Spanish instruction.[608] [Sidenote: FEATHER-MOSAIC.] The mixture of feathers with cotton and other fibres in the manufacture of clothing, tapestry, carpets, and bed-coverings has already been mentioned. For such fabrics plain colors from ducks and other aquatic birds were generally employed, brighter hues being occasionally introduced for ornamental purposes. Feathers also played an important part in the decoration of warriors' armor, the tail-feathers of the bright-hued quetzal being the favorites. These were formed into brilliant plumes, often tipped with gold and set in precious stones. Beautiful fans were made of the same material. But the art which of all those practiced by the Nahuas most delighted and astonished the Europeans, was the use of feathers in the making of what has been called feather-mosaic. The myriads of tropical birds in which the forests of the tierra caliente abounded, chief among which were the quetzal, many varieties of the parrot kind, and the _huitzilin_, or humming-bird, supplied feathers, fine and coarse, of every desired color and shade. It was for this use chiefly that the royal and other collections of birds, already described, were so carefully kept. These captive birds were plucked each year at the proper season, and their plumage sorted according to color and quality. Some shades only to be obtained from the rarest birds, were for ordinary feather-work artificially produced by dyeing the white plumage of more common birds. To prepare for work the _amanteca_, or artist, arranged his colors in small earthen dishes within easy reach of his hand, stretched a piece of cloth on a board before him, and provided himself with a pot of glue--called by Clavigero tzauhtli,--and a pair of very delicate pincers. The design he wished to execute was first sketched roughly on the cloth, and then with the aid of the pincers feather after feather was taken from its dish and glued to the canvas. The Spanish writers marvel at the care with which this work was done; sometimes, they say, a whole day was consumed in properly choosing and adjusting one delicate feather, the artist patiently experimenting until the hue and position of the feather, viewed from different points and under different lights, became satisfactory to his eye. When a large piece was to be done, many workmen assembled, a part of the work was given to each, and so skillfully was the task performed that the parts rarely failed at the end to blend into an harmonious whole; but if the effect of any part was unsatisfactory it must be commenced anew. By this method a great variety of graceful patterns were wrought, either fanciful, or taken from natural objects, flowers, animals, and even the human face, which latter the native artists are said to have successfully portrayed. Las Casas tells us they made these feather-fabrics so skillfully that they appeared of different colors according to the direction from which they were viewed. The Spaniards declare that the feather-pictures were fully equal to the best works of European painters, and are at a loss for words to express their admiration of this wonderful Nahua invention; specimens of great beauty have also been preserved and are to be seen in the museums. Besides mantles and other garments, tapestry, bed-coverings, and other ornamental fabrics for the use of the noble and wealthy classes, to which this art was applied, the feather-mosaic was a favorite covering for the shields and armor of noted warriors. By the same process masks were made representing in a manner true to nature the faces of fierce animals; and even the whole bodies of such animals were sometimes counterfeited, as Zuazo says, so faithfully as to deceive the ignorant observer. The Tarascos of Michoacan were reputed to be the most skillful in feather-work.[609] The feather-workers were called amantecas from Amantla, the name of the ward of Mexico in which they chiefly lived. This ward adjoined that of Pochtlan, where lived the chief merchants called pochtecas, and the shrine of the amantecas' god Ciotliahuatl, was also joined to that of the merchants' god Iyacatecutli. The feather-workers and merchants were closely united, there was great similarity in all their idolatrous rites, and they often sat together at the same banquet.[610] Another art, similar in its nature to that of the feather-mosaics, was that of pasting leaves and flowers upon mats so as to form attractive designs for temporary use on the occasion of special festivals. The natives made great use of these flower-pictures after the conquest in the decoration of the churches for Catholic holidays.[611] The Nahuas kindled a fire like their more savage brethren by friction between two pieces of wood, achiotl being the kind of wood preferred for this purpose. Boturini, followed by later writers, states that the use of the flint was also known. Once kindled, the flames were fanned by the use of a blow-pipe. For lights, torches of resinous wood were employed, especially the _ocotl_, which emitted a pleasing odor. The use of wicks with oil or wax was apparently unknown until after the coming of Europeans. Substitutes for soap were found in the fruit of the _copalxocotl_ and root of the _amolli_. [Sidenote: THE COUNCIL OF ARTS IN TEZCUCO.] All the branches of art among the Nahuas were placed under the control of a council or academy which was instituted to favor the development of poetry, oratory, history, painting, and also to some extent of sculpture and work in gold, precious stones, and feathers. Tezcuco was the centre of all high art and refinement during the palmy days of the Chichimec empire, and retained its preëminence to a great extent down to the coming of the Spaniards; consequently its school of arts is better known than others that probably existed in other cities. It was called the Council of Music, although taking cognizance of other arts and sciences, chiefly by controlling the education of the young, since no teacher of arts could exercise his profession without a certificate of his qualifications from the council. Before the same body all pupils must be brought for examination. The greatest care was taken that no defective work of lapidary, goldsmith, or worker in feathers should be exposed for sale in the markets, and that no imperfectly instructed artists should be allowed to vitiate the public taste. But it was above all with literary arts, poetry, oratory, and historical paintings, that this tribunal, composed of the best talent and culture of the kingdom, had to do, and every literary work was subject to its revision. The members, nominated by the emperor of Tezcuco, held daily meetings, and seats of honor were reserved for the kings of the three allied kingdoms, although a presiding officer was elected from the nobility with reference to his literary acquirements. At certain sessions of the council, poems and historical essays were read by their authors, and new inventions were exhibited for inspection, rich prizes being awarded for excellence in any branch of learning.[612] [Sidenote: ORATORY AND POESY.] Speech-making is a prominent feature in the life of most aboriginal tribes, and in their fondness for oratory the Nahuas were no exceptions to the rule. Many and long addresses accompanied the installation of kings and all public officers; all diplomatic correspondence between different nations was carried on by orators; prayers to the gods were in aboriginal as in modern times elaborate elocutionary efforts; the departing and returning traveler was dismissed and welcomed with a speech; condolence for misfortune and congratulation for success were expressed in public and private by the friends most skillful in the art of speaking; social intercourse in feasts and banquets was but a succession of speeches; and parents even employed long discourses to impart to their children instruction and advice. Consequently children were instructed at an early age in the art of public speaking; some were even specially educated as orators. They were obliged to commit to memory, and taught to repeat as declamations, the speeches of their most famous ancestors, handed down from father to son for many generations. Specimens of the orations delivered by Nahua speakers on different occasions are so numerous in this and the following volume, that the reader may judge for himself respecting their merit. It is impossible, however, to decide how far these compositions have been modified in passing through Spanish hands, although it is probable, according to the judgment of the best critics, that they retain much of the original spirit of their reputed authors.[613] Poets, if somewhat less numerous, were no less honored than orators. Their compositions were also recited, or sung, before the Council of Music in Tezcuco, and the most talented bards were honored with prizes. The heroic deeds of warlike ancestors, national annals and traditions, praise of the gods, moral lessons drawn from actual events, allegorical productions with illustrations drawn from the beauties of nature, and even love and the charms of woman were the common themes. The emperor Nezahualcoyotl, the protector and promoter of all the arts and sciences, was himself a poet of great renown. Several of his compositions, or fragments of such, have been preserved; that is, the poems were written from memory in Aztec with Roman letters after the conquest, and translated into Spanish by Ixtlilxochitl, a lineal descendant of the royal poet. They have also been translated into other languages by various authors. The following will serve as specimens.[614] [Sidenote: NEZAHUALCOYOTL'S ODES.] SONG OF NEZAHUALCOYOTL, KING OF TEZCUCO; ON THE MUTABILITY OF LIFE. Now will I sing for a moment, Since time and occasion offer, And I trust to be heard with favor If my effort proveth deserving; Wherefore thus I begin my singing, Or rather my lamentation. O thou, my friend, and beloved, Enjoy the sweet flowers I bring thee; Let us be joyful together And banish each care and each sorrow; For although life's pleasures are fleeting, Life's bitterness also must leave us. I will strike, to help me in singing, The instrument deep and sonorous; Dance thou, while enjoying these flowers, Before the great Lord who is mighty; Let us grasp the sweet things of the present, For the life of a man is soon over. Fair Acolhuacán thou hast chosen As thy dwelling-place and thy palace; Thou hast set up thy royal throne there, With thine own hand hast thou enriched it; Wherefore it seems to be certain That thy kingdom shall prosper and flourish. And thou, O wise Prince Oyoyotzin, Mighty monarch, and King without equal, Rejoice in the beauty of spring-time, Be happy while spring abides with thee, For the day creepeth nearer and nearer When thou shalt seek joy and not find it. A day when dark Fate, the destroyer, Shall tear from thine hand the proud sceptre, When the moon of thy glory shall lessen, Thy pride and thy strength be diminished, The spoil from thy servants be taken, Thy kingdom and honor go from thee. Ah, then in this day of great sorrow The lords of thy line will be mournful, The princes of might will be downcast, The pride of high birth will avail not; When thou, their great Head, hast been smitten The pains of grim Want will assail them. Then with bitterness will they remember The glory and fame of thy greatness, Thy triumphs so worthy of envy, Until, while comparing the present With years that are gone now forever, Their tears shall be more than the ocean. The vassals that cluster about thee And are as a crown to thy kingdom, When thine arm doth no longer uphold them, Will suffer the fate of the exile; In strange lands their pride will be humbled, Their rank and their name be forgotten. The fame of the race that is mighty, And worthy a thousand fair kingdoms, Will not in the future be heeded; The nations will only remember The justice with which they were governed In the years when the kingdom was threefold. In Mexico, proudest of cities, Reigned the mighty and brave Montezuma, Nezahualcoyotl, the just one Of blest Culhuacán was the monarch, To strong Totoquíl fell the portion Of Acatlapán, the third kingdom. But yet thou shalt not be forgotten, Nor the good thou hast ever accomplished; For, is not the throne that thou fillest The gift of the god without equal, The mighty Creator of all things, The maker of Kings and of Princes! Nezahualcoyotl, be happy With the pleasant things that thou knowest, Rejoice in the beautiful garden, Wreathe thy front with a garland of flowers, Give heed to my song and my music, For I care but to pleasure thy fancy. The sweet things of life are but shadows; The triumphs, the honors, what are they But dreams that are idle and last not Though clothed in a semblance of being? And so great is the truth that I utter, I pray thee to answer this question. Cihuapán, the valiant, where is he, And Quauhtzintecomtzin, the mighty, The great Cohuahuatzin, where are they? They are dead, and have left us no token, Save their names, and the fame of their valor; They are gone from this world to another. I would that those living in friendship, Whom the thread of strong love doth encircle, Could see the sharp sword of the Death-god. For, verily, pleasure is fleeting, All sweetness must change in the future, The good things of life are inconstant. ODE ON THE TYRANT TEZOZOMOC BY NEZAHUALCOYOTL THE KING. Give ear unto the lamentation which I, Nezahualcoyotl the King, make within myself for the fate of the Empire, and set forth for an example unto others. O King, unstable and restless, when thou art dead then shall thy people be overthrown and confounded; thy place shall be no more; the Creator, the All-powerful shall reign. Who could have thought, having seen the palaces and the court, the glory and the power of the old King Tezozomoc, that these things could have an end? Yet have they withered and perished. Verily, life giveth naught but disappointment and vexation; all that is, weareth out and passeth away. Who will not be sorrowful at the remembrance of the ancient splendor of this tyrant, this withered old man; who, like a thirsty willow, nourished by the moisture of his ambition and avarice, lorded it over the lowly meadows and flowery fields while spring-time lasted, but at length, dried up and decayed, the storms of winter tore him up by the roots and scattered him in pieces upon the ground. But now, with this mournful song, I bring to mind the things that flourish for an hour, and present, in the fate of Tezozomoc, an example of the brevity of human greatness. Who, that listens to me, can refrain from weeping? Verily, the enjoyments and pleasures of life are as a bouquet of flowers, that is passed from hand to hand until it fades, withers, and is dead. Hearken unto me, ye sons of kings and of princes, take good heed and ponder the theme of my mournful song, the things that flourish for an hour, and the end of the King Tezozomoc. Who is he, I say again, that can hear me and not weep? Verily, the enjoyments and pleasures of life are as a handful of flowers, blooming for a space, but soon withered and dead. Let the joyous birds sing on and rejoice in the beauty of spring, and the butterflies enjoy the honey and perfume of the flowers, for life is as a tender plant that is plucked and withereth away. Granados tells us that Nezahualcoyotl's poems were all in iambic verse, resembling in style the works of Manilius, Seneca, Pomponius, Euripides, and Lilius. In one of his songs he compared the shortness of life and of its pleasures with the fleeting bloom of a flower, so pathetically as to draw tears from the audience, as Clavigero relates. Ixtlilxochitl narrates that a prisoner condemned to death obtained pardon by reciting a poem before the king. There is not much evidence that verses were ever written in rhyme, but the authors say that due attention was paid to cadence and metre, and that some unmeaning syllables were added to certain lines to accommodate the measure. By their system of combination a single word often sufficed for a line in the longest measure. Many of their poetical compositions were intended for the dramatic representations which have been spoken of elsewhere.[615] [Sidenote: AZTEC ARITHMETICAL SYSTEM.] The Nahua system of numeration was very simple and comprehensive, there being no limit to the numbers that could be expressed by it. The following table will give a clear idea of the method as employed by the Aztecs: One, _ce_, or _cen_. Two, _ome_. Three, _yey_, or _ei_. Four, _nahui_. Five, _macuilli_,--signifying the 'clenched hand,' one finger having been originally doubled, as is supposed, for each unit in counting from one to five. Six, _chico a ce_. Seven, _chic ome_. Eight, _chico ey_. Nine, _chico nahui_,--These names from six to nine are simply those from one to four, with a prefix whose meaning is not altogether clear, but which is said to be composed of _chico_, 'at one side,' and _ihuan_ or _huan_, meaning 'near another,' 'with,' or simply 'and.' These names may consequently be interpreted perhaps, 'one side (or hand) with one,' 'one hand with two,' etc., or one two, etc., 'with the other side.' Ten, _matlactli_--that is the upper part of the body, or all the fingers of the hands. Eleven, _matlactli oc ce_, ten and one. Twelve, _matlactli om ome_, ten and two. Thirteen, _matlactli om ey_, ten and three. Fourteen, _matlactli o nahui_, ten and four. In these names _oc_, _om_, _o_, or _on_ as Molina gives it, seems to be used as a connective particle, equivalent to 'and,' but I am not acquainted with its derivation. Fifteen, _caxtolli_, a word to which the authorities give no derivative meaning. Sixteen, _caxtolli oc ce_, fifteen and one, etc. Twenty, _cem pohualli_, once twenty. The word _pohualli_ means 'a count,' the number twenty being in a sense the foundation of the whole numerical system. Twenty-one, _cem pohualli oc ce_, once twenty and one, etc. Thirty, _cem pohualli, ihuan_ (or _om_ as Molina has it) _matlactli_, once twenty and ten. Thirty-five, _cem pohualli ihuan_ (or _on_) _caxtolli_, once twenty and fifteen, etc. Forty, _ome pohualli_, twice twenty, etc. One hundred, _macuil pohualli_, five times twenty. Two hundred, _matlactli pohualli_, ten times twenty. Four hundred, _cen tzontli_, once four hundred, 'the hair of the head.' Eight hundred, _ome tzontli_, twice four hundred. One thousand, _ome tzontli ihuan matlactli pohualli_, twice four hundred and ten times twenty. Eight thousand, _xiquipilli_, a purse or sack, already mentioned as containing eight thousand cacao-nibs. Sixteen thousand, _ome xiquipilli_, twice eight thousand. It will be seen from the table that the only numbers having simple names are one, two, three, four, five, ten, fifteen, twenty, four hundred, and eight thousand; all the rest are compounds of these constructed on the principle that when the smaller number follows the larger the sum of the two is expressed, but when the smaller precedes the larger, their product is indicated. Molina and Leon y Gama are the chief authorities on the Nahua arithmetical system. All the writers agree perfectly respecting its details, but differ considerably in orthography. Molina writes each compound name together as a single word, while Gama often separates a word into its parts as I have done in every case, following his spelling. [Sidenote: SYSTEM OF NUMERATION.] The manner in which the numbers were written was as simple as the system itself. A point or small circle indicated a unit, and these points sufficed for the numbers from one to nineteen. Twenty was indicated by a flag, four hundred by a feather, and eight thousand by a purse. One character placed above another indicated that the product was to be taken; for instance, 160,000 might be expressed either by twenty purses, or by a flag over a purse. To avoid the excessive use of the unit points in writing large and fractional numbers, each flag, feather, and purse was divided into four quarters, and only those quarters which were colored were to be counted. Thus five might be expressed by five points or by a flag with but one quarter colored; three hundred and fifty-six would be indicated by a feather with three quarters colored, two complete flags, three quarters of another flag, and one point. We have seen that twenties were used, much as dozens are by us, as the foundation of all numeration, but strangely enough these twenties took different names in counting different classes of articles. The regular name, as given in the table, is _pohualli_; in counting sheets of paper, tortillas, small skins, and other thin objects capable of being packed one above another in small parcels, each twenty was called _pilli_; in counting cloths and other articles usually formed into large rolls, _quimilli_ was the name applied to twenty; and in counting persons, lines, walls, and other things ranged in order, the term _tecpantli_ was sometimes employed. In reckoning birds, eggs, fruits, seeds, and round or plump objects, generally _tetl_, 'a stone,' was affixed to each one of the numerals in the table; _pantli_ was in the same way added for objects arranged in regular order, and also for surface measurements; _tlamantli_ likewise was joined to the numerals for articles sold in pairs or sets, as shoes, dishes, etc.; while ears of corn, cacao in bunches, and other bulky articles required the termination _olotl_. Among all the Nahua nations, so far as known, the arithmetical system was practically the same, and was essentially decimal. Nearly all gave great prominence to the number twenty; the Huastec language had simple names for the numbers from one to ten, twenty, and one thousand; the Otomí approached still nearer our modern system by making one hundred also one of its fundamental numbers with an uncompounded name as well as a compounded one.[616] Astrology, soothsaying, the interpretation of dreams, and of auguries such as the flight or song of birds, the sudden meeting of wild animals, or the occurrence of other unlooked-for events, were regarded by the Nahuas as of the greatest importance, and the practice of such arts was entrusted to the _tonalpouhqui_, 'those who count by the sun,' a class of men held in high esteem, to whom was attributed a perfect knowledge of future events. We have seen that no undertaking, public or private, of any importance, could be engaged in except under a suitable and propitious sign, and to determine this sign the tonalpouhqui was appealed to. The science of astrology was written down in books kept with great secrecy and mystery, altogether unintelligible to the common crowd, whose good or bad fortune was therein supposed to be painted. The details of the methods employed in the mysterious rites of divination are nowhere recorded, and the continual mention of the seer's services throughout the chapters of this and the following volume render this paragraph on the subject sufficient here. [Sidenote: AUTHORITIES ON NAHUA ARTS.] In addition to the miscellaneous arts described in the preceding pages, separate chapters will be devoted to the Nahua calendar, hieroglyphics, architecture, and medicine.[617] FOOTNOTES: [584] 'Tambien las minas de plata y oro, cobre, plomo, oropel natural, estaño y otros metales, que todos los sacaron, labraron, y dejaron señales y memoria.' _Sahagun_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. iii., lib. x., pp. 110-11. To obtain gold 'se metian al fondo del agua y sacaban las manos llenas de arena, para buscar luego en ella los granos, los que se guardaban en la boca.' _Diaz_, _Itinerario_, in _Icazbalceta_, _Col. de Doc._, tom. i., p. 299. In Michoacan 'trabajaban minas de cobre.' _Beaumont_, _Crón. Mechoacan_, MS., p. 48. 'The traces of their labors furnished the best indications for the early Spanish miners.' _Prescott's Mex._, vol. i., pp. 138-9; _Carbajal Espinosa_, _Hist. Mex._, tom. i., pp. 99-100; _Acosta_, _Hist. de las Ynd._, p. 198 et seq. [585] 'Whether a man desire the rude mettall, or to haue it molten, or beaten out, and cunningly made into any kinde of Iewell, hee shall find them ready wrought.' _Peter Martyr_, dec. v., lib. iv. Gomara and Gama state that they mixed gold and silver, as well as tin, with copper, for the manufacture of gimlets, axes, and chisels. _Conq. Mex._, fol. 318; _Dos Piedras_, pt ii., p. 26. Clavigero states that in Zacatollan two kinds of copper were found, hard and soft, so that there was no need of any hardening process. _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. iv., pp. 210-11. [586] 'Porras claveteadas de hierro, cobre y oro.' _Ixtlilxochitl_, _Relaciones_, in _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. ix., p. 332. 'Nous avons eu entre les mains de beaux outils de cuivre rosette.' _Viollet-le-Duc_, in _Charnay_, _Ruines Amér._, pp. 86-7. 'Hazen muchas cosas, como los mejores caldereros del mundo.' _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. iii., lib. iii., cap. ix. Some had plates and other vessels of tin. _Oviedo_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. iii., p. 465. 'Contuttociò si sa, che lavoravano bene il rame, e che piacquero assai agli Spagnuoli lo loro scuri, e le loro picche.' _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., p. 196. Peter Martyr speaks of large copper stands or candlesticks which supported pine torches to light the courts of the better houses. Dec. v., tom. x. 'Il existait de si grands vases d'argent qu'un homme pouvait à peine les entourer de ses bras.' _Baril_, _Mexique_, p. 209; _Brownell's Ind. Races_, p. 94; _Edinburgh Review_, July 1867. [587] 'Todo variadizo, que en nuestra España los grandes Plateros tienen que mirar en ello.' _Bernal Diaz_, _Hist. Conq._, fol. 69. 'Los Plateros de Madrid, viendo algunas Piezas, Brazaletes de oro, con que se armaban en guerra los Reyes, y Capitanes Indianos, confessaron que eran inimitables en Europa.' _Boturini_, _Idea_, p. 78. 'Non sarebbero verisimili le maraviglie di cotal arte, se oltre alla testimonianza di quanti le videro, non fossero state mandate in Europa in gran copia sì fatte rarità.' 'Finalmente erano tali sì fatte opere, che anche que' Soldati spagnuoli, che si sentivano travagliati dalla sacra fame dell'oro, pregiavano in esse più l'arte, che la materia.' _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., pp. 195-6. [588] _Cortés_, _Cartas_, pp. 109, 100-1. In the collection of Nezahualcoyotzin 'no faltava alli ave, pez ni animal de toda esta tierra, que no estuvìese vivo, ó hecho figura y talle, en piedras de oro y pedrería.' _Ixtlilxochitl_, _Hist. Chich._, in _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. ix., p. 244. 'There is no fourefooted beast, no foule, no fyshe, which their Artificers have once seene, but they are able to drawe, and cutte in mettall the likenesse and proportion thereof, euen to the lyfe.' _Peter Martyr_, dec. v., lib. x., iv. Eight gold shrimps of much perfection. _Oviedo_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. iii., p. 285; _Pimentel_, _Mem. sobre la Raza Indígena_, p. 56. [589] 'Sacan un ave, como un papagayo que se le anda la lengua como si vivo la menease y tambien la cabeza y las alas. Un rostro de aguila lo mismo, una rana, y un pescado, señalada muchas escamas una de plata y otra de oro, todo de vaciado, que espanta à todos nuestros oficiales.' _Las Casas_, _Hist. Apologética_, MS., cap. lxiii. 'Funden vna mona, que juegue pies y cabeça, y tenga en las manos vn huso, que parezca que hila, o vna mançana, que come. Esto tuuieron a mucho nuestros Españoles, y los plateros de aca no alcançan el primor.' _Gomara_, _Conq. Mex._, fol. 117. 'Y lo que mas es, que sacaban de la fundicion vna pieça, la mitad de Oro, y la mitad de Plata.' _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., p. 487; _Vetancvrt_, _Teatro Mex._, pt ii., p. 59; _Mendieta_, _Hist. Ecles._, pp. 403-7. 'Sacauan al mercado los oficiales deste arte, platos, ochauados de vn quarto de oro, y otro de plata, no soldados, sino fundidos, y en la fundicion pegado, cosa dificultosa de entender. Sacauan vna caldereta de plata, con excelentes labores, y su assa de vna fundicion, y lo que era de marauillar que la asa estaua suelta.' _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. ii., lib. vii., cap. xv. [590] 'Acaeciales á los principios estar un indio envuelto en una manta que no se le parecian si no los ojos, como ellos se ponen no muy cerca de una tienda de algun platero de los nuestros disimuladamente, como no pretendia mirar nada y el platero estar labrando de oro y de plata alguna joya ó pieza de mucho artificio y muy delicada, y de solo verle hacer alguna parte della irse á su casa y hacello tanto y mas perfecto y traello desde á poco en la mano para lo vender.' _Las Casas_, _Hist. Apologética_, MS., cap. lxiii. Zuazo, however, pronounces some of the native work inferior to the European. 'Yo vi algunas piezas y no me parecieron tan primamente labradas como las nuestras.' _Carta_, in _Icazbalceta_, _Col. de Doc._, tom. i., p. 362. [591] _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. iv., p. 211; _Oviedo_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. i., p. 520. [592] 'Vna rueda de hechura de Sol, tan grande como de vna carreta, con muchas labores, todo de oro muy fino, gran obra de mirar; ... otra mayor rueda de plata, figurada la Luna, con muchos resplandores, y otras figuras en ella.' _Bernal Diaz_, _Hist. Conq._, fol. 26-7. 'Espejos hechos de Margajita, que es vn metal hermosissimo, como plata muy resplandeciente y estos grandes como vn puño redondos como vna bola, engastados en oro.' _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. ii., lib. v., cap. v. 'Doze zebratanas de fusta y plata, con que solia el tirar. Las unas pintadas y matizadas de aves, animales, rosas, flores, yarboles.... Las otras eran variadas, y sinzeladas con mas primor y sotileza que la pintura.' _Gomara_, _Conq. Mex._, fol. 135-6, 42; _Oviedo_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. iii., p. 259; _Las Casas_, _Hist. Apologética_, MS., cap. cxxxii. [593] 'Vnas fundidas, otras labradas de Piedra.' _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., p. 557; _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. ii., lib. vii., cap. xv. 'Y lo que mas las hace admirables, es que las obran y labran con solo fuego y con una piedra ó pedernal.' _Las Casas_, _Hist. Apologética_, MS., cap. lxiii. Hammered work inferior to that of European artisans. _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., p. 196. 'Los oficiales que labran oro son de dos maneras, unos de ellos se llaman martilladores ó amajadores, porque estos labran oro de martillo majándolo con piedras ó con martillos, para hacerlo delgado como papel: otros se llaman _tlatlaliani_, que quiere decir, que asientan el oro ó alguna cosa en él, ó en la plata, estos son verdaderos oficiales ó por otro nombre se llaman _tulteca_; pero están divididos en dos partes, porque labran el oro cada uno de su manera.' _Sahagun_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. ii., lib. ix., p. 387, et seq. For pictures of furnaces and of some manufactured articles from the hieroglyphic MSS., see _Ewbank_, in _Schoolcraft's Arch._, vol. iv., p. 448, et seq. 'They cast, also, vessels of gold and silver, carving them with their metallic chisels in a very delicate manner.' _Prescott's Mex._, vol. i., pp. 139-40. [594] 'Siéntanse en el suelo y toman un pedazo de aquella piedra negra.... Aquel pedazo que toman es de un palmo ó poco mas largo, y de grueso como la pierna ó poco menos, y rollizo. Tienen un palo del grueso de una lanza y largo como tres codos ó poco mas, y al principio de este palo ponen pegado y bien atado un trozo de palo de un palmo, grueso como el molledo del brazo, y algo mas, y este tiene su frente llana y tajada, y sirve este trozo para que pese mas aquella parte. Juntan ambos piés descalzos, y con ellos aprietan la piedra con el pecho, y con ambas las manos toman el palo que dije era como vara de lanza (que tambien es llano y tajado) y pónenlo á besar con el canto de la frente de la piedra (que tambien es llana y tajada), y entonces aprietan hácia el pecho, y luego salta de la piedra una navaja con su punta y sus filos de ambas partes.' _Mendieta_, _Hist. Ecles._, p. 406; repeated in nearly the same words in _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., pp. 489-90; _Las Casas_, _Hist. Apologética_, MS., cap. lxii., lxvi; _Vetancvrt_, _Teatro Mex._, pt ii., p. 60. [595] _Tylor's Researches_, p. 194. 'Tienen lancetas de azabache negro, y vnas nauajas de axeme, hechas como puñal, mas gordas en medio que á los filos, con que se jassan y sangran de la lengua, braços, y piernas.' _Gomara_, _Conq. Mex._, fol. 324-5; _Acosta_, _Hist. de las Ynd._, p. 491. [596] _Lenoir_, _Parallèle_, pp. 64-5. 'In the beginning of this so rare inuention, I gotte one of them, which Christophorus Colonus, Admirall of the Sea gaue mee. This stone was of a greene darkishe colour, fastened in most firme and harde woode, which was the handle or helue thereof. I stroke with all my force vpon Iron barres and dented the Iron with my strokes without spoyling or hurting of the stone in any part thereof. With these stones therefore they make their instruments, for hewing of stone, or cutting of timber, or any workemanship in gold or siluer.' _Peter Martyr_, dec. v., lib. iv. [597] _Monarq. Ind._, tom. i., p. 231. [598] _Las Casas_, _Hist. Apologética_, MS., cap. lxii. See note 9 of this chapter. [599] 'Sculptured images were so numerous, that the foundations of the cathedral in the _plaza mayor_, the great square of Mexico, are said to be entirely composed of them.' _Prescott's Mex._, vol. i., pp. 140-1. Two statues in likeness of Montezuma and his brother cut in the cliff at Chapultepec. _Duran_, _Hist. Indias_, MS., tom. i., cap. iii. The idols destroyed by Cortés 'eran de manera de dragones espantables, tan grandes como becerros, y otras figuras de manera de medio hombre, y de perros grandes, y de malas semejanças.' _Bernal Diaz_, _Hist. Conq._, fol. 35. 'Sapevano esprimere nelle loro statue tutti gli atteggiamenti, e positure, di cui è capace il corpo, osservavano esattamente le proporzioni, e facevano, dove si richiedeva, i più minuti, e dilicati intaglj.' _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., p. 195. 'Habia entre ellos grandes escultores de cantería, que labraban cuanto querian en piedra, con guijarros ó pedernales, tan prima y curiosamente como en nuestra Castilla los muy buenos oficiales con escodas y picos de acero.' _Mendieta_, _Hist. Ecles._, p. 403; _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., pp. 486-8. Portrait-statues of the Tezcucan kings. _Ixtlilxochitl_, _Hist. Chich._, in _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. ix., p. 264; _Id._, _Relaciones_, p. 440. Statues of Montezuma and brother. _Bustamante_, in _Cavo_, _Tres Siglos_, tom. iii., p. 49. [600] 'Gli smeraldi erano tanto comuni, che non v'era Signore, che non ne avesse.' _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., pp. 206-7. 'Esmaltan assi mesmo, engastan y labran esmeraldas, turquesas, y otras piedras, y agujeran perlas pero no tambien como por aca.' _Gomara_, _Conq. Mex._, fol. 117. 'Ambar, cristal, y las piedras llamadas _amatista_ perlas, y todo género de ellas, y demas que traían por joyas que ahora se usan.' _Sahagun_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. iii., lib. x., pp. 109-11, 117-18. 'Un encalado muy pulido, que era de ver, y piedras de que estaban hechas, tambien labradas y pegadas, que parecia ser cosa de musaico.' _Id._, p. 107. Shields adorned with 'perlas menudas como aljofar, y no se puede dezir su artificio, lindeza, y hermosura.' Sandals having 'por suelas vna piedra blanca y azul, cosa preciosa y muy delgada.' _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. ii., lib. v., cap. v. Guariques of blue stones set in gold; a stone face surrounded with gold; a string of stone beads. 'Dos mascaras de piedras menudas, como turquesas, sentadas sobre madera de otra musáyca.' _Oviedo_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. i., pp. 526-8, tom. iii., pp. 285, 305. Idol covered with mosaic work of mother of pearl, turquoises, emeralds, and chalcedonies. _Las Casas_, _Hist. Apologética_, MS., cap. cxxxii. 'Excellent glasses may bee made thereof by smoothing and polishing them, so that we all confessed that none of ours did better shewe the naturall and liuely face of a manne.' _Peter Martyr_, dec. v., lib. x. 'Ils avaient des masques garnis de pierres précieuses, représentant des lions, des tigres, des ours, etc.' _Camargo_, _Hist. Tlax._, in _Nouvelles Annales des Voy._, 1843, tom. xcviii., p. 133. Emerald altar to the Miztec god. _Burgoa_, _Geog. Descrip._, tom. i., pt ii., fol. 156. 'Y lo de las piedras, que no basta juicio á comprehender con qué instrumentos se hiciese tan perfecto.' _Cortés_, _Cartas_, p. 109. [601] Huitzilopochtli's idol 'era vna estatua de madera entretallada en semejança de vn hombre sentado en vn escaño azul.' _Acosta_, _Hist. de las Ynd._, p. 324. Large chests 'hechas de madera con sus tapaderas que se abren y cierran con unos colgadizos.' _Zuazo_, _Carta_, in _Icazbalceta_, _Col. de Doc._, tom. i., pp. 361-2. 'I Falegnami lavoravano bene parecchie spezie di legni co'loro strumenti di rame, d' quali se ne vedono alcuni anche oggidì.' _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., pp. 207, 194-5. 'Los carpinteros y entalladores labraban la madera con instrumentos de cobre, pero no se daban á labrar cosas curiosas como los canteros.' _Mendieta_, _Hist. Ecles._, p. 403. 'Labravan lazos, y animales tan curiosos que causaron admiracion à los primeros Españoles.' _Vetancvrt_, _Teatro Mex._, pt ii., p. 59. 'With their Copper Hatchets, and Axes, cunnyngly tempered, they fell those trees, and hewe them smooth, taking away the chyppes, that they may more easily be drawne. They haue also certayne hearbes, with the which, in steed of broome, and hempe, they make ropes, cordes, and cables: and boaring a hole in one of the edges of the beame, they fasten the rope, then sette their slaues vnto it, like yoakes of oxen, and lastly insteede of wheels, putting round blocks vnder the timber, whether it be to be drawn steepe vp, or directly downe the hill, the matter is performed by the neckes of the slaues, the carpenters onely directing the carriage.' _Peter Martyr_, dec. v., lib. x. 'Hazen caxas, escritorios, mesas, escriuanias, y otras cosas de mucho primor.' _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. iii., lib. iii., cap. ix. 'They made cups and vases of a lackered or painted wood, impervious to wet and gaudily colored.' _Prescott's Mex._, vol. i., p. 143. [602] Molina, _Diccionario_, says, however that, the tecomatl was an earthen vase. See also p. 458 of this volume. [603] 'Siete sartas de quentas menudas de barro, redondas y doradas muy bien.' _Oviedo_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. i., pp. 526, 533. 'I Pentolai facevano d'argilla non solo gli stoviglj necessarj per l'uso delle case, ma eziandío altri lavori di mera curiosità.' _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., p. 207, tom. iv., pp. 211-2. 'La loza tan hermosa, y delicada como la de Faenza en Italia.' _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. ii., lib. vii., cap. ii., vii. 'Los incensarios con que incensaban eran de barro, à manera de cuchara, cuio remate era hueco, y dentro tenían metidas pelotillas del mismo barro, que sonaban como cascaveles, à los golpes del Incienso, como suenan las cadenas de nuestros incensarios.' _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., p. 264. The jicara was of gold, silver, gourd-shells, or fish-shells. 'Aunque estèn cien Años en el Agua, nunca la pintura se les borra.' _Id._, p. 488. 'Para coger la sangre tienen escudillas de calabaça.' _Gomara_, _Conq. Mex._, fol. 324-5. 'Many sorts also of earthen vessels are sold there, as water pots, greate iuggs, chargers, gobblets, dishes, colenders, basens, frying pans, porringers, pitchers.' _Peter Martyr_, dec. v., lib. iv. 'Vasos que llaman xicalli, y tecomatl, que son de vnos arboles, que se dan en tierras calientes.' 'À estas les dan vn barniz con flores, y animales de diversos colores, hermoseadas, que no se quita, ni se despinta aunque estè en el agua muchos días.' _Vetancvrt_, _Teatro Mex._, pt ii., p. 60. [604] 'Non aveano lana, nè seta comune, nè lino, nè canapa; ma supplivano alla lana col cotone, alla seta colla piuma, e col pelo del coniglio, e della lepre, ed al lino, ed alla canapa coll' _Icxotl_, o palma montana, col _Quetzalichtli_, col Pati, e con altre spezie di Maguei.' _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., pp. 207-8, 210. 'En todo el mundo no se podia hacer ni tejer otra tal, ni de tantas ni tan diversas y naturales colores ni labores.' _Cortés_, _Cartas_, p. 101. 'Una Vestidura del Gran Sacerdote _Achcauhquitlinamacàni_ se embiò à Roma en tiempo de la Conquista, que dexò pasmada aquella Corte.' _Boturini_, _Idea_, p. 77. The Olmecs used the hair of dogs and other animals. _Veytia_, _Hist. Ant. Mej._, tom. i., pp. 154, 252-3. 'Incredible matters of Cotton, housholde-stuffe, tapestry or arras hangings, garments, and couerlets.' _Peter Martyr_, dec. v., lib. iii. Humboldt states that silk made by a species of indigenous worms was an article of commerce among the Miztecs, in the time of Montezuma. _Essai Pol._, tom. ii., p. 454. 'Hilan teniendo el copo en vna mano, y el huso en otra. Tuercen al reues que aca, estando el huso en vna escudilla. No tiene hueca el huso, mas hilan a prissa y no mal.' _Gomara_, _Conq. Mex._, fol. 318. [605] _Humboldt_, _Essai Pol._, tom. ii., pp. 454-5. Maguey-paper 'resembling somewhat the Egyptian papyrus.' _Prescott's Mex._, vol. i., pp. 99-100. Some paper of palm-leaf, as thin and soft as silk. _Boturini_, _Catálogo_, in _Id._, _Idea_, pp. 95-6. Native paper called _cauhamatl_. _Tezozomoc_, _Crónica Mex._, in _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, tom. ix., p. 65. They made paper of a certain species of aloe, steeped together like hemp, and afterwards washed, stretched, and smoothed; also of the palm _icxotl_, and thin barks united and prepared with a certain gum. _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., p. 189, tom. iv., p. 239. Torquemada speaks of a sheet 20 fathoms long, one wide, and as thick as the finger. _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., p. 263. [606] 'Habia oficiales de curtir cueros y muchos de adovarlos maravillosamente.' _Las Casas_, _Hist. Apologética_, MS., cap. lxii. 'Cueros de Venado, Tigres, y leones ... con pelo, y sin pelo, de todos colores.' _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., p. 488. 'Tan suaves que de ellos se vestian, y sacaban correas.' _Vetancvrt_, _Teatro Mex._, pt ii., p. 60; _Sahagun_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. iii., lib. x., p. 118. Cortés found the skins of some of his horses slain in battle 'tan bien adobados como en todo el mundo lo pudieran hacer.' _Cartas_, p. 183. Red skins resembling parchment. _Oviedo_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. i., p. 526. 'No se puede bien dezir su hermosura, y hechura.' _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. ii., lib. v., cap. v. 'Los tarascos curtian perfectamente las pieles de los animales.' _Payno_, in _Soc. Mex. Geog., Boletin_, 2da época, tom. i., p. 721. 'Des tapis de cuir maroquinés avec la dernière perfection.' _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. i., p. 271. [607] _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., pp. 189-90; _Carbajal Espinosa_, _Hist. Mex._, tom. i., pp. 652-3. Method of raising cochineal. _Id._, pp. 625-6. 'En parcourant le palais de Montézuma les Castillans furent très-étonnés d'y voir des sacs de punaises dont on se servait à teindre et même à badigeonner les murs.' _Rosny_, in _Comité d'Arch. Amér._, 1866-7, pp. 15-16. See p. 235 of this volume. They possessed the art of dyeing a fabric without impairing its strength, an art unknown to Europeans of the 18th century. _Carli_, _Cartas_, pt ii., pp. 95-7. [608] 'Y pintores ha habido entre ellos tan señalados, que sobre muchos de los señalados donde quiera que se hallasen se podian señalar.' _Las Casas_, _Hist. Apologética_, MS., cap. lxii. The same author speaks of their skill in reducing or enlarging drawings. 'Havia Pintores buenos, que retrataban al natural, en especial Aves, Animales, Arboles, Flores, y Verduras, y otras semejantes, que vsaban pintar, en los aposentos de los Reies, y Señores; pero formas humanas, asi como rostros, y cuerpos de Hombres, y Mugeres, no los pintaban al natural.' _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., p. 487, tom. i., p. 388; _Mendieta_, _Hist. Ecles._, p. 404. 'Dans leur grotesque et leur raccourci, on trouve encore cependant une délicatesse de pinceau, fort remarquable, une pureté et une finesse dans les esquisses, qu'on ne saurait s'empêcher d'admirer; on voit, d'ailleurs, un grand nombre de portraits de rois et de princes, qui sont évidemment faits d'après nature.' _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. iii., pp. 653-4. 'Wee sawe a Mappe of those countreyes 30. foote long, and little lesse in breadth, made of white cotton, wouen: wherein the whole playne was at large described.' _Peter Martyr_, dec. v., lib. x., iii., v. [609] 'La Natura ad essi somministrava quanti colori fa adoperar l'Arte, e alcuni ancora, que essa non è capace d'imitare.' The specimens made after the conquest were very inferior. _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., pp. 197-9. 'Hazense las mejores ymagines de pluma en la prouincia de Mechoacan en el pueblo de Pascaro.' _Acosta_, _Hist. de las Ynd._, p. 285. 'Vi ciertos follajes, pájaros, mariposas, abejones sobre unas varas temblantes, negras é tan delgadas, que apenas se veian, é de tal manera que realmente se hacian vivas á los que las miraban un poquito de lejos: todo lo demas que estaba cerca de las dichas mariposas, pájaros é abejones correspondia naturalmente á boscajes de yerbas, ramos é flores de diversas colores é formas.' _Zuazo_, _Carta_, in _Icazbalceta_, _Col. de Doc._, tom. i., p. 360. 'Figuras, y imagenes de Principes, y de sus idolos, tan vistosas, y tan acertadas, que hazian ventaja a las pinturas Castellanas.' _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. ii., lib. vii., cap. xv. 'Muchas cosas de Pluma, como Aves, Animales, Hombres, y otras cosas mui delicadas, Capas, y Mantas para cubrirse, y vestiduras para los Sacerdotes de sus Templos, Coronas, Mitras, Rodelas, y Mosqueadores.' _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., pp. 488-9; _Vetancvrt_, _Teatro Mex._, pt ii., p. 59; _Mendieta_, _Hist. Ecles._, pp. 405-6; _Las Casas_, _Hist. Apologética_, MS., cap. lxii. 'Acontece les no comer en todo vn dia, poniendo, quitando y assentando la pluma, y mirando à una parte, y à otra, al sol, a la sombra,' etc. _Gomara_, _Conq. Mex._, fol. 116-17. Mention of the birds which furnished bright-colored feathers. _Bernal Diaz_, _Hist. Conq._, fol. 68-9. 'Ils en faisaient des rondaches et d'autres insignes, compris sous le nom d' "Apanecayotl," dont rien n'approchait pour la richesse et le fini.' _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. i., p. 285; _Sahagun_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. iii., lib. x., p. 109. Mention of some specimens preserved in Europe. _Klemm_, _Cultur-Geschichte_, tom. v., p. 30. [610] _Sahagun_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. ii., lib. ix., pp. 392-6. [611] _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., p. 489; _Vetancvrt_, _Teatro Mex._, pt ii., p. 59; _Mendieta_, _Hist. Ecles._, p. 405; _Las Casas_, _Hist. Apologética_, MS., cap. l. [612] _Veytia_, _Hist. Ant. Mej._, tom. iii., pp. 201-3; _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. i., p. 147; _Ixtlilxochitl_, _Hist. Chich._, in _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, tom. ix., p. 244. [613] 'Avvegnachè i lor più celebri Aringatori non sieno da paragonarsi cogli Oratori delle Nazioni culte dell'Europa, non può peraltro negarsi, che i loro ragionamenti non fossero gravi, sodi, ed eleganti, come si scorge dagli avanzi che ci restano della loro eloquenza.' _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., pp. 174-5. 'Les raisonnements y sont graves, les arguments solides, et pleins d'élégance.' _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. iii, p. 672; _Prescott's Mex._, vol. i., pp. 172-3. Montezuma's speech to Cortés, in _Oviedo_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. iii., pp. 285-6. 'The Spaniards have given us many fine polished Indian orations, but they were certainly fabricated at Madrid.' _Adair_, _Amer. Ind._, p. 202. [614] Four poems or fragments are given in Spanish, in _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. viii., pp. 110-15. No. 1 has for its subject the tyrant Tezozomoc; No. 2 is an ode on the mutability of life; No. 3 is an ode recited at a feast, comparing the great kings of Anáhuac to precious stones; No. 4 was composed for the dedication of the author's palace and treats of the unsatisfactory nature of earthly honors. Nos. 2 and 3 are also found in _Doc. Hist. Mex._, serie iii., tom. iv., pp. 286-93. No. 2 is given in _Prescott's Mex._, vol. iii., pp. 425-30, in Spanish and English verse. A French translation of No. 1 is given by Brasseur de Bourbourg, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. iii., pp. 672-4, who also gives an additional specimen from Carochi's grammar, in Aztec and Spanish. Nos. 1, 2, and 4 in French, in _Bussierre_, _L'Empire Mex._, pp. 411-17. No. 4 is to be found in _Granados y Galvez_, _Tardes Amer._, pp. 90-4. Nos. 1 and 4, in German, in _Müller_, _Reisen_, tom. iii., pp. 138-41, where are also two additional odes. No. 2 is also given in German by Klemm, _Cultur-Geschichte_, tom. v., pp. 146-51. [615] _Boturini_, _Idea_, pp. 90-7. The language of their poetry was brilliant, pure, and agreeable, figurative, and embellished with frequent comparisons to the most pleasing objects in nature. _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., pp. 174-6. Nezahualcoyotl left sixty hymns composed in honor of the Creator of Heaven. _Id._, tom. i., pp. 232, 245-7; _Pimentel_, _Mem. sobre la Raza Indígena_, pp. 57-9; _Prescott's Mex._, vol. i., pp. 108, 171-5; _Carbajal Espinosa_, _Hist. Mex._, tom. i., pp. 639-40. 'Cantauan lamentaciones, y endechas. Tenian pronosticos, especialmente que se auia de acabar el mundo, y los cantauan lastimosamente: y tambien tenian memoria de sus grandezas, en cantares y pinturas.' _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. ii., lib. vi., cap. xvi.; _Ixtlilxochitl_, _Hist. Chich._, in _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. ix., p. 275. [616] _Molina_, _Vocabulario_; _Leon y Gama_, _Dos Piedras_, pt ii., pp. 128-47; _Soc. Mex. Geog., Boletin_, 2da época, tom. iv., Sept., 1872; _Gallatin_, in _Amer. Ethno. Soc., Transact._, vol. i., pp. 49-57; _Pimentel_, _Mem. sobre la Raza Indígena_, pp. 45-7; _Prescott's Mex._, vol. i., pp. 109-10. [617] My authorities for the matter in this chapter are: _Sahagun_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. ii., lib. ix., pp. 282-337, 387-96, tom. iii., lib. x., pp. 107-12, 117-18, 122, 131, 137; _Las Casas_, _Hist. Apologética_, MS., cap. l., lxii-lxiii., lxv., cxxi., cxxxii., clxxii., ccxi.; _Mendieta_, _Hist. Ecles._, pp. 403-7; _Cortés_, _Cartas_, pp. 29-34, 94, 100-1, 109, 183, 192; _Acosta_, _Hist. de las Ynd._, pp. 198, 285, 324; _Vetancvrt_, _Teatro Mex._, pt ii., pp. 59-60; _Beaumont_, _Crón. Mechoacan_, MS., pp. 48-50; _Boturini_, _Idea_, pp. 77-8, 90-7; _Peter Martyr_, dec. iv., lib. iv., dec. v., tom. i.-v., x., dec. viii., lib. iv.; _Gomara_, _Conq. Mex._, fol. 39, 42, 60-2, 75, 116-18, 135-6, 318, 324-5, 342-3; _Duran_, _Hist. Indias_, MS., tom. i., cap. iii.; _Leon y Gama_, _Dos Piedras_, pt ii., pp. 26, 128-47; _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. i., pp. 232, 245-7, tom. ii., pp. 174-8, 189-99, 205-10, 224-8, tom. iv., pp. 210-11, 232, 239; _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. i., pp. 37, 72, 146-7, 168, 228-31, tom. ii., pp. 263, 486-90, 557-8; _Ixtlilxochitl_, _Hist. Chich._, in _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. ix., pp. 243-4, 264; _Id._, _Relaciones_, pp. 327, 332, 440-1, 455; _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. ii., lib. v., cap. iv., v., lib. vi., cap. xi., xvi., lib. vii., cap. ii., vii., ix., xv., dec. iii., lib. iii., cap. ix.; _Camargo_, _Hist. Tlax._, in _Nouvelles Annales des Voy._, 1843, tom. xcviii., p. 133; _Tezozomoc_, _Crónica Mex._, in _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. ix., pp. 17, 41, 46, 49, 64, 171; _Oviedo_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. i., pp. 520-1, 526-8, 533, tom. iii., pp. 259, 272, 285-92, 298-300, 305, 464-5, 499; _Burgoa_, _Geog. Descrip._, tom. i., pt ii., fol. 156, 160-1; _Bernal Diaz_, _Hist. Conq._, fol. 26-7, 68-9; _Veytia_, _Hist. Ant. Mej._, tom. i., pp. 154, 238, 252-3, tom. iii., pp. 201-3, 319; _Zuazo_, _Carta_, in _Icazbalceta_, _Col. de Doc._, tom. i., pp. 360-2; _Diaz_, _Itinerario_, in _Id._, p. 299; _Relacion de Algunas Cosas_, in _Id._, pp. 378-9; _Motolinia_, _Hist. Indios_, in _Id._, pp. 204, 211; _Hernandez_, _Nova Plant._, p. 339; _Granados y Galvez_, _Tardes Amer._, pp. 90-4; _Prescott's Mex._, vol. i., pp. 99-100, 108-10, 138-45, 170-5, vol. iii., pp. 425-30; _Ewbank_, in _Schoolcraft's Arch._, vol. iv., pp. 44-56; _Müller_, _Reisen_, tom. iii., pp. 125-8, 134; _Carbajal Espinosa_, _Hist. Mex._, tom. i., pp. 62, 99-102, 378, 431-2, 498, 588-9, 638-40, 652-3, 657-60, 666-7, 682-3, tom. ii., pp. 60, 69-70, 74, 103-4, 198, 230-1; _Soc. Mex. Geog., Boletin_, 2da época, tom. i., p. 721, tom. iv., Sept. 1872; _Rosny_, in _Comité d'Arch. Amér._, 1866-7, pp. 15-16; _Gallatin_, in _Amer. Ethno. Soc., Transact._, vol. i., pp. 49-57; _Tylor's Researches_, pp. 165, 194, 201, 267; _Id._, _Anahuac_, pp. 95-101, 107-9; _Humboldt_, _Essai Pol._, tom. ii., pp. 454, 485; _Carli_, _Cartas_, pt ii., pp. 94-7; _Lenoir_, _Parallèle_, pp. 48, 56, 62, 64-5; _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. i., pp. 130, 271-2, 285-6, 288, tom. iii., pp. 648-54, 672-4; _Id._, in _Nouvelles Annales des Voy._, 1858, tom. clix., pp. 77-85; _Pimentel_, _Mem. sobre la Raza Indígena_, pp. 44-7, 54-9; _Cavo_, _Tres Siglos_, tom. iii., p. 49; _Viollet-le-Duc_, in _Charnay_, _Ruines Amér._, pp. 86-7; _Brownell's Ind. Races_, p. 94; _Edinburgh Review_, July, 1867; _Klemm_, _Cultur-Geschichte_, tom. v., pp. 13-20, 24, 26-32, 144-51, 162-3, 181; _Baril_, _Mexique_, pp. 209-10; _Bussierre_, _L'Empire Mex._, pp. 168-72, 244, 270, 411-17; _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, tom. viii., pp. 110-15; _West-Indische Spieghel_, pp. 218, 220, 225-6, 238-9, 246, 250-1, 343; _Chevalier_, _Mex., Ancien et Mod._, pp. 19, 28, 36-7; _Mill's Hist. Mex._, p. 150; _Heredia y Sarmiento_, _Sermon_, pp. 73, 83; _Gage's New Survey_, pp. 110-11; _Lafond_, _Voyages_, tom. i., pp. 161-2; _Touron_, _Hist. Gén._, tom. iii., pp. 142, 146; _Fransham's World in Miniature_, vol. ii., p. 9; _Montanus_, _Nieuwe Weereld_, pp. 221-2; _Dapper_, _Neue Welt_, pp. 248-50; _Malte-Brun_, _Précis de la Géog._, tom. vi., pp. 435, 456; _Dupaix_, _Rel., 2de Expéd._, pp. 25, 28; _Soden_, _Spanier in Peru_, tom. ii., pp. 27-9; _Wappäus_, _Geog. u. Stat._, p. 47; _Monglave_, _Résumé_, pp. 43, 52, 57; _Delaporte_, _Reisen_, tom. x., p. 268; _Gordon_, _Hist. and Geog. Mem._, p. 76; _Helps' Span. Conq._, vol. ii., pp. 268-9, 450; _Alzate y Ramirez_, _Mem. sobre Grana._, MS. CHAPTER XVI. THE AZTEC CALENDAR. ASTRONOMICAL KNOWLEDGE OF THE AZTECS--CONTRADICTIONS OF AUTHORS RESPECTING THE CALENDAR--VALUE OF THE RESEARCHES OF VARIOUS WRITERS--THE FIRST REGULAR CALENDAR--THE MEXICAN CYCLE--THE CIVIL YEAR--THE AZTEC MONTHS--NAMES OF THE DAYS AND THEIR SIGNIFICATION--THE COMMENCEMENT OF THE AZTEC YEAR--THE RITUAL CALENDAR--GAMA'S ARRANGEMENT OF THE MONTHS--THE CALENDAR-STONE--THE FOUR DESTRUCTIONS OF THE WORLD--THE CALENDAR OF MICHOACAN--RECKONING OF THE ZAPOTECS. Perhaps the strongest proof of the advanced civilization of the Nahuas was their method of computing time, which, for ingenuity and correctness, equaled, if it did not surpass, the systems adopted by contemporaneous European and Asiatic nations. The Nahuas were well acquainted with the movements of the sun and moon, and even of some of the planets, while celestial phenomena, such as eclipses, although attributed to unnatural causes, were nevertheless carefully observed and recorded. They had, moreover, an accurate system of dividing the day into fixed periods, corresponding somewhat to our hours; indeed, as the learned Sr Leon y Gama has shown, the Aztec calendar-stone which was found in the plaza of the city of Mexico, was used not only as a durable register, but also as a sun-dial. [Sidenote: THE AZTEC CALENDAR.] Although the system of the Aztec calendar as a whole is clear and easily understood, yet it is extremely difficult to describe with certainty many of its details, owing to the contradictory statements of nearly all the earlier writers, who visited Mexico and there in different localities picked up scraps of what they afterwards described as being the 'calendar of the Mexicans,' not taking into consideration that the many and distinct kingdoms surrounding the Aztec territory, although using essentially the same system, differed on many important points, such as the names of years, months, days, the season of beginning the year, etc. This difficulty increases when we attempt to make Mexican dates agree with our own. Even Boturini, who gathered his information in Mexico, makes many mistakes; and Veytia, although we must accord him the credit of having thoroughly studied the subject, and of having reduced it to a clear system, is at fault in many points. Of the older writers, such as Sahagun, Las Casas, Duran, Motolinia, and others, no one is explicit enough on all points to enable us to follow him; and such details as they unite in giving are mostly contradictory. Torquemada, who draws a great portion of his material from Motolinia, contradicts himself too frequently to be reliable. Leon y Gama, although he spent much labor in trying to clearly expound the system, has also fallen into some errors, attributable, perhaps, to his not having the valuable aid of Sahagun's writings, and to his having placed too much trust in the writings of Torquemada and the manuscript of the Indian Cristóbal del Castillo, as is shown in the review of Gama's work by Sr José Antonio Alzate in the _Gacetas de Literatura_. Baron von Humboldt's description, valuable as it is on account of the extended comparisons which he draws between the Mexican, Asiatic and Egyptian calendars, is on that account too intricate to be easily understood. From all these descriptions Gallatin, McCulloh, and Müller, with perhaps a few others, have each given us a very good résumé, but without attempting to reconcile all the contradictions. The first notice we have of any regular calendar is given by Ixtlilxochitl, who states that in the year 5097 from the creation of the world, an assembly of learned men met at the city of Huehuetlapallan, and determined the reckoning of the years, days, and months, leap years and intercalary days, in the order in which they were found at the time of the conquest.[618] Previous to this time it is said that the only reckoning kept was regulated by the yearly growth of the fresh grass and herbs from which the name of the Mexican year _xihuitl_, 'new grass,' is derived. It is also said that a rough computation of time was made by the moon, from its appearance to its disappearance, and that this period called _metztli_, 'the moon,' was divided into two equal parts, named respectively _mextozolitzli_, the time when the moon was awake or visible, and _mecochiliztli_, the sleep of the moon, or the time when it was invisible.[619] Of the larger divisions of time, accounts are very conflicting. Two, three, four, and five ages are said by various writers to have existed, at the end of each of which the world was said to have been destroyed, and recreated at the beginning of the age next following. The common aboriginal belief was, however, that at the time of the conquest, the world had passed through three ages, and was then in the fourth. The first age, or 'sun,' as it is also called, was the Sun of Water, _atonatiuh_; the second, the Sun of Earth, _tlalchitonatiuh_; the third, the Sun of Air, _ehecatonatiuh_.[620] This is about all we know of any division of time, before the assembly at Huehuetlapallan which is said to have introduced the regular calendar. [Illustration: The Aztec Cycle.] [Sidenote: THE MEXICAN CYCLE.] The Mexican calendar contains the following divisions of time: The 'age,' consisting of two periods of fifty-two years each, was called _huehuetiliztli_; the 'cycle,' consisting of four periods of thirteen years each, was named _xiuhmolpilli_, _xiuhmolpia_ or _xiuhtlalpilli_, meaning the 'binding up of the years.' Each period of thirteen years or, as it was called by the Spanish historians, 'indiccion,' was known as a _tlalpilli_, or 'knot,' and, as stated above, each single year was named _xihuitl_, or 'new grass,' The age was not used in the regular reckoning, and is only rarely mentioned to designate a long space of time. The numeral prefixed to the name of any year in the cycle, or xiuhmolpilli, never exceeded four, and to carry out this plan, four signs, respectively named _tochtli_, 'rabbit,' _calli_, 'house,' _tecpatl_, 'flint,' and _acatl_, 'cane,' were used. Thus the Aztecs commenced to count the first year of their first cycle with the name or hieroglyphic Ce Tochtli, meaning 'one (with the sign of) rabbit;' and the second year was Ome Acatl, 'two, cane;' the third, Yey Tecpatl, 'three, flint;' the fourth, Nahui Calli, 'four, house;' the fifth, Macuilli Tochtli, 'five, rabbit;' the sixth, Chicoace Acatl, 'six, cane;' the seventh, Chicome Tecpatl, 'seven, flint;' the eighth, Chico ey Calli, 'eight, house;' the ninth, Chico nahui Tochtli, 'nine, rabbit;' the tenth, Matlactli Acatl, 'ten, cane;' the eleventh, Matlactli occe Tecpatl, 'eleven, flint;' the twelfth, Matlactli omome Calli, 'twelve, house;' and the thirteenth, Matlactli omey Tochtli, 'thirteen, rabbit.' This numeration continued in the same manner, the second tlalpilli commencing again with 'one, cane,' the third tlalpilli with 'one, flint,' the fourth with 'one, house,' and so on to the end of the cycle of fifty-two years. It will easily be seen that during the fifty-two years none of these four signs could be accompanied by the same number twice, and therefore no confusion could arise. Instead, therefore, of saying an event happened in the year 1850, as we do in our reckoning, they spoke of it as happening, for instance, in the year of 'three, rabbit' in the twelfth cycle.[621] Still, some confusion has been caused among different writers by the fact that the different nations of Anáhuac did not all commence their cycles with the same hieroglyphic sign. Thus the Toltecs commenced with the sign tecpatl, 'flint;' and the Mexicans, or Aztecs, with tochtli, 'rabbit;' while some again used acatl, 'cane;' and others calli, 'house,' as their first name.[622] A cycle was represented in their paintings by the figures of tochtli, acatl, tecpatl, and calli, repeated each thirteen times and placed in a circle, round which was painted a snake holding its tail in its mouth, and making at each of the four cardinal points a kink with its own body, as shown in the plate on the opposite page, which served to divide the cycle into four tlalpillis.[623] These four signs, rabbit, cane, flint, and house were also, according to Boturini, used to designate the four seasons of the year, the four cardinal points, and lastly, the four elements. Thus, for instance, tecpatl also signified south; calli, east; tochtli, north; and acatl, west. In the same manner tecpatl was used to designate fire; calli, earth; tochtli, air; and acatl, water.[624] The civil year was again divided into eighteen months and five days. Each month had its particular name, but the five extra days were only designated as _nemontemi_ or 'unlucky days,' and children born at this time, or enterprises undertaken, were considered unlucky. In hieroglyphical paintings these months were also placed in a circle, in the middle of which a face, representing either the sun or moon, was painted. This circle was called a _xiuhtlapohualli_, or 'count of the year.' Concerning the order in which these months followed one another, and the name of the first month, hardly two authors agree; in the same manner we find three or four various names given to many of the months. It would appear reasonable to suppose that the month immediately following the nemontemi, which were always added at the end of the year, would be the first, and the only difficulty here is to know which way the Aztecs wrote; whether from right to left or from left to right. On the circle of the month given by Veytia, and supposed to have been copied from an original, these five days are inserted between the months Panquetzaliztli and Atemoztli, and counting from left to right, this would make Atemoztli the first month, which would agree with Veytia's statement. But Gama and others decidedly dissent from this opinion, and name other months as the first. I reserve further consideration of this subject for another place in this chapter, where in connection with other matters it can be more clearly discussed, and content myself with simply inserting here a table of the names of the months as enumerated by the principal authors, in order to show at a glance the many variations. I also append to it the different dates given for the first day of the year, in which there are as many contradictions as in the names and position of the months. NAMES OF MEXICAN MONTHS ACCORDING TO VARIOUS AUTHORS. +==================================================================+ | | | | |AUTHORS. | 1. | 2. | | | | | | | | | +--------------------+----------------------+----------------------+ |SAHAGUN. | Atlacahualco, or | Tlacaxipeoaliztli. | | | Quavitleloa. | | +--------------------+----------------------+----------------------+ |MOTOLINIA. | | | | | | | +--------------------+----------------------+----------------------+ |ACOSTA. | | | +--------------------+----------------------+----------------------+ |GOMARA. | Tlacaxipeualiztli. | Tozçuztli. | | | | | +--------------------+----------------------+----------------------+ |MARTIN DE LEON.[625]| Atlcahualo. | Tlacaxipehualiztli. | +--------------------+----------------------+----------------------+ |DURAN. | Xuchitzitzquilo, or | Tlacaxipehualiztli. | | | Quauitlehua, or | | | | Atlmotzacuaga, | | | | or Xilomaniztly. | | +--------------------+----------------------+----------------------+ |CODEX VATICANUS. | Atlcaualo. | Tlacaxipeualiztli. | +--------------------+----------------------+----------------------+ |TORQUEMADA. | Atlacahualco, or | Tlacaxipehualiztli. | | | Quahuitlehua. | | +--------------------+----------------------+----------------------+ |VETANCVRT. | Atlachualco, or | Tlacaxipehualiztli. | | | Quahuilchua. | | +--------------------+----------------------+----------------------+ |VETANCVRT | Xilomatihuitztli. | Coylhuitl. | |(Tlascaltec names). | | | +--------------------+----------------------+----------------------+ |GEMELLI CARRERI. | Tlacaxipehualitztli. | Tozoztli. | | | | | +--------------------+----------------------+----------------------+ |LAET. | Tlacaxipenaliztli. | Toxcactli. | | | | | +--------------------+----------------------+----------------------+ |VEYTIA. | Atemoztli. | Tititl. | +--------------------+----------------------+----------------------+ |LORENZANA. | Atemoztli. | Tititl. | +--------------------+----------------------+----------------------+ |CLAVIGERO. | Atlacahualco. | Tlacaxipehualiztli. | | | | | +--------------------+----------------------+----------------------+ |GAMA.[626] | Tititl, | Itzcalli, or | | | or Itzcalli. | Xochilhuitl. | | | | | | | | | +--------------------+----------------------+----------------------+ |KLEMM. | Acahualco. | Tlacaxipehualitztli. | +--------------------+----------------------+----------------------+ |MUELLER. | Tlacaxipehualiztli, | Tozoztontli. | | | or Cohuailhuitl. | | | | | | | | | | +--------------------+----------------------+----------------------+ |BRASSEUR | Atlacahualco. | Tlacaxipehualiztli. | | DE BOURBOURG. | | | +--------------------+----------------------+----------------------+ |CARBAJAL ESPINOSA. | Atlacahualco. | Tlacaxipehualiztli. | | | | | +--------------------+----------------------+----------------------+ |CODEX TELLERIANO- | | | | REMENSIS. | | | +==================================================================+ +===============================================================+ | | | | |AUTHORS. | 3. | 4. | | | | | | | | | +--------------------+--------------------+---------------------+ |SAHAGUN. | Tozoztontli. | Veytocoztli. | | | | | +--------------------+--------------------+---------------------+ |MOTOLINIA. | | | | | | | +--------------------+--------------------+---------------------+ |ACOSTA. | | | +--------------------+--------------------+---------------------+ |GOMARA. | Hueitozçuztli. | Toxcatl, or | | | | Tepupochuiliztli. | +--------------------+--------------------+---------------------+ |MARTIN DE LEON.[625]|Toçoztontli. | Hueitoçoztontli. | +--------------------+--------------------+---------------------+ |DURAN. | Tozoztontly. | Ochpaniztly, or | | | | Cueytozoztly. | | | | | | | | | +--------------------+--------------------+---------------------+ |CODEX VATICANUS. | Tocozintli. | Veitozcoztli. | +--------------------+--------------------+---------------------+ |TORQUEMADA. | Toçoztontli. | Hueytoçoztli. | | | | | +--------------------+--------------------+---------------------+ |VETANCVRT. | Tocoztontli. | Hueytocoztli. | | | | | +--------------------+--------------------+---------------------+ |VETANCVRT | | | |(Tlascaltec names). | | | +--------------------+--------------------+---------------------+ |GEMELLI CARRERI. | Hueytozoztli. | Toxcatl. | | | | | +--------------------+--------------------+---------------------+ |LAET. | Hueitozcuztli. | Toxcatl, or | | | | Tepupochuiliztli. | +--------------------+--------------------+---------------------+ |VEYTIA. | Itzcalli. | Xilomaniztli. | +--------------------+--------------------+---------------------+ |LORENZANA. | Yzcalli. | Xilomanizte. | +--------------------+--------------------+---------------------+ |CLAVIGERO. | Tozoztontli. | Hueitozoztli. | | | | | +--------------------+--------------------+---------------------+ |GAMA.[626] | Xilomanalixtli, or | Tlacaxipehualiztli, | | | Atlcahualco, or | or Cohuailhuitl. | | | Quahuitlehua, or | | | | Cihuailhuitl. | | +--------------------+--------------------+---------------------+ |KLEMM. | Tozozontli. | Hueitozoptli. | +--------------------+--------------------+---------------------+ |MUELLER. | Huey Tozoztli. | Toxcatl, or | | | | Tepopochuiliztli. | | | | | | | | | +--------------------+--------------------+---------------------+ |BRASSEUR | Tozoztontli. | Huey-Tozoztli. | | DE BOURBOURG. | | | +--------------------+--------------------+---------------------+ |CARBAJAL ESPINOSA. | Tozoztontli. | Hueitozoztli. | | | | | +--------------------+--------------------+---------------------+ |CODEX TELLERIANO- | | | | REMENSIS. | | | +===============================================================+ +===============================================================+ | | | | |AUTHORS. | 5. | 6. | | | | | | | | | +--------------------+----------------------+-------------------+ |SAHAGUN. | Toxcatl. | Etzacualiztli. | | | | | +--------------------+----------------------+-------------------+ |MOTOLINIA. | | | | | | | +--------------------+----------------------+-------------------+ |ACOSTA. | | | +--------------------+----------------------+-------------------+ |GOMARA. | Eçalcoaliztli. | Tecuilhuicintli. | | | | | +--------------------+----------------------+-------------------+ |MARTIN DE LEON.[625]| Tochcatl. | Etzalcualiztli. | +--------------------+----------------------+-------------------+ |DURAN. | Toxcatl. | Etzalcualiztly. | | | | | | | | | | | | | +--------------------+----------------------+-------------------+ |CODEX VATICANUS. | Toxcatl. | Hetzalqualiztl. | +--------------------+----------------------+-------------------+ |TORQUEMADA. | Toxcatl. | Etzalqualiztli. | | | | | +--------------------+----------------------+-------------------+ |VETANCVRT. | Teoxcalt. | Etzaqualiztli. | | | | | +--------------------+----------------------+-------------------+ |VETANCVRT | | | |(Tlascaltec names). | | | +--------------------+----------------------+-------------------+ |GEMELLI CARRERI. | Etzalcualiztli. | Ticuyilhuitl. | | | | | +--------------------+----------------------+-------------------+ |LAET. | Ezalioalixtli. | Tecuilhuicintli. | | | | | +--------------------+----------------------+-------------------+ |VEYTIA. | Cohuailhuitl. | Tozcotzintli. | +--------------------+----------------------+-------------------+ |LORENZANA. | Cohuailhuitl. | Tozcotzintli. | +--------------------+----------------------+-------------------+ |CLAVIGERO. | Toxcatl. | Etzalcualiztli. | | | | | +--------------------+----------------------+-------------------+ |GAMA.[626] | Tozoztontli. | Huey Tozoztli. | | | | | | | | | | | | | +--------------------+----------------------+-------------------+ |KLEMM. | Texcatl. | Etzalqualitztli. | +--------------------+----------------------+-------------------+ |MUELLER. | Etzalqualiztli. | Tecuilhuitzintli. | | | | | | | | | | | | | +--------------------+----------------------+-------------------+ |BRASSEUR | Toxcatl. | Etzacualiztli. | | DE BOURBOURG. | | | +--------------------+----------------------+-------------------+ |CARBAJAL ESPINOSA. | Toxcatl, or Coxcatl. | Etzalcualiztli. | | | | | +--------------------+----------------------+-------------------+ |CODEX TELLERIANO- | | | | REMENSIS. | | | +===============================================================+ +=============================================================+ | | | | |AUTHORS. | 7. | 8. | | | | | | | | | +--------------------+--------------------+--------------------+ |SAHAGUN. | Tecuilhuitontli. | Veytecuilhuitl. | | | | | +--------------------+--------------------+--------------------+ |MOTOLINIA. | | | | | | | +--------------------+--------------------+--------------------+ |ACOSTA. | | | +--------------------+--------------------+--------------------+ |GOMARA. | Hueitecuilhuitl. | Miccailhuicintli. | | | | | +--------------------+--------------------+--------------------+ |MARTIN DE LEON.[625]| Tecuilhuitontli. | Hueiteucyilhuitl. | +--------------------+--------------------+--------------------+ |DURAN. | Tecuiluitontly, or | Hueytecuilhuitl. | | | Tlaxochimaco. | | | | | | | | | | +--------------------+--------------------+--------------------+ |CODEX VATICANUS. | Tecuilvitontl. | Veitecuiluitl. | +--------------------+--------------------+--------------------+ |TORQUEMADA. | Tecuhilhuitontli. | Hueytecuhilhuitl. | | | | | +--------------------+--------------------+--------------------+ |VETANCVRT. | Tecuylhuitontli. | Hueytecuyilhuitl. | | | | | +--------------------+--------------------+--------------------+ |VETANCVRT | | | |(Tlascaltec names). | | | +--------------------+--------------------+--------------------+ |GEMELLI CARRERI. | Hueytecuilhuitl. | Micaylhuitl. | | | | | +--------------------+--------------------+--------------------+ |LAET. | Huehtecuilhuitl. | Miccathuicintli. | | | | | +--------------------+--------------------+--------------------+ |VEYTIA. | Hueytozcoztli. | Toxcatl. | +--------------------+--------------------+--------------------+ |LORENZANA. | Huey Tozcoztli. | Toxcatl. | +--------------------+--------------------+--------------------+ |CLAVIGERO. | Tecuilhuitontli. | Hueitecuilhuitl. | | | | | +--------------------+--------------------+--------------------+ |GAMA.[626] | Toxcatl, or | Etzalqualiztli. | | | Tepopochuiliztli. | | | | | | | | | | +--------------------+--------------------+--------------------+ |KLEMM. | | | +--------------------+--------------------+--------------------+ |MUELLER. | Hueytecuilhuitl. | Miccailhuitzintly, | | | | or Tlalxochimaco. | | | | | | | | | +--------------------+--------------------+--------------------+ |BRASSEUR | Tecuilhuitontli. | Huey Tecuilhuitl. | | DE BOURBOURG. | | | +--------------------+--------------------+--------------------+ |CARBAJAL ESPINOSA. | Teucuilhuitontli. | Hueituecuilhuitl. | | | | | +--------------------+--------------------+--------------------+ |CODEX TELLERIANO- | Tecuiluitontl. | Veytecuiluitl. | | REMENSIS. | | | +==============================================================+ +=============================================================+ | | | | |AUTHORS. | 9. | 10. | | | | | | | | | +--------------------+--------------------+-------------------+ |SAHAGUN. | Tlaxochimaco. | Xocohuetzl. | | | | | +--------------------+--------------------+-------------------+ |MOTOLINIA. | | | | | | | +--------------------+--------------------+-------------------+ |ACOSTA. | | | +--------------------+--------------------+-------------------+ |GOMARA. | Veymiccailhuitl. | Vchpaniztli, or | | | | Tenauatiliztli. | +--------------------+--------------------+-------------------+ |MARTIN DE LEON.[625]| Tlaxochimanco. | Xocotlhuetzi. | +--------------------+--------------------+-------------------+ |DURAN. | Miccailhuitontly. | Tocotluetz. | | | | | | | | | | | | | +--------------------+--------------------+-------------------+ |CODEX VATICANUS. | Miccailhuitl. | Veymiccailhuitl. | +--------------------+--------------------+-------------------+ |TORQUEMADA. | Tlaxuchimaco, or | Xocotlhuetzi. | | | Hueymiccaylhuitl. | | +--------------------+--------------------+-------------------+ |VETANCVRT. | Tlaxochimaco. | Xocotlhuetzi. | | | | | +--------------------+--------------------+-------------------+ |VETANCVRT | Micaylhuitzintli. | Hueymicaylhuitl. | |(Tlascaltec names). | | | +--------------------+--------------------+-------------------+ |GEMELLI CARRERI. | Hueymicailhuitl. | Ochpaniztli. | | | | | +--------------------+--------------------+-------------------+ |LAET. | Veimiccailhuitl. | Vchpaniztli, or | | | | Tenavatiliztli. | +--------------------+--------------------+-------------------+ |VEYTIA. | Exolqualiztli. | Tecuilhuitzintli. | +--------------------+--------------------+-------------------+ |LORENZANA. | Ezalqualliztli. | Tecuilhuitzintli. | +--------------------+--------------------+-------------------+ |CLAVIGERO. | Tlaxochimaco. | Xocohuetzi. | | | | | +--------------------+--------------------+-------------------+ |GAMA.[626] | Tecuilhuitzintli. | Hueytecuilhuitl. | | | | | | | | | | | | | +--------------------+--------------------+-------------------+ |KLEMM. | | | +--------------------+--------------------+-------------------+ |MUELLER. | Hueymiccailhuitl, | Ochpaniztli, or | | | or Xolotlhuetzin. | Tenahuatiliztli. | | | | | | | | | +--------------------+--------------------+-------------------+ |BRASSEUR | Tlaxochimaco. | Xocohuetzi. | | DE BOURBOURG. | | | +--------------------+--------------------+-------------------+ |CARBAJAL ESPINOSA. | Tlaxochimaco. | Xocotlhuetzi. | | | | | +--------------------+--------------------+-------------------+ |CODEX TELLERIANO- | Michaylhuitl. | Hueymiccaylhuitl. | | REMENSIS. | | | +=============================================================+ +==================================================================+ | | | | |AUTHORS. | 11. | 12. | | | | | | | | | +--------------------+----------------------+----------------------+ |SAHAGUN. | Ochpaniztli. | Teotleco. | | | | | +--------------------+----------------------+----------------------+ |MOTOLINIA. | | | | | | | +--------------------+----------------------+----------------------+ |ACOSTA. | | | +--------------------+----------------------+----------------------+ |GOMARA. | Pachtli, or | Hueipachtli, or | | | Heçoztli. | Pachtli. | +--------------------+----------------------+----------------------+ |MARTIN DE LEON.[625]| Ochpaniztli. | Teotlèco. | +--------------------+----------------------+----------------------+ |DURAN. | Ochpaniztly. | Pachtontly. | | | | | | | | | | | | | +--------------------+----------------------+----------------------+ |CODEX VATICANUS. | Ochpaniztl. | Pachtontl. | +--------------------+----------------------+----------------------+ |TORQUEMADA. | Uchpaniztli. | Teutleco. | | | | | +--------------------+----------------------+----------------------+ |VETANCVRT. | Ochpaniztli. | Teotleco. | | | | | +--------------------+----------------------+----------------------+ |VETANCVRT | | | |(Tlascaltec names). | | | +--------------------+----------------------+----------------------+ |GEMELLI CARRERI. | Pachtli. | Hueypachtli. | | | | | +--------------------+----------------------+----------------------+ |LAET. | Pachtli, or | Hueipachtli. | | | Hecoztli. | | +--------------------+----------------------+----------------------+ |VEYTIA. | Hueytecuilhuitl. | Micailhuitzintli. | +--------------------+----------------------+----------------------+ |LORENZANA. | Huey Tecuilhuitl. | Mictailhutlzintli. | +--------------------+----------------------+----------------------+ |CLAVIGERO. | Ochpaniztli. | Teotleco. | | | | | +--------------------+----------------------+----------------------+ |GAMA.[626] | Miccailhuitzintli, | Hueymiccailhuitl, | | | or Tlaxochimaco. | or Xocotlhuetzi. | | | | | | | | | +--------------------+----------------------+----------------------+ |KLEMM. | Ochpanitztli. | Pachtli. | +--------------------+----------------------+----------------------+ |MUELLER. | Pachtli, or Ezoztli, | Hueypachtli, or | | | or Teotleco. | Pachtli, | | | | or Tepeilhuitl. | | | | | +--------------------+----------------------+----------------------+ |BRASSEUR | Ochpaniztli. | Teotleco. | | DE BOURBOURG. | | | +--------------------+----------------------+----------------------+ |CARBAJAL ESPINOSA. | Tlachpanaliztli. | Teotleco. | | | | | +--------------------+----------------------+----------------------+ |CODEX TELLERIANO- | Ochpaniztli. | Pactontly. | | REMENSIS. | | | +==================================================================+ +==========================================================+ | | | | |AUTHORS. | 13. | 14. | | | | | | | | | +--------------------+------------------+------------------+ |SAHAGUN. |Tepeilhuitl. | Quecholli. | | | | | +--------------------+------------------+------------------+ |MOTOLINIA. | | Panquetzaliztli. | | | | | +--------------------+------------------+------------------+ |ACOSTA. | | | +--------------------+------------------+------------------+ |GOMARA. |Quecholli. | Panqueçaliztli. | | | | | +--------------------+------------------+------------------+ |MARTIN DE LEON.[625]|Tepeilhuitl. | Quechulli. | +--------------------+------------------+------------------+ |DURAN. |Veypachtly, or | Quecholli. | | | Coailhuitl. | | | | | | | | | | +--------------------+------------------+------------------+ |CODEX VATICANUS. |Veipachtli. | Quecholi. | +--------------------+------------------+------------------+ |TORQUEMADA. |Tepeilhuitl. | Quecholli. | | | | | +--------------------+------------------+------------------+ |VETANCVRT. |Tepeylhuitl. | Quecholli. | | | | | +--------------------+------------------+------------------+ |VETANCVRT |Pachtzintli. | | |(Tlascaltec names). | | | +--------------------+------------------+------------------+ |GEMELLI CARRERI. |Checiogli. | Panchetzaliztli. | | | | | +--------------------+------------------+------------------+ |LAET. |Quecholli. | Panquecaliztli. | | | | | +--------------------+------------------+------------------+ |VEYTIA. |Hueymicailhuitl. | Huepaniztli. | +--------------------+------------------+------------------+ |LORENZANA. |Hueymictailhuitl. | Ochpaniztli. | +--------------------+------------------+------------------+ |CLAVIGERO. |Tepeilhuitl. | Quecholli. | | | | | +--------------------+------------------+------------------+ |GAMA.[626] |Ochpaniztli, or | Pachtli, or | | | Tenahuatiliztli. | Ezoztli, or | | | | Teotleco. | | | | | +--------------------+------------------+------------------+ |KLEMM. | | Tepeilhuitl. | +--------------------+------------------+------------------+ |MUELLER. |Quecholli. | Panquetzaliztli. | | | | | | | | | | | | | +--------------------+------------------+------------------+ |BRASSEUR |Tepeilhuitl. | Quecholli. | | DE BOURBOURG. | | | +--------------------+------------------+------------------+ |CARBAJAL ESPINOSA. |Tepeilhuitl. | Quecholli. | | | | | +--------------------+------------------+------------------+ |CODEX TELLERIANO- |Veypactli. | Quecholi. | | REMENSIS. | | | +==========================================================+ +=======================================================+ | | | | |AUTHORS. | 15. | 16. | | | | | | | | | +--------------------+------------------+---------------+ |SAHAGUN. | Panquetzaliztli. | Atemoztli. | | | | | +--------------------+------------------+---------------+ |MOTOLINIA. | | | | | | | +--------------------+------------------+---------------+ |ACOSTA. | | | +--------------------+------------------+---------------+ |GOMARA. | Hatemuztli. | Tititlh. | | | | | +--------------------+------------------+---------------+ |MARTIN DE LEON.[625]| Panquetzaliztli. | Atemuztli. | +--------------------+------------------+---------------+ |DURAN. | Panquetzaliztly. | Atemoztli. | | | | | | | | | | | | | +--------------------+------------------+---------------+ |CODEX VATICANUS. | Panquetzaliztli. | Atemoztli. | +--------------------+------------------+---------------+ |TORQUEMADA. | Panquetzaliztli. | Atemuztli. | | | | | +--------------------+------------------+---------------+ |VETANCVRT. | Panquetzaliztli. | Atemoztlique. | | | | | +--------------------+------------------+---------------+ |VETANCVRT | | | |(Tlascaltec names). | | | +--------------------+------------------+---------------+ |GEMELLI CARRERI. | Atemoztli. | Tititl. | | | | | +--------------------+------------------+---------------+ |LAET. | Hatemuztli. | Tititl. | | | | | +--------------------+------------------+---------------+ |VEYTIA. | Pachtzintli. | Hueypachtli. | +--------------------+------------------+---------------+ |LORENZANA. | Pachtlizintli. | Hueypachtli. | +--------------------+------------------+---------------+ |CLAVIGERO. | Panquetzaliztli. | Atemoztli. | | | | | +--------------------+------------------+---------------+ |GAMA.[626] | Hueypachtli, or | Quecholli. | | | Pachtli, or | | | | Tepeilhuitl. | | | | | | +--------------------+------------------+---------------+ |KLEMM. | | | +--------------------+------------------+---------------+ |MUELLER. | Atemoztli. | Tititl, or | | | | Itzcalli. | | | | | | | | | +--------------------+------------------+---------------+ |BRASSEUR | Panquetzaliztli. | Atemoztli. | | DE BOURBOURG. | | | +--------------------+------------------+---------------+ |CARBAJAL ESPINOSA. | Panquetzaliztli. | Atemoztli. | | | | | +--------------------+------------------+---------------+ |CODEX TELLERIANO- | Panquetzaliztli. | Atemoztli. | | REMENSIS. | | | +=======================================================+ +============================================================+ | | | | |AUTHORS. | 17. | 18. | | | | | | | | | +--------------------+------------------+--------------------+ |SAHAGUN. | Tititl. | Yzcalli. | | | | | +--------------------+------------------+--------------------+ |MOTOLINIA. | | | | | | | +--------------------+------------------+--------------------+ |ACOSTA. | | | +--------------------+------------------+--------------------+ |GOMARA. | Izcalli. | Coauitleuac, or | | | | Ciuailhuilt. | +--------------------+------------------+--------------------+ |MARTIN DE LEON.[625]| Tititl. | Ytzcali. | +--------------------+------------------+--------------------+ |DURAN. | Tititl. | Yzcalli, or | | | | Xilomaniztly, or | | | | Queuitleua. | | | | | +--------------------+------------------+--------------------+ |CODEX VATICANUS. | Tititl. | Yzcalli. | +--------------------+------------------+--------------------+ |TORQUEMADA. | Tititl. | Izcalli. | | | | | +--------------------+------------------+--------------------+ |VETANCVRT. | Titzotl. | Izcalli. | | | | | +--------------------+------------------+--------------------+ |VETANCVRT | | | | (Tlascaltec names).| | | +--------------------+------------------+--------------------+ |GEMELLI CARRERI. | Izcagli. | Atlacoalo. | | | | | +--------------------+------------------+--------------------+ |LAET. | Izcalli. | Coavitlevac. | | | | | +--------------------+------------------+--------------------+ |VEYTIA. | Quecholli. | Panquetzaliztli. | +--------------------+------------------+--------------------+ |LORENZANA. | Quecholli. | Panquetzalliztli. | +--------------------+------------------+--------------------+ |CLAVIGERO. | Tititl. | Izcalli. | | | | | +--------------------+------------------+--------------------+ |GAMA.[626] | Panquetzaliztli. | Atemoztli. | | | | | | | | | | | | | +--------------------+------------------+--------------------+ |KLEMM. | Tititl. | Izcalli. | +--------------------+------------------+--------------------+ |MUELLER. | Itzcalli, or | Xilomanaliztli, or | | | Xochilhuitl. | Atlcahualco, or | | | | Quahuitlehua, or | | | | Cihuailhuitl. | +--------------------+------------------+--------------------+ |BRASSEUR | Tititl. | Izcalli. | | DE BOURBOURG. | | | +--------------------+------------------+--------------------+ |CARBAJAL ESPINOSA. | Tititl. | Izcalli. | | | | | +--------------------+------------------+--------------------+ |CODEX TELLERIANO- | Tititl. | Yzcatli. | | REMENSIS. | | | +============================================================+ +=============================================+ | | Commencement of | |AUTHORS. | the Mexican year, | | | according to our | | | reckoning. | +--------------------+------------------------+ |SAHAGUN. | 2d February. | | | | +--------------------+------------------------+ |MOTOLINIA. | Commencement | | | of March. | +--------------------+------------------------+ |ACOSTA. | 26th February. | +--------------------+------------------------+ |GOMARA. | | | | | +--------------------+------------------------+ |MARTIN DE LEON.[625]| 2d February. | +--------------------+------------------------+ |DURAN. | 1st March. | | | | | | | | | | +--------------------+------------------------+ |CODEX VATICANUS. | 24th February. | +--------------------+------------------------+ |TORQUEMADA. | 1st February. | | | | +--------------------+------------------------+ |VETANCVRT. | February. | | | | +--------------------+------------------------+ |VETANCVRT | | |(Tlascaltec names). | | +--------------------+------------------------+ |GEMELLI CARRERI. | First year of century, | | | 10th April. | +--------------------+------------------------+ |LAET. | March, or 26th | | | of February. | +--------------------+------------------------+ |VEYTIA. | 2d February. | +--------------------+------------------------+ |LORENZANA. | | +--------------------+------------------------+ |CLAVIGERO. | First year of century, | | | 26th February. | +--------------------+------------------------+ |GAMA.[626] | 9th January. | | | | | | | | | | +--------------------+------------------------+ |KLEMM. | 26th February. | +--------------------+------------------------+ |MUELLER. | 20th March. | | | | | | | | | | +--------------------+------------------------+ |BRASSEUR | | | DE BOURBOURG. | | +--------------------+------------------------+ |CARBAJAL ESPINOSA. | First year of century, | | | 26th February. | +--------------------+------------------------+ |CODEX TELLERIANO- | 24th February. | | REMENSIS. | | +=============================================+ [Sidenote: NAMES OF THE AZTEC MONTH.] Each month, as before stated, was represented by its proper hieroglyph, having a certain meaning, and generally referring to some feast or natural event, such as the ripening of fruit, or falling of rain, happening during the month, although in this case also there are many differences between authors regarding the meaning of the names. [Illustration: The Aztec Year.] Tititl, which according to Gama was the first month, is translated by Boturini as 'our mother,' or 'mother of the gods,' while Cabrera calls it 'fire.'[627] Itzcalli, according to Boturini, means 'regeneration;' the Codex Vaticanus translates it 'skill;' and Veytia, 'the sprouting of the grass.'[628] Atlcahualco means the 'abating of the waters.' The Tlascaltec name of this month, Xilomanaliztli, signifies the 'offering of green maize.' In other localities this month was also known by the name of Quahuitlehua, the 'burning of the mountains,' or rather of the trees on the mountains, previous to sowing.[629] Tlacaxipehualiztli means the 'flaying of the people;' the other name of this month, Cohuailhuitl, is the 'feast of the snake.' Tozoztontli, Tozcotzintli, and Hueytozoztli are respectively the small and great fast or vigil; while some translate these words by 'pricking of veins,' 'shedding of blood,' or 'great and small penance.'[630] Toxcatl is a 'collar' or 'necklace.'[631] Etzalqualiztli is translated by Boturini 'bean stew,' or 'the eating of beans,' while Veytia calls it 'the eating of maize gruel.' Tecuilhuitzintli and Hueytecuilhuitl mean respectively the small and great 'feast of the Lord.' Miccailhuitzintli is explained both as 'the feast of dead children,' and 'the small feast of the dead;' another name for this month is Tlaxochimaco, meaning 'distribution of flowers.' Hueymiccailhuitl is either 'the feast of dead adults,' or 'the great feast of the dead.' Xocotlhuetzin, another name for this month, means 'the ripening of the fruit.' Ochpaniztli is 'the cleaning of streets.' Teotleco, or 'the arrival of the gods,' was the next month, and was also named Pachtli, or Pachtontli, the latter being translated by 'humiliation,' and the former by 'moss hanging from trees.' Hueypachtli was 'the great feast of humiliation,' also called Tepeilhuitl, or 'feast of the mountains.' Quecholli means 'peacock,' but the interpreter of the _Codex Telleriano-Remensis_ calls it the 'serpent of the clouds.' Panquetzaliztli is 'the raising of flags and banners.' Atemoztli, the last month, means the 'drying up of the waters.'[632] The plate on the preceding page shows the order of the months and the pictures by which they were represented. [Illustration: The Aztec Month.] [Sidenote: NAMES OF THE AZTEC DAYS.] Each month contained twenty days, which were divided into four groups or weeks, as we may for convenience call them; and at the end of each group a public market or fair was held. There is no difference of opinion as to the names of the days or the order in which they follow one another, but it is very difficult, and in many cases impossible, to reconcile one with another the different hieroglyphic signs denoting these days given in the codices or in the various representations of the calendar. The names of the days are: Cipactli, a name of which it is almost impossible to give the correct meaning, it being variously represented as an animal's head with open mouth armed with long tusks, as a fish with a number of flint knives on its back, as a kind of lizard with a very long tail curled up over its back, and in many other monstrous shapes. It is called the 'sea-animal,' the 'sword-fish,' the 'serpent armed with harpoons,' and other names. Ehecatl is 'wind;' Calli, 'house;' Cuetzpalin, 'lizard;' Coatl, 'snake;' Miquiztli, 'death;' Mazatl, 'deer;' Tochtli, 'rabbit;' Atl, 'water;' Itzcuintli, 'dog;' Ozomatli, 'monkey;' Malinalli, 'brushwood,' or 'tangled grass;' Acatl, 'cane;' Ocelotl, 'tiger;' Quauhtli, 'eagle;' Cozcaquauhtli, a species of vulture, known in Mexico as 'rey de los zopilotes;' Ollin, 'movement;' Tecpatl, 'flint;' Quiahuitl, 'rain;' and Xochitl, 'flower.' It will be seen that the days having the names or signs of the years,--namely: Tochtli, Calli, Tecpatl, and Acatl--stand first in each week. The five nemontemi had no particular name. The cut given above shows the method by which the Aztecs represented their month, with the hieroglyphic names of each day.[633] [Sidenote: INTERCALARY DAYS.] As three hundred and sixty-five days do not make the year complete, the Mexicans added the missing thirteen days at the end of the cycle of fifty-two years. But Gama asserts that they came still nearer to our more correct calculations, and added only twelve days and a half.[634] It has been frequently attempted to fix accurately the time when the Mexican year commenced according to our dates, but there is no agreement on this point between the old historians, as will be seen from the table given, and although many elaborate calculations have been made for the purpose of verifying the one or the other statement, the result is in no two cases the same. Gama calculated, and Humboldt and Gallatin confirmed his statement, that the first year of a Mexican cycle commenced on the 31st day of December, old style, or on the 9th day of January, new style, with the month Tititl and the day Cipactli.[635] [Sidenote: THE RITUAL CALENDAR.] We come now to another mode of reckoning known as the ritual calendar, which, as its name implies, was used for adjusting all religious feasts and rites and everything pertaining thereto. The previously described reckoning was solar, while that of the ritual calendar was lunar. The periods into which it was divided were of thirteen days each, thus representing about half the time that the moon was visible. The year contained as many days as the solar calendar, but they were divided into entirely different periods. Thus, in reality there were no months at all, but only twenty weeks of thirteen days each; and these not constituting a full year, the same kind of reckoning was continued for one hundred and five days more, and at the end of a tlalpilli thirteen days were intercalated to make up for the lost days. The names of the days were the same as in the solar calendar but they were counted as follows. To the first day the number one was prefixed, to the second, two, to the third, three, and so on to thirteen; when the fourteenth name was again called one, the fifteenth, two, and so on to thirteen again, after which the same count was continued to the end of the year. But as in this reckoning it naturally happens that one name has the same number twice, accompanying signs were added to the regular names, which were called _quecholli_, 'lords or rulers of the night.' Of these there were nine, _xiuhtecutli_, _tletl_, 'lord of the year, fire;' _tecpatl_, 'flint;' _xochitl_, 'flower;' _centeotl_, 'goddess of maize;' _miquiztli_, 'death;' _atl_, 'water,' represented by the goddess Chalchihuitlicue; _tlazolteotl_, 'goddess of love;' _tepeyollotli_, a deity supposed to inhabit the centre of the mountains; _quiahuitl_, 'rain,' represented by the god Tlaloc.[636] As stated above, one of these signs was understood to accompany the regular name of each day, commencing with the first day of the year; but they were never written or mentioned with the first two hundred and sixty days, but only with the last one hundred and five days, to distinguish them from the former.[637] For the purpose of making this system more comprehensible, I insert a few months of the Mexican calendar, showing the solar and lunar system together, as arranged by Gama. +===========+===============+====================+===================+ | |Months and days| | | |Months and | of the Mexican|Days and weeks of |Accompanying signs,| |days of | civil or solar|the Mexican ritual, |or 'lords of the | |our era | calendar. |or lunar, calendar. |night.' | +-----------+---------------+--------------------+-------------------+ | January 9|Tititl 1|1 Cipactli |Tletl 1 | | 10| 2|2 Ehecatl |Tecpatl 2 | | 11| 3|3 Calli |Xochitl 3 | | 12| 4|4 Cuetzpalin |Centeotl 4 | | 13| 5|5 Coatl |Miquiztli 5 | | 14| 6|6 Miquiztli |Atl 6 | | 15| 7|7 Mazatl |Tlazolteotl 7 | | 16| 8|8 Tochtli |Tepeyollotli 8 | | 17| 9|9 Atl |Quiahuitl 9 | | | | | -- | | 18| 10|10 Itzcuintli |Tletl 1 | | 19| 11|11 Ozomatli |Tecpatl 2 | | 20| 12|12 Malinalli |Xochitl 3 | | 21| 13|13 Acatl |Centeotl 4 | | | |--------------------|-------------------| | 22| 14|1 Ocelotl |Miquiztli 5 | | 23| 15|2 Quauhtli |Atl 6 | | 24| 16|3 Cozcaquauhtli |Tlazolteotl 7 | | 25| 17|4 Ollin |Tepeyollotli 8 | | 26| 18|5 Tecpatl |Quiahuitl 9 | | | | | | | 27| 19|6 Quiahuitl |Tletl 1 | | 28| 0|7 Xochitl |Tecpatl 2 | | |---------------| | | | 29|Itzcalli 1|8 Cipactli |Xochitl 3 | | 30| 2|9 Ehecatl |Centeotl 4 | | 31| 3|10 Calli |Miquiztli 5 | +===========+===============+====================+===================+ +===========+===============+====================+===================+ |Months and |Months and days|Days and weeks of |Accompanying signs,| |days of |of the Mexican |the Mexican ritual |or 'lords of | |our era |civil calendar.|calendar. |the night.' | +-----------+---------------+--------------------+-------------------+ |February 1| 4|11 Cuetzpalin |Atl 6 | | 2| 5|12 Coatl |Tlazolteotl 7 | | 3| 6|13 Miquiztli |Tepeyollotli 8 | | | |--------------------|-------------------| | 4| 7|1 Mazatl |Quiahuitl 9 | | | | | -- | | 5| 8|2 Tochtli |Tletl 1 | | 6| 9|3 Atl |Tecpatl 2 | | 7| 10|4 Itzcuintli |Xochitl 3 | | 8| 11|5 Ozomatli |Centeotl 4 | | 9| 12|6 Malinalli |Miquiztli 5 | | 10| 13|7 Acatl |Atl 6 | | 11| 14|8 Ocelotl |Tlazolteotl 7 | | 12| 15|9 Quauhtli |Tepeyollotli 8 | | 13| 16|10 Cozcaquauhtli |Quiahuitl 9 | | | | | -- | | 14| 17|11 Ollin |Tletl 1 | | 15| 18|12 Tecpatl |Tecpatl 2 | | 16| 19|13 Quiahuitl |Xochitl 3 | | | |--------------------|-------------------| | 17| 20|1 Xochitl |Centeotl 4 | | |---------------| | | | 18|Atlcahualco 1|2 Cipactli |Miquiztli 5 | | 19| 2|3 Ehecatl |Atl 6 | | 20| 3|4 Calli |Tlazolteotl 7 | | 21| 4|5 Cuetzpalin |Tepeyollotli 8 | | 22| 5|6 Coatl |Quiahuitl 9 | | | | -- | | 23| 6|7 Miquiztli |Tletl 1 | | 24| 7|8 Mazatl |Tecpatl 2 | | 25| 8|9 Tochtli |Xochitl 3 | | 26| 9|10 Atl |Centeotl 4 | | 27| 10|11 Itzcuintli |Miquiztli 5 | | 28| 11|12 Ozomatli |Atl 6 | |-----------| | | | |March 1| 12|13 Malinalli |Tlazolteotl 7 | | | |--------------------|-------------------| | 2| 13|1 Acatl |Tepeyollotli 8 | | 3| 14|2 Ocelotl |Quiahuitl 9 | | | | | -- | | 4| 15|3 Quauhtli |Tletl 1 | | 5| 16|4 Cozcaquauhtli |Tecpatl 2 | | 6| 17|5 Ollin |Xochitl 3 | | 7| 18|6 Tecpatl |Centeotl 4 | | 8| 19|7 Quiahuitl |Miquiztli 5 | | 9| 20|8 Xochitl |Atl 6 | | |---------------| | | | 10|Tlacaxipe 1|9 Cipactli |Tlazolteotl 7 | | 11| -hualiztli 2|10 Ehecatl |Tepeyollotli 8 | | 12| 3|11 Calli |Quiahuitl 9 | | | | | -- | | 13| 4|12 Cuetzpalin |Tletl 1 | | 14| 5|13 Coatl |Tecpatl 2 | | | |--------------------|-------------------| | 15| 6|1 Miquiztli |Xochitl 3 | | 16| 7|2 Mazatl |Centeotl 4 | | 17| 8|3 Tochtli |Miquiztli 5 | | 18| 9|4 Atl |Atl 6 | | 19| 10|5 Itzcuintli |Tlazolteotl 7 | | 20| 11|6 Ozomatli |Tepeyollotli 8 | | 21| 12|7 Malinalli |Quiahuitl 9 | | | | | -- | | 22| 13|8 Acatl |Tletl 1 | | 23| 14|9 Ocelotl |Tecpatl 2 | | 24| 15|10 Quauhtli |Xochitl 3 | | 25| 16|11 Cozcaquauhtli |Centeotl 4 | | 26| 17|12 Ollin |Miquiztli 5 | | 27| 18|13 Tecpatl |Atl 6 | | | |--------------------|-------------------| | 28| 19|1 Quiahuitl |Tlazolteotl 7 | | 29| 20|2 Xochitl |Tepeyollotli 8 | | |---------------| | | | 30|Tozoztontli 1|3 Cipactli |Quiahuitl 9 | | | | | -- | | 31| 2|4 Ehecatl |Tletl 1 | +===========+===============+====================+===================+ The five nemontemi were counted in this calendar as other days, that is, they received the names which came in the regular order, but, nevertheless, they were believed to be unlucky days and had no accompanying signs. [Illustration: The Calendar-Stone.] [Sidenote: THE AZTEC CALENDAR-STONE.] Besides the preceding cuts of the Mexican calendar systems, as they were represented by Gemelli Careri, Veytia, and others, the calendar-stone is the most reliable source by which the extent of the astronomical science of the Aztecs can be shown. Gama, and after him Gallatin, give very accurate descriptions of this stone; I insert here a résumé from the latter author. On this stone there is engraved in high-relief a circle, in which are represented by certain hieroglyphics the sun and its several motions, the twenty days of the month, some principal fast-days, and other matters. The central figure represents the sun as it is usually painted by the Mexicans. Around it, outside of a small circle, are four parallelograms with the signs of the days, Nahui Ocelotl, Nahui Ehecatl, Nahui Quiahuitl, and Nahui Atl. Between the two upper and lower parallelograms are two figures, which Gama explains as being two claws, which are the hieroglyphics representing two eminent astrologers, man and wife. Gama further explains these four signs of the days in this place, as having reference to the four epochs of nature, of which the Aztec traditions speak. The first destruction of the sun is said to have taken place in the year Ce Acatl and on the day Nahui Ocelotl. The second sun was supposed to have died in the year Ce Tecpatl and on the day Nahui Ehecatl; the third destruction occurred also in the year Ce Tecpatl and on the day Nahui Quiahuitl; and lastly, the fourth destruction took place in the year Ce Calli, on the day Nahui Atl. But Mr Gallatin thinks that these four parallelograms had yet some other purpose; for on the twenty-second of May and on the twenty-sixth of July, which days are Nahui Ocelotl and Nahui Quiahuitl, if we accept the thirty-first of December as the first day of the Mexican cycle, the sun passed the meridian of the city of Mexico. But in this case the other two days, Nahui Ehecatl and Nahui Atl cannot be explained in connection with any other astronomical event. Between the lower parallelograms are two small squares, in each of which are five oblong marks, signifiying the number ten; and as the central figure is the _ollin tonatiuh_, or sun, the number ten in these two squares is supposed to mean the day Matlactli Ollin. Below this again are the hieroglyphics Ce Quiahuitl, and Ome Ozomatli. The day Matlactli Ollin in the first year of the cycle is the twenty-second of September; Ce Quiahuitl in the year Matlactli omey Acatl, which year is inscribed at the head of the stone, is our twenty-second of March; and Ome Ozomatli in the same year would be our twenty-second of June. Here are therefore designated three of the principal phenomena as they happened in the first year of the cycle, viz: two transits of the sun by the zenith and the autumnal equinox. In the year designated on the stone Matlactli omey Acatl, there are given the spring equinox and summer solstice. In a circle surrounding these figures are represented the twenty days of the months. From the central figure of the sun there runs upward, as far as the circle of days, a triangle, the upper and smallest angle of which points between the days Cipactli and Xochitl, thus confirming the idea that Cipactli was always the first day of the month. Gama, Gallatin, Humboldt, Dupaix, and others have given correct pictures of the stone as is proved by recent photographs; but in my cut the figures are reversed. It is a copy from Charnay, whose photographs were in 1875 the best authority accessible; and I failed to notice that this, unlike Charnay's other plates, was a photo-lithograph reversed in printing. Not only did I fall into this error, but in my earlier editions charged other writers with having made a similar one. The cut does not otherwise mislead, but it must be noted that instead of running from left to right, the days really run from right to left. From the circle of days, four triangles, or rays, project, exactly dividing the stone into four quarters, each of which has ten visible squares, and, as the rays cover twelve more, there would be fifty-two in all. In each square are five oblong marks, which multiplied by fifty-two, give two hundred and sixty, or the first period of the Mexican ritual year. Outside of the circle of these squares the four quarters are each again divided by a smaller ray, and, as stated before, at the head of the stone, over the principal triangle is the sign of the year Matlactli omey Acatl. Round the outer edge are a number of other figures and hieroglyphics, which have not yet been deciphered, or whose interpretations by different writers present so many contradictions that they would have no value here.[638] [Sidenote: CALENDAR OF THE TARASCOS.] The only information we have of the calendar used in Michoacan is furnished by Veytia, and this is only fragmentary. Enough is known, however, to show that their system was the same as that of the Aztecs. Instead of the four principal signs of the Aztecs, tecpatl, calli, tochtli, and acatl, in Mechoacan the names _inodon_, _inbani_, _inchon_, and _intihui_ were used. Of the eighteen months only fourteen are mentioned by name. These are: Intacaci, Indehuni, Intecamoni, Interunihi, Intamohui, Inizcatolohui, Imatatohui, Itzbachaa, Intoxihui, Intaxihui, Intechaqui, Intechotahui, Inteyabchitzin, Intaxitohui. The five intercalary days were named _intasiabire_.[639] The days of the month, divided into four equal parts by the above-mentioned four principal signs, were called: Inodon, Inicebi, Inettuni, Inbeari, Inethaati, Inbani, Inxichari, Inchini, Inrini, Inpari, Inchon, Inthahui, Intzini, Intzoniabi, Intzimbi, Inthihui, Inixotzini, Inichini, Iniabi, Intaniri.[640] The Zapotecs in Oajaca, according to the description of Burgoa, used the same calendar as the Aztecs, with this difference, that the year always commenced on the twelfth day of March, and that the bissextile year was corrected every fourth year, by adding, instead of five, six intercalary days.[641] FOOTNOTES: [618] _Ixtlilxochitl_, _Relaciones_, in _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, tom. ix., p. 322. 'En un año que fué señalado con el geroglifico de un pedernal, que segun las tablas parece haber sido el de 3901 del mundo, se convocó una gran junta de astrólogos ... para hacer la correcion de su calendario y reformar sus cómputos, que conocian errados segun el sistema que hasta entónces habian seguido.' _Veytia_, _Hist. Ant. Mej._, tom. i., p. 32. [619] _Id._, pp. 31-2. [620] _Ixtlilxochitl_, _Hist. Chich._, in _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. ix., p. 205; _Id._, _Relaciones_, in _Id._, pp. 331-2, 459; _Camargo_, _Hist. Tlax._, in _Nouvelles Annales des Voy._, 1843, tom. xcix., p. 132; _Ternaux-Compans_, in _Id._, 1840, tom. lxxxvi., pp. 5-6; _Boturini_, _Idea_, p. 3; _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., p. 57; _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _S'il existe des Sources de l'Hist. Prim._, pp. 26-7; _Spiegazione delle Tavole del Codice Mexicano_ (Vaticano), in _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. v., pp. 164-7; _Explicacion del Codex Telleriano-Remensis_, in _Id._, pp. 134-6. 'Cinco Soles que son edades ... el primer Sol se perdio por agua.... El segundo Sol perecio cayendo el cielo sobre la tierra.... El Sol tercero falto y se consumio por fuego.... El quarto Sol fenecio con aire.... Del quinto Sol, que al presente tienen.' _Gomara_, _Conq. Mex._, fol. 297. 'Le ciel et la terre s'étaient faits, quatre fois.' _Codex Chimalpopoca_, in _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. i., p. 53. 'Creyeron que el Sol habia muerto cuatro veces, ó que hubo cuatro soles, que habian acabado en otros tantos tiempos ó edades; y que el quinto sol era el que actualmente les alumbraba.' _Leon y Gama_, _Dos Piedras_, pt i., p. 94. 'Hubo cinco soles en los tiempos pasados.' _Mendieta_, _Hist. Ecles._, p. 81, repeated literally by _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., p. 79; _Humboldt_, _Vues_, tom. ii., pp. 118-29; _Gallatin_, in _Amer. Ethno. Soc., Transact._, vol. i., p. 325; _Müller_, _Amerikanische Urreligionen_, pp. 510-12. [621] _Gomara_, _Conq. Mex._, fol. 296-7; _Sahagun_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. ii., lib. vi., pp. 256-7; _Acosta_, _Hist. de las Ynd._, pp. 397-8; _Leon y Gama_, _Dos Piedras_, pt i., p. 16 et seq.; _Veytia_, _Hist. Ant. Mej._, tom. i., p. 42 et seq. [622] 'No todos comenzaban á contar el ciclo por un mismo año: los tultecos lo empezaban desde _Tecpatl_: los de Teotihuacan desde _Calli_; los mexicanos desde _Tochtli_; y los tezcocanos desde _Acatl_.' _Leon y Gama_, _Dos Piedras_, pt i., p. 16; _Veytia_, _Hist. Ant. Mej._, tom. i., p. 58. 'So begannen die Aculhuas von Texcoco ihre Umläufe mit dem Zeichen Ce Tecpatl, die Mexicaner dagegen im Ce Tochtli.' _Müller_, _Reisen_, tom. iii., p. 65; _Boturini_, _Idea_, p. 125. [623] 'Esto circulo redondo se dividia en cuatro partes.... La primera parte que pertenecia á Oriente llamabanle los trece años de las cañas, y asi en cada casa de los trece tenian pintada una caña, y el número del año corriente.... La segunda parte aplicaban al septentrion, que era de otras trece casas, á las cuales llamaban las trece casas del pedernal; y asi tenian pintado en cada casa un pedernal.... A la tercera ... parte Occidental, llamabanle las trece casas, y asi verémos en cada parte de las trece una casilla pintada.... A la cuarta y última parte que era de otros trece años, llamabanla las trece casas del conejo; y asi en cada casa de aquellas verémos pintada una cabeza de conejo.' _Duran_, _Hist. Indias_, MS., tom. iii., appendix, cap. i. [624] Gemelli Careri gives these names in a different order, calling tochtli south, acatl east, tecpatl north, and calli west; further, tochtli earth, acatl water, tecpatl air, and calli fire. _Gemelli Careri_, in _Churchill's Col. Voyages_, vol. iv., pp. 487-8; _Boturini_, _Idea_, pp. 54-8. The above are only figurative names, as the words for the cardinal points and also for the elements are entirely different in the Mexican language. [625] Boturini repeats Martin de Leon and Gemelli Carreri. [626] Humboldt and Gallatin repeat Leon y Gama. [627] 'Itetl, Ititl, barriga o vientre.' _Molina_, _Vocabulario_. 'Vientre, la madre, á excepcion del padre.' _Salva_, _Nuevo Dicc._ 'Titl ... significa fuego. Tititl escrito en dos sílabas y seis letras nada significa en el idioma mexicano' _Cabrera_, in _Ilustracion Mex._, tom. iv., p. 468. [628] 'Izcalia, abiuar, tornar en si, o resuscitar.' _Molina_, _Vocabulario_. [629] 'Quiahuitl-ehua ... significa _la lluvia levanta_.' _Cabrera_, in _Ilustracion Mex._, tom. iv., p. 464. [630] 'Toçoliztli vela, el acto de velar o de no dormir.' _Molina_, _Vocabulario_. [631] 'Garganta totuzcatlan, tuzquitl.' _Ib._ [632] For the various etymologies of the names of months, see: _Spiegazione delle Tavole del Codice Mexicano_ (Vaticano), in _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. v., pp. 190-97; _Explicacion del Codex Telleriano-Remensis_, in _Id._, pp. 129-34; _Leon_, _Camino del Cielo_, fol. 96-100; _Boturini_, _Idea_, pp. 50-52; _Veytia_, _Hist. Ant. Mej._, tom. i., pp. 64-5; _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., pp. 66-83; _Humboldt_, _Vues_, tom. i., pp. 349-352; _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. iii., pp. 502-36; _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., pp. 250-300. [633] This order is varied by a few authors. Veytia gives the following entirely different system: 'Si el año era del carácter Tecpatl, con este se señalaba el primer dia de cada mes, y seguian anotándose los demas con los geroglificos siguientes en el órden en que los he puesto; de manera que el vigésimo dia de cada mes se hallaba Ollin.... Si el año era del segundo geroglifico Calli, por este se comenzaba á contar, y á todos los dias primeros de cada mes se les daba este nombre.' The same method he contends is followed also in those years of each tlalpilli which commence with Tochtli and Acatl. For _cozcaquauhtli_ he uses the name _temeztlatl_, or metate. _Hist. Ant. Mej._, tom. i., pp. 76-80; _Gomara_, _Conq. Mex._, fol. 294-5. Gemelli Careri states that Cipactli was not always the first day of the month. _Churchill's Col. Voyages_, tom. iv., p. 489; _Duran_, _Hist. Indias_, MS., tom. iii., appendix, cap. ii.; _Ritos Antiguos_, p. 22, in _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. ix.; _Motolinia_, _Hist. Indios_, in _Icazbalceta_, _Col. de Doc._, tom. i., p. 36. Boturini adds to Ollin the word Tonatiuh, and translates it 'movement of the sun.' _Idea_, p. 45. Gama places Ollin between Atl and Itzcuintli. _Dos Piedras_, pt i., p. 26; _Gallatin_, in _Amer. Ethno. Soc., Transact._, tom. i., p. 59; _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. iii., p. 463. See also hieroglyphics in _Codex Telleriano-Remensis_, pl. ix., in _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. i., and _Codex Borgian_, in _Id._, vol. iii., pl. 24; _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., p. 304. In Nicaragua where the Aztec language was spoken by a large portion of the population, the calendar and the names of the days were the same as Aztec, with but some slight differences in spelling. Oviedo gives the names of the days as follows: '_Agat_, _oçelot_, _oate_, _coscagoate_, _olin_, _tapecat_, _quiaüit_, _sochit_, _çipat_, _acat_, _cali_, _quespal_, _coat_, _misiste_, _maçat_, _toste_, _at_, _izquindi_, _ocomate_, _malinal_, _acato_.... Un año ... tiene diez çempuales, é cada çempual es veynte dias.' _Hist. Gen._, tom. iv., p. 52. [634] Sahagun, and after him several others, do not agree with this, but pretend that one day was added every fourth year, on which occasion a certain feast was celebrated, but Gama has clearly demonstrated that this is a mistake. 'El año visiesto, que era de cuatro en cuatro años.' _Hist. Gen._, tom. i., lib. ii., p. 75. 'Otra fiesta hacian de cuatro en cuatro años á honra del fuego, en la que ahugeraban las orejas á todos los niños; y la llamaban _Pillabanaliztli_, y en esta fiesta es verosimil, y hay congeturas que hacian su visiesto contando seis dias de _nemontemi_.' _Id._, tom. iv., pp. 347-8. Boturini expresses the same opinion. 'Determinaron cada quatro años añadir un dia mas, que recogiesse las horas, que se desperdiciaban, lo que supongo executaron contando dos veces uno de los Symbolos de el ultimo mes de el año, á la manera de los Romanos.' _Idea_, p. 137. 'El año de visiesto que era de quatro à quatro años.' _Leon_, _Camino del Cielo_, fol. 100. 'They order'd the bissextile, or leap-year, after this manner. The first year of the age began on the tenth of _April_, and so did the second and third, but the fourth or leap-year, on the ninth, the eighth on the eighth, the twelfth on the seventh, the sixteenth on the sixth, till the end of the age, which was on the twenty-eighth of _March_, when the thirteen days of the leap-years, till the tenth of _April_, were spent in rejoicing.' _Gemelli Careri_, in _Churchill's Col. Voyages_, vol. iv., p. 490. Veytia following Boturini adds one day every fourth year by repeating the last day. _Hist. Ant. Mej._, tom. i., pp. 110-20. 'La correccion no se hacia hasta el fin del ciclo, en que se intercalaban juntos los 13 dias.' _Leon y Gama_, _Dos Piedras_, pt i., p. 24. 'Les Mexicains ont évidemment suivi le système des Perses: ils conservoient l'année vague jusqu'à ce que les heures excédantes formassent une demilunaison; ils intercaloient, par conséquent, treize jours toutes les _ligatures_ ou cycles de cinquante-deux ans ... à chaque année du signe _tochtli_, les Mexicains perdoient un jour; et, par l'effet de cette _rétrogradation_, l'année _calli_ de la quatriéme indiction commençoit le 27 décembre, et finissoit au solstice d'hiver, le 21 décembre, en ne faisant pas entrer en ligne de compte les cinq jours inutiles ou complémentaires. Il en résulte que ... treize jours intercalaires ramènent le commencement de l'année au 9 janvier.' _Humboldt_, _Vues_, tom. ii., pp. 60-1. 'Non frammettevano un giorno ogni quattro anni, ma tredici giorni ... ogni cinquanta due anni.' _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., p. 62. 'They waited till the expiration of fifty-two vague years, when they interposed thirteen days, or rather twelve and a half, this being the number which had fallen in arrear.' _Prescott's Mex._, vol. i., p. 112; _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. iii., p. 469. In this connection I also give the remarkable statement of Pedro de los Rios in his interpretation of the Codex Vaticanus: '_Item_, si ha da notare, che il loro bisesto andava solo in quattro lettere, anni, o segni che sono Canna, Pietra, Casa, e Coniglio, perchè come hanno bisesto delli giorni a fare di quattro in quattro anni un mese di quelli cinque giorni morti che avanzavano di ciascun anno, cosi avevano bisesto di anni perchè di cinquantadue in cinquantadue anni, che è una loro Età, aggiungevano un anno, il quale sempre veniva in una di queste lettere o segni perchè come ogni lettera o segno di questi vinti habbia tredici del suo genere che le servano, _verbi gratiâ_.' _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. v., pp. 174-5. In the Explicacion del Codex Telleriano-Remensis we read: 'Á 19 de Fevrero los cinco dias muertos que no avia sacrificios; estos eran los dias que sobravan de los de veynte en veynte del año: y siempre en cumpliendose los 365 dias, dexavan pasar estos, y luego tornavan a tomar el año en la letra que entrava.' _Id._, p. 134. To this Lord Kingsborough adds in a note: 'The Mexicans reckoned 365 days to their year; the last five of which had no sign or place appropriated to them in the calendar; since, if they had been admitted, the order of the signs would have been inverted, and the new year would not always have commenced with Ce Cipactli. These days, therefore, although included in the computation of the year, were rejected from the calendar, until at the expiration of four years an intercalation of twenty corresponding signs might be effected without producing any confusion in it. It would appear, however, that this intercalation did not actually take place till at the expiration of 52 years; for it is impossible, except on this supposition, to understand the _intercalation of years_ mentioned in the Vatican MS. as occurring at the expiration of every period of 52 years, when an entire year was intercalated: but admitting the postponement of an intercalation of a month every four years during a period of 52 years, such an intercalation would then become quite intelligible; since thirteen Mexican months, of 20 days each, exactly constitute a ritual year of the Mexicans which contained 260 days, and was shorter than the civil year by 105 days; and this is the precise number of months of which the intercalation would have been postponed.' _Mex. Antiq._, vol. vi., pp. 103-4. [635] _Leon y Gama_, _Dos Piedras_, pt i., pp. 62-89; _Gallatin_, in _Amer. Ethno. Soc., Transact._, vol. i., pp. 69-86. Veytia's reason for commencing the year with Atemoztli is, that on the calendar circle which he saw, and of which I insert a copy, this was the month following the five nemontemi. This appears very reasonable, but nevertheless Gama and Gallatin's calculations show it to be an error. See _Veytia_, _Hist. Ant. Mej._, tom. i., pp. 74-5. [636] Boturini gives the rulers of the night as follows: Xiuhteucyòhua, Señor de el Año; Ytzteucyòhua, Señor de el Fuego; Piltzinteucyòhua, Señor de los Niños; Cinteucyòhua, Señor de el Maiz; Mictlanteucyòhua, Señor de el Infierno; Chalchihuitlicueyòhua, Señor de el Agua; Tlazolyòhua, Señor de el Amor deshonesto; Tepeyoloyòhua, Señor de los Entrañas de los Montes; Quiauhteucyòhua, Señor de las Lluvias. _Idea_, p. 58. [637] _Leon y Gama_, _Dos Piedras_, pt i., pp. 29-31, 52-3; _Boturini_, _Idea_, pp. 57-9; _Gallatin_, in _Amer. Ethno. Soc., Transact._, vol. i., p. 61. [638] _Gallatin_, in _Amer. Ethno. Soc., Transact._, vol. i., pp. 94-103; _Leon y Gama_, _Dos Piedras_, pt i., pp. 89-114. Further description, and mention of the astronomical system will be found in _Humboldt_, _Vues_, tom. i., pp. 332-92, and tom. ii., pp. 1-99, 356-80; _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., pp. 295-305; _Las Casas_, _Hist. Apologética_, MS., cap. cxli.; _Sahagun_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. i., lib. ii., pp. 49-76, tom. iv., pp. 282-309, 338-49, tom. ii., lib. vii., pp. 256-60, 264-5; _Explanation of the Codex Vaticanus_, in _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. vi., pp. 196, 200; _Boturini_, _Idea_, pp. 42-59, 109-10, 122-4, 137-40, 153-5; _Id._, _Catálogo_, pp. 57-72; _Motolinia_, _Hist. Indios_, in _Icazbalceta_, _Col. de Doc._, tom. i., pp. 35-8; _Veytia_, _Hist. Ant. Mej._, tom. i., pp. 30-138; _Carbajal Espinosa_, _Hist. Mex._, tom. i., pp. 517-31; _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. iii., pp. 457-82; _Gomara_, _Conq. Mex._, fol. 294-97; _Gemelli Careri_, in _Churchill's Col. Voyages_, tom. iv., pp. 487-90; _Leon y Gama_, _Dos Piedras_; _Gallatin_, in _Amer. Ethno. Soc., Transact._, vol. i., pp. 57-115; _Laet_, _Novus Orbis_, pp. 241-2; _Prescott's Mex._, vol. i., pp. 110-27; _Pimentel_, _Mem. sobre la Raza Indígena_, pp. 41-3; _Nebel_, _Viaje_, pl. l.; _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. iii., lib. ii., cap. xviii.; _Ixtlilxochitl_, _Relaciones_, in _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, tom. ix., pp. 322-4; _Acosta_, _Hist. de las Ynd._, pp. 397-9; _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., pp. 56-65; _Müller_, _Reisen_, tom. iii., pp. 63-90; _McCulloh's Researches in Amer._, pp. 201-25; _Klemm_, _Cultur-Geschichte_, tom. v., pp. 128-30; _Tylor's Researches_, pp. 92-4; _Id._, _Anahuac_, p. 103; _Schoolcraft's Arch._, vol. i., pp. 44-5; _Montanus_, _Nieuwe Weereld_, pp. 266-7; _Peter Martyr_, dec. iv., lib. viii., pp. 537-8; _Baril_, _Mexique_, pp. 194-5, 211-15; _Morton's Crania Amer._, p. 150; _Malte-Brun_, _Précis de la Géog._, tom. vi., pp. 445, 293; _Macgregor's Progress of Amer._, vol. i., p. 22; _Chambers' Jour._, 1835, vol. iv., p. 254; _Lafond_, _Voyages_, tom. i., p. 118; _Touron_, _Hist. Gén._, tom. iii., pp. 21-2, 24-5; _Poinsett's Notes Mex._, pp. 111, 75-6; _Simon's Ten Tribes_, pp. 149-57; _Kendall's Nar._, vol. ii., p. 328; _Prichard's Nat. Hist. Man_, tom. ii., p. 507; _Cabrera_, in _Ilustracion Mex._, tom. iv., pp. 461-70; _Müller_, _Amerikanische Urreligionen_, pp. 93-4; _Humboldt_, _Essai Pol._, tom. i., p. 92; _Thompson's Mex._, p. 213; _Falliés_, _Études Hist. sur les Civilisations_, Paris, (n. d.) pp. 57-62. [639] 'Los cuatro meses que faltan son los que corresponden á nuestro enero, febrero y marzo, porque al manuscrito le falta la primera hoja, y solo comienza desde el dia 22 de marzo, y concluye en 31 diciembre, confrontando sus meses con los nuestros.' _Veytia_, _Hist. Ant. Mej._, tom. i., p. 138. 'Il est dit que l'année commençait au 22 mars avec le premier jour In Thacari.' _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. iii., p. 467. [640] _Veytia_, _Hist. Ant. Mej._, tom. i., pp. 137-8; _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. iii., pp. 463, 467; _Gallatin_, in _Amer. Ethno. Soc., Transact._, vol. i., pp. 104-5. [641] 'Dabanle diez y ocho meses de à 20. dias, y otro mas de cinco, y este al cabo de quatro años como nuestro Bisiesto lo variaban à seis dias, pos las seis horas que sobran cada año.' _Burgoa_, _Geog. Descrip._, tom. i., pt ii., fol. 136. CHAPTER XVII. THE AZTEC PICTURE-WRITING. HIEROGLYPHIC RECORDS--THE NATIVE BOOKS--AUTHORITIES--DESTRUCTION OF THE NATIVE ARCHIVES BY ZUMÁRRAGA AND HIS CONFRÈRES--PICTURE-WRITINGS USED AFTER THE CONQUEST FOR CONFESSION AND LAW-SUITS--VALUE OF THE RECORDS--DOCUMENTS SENT TO SPAIN IN THE SIXTEENTH CENTURY--EUROPEAN COLLECTIONS--LORD KINGSBOROUGH'S WORK--PICTURE-WRITINGS RETAINED IN MEXICO--COLLECTIONS OF IXTLILXOCHITL, SIGUËNZA, GEMELLI CARERI, BOTURINI, VEYTIA, LEON Y GAMA, PICHARDO, AUBIN, AND THE NATIONAL MUSEUM OF MEXICO--PROCESS OF HIEROGLYPHIC DEVELOPMENT--REPRESENTATIVE, SYMBOLIC, AND PHONETIC PICTURE-WRITING--ORIGIN OF MODERN ALPHABETS--THE AZTEC SYSTEM--SPECIMEN FROM THE CODEX MENDOZA--SPECIMEN FROM GEMELLI CARERI--SPECIMEN FROM THE BOTURINI COLLECTION--PROBABLE FUTURE SUCCESS OF INTERPRETERS--THE NEPOHUALTZITZIN. The Nahua nations possessed an original hieroglyphic system by which they were able to record all that they deemed worthy of preservation. The art of picture-writing was one of those most highly prized and most zealously cultivated and protected, being entrusted to a class of men educated for the purpose and much honored. The written records included national, historic, and traditional annals, names and genealogical tables of kings and nobles, lists and tribute-rolls of provinces and cities, land-titles, law codes, court records, the calendar and succession of feasts, religious ceremonies of the temple service, names and attributes of the gods, the mysteries of augury and soothsaying, with some description of social customs, mechanical employments, and educational processes. The preparation and guardianship of records of the higher class, such as historical annals and ecclesiastical mysteries, were under the control of the highest ranks of the priesthood, and such records, comparatively few in number, were carefully guarded in the temple archives of a few of the larger cities. These writings were a sealed book to the masses, and even to the educated classes, who looked with superstitious reverence on the priestly writers and their magic scrolls. It is probable that the art as applied to names of persons and places or to ordinary records was understood by all educated persons, although by no means a popular art, and looked upon as a great mystery by the common people. The hieroglyphics were painted in bright colors on long strips of cotton cloth, prepared skins, or maguey-paper--generally the latter--rolled up or, preferably, folded fan-like into convenient books called _amatl_, and furnished often with thin wooden covers. The same characters were also carved on the stones of public buildings, and probably also in some cases on natural cliffs. The early authorities are unanimous in crediting these people with the possession of a hieroglyphic system sufficiently perfect to meet all their requirements.[642] [Sidenote: DESTRUCTION OF ABORIGINAL RECORDS.] Unfortunately the picture-writings, particularly those in the hands of priests--those most highly prized by the native scholar, those which would, if preserved, have been of priceless value to the students of later times--while in common with the products of other arts they excited the admiration of the foreign invaders, at the same time they aroused the pious fears of the European priesthood. The nature of the writings was little understood. Their contents were deemed to be for the most part religious mysteries, painted devices of the devil, the strongest band that held the people to their aboriginal faith, and the most formidable obstacle in the way of their conversion to the true faith. The destruction of the pagan scrolls was deemed essential to the progress of the Church, and was consequently ordered and most successfully carried out under the direction of the bishops and their subordinates, the most famous of these fanatical destroyers of a new world's literature being Juan de Zumárraga, who made a public bonfire of the native archives. The fact already noticed, that the national annals were preserved together in a few of the larger cities, made the task of Zumárraga and his confrères comparatively an easy one, and all the more important records, with very few probable exceptions, were blotted from existence. The priests, however, sent some specimens, either originals or copies, home to Europe, where they attracted momentary curiosity and were then lost and forgotten. Many of the tribute-rolls and other paintings of the more ordinary class, with perhaps a few of the historical writings, were hidden by the natives and thus saved from destruction. Of these I shall speak hereafter.[643] After the zeal of the priests had somewhat abated, or rather when the harmless nature of the paintings was better understood, the natives were permitted to use their hieroglyphics again. Among other things they wrote down in this way their sins when the priests were too busy to hear their verbal confessions. The native writing was also extensively employed in the many lawsuits between Aztecs and Spaniards during the sixteenth century, as it had been employed in the courts before the conquest. Thus the early part of the century produced many hieroglyphic documents, not a few of which have been preserved, and several of which I have in my library. During the same period some fragments that had survived the general destruction were copied and supplied with explanations written with European letters in Aztec, or dictated to the priests who wrote in Spanish. The documents, copies, and explanations of this time are of course strongly tinctured with Catholic ideas wherever any question of religion is involved, but otherwise there is no reason to doubt their authenticity.[644] [Sidenote: VALUE OF THE NATIVE RECORDS.] To discuss the historical value of such Aztec writings as have been preserved, or even of those that were destroyed by the Spaniards, or the accuracy of the various interpretations that have been given to the former, forms no part of my purpose in this chapter. Here I shall give a brief account of the preserved documents, with plates representing a few of them as specimens, and as clear an idea as possible of the system according to which they were painted. Respecting the theory, supported by a few writers, that the Aztecs had no system of writing except the habit common to all savage tribes of drawing rude pictures on the rocks and trees, that the statements of the conquerors on the subject are unfounded fabrications, the specimens handed down to us mere inventions of the priests, and their interpretations consequently purely imaginary, it is well to remark that all this is a manifest absurdity. On the use of hieroglyphics the authorities, as we have seen, all agree; on their destruction by the bishops they are no less unanimous; even the destroyers themselves mention the act in their correspondence, glorying in it as a most meritorious deed. The burning was moreover perfectly consistent with the policy of the Church at that time, and its success does not seem extraordinary when we consider the success of the priests in destroying monuments of solid stone. The use of the aboriginal records in the Spanish courts for a long period is undeniable. The priests had neither the motive nor the ability to invent and teach such a system. Respecting the historical value of the destroyed documents, it is safe to believe that they contained all that the Aztecs knew of their past. Having once conceived the idea of recording their annals, and having a system of writing adequate to the purpose, it is inconceivable that they failed to record all they knew. The Aztecs derived their system traditionally from the Toltecs, whose written annals they also inherited; but none of the latter were ever seen by any European, and, according to tradition, they were destroyed by a warlike Aztec king, who wished the glory of his own kingdom to overshadow that of all others, past, present, or future. If the hieroglyphics of the Nahua nations beyond the limits of Anáhuac differed in any respect from those of the Aztecs, such differences have not been recorded.[645] [Sidenote: EUROPEAN COLLECTIONS.] I have said that many hieroglyphic manuscripts, saved from the fires kindled by Zumárraga's bigotry, or copied by ecclesiastical permission before serving as food for their purifying flames, were sent to Spain by the conquerors. After lying forgotten for a few centuries, attention was again directed to these relics of an extinct civilization, and their importance began to be appreciated; search was made throughout Europe, and such scattered remnants as survived their long neglect were gathered and deposited in public and private libraries. Eight or ten such collections were formed and their contents were for the most part published by Lord Kingsborough. The _Codex Mendoza_ was sent by the viceroy Mendoza to Charles V., and is now in the Bodleian Library at Oxford. It is a copy on European paper, coarsely done with a pen, and rolled instead of folded. Another manuscript in the Escurial Library is thought by Prescott to be the original of this codex, but Humboldt calls it also a copy. An explanation of the codex in Aztec and Spanish accompanies it, added by natives at the order of Mendoza. It has been several times published, and is divided in three parts, the first being historical, the second composed of tribute-rolls, and the third illustrative of domestic life and manners.[646] The _Codex Vaticanus_ (No. 3738) is preserved at Rome in the Vatican Library, and nothing is known of its origin further than that it was copied by Pedro de los Rios, who was in Mexico in 1566. It is divided into two parts, mythological and historical, and has a partial explanation in Italian. Another manuscript, (No. 3776) preserved in the same library, is written on skin, has been interpreted to some extent by Humboldt, and is supposed to pertain to religious rites. The _Codex Telleriano-Remensis_, formerly in the possession of M. Le Tellier, and now in the Royal Library at Paris, is nearly identical with the Codex Vaticanus (No. 3738), having only one figure not found in that codex, but itself lacking many. It has, however, an explanation in Aztec and Spanish.[647] The _Codex Borgian_ was deposited in the College of the Propaganda at Rome by Cardinal Borgia, who found it used as a plaything by the children in the Gustiniani family. It is written on skin, and appears to be a ritual and astrologic almanac very similar to the Vatican manuscript (No. 3776). It is accompanied by an interpretation or commentary by Fabrega. The _Codex Bologna_, preserved in the library of the Scientific Institute, was presented in 1665 to the Marquis de Caspi, by Count Valerio Zani. It is written on badly prepared skin, and appears to treat of astrology. A copy exists in the Museum of Cardinal Borgia at Veletri. Of the _Codex Vienna_ nothing is known except that it was given in 1677 to the Emperor Leopold by the Duke of Saxe-Eisenach, and that its resemblance to the manuscripts at Rome and Veletri would indicate a common origin. Four additional manuscripts from the Bodleian Library at Oxford, and one belonging to M. de Fejérvary in Hungary, are published by Kingsborough. Nothing is known of the origin of these, nor has any interpretation been attempted, although the last-named seems to be historical or chronological in its nature.[648] [Sidenote: PICTURE-WRITINGS PRESERVED IN MEXICO.] I have said that many manuscripts, mostly copies, but probably some originals, were preserved from destruction, and retained in Mexico. Material is not accessible for a complete detailed history of these documents, nor does it seem desirable to attempt here to disentangle the numerous contradictory statements on the subject. The surviving remnants of the Tezcucan archives, with additions from various sources, were inherited by Ixtlilxochitl, the lineal descendant of Tezcuco's last king, who used them extensively if not always judiciously in his voluminous historical writings. The collection of which these documents formed a nucleus may be traced more or less clearly to the successive possession of Sigüenza, the College of San Pedro y San Pablo, Boturini Benaduci, the Vice-regal Palace, Veytia, Ortega, Leon y Gama, Pichardo, Sanchez, and at last to the National Museum of the University of Mexico, its present and appropriate resting-place. Frequent interventions of government and private law-suits interrupted this line of succession, and the collection by no means passed down the line intact. Under the care of several of the owners large portions of the accumulation were scattered; but on the other hand, several by personal research greatly enlarged their store of aboriginal literature. While in Sigüenza's possession the documents were examined by the Italian traveler Gemelli Careri, through whose published work one of the most important of the pictured records was made known to the world. This latter has been often republished and will be given as a specimen in this chapter.[649] Clavigero studied the manuscripts in the Jesuit College of San Pedro y San Pablo in 1759.[650] Boturini was a most indefatigable collector, his accumulation in eight years amounting to over five hundred specimens, some of them probably antedating the Spanish conquest. He published a catalogue of his treasures, which were for the most part confiscated by the government and deposited in the palace of the viceroy, where many of the documents are said to have been destroyed or damaged by dampness and want of care. Those retained by the collector were even more unfortunate, since the vessel on which they were sent to Europe was taken by an English pirate, and the papers have never since been heard of. Only a few fragments from the Boturini collection have ever been published, the most important of which, a history of the Aztec migration, has been often reproduced, and will be given in this chapter. The original was seen by Humboldt in the palace of the viceroy, and is now in the Mexican Museum.[651] The confiscated documents passed by order of the Spanish government into the hands of Veytia, or at least he was permitted to use them in the preparation of his history,[652] and after his death and the completion of his work by Ortega, they passed, not without a lawsuit, into the possession of Leon y Gama, the astronomer.[653] On the death of Gama a part of his manuscripts were sold to Humboldt to form the Berlin collection published by Kingsborough;[654] the rest came into the hands of Pichardo, Gama's executor, who spent his private fortune in improving his collection, described by Humboldt as the richest in Mexico. Many of Pichardo's papers were scattered during the revolution, and the remainder descended through his executor Sanchez to the Museum.[655] It is not unlikely either that the French intervention in later years was also the means of sending some picture-writings to Europe. Of the documents removed from the Mexican collections on different occasions and under different pretexts, M. Aubin claims to have secured the larger part, which are now in his collection in Paris, with copies of such manuscripts as he has been unable to obtain in the original form.[656] * * * * * [Sidenote: HIEROGLYPHIC DEVELOPMENT.] In order to form a clear idea of the Aztec system of picture-writing, it will be well to consider first the general principles of hieroglyphic development, which are remarkably uniform and simple, and which may best be illustrated by our own language, supposing it, for convenience, to be only a spoken tongue. It is evident that the first attempt at expressing ideas with the brush, pencil, or knife, would be the representation of visible objects by pictures as accurately drawn as possible; a house, man, bird, or flower are drawn true to the life in all their details. But very soon, if a frequent repetition of the pictures were needed, a desire to save labor would prompt the artist to simplify his drawing, making only the lines necessary to show that a house, man, etc., were meant,--a retrograde movement artistically considered, but intellectually the first step towards an alphabet. The representation of actions and conditions, such as a house on fire, a dead man, a flying bird, or a red flower would naturally follow. The three grades of development mentioned belong to what may be termed representative picture-writing. It is to be noted that this writing has no relation to language; that is, the signs represent only visible objects and actions without reference to the words by which the objects are named or the actions expressed in our language. The pictures would have the same meaning to a Frenchman or German as to the painter. The next higher phase of the art is known as symbolic picture-writing. It springs from the need that would soon be experienced of some method by which to express abstract qualities or invisible objects. The symbolic system is closely analogous in its earlier stages to the representative, as when the act of swimming is symbolized by a fish, a journey by a succession of footprints, night by a black square, light by an eye, power by a hand, the connection between the picture and the idea to be expressed being more or less obvious. Such a connection, real or imaginary, must always be supposed to have existed originally, since it is not likely that purely arbitrary symbols would be adopted, but nearly all the symbols would be practically arbitrary and meaningless to a would-be interpreter ignorant of the circumstances which originated their signification. We have seen that the symbolic and representative stages of development are in many respects very like one to the other, and there are many hieroglyphic methods between the two, which it is very difficult to assign altogether to either. For instance, when a large painted heart expresses the name of a chief 'Big Heart;' or when a peculiarly formed nose is painted to represent the man to whom it belongs; or when the outlines of the house, man, bird, or flower already mentioned are so very much simplified as to lose all their apparent resemblance to the objects represented. It is also to be noted that the symbolic writing, as well as the representative, is entirely independent of language. [Sidenote: REPRESENTATIVE AND SYMBOLIC WRITING.] Picture-writing of the two classes described has been practiced more or less, probably, by every savage tribe. By its aid records of events, such as tribal migrations, and the warlike achievements of noted chiefs, may be and doubtless have been made intelligible to those for whose perusal they were intended. But the key to such hieroglyphics is the actual acquaintance of the nation with each character and symbol, and it cannot long survive the practice of the art. In only two ways can the meaning of such records be preserved,--the study of the art while actually in use by a people of superior culture, or its development into a hieroglyphic system of a higher grade. Neither of these conditions were fulfilled in the case of our Wild Tribes, but both were so to some extent, as we shall see, in the case of the Civilized Nations. Throughout the Pacific States rock-carvings and painted devices will be noted in a subsequent volume of this work; most of them doubtless had a meaning to their authors, although many may be attributed to the characteristic common to savages and children of whiling away time by tracing unmeaning sketches from fancy. All are meaningless now and must ever remain so. Full of meaning to the generation whose work they were, they served to keep alive in the following generation the memory of some distinguished warrior, or some element of aboriginal worship, but to the third generation they became nothing but objects of superstitious wonder. Even after coming into contact with Europeans the savage often indicates by an arrow and other figures carved on a forest-tree the number of an enemy and the direction they have taken, or leaves some other equally simple representative record. The next and most important step in hieroglyphic development is taken when a phonetic element is introduced; when the pictures come into a relation, not before attained, with sounds or spoken language; when a picture of the human form signifies _man_, not _homme_ or _hombre_; a painted house, _house_, not _casa_ or _maison_. Of this phonetic picture-writing in its simplest form, the illustrated rebuses--children's hieroglyphics--present a familiar example; as when charity is written by drawing in succession a chair, an eye, and a chest of tea, 'chair-eye-tea.' In pronouncing the whole word thus written, the sounds of the words represented by the pictures are used without the slightest reference to their meaning. To the Frenchman the same pictures 'chaise-oeil-thé' would have no meaning. In the example given the whole name of each word pictured is pronounced, but the number of words that could be produced by such combinations is limited, and the first improvement of the system would perhaps be to pronounce only the leading syllable or sound of the pictured word, and then charity might be painted 'cha (pel)-ri (ng)-tee (th).' By this system the same word might be written in a great many ways, and the next natural improvement would be the conventional adoption of certain easily pictured words to represent certain sounds, as 'hat,' 'hand,' or 'ham,' for the sound _ha_, or simply the aspirated _h_. The next development would be effected by simplifying the outlines of the numerous pictures employed, which have now become too complicated and bulky for rapid writing. For a time this process of simplification would still leave a rude resemblance to the original picture; but at last the resemblance would become very faint, or only imaginary, and perhaps some arbitrary signs would be added--in other words, a phonetic alphabet would be invented, the highest degree of perfection yet achieved in this direction. To recapitulate briefly: picture-writing may be divided, according to the successive stages of its development, into three classes, representative, symbolic, and phonetic, no one of which except the last in its highest or alphabetic, and the first in its rudest, state, would be used alone by any people, but rather all would be employed together. In the representative stage a [Illustration: hand] might express a human hand, or as the system is perfected, a large, small, closed, black, or red hand; and finally 'Big Hand,' an Indian chief; and all this would be equally intelligible to American or Asiatic, savage or civilized, without respect to language. [Sidenote: HIEROGLYPHIC WRITING.] Symbolic picture-writing indicates invisible or abstract objects, actions, or conditions, by the use of pictures supposed to be suggestive of them; the symbols are originally in a manner representative, and rarely, if ever, arbitrarily adopted. As a symbol the [Illustration: hand] might express power, a blow, murder, the number one or five. These symbols are also independent of language. Phonetic picture-writing represents not objects, but sounds by the picture of objects in whose names the sound occurs; first words, then syllables, then elementary sounds, and last--by modification of the pictures or the substitution of simpler ones--letters and an alphabet. According to this system the [Illustration: hand] signifies successively the word 'hand,' the syllable 'hand' in handsome, the sound 'ha' in happy, the aspiration 'h' in head, and finally, by simplifying its form or writing it rapidly, the [Illustration: hand] becomes [Illustration: stylized hand], and then the 'h' of the alphabet. The process of development which I have attempted to explain by imaginary examples and illustrations in our own language, is probably applicable to a greater or less extent to all hieroglyphic systems; yet such hieroglyphics as have been preserved are of a mixed class, uniting in one word, or sentence, or document, all the forms, representative, symbolic, and phonetic; the Egyptians first spelled a word phonetically and then, to make the meaning clear, represented the word by a picture or symbol; the Chinese characters were originally pictures of visible objects, though they would not now be recognized as such, if the originals were not in existence. What proportion of the letters in modern alphabets are simplified pictures, or representative characters, and what arbitrary, it is of course impossible to determine; many of them, however, are known to be of the former class.[657] In the Aztec picture-writings all the grades or classes of pictures are found, except the last and highest--the alphabet. A very large part of the characters employed were representative; many conventional symbols are known; and the Aztecs undoubtedly employed phonetic paintings, though perhaps not very extensively in the higher grades of development. [Sidenote: SPECIMEN FROM CODEX MENDOZA.] The plate on the opposite page is a reproduction of a part of the _Codex Mendoza_ from Kingsborough's work. Its four groups describe the education of the Aztec child under the care of its parents. In the first group the father (fig. 3) is punishing his son by holding him over the fumes of burning chile (fig. 5); while the mother threatens her daughter with the same punishment. Figures 2 and 8 represent, like 11, 16, 20, 24, 30 and 34 in the other groups, the child's allowance of tortillas at each meal. In the second group the son is punished by being stretched naked on the wet ground, having his hands tied, while the girl is forced to sweep, or, as she has no tear in her eye, perhaps is merely being taught to sweep instead of being punished. In the third group the father employs his boys in bringing wood (fig. 21) or reeds either on the back or in a canoe; and the mother teaches her daughter to make tortillas (fig. 27) and the use of the metate and other household utensils (figs. 23, 25, 26, 28). In the last group the son learns the art of fishing, and the daughter that of weaving. [Illustration: Education of Aztec Children.] Thus far all the pictures are purely representative; the remainder are more or less symbolic. The small circles (fig. 1, 10, 19, 29) are numerals, as explained in a preceding chapter, and indicate the age of the children, eleven, twelve, thirteen, and fourteen years respectively; the character issuing from the mouth of the parents is the symbol of speech, and indicates that the person to whom it is attached is speaking; the tears in the children's eyes, are symbols of the weeping naturally caused by the punishment inflicted; and figure 14 is interpreted to be a symbol of night, indicating that the child was forced to sweep at night.[658] Many of the Aztec symbols are of clearly representative origin, as foot-prints, symbols of traveling; tongues, of speech; a man sitting on the ground, of an earthquake; painted drops, of water; and other signs for day, night, air, movement, etc., which are more or less clear. But of others, as the serpent, symbol of time, the origin is not affirmed. To define the extent to which the symbolic writing prevailed is very difficult, because many of the characters which were, originally at least, representative, would appear to the uninitiated purely arbitrary; and it is not improbable that many signs may have had a double meaning according to the connection in which they were employed. The system is capable of indefinite expansion in the hands of the priesthood for purposes of religious mystification; and the fact that the religious and astrologic documents seem to contain but few of the representative and phonetic signs by which other paintings are interpreted, lends some probability to the theory that the priests had a partially distinct symbolic system of their own. The Abbé Brasseur goes so far as to say that all the historical documents had a double meaning, one for the initiated, another for the masses. The use of symbols doubtless accounts for the difficulty experienced in the interpretation of the picture-writings which have been preserved, and for the variety of extravagant theories that have been founded on them. The intermediate method already mentioned as coming between the purely representative and the symbolic, was very extensively employed by the Aztecs in writing the names of places and persons, nearly all of which were derived from natural objects. Examples of this method are: Itzcoatl, 'stone (or obsidian) serpent;' Chapultepec, 'hill of the grasshopper;' Tzompanco, 'place of skulls;' Chimalpopoca, 'smoking shield;' Acamapitzin, 'hand holding reeds;' Macuilxochitl, 'five flowers;' Quauhtinchan, 'house of the eagle;' all written by the simple pictures of the objects named. The picture expressing a person's name was attached by a fine line to his head. [Sidenote: AZTEC PHONETIC WRITING.] The use of the phonetic element by the Aztecs was first noticed by the early missionaries in their efforts to teach Church forms. The natives, eager or obliged to learn the words so essential to their salvation but so new to their ear, aided their memory by writing phonetically in a rude way the strange words. Amen was expressed by the symbol of water, _atl_, joined to a maguey, _metl_, forming the sounds _atl-metl_ or _a-m[)e]_, sufficiently accurate for their purpose. Pater noster was likewise written with a flag, _pantli_, and a prickly pear, _nochtli_; or sometimes a stone, _tetl_, was introduced before and after the prickly pear, the whole reading _pa(ntli)-te(tl)-noch(tli)-te(tl)_. Here it will be observed that the sound only of the objects employed is considered, with no reference to their meaning. The name is an excellent specimen of the syllabic-phonetic writing. It is written in one of the manuscripts of the Boturini collection by a pictured pair of lips, _tentli_, for the syllable _te_; footsteps, symbolic of a road, _otli_, for _o_; a house, _calli_, for _cal_; and teeth, _tlantli_, for _tlan_, _ti_ being a common connective syllable. The termination _coatl_ is a very frequent one in Aztec words, and is often written phonetically by a 'pot,' _comitl_, surmounted by the symbol of water, _atl_, _co-atl_; but _coatl_ means 'serpent' and is also written representatively by a simple picture of that reptile. Matlatlan 'net-place,' is written by pictured teeth, _tlantli_, phonetic, and a net, _matla_, representative. Mixcoatl, 'cloudy serpent,' is expressed by the representative sign of a cloud, _mixtli_, and by the word _coatl_ phonetically written as before explained. These examples suffice to illustrate the system. There is no evidence that the Aztecs ever reached the highest or alphabetic stage of hieroglyphics, and so far as is known they only used the syllabic method in writing names, and foreign words after the coming of the Spaniards. Still there is some reason to suspect that the phonetic element was much more in use than has been supposed, and that many characters which, hitherto considered by students as representative and symbolic signs, have yielded no meaning, may yet prove to be phonetic, and may throw much light on a complex and mysterious subject.[659] [Sidenote: RECORD OF AN AZTEC MIGRATION.] On the two following pages is a copy of the painting already referred to as having been published by Gemelli Careri, Humboldt, Kingsborough, Prescott, and others, and which I take from the work of Ramirez as being probably the most reliable source.[660] This painting, preserved in the National Museum, is about twenty by twenty-seven inches, on maguey paper of the finest quality, now mounted on linen. I do not propose to attempt in this chapter any interpretation of the painting, to discuss the interpretations of others, or to investigate its historical importance. I simply present the document as an illustration of the Aztec picture-writing, with interpretations of some of the figures as given by Señor Ramirez, leaving to another volume all consideration of the old absurd theory that a part of the painting (fig. 1-6) pictures the flood, the preservation of Coxcox, the Aztec Noah, and the confusion of tongues. [Illustration: The Aztec Migration.] [Sidenote: PICTURE-WRITING FROM GEMELLI CARERI.] The winding parallel lines, with frequent foot-prints, by which the different groups of figures are united, are symbols of a journey, and there is little doubt that the whole painting describes the migrations or wanderings of the Aztec people. The square at the right represents the place from which they started. Fig. 1, 2, perhaps express phonetically its name, but their interpretation is doubtful. It was evidently a watery region, probably a lake island in the valley of Mexico. Fig. 3 is a _xiuhmolpilli_, 'bundle of grass,' symbol of the Aztec cycle of fifty-two years; fig. 4 is a 'curved mountain,' or the city of Culhuacan, on the borders of the lake; fig. 5 is a bird speaking to the people (fig. 6), the tongues issuing from its mouth being, as I have said, the usual symbols of speech. It was a popular tradition among the Aztecs that the voice of a bird started them on their wanderings. The fifteen human forms (fig. 7, 12,) are the chiefs of the migrating tribes, whose names are hieroglyphically expressed by the figures connected with their heads. At their first stopping-place they completed another 'sheaf' of fifty-two years (fig. 8), and perhaps built a temple (fig. 11). The stay at Cincotlan (fig. 15) was ten years as indicated by the ten circles; fig. 17 is interpreted by Gemelli Careri Tocolco, 'humiliation,' and fig. 18, Oztotlan, 'place of caves.' At the next stopping-place fig. 20 represents a body wrapped in the Mexican manner for burial; his name as shown by the character over his head is that of the central figure in the group shown in fig. 7. As this name does not appear again, the meaning is perhaps that one of the tribes here became extinct. Fig. 25 is Tetzapotlan, 'place of the tree _tetzapotl_.' The generic name of the tree is _tzapotl_ (modern _zapote_), but a particular species is _tetzapotl_, and the prefix _te_ is phonetically expressed by the stone, _tetl_, at the base of the tree. Fig. 28 is Tzompanco, 'place of skulls,' representing supposably a skull impaled on a stick; fig. 29 is Apazco, 'earthen vase;' fig. 31, Quauhtitlan 'place of the eagle,' and here one of the chiefs of tribes, the right hand figure of group 7, separates from the rest to form a settlement at fig. 33. The time of stopping at each place and the completion of each fifty-two years are clearly indicated and need not be mentioned here. Fig. 34 is Azcapuzalco, 'the anthill;' fig. 83 is Chalco, 'the chalchiuite-stone;' fig. 36, Tlecohuatl, _tletl-cohuatl_, or 'fire-serpent;' fig. 39, Chicomoztoc, _chicome-oztotl_, 'seven caves;' the lower part of fig. 47 is the symbol of water; fig. 48, Teozomaco, 'the monkey of stone.' Fig. 50 is Chapultepec, 'hill of the locust or grasshopper.' After the arrival at Chapultepec a great variety of events, most of which can be identified with traditional occurrences in the early history of the Aztecs, are pictured. I shall not attempt to follow them. The route seems to continue towards fig. 80, Tlatelolco; but five tribes (fig. 53), all but one identical with those of the group in fig. 7, 12, return as fugitives or prisoners (fig. 51) to Culhuacan (fig. 54), the original starting-point. Fig. 61, and one of the characters of fig. 65, are the symbols of combat or war. Fig. 67 is Inixiuhcan, 'birth-place,' the picture representing a woman who has just given birth to a child. Fig. 74 is Tenochtitlan, 'place of _tenochtli_,' the tenochtli being a species of nopal represented in the figure, and being also the sign of the name of Tenoch, one of the original chiefs of the group in fig. 12, and also seen in the group in fig. 81. Six of the original tribes seem to have reached Tenochtitlan, afterwards Mexico, with the tribe that joined them at Chapultepec; nine having perished or been scattered on the way, which agrees with the historical tradition. The preceding brief sketch will give an idea of a document whose full description and interpretation, even if possible, would require much space and would not be appropriately included here. [Sidenote: CHRONOLOGIC RECORD.] The picture-writing shown on the following pages is the one already mentioned as having formed part of the Boturini collection, is equally important with the one already described, and is preserved like the former in the National Museum. This painting, like the other, describes a migration, indicated by the line of foot-prints. Starting from an island, a passage by boat is indicated to Culhuacan, 'the curved mountain,' on the mainland. In this painting we have not only the number of years spent in the migration, and at each stopping-place, but the years are named according to the system described in the last chapter, and the migration began in the year Ce Tecpatl. The character within that of Culhuacan is the name of Huitzilopochtli, the great Aztec god. Next we have in a vertical line the names of the eight tribes, hieroglyphically written, who started on the migration, the Chalcas, Matlaltzincas, Tepanecs, etc., agreeing with the tradition, except three which cannot be accurately interpreted. The first stopping-place after Culhuacan was Coatlicamac, the first figure in the lower column of the first page. Here they remained twenty-eight years from Ome Calli to Yey Tecpatl as indicated by the squares connected by a line. The last but one of these years completed the cycle and is represented by a picture showing the process of kindling fire by friction, instead of the bundle of grass as before. Between the groups of small squares are the hieroglyphic names of the stopping-places, which are in the following order, beginning with the second column of the first page, Coatlicamac, Tollan, Atlicalaquiam, Tlemaco, Atotonilco, Apazco, Tzompanco, Xaltocan, Acolhuacan, Ehecatepec, Tolpetlac, Coatitlan (where they first cultivated the maguey), Huixachtitlan (where they made pulque from the maguey), Tecpayocan, Pantitlan, 'place of the flag,' Amalinalpan, Azcapuzalco, Pantitlan, Acolnahuac, Popotla, ----, Atlacuihuayan (Tacubaya), Chapultepec, Acocolco, and Culhuacan (as prisoners). The migration is not brought down to the arrival in Tenochtitlan, but the chronology is perfectly recorded. Several of the names of places are indicated by the same hieroglyphic signs as in the other painting. It will be observed that there is nothing to locate the starting-place in the north-west. It was probably either on the lakes of Anáhuac, or in the south beyond what is now the isthmus of Tehuantepec. Both of these paintings will be noticed in the historical investigations to be given in volume V. of this work. [Sidenote: THE AZTEC MIGRATION.] [Illustration: PICTURE-RECORD OF THE AZTEC MIGRATION. FROM THE BOTURINI COLLECTION.] The hieroglyphic paintings afford no test of the Aztec painter's skill; in an artistic point of view the picture-writing had probably been nearly stationary for a long time before the conquest. The pictures were in most cases conventionally distorted; indeed, to permit different painters to exercise their skill and fancy in depicting the various objects required would have destroyed the value of the paintings as records. The first progressional steps had taught the native scribes to paint only so much of representative and symbolic objects as was necessary to their being understood; convenience and custom would naturally tend to fix the forms at an early period. Bold outlines, and bright contrasted colors were the desiderata; elegance was not aimed at. Hence no argument respecting the Aztec civilization can be drawn from the rude mechanical execution of these painted characters. The American hieroglyphics contain no element to prove their foreign origin, and there is no reason to look upon them as other than the result of original native development. Whether enough of the painted records have been preserved to throw much additional light on aboriginal history, may well be doubted; but it is certain that great progress will be made in the art of interpreting such as have been saved, when able men shall devote their lives to a faithful study of this indigenous American literature as they have to the study of old-world hieroglyphics.[661] [Sidenote: THE NEPOHUALTZITZIN.] I will in conclusion call attention to Boturini's statement that knotted cords, similar to the aboriginal Peruvian _quipus_, but called in Aztec _nepohualtzitzin_, were also employed to record events in early times, but had gone out of use probably before the Aztec supremacy. This author even claims to have found one of these knotted records in a very dilapidated condition in Tlascala. His statement is repeated by many writers; if any information on the subject is contained in the old authorities, it has escaped my notice.[662] FOOTNOTES: [642] 'Todas las cosas que conferimos me las dieron por pinturas, que aquella era la escritura que ellos antiguamente usaban: los gramáticos las declararon en su lengua, escribiendo la declaracion al pie de la pintura. Tengo aun ahora estos originales.' _Sahagun_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. i., p. iv. 'Aunque no tenian escritura como nosotros tenian empero sus figuras y caracteres que todas las cosas qui querian, significaban; y destas sus libros grandes por tan agudo y sutil artificio, que podriamos decir que nuestras letras en aquello no les hicieron mucha ventaja.' _Las Casas_, _Hist. Apologética_, MS., cap. ccxxxv. 'Tenian sus figuras, y Hieroglyficas con que pintauan las cosas en esta forma, que las cosas que tenian figuras, las ponian con sus proprias ymagines, y para las cosas que no auia ymagen propria, tenian otros caracteres significatiuos de aquello, y con este modo figurauan quanto querian.' _Acosta_, _Hist. de las Ynd._, p. 408. 'Letras Reales de cosas pintadas, como eran las pinturas, en que leiò Eneas la destruicion de Troya.' 'Y esto que afirmo, es tomado de las mismas Historias Mexicanas, y Tetzcucanas, que son las que sigo en este discurso, y las que tengo en mi poder.' _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. i., pp. 29, 149, also pp. 30-1, 36, 253, tom. ii., pp. 263, 544-6. 'I haue heeretofore sayde, that they haue books whereof they brought many: but this Ribera saith, that they are not made for the vse of readinge.... What I should thinke in this variety I knowe not. I suppose them to bee bookes.' _Peter Martyr_, dec. v., lib. x., dec. iii., lib. viii. 'Y entre la barbaridad destas naciones (de Oajaca) se hallaron muchos libros à su modo, en hojas, ò telas de especiales cortesas de arboles.... Y destos mesmos instrumentos he tenido en mis manos, y oydolos explicar à algunos viejos con bastante admiracion.' _Burgoa_, _Palestra Hist._, pt i., p. 89. 'Pintaban en vnos papeles de la tierra que dan los arboles pegados vnos con otros con engrudos, que llamaban _Texamaltl_ sus historias, y batallas.' _Vetancvrt_, _Teatro Mex._, pt ii., p. 60. 'Lo dicho lo comprueban claramente las Historias de las Naciones Tulteca y Chichimeca, figuradas con pinturas, y Geroglíficos, especialmente en aquel Libro, que en Tula hicieron de su origen, y le llamaron Teomaxtli, esto es, Libro divino.' _Lorenzana_, in _Cortés_, _Hist. N. España_, pp. 6, 8-9. 'It is now proven beyond cavil, that both Mexico and Yucatan had for centuries before Columbus a phonetic system of writing, which insured the perpetuation of their histories and legends.' _Brinton's Myths._ See also _Ixtlilxochitl_, _Hist. Chich._, in _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. ix., pp. 203-4, 235, 287; _Id._, _Relaciones_, in _Id._, p. 325; _Ritos Antiguos_, p. 4, in _Id._; _Garcia_, in _Id._, vol. viii., pp. 190-1; _Gomara_, _Conq. Mex._, fol. 299; _Motolinia_, _Hist. Indios_, in _Icazbalceta_, _Col. de Doc._, tom. i., pp. 186, 209; _Fuenleal_, in _Ternaux-Compans_, _Voy._, série i., tom. x., p. 250; _Veytia_, _Hist. Ant. Mej._, tom. i., pp. 6-7, 251-2; _Bernal Diaz_, _Hist. Conq._, fol. 68; _Purchas his Pilgrimes_, vol. iv., p. 1135. [643] 'Aunque por haverse quemado estos Libros, al principio de la conversion ... no ha quedado, para aora, mui averiguado todo lo que ellos hicieron.' _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., p. 544, tom. i., prólogo. Some of them burned by order of the monks, in the fear that in the matter of religion these books might prove injurious. _Las Casas_, _Hist. Apologética_, MS., cap. ccxxxv. Royal archives of Tezcuco burned inadvertently by the first priests. _Ixtlilxochitl_, _Hist. Chich._, in _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. ix., p. 203. 'Principalmente habiendo perecido lo mejor de sus historias entre las llamas, por no tenerse conocimiento de lo que significaban sus pinturas.' _Leon y Gama_, _Dos Piedras_, pt i., pp. 2, 5. 'Por desgracia los misioneros confundieron con los objetos del culto idolátrico todos los geroglíficos cronológicos é históricos, y en una misma hoguera se consumia el ídolo ... y el manuscrito.' _Alaman_, _Disertaciones_, tom. ii., p. 154. See also _Prescott's Mex._, vol. i., p. 101; _Sahagun_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. iii., lib. x., pp. 139-41; _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., p. 188; _Bustamante_, _Mañanas_, tom. ii., prólogo; _Humboldt_, _Vues_, tom. i., p. 226; _Wilson's Conq. Mex._, p. 24. [644] 'It is to this transition-period that we owe many, perhaps most, of the picture-documents still preserved.' _Tylor's Researches_, p. 97. 'There was ... until late in the last century, a professor in the University of Mexico, especially devoted to the study of the national picture-writing. But, as this was with a view to legal proceedings, his information, probably, was limited to deciphering titles.' _Prescott's Mex._, vol. i., p. 106. 'L'usage de ces peintures, servant de pièces de procès, c'est conservé dans les tribunaux espagnols long-temps après la conquête.' _Humboldt_, _Vues_, tom. i., pp. 169-70. 'Escriben toda la doctrina ellos por sus figuras y caracteres muy ingeniosamente, poniendo la figura que correspondia en la voz y sonido á nuestro vocablo. Asi como si dijeremos Amen, ponian pintada una como fuente y luego un maguey que en su lengua corresponde con Amen, porque llamada _Ametl_, y así de todo lo demas.' _Las Casas_, _Hist. Apologética_, MS., cap. ccxxxv. See also _Ritos Antiguos_, p. 53, in _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. ix.; _Ramirez_, _Proceso de Resid._; _Carbajal_, _Discurso_, p. 115; _Motolinia_, _Hist. Indios_, in _Icazbalceta_, _Col. de Doc._, tom. i., p. 122. [645] 'Au Mexique, l'usage des peintures et celui du papier de maguey s'étendoient bien au delà des limites de l'empire de Montezuma, jusqu'aux bords du lac de Nicaragua.' 'On voit que les peuples de l'Amèrique étoient bien éloignés de cette perfection qu'avoient atteinte les Égyptiens.' _Humboldt_, _Vues_, tom. i., pp. 208, 193-4. 'Clumsy as it was, however, the Aztec picture-writing seems to have been adequate to the demands of the nation.' _Prescott's Mex._, vol. i., pp. 97-8, 108. 'The Mexicans may have advanced, but, we believe, not a great way, beyond the village children, the landlady (with her ale-scores), or the Bosjesmans.' _Quarterly Review_, 1816, vol. xv., pp. 454, 449. 'The _picture writings_ copied into the monster volumes of Lord Kingsborough, we have denounced as Spanish fabrications.' _Wilson's Conq. Mex._, pp. 21-24. 'Until some evidence, or shadow of evidence, can be found that these quasi records are of Aztec origin, it would be useless to examine the contradictions, absurdities and nonsense they present.... The whole story must be considered as one of Zumárraga's pious frauds.' _Id._, pp. 91-2. 'Las pinturas, que se quemaron en tiempo del señor de México, que se decia _Itzcóatl_, en cuya época los señores, y los principales que habia entónces, acordaron y mandaron que se quemasen todas, para que no viniesen á manos del vulgo, y fuesen menospreciadas.' _Sahagun_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. iii., lib. x., pp. 140-1; _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. iii., p. 209. See also _Waldeck_, _Voy. Pitt._, pp. 46-7; _Gallatin_, in _Amer. Ethno. Soc., Transact._, vol. i., p. 144; _Orozco y Berra_, _Geografía_, p. 100; _Mayer's Mex. Aztec_, etc., vol. i., p. 93. [646] See _Mexican MSS._, in the list of authorities in vol. i. of this work, for the location of this and other codices in Kingsborough's work. This codex was published also in _Purchas his Pilgrimes_, vol. iv.; _Thevenot_, _Col. de Voy._, 1696, tom. ii.; and by _Lorenzana_, in _Cortés_, _Hist. N. España_. 'D'après les recherches que j'ai faites, il paroît qu'il n'existe aujourd'hui en Europe que six collections de peintures mexicaines: celles de l'Escurial, de Bologne, de Veletri, de Rome, de Vienne et de Berlin.' _Humboldt_, _Vues_, tom. i., p. 215. See also on the Codex Mendoza: _Id._, tom. ii., pp. 306-22; _Robertson's Hist. Amer._, (Lond., 1777), vol. ii., p. 480; _Prescott's Mex._, vol. i., pp. 40, 103-4; _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. i., pp. 22-3, 25; _Gallatin_, in _Amer. Ethno. Soc., Transact._, vol. i., pp. 116-29; _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. vi., p. 299. [647] _Humboldt_, _Vues_, tom. i., pp. 173, 231-47; _Atlas_, pl. 13, 14, 26, 55-6. 60, tom. ii., p. 118; _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. i., p. 23; _Gallatin_, in _Amer. Ethno. Soc., Transact._, vol. i., pp. 116, 125, 132-43; _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. vi., pp. 95, 155; _Wilson's Conq. Mex._, p. 91. 'The fiction of some Spanish monk.' _Quarterly Review_, 1816, vol. xv., p. 448. [648] _Humboldt_, _Vues_, tom. i., pp. 216-19, 248-56, with portions of the Borgian Codex in plates 15, 27, 37. Some pages of the Vienna Codex were published in _Robertson's Hist. Amer._, (Lond., 1777), vol. ii., p. 482. [649] _Careri_, _Giro del Mondo_, (Naples, 1699-1700), tom. vi.; _Humboldt_, _Vues_, tom. ii., pp. 168-85, _Atlas_, pl. xxxii.; _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. iv.; _Schoolcraft's Arch._, vol. i., p. 20; _Prescott's Hist. Conq. Mex._, (Mex. 1846), tom. iii.; _García y Cubas_, _Atlas_; _Simon's Ten Tribes_, frontispiece; Gallatin, in _Amer. Ethno. Soc., Transact._, vol. i., p. 127, pronounces it an imitation and not a copy of a Mexican painting, whose authenticity may be doubted. [650] _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. i., pp. 22-6. [651] _Boturini_, _Catálogo_, in _Id._, _Idea_; _Aubin_, in _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. i., pp. xxxiii.; _Prescott's Mex._, vol. i., pp. 159-60; _Humboldt_, _Vues_, tom. i., pp. 162-3, 226-8; _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. i., pp. 16-17, 23-5; _Gallatin_, in _Amer. Ethno. Soc., Transact._, vol. i., pp. 120-1; _Veytia_, _Hist. Ant. Mej._, tom. i., p. xxi., et seq., p. 116. That portion of the Codex Mendoza given in _Cortés_, _Hist. N. España_, was from a copy in the Boturini collection. The manuscript describing the Aztec migration was published in Kingsborough, Schoolcraft, Prescott, (Mex. 1846), Humboldt's _Atlas_, Delafield's _Antiq. Amer._, García y Cubas' _Atlas_, and I have in my library two copies on long strips of paper folded in the original form. [652] Ortega, in _Veytia_, _Hist. Ant. Mej._, tom. i., pp. xxii-xxiv., says they were not given to Veytia as Boturini's executor, but simply entrusted to him for use in his work, and afterwards returned to the archives. [653] Gondra, in _Prescott_, _Hist. Conq. Mex._ (Mex., 1846), tom. iii., p. ii., says that Gama was Sigüenza's heir. [654] _Humboldt_, _Vues_, tom. i., pp. 163, 230-1. [655] _Bustamante_, in _Leon y Gama_, _Dos Piedras_, pt i., pp. ii-iii. [656] See list of part of M. Aubin's manuscripts in _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. i., pp. lxxvi-lxxviii.; also a very complete account of the different collections of Aztec picture-writings in the introductory chapter of _Domenech_, _Manuscrit Pictographique_. [657] In the Egyptian development, a pictured mouth first signified the word _ro_, then the syllable _ro_, and finally the letter or sound _r_, although it is doubtful if they made much use of the third stage, except in writing some foreign words. Many of the Chinese pictures are double, one being determinative of sound, the other of sense; as if in English we should express the sound _pear_ by a picture of the fruit of that name, the fruit _pear_ by the same picture accompanied by a tree, the word _pare_ by the same picture and a knife, the word _pair_ by the picture and two points, etc. _Humboldt_, _Vues_, tom. i., pp. 177-9; _Tylor's Researches_, pp. 98-101. [658] _Codex Mendoza_, in _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. i., pl. lxi. Explanation, vol. v., pp. 96-7. See p. 241 of this volume. [659] 'On trouve même chez les Mexicains des vestiges de ce genre d'hiéroglyphes que l'on appelle phonétiques, et qui annonce des rapports, non avec la chose, mais avec la langue parlée.' _Humboldt_, _Vues_, tom. i., p. 191, also pp. 162-202. 'But, although the Aztecs were instructed in all the varieties of hieroglyphical painting, they chiefly resorted to the clumsy method of direct representation.' _Prescott's Mex._, vol. i., p. 97, also pp. 88-107. 'It is to M. Aubin, of Paris, a most zealous student of Mexican antiquities, that we owe our first clear knowledge of a phenomenon of great scientific interest in the history of writing. This is a well-defined system of phonetic characters, which Clavigero and Humboldt do not seem to have been aware of.' _Tylor's Researches_, p. 95, also pp. 89-100. 'Dans les compositions grossières, dont les auteurs se sont presque exclusivement occupés jusqu'ici, elle (l'écriture Aztèque) est fort semblable aux rébus que l'enfance mêle à ses jeux. Comme ces rébus elle est généralement phonétique, mais souvent aussi confusément idéographique et symbolique. Tels sont les noms de villes et de rois, cités par Clavigero, d'après Purchas et Lorenzana et d'après Clavigero, par une foule d'auteurs.' _Aubin_, in _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. i., pp. xliv., xxx-lxxiv. See also on Aztec hieroglyphics and their explanation: _Buschmann_, _Ortsnamen_, tom. i., pp. 37-48; _Gondra_, in _Prescott_, _Hist. Conq. Mex._, (Mex. 1846), tom. iii.; _Leon y Gama_, _Dos Piedras_, pt ii., pp. 29-45; _Ewbank_, in _Schoolcraft's Arch._, vol. iv., pp. 453-6; _Mendoza_, in _Soc. Mex. Geog., Boletin_, 2da época, tom. i., pp. 896-904; _Ramirez_, in _Id._, tom. iii., pp. 69-70; _Boturini_, _Idea_, pp. 5, 77-87, 96, 112-13; _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., pp. 187-94; _Pimentel_, _Mem. sobre la Raza Indígena_, pp. 49-50; _Carbajal_, _Discurso_, p. 5; _Klemm_, _Cultur-Geschichte_, tom. v., pp. 131-7; _Chevalier_, _Mex., Ancien. et Mod._, pp. 37-8, 58; _Humboldt_, _Essai Pol._, tom. i., pp. 77, 93; _Foster's Pre-Hist. Races_, p. 322; _Gallatin_, in _Amer. Ethno. Soc., Transact._, vol. i., pp. 126, 165-68; _Ramirez_, _Proceso de Resid._; _Lenoir_, _Parallèle_, pp. 13-16; _Lubbock's Pre-Hist. Times_, p. 279; _N. Amer. Review_, 1839, vol. xlviii., p. 289, 1831, vol. xxxii., pp. 98-107; _Amer. Quart. Review_, June 1827, vol. i., p. 438. [660] In _García y Cubas_, _Atlas_, with an interpretation. [661] 'On distingue dans les peintures mexicaines des têtes d'une grandeur énorme, un corps excessivement court, et des pieds qui, par la longueur des doigts, ressemblent à des griffes d'oiseau.... Tout ceci indique l'enfance de l'art, mais il ne faut pas oublier que des peuples qui expriment leurs idées par des peintures ... attachent aussi peu d'importance à peindre correctement que les savans d'Europe à employer une belle écriture dans leurs manuscrits.' _Humboldt_, _Vues_, tom. i., pp. 198-200; _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. iii., pp. 653-4. Valades in 1579 gave an American phonetic alphabet, representing each letter by an object of whose name it was the initial in some language not the Aztec. Nothing is known of it. _Id._, tom. i., p. lxx. Borunda gives a _Clave General de Geroglíficos Americanos_, in _Voz de la Patria_, 1830, tom. iv., No. iii.--an extract in _Leon y Gama_, _Dos Piedras_, pt ii., p. 33. Sr Eufemio Mendoza, in _Soc. Mex. Geog., Boletin_, 2da época, tom. i., p. 899, attaches some importance to Borunda's efforts. On the difficulty of interpretation see _Boturini_, _Idea_, p. 116; _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. vi., p. 87; _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. i., p. 149; _Ixtlilxochitl_, _Hist. Chich._, in _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. ix., p. 201; _Prescott's Mex._, vol. i., p. 107. [662] _Boturini_, _Idea_, pp. 85-7; _Veytia_, _Hist. Ant. Mej._, tom. i., p. 6; _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., p. 194; _Carbajal Espinosa_, _Hist. Mex._, tom. i., p. 656. Some additional references on hieroglyphics are: _Id._, pp. 244, 591-2, 650-6, tom. ii., p. 86; _Norman's Rambles in Yuc._, pp. 293-5; _Domenech's Deserts_, vol. i., pp. 407-8; _Soden_, _Spanier in Peru_, tom. ii., pp. 27-8; _Bussierre_, _L'Empire Mex._, pp. 175-6; _Montanus_, _Nieuwe Weereld_, pp. 266-7; _Dapper_, _Neue Welt_, p. 300; _Delafield's Antiq. Amer._, p. 42; _Bonnycastle's Span. Amer._, vol. i., p. 52. CHAPTER XVIII. ARCHITECTURE AND DWELLINGS OF THE NAHUAS. ARCHITECTURE OF THE ANCIENT NATIONS--GENERAL FEATURES OF NAHUA ARCHITECTURE--THE ARCH--EXTERIOR AND INTERIOR DECORATIONS--METHOD OF BUILDING--INCLINED PLANES--SCAFFOLDS--THE USE OF THE PLUMMET--BUILDING-MATERIALS--POSITION AND FORTIFICATION OF TOWNS--MEXICO TENOCHTITLAN--THE GREAT CAUSEWAYS--QUARTERS AND WARDS OF MEXICO--THE MARKET-PLACE--FOUNTAINS AND AQUEDUCTS--LIGHT-HOUSES AND STREET-WORK--CITY OF TEZCUCO--DWELLINGS--AZTEC GARDENS--TEMPLE OF HUITZILOPOCHTLI--TEMPLE OF MEXICO--OTHER TEMPLES--TEOCALLI AT CHOLULA AND TEZCUCO. I shall describe in this chapter the cities, towns, temples, palaces, dwellings, roads, bridges, aqueducts, and other products of Nahua architectural and constructive art, as they were found and described by the Spaniards in the sixteenth century. Monuments of this branch of Nahua art chiefly in the form of ruined temples, or _teocallis_, are still standing and have been examined in detail by modern travelers. The results of these later observations will be given in Volume IV. of this work, and I have therefore thought it best to omit them altogether here. In order to fully comprehend the subject the reader will find it advantageous to study and compare the two views taken from different standpoints. It is for a general and doubtless exaggerated account of the grandeur and extent of the Nahua structures, rather than any details of their construction that we must look to the Spanish chronicles; and it is also to be noted that the descriptions by the conquerors are confined almost entirely to the lake region of Anáhuac, the buildings of other regions being dismissed with a mere mention. In this connection, therefore, the supplementary view in another volume will be of great value, since the grandest relics of Nahua antiquity have been found outside of Anáhuac proper, while the oft-mentioned magnificent temples and palaces of the lake cities have left no traces of their original splendor. The Olmecs, Totonacs, and others of the earlier Nahua nations are credited by tradition with the erection of grand edifices, but the Toltecs, in this as in all other arts, far surpassed their predecessors, and even the nations that succeeded them. I have in a preceding chapter sufficiently explained the process by which this ancient people has been credited with all that is wonderful in the past, and it will be readily understood how a magnifying veneration for past glories, handed down from father to son with ever accumulating exaggeration, has transformed the Toltec buildings into the most exquisite fairy structures, incomparably superior to anything that met the Spanish gaze. With architectural as with other traditions, however, I have little or nothing to do in this chapter, but pass on to a consideration of this branch of art in later times. Respect for the gods made it necessary that the temples should be raised above the ordinary buildings, besides which their height made them more conspicuous to the immense multitudes which frequently gathered about them on feast-days, rendering them also more secure from desecration and easier of defence when used as citadels of refuge, as they often were. But as the primitive ideas of engineering possessed by the Aztecs and their insufficient tools did not permit them to combine strength with slightness, the only way the required elevation could be attained was by placing the building proper upon a raised, solid, pyramidal substructure. The prevalence of earthquakes may also have had something to do with this solid form of construction. In the vicinity of the lake of Mexico, the swampy nature of the soil called for a broad, secure foundation; here, then, the substructure was not confined to the temples, but was used in building public edifices, palaces, and private dwellings. [Sidenote: NAHUA ARCHITECTURE.] Another general feature of Nahua architecture was the small elevation of the buildings proper, compared with their extent and solidity. These rarely exceeded one story in height, except some of the chapels, which had two or even three stories, but in these cases the upper floors were invariably of wood. Whether the Aztecs were acquainted with our arch, with a vertical key-stone, is a mooted point. Clavigero gives plates of a semi-spherical _estufa_ constructed in this manner, and asserts, further, that an arch of this description was found among the Tezcucan ruins, but I find no authority for either picture or assertion. The relics that have been examined in modern times, moreover, seem to show conclusively that key-stone arches were unknown in America before the advent of the Europeans, though arches made of overlapping stones were often cut in such a manner as to resemble them. The chaplain Diaz, who accompanied Grijalva, mentions an 'arc antique' on the east coast, but gives no description of it. Nevertheless, as the 'antique' would in this connection imply a peculiar, if not a primitive, construction, it is not probable that the arch he saw had a key-stone.[663] As decorations, we find balconies and galleries supported by square or round pillars, which were often monoliths; but as they were adorned with neither capital nor base the effect must have been rather bare. Battlements and turrets, doubtless first used as means of defense, became later incorporated with decorative art. The bareness of the walls was relieved by cornices and stucco-work of various designs, the favorite figures being coiled snakes, executed in low relief, which probably had a religious meaning. Sometimes they were placed in groups, as upon the temple walls at Mexico, at other times one serpent twined and twisted round every door and window of an apartment until head and tail met. Carved lintels and door-posts were common, and statues frequently adorned the court and approaches. Glossy surfaces seem to have had a special attraction for the Nahuas, and they made floors, walls, and even streets, extremely smooth. The walls and floors were first coated with lime, gypsum, or ochre, and then polished. No clear accounts are given of the method of erecting houses. Brasseur de Bourbourg thinks that because the natives of Vera Paz were seen by him to use scaffolds like ours, that these were also employed in Mexico in former times, and that stones were raised on inclined beams passing from scaffold to scaffold, which is not very satisfactory reasoning.[664] However this may be, we are told by Torquemada that the Aztecs used derricks to hoist heavy timbers with.[665] Others, again, say that walls were erected by piling earth on both sides, which served both as scaffolds and as inclined planes up which heavy masses might be drawn or rolled,[666] but although this was undoubtedly the method adopted by the Miztecs, it was too laborious and primitive to have been general,[667] and certainly could not have been employed in building the three-story chapels upon Huitzilopochtli's pyramid. The perfectly straight walls built by the Nahuas would seem to indicate the use of the plummet, and we are told that the line was used in making roads.[668] Trees were felled with copper and flint axes, and drawn upon rollers to their destination,[669] a mode of transport used, no doubt, with other cumbrous material. The implements used to cut stone blocks seem to have been entirely of flint.[670] [Sidenote: BUILDING MATERIAL.] The wood for roofs, turrets, and posts, was either white or yellow cedar, palm, pine, cypress, or oyametl, of which beams and fine boards were made. Nails they had none; the smaller pieces must therefore have been secured by notches, lapping, or pressure.[671] The different kinds of stone used in building were granite, alabaster, jasper, porphyry, certain 'black, shining stones,' and a red, light, porous, yet hard stone, of which rich quarries were discovered near Mexico in Ahuitzotl's reign.[672] After the overflow of the lake, which happened at this time, the king gave orders that this should be used ever after for buildings in the city.[673] _Tecali_, a transparent stone resembling alabaster, was sometimes used in the temples for window-glass.[674] Adobes, or sun-dried bricks, were chiefly used in the dwellings of the poorer classes, but burnt bricks and tiles are mentioned as being sold in the markets.[675] Roofs were covered with clay, straw, and palm-leaves. Lime was used for mortar, which was so skillfully used, say the old writers, that the joints were scarcely perceptible,[676] but probably this was partly owing to the fact that the walls were almost always either whitewashed, or covered with ochre, gypsum, or other substances. Frequent wars and the generally unsettled state of the country, made it desirable that the towns should be situated near enough each other to afford mutual protection, which accounts for the great number of towns scattered over the plateau. The same causes made a defensible position the primary object in the choice of a site. Thus we find them situated on rocks accessible only by a difficult and narrow pathway, raised on piles over the water, or surrounded by strong walls, palisades, earth-works and ditches.[677] Although they fully understood the necessity of settling near lakes and rivers to facilitate intercourse, yet the towns on the sea-coast were usually a league or two from the shore, and, as they had no maritime trade, harbors were not sought for.[678] The towns extended over a comparatively large surface, owing to the houses being low and detached, and each provided with a court and garden. The larger cities seem to have been layed out on a regular plan, especially in the centre, but the streets were narrow, indeed there was no need of wider ones as all transportation was done by carriers, and there were no vehicles. At intervals a market-place with a fountain in the centre, a square filled with temples, or a line of shady trees relieved the monotony of the long rows of low houses. [Sidenote: MEXICO TENOCHTITLAN.] The largest and most celebrated of the Nahua cities was Mexico Tenochtitlan.[679] It seems that about the year 1325 the Aztecs, weary of their unsettled condition and hard pressed by the Culhuas, sought the marshy western shore of the lake of Mexico. Here, on the swamp of Tlalcocomocco, they came upon a stone, upon which it was said a Mexican priest had forty years before sacrificed a certain prince Copil. From this stone had sprung a nopal, upon which, at the time it was seen by the Mexican advance guard, sat an eagle, holding in his beak a serpent. Impelled by a divine power, a priest dived into a pool near the stone, and there had an interview with Tlaloc, god of waters,[680] who gave his permission to the people to settle on the spot.[681] Another legend relates that Huitzilopochtli appeared to a priest in a dream, and told him to search for a nopal growing out of a stone in the lake with an eagle and serpent upon it, and there found a city.[682] The temple, at first a mere hut, was the first building erected, and by trading fish and fowl for stone, they were soon enabled to form a considerable town about it. Piles were driven into the soft bottom of the lake, and the intermediate spaces filled with stones, branches, and earth, to serve as a foundation for houses.[683] Each succeeding ruler took pains to extend and beautify the city. Later on, Tlatelulco,[684] which had early separated from Mexico Tenochtitlan, was reunited to it by king Axayacatl, which greatly increased the size of the latter city. Tezcuco is said to have exceeded it in size and in the culture of its people, but from its important position, imposing architecture, and general renown, Mexico Tenochtitlan stood preëminent. A number of surrounding towns and villages formed the suburbs of the city, as Aztacalco, Acatlan, Malcuitlapilco, Atenco, Iztacalco, Zancopinco, Huitznahuac, Xocotitlan or Xocotlan, Coltonco, Necatitlan, Huitzitlan, etc.[685] The circumference of the city has been estimated at about twelve miles, and the number of houses at sixty thousand, which would give a population of three hundred thousand.[686] It was situated in the salty part of the lake of Mexico, fifteen miles west of its celebrated rival Tezcuco, about one mile from the eastern shore, and close to the channel through which the volumes of the sweet water lake pour into the briny waters of the lake of Mexico, washing, in their outward flow, the southern and western parts of the city. The waters have, however, evaporated considerably since the time of the Aztecs, and left the modern Mexico some distance from the beach.[687] [Sidenote: CITIES OF ANÁHUAC.] Fifty other towns, many of them consisting of over three thousand dwellings, were scattered on and around the lake, the shallow waters of which were skimmed by two hundred thousand canoes.[688] Four grand avenues, paved with a smooth, hard crust of cement,[689] ran east, west, north, and south, crosswise, forming the boundary lines of four quarters; at the meeting-point of these was the grand temple-court. Three of these roads connected in a straight line with large causeways leading from the city to the lake shores; constructed by driving in piles, filling up the intervening spaces with earth, branches, and stones, and covering the surface with stone secured by mortar. They were broad enough to allow ten horsemen to ride abreast with ease, and were defended by drawbridges and breastworks.[690] The southern road, two leagues in length, commenced half a league from Iztapalapan, and was bordered on one side by Mexicaltzinco, a town of about four thousand houses, and on the other, first by Coyuhuacan with six thousand, and further on by Huitzilopochco with five thousand dwellings. Half a league before reaching the city this causeway was joined by the Xoloc road, coming from Xochimilco, the point of junction being defended by a fort named Acachinanco, which consisted of two turrets surrounded by a battlemented wall, eleven or twelve feet high, and was provided with two gates, through which the road passed.[691] The northern road led from Tepeyacac, about a league off; the western, from Tlacopan, half a league distant; this road was bordered with houses as far as the shore.[692] A fourth causeway from Chapultepec served to support the aqueduct which supplied the city with water.[693] [Sidenote: QUARTERS AND WARDS OF MEXICO.] The names of the four quarters of the city, which were thus disposed according to divine command, were Tlaquechiuhcan, Cuecopan, or Quepopan, now Santa María, lying between the northern and western avenues; Atzacualco, now San Sebastian, between the eastern and northern; Teopan, now San Pablo, between the eastern and southern; and Moyotlan, or Mayotla, now San Juan, between the western and southern; these, again, were divided into a number of wards.[694] Owing to the position of the city in the midst of the lake, traffic was chiefly conducted by means of canals, which led into almost every ward, and had on one or both sides quays for the reception and landing of goods and passengers. Many of these were provided with basins and locks to retain the water within them;[695] while at the mouth were small buildings which served as offices for the custom-house officials. Bridges, many of which were upwards of thirty feet wide, and could be drawn up so as to cut off communication between the different parts, connected the numerous cross-streets and lanes, some of which were mere dry and paved canals.[696] The chief resort of the people was the levee which stretched in a semi-circle round the southern part of the city, forming a harbor from half to three quarters of a league in breadth. Here during the day the merchants bustled about the cargoes and the custom-houses, while at night the promenaders resorted there to enjoy the fresh breezes from the lake. The construction of this embankment was owing to an inundation which did serious harm during the reign of Montezuma I. This energetic monarch at once took steps to prevent a recurrence of the catastrophe, and called upon the neighboring towns to assist with people and material in the construction of an outer wall, to check and turn aside the waters of the fresh lake, which, after the heavy rains of winter, rushed in volumes upon the city as they sought the lower salt lake. The length of the levee was about three leagues, and its breadth thirty feet. In 1498, fifty-two years after its construction, it was further strengthened and enlarged.[697] Although the Spaniards met with no very imposing edifices as they passed along to the central part of the city where the temple stood, yet they must have found enough to admire in the fine smooth streets, the neat though low stone buildings surmounted by parapets which but half concealed the flowers behind them, the elegantly arranged gardens, gorgeous with the flora of the tropics, the broad squares, the lofty temples, and the canals teeming with canoes. Among the public edifices, the markets are especially worthy of note. The largest, in Mexico Tenochtitlan, was twice as large as the square of Salamanca, says Cortés, and was surrounded by porticoes, in and about which from sixty thousand to one hundred thousand buyers and sellers found room.[698] The market-place at Tlatelulco was still larger, and in the midst of it was a square stone terrace, fifteen feet high and thirty feet long, which served as a theatre.[699] [Sidenote: FOUNTAINS AND AQUEDUCTS.] The numerous fountains which adorned the city were fed by the aqueduct which brought water from the hill of Chapultepec, about two miles off, and was constructed upon a causeway of solid masonry five feet high and five feet broad, running parallel to the Tlacopan road.[700] This aqueduct consisted of two pipes of masonry, each carrying a volume of water equal in bulk to a man's body,[701] which was conducted by branch pipes to different parts of the town to supply fountains, tanks, ponds, and baths. At the different canal-bridges there were reservoirs, into which the pipes emptied on their course, and here the boatmen who made it a business to supply the inhabitants with water received their cargoes on the payment of a fixed price. A vigilant police watched over the distribution of the water and the care of the pipes, only one of which was in use at a time, while the other was cleansed.[702] The supply was obtained from a fine spring on the summit of Mount Chapultepec, which was guarded by two figures cut in the solid stone, representing Montezuma and his father, armed with lances and shields.[703] The present aqueduct was partly reconstructed by Montezuma II. on the old one erected by the first king of that name. Its inauguration was attended by imposing ceremonies, offerings of quails, and burning of incense.[704] During Ahuitzotl's reign, an attempt was made to bring water into the city from an immense spring at Coyuhuacan. The lord of that place consented, as became a loyal vassal, to let the water go, but predicted disastrous consequences to the city from the overflow which would be sure to follow if the water were taken there. This warning, however, so enraged the king that he ordered the execution of the noble, and immediately levied men and material from the neighboring towns to build the aqueduct. The masons and laborers swarmed like ants and soon finished the work. When everything was ready, a grand procession of priests, princes, nobles, and plebeians marched forth to open the gates of the aqueduct and receive the waters into the city. Speeches were made, slaves and children were sacrificed, the wealthy cast precious articles into the rolling waters with words of thanks and welcome. But the hour of sorrow was at hand. The prediction of the dead lord was fulfilled; the waters, once loosed, could not be fettered again; a great part of the city was inundated and much damage was done. Then the distracted king called once more upon the neighboring towns to furnish men, but this time to tear down instead of to build up.[705] [Sidenote: LIGHTHOUSES AND STREET-WORK.] Among the arrangements for the convenience of the public may be mentioned lighthouses to guide the canoes which brought supplies to the great metropolis. These were erected at different points upon towers and heights; the principal one seems to have been on Mount Tocitlan, where a wooden turret was erected to hold the flaming beacon.[706] The streets were also lighted by burning braziers placed at convenient intervals, which were tended by the night patrol. A force of over a thousand men kept the canals in order, swept the streets and sprinkled them several times a day.[707] Public closets were placed at distances along the canals.[708] The care of buildings also received the attention of the government, and every eleventh month was devoted to repairing and cleaning the temples, public edifices, and roads generally.[709] A number of towns on the lake were built on piles, in imitation of Mexico, chiefly for the sake of security. Thus, Iztapalapan stood half on land, half over the water, and Ayotzinco was founded entirely on piles, and had canals instead of streets.[710] Other towns had recourse to strong walls and deep ditches to secure their protection. Tlascala especially was well defended from its ancient Aztec enemy, by a wall of stone and mortar[711] which stretched for six miles across a valley, from mountain to mountain, and formed the boundary line of the republic. This wall was nine feet high, twenty feet broad,[712] and surmounted by a breastwork a foot and a half in thickness, behind which the defenders could stand while fighting. The only entrance was in the centre, where the walls did not meet, but described a semi-circle, one overlapping the other, with a space ten paces wide and forty long between them.[713] The other side also was defended by breastworks and ditches.[714] The city itself stood upon four hills, and was crossed by narrow streets,[715] the houses being scattered in irregular groups. In size it was even larger than Granada, says Cortés, which is not unlikely, for the market had accommodation for thirty thousand people, and in one of the temples four hundred Spaniards with their attendants found ample room.[716] At Huejutla there was a curious wall of masonry, the outside of which was faced with small blocks of tetzontli, each about nine inches in diameter on the face, which was rounded; the end of each block was pointed, and inserted in the wall.[717] [Sidenote: THE CITY OF TEZCUCO.] The city next in fame and rank to Mexico Tenochtitlan was Tezcuco,[718] which Torquemada affirms contained one hundred and forty thousand houses within a circumference of from three to four leagues.[719] It was divided into six divisions, and crossed by a series of fine straight streets lined with elegant buildings. The old palace stood on the border of the lake upon a triple terrace, guarding the town, as it were; the newer structure, in the construction of which two hundred thousand men had been employed, stood at the northern end; it was a magnificent building and contained three hundred rooms. This city was the seat of refinement and elegance, and occupied relatively the same position in Mexico as Paris does in Europe.[720] [Sidenote: DWELLINGS OF THE RICHER CLASSES.] The style of architecture for houses did not exhibit much variety; the difference between one house and another being chiefly in extent and material.[721] The dwellings of the nobles were situated upon terraces of various heights, which in swampy places like Mexico, rested upon tiers of heavy piles.[722] They were usually a group of buildings in the form of a parallelogram, built of stone or in Mexico of tetzontli, joined with fine cement, and finely polished and whitewashed.[723] Every house stood by itself, separated from its neighbor by narrow lanes, and enclosed one or more courts which extended over a large space of ground.[724] One story was the most common form, and there are no accounts of any palaces or private houses exceeding two stories.[725] Broad steps led up the terrace to two gates which gave entrance to the courts; one opening upon the main street, the other upon the back lane, or canal, that often lay beneath it. The terrace platform of the houses of chiefs often had a wide walk round it and was especially spacious in front, where there was occasionally a small oratorio facing the entrance. This style was particularly noticed on the east coast.[726] The court was surrounded by numerous porticoes decorated with porphyry, jasper, and alabaster ornaments, which, again, led to various chambers, and halls, lighted by large windows. Two great halls and several reception-rooms were situated in front; the sleeping-chambers, kitchen, baths, and store-rooms were in the rear, forming at times quite a complicated labyrinth.[727] The court was paved with flags of stone, tessellated marble, or hard cement, polished with ochre or gypsum,[728] and usually contained a sparkling fountain; occasionally there was a flower-garden, in which a pyramidal altar gave an air of sanctity to the place.[729] The stairway which led to the second story or to the roof, was often on the outside of the house, and by its grand proportions and graceful form contributed not a little to the good appearance of the house.[730] The roof was a flat terrace of beams, with a slight slope towards the back,[731] covered with a coat of cement or clay,[732] and surrounded by a battlemented parapet, surmounted at times by small turrets.[733] There were generally flowers in pots upon the roofs, or even a small garden; and here the members of the household assembled in the cool of the evening to enjoy the fresh air and charming prospect.[734] Some houses had galleries, which, like most work added to the main structure, were of wood,[735] though supported upon columns of marble, porphyry, or alabaster. These pillars were either round or square, and were generally monoliths; they were without base or capital, though ornamented with figures cut in low relief. Buildings were further adorned with elegant cornices and stucco designs of flowers and animals, which were often painted with brilliant colors. Prominent among these figures was the coiling serpent before mentioned. Lintels and door-posts were also elaborately carved.[736] The interior displayed the same rude magnificence. The floors were covered with hard, smooth cement like the courtyard and streets, rubbed with ochre or gypsum, and polished.[737] The glossy walls were painted and hung with cotton or feather tapestry, to which Las Casas adds silver plating and jewels. The furniture was scanty. It consisted chiefly of soft mats and cushions of palm-leaves or fur, low tables, and small stools with palm-leaf backs. The beds were mats piled one upon another, with a block or a palm-leaf or cotton cushion for a pillow; occasionally they were furnished with coverlets and canopies of cotton or feather-work.[738] Vases filled with smoldering incense diffused their perfume through the chambers. The rooms which were used in winter were provided with hearths and fire-screens, and were lighted by torches.[739] There were no doors, properly called such, to the houses, but where privacy was required, a bamboo or wicker-work screen was suspended across the entrance, and secured at night with a bar. To this was attached a string of shells, which the visitor rattled to call the host or his attendants to the entrance. The interior rooms were separated by hangings, which probably also served to cover the windows of ordinary dwellings,[740] although the transparent _tecali_ stone, as before stated, answered the purpose of window-glass in certain parts of some of the temples.[741] [Sidenote: HOUSES OF THE LOWER CLASSES.] The houses of the poorer classes were built of adobe, wood, cane, or reeds and stones, mixed with mud, well plastered and polished,[742] and, in Mexico, raised on stone foundations, to prevent dampness,[743] though the elevation was less than that of the houses of the richer people. They were generally of an oblong shape, were divided into several apartments, and occasionally had a gallery in front. They could not afford a central court, but had instead a flower or vegetable garden wherever space permitted. Terrace roofs were not uncommon in the towns, but more generally the houses of the poorer people were thatched with a kind of long thick grass, or with overlapping maguey-leaves.[744] Besides the oratory and storehouse with which most houses were provided, a _temazcalli_, or bath, was generally added to the dwelling. This, according to Clavigero, consisted of a hemisphere of adobe, having a slightly convex paved floor sunk a little below the level of the surrounding ground. The entrance was a small hole just large enough to admit a man. On the outside of the bath-house, and on the opposite side to the entrance, was a furnace made of stone or brick, separated from the interior by a thin slab of _tetzontli_, or other porous stone, through which the heat was communicated. On entering, the door was closed, and the suffocating vapors were allowed to escape slowly through a small opening in the top. The largest bath-houses were eight feet in diameter, and six feet in height. Some were mere square chambers without a furnace, and were doubtless heated and the fire raked out before the bather entered.[745] The storehouses and granaries which were attached to farms, temples, and palaces, were usually square buildings of oxametl-wood, with thatched roofs. The logs had notches near the ends to give them a secure hold. Two windows, or doors, one above the other, gave access to the interior, which was often large enough to contain many thousand bushels of grain.[746] [Sidenote: AZTEC GARDENS.] Love of flowers was a passion with the Aztecs, and they bestowed great care upon the cultivation of gardens. The finest and largest of these were at Iztapalapan and Huastepec. The garden at Iztapalapan was divided into four squares, each traversed by shaded walks, meandering among fruit-trees, blossoming hedges, and borders of sweet herbs.[747] In the centre of the garden was an immense reservoir of hewn stone, four hundred paces square, and fed by navigable canals. A tiled pavement,[748] wide enough for four persons walking abreast, surrounded the reservoir, and at intervals steps led down to the water, upon the surface of which innumerable water-fowl sported. A large pavilion, with halls and corridors, overlooked the grounds.[749] The Huastepec garden was two leagues in circuit, and was situated on a stream; it contained an immense variety of plants and trees, to which additions were continually made.[750] The _chinampas_, or floating gardens, have been described elsewhere.[751] The Mexicans required no solid roads for heavy traffic, since goods were carried upon the shoulders of slaves, but a number of pathways crossed the country in various directions, which underwent repair every year on the cessation of the rains. Here and there country roads crossed streams by means of suspension-bridges, or fixed structures mostly of wood, but sometimes of stone, with small spans. The suspension-bridges were made of ropes, twisted canes, or tough branches, attached to trees and connected by a netting. The Spaniards were rather fearful of crossing them, on account of their swinging motion when stepped upon and the gaping rents in them.[752] Almost the only specimen of Nahua architecture which has withstood the ravages of time until our day is the temple structure, _teocalli_, 'house of God,' or _teopan_, 'place of God,' of which Torquemada asserts there were at least forty thousand in Mexico. Clavigero regards this as a good deal below the real number, and if we consider the extremely religious character of the people, and accept the statements of the early chroniclers, who say that at distances of from a quarter to half a league, in every town and village, were open places containing one or more temples,[753] and on every isolated rock or hill, along the country roads, even in the fields, were substantial structures devoted to some idol, then Clavigero's assertion may be correct.[754] The larger temples were usually built upon pyramidal parallelograms, square, or oblong, and consisted of a series of superimposed terraces with perpendicular or sloping sides.[755] The celebrated temple at Mexico forms a fair type of the latter kind and its detailed description will give the best idea of this class of edifices. [Sidenote: TEMPLE OF HUITZILOPOCHTLI.] [Sidenote: THE GREAT TEMPLE OF MEXICO.] [Sidenote: THE SACRIFICIAL STONE.] When the Aztecs halted on the site of Mexico after their long wanderings, the first care was to erect an abode for their chief divinity Huitzilopochtli. The spot chosen for the humble structure, which at first consisted of a mere hut, was over the stone whereon the sacred nochtli grew that had been pointed out by the oracle. A building more worthy of the god was soon erected, and, later on, Ahuitzotl constructed the edifice from whose summit Cortés looked down upon the scenes of his conquest. The labor bestowed upon it was immense, and notwithstanding that the material had to be brought from a distance of three or four leagues--a serious matter to a people who were supplied with no adequate means of transport--the temple was completed in two years.[756] The inauguration took place in 1486, in the presence of the chief princes and an immense concourse of people from all quarters, and 72,344 captives, arranged in two long files, were sacrificed during the four days of its duration.[757] The site of the building was indeed worthy of its character, standing as it did in an immense square forming the centre of the town, from which radiated the four chief thoroughfares.[758] The idea of thus keeping the god before the people at all times had, doubtless, as much to do with this arrangement as that of giving him the place of honor. A square wall[759] about four thousand eight hundred feet in circumference, from eight to nine feet in height and of great thickness, with its sides facing the cardinal points, formed the courtyard of the temple.[760] It was built of stone and lime, plastered and polished,[761] crowned with battlements in the form of snails, and turreted and adorned with many stone serpents,--a very common ornament on edifices in Egypt as well as Anáhuac--for which reason it was called _coatepantli_, 'wall of snakes.'[762] At the centre of each wall stood a large two-story building, divided into a number of rooms, in which the military stores and weapons were kept. These faced the four chief thoroughfares of the town, and their lower stories formed the portals of the gateways which gave entrance to the courtyard.[763] This was partly paved with large smooth flag-stones, partly with cement, plastered and polished, and so slippery that the horses of the Spaniards could scarcely keep their footing.[764] In the centre stood the great temple, an oblong, parallelogramic pyramid, about three hundred and seventy-five feet long and three hundred feet broad at the base, three hundred and twenty-five by two hundred and fifty at the summit, and rising in five superimposed, perpendicular terraces to the height of eighty-six feet.[765] The terraces were of equal height,[766] the lowest, according to Tezozomoc, having a foundation a fathom or more in depth, and each receded about six feet from the edge of the one beneath it, leaving a flat ledge round its base.[767] At the north-west corner the ledges were graded to form a series of steps, one hundred and fourteen in all, and each about nine inches high, which led from terrace to terrace, so that it was necessary to walk completely round the edifice to gain the succeeding flight.[768] This style of building was probably devised for show as well as for defence, for by this means the gorgeously dressed procession of priests was obliged to pass in sight of the entire multitude gathered on all sides of the temple, winding at a solemn pace round each terrace. The structure was composed of well-rammed earth, stones, and clay, covered with a layer of large square pieces of tetzontli, all of equal size, hewn smooth and joined with a fine cement, which scarcely left a mark to be seen; it was besides covered with a polished coating of lime, or gypsum.[769] The steps were of solid stone and the platform of the same slippery character as the court.[770] At its eastern end stood two three-story towers, fifty-six feet in height,[771] separated from the edge by a walk barely wide enough for one person. The lower story was of masonry with the floor raised a few feet above the platform and an entrance on the west; the two upper stories were of wood, with windows, to which access was had by movable ladders.[772] A wooden cupola well painted and adorned formed the roof.[773] The sanctuaries were in the lower story, the one on the right hand dedicated to Huitzilopochtli with his partner and lieutenant, the other to Tezcatlipoca.[774] The gigantic images of these gods rested upon large stone altars three to four feet high,[775] their monstrous grandeur shielded from the vulgar gaze of the multitude by rich curtains hung with tassels and golden pellets like bells, which rattled as the hangings moved. Before the altar stood the terrible stone of sacrifice, a green block about five feet in length, and three in breadth and height, rising in a ridge on the top so as to bend the body of the victim upwards and allow the easy extraction of the heart.[776] The walls and ceilings were painted with monstrous figures, and ornamented with stucco and carved wood-work, and, according to Las Casas, the gold and jewel-decked interior exceeded even Thebe's famed temple in beauty,[777] but the venerable bishop was evidently led away by his well-known enthusiasm for whatever concerned the natives, for Bernal Diaz and others state that the floors and walls were steeped with blood, diffusing a fetid odor which made the visitors glad to escape to the fresh air.[778] The upper stories were used as receptacles for the ashes of deceased kings and lords,[779] and for the instruments connected with the service of the temple, but Diaz also noticed idols, half human, half monstrous in form, and found the rooms blood-stained like the lower apartment.[780] Before each chapel stood a stone hearth of a man's height, and of the same shape as the piscina in Catholic churches, upon which a fire was continually kept burning by the virgins and priests, and great misfortunes were apprehended if it became extinguished.[781] Here was also the large drum covered with snake-skins,[782] whose sombre notes resounded over a distance of two miles on feast-days and other extraordinary occasions--many a death-knell it struck for the Spaniards before they became masters of it. From this height the Spaniards gazed down upon between seventy and eighty other edifices within the enclosure, with their six hundred braziers of stone, some round, some square, and from two to five feet high,[783] whose bright fires flared in perpetual adoration of their idols, and turned the night into day. About forty of these were temples, each with its idols, scattered round the court and facing the great pyramid as if in adoration.[784] They were considerably smaller than the central temple, and differed chiefly in the form of the roof which was round, square, or pyramidal, according to the character of the idol.[785] The largest was that of Tlaloc, which stood nearest the pyramid, and was ascended by fifty steps.[786] Quetzalcoatl's was the most singular in form, being circular and surmounted by a dome, symbolic of the abode of the god of air; a snake's jaws with exposed fangs formed the low entrance, and made the stranger shudder as he stooped to pass in.[787] Among other notable edifices were the _tezcacalli_, or 'house of mirrors,' so called from the mirrors which covered its walls, and the _teccizcalli_, 'house of shells,' to which the king retired at certain times to perform penance. The high-priest also had a house of retirement called _poiauhtla_, and there were several others for the use of certain other priests. Among these was a splendid building, provided with baths, fountains, and every comfort, in which notable strangers who visited the temple or the court were entertained. The Ilhuicatitlan temple, dedicated to the planet Venus, contained a large column painted or sculptured with the image of the star, before which captives were sacrificed on the appearance of the planet. Another temple took the form of a cage, in which the idols of conquered nations were confined, to prevent them from assisting their worshipers in regaining their liberty.[788] The _quauhxicalco_ was used as a receptacle for the bones of victims sacrificed at various sanctuaries. The skulls of those killed at the great temple were deposited in the _tzompantli_,[789] which stood just outside the court, near the western or main gate. This consisted of an oblong sloping parallelogram of earth and masonry, one hundred and fifty-four feet at the base, ascended by thirty steps, on each of which were skulls.[790] Round the summit were upwards of seventy raised poles about four feet apart, connected by numerous rows of cross-poles passed through holes in the masts, on each of which five skulls were filed, the sticks being passed through the temples.[791] In the centre[792] stood two towers, or columns, made of skulls and lime, the face of each skull being turned outwards, and giving a horrible appearance to the whole. This effect was heightened by leaving the heads of distinguished captives in their natural state, with hair and skin on. As the skulls decayed, or fell from the towers or poles, they were replaced by others, so that no vacant place was left. The Spaniards are said to have counted one hundred and thirty-six thousand skulls on the steps and poles alone, but this number is, no doubt, greatly exaggerated.[793] In the court was a large open space, which stretched to the foot of the stairway of the great temple. Here the great dances were held in which thousands took part,[794] and here, in full view of the multitude gathered to join in the festive ring, stood the gladiatorial stone, the _temalacatl_, upon which the captives were placed to fight with Aztec warriors, for their liberty as it was termed, but rather for the delectation of the masses, for their chance of victory, as we have seen, was very small. It consisted of an immense flat circular stone, three feet in height, very smooth, with sculptured edge, placed upon a small pyramid eight feet in height.[795] In another part of the court were three large halls with flat roofs and plastered walls, painted on the inside, which contained a number of low, dark chambers, each the abode of an idol; the walls were covered with blood, two fingers in thickness, and the floors to the depth of a foot almost.[796] The court also contained a grove in which birds were raised for sacrifices, and whence the procession started on the day devoted to the great hunt in honor of Mixcoatl; there were also a number of gardens, where flowers and herbs for offerings were grown. There were several bathing-places, one of which, the _tetzaapan_, 'cleansing water,'[797] was set apart for those who had made vows of penance, and another, at Mixcoatl's temple, filled with black water, for the priests. The _toxpalatl_ was a fine fountain, the waters of which were only drunk at solemn festivals. It was supposed to have been the identical spring in which the Aztec priest had the interview with Tlaloc and obtained permission for the nation to settle. The care of all the temple buildings devolved upon a perfect army of priests, monks, nuns, school children, and other people, estimated at from five to ten thousand, who all slept within the sacred precincts.[798] The passing and repassing of such numbers must have made the place teem with life, yet everything was in such perfect order and kept so scrupulously clean, says Diaz, that not a speck or a straw could he discover.[799] Besides this there were several other temples and public oratories in the city, situated either in groups within a square, or scattered throughout the wards, and attended to by their special priests and servants. Torquemada thinks that their number equaled the days in the Aztec year, namely, three hundred and sixty, and Clavigero believes that there were two thousand chapels besides.[800] The temples in other towns were pretty much like the foregoing, three being usually grouped around a central pyramid in a square, each with its idol and one or two braziers. Others were mounds of earth cased with stone, with one broad stairway in the centre of the western side, or with steps on three sides, sometimes at each corner.[801] The chapels on the platform were usually two or three stories in height, often provided with balconies, the whole edifice being plastered and polished.[802] [Sidenote: TEOCALLI AT CHOLULA AND TEZCUCO.] The pyramid at Mexico, large as it was, did not equal that at Cholula, which Humboldt estimates at five thousand seven hundred and sixty feet in circumference and one hundred and seventy-seven feet in height. It consisted of four square terraces facing the cardinal points, which seem to have been composed of alternate layers of adobe and clay, and was surrounded by a double wall, according to Diaz. On the top stood the semi-spherical chapel of Quetzalcoatl, with its door made low so that all who entered should bend in humility.[803] This city contained, besides, a great number of smaller temples, the total equaling the number of days in the Mexican year.[804] The temple at Tezcuco was also several steps higher than the Mexican pyramid.[805] King Nezahualcoyotl, who is said to have believed in one supreme god, erected in his honor a nine-story building, to indicate the nine heavens, the roof of which was studded with stars and surmounted by three pinnacles; the interior was decorated with gold and feather-work and precious stones. The upper floor was a receptacle for musical instruments, from one of which, the _chililitli_, the edifice was named.[806] The traditional temples of early times, very fairy creations according to the accounts of the natives, were far superior to the later ones; but these relations are little more than supernatural fables.[807] FOOTNOTES: [663] _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. iv., p. 212; _Diaz_, _Itinéraire_, in _Ternaux-Compans_, _Voy._, série i., tom. x., p. 27; _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. iii., p. 658. [664] _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. iii., p. 658. [665] _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., p. 274. Sahagun, in describing how the people raised a mast to the god of fire, says: 'Atábanle diez maromas por la mitad de él ... y como le iban levantando, ponianle unos maderos atados de dos en dos, y unos puntales sobre que descanzase.' _Hist. Gen._, tom. i., lib. ii., p. 143. [666] _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, (Translation, Lond. 1726), vol. iii., p. 280. [667] _Carbajal Espinosa_, _Hist. Mex._, tom. i., p. 663; _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., pp. 201-2. [668] _Motolinia_, _Hist. Indios_, in _Icazbalceta_, _Col. de Doc._, tom. i., p. 63; _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., p. 201. [669] 'With their Copper Hatchets, and Axes cunnyngly tempered, they fell those trees, and hewe them smooth ... and boaring a hole in one of the edges of the beame, they fasten the rope, then sette their slaues vnto it ... putting round blocks vnder the timber.' _Peter Martyr_, dec. v., lib. x.; _Sahagun_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. i., lib. ii., p. 141. [670] _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., p. 205; _Gomara_, _Conq. Mex._, fol. 318. [671] Peter Martyr, dec. v., lib. x., states that they bored holes in beams. They may therefore have known the use of wooden bolts, but this is doubtful. [672] 'Le _Tetzontli_ (pierre de cheveux), espèce d'amygdaloïde poreuse, fort dure, est une lave refroidie. On la trouve en grande quantité auprès de la petite ville de San-Agostin Tlalpan, ou de las Cuevas, à 4 l. S. de Mexico.' _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. iii., p. 381. [673] _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., p. 202; _Carbajal Espinosa_, _Hist. Mex._, tom. i., pp. 663-4. [674] _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. iv., p. 8. [675] _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., p. 205. Cortés mentions a 'suelo ladrillado' at Iztapalapan, _Cartas_, p. 83, and Herrera, _Hist. Gen._, dec. ii., lib. vi., cap. xii., both _adobes_ and _ladrillos_ in speaking of building-material. [676] _Dávila Padilla_, _Hist. Fvnd. Mex._, p. 75; _Carbajal Espinosa_, _Hist. Mex._, tom. i., p. 665. 'L'ignorante Ricercatore nega a' Messicani la cognizione, e l'uso della calcina; ma consta per la testimonianza di tutti gli Storici del Messico, per la matricola de' tributi, e sopratutto per gli edifizj antichi finora sussistenti, che tutte quelle Nacioni faceano della calcina il medecimo uso, che fanno gli Europei.' _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., p. 205, tom. iv., pp. 212-13. Both Cortés, _Cartas_, p. 60, and Herrera, _Hist. Gen._, dec. ii., lib. vi., cap. iv., mention walls of dry stone, which would show that mortar was sometimes dispensed with, in heavy structures; but Bernal Diaz, _Hist. Conq._, fol. 43, contradicts this instance. [677] At Sienchimalen. _Cortés_, _Cartas_, p. 57. [678] _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. iv., pp. 89-90. [679] Mexico is generally taken to be derived from Mexitl, or Mexi, the other name of Huitzilopochtli, the favorite god and leader of the Aztecs; many, however, think that it comes from _mexico_, springs, which were plentiful in the neighborhood. Tenochtitlan comes from _teonochtli_, divine nochtli, the fruit of the nopal, a species of wild cactus, and _titlan_, composed of _tetl_, stone or rock, and _an_, an affix to denote a place, a derivation which is officially accepted, as may be seen from the arms of the city. Others say that it is taken from _Tenuch_, one of the leaders of the Aztecs, who settled upon the small island of Pantitlan, both of which names would together form the word. 'Ce nom, qui veut dire _Ville de la Tuna_.... Le fruit de cet arbre est appelé _nochtli_ en mexicain, car le nom de tuna ... est tiré de la langue des insulaires de l'île de Cuba.... On a aussi prétendu que le véritable nom de Mexico était Quauhnochtitlan, ce qui veut dire _Figuier de l'Aigle_.... D'autres, enfin, prétendent que ce figuier d'Inde n'était pas un _nochtli_ proprement dit, mais d'une espèce sauvage qu'on appelle _tenochtli_, ou de celle que les naturels nomment _teonochtli_ ou figure divine.' 'Elle avait pris du dieu Mexix celui de Mexico.' _Camargo_, _Hist. Tlax._, in _Nouvelles Annales des Voy._, 1843, tom. xcix., pp. 174-5. 'Los Indios, dezian; y dizen oy Mexico Tenuchtitlan; y assi se pone en las Prouisiones Reales.' _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. ii., lib. vii., cap. xiv. 'Tenoxtitlàn, que significa, Tunal en piedra.' _Acosta_, _Hist. de las Ynd._, p. 466. The natives 'ni llaman Mexico, sino Tenuchtitlan.' _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. i., p. 293. 'Tenuchtitlan, que significa fruta de piedra.' 'Tambien dizen algunos, que tuuo esta ciudad nombre de su primer fundador, que fue Tenuch, hijo segundo de Iztacmixcoatl, cuyos hijos y decendientes poblaron ... esta tierra.... Tampoco falta quien piense que se dixo de la grana, que llaman Nuchiztli, la qual sale del mesmo cardon nopal y fruta nuchtli.... Tambien afirman otros que se llama Mexico de los primeros fundadores que se dixeron Mexiti.' _Gomara_, _Conq. Mex._, fol. 113-15; _Motolinia_, _Hist. Indios_, in _Icazbalceta_, _Col. de Doc._, tom. i., p. 180; _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. i., pp. 168-9. '_Tenochtitlan_, c'est-à-dire, auprès des nopals du rocher.' 'Ti-tlan est pris pour le lieu.' _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. ii., pp. 446-9. [680] He is also termed god of the earth in the fable. [681] _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. i., pp. 91-4, 289-91; _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. ii., pp. 443-9. [682] _Acosta_, _Hist. de las Ynd._, pp. 465-7. See also _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. i., pp. 167-8. Nearly all the authors give the whole of the above meanings, without deciding upon any one. [683] _Carbajal Espinosa_, _Hist. Mex._, tom. i., p. 313; _Heredia y Sarmiento_, _Sermon_, p. 95. [684] It means islet, from _tlatelli_, island. _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. ii., lib. vii., cap. xiv. Veytia says it is a corruption of _xaltelolco_, sandy ground. _Hist. Ant. Mej._, tom. ii., p. 141; _Gomara_, _Conq. Mex._, fol. 115. [685] _Carbajal Espinosa_, _Hist. Mex._, tom. ii., p. 218; _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. iv., p. 5. [686] The Anonymous Conqueror says two and a half to three leagues in circumference, which is accepted by most authors. _Relatione fatta per vn gentil'huomo del Signor Fernando Cortese_, in _Ramusio_, _Navigationi_, tom. iii., fol. 309. But as the embankment which formed a semi-circle round the town was three leagues in length, the circumference of the city would not have been less. _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. iv., p. 4. Cortés says that it was as large as Seville or Cordova. _Cartas_, p. 103. Aylon, in _Id._, p. 43, places the number of houses as low as 30,000. Las Casas, _Hist. Apologética_, MS., cap. l., who is usually so extravagant in his descriptions, confines himself to 'mas de cincuenta mil casas.' Gomara, _Conq. Mex._, fol. 113, 60,000, each of which contained two to ten occupants. Torquemada, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. i., p. 291, places the number as high as 120,000, which may include outlying suburbs. The size and business of the markets, the remains of ruins to be seen round modern Mexico, and its fame, sustain the idea of a very large population. [687] See _Carbajal Espinosa_, _Hist. Mex._, tom. ii., pp. 216-17, on former and present surroundings. _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. ii., lib. vii., cap. xiv.; _Cortés_, _Cartas_, p. 103. [688] _Gomara_, _Conq. Mex._, fol. 115. [689] 'Erano ... di terra come mattonata.' _Relatione fatta per vn gentil'huomo del Signor Fernando Cortese_, in _Ramusio_, _Navigationi_, tom. iii., fol. 309; _Prescott's Mex._, vol. ii., p. 110. [690] 'Fueron hechas à mano, de Tierra, y Cespedes, y mui quajadas de Piedra; son anchas, que pueden pasar por cada vna de ellas, tres Carretas juntas, ò diez Hombres à Caballo.' _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. i., p. 292; _Las Casas_, _Hist. Apologética_, MS., cap. l.; _Prescott's Mex._, vol. ii., p. 69; _Carbajal Espinosa_, _Hist. Mex._, tom. ii., p. 217. 'Tan ancha como dos lanzas jinetas.' _Cortés_, _Cartas_, p. 103. He mentions four causeways or entrances, but this must include either the branch which joins the southern road, or the aqueduct. 'Pueden ir por toda ello ocho de caballo á la par.' _Id._, p. 83. The view of Mexico published in the Luxemburg edition of _Cortés_, _Cartas_, points to four causeways besides the aqueduct, but little reliance can be placed on these fanciful cuts. Helps thinks, however, that there must have been more causeways than are mentioned by the conquerors. _Span. Conq._, vol. ii., pp. 456, 472. 'Entrano in essa per tre strade alte di pietra & di terra, ciascuna larga trenta passi.' _Relatione fatta per vn gentil'huomo del Signor Fernando Cortese_, in _Ramusio_, _Navigationi_, tom. iii., fol. 309. _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. iv., p. 4. 'Las puentes que tenian hechas de trecho á trecho.' _Bernal Diaz_, _Hist. Conq._, fol. 70. [691] 'Dos puertas, una por do entran y otra por do salen.' _Cortés_, _Cartas_, p. 84, which means, no doubt, that passengers had to pass through the fort. He calls the second town along the road Niciaca, and the third Huchilohuchico. Brasseur de Bourbourg states that within the fort was a teocalli dedicated to Toci, on which a beacon blazed all night to guide travelers. _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. iv., pp. 209-10. But this is a mistake, for Tezozomoc, _Hist. Mex._, pt ii., p. 184, his authority for this, says that the beacon was at a hill 'avant d'arriver à Acuchinanco.' [692] _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. i., p. 292; _Las Casas_, _Hist. Apologética_, MS., cap. l.; _Cortés_, _Cartas_, p. 84. The Anonymous Conqueror calls them two leagues, one league and a half, and a quarter of a league long respectively. _Relatione fatta per vn gentil'huomo del Signor Fernando Cortese_, in _Ramusio_, _Navigationi_, tom. iii., fol. 309; Brasseur de Bourbourg, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. iv., p. 4, makes the shortest a league. [693] 'Habia otra algo mas estrecha para los dos acueductos.' _Carbajal Espinosa_, _Hist. Mex._, tom. ii., p. 217. [694] In Tezcuco the wards were each occupied by a distinct class of tradespeople, and this was doubtless the case in Mexico also, to a certain extent. 'Cada Oficio se vsase en Barrios de por sì; de suerte, que los que eran Plateros de Oro, avian de estàr juntos, y todos los de aquel Barrio, lo avian de ser, y no se avian de mezclar otros con ellos; y los de Plata, en otro Barrio,' etc. _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. i., p. 147; _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. iv., p. 3; _Carbajal Espinosa_, _Hist. Mex._, tom. ii., p. 218. [695] 'Al rededor de la ciudad habia muchos diques y esclusas para contener las aguas en caso necesario ... no pocas que tenian en medio una acequia entre dos terraplenes.' _Carbajal Espinosa_, _Hist. Mex._, tom. ii., pp. 218-19. [696] 'Hay sus puentes de muy anchas y muy grandes vigas juntas y recias y bien labradas; y tales, que por muchas dellas pueden pasar diez de caballo juntos á la par.' In case of necessity 'quitadas las puentes de las entradas y salidas.' With this facility for cutting off retreat, Cortés found it best to construct brigantines. _Cartas_, p. 103; _Motolinia_, _Hist. Indios_, in _Icazbalceta_, _Col. de Doc._, tom. i., p. 187; _Bernal Diaz_, _Hist. Conq._, fol. 73. 'Otra Calle avia ... mui angosta, y tanto, que apenas podian ir dos Personas juntas, son finalmente vnos Callejones mui estrechos.' _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. i., p. 291; _Relatione fatta per vn gentil'huomo del Signor Fernando Cortese_, in _Ramusio_, _Navigationi_, tom. iii., fol. 309; _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. ii., lib. vii., cap. xiii. [697] _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. i., pp. 157-8. It is here said to be four fathoms broad. _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. iii., pp. 231-2; _Klemm_, _Cultur-Geschichte_, tom. v., p. 32; Mühlenpfordt, _Mejico_, tom. ii., pt ii., p. 255, says: 'Reste des ... gegen 39,400 Fuss langen and 65 Fuss breiten Dammes aus Steinen in Lehm, zu beiden Seiten mit Pallisaden verbrämt.' [698] _Cortés_, _Cartas_, p. 103; _Gomara_, _Conq. Mex._, fol. 116; _Oviedo_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. iii., p. 299; _Carbajal Espinosa_, _Hist. Mex._, tom. i., p. 608. [699] 'Cosi grande come sarebbe tre volte la piazza di Salamanca.' _Relatione fatta per vn gentil'huomo del Signor Fernando Cortese_, in _Ramusio_, _Navigationi_, tom. iii., fol. 309; _Motolinia_, _Hist. Indios_, in _Icazbalceta_, _Col. de Doc._, tom. i., p. 181. [700] The Anonymous Conqueror states that this road carried the aqueduct which was three quarters of a league in length. _Relatione fatta per vn gentil'huomo del Signor Fernando Cortese_, in _Ramusio_, _Navigationi_, tom. iii., fol. 309; _Cortés_, _Cartas_, p. 108; _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. iv., p. 4; _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. i., p. 207; _Prescott's Mex._, vol. ii., p. 114. [701] 'Los caños, que eran de madera y de cal y canto.' _Cortés_, _Cartas_, pp. 209, 108; _Oviedo_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. iii., p. 304. Other writers make the pipes larger. 'Tan gordos como vn buey cada vno.' _Gomara_, _Conq. Mex._, fol. 113. 'Tan anchas como tres hombres juntos y mas.' _Las Casas_, _Hist. Apologética_, MS., cap. l. [702] Cortés, _Cartas_, p. 108, says 'echan la dulce por unas canales tan gruesas como un buey, que son de la longura de las dichas puentes.' _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. i., p. 207; _Las Casas_, _Hist. Apologética_, MS., cap. l.; _Prescott's Mex._, vol. ii., p. 114; _Carbajal Espinosa_, _Hist. Mex._, tom. i., p. 664. [703] _Gomara_, _Conq. Mex._, fol. 113; _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. ii., lib. vii., cap. xiii. [704] _Acosta_, _Hist. de las Ynd._, pp. 500-1; _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. i., p. 207; _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. iv., p. 4. [705] _Duran_, _Hist. Indias_, MS., tom. ii., cap. xlviii., xlix. [706] _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. iii., p. 427, tom. iv., pp. 209-10; _Tezozomoc_, _Hist. Mex._, tom. ii., p. 184. [707] _Ortega_, in _Veytia_, _Hist. Ant. Mej._, tom. iii., p. 319; _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. i., pp. 206, 460. [708] _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. iv., p. 7. 'En todos los caminos que tenian hechos de cañas, ò paja, ò yervas, porque no los viessen los que passasen por ellos, y alli se metian, si tenian gana de purgar los vientres, porque no se les perdiesse aquella suciedad.' _Bernal Diaz_, _Hist. Conq._, fol. 70. [709] _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., p. 298. The authorities for the description of the city are: _Relatione fatta per vn gentil'huomo del Signor Fernando Cortese_, in _Ramusio_, _Navigationi_, tom. iii., fol. 309, and in _Icazbalceta_, _Col. de Doc._, tom. i., p. 390-2, with plans; _Cortés_, _Cartas_, pp. 43, 83-4, 102-9, 209; _Id._, _Despatches_, p. 333, plan; _Bernal Diaz_, _Hist. Conq._, fol. 70-3; _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. i. pp. 91-4, 147, 157-8, 206-7, 288-98, 306-7, 460; _Acosta_, _Hist. de las Ynd._, pp. 465-8, 500-1; _Motolinia_, _Hist. Indios_, in _Icazbalceta_, _Col. de Doc._, tom. i., pp. 180-3, 187-8; _Las Casas_, _Hist. Apologética_, MS., cap. l.; _Gomara_, _Conq. Mex._, fol. 113-16; _Oviedo_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. iii., pp. 283-4, 299, 305; _Veytia_, _Hist. Ant. Mej._, tom. ii., p. 141; _Ortega_, in _Id._, tom. iii., p. 319; _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. ii., lib. vii., cap. xiii., xiv., dec. iii., lib. ii., cap. xi.; _Id._, (Translation, Lond. 1725), vol. ii., p. 372, vol. iii., p. 194, view and plan; _Camargo_, _Hist. Tlax._, in _Nouvelles Annales des Voy._, 1843, tom. xcix., pp. 174-5; _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. i., pp. 168-9; _Heredia y Sarmiento_, _Sermon_, pp. 95-6; _Tezozomoc_, _Hist. Mex._, tom. ii., p. 184; _Montanus_, _Nieuwe Weereld_, pp. 81, 238-9; _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. ii., pp. 443-9, tom. iii., pp. 231-2, 427, tom. iv., pp. 3-7, 209-10; _Carbajal Espinosa_, _Hist. Mex._, tom. i., pp. 310-14, 664, tom. ii., pp. 216-28, with plan; _Prescott's Mex._, vol. i., pp. 16-17, vol. ii., pp. 69, 76-86; _Mühlenpfordt_, _Mejico_, tom. ii., pt ii., p. 255; _Alaman_, _Disertaciones_, tom. i., p. 184-8; _Helps' Span. Conq._, vol. ii., pp. 310-14, 456, 471-2, 490-1, with plans; _Carli_, _Cartas_, pt i., pp. 35-6; _Peter Martyr_, dec. v., lib. x. [710] _Carbajal Espinosa_, _Hist. Mex._, tom. ii., p. 197; _Prescott's Mex._, vol. ii., p. 69. [711] Cortés says 'piedra seca.' _Cartas_, p. 60, but this is contradicted by Bernal Diaz, who found it to be of stone and mortar. _Hist. Conq._, fol. 43. 'Sin mezcla de cal ni barro.' _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. ii., lib. vi., cap. iv. [712] _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., p. 150, gives the measurement at eight feet in height and eighteen in width. [713] _Cortés_, _Cartas_, p. 60; _Bernal Diaz_, _Hist. Conq._, fol. 43; _West-Indische Spieghel_, pp. 225-6. _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., p. 150, with a cut. [714] _Klemm_, _Cultur-Geschichte_, tom. v., p. 186. [715] Delaporte says that streets met on the hills. _Reisen_, tom. x., p. 256. [716] _Cortés_, _Cartas_, p. 67; _Relatione fatta per vn gentil'huomo del Signor Fernando Cortese_, in _Ramusio_, _Navigationi_, tom. iii., fol. 308; _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. ii., lib. vi., cap. xii. [717] _Cortés_, _Cartas_, p. 171. See _Warden_, _Recherches_, pp. 67-8, on fortifications. In Michoacan, some towns had walls of planks two fathoms high and one broad. _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. iii., lib. iii., cap. iii. [718] Meaning place of detention, because here the immigrating tribes used to halt, while deciding upon their settlement. _Ixtlilxochitl_, _Hist. Chich._, in _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. ix., p. 214. [719] Las Casas, _Hist. Apologética_, MS., cap. xlix., says that it was nearly as large as Mexico. _Gomara_, _Conq. Mex._, fol. 115. Motolinia, _Hist. Indios_, in _Icazbalceta_, _Col. de Doc._, tom. i., p. 182, gives it a league in width and six in length. Peter Martyr, dec. viii., lib. iv., gives it 20,000 houses. Carbajal Espinosa, _Hist. Mex._, tom. i., pp. 87-8, estimates it at 30,000 houses, and thinks that Torquemada must have included the three outlying towns to attain his figure. _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. i., p. 304. [720] _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. iv., pp. 89-90, 303-4; _Carbajal Espinosa_, _Hist. Mex._, tom. i., pp. 87-8; _Ixtlilxochitl_, _Hist. Chich._, in _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. ix., pp. 242-4. For further references to Mexican towns, forts, etc., see: _Cortés_, _Cartas_, pp. 24, 57-60, 67-8, 74-5, 92-3, 153, 171, 186, 196; _Bernal Diaz_, _Hist. Conq._, fol. 43; _Relatione fatta per vn gentil'huomo del Signor Fernando Cortese_, in _Ramusio_, _Navigationi_, tom. iii., fol. 308; _Ixtlilxochitl_, _Hist. Chich._, in _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, tom. ix., pp. 214, 242, 251-2, 257; _Las Casas_, _Hist. Apologética_, MS., cap. xlix.; _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. i., pp. 251-2, 304, 449-50; _Gomara_, _Conq. Mex._, fol. 26, 51, 115; _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. ii., lib. v., cap. viii., lib. vi., cap. iv., xii., xvi., lib. vii., cap. iv., dec. iii., lib. iii., cap. iii.; _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., p. 150, with cut; _Peter Martyr_, dec. iv., lib. iv., vii., dec. viii., lib. iv.; _Oviedo_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. iii., p. 283; _West-Indische Spieghel_, pp. 221, 225-6; _Bologne_, in _Ternaux-Compans_, _Voy._, série i., tom. x., p. 212; _Montanus_, _Nieuwe Weereld_, p. 236; _Klemm_, _Cultur-Geschichte_, tom. v., p. 186; _Delaporte_, _Reisen_, tom. x., p. 256; _Carbajal Espinosa_, _Hist. Mex._, tom. i., pp. 87-8, 259, 663, tom. ii., pp. 51, 161; _Warden_, _Recherches_, pp. 67-8; _Prescott's Mex._, vol. ii., p. 65; _Helps' Span. Conq._, vol. ii., p. 296; _Bussierre_, _L'Empire Mex._, pp. 240, 243. [721] Las Casas states that when a warrior distinguished himself abroad he was allowed to build his house in the style used by the enemy, a privilege allowed to none else. _Hist. Apologética_, MS., cap. lxvi. [722] 'I fondamenti delle case grandi della Capitale si gettavano a cagione della poca sodezza di quel terreno sopra un piano di grosse stanghe di cedro ficcate in terra.' _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., p. 202. 'Porque la humedad no les causase enfermedad, alzaban los aposentos hasta un estado poco mas ó menos, y así quedaban como entresuelos.' _Mendieta_, _Hist. Ecles._, p. 121. Speaking of Cempoalla, Peter Martyr says: 'Vnto these houses or habitations they ascend by 10. or 12. steppes or stayres.' Dec. iv., tom. vii. The floor of the palace at Mitla consisted of slabs of stone three feet thick, which rested on ten feet piles. _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. iii., p. 26. Houses with elevated terraces were only allowed to chiefs. _Tezozomoc_, _Hist. Mex._, tom. i., p. 188. [723] _Las Casas_, _Hist. Apologética_, MS., cap. xlix. This mode of whitewashing the walls and polishing them with gypsum seems to have been very common in all parts of Mexico, for we repeatedly meet with mentions of the dazzling white walls, like silver, which the Spaniards noticed all through their march. _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. i., p. 251; _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., p. 202. [724] In Cempoalla, says Peter Martyr, 'none may charge his neighbours wall with beames or rafters. All the houses are seperated the distance of 3. paces asunder.' Dec. iv., lib. vii. Cortés, _Cartas_, p. 24, mentions as many as five courts. [725] _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. i., p. 291; _Las Casas_, _Hist. Apologética_, MS., cap. l.; _Prescott's Mex._, vol. ii., pp. 76-7; _Chevalier_, _Mex., Ancien et Mod._, p. 173. 'N'avaient guère qu'un étage, à cause de la fréquence des tremblement de terre.' _Bussierre_, _L'Empire Mex._, p. 173. [726] _Cortés_, _Cartas_, p. 24. [727] _Chaves_, _Rapport_, in _Ternaux-Compans_, _Voy._, série ii., tom. v., p. 328. The palace at Tecpeque, says Las Casas, was a very labyrinth, in which visitors were liable to lose themselves without a guide. In the palace allotted to Cortés at Mexico he found comfortable quarters for 400 of his own men, 2000 allies, and a number of attendants. _Hist. Apologética_, MS., cap. lii., l. 'Auia salas con sus camaras, que cabia cada vno en su cama, ciento y cincuenta Castellanos.' _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. ii., lib. vii., cap. v. 'Intorno d'una gran corti fossero prima grandissime sale & stantie, però v'era vna sala cosi grande che vi poteano star dentro senza dar l'un fastidio all'altro piu di tre mila persone.' _Relatione fatta per vn gentil'huomo del Signor Fernando Cortese_, in _Ramusio_, _Navigationi_, tom. iii., fol. 309. [728] _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., pp. 200, 202; _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. i., p. 251. [729] Tezozomoc, _Hist. Mex._, tom. i., p. 188, says that chiefs were permitted to erect towers pierced with arrows in the courtyard. _Prescott's Mex._, vol. ii., p. 120. The houses were often quite surrounded with trees. _West-Indische Spieghel_, p. 220. [730] _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. iii., p. 656. [731] _Tylor's Anahuac_, pp. 135-6. [732] _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. i., p. 291. Las Casas, _Hist. Apologética_, MS., cap. l., says: 'Encalados por encima, que no se pueden llover.' 'Couered with reede, thatch, or marish sedge: yet many of them are couered with slate, or shingle stone.' _Peter Martyr_, dec. iv., lib. vii., dec. v., lib. x. [733] _Peter Martyr_, dec. iv., lib. iv., dec. v., lib. x.; _Carbajal Espinosa_, _Hist. Mex._, tom. ii., p. 219. [734] _Helps' Span. Conq._, vol. ii., p. 314. [735] _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. iii., p. 658. [736] _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., pp. 200-2; _Bussierre_, _L'Empire Mex._, pp. 173-4; _Carbajal Espinosa_, _Hist. Mex._, tom. i., pp. 662-3, 665. [737] 'Eran los Patios, y Suelos de ellos, de argamasa, y despues de encalados, cubrian la superficie, y haz, con Almagre, y despues bruñianlos, con vnos guijarros, y piedras mui lisas, y quedaban con tan buena tèz, y tan hermosamente bruñidos, que no podia estarlo mas vn Plato de Plata; pues como fuese de mañana, y el Sol començase à derramar, y esparcir la Lumbre de sus Raios, y començasen à reberverar en los Suelos, encendianlos de manera, que à quien llevaba tan buen deseo, y ansia de haber Oro, y Plata, le pudo parecer, que era Oro el Suelo; y es mui cierto, que los suelos de las Casas, y de los Patios (en especial, de los Templos, y de los Señores, y Personas Principales) se hacian, y adereçaban, en aquellos Tiempos, tales, que eran mui de vèr, y algunos de estos hemos visto tan lisos, y limpios, que sin asco se podia comer en ellos, sin Manteles, qualquier Manjar.' _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. i., pp. 251-2; _Las Casas_, _Hist. Apologética_, MS., cap. xlix. [738] 'Toldillos encima.' _Bernal Diaz_, _Hist. Conq._, fol. 66. [739] _Las Casas_, _Hist. Apologética_, MS., cap. l.; _Gomara_, _Conq. Mex._, fol. 318; _Bernal Diaz_, _Hist. Conq._, fol. 66, 68; _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. ii., lib. vii., cap. v., vii.; _Bussierre_, _L'Empire Mex._, pp. 174-5; _Cortés_, _Cartas_, pp. 79, 174-5. Klemm, _Cultur-Geschichte_, tom. v., pp. 15-16, mentions stools of cane and reed; and firebugs which were used for lights. [740] _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., p. 381; _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., p. 201; _Carbajal Espinosa_, _Hist. Mex._, tom. i., p. 662. 'No ay puertas ni ventanas que cerrar, todo es abierto.' _Gomara_, _Conq. Mex._, fol. 318. [741] _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. iv., p. 8. [742] _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. ii., lib. vi., cap. xii.; _Peter Martyr_, dec. v., lib. x.; _Las Casas_, _Hist. Apologética_, MS., cap. xlix-l.; _Prescott's Mex._, vol. ii., p. 76. [743] _Peter Martyr_, dec. v., lib. x. [744] _Motolinia_, _Hist. Indios_, in _Icazbalceta_, _Col. de Doc._, tom. i., p. 199; _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., p. 200; _Gomara_, _Conq. Mex._, fol. 318; _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. iii., p. 657; _Carbajal Espinosa_, _Hist. Mex._, tom. i., pp. 661-2. [745] _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., pp. 214-15, with cut; _Carbajal Espinosa_, _Hist. Mex._, tom. i., pp. 662, 671-2, with cut. The poorer had doubtless resort to public baths; they certainly existed in Tlascala. _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. ii., lib. vi., cap. xvi.; _Bussierre_, _L'Empire Mex._, p. 240. [746] _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., p. 155; _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. iii., p. 635; _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., p. 564. For description of houses, see: _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. i., pp. 251-2, 291, tom. ii., pp. 381, 564; _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. ii., lib. vi., cap. xii., xvi., lib. vii., cap. v.; _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., pp. 155, 200-2, 214-15, with cut; _Las Casas_, _Hist. Apologética_, MS., cap. xlix.-lii.; _Cortés_, _Cartas_, p. 24; _Relatione fatta per vn gentil'huomo del Signor Fernando Cortese_, in _Ramusio_, _Navigationi_, tom. iii., fol. 309; _Bernal Diaz_, _Hist. Conq._, fol. 66, 68; _Gomara_, _Conq. Mex._, fol. 318; _Motolinia_, _Hist. Indios_, in _Icazbalceta_, _Col. de Doc._, tom. i., p. 199; _Mendieta_, _Hist. Ecles._, p. 121; _Tezozomoc_, _Hist. Mex._, tom. i., p. 188; _Peter Martyr_, dec. iv., lib. iv., vii., dec. v., cap. x.; _Chaves_, _Rapport_, in _Ternaux-Compans_, _Voy._, série ii., tom. v., p. 328; _West-Indische Spieghel_, p. 221; _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. iii., pp. 26, 222, 635, 656-8, iv., p. 8; _Prescott's Mex._, vol. ii., pp. 76-7, 120; _Chevalier_, _Mex., Ancien et Mod._, p. 31; _Bussierre_, _L'Empire Mex._, pp. 173-5, 240; _Carbajal Espinosa_, _Hist. Mex._, tom. i., pp. 661-3, 671-2, with cut, tom. ii., p. 219; _Tylor's Anahuac_, pp. 135-6; _Klemm_, _Cultur-Geschichte_, tom. v., pp. 15-16. [747] 'El anden, hácia la pared de la huerta, va todo labrado de cañas con unas vergas.' _Cortés_, _Cartas_, p. 83. [748] 'Un anden de muy buen suelo ladrillado.' _Cortés_, _Cartas_, p. 83. [749] _Oviedo_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. iii., p. 283; _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. iii., p. 636; _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., p. 156. [750] _Cortés_, _Cartas_, p. 196; _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., p. 157. [751] See this vol., p. 345. [752] 'Hay sus puentes de muy anchas y muy grandes vigas juntas y recias y bien labradas; y tales, que por muchas dellas pueden pasar diez de caballo juntos á la par.' _Cortés_, _Cartas_, p. 103. Brasseur de Bourbourg, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. iii., p. 632, says that stone bridges were most common, which is doubtless a mistake. Speaking of swinging bridges, Klemm says: 'Manche waren so fest angespannt, dass sie gar keine schwankende Bewegung hatten.' _Cultur-Geschichte_, tom. v., p. 75; _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., p. 169. [753] 'En los mismos patios de los pueblos principales habia otros cada doce ó quince teocallis harto grandes, unos mayores que otros.' _Motolinia_, _Hist. Indios_, in _Icazbalceta_, _Col. de Doc._, tom. i., p. 64. 'Entre quatro, ó cinco barrios tenian vn Adoratorio, y sus idolos.' _Bernal Diaz_, _Hist. Conq._, fol. 72. [754] _Mendieta_, _Hist. Ecles._, pp. 84-6; _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., p. 141; _Las Casas_, _Hist. Apologética_, MS., cap. cxxiv.; _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., p. 35. [755] _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., pp. 26, 34, cuts; _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, (Translation, Lond. 1725), vol. ii., pp. 372, 378, cuts. [756] _Tezozomoc_, _Hist. Mex._, tom. i., pp. 151-3. [757] _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. i., p. 186; _Vetancvrt_, _Teatro Mex._, pt ii., p. 37. Other authors give the number at 60,460, and the attendance at 6,000,000. _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. i., p. 257. [758] 'Recibia dentro de su hueco todo el suelo en que aora està edificada la Iglesia Maior, Casas del Marquès del Valle, Casas Reales, y Casas Arçobispales, con mucha parte de lo que aora es Plaça, que parece cosa increìble.' _Sahagun_, quoted in _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., p. 146. To-day the Cathedral stands upon the Plaza, and many houses occupy the spot; see _Carbajal Espinosa_, _Hist. Mex._, tom. ii., pp. 226-7, 233-5. Opposite the south gate was the market and 'en face du grand temple se trouvait le palais.' _Tezozomoc_, _Hist. Mex._, tom. i., p. 152. [759] 'Dos cercas al rededor de cal, y canto.' _Bernal Diaz_, _Hist. Conq._, fol. 70-1. [760] 'Mayores que la plaça que ay en Salamanca.' _Bernal Diaz_, _Hist. Conq._, fol. 70. Cortés, _Cartas_, p. 106, states that a town of 500 houses could be located within its compass. Torquemada, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., p. 144, Gomara, _Conq. Mex._, fol. 119, Las Casas, _Hist. Apologética_, MS., cap. li., and Herrera, _Hist. Gen._, dec. ii., lib. vii., cap. xvii., agree upon a length to each side of one cross-bow or musket shot, and this, according to Las Casas, cap. cxxxii., is 750 paces; in the same places he gives the length at four shots, or 3000 paces, an evident mistake, unless by this is meant the circumference. Hernandez estimates it at about 80 perches, or 1,420 feet. Sahagun, _Hist. Gen._, tom. i., lib. ii., p. 197, who seems to have investigated the matter more closely, places it at 200 fathoms, which cannot be too high, when we consider that the court enclosed 77 or more edifices, besides the great temple. Carbajal Espinosa, _Hist. Mex._, tom. ii., p. 226, gives a length of 250 varas. [761] 'Era todo cercado de piedra de manposterìa mui bien labrado.' _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., p. 144. 'Estaban mui bien encaladas, blancas, y bruñidas.' _Id._, p. 141. [762] _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., p. 27; _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. iii., p. 661; _Prescott's Mex._, vol. ii., p. 142. 'Era labrada de piedras grandes a manera de culebras asidas las vnas a las otras.' _Acosta_, _Hist. de las Ynd._, p. 333; _Motolinia_, _Hist. Indios_, in _Icazbalceta_, _Col. de Doc._, tom. i., p. 63. [763] Acosta, _Hist. de las Ynd._, p. 333, says an idol stood over each gate, facing the road. It is not stated by any author that the arsenals formed the gateway, but as they rose over the entrance, and nearly all mention upper and lower rooms, and as buildings of this size could not have rested upon the walls alone, it follows that the lower story must have formed the sides of the entrance. 'A cada parte y puerta de las cuatro del patio del templo grande ya dicho habia una gran sala con muy buenos aposentos altos y bajos en rededor.' _Las Casas_, _Hist. Apologética_, MS., cap. li.; _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., p. 146; _Gomara_, _Conq. Mex._, fol. 120. Tezozomoc, _Hist. Mex._, tom. i., p. 152, mentions three gates. 'À l'orient et à l'occident d'une petite porte et d'une grande vis-à-vis de l'escalier méridional.' [764] 'Y el mismo patio, y sitio todo empedrado de piedras grandes de losas blancas, y muy lisas: y adonde no auia de aquellas piedras, estaua encalado, y bruñido.' _Bernal Diaz_, _Hist. Conq._, fol. 70. The white stones had no doubt received that color from plaster. 'Los patios y suelos eran teñidos de Almagre bruñido, y incorporado con la misma cal.' _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., p. 141; _Las Casas_, _Hist. Apologética_, MS., cap. xlix. The dimensions given by the different authors are extremely varied; the Anonymous Conqueror, as the only eye-witness who has given any measurements, certainly deserves credit for those that appear reasonable, namely the length and width; the height seems out of proportion. [765] 'Cento & cinquanta passi, ò poco piu di lunghezza, & cento quindici, ò cento & venti di larghezza.' _Relatione fatta per vn gentil'huomo del Signor Fernando Cortese_, in _Ramusio_, _Navigationi_, tom. iii., fol. 307. This would give the length and breadth of the base in the text, assuming two and a half feet to the pace. With a decrease of two good paces for each of the four ledges which surround the pyramid, the summit measurement is arrived at. The terraces are stated by the same author to be two men's stature in height, but this scarcely agrees with the height indicated by the 120 or 30 steps given. Bernal Diaz, _Hist. Conq._, fol. 70, counted 114 steps, and as most authors estimate each of these at a span, or nine inches in height, this would give an altitude of 86 feet. Clavigero, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., pp. 28-9, gives about 50 fathoms (perches, he calls them) by 43 to the base, and, allowing a perch to the ledges, he places the summit dimensions at 43 by 34 fathoms. The height he estimates at 19 fathoms, giving the height of each step as one foot. To prove that he has not over-estimated the summit dimensions, at least, he refers to the statements of Cortés, who affirms that he fought 500 Mexicans on the top platform, and of Diaz, who says that over 4,000 men garrisoned the temple. Torquemada, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., pp. 144-5, who follows Sahagun, states it to be 360 feet square at the base, and over 70 at the top; the steps he says are 'vna tercia, y mas' in height, which closely approaches a foot. Las Casas, _Hist. Apologética_, MS., cap. li., says: 'Una torre triangular ó de tres esquinas de tierra y piedra maciza; y ancha de esquina á esquina de ciento y viente pasos ó cuasi ... con un llano ó plaza de obra de setenta pies.' In cap. cxxxii. he calls it 100 men's stature in height. Gomara, _Conq. Mex._, fol. 119, says 50 fathoms square at the base and 18 at the top. Ixtlilxochitl, _Hist. Chich._, in _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. ix., p. 245, describes a temple which seems to be that of Mexico, and states it to be 80 fathoms square, with a height of 27 men's stature. Herrera, _Hist. Gen._, dec. ii., lib. vii., cap. xvii., places the dimensions as low as 30 varas square at the base and from 12 to 15 at the top. Of modern authors Brasseur de Bourbourg, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. iii., p. 659, gives the dimensions at 300 by 250 feet for the base, and 60 feet for the summit, after allowing from 5 to 6 feet for the ledges, a rather extraordinary computation; unless, indeed, we assume that the terraces were sloping, but there is no reliable cut or description to confirm such a supposition. Humboldt, _Essai Pol._, tom. i., pp. 169-70, has 97 mètres for the square, and 37 for the height. Ortega, in _Veytia_, _Hist. Ant. Mej._, tom. iii., pp. 280-82, is positive that the height was certainly no less than 38 varas. Prescott, _Mex._, vol. ii., p. 144, remarks that there is no authority for describing the temple as oblong, except the _contemptible_ cut of the Anonymous Conqueror. This may be just enough as regards the cut, but if he had examined the description attached to it, he would have found the dimensions of an oblong structure given. We must consider that the Anonymous Conqueror is the only eye-witness who gives any measurement, and, further, that as two chapels were situated at one end of the platform the structure ought to have been oblong to give the space in front a fair outline. [766] 'Alto come due stature d'vn huomo.' _Relatione fatta per vn gentil'huomo del Signor Fernando Cortese_, in _Ramusio_, _Navigationi_, tom. iii., fol. 307. [767] 'Lasciano vna strada di larghezza di duo passi.' _Relatione fatta per vn gentil'huomo del Signor Fernando Cortese_, in _Ramusio_, _Navigationi_, tom. iii., fol. 307. See note 87; _Motolinia_, _Hist. Indios_, in _Icazbalceta_, _Col. de Doc._, tom. i., p. 64. [768] The Anonymous Conqueror, _Relatione, etc._, ubi supra, Las Casas, _Hist. Apologética_, MS., cap. cxxiv., Gomara, _Conq. Mex._, fol. 119, and Torquemada, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., p. 145, all say that there was no ledge on the west side, merely steps, but this is, doubtless, a careless expression, for 23 steps allotted to each terrace would scarcely have extended over a length of about 300 feet, the breadth of the pyramid. Nearly all agree upon the number of the steps, namely 114. Ixtlilxochitl, _Hist. Chich._, in _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. ix., p. 245, however, gives 160 steps; Oviedo, _Hist. Gen._, tom. iii., pp. 502-3, 60 steps; and Acosta, _Hist. de las Ynd._, p. 333, 30 steps, 30 fathoms wide, but the latter author has evidently mixed up the accounts of two different temples. Tezozomoc, _Hist. Mex._, tom. i., p. 152, states that the temple had three stairways, with 360 steps in all, one for every day in the Mexican year. According to _Klemm_, _Cultur-Geschichte_, tom. v., p. 155, the steps are on the south corner, but there is no authority for this statement; in the cuts they appear on the north. [769] 'De tierra y piedra, mezclada con cal muy macizada.' _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. ii., lib. vii., cap. xvii. 'Por la parte de fuera iba su pared de piedra: lo de dentro henchíanlo de piedra todo, ó de barro y adobe; otros de tierra bien tapiada.' _Motolinia_, _Hist. Indios_, in _Icazbalceta_, _Col. de Doc._, tom. i., pp. 63-4. 'Hecha de manposteria.' _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., p. 144. The pyramid of Teotihuacan, which, according to some authors, has been a model for others, is built of clay mixed with small stones, covered by a heavy wall of tetzontli, which is coated with lime. _Humboldt_, _Essai Pol._, tom. i., p. 187. 'Todas las piedras estauan assentadas de tal suerte, que la mezcla casi no parecia, sino todas las piedras vna.' _Dávila Padilla_, _Hist. Fvnd. Mex._, p. 75. The whitewash may, however, have given it this solid appearance. 'Todos aquellos Templos, y Salas; y todas sus paredes que los cercaban, estaban mui bien encaladas, blancas, y bruñidas.' _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., p. 141. The mortar was mixed with precious stones and gold-dust. _Tezozomoc_, _Crónica Mex._, in _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. ix., p. 60. [770] Brasseur de Bourbourg, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. iii., p. 659, states that three sides of the platform were protected by a balustrade of sculptured stone, and this is not unlikely when we consider the slippery nature of the floor and the dizzy height. See _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., p. 141; _Las Casas_, _Hist. Apologética_, MS., cap. xlix., cxxiv., and note 75 on polished floors. Carbajal Espinosa, _Hist. Mex._, tom. i., p. 664, states that the summit was paved with marble. [771] 'In alto dieci, ò dodici stature d'huomo.' _Relatione fatta per vn gentil'huomo del Signor Fernando Cortese_, in _Ramusio_, _Navigationi_, tom. iii., fol. 307. This is followed by Clavigero, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., p. 29, who says 56 feet, or about 9 perches. No other dimensions are mentioned by the old chroniclers; Brasseur de Bourbourg, however, gives them a base of 20 feet square, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. iii., pp. 659-60, but this becomes absurd when we consider the height of the buildings, and the accommodation required for the gigantic idols they contained. This author hazards the opinion that the chapels were placed close to the edge, to enable the people to see the idols from below, but there is no mention of any doors on the east side, and it is stated that the chapels were placed at this end so that the people in praying might face the rising sun. _Gomara_, _Conq. Mex._, fol. 119; _Las Casas_, _Hist. Apologética_, MS., cap. li. [772] 'Que se mandaban por la parte de adentro, por unas escaleras de madera movedizas.' _Ixtlilxochitl_, _Hist. Chich._, in _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. ix., p. 245. Acosta states that the towers were ascended by 120 steps. _Hist. de las Ynd._, p. 334. The towers were made of 'artesones.' _Gomara_, _Conq. Mex._, fol. 119. Brasseur de Bourbourg states that the outside of the walls was painted with various figures and monsters, but this seems to be a misinterpretation of Gomara, who places the paintings on the inside. _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. iii., p. 660. Bernal Diaz says, besides, that the towers were 'todas blanqueando.' _Hist. Conq._, fol. 70. [773] The eaves or the domes of the temples were decorated with fine red and white pillars, set with jet black stones and holding two figures of stone with torches in their hands, which supported a battlement in form of spiral shells; the torches were adorned with yellow and green feathers and fringes. _Acosta_, _Hist. de las Ynd._, p. 333; _Montanus_, _Nieuwe Weereld_, p. 242. [774] Most of the old authors say that Tlaloc occupied the second chapel, but as the next largest temple in the court is dedicated to this god, I am inclined to think, with Clavigero, that Tezcatlipoca shared the chief pyramid with Huitzilopochtli. Another reason for this belief is that Tezcatlipoca was held to be the half-brother of Huitzilopochtli, and their feasts were sometimes attended with similar ceremonies. Tezcatlipoca was also one of the highest if not the highest god, and, accordingly, entitled to the place of honor by the side of the favorite god of the Aztecs. Tlaloc, on the other hand, had nothing in common with Huitzilopochtli, and the only possible ground that can be found for his promotion to the chief pyramid is to be seen in the fable of the foundation of Mexico, in which Tlaloc, as the lord of the site, gives the Aztecs permission to settle there. We have, besides, the testimony of Bernal Diaz, who saw Tezcatlipoca, adorned with the _tezcatl_, or mirror ornament, seated in the left hand temple. _Hist. Conq._, fol. 71; _Ortega_, in _Veytia_, _Hist. Ant. Mej._, tom. iii., p. 281. Brasseur de Bourbourg, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. iii., p. 660, thinks it possible that the second temple was occupied by different idols, in turn, according to the festival. [775] 'No eran mas altos que cinco palmos.' _Gomara_, _Conq. Mex._, fol. 119. _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., p. 29. [776] Clavigero thinks that the stone was of jasper. _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., p. 46, with cut. It is difficult to define the position of this stone; some place it before the idol within the chapel, others at the western extremity of the platform. Referring to the idols in the chapel, Sahagun says: 'Delante de cada una de estas estaba una piedra redonda á manera de tajon que llaman _texcatl_, donde mataban los que sacrificaban á honra de aquel dios, y desde la piedra hasta abajo un _regaxal_ de sangre de los que mataban en él'--he describes the stone as round. _Hist. Gen._, tom. i., lib. ii., p. 198. And this I am inclined to accept as correct, especially as several points indicate that the stones stood inside the chapel. Their floor, we are told, were steeped in blood that must have flown from the victims; further, we know that the reeking heart was held up before or thrown at the feet of the idol, immediately after being torn out. The act of sacrifice was in itself a ceremony which could only have been performed before the idol. Acosta, _Hist. de las Ynd._, p. 334, and Solis, _Hist. Conq. Mex._, tom. i., p. 397, place it in the middle of the platform. Prescott, _Mex._, vol. ii., p. 145, states that the stone (one only) stood near the head of the stairway, but this is most likely a hasty interpretation of Diaz' vague account. There may, however, have been a large stone at this place, which was used for the great and general sacrifices. _Bernal Diaz_, _Hist. Conq._, fol. 70; _Las Casas_, _Hist. Apologética_, MS., cap. cxxiv. Brasseur de Bourbourg, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. iii., pp. 660-1, manages very dexterously to place the two stones before the chapel, and at the same time near the head of the steps. Klemm, _Cultur-Geschichte_, tom. v., p. 98, mentions one stone with a hollow in the middle. [777] _Las Casas_, _Hist. Apologética_, MS., cap. cxxxii.; _Gomara_, _Conq. Mex._, fol. 119. [778] _Bernal Diaz_, _Hist. Conq._, fol. 71. [779] _Cortés_, _Cartas_, p. 106. It is also stated that certain chapels in the streets were used for burial places by the lords. 'Inde Straten waren veel Cappellen, die meest diendeden tot begravinghe van de groote Heeren.' _West-Indische Spieghel_, p. 248. [780] 'Dezian, que era el Dios de las sementeras' (called Centeotl). _Bernal Diaz_, _Hist. Conq._, fol. 71. [781] _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., pp. 29-30; _Carbajal Espinosa_, _Hist. Mex._, tom. ii., p. 228; _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., p. 145; on p. 141, he says, in contradiction: 'Delante de los Altares en estos Templos avia vnos braseros hechos de piedra, y cal, de tres quartas en alto, de figura circular, ò redonda, y otros quadrados, donde de dia, y de noche ardia continuo fuego, tenian sus fogones, y braseros todas las Salas de los dichos Templos, donde encendian fuego, para calentarse los Señores, quando iban à ellos, y para los Sacerdotes.' 'Tan altos como tres palmos y cuatro.' _Las Casas_, _Hist. Apologética_, MS., cap. cxxiv. [782] _Bernal Diaz_, _Hist. Conq._, fol. 70. [783] See note 119; _Motolinia_, _Hist. Indios_, in _Icazbalceta_, _Col. de Doc._, tom. i., p. 65. [784] _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., p. 30. Las Casas, _Hist. Apologética_, MS., cap. li., and Motolinia, _Hist. Indios_, in _Icazbalceta_, _Col. de Doc._, tom. i., p. 64, say that they face in all directions, which tends to prove that they must have faced the temple of the supreme and patron gods. 'Estando encontrados, y puestos vnos contra otros,' adds _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., pp. 141, 145. Gomara, _Conq. Mex._, fol. 119, states that they were turned against all points but the east, so as to differ from the chief temple. 'Tenian la cara ácia el occidente.' _Sahagun_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. i., lib. ii., p. 198. Acosta, _Hist. de las Ynd._, p. 334, states that the court held eight or nine temples facing all quarters. [785] 'Todos eran vnos; pero diferenciabanse en el asiento, y postura.' _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., p. 145. 'La cubierta ... era de diversas, y varias formas, que aunque eran vnas de madera, y otras de paja, como de Centeno, eran mui primamente labradas, vnas coberturas piramidales, y quadradas, y otras redondas, y de otras formas.' _Ib._ _Gomara_, _Conq. Mex._, fol. 118-19; _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. iii., pp. 662-3. [786] 'La menor dellas tiene çinqüenta escalones para subir al cuerpo de la torre.' _Oviedo_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. iii., p. 302; _Cortés_, _Cartas_, p. 106. [787] _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., p. 145. [788] _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., pp. 147-50. [789] _Sahagun_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. i., lib. ii., pp. 201-7; _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., p. 149; Clavigero, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., p. 32, calls it Hueitzompan. [790] 'En los escalones habia tambien un cráneo entre piedra y piedra.' _Ortega_, in _Veytia_, _Hist. Ant. Mej._, tom. iii., p. 287. But this is unlikely. See also _Gomara_, _Conq. Mex._, fol. 121. [791] 'Estos palos hazian muchas aspas por las vigas, y cada tercio de aspa o palo, tenia cinco cabeças ensartadas por las sienes.' _Gomara_, _Conq. Mex._, fol. 121-2. Acosta, _Hist. de las Ynd._, p. 334, places the masts a fathom apart, and twenty skulls upon each cross-pole, which is, to say the least, very close packing. [792] At each end of the platform. _Warden_, _Recherches_, p. 66. [793] _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., p. 32; _Gomara_, _Conq. Mex._, fol. 121-2; _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. ii., lib. vii., cap. xviii.; _Acosta_, _Hist. de las Ynd._, pp. 333-5. The account of the latter author is so mixed up with that of the chief temple as to be of little value; Montanus, _Nieuwe Weereld_, pp. 242-3, follows him. [794] Acosta, _Hist. de las Ynd._, p. 333, says that 8,000 to 10,000 persons could dance with joined hands in this place. [795] _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., p. 48, with cut; _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., p. 154; _Ortega_, in _Veytia_, _Hist. Ant. Mej._, tom. iii., p. 283; _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. iii., p. 662. [796] _Gomara_, _Conq. Mex._, fol. 120; _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., pp. 146-7; _Las Casas_, _Hist. Apologética_, MS., cap. li. [797] _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., p. 151; _Ixtlilxochitl_, _Hist. Chich._, in _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. ix., p. 244. [798] 'Residen en el a la contina cinco mil personas, y todas duermen dentro, y comen a su costa del.' _Gomara_, _Conq. Mex._, fol. 120. 'V'hauea vna guarnigione di dieci mila homini di guerra.' _Relatione fatta per vn gentil'huomo del Signor Fernando Cortese_, in _Ramusio_, _Navigationi_, tom. iii., fol. 309. [799] The authorities on the temple of Mexico are: _Bernal Diaz_, _Hist. Conq._, fol. 70-2; _Relatione fatta per vn gentil'huomo del Signor Fernando Cortese_, in _Ramusio_, _Navigationi_, tom. iii., fol. 307, 309, and in _Icazbalceta_, _Col. de Doc._, tom. i., pp. 384-5, 394-5, with cuts; _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. i., p. 186, tom. ii., pp. 140-56; _Sahagun_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. i., lib. ii., pp. 197-211; _Cortés_, _Cartas_, p. 106; _Gomara_, _Conq. Mex._, fol. 118-22; _Las Casas_, _Hist. Apologética_, MS., cap. xlix., li., cxxiv.; _Vetancvrt_, _Teatro Mex._, pt ii., p. 37; _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. i., pp. 257-8, tom. ii., pp. 25-32, 46-8, with cuts made up from the various descriptions of Diaz and others; see his remarks, p. 26. _Acosta_, _Hist. de las Ynd._, pp. 333-5; this author mixes up the descriptions of the chief temple and the Tzompantli, and represents this account as that of Huitzilopochtli's sanctuary; _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. ii., lib. vii., cap. xvii., xviii.; _Motolinia_, _Hist. Indios_, in _Icazbalceta_, _Col. de Doc._, tom. i., pp. 63-5; _Ortega_, in _Veytia_, _Hist. Ant. Mej._, tom. iii., pp. 279-89; _Tezozomoc_, _Hist. Mex._, tom. i., pp. 151-3, 193; _Ixtlilxochitl_, _Hist. Chich._, in _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. ix., p. 245; _Oviedo_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. iii., pp. 302-3, 502-3; _Dávila Padilla_, _Hist. Fvnd. Mex._, p. 75; _Solis_, _Hist. Conq. Mex._, tom. i., pp. 394-98; _Montanus_, _Nieuwe Weereld_, p. 242; _West-Indische Spieghel_, p. 248; _Humboldt_, _Essai Pol._, tom. i., p. 187; _Klemm_, _Cultur-Geschichte_, tom. v., pp. 154-5; _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. iii., pp. 659-65; _Carbajal Espinosa_, _Hist. Mex._, tom. i., p. 664, tom. ii., pp. 226-35, with cuts; _Warden_, _Recherches_, p. 66; _Prescott's Mex._, vol. ii., pp. 142-5. [800] _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., p. 145; _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., p. 33. Gomara, _Conq. Mex._, fol. 120, says that there were 2000 idols, each of which is supposed to have had a separate chapel. _Cavo_, _Tres Siglos_, tom. i., p. 2; _Las Casas_, _Hist. Apologética_, MS., cap. cxxxii.; in cap. cxxiv., he adds that 100 of these were great temples. [801] _Gomara_, _Conq. Mex._, fol. 120. Some temple pyramids, says Dávila Padilla, formed a perfect cone, the casing being composed of large stones at the bottom; as the wall rose, the stones decreased in size; the summit was crowned with a precious stone. _Hist. Fvnd. Mex._, p. 75; _Prescott's Mex._, vol. i., p. 72. [802] 'Los grandes tenian tres sobrados encima de los altares, todos _de terrados y_ bien altos.' _Motolinia_, _Hist. Indios_, in _Icazbalceta_, _Col. de Doc._, tom. i., p. 64; _Las Casas_, _Hist. Apologética_, MS., cap. cxxiv.; _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., p. 141. [803] _Las Casas_, _Hist. Apologética_, MS., cap. cxxiv.; _Humboldt_, _Essai Pol._, tom. i., pp. 239-40; _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., pp. 33-4. Bernal Diaz counted 120 steps, which scarcely agrees with the height of the pyramid. _Hist. Conq._, fol. 72. Acosta, _Hist. de las Ynd._, pp. 390-1, mentions 60 steps only. 'Alto bien mas de quarenta estados: fue hecho de Adove, y Piedra.' _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. i., p. 281. Montanus adds that on the summit stood a square structure, supported by 28 pillars, within which were thousands of skulls; he mentions two chapels. _Nieuwe Weereld_, p. 236. It had 1508 steps; in the wall was a large diamond. _West-Indische Spieghel_, p. 238. [804] _Las Casas_, _Hist. Apologética_, MS., cap. xlix. Some of these had two chapels, which would make the number of towers about 400. _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. ii., lib. vii., cap. ii. [805] _Ixtlilxochitl_, _Hist. Chich._, in _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. ix., p. 245. The description of the temple as given by this writer is almost identical with that of the great temple at Mexico. _Bernal Diaz_, _Hist. Conq._, fol. 72; _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. i., p. 305. [806] _Ixtlilxochitl_, _Hist. Chich._, in _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. ix., p. 257. [807] _Sahagun_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. iii., lib. x., pp. 107-8. Further authorities on Mexican buildings: _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. ii., lib. vii., cap. iv-v., viii-xi., xiii-xviii., dec. iii., lib. i., cap. viii., lib. ii., cap. xi., xv.; _Peter Martyr_, dec. v., lib. ii-iii., viii., x., dec. viii., lib. iv.; _Mendieta_, _Hist. Ecles._, pp. 84-7, 121; _Veytia_, _Hist. Ant. Mej._, tom. i., p. 155; _Zuazo_, _Carta_, in _Icazbalceta_, _Col. de Doc._, tom. i., pp. 359, 362; _West-Indische Spieghel_, pp. 240-8; _Munster_, _Cosmographia_, p. 1410; _Montanus_, _Nieuwe Weereld_, pp. 80-5, 235-7, 242-3; _Cortés_, _Aven. y Conq._, pp. 120, 128-33; _Bussierre_, _L'Empire Mex._, pp. 123-7, 172-5, 252-3, 258-9, 266; _Klemm_, _Cultur-Geschichte_, tom. v., pp. 31-2, 75, 84-5, 97-9, 152-62; _Monglave_, _Résumé_, pp. 20-1, 24-5, 36-7; _Touron_, _Hist. Gén._, tom. iii., pp. 40-8; _Cooper's Hist. N. Amer._, pt ii., p. 164; _Lafond_, _Voyage_, tom. i., pp. 106-7; _Brownell's Ind. Races_, pp. 92-5; _Ranking's Hist. Researches_, pp. 336-7; _Domenech_, _Mexique_, pp. 70-2; _Foster's Pre-Hist. Races_, p. 391; _Dilworth's Conq. Mex._, pp. 64, 70-1; _Lenoir_, _Parallèle_, pp. 20-1; _Pimentel_, _Mem. sobre la Raza Indígena_, pp. 55-7; _Chevalier_, _Mex., Ancien et Mod._, pp. 30-3; _Purchas his Pilgrimes_, vol. iv., pp. 1033, 1123-4, 1133. CHAPTER XIX. MEDICINE AND FUNERAL RITES AMONG THE NAHUAS. MEXICAN CONTRIBUTIONS TO MEDICAL SCIENCE--THE BOTANICAL GARDENS--LONGEVITY--PREVALENT DISEASES--INTRODUCTION OF SMALL-POX AND SYPHILIS--MEDICAL TREATMENT--THE TEMAZCALLI--ABORIGINAL PHYSICIANS--THE AZTEC FACULTY--STANDARD REMEDIES--SURGERY--SUPERSTITIOUS CEREMONIES IN HEALING--FUNERAL RITES OF AZTECS--CREMATION--ROYAL OBSEQUIES--EMBALMING--THE FUNERAL PYRE--HUMAN SACRIFICE--DISPOSAL OF THE ASHES AND ORNAMENTS--MOURNERS--FUNERAL CEREMONIES OF THE PEOPLE--CERTAIN CLASSES BURIED--RITES FOR THE SLAIN IN BATTLE--BURIAL AMONG THE TEO-CHICHIMECS AND TABASCANS--CREMATION CEREMONIES IN MICHOACAN--BURIAL BY THE MIZTECS IN OAJACA. Writers on Mexico have paid but slight attention to aboriginal medical science, although the greatest benefit which Europe derived from that part of the New World came doubtless in the form of medicinal substances. Most of the additions to the world's stock of remedies since the sixteenth century were indigenous to tropical America, and in few instances, if any, were their curative properties unknown or unfamiliar to the native doctors. Jalap, sarsaparilla, tobacco, with numerous gums and balsams, were among the simples of American origin. Dr Hernandez, physician to Phillip II., was sent to Mexico by his king to investigate the natural history of the country. The results of his researches, in which he was assisted by native experts, were published in a large work, which contains long lists of plants with their medicinal properties, and which has been much used by later writers. I shall not, however, attempt in this chapter to give any catalogue of medicinal plants.[808] The healing art was protected by royalty, and the numerous rare plants in the royal gardens, collected at great expense from all parts of the country, were placed at the disposal of the doctors in the large cities, who were ordered to experiment with each variety, that its curative or injurious properties might be utilized or shunned. Thus the court physicians derived from these constantly increasing collections all the advantages of travel through distant provinces.[809] The Nahuas were a healthy race; naturally so with their fine climate, their hardy training, active habits, frequent bathing, and temperate diet. The extraordinary statements respecting the great age attained by their kings in the earlier periods of Nahua history are of course absurdly exaggerated; but as centenarians are often met with among their descendants at the present day, there is no doubt that they were a long-lived race, and that those who did not attain a hundred years, succumbed for the most part to acute diseases.[810] Indigestion and its accompanying ills were unknown, and deformed people were so rare that Montezuma kept a collection of them as a curiosity. The diseases most prevalent were acute fevers, colds, pleurisy, catarrh, diarrhea, and, in the coast districts, intermittent fever, spasms, and consumption, aggravated by exposure.[811] [Sidenote: EPIDEMICS AND THEIR RAVAGES.] Deadly epidemics swept the country at intervals, the traditional accounts of which are so intermingled with fable that we can form no idea of their nature. One of the most fatal and wide-spread recorded was that brought on by famine, war, and the anger of the gods at the breaking-up of the Toltec empire.[812] The _matlazahuatl_ was a pestilence said to be confined entirely in its ravages to the natives, and which made great havoc even after the Spaniards came. It is thought by some to have attacked the people periodically in former times, and to have been similar in its nature to the yellow fever. While the Aztecs were shut up in their island home, a curious malady, consisting of a swelling of the eyelids, followed by a violent dysentery ending in death, or, as others say, by a swelling of the throat and body, attacked the nations on the main land, especially the Tepanecs. The popular tradition was that the fumes of roasted fish and insects wafted from the island to the shore, created a powerful longing for this new and, to them, unobtainable food, and that the pangs of an unsatisfied appetite originated the pestilence.[813] Ixtlilxochitl relates that a catarrhic scourge fell upon the people during the unusually severe winter of 1450 and carried off large numbers, especially of the aged.[814] The vices introduced by the Spaniards, their oppression of the natives, and the consequent disregard of the ancient regulations respecting cleanliness and the use of liquors, prepared the way for new maladies. With the Spaniards came the small-pox, measles, and as some believe, the syphilis. Small-pox is said to have been introduced by a negro from one of Narvaez' ships and spread with frightful rapidity over the whole country, destroying whole households who died and found no other graves than their houses. Measles were introduced some ten or eleven years later also from the Spanish ships. The yellow fever has never prevailed to any great extent among the natives.[815] Respecting syphilitic diseases and their origin there has been much discussion. The first appearance of the malady has been attributed to the old world and the new, and to many localities in the former. But naturally neither continent, nor any nation has been willing to accept the so-regarded dishonor of inflicting on the world this loathsome plague. The discussion of the subject seems unprofitable and I shall not reopen it here. The testimony in the matter appears to me to prove that syphilis existed in Europe long before the discovery of America; but there are also some indications in the traditional history of the Nahua peoples that the disease in some of its forms was not unknown to the aboriginal Americans before their intercourse with foreigners.[816] [Sidenote: ATTENTIONS TO THE SICK.] Accustomed to look on death in its most terrible form in connection with their oft-recurring religious festivals, the people seem to have become somewhat callous to its dread presence, and to have met its approach with less fear of the dark and unknown hereafter than might have been expected from their superstitious nature. An attack of illness did not necessarily produce great anxiety, or an immediate recourse to the doctor's services; but the common people resorted for the most part to simple home cures, which were the more effective as the curative properties of herbs and their modes of application were generally well known.[817] The unconcern with which they regarded sickness did not result from want of affection, for the Aztecs are said to have been very attentive to their sick, and spent their wealth without stint to save the life of friends. Yet the Tlascaltecs, a hardier race, are reported by Motolinia to have been less attentive, and some other Teo-Chichimec tribes did not hesitate to kill a patient whose malady did not soon yield to their treatment, under pretense of putting him out of his misery, but really to get him off their hands. This work of charity was performed by thrusting an arrow down the throat of the invalid, and old people were especially the recipients of such favors.[818] The favorite remedy for almost every ill of the flesh was the vapor-bath, or _temazcalli_. No well-to-do citizen's house was complete without conveniences for indulging in these baths, and the poorer families of each community owned one or more temazcalli in common. The reader is already sufficiently familiar with the general features of these baths, a confined space with facilities for converting water into steam being all that was required. Clavigero describes and pictures a very graceful structure for this purpose, for which, as it seems to involve the then-unknown principle of the arch, he probably drew somewhat upon his imagination. It is of adobes, semi-globular in form, about eight feet in diameter, six feet high, with a convex floor a little below the level of the ground. On one side was an opening sufficiently large to admit a man's body, on the opposite side a square furnace separated from the interior by a slab of tetzontli, and at the top an air-hole. Most of the bath-houses, however, were simply square or oblong chambers with no furnace attached, in which case the fire had of course to be removed before the apartment was ready for use. When the apparatus was properly heated a mat was spread on the floor, and the patient entered, sometimes accompanied by an assistant, bearing a dish of water to be thrown on the floor and walls to produce steam, and a bunch of maize-leaves with which his body, and especially the part affected, was to be beaten. A plunge into cold water after a profuse perspiration was frequently but not always resorted to. As I have said, there were scarcely any maladies for which this treatment was not recommended, but it was regarded as particularly efficacious in the case of fevers brought on by costiveness, bites of venomous serpents and insects, bruises, and unstrung nerves, and to relieve the pains and purify the system of child-bearing women. The steam-baths were also much used to promote cleanliness and to refresh the weary bodies of those in good health.[819] The beneficial effects of a change of climate upon invalids seem to have been appreciated, if we may credit Herrera, who states that Michoacan was much resorted to by the sick from all parts of the country.[820] For severe cases, the expenses of treating which could not be borne except by the wealthy classes, hospitals were established by the government in all the larger cities, endowed with ample revenues, where patients from the surrounding country were cared for by experienced doctors, surgeons, and nurses well versed in all the native healing arts.[821] Medical practitioners were numerous, who attended patients for a small remuneration; the jealousy of Spanish physicians, however, brought them into disrepute soon after the conquest, and the healing art, like others, greatly degenerated. It is related that a famous medicine-man of Michoacan was summoned before the college of physicians in Mexico on the charge of being a quack. In reply to the accusation he asked his judges to smell a certain herb, which produced a severe hemorrhage, and then invited them to check the flow of blood. Seeing that they were unable to do this promptly, he administered a powder that immediately had the desired effect. "These are my attainments," he exclaimed, "and this the manner in which I cure the ailings of my patients."[822] [Sidenote: THE NAHUA ESCULAPIUS.] The Esculapius of the Nahuas was embodied in the persons of Oxomococipactonatl and Tlatecuinxochicaoaca, who were traditionally the inventors of medicine and the first herbalists among the Toltecs. Soon after its invention the healing profession became one of the most highly honored, and its followers constituted a regular faculty, handing down their knowledge and practice from generation to generation, according to the Nahua caste-system, according to which the son almost invariably adopted the profession of his father, by whom he was educated. This system of education from early childhood under the father's guidance, the opportunities for practice in the public hospitals, free access to the botanical gardens, and the numerous subjects for anatomical dissection supplied by sacrificial rites, certainly offered to the Nahua doctor abundant opportunities of acquiring great knowledge and skill. The profession was not altogether in the hands of the sterner sex; for female physicians were in high repute, especially on the eastern coast. In certain cases, as of childbirth, we find the patient attended by none but women, who administer medicines and baths and render other necessary assistance, even going so far as to cut out the infant in order to save the mother's life.[823] Medicines were given in all the usual forms of draught, powder, injection, ointment, plaster, etc.; the material for which was gathered from the three natural kingdoms in great variety. Many of the herbs were doubtless obtained from the gardens, but large quantities were obtained in the forests of different provinces by wandering collectors who brought their herbs to the market-places for sale, or even peddled them, it is said, from house to house. Each ailment had its particular corrective, the knowledge of which was not entrusted to the memory alone, but was also recorded in painted books.[824] Doubtless many of the vegetable and other medicines employed were mere nostrums administered to give an exalted opinion of the doctor's knowledge and skill rather than with any hope of effecting a cure. [Sidenote: TREATMENT OF VARIOUS DISEASES.] Sahagun gives page after page of native recipes for every ailment of the human body, which cannot be reproduced here. Many of the remedies and methods of application are as absurd as any of those which have been noticed among the wild tribes. For diseases of the scalp a wash of urine, an ointment of soot, and an application of black clay were prescribed, together with vegetable specifics too numerous to mention. The white of an egg was much used in mixing remedies for wounds and bruises; a certain animal _tapaiaxin_ was eaten for a swollen face; the broth of a boiled fowl was recommended for convalescents. Cataracts on the eye were rasped and scraped with certain roots; for bloodshot eyes the membrane was cut, raised with a thorn, and anointed with woman's milk; clouded eyes were treated with lizard's dung. Morning dew cured catarrh in newly born children. Hoarseness was treated by drinking honey, and an external application of India-rubber. Wounds in the lips must be sewn up with a hair; a certain insect pounded and hot pepper were among the remedies for toothache, and great care of the teeth was recommended. Stammering in children was supposed to be caused by too long suckling. Remedies for a cold were nearly as numerous as in our day. Copper-filings were applied to bubos, which may or may not have been syphilitic sores. For looseness of the bowels in infants, the remedy was given not only to the child but to the nurse. For a severe blow on the chest, urine in which lizards had been boiled must be drunk. The necessity of regulating the bowels to sustain health was well understood, and the doctor usually effected his purpose by injecting a herbal decoction from his mouth through the leg-bone of a heron. Purgatives in common use were jalap, pine-cones, _tacuache_, _amamaxtla_, and other roots; diuretics, _axixpatli_ and _axixtlacotl_; emetics, _mexochitl_ and _neixcotlapatli_. _Izticpatli_, and _chatalhuic_, are mentioned among the remedies for fevers. Balsams were obtained from the _huitziloxitl_ by distillation, from the _huaconex_ by soaking the bark in water, and from the _maripenda_, by boiling the fruit and tender stones. Oils were made from _tlapatl_, _chile_, _chian_, _ocotl_ (a kind of pine), and the India-rubber tree. _Octli_, or wine, was often prescribed to strengthen the system, and was also mixed with other medicines to render them more palatable, for which latter purpose cacao was also much used. Several stones possessed medicinal properties: the _aztetl_, held in the hand or applied to the neck, stopped bleeding at the nose; the _xiuhtomoltetl_, taken in the form of a powder, cured heartburn and internal heat. This latter stone fell from the clouds in stormy weather, sunk into the earth, and grew continually larger and larger, a solitary tuft of grass alone indicating to the collector its whereabouts. The bones of giants dug up at the foot of the mountains, were collected by their dwarfish successors, ground to powder, mixed with cacao, and drunk as a cure for diarrhea and dysentery. Persons suffering from fever, or wishing to allay carnal desires, ate jaguar's flesh; while the skin, bones, and excrement of the same animal, burnt, powdered, and mixed with resin, formed an antidote for insanity. Certain horny-skinned worms, similarly powdered and mixed, were a specific for the gout, decayed teeth, and divers other ailments. [Sidenote: SUPERSTITIOUS CURATIVE RITES.] Surgery was no less advanced than other branches of the healing art, and Cortés himself had occasion to acknowledge the skill and speed with which they cured wounds. Snake-bites, common enough among a barefooted people, were cured by sucking and scarifying the wound, covering it with a thin transparent pellicle from the maguey-plant. Rubbing with snuff, together with heat, was another treatment, and the _coanenepilli_ and _coapatli_ were also considered antidotes. Fractures were treated with certain herbs and gums, different kinds for different limbs, and bound up with splints; if the healing did not progress satisfactorily the bone was scraped before the operation of resetting. For painful operations of this nature it is possible that narcotics were administered, for at certain of the sacrifices it is related that the victims were sprinkled with _yauhtli_ powder to render them less sensitive to pain. Mendieta states that a stupefying drink was given on similar occasions; and Acosta mentions that _oliliuhqui_ was taken by persons who desired to see visions. This latter was a seed, which was also an ingredient of the _teopatli_, or divine medicine, composed besides of India-rubber gum, ocotl-resin, tobacco, and sacred water. This medicine could only be obtained from the priests. Blood-letting was much in vogue for various ills, the lancets used being iztli knives, porcupine-quills, or maguey-thorns. Ulli-marked papers were burned by the recovered patient as a thank-offering to the gods. Veterinary surgeons are mentioned by Oviedo as having been employed in the zoölogical gardens of Montezuma.[825] The medicines, though prepared and applied by the doctors themselves, were not deemed sufficient for the patient; superstitious ceremonies were held to be indispensable to effect a cure, and to enhance the value of professional services. Evil beings and things had to be exorcised, the gods must be invoked, especially the patron deity, known chiefly by the name of Teteionan, who was esteemed the inventor of many valuable specifics, as the ocotl-oil and others, and confessions were extorted to ease the conscience and appease the offended deity. The affected parts were rubbed and pressed amid mutterings and strange gestures, and to work the more upon the simple-minded patient, they pretended to extract a piece of coal, bone, wood, or other object, the supposed cause of the ailment. A favorite treatment in certain prostrating cases was to form a figure of corn dough, which was laid upon a prickly maguey-leaf and placed in the road, with the view of letting the first passer-by carry away the disease--a charitable hope that seems to have afforded much relief to the afflicted. However absurd this jugglery may appear, it no doubt gave a powerful stimulus to the imagination, which must have aided the working of the medicine. In critical cases, chance was often consulted as to the fate of the sufferer. A handful of the largest grains or beans were thrown on the ground, and if any happened to fall upright it was regarded as a sure sign that the patient would die, and he received little or no attention after that; otherwise prescriptions and encouraging words were not spared. Sometimes a number of cord rings were thrown in the same manner, and if they fell in a heap, death was expected to result; but if any fell apart, a change for the better was looked for. To encounter a snake or lizard was held to be a sign of death for the person himself or for his sick friend. Although no curative process, probably, in the case of a serious illness was altogether free from superstitious rites, yet it is surprising that these played so unimportant a rôle. Among a people so addicted on every occasion to complicated ceremonies, the most complicated might naturally be sought in their efforts to combat disease; but it is just here that the least reliance seems to have been placed in supernatural agencies.[826] [Sidenote: FUNERAL RITES OF KINGS.] The Aztecs were very particular about the disposal of their dead, and conducted funeral rites with the pomp that attended all their ceremonials. The obsequies of kings were especially imposing, and their description, embracing as it does nearly all the ceremonies used on such occasions by these nations, will present the most complete view of the proceedings. [Sidenote: PREPARATION FOR FUTURE EXISTENCE.] When the serious condition of the monarch became apparent, a veil[827] was thrown over the face of the patron god, to be removed on his death, and notice was sent to all the friendly princes, the grandees and nobles of the empire, to attend the obsequies; those who were unable to attend in person sent representatives to deliver their condolence and presents. As soon as the king had breathed his last, certain masters of ceremonies, generally old men whose business it was to attend on these occasions, and who were doubtless connected with the priesthood,[828] were summoned to prepare the body for the funeral. The corpse was washed with aromatic water, extracted chiefly from trefoil,[829] and occasionally a process of embalming was resorted to. The bowels were taken out and replaced by aromatic substances, but the method does not seem to have been very complete, and may only have been intended to serve while the body lay in state, for no remains of embalmed mummies have been found. The art was an ancient one, however, dating from the Toltecs as usual, yet generally known and practiced throughout the whole country. A curious mode of preserving bodies was used by the lord of Chalco who captured two Tezcucan princes, and, in order that he might feast his eyes upon their hated forms, had them dried and placed as light-holders in his ball-room.[830] When the invited guests had arrived the body was dressed in many mantles, often to the number of fifteen or twenty, such as the king had worn on the most solemn occasions, and consequently richly embroidered and glittering with jewels.[831] While some were shrouding the body, others cut papers of different colors into strips of various forms, and adorned the corpse therewith. Water was then poured upon its head with these words: "This is the water which thou usedst in this world;"[832] and a jug of water was placed among the shrouds, the priest saying: "This is the water wherewith thou art to perform the journey." More papers were now delivered to the deceased in bunches, the priest explaining the import of each, as he placed it with the body. On delivering the first bunch he said: "With these thou art to pass between two mountains that confront each other." The second bunch, he was told, would pass him safely over a road guarded by a large snake; the third would conduct him by a place held by an alligator, _xochitonal_; the fourth would protect and aid him in traversing the 'eight deserts;' other papers would facilitate the passage of the 'eight hills,' and still others afford protection against the cutting winds termed _itzehecayan_, which were so strong as to tear out rocks and cut like very razors; here the wearing-apparel buried with him would also be of great service. A little red dog was thereupon slain by thrusting an arrow down its throat, and the body placed by the side of the deceased, with a cotton string about its neck. The dog was to perform the part of Charon, and carry the king on his back across the deep stream called Chicunahuapan, 'nine waters,'[833] a name which points to the nine heavens of the Mexicans. It will thus be seen that the dead had a difficult road to travel before reaching their future abode, which was on the fifth day after the burial, and that they needed the articles of comfort and necessity, as food, dresses, and slaves, which affectionate friends provided for their use. The ideas entertained by the Nahuas respecting a future life belong to another department of my work, and will only be alluded to incidentally in this chapter. After the defunct had received his passports, he was covered with a mantle like that of the god which his condition and mode of death rendered appropriate, and decorated with its image. As most kings were warriors, he would be dressed in a mantle of Huitzilopochtli, and would, in addition, wear the mantle of his favorite god.[834] A lock of hair was cut off and placed, with one that had been cut at his birth, as well as small idols, in a casket painted inside and out with the images of the patron deity. The casket used for this purpose in the case of some of the Chichimec kings is described to have been of emerald or other fine stone, three feet square, and covered by a gold lid set with precious stones. A mask either painted, or of gold, or of turquoise mosaic was placed over the face,[835] and a chalchiuite, which was to serve for a heart, between the lips. According to Tezozomoc and Duran a statue was placed with the king, dressed in royal insignia by the hands of princes. The chiefs of the senate redressed it in other robes after painting it blue. It was then honored with addresses and presents, and again undressed, painted black, and arrayed in a robe of Quetzalcoatl; a garland of heron-feathers was placed upon its head, bracelets and jewelry about its body, a small gilded shield by its side, and a stick in the hand. This figure shared the honors given to the body and was burned with it.[836] [Sidenote: ROYAL OBSEQUIES.] The arrayed corpse was either laid upon a litter covered with rich cloths, or seated upon a throne, and watched over by a guard of honor, while princes and courtiers came to pay their last respects.[837] They approached with great manifestations of grief, weeping, lamenting, clapping their hands, bending the body or exhibiting neglect of person, and addressed the defunct, referring to his present happiness, the loss his departure had caused, his goodness and bravery, and begged his acceptance of the presents they had brought. This performance was enacted by all, those of higher rank taking precedence and leaving offerings of ten slaves, a hundred robes, and other things, while others brought gifts of less value. Then came the women, and while they were leaving their presents of food, the aged courtiers intoned the funeral chant, the _miccacuicatl_. Addresses of condolence were also made to the royal family or the senate. The human sacrifices were inaugurated at this time by the immolation of the sacerdotal slave under whose charge the household idols stood.[838] On the fifth day, before daybreak, a grand procession formed for the temple, preceded by an enormous paper banner, four fathoms in length, and richly adorned with feathers, on which the deeds of the defunct were doubtless inscribed, and attended by priests who wafted incense and chanted his glory, though in mournful strains, and without instrumental accompaniment.[839] The corpse was borne upon the state litter by the most trusted of the noble servitors, while at the sides walked the chief lords and princes dressed in mourning, their attire consisting of long, square mantles of dark color, trailing on the ground, without any ornaments; some, however, were painted with figures of skulls, bones, and skeletons. Behind them came the ambassadors of absent princes, the grandees and nobles from all parts of the country, each carrying some insignia, weapons, or jewels to be offered on the pyre.[840] In the procession were also a large number of slaves, all newly attired in the royal livery,[841] and carrying clothes, implements, and other articles, according to the duties assigned them. On reaching the courtyard of the temple, the priest who directed the burning came to receive the procession, and conducted it to the altar devoted to cremation, all chanting the while a moral song, in which they reminded the mourners that as they were now carrying a senseless body to its last resting-place, so would they be carried; they also reminded them that good deeds alone would remain to keep their remembrance green, and pictured the glories in store for the deserving. These priests were called _coacuiles_, and their office was held to be of such importance that they prepared for it by fasting and confession. They appeared in the same idol dress as the dead king, though with more elaborate ornaments. We find them on one occasion as demons with faces at different parts of their dress, set with eyes of mirrors and gaping mouths; and at another time with blackened or dyed bodies and paper maxtlis, swinging the yellow sticks used to stir the ashes. According to Ixtlilxochitl, the high-priest of Cihuacoatl, who was supposed to gather the dead, came out to receive the procession.[842] [Sidenote: CREMATION AND INTERMENT.] The opinions as to the introduction of cremation are extremely varied, but it seems to have been practiced in very ancient times by the migrating tribes, who took this means to secure the remains of honored chiefs from desecration; their ashes could thus be carried along and serve as talismanic relics. Ixtlilxochitl gives an instance of this in the case of a Chichimec king who died in battle and whose body was burned, so that the ashes might be carried home with convenience and safety. Brasseur de Bourbourg also holds that cremation was an ancient Toltec custom, but the first recorded case is that of the last Toltec king, Topiltzin.[843] Others assert that the Toltecs who remained in the country after the destruction of their empire adhered to interment, as did the early Chichimecs. Veytia affirms that Ixtlilxochitl or Tezozomoc was the first to be deposited according to the forms instituted by Topiltzin and used by the Mexicans, namely, burning; Torquemada distinctly states that the Chichimecs used cremation, and Clavigero agrees with him.[844] Veytia also thinks that the first Aztec kings were buried, but this is contrary to all other reliable accounts. The custom may not have been very general, for Sahagun states that during Itzcoatl's reign it was resolved by the chiefs that all should be burned, indicating at the same time that cremation was then already in use. The later established usage was to burn all except those who died a violent death, or of incurable diseases, and those under seventeen years of age, who were all interred. The Tlascaltecs and Tarascos practiced burning like the Aztecs.[845] The altar devoted to the burning was doubtless one attached to the temple consecrated to the deity to whose abode the deceased was supposed to go. Chaves describes it as three feet in height and the same in width,[846] on which a heap of ocotl was piled. Upon this pyre the body was laid in full array, together with the dog, and, as the fire flared up, the mourners added insignia, jewels, weapons, food, and other tributes. Two of the demon-like coacuiles stirred the fire while others stood by chanting appropriate songs and sprinkling blessed water and incense upon the remains, as well as upon the mourners. Now began the sacrifice of those doomed to follow the deceased to the other world and there administer to his wants and pleasure. These were at first but few in number, but during the bloody dominion of the Aztecs they increased to several hundred, as at the funeral of Nezahualpilli, when two hundred males and one hundred females were immolated; they consisted chiefly of slaves and deformed beings from the royal retinue, and such as had been presented. Duran says that all slaves and deformed persons belonging to the household were killed, and Acosta goes so far as to state that the whole royal household was dispatched, including the favorite brother of the king; but this must be taken with a grain of allowance, for, at this rate, the nobles, who crowded the service of the monarch, even in menial positions, would soon have been exterminated. Some courtiers were, no doubt, expected to prove the sincerity of their life-long adulations by either offering themselves as victims, or submitting to a selection made from their number. Sometimes a chief would signify his preference for those among his concubines whom he wished to have with him, a mark of favor often received with great joy, for they would thus be sure of entering into the supreme heaven, where the warlike lords usually went, while they might otherwise be doomed to dark Mictlan. Self-immolation of wives was, accordingly, not uncommon, although not prescribed by law as in India. Brasseur says that captives were sacrificed, but Duran states that they were not offered except to the gods. Persons born during the last five days of the year--the unlucky days--were, however, reserved for royal obsequies.[847] [Sidenote: DISPOSITION OF THE REMAINS.] This array of victims was harangued by a relative of the deceased, who dilated on the happiness before them in being allowed to join their master, and admonished them to serve him as faithfully in the next world as they had done here. They were then consigned to the priests, who laid them upon a teponaztli,[848] cut open the breast and tore out the heart, which was thrown upon the pyre, while the bodies were cast upon another blazing hearth near by.[849] Gomara and others state that the bodies were interred, but as the dog and the property were burned, it is not likely that the more important and useful human servants were buried.[850] When the body had been thoroughly burned, the fire was quenched, the blood collected from the victims being used for this purpose, according to Duran, and the ashes, sprinkled with holy water, were placed with the charred bones, stones, and melted jewelry in the urn, or casket, which contained also the hair of the deceased. On the top of this was placed a statue of wood or stone, attired in the royal habiliments, and bearing the mask and insignia, and the casket was deposited at the feet of the patron deity, in the chapel.[851] On the return of the procession a grand banquet was given to the guests, ending, as usual, with a presentation of gifts. For four days the mourners paid constant visits to the shrine to manifest their sorrow and to present the offerings of food, clothes, or jewels, termed _quitonaltia_, 'to give good luck.' These were either placed by the urn or upon the altar of the god, and removed by the priests, who ate the food and sent the valuables to the temple treasury. These ceremonies closed with the sacrifice of ten to fifteen slaves, and then the casket was deposited in that part of the temple appointed for its permanent reception.[852] Among the Chichimecs the royal casket often remained forty days on view in the palace, whence it was carried in procession to its final resting-place.[853] [Sidenote: NAHUA SEPULCHRES.] In cases of interment the deceased was deposited in the grave, seated on a throne in full array, facing the north,[854] with his property and victims around him. In early times, when the practice of interment was more general, the victims were few, if not dispensed with entirely, and consisted usually of two favorite concubines, placed one on each side of their master, who, it is said, were entombed alive, though it is more probable that they were stupefied by narcotic drinks, or clubbed, as in Michoacan. This practice of burying alive is ascribed to the Toltecs.[855] The graves were usually large subterranean vaults of stone and lime, situated in the temple court, palace, or some favorite spot near the city, as Chapultepec. It is related that the temple pyramid in Mexico was the superstructure of royal graves, the remains being deposited on the summit, and the successor to the crown erecting upon this another platform. On destroying the temple, the Spaniards found several vaults, one beneath the other, with their valuable contents of jewelry.[856] The Toltecs also buried their dead in and near the temples, and, according to some authors, the mounds at Teotihuacan, to the number of several hundred, which will be described in Vol. IV. of this work, are the graves of Toltec chiefs.[857] The Chichimec kings were usually buried in round holes, five to six feet deep, situated in caves beneath the palace or in the mountains; in later times, however, they chose the temples.[858] Twenty days after the burial further offerings were made, together with a sacrifice of from four to five slaves; on the fortieth day two or three more died; on the sixtieth, one or two; while the final immolation consisting of ten to twelve slaves took place at the end of eighty days, and put an end to the mourning. Motolinia adds, however, that testimonials of sorrow accompanied by offerings continued to be made every eightieth day for the space of a year.[859] [Sidenote: PLEBEIAN FUNERAL RITES.] The obsequies of the subjects were, of course, on a scale of much less grandeur, though the rich and nobles ventured to exhibit a certain pomp. The common man, after having been washed in aromatic waters, was dressed in his best garments; a cheap stone called the _tentetl_, 'mouth-stone,' was inserted between the lips; the passport papers for the dark journey were handed to him with the usual address; and by his side were placed the water, the dog, the insignia of his trade, as arms, spade, or the like--spindle or broom in the case of a woman--with the dresses and other things required for comfort. Lastly the mantle of the god which his condition in life and manner of death rendered appropriate, was placed upon him; thus, a warrior would wear the mantle of Huitzilopochtli with the image of the war god upon it; a merchant the mantle of Iyacatecutli; the artisan that of the patron deity of his trade. A drunkard would, in addition, be covered with the robe of the god of wine; a person who had died by drowning, with that of the water gods; the man executed for adultery, with that of the god of lasciviousness; and so on.[860] According to Zuazo, the corpse was further decorated with feathers of various colors, and seated in a chair to receive the expressions of sorrow and respect of friends, and their humble offerings of flowers, food, or dresses. After a couple of hours a second set of shrouders removed the garments, washed the body again, re-dressed it in red mantles, with feathers of the same color, and left it to be viewed for an hour or more, according to the number of the visitors. A third time the body was washed, by a fresh corps of attendants, and arrayed, this time, in black garments, with feathers of the same sombre color. These suits were either given to the temple or buried with the body.[861] Nobles had the large banner borne in their procession, and seem to have been allowed the use of sacrifices.[862] According to Chaves the common people were also burned in their own premises or in the forest, a statement which Acosta and others indirectly confirm by saying that they had no regular burial-places, but their ashes were deposited in the yards of their houses, in the temple courts, in the mountains, or in the field. Upon the graves were placed flags, ornaments, and various offerings of food during the four days of mourning. Visits of condolence with attendant feasting extended over a period of several days, however.[863] People who had died a violent death, by lightning or other natural causes or of incurable diseases, such as leprosy, tumors, itch, gout, or dropsy, were not burned but interred in special graves. Branches or shoots of amaranth were placed upon their cheeks, the brow was rubbed with _texutli_, certain papers were laid over the brain, and in one hand was placed a wooden rod which was supposed to become green and throw out branches in the other world. The bodies of women who died in childbed were also buried; and the burial was attended by great difficulty, since warriors and sorcerers fought bravely to obtain possession of some part of her body, as has been stated in a preceding chapter.[864] A trader of the rank of pochteca, who died on a journey, was dressed in the garb of his class, with eyes painted black, red circles round the mouth, and with strips of paper all over his person. The body was then deposited in a cacaxtli, or square basket, well secured by cords, and carried to the top of a mountain, where it was fixed to a tree, or pole driven into the ground, and left to wither. The spirit was supposed to have entered the abode of the sun.[865] On the return of the caravan the death was reported to the guild, who broke the news to the family of the deceased. A puppet made of candlewood, and adorned with the usual paper ornaments, was left at the temple for a day, during which the friends mourned over it as if the body was actually before them. At midnight the puppet was burned in the quauhxicalco and the ashes buried in the usual manner. Funeral ceremonies were held for four days, after which the relatives washed the faces, that had remained untouched by water during the absence of the trader, and put an end to the mourning. The practice of paying honors to the dead in effigy was especially in vogue among the warrior class.[866] [Sidenote: HONORS TO THE SLAIN IN BATTLE.] Besides funeral honors to individuals, ceremonies for all those who died in a battle or war were of frequent occurrence, as that ordered by the first Montezuma in memory of the slain in the campaign against Chalco. A procession of all the relatives and friends of the dead, headed by the fathers bearing decorated arms and armor, and terminated by the children, marched through the streets, dancing and chanting mournful songs in honor of those who had fallen fighting for their country and their gods, and for each other's mutual consolation. Towards evening presents were distributed by the king's officials, clothing to the common people, ornaments to the chiefs, and food to all. An effigy was then prepared, the details of whose dress and decoration are minutely described, and before it, placed in the _cihuacalli_, war songs were chanted, instruments were played, women danced and cried for four days; then the image was burned before the temple, the ceremony being called _quitlepanquetzin_, 'burning the dead of the last war.' Some of the ashes were scattered upon the relatives, who fasted for eighty days, the remaining ashes being in the meantime buried; but after the eighty days had passed they were dug up and carried to the hill of Yahualiuhcan, on the boundaries of Chalco, where they were left. Five days later a feast took place, during which the garments of the dead warriors were burned, more offerings were made, and as a final honor to the memory of the departed all became intoxicated with pulque. Very distinguished warriors were sometimes honored with the funeral rites of royalty.[867] The ceremonies during the period of mourning were not the last honors paid to deceased friends. Every year during the four years that the souls were supposed to live in a preparatory state in the heavens,[868] offerings of choice viands, wine, flowers, and reeds of perfume were placed before the casket or upon the grave; songs extolling the merits of the departed were sung, accompanied by dances, the whole closing with feasting and drinking. After this the dead were left to oblivion.[869] These commemorations took place in the months of Tlaxochimaco and Xocotlhuetzin. The former was termed 'the small festival of the dead,' and seems to have been devoted to the common people and children, but at the celebration in the latter month great demonstrations were observed by all; and certain royal personages and warriors who had died for their country were awarded divine honors, their statues being placed among those of the gods, to whose presence they had gone. While the priests were burning incense and making other offerings to the dead, the people stood with blackened bodies on the roofs of their houses, and, facing north, prayed to their dead relatives, calling on them to visit their former homes.[870] In the month of Quecholli another celebration took place, which seems to have been chiefly intended for warriors who had perished in battle. On the fifth day certain small arrows from five to nine inches in length, and torches, were tied in bundles of four each and placed upon the graves, together with a pair of sweet tamales. At sunset the bundles were set on fire, and the ashes interred with the dead. The shield of the dead, with arrow, mantle, and maxtli attached, was afterwards fastened to a stalk of maize of nine joints, mounted by two paper flags, one of which reached the length of the stalk. On the small flag was a cross, worked in red thread, and on the other an ornamentation of red and white thread, from the white part of which a dead humming-bird was suspended. Bunches of white _aztatl_ feathers, tied in pairs, were also attached to the stalk by a thread covered with white hen-feathers. This was burned at the quauhxicalco.[871] [Sidenote: FUNERAL RITES OF THE TARASCOS.] Among the peoples whose funeral ceremonies differ from those described, may be mentioned the Teo-Chichimecs, who interred their dead, and danced and sang for several days after.[872] In Tabasco interment seems also to have prevailed, for Grijalva found a grave in the sand, containing a boy and a girl wrapped in cotton cloth and adorned with jewelry.[873] In Goazacoalco it was the custom to place the bones in a basket, as soon as the flesh was gone, and hang them up in a tree, so that the spirit of the defunct might have no trouble in finding them.[874] [Sidenote: CREMATION OF THE TARASCAN KINGS.] In Michoacan the funeral rites were of a very exacting character. When the king lay on his death-bed it was incumbent on all vassals and courtiers to attend at the palace, and those who stayed away were severely punished. While awaiting the final breath they were royally entertained, but none could enter the death-chamber. When the corpse was ready for shrouding, the lords entered to dress it in festive robes, each attending to a particular part of the attire; the emerald brooch was put between the lips, and the body was laid upon a litter covered with cloths of different colors. On one side of the body were placed a bow and quiver, on the other was a doll made up of fine mantles and dressed exactly like the king.[875] While the courtiers were giving vent to lamentations and tendering their respects, the new king proceeded to select those among the servitors, who, according to the inviolable law of the country, were doomed to follow the dead prince. Seven of these were noble women, to whom various duties were assigned; one was appointed to carry the precious lip-ornament, another to keep the rest of the jewels, a third to be cup-bearer, and the others to attend at table and to cook. Among the male victims, who seem to have been slaves for the most part, every trade and profession was represented,[876] as valets, hair-dressers, perfumers, fan-holders, chair-bearers, wood-cutters, boatmen, sweepers, doorkeepers, and artisans; also clowns, and some of the physicians who had failed to save the life of the monarch. Occasionally some enthusiast would offer to join his beloved master of his own accord, but this seems to have been prohibited; besides, the new king had, doubtless, selected all that were obnoxious to him, and could not afford to lose good servants. At midnight the litter was carried on the shoulders of the chief men to the temple, followed by vassals, warriors, and courtiers, some blowing trumpets, others chanting the glories of the dead. In the van of the procession were the victims, who had been bathed in aromatic waters and adorned with garlands stripped of their leaves and branches, and with yellow streaks over the face, who marched in files, sounding whistles, rattling bones, and beating tortoise-shell drums. Torch-bearers attended the party, and ahead went a number of men who swept the road, singing at the same time: "Lord, here thou hast to pass, see that thou dost not miss the road!"[877] Four turns were made round the pyre before depositing the corpse upon it. While the flames shot up, and the funeral chants fell from the lips of the mourners, the victims were stupefied with drinks and clubbed; the bodies were thrown into holes behind the temple, by threes or fours, together with the ornaments and other belongings of the deceased. The ashes and valuables were gathered from the smoking pyre, and made into a figure, which was dressed in royal habiliments, with a mask for its face, a golden shield on its back, bows and arrows by its side; this was set upon a throne facing the east, the whole being placed in a large urn, which was deposited upon a bed of golden shields and silver articles in a grave with stone walls, lined with mats, about twelve feet square, and equally deep, situated at the foot of the temple. The urn was covered with a number of valuable mantles, and around it were placed various implements, food, drink, and boxes filled with feather-work and ornaments; the grave was finally bridged with varnished beams and boards, and covered with a coating of earth and clay. After the funeral, all who had taken an active part in the ceremonies went to bathe, in order to prevent any injury to their health,[878] and then assembled at the palace to partake of a sumptuous repast. At the close of the banquet a cotton cloth was given to each guest wherewith to wipe his face, but all remained seated for five days with lowered heads, without uttering a word, except the grandees, who went in turn by night to watch and mourn at the grave. During this period the mourning was general, no corn was ground, no fires lighted, no business transacted; the streets were deserted, and all remained at home, mourning and fasting. The obsequies of the people bore a general resemblance to the above, the ceremonies being regulated by the rank and means of the deceased. The graves were usually situated in the fields or on the slope of a hill.[879] [Sidenote: SEPULCHRES IN OAJACA.] Among the Miztecs, in Oajaca, where cremation does not seem to have obtained, compliments and addresses were presented to the corpse of a chief, just as if he were alive. A slave arrayed in the same splendid garments worn by his master, with mask, mitre, and other insignia, was placed before it; and while the funeral procession accompanied the body to burial, he represented the chief, and received the honors paid to royalty. At midnight four priests carried the body to the forest, where it was placed, in the presence of the mourners, in a cave, with the feet to the east, and surrounded with various weapons and implements. Two male and three female slaves, who had in the meantime been made drunk and strangled, were also placed in the grave, together with idols to serve as guides. Burgoa was told by the natives that devoted servants used to follow their lord alive into the grave. On the return of the funeral cortège, the slave who represented the deceased was sacrificed and deposited in a hole, which was left unclosed. The cave selected for the grave of the chief was supposed to be the gate to paradise. Burgoa found two of these resting-places. One was situated in a hill and lighted by loopholes from above. Along the sides were stone benches, like troughs, upon which lay the bejeweled skeletons, and here and there were niches occupied by idols. Another was a stone vault, with plastered walls, arranged like the former; a stone block closed the entrance.[880] Some authors state that when the flesh was consumed, the bones were taken out and placed in graves in the houses or in the temples; this may, however, only have applied to certain chiefs, for Burgoa found skeletons, as we have seen, in the caves which he explored. Every year, on the anniversary of the birth of the last defunct lord, not on that of his death, great ceremonies were held in his honor.[881] Like the Aztecs, they believed that the soul wandered about for a number of years before entering into perfect bliss, and visited its friends on earth once a year.[882] On the eve of that day the house was prepared as if for a festive occasion, a quantity of choice food was spread upon the table, and the inmates went out with torches in their hands, bidding the spirits enter. They then returned and squatted down round the table with crossed hands and eyes lowered to the ground, for it was thought that the spirits would be offended if they were gazed upon. In this position they remained till morning, praying their unseen visitors to intercede with the gods in their favor, and then arose, rejoiced at having observed due respect for the departed. The food, which the spirits were supposed to have rendered sacred by inhaling its virtue, was distributed among the poor, or deposited in some out-of-the-way place. During the day further ceremonies, accompanied by offerings, were made at the temples, and a table was spread for the priests.[883] [Sidenote: PHYSICAL PECULIARITIES.] The Nahuas were physically a fine race. They are described by all the old writers as being tall,[884] well-formed, and of an olive or light copper color; as having thick, black, coarse, though soft and glossy hair, regular teeth, low, narrow, retreating foreheads,[885] black eyes, scant beards,[886] and very little hair on their bodies. Their senses were very acute, especially that of sight, which they enjoyed unimpaired to the most advanced age.[887] Their bodies they kept in training by constant exercise. They were wonderful runners and leapers, and, as we have seen, some of their athletic and acrobatic feats were looked upon by the conquerors as nothing short of the work of the devil. It was no unusual thing to meet with people who from their color could scarcely be distinguished from Europeans. The people of Michoacan enjoy the reputation of having been the tallest and handsomest among the Nahuas.[888] The women of Jalisco found great favor in the eyes of the reverend Father Torquemada. He was shown one there, he says, who might be considered a miracle of beauty; indeed, so fair was her skin, so well-proportioned her body, and so regular her features, that the most skillful portrait-painter would have been put to it to do her justice.[889] Deformed people were very uncommon; indeed, as we have seen, their rarity made them valuable as objects of curiosity, and kings and princes kept collections of them.[890] [Sidenote: CHARACTER OF THE NAHUAS.] The character of the Nahuas, although the statements of the best authors are nearly unanimous concerning it, is in itself strangely contradictory. We are told that they were extremely frugal in their habits, that wealth had no attractions for them, yet we find them trafficking in the most shrewd and careful manner, delighting in splendid pageants, gorgeous dresses, and rich armor, and wasting their substance in costly feasts; they were tender and kind to their children, and solicitous for their welfare, yet the punishments they inflicted upon their offspring were cruel in the extreme;[891] they were mild with their slaves, and ferocious with their captives; they were a joyous race, fond of feasting, dancing, jesting, and innocent amusements, yet they delighted in human sacrifices, and were cannibals; they possessed a well-advanced civilization, yet every action of their lives was influenced by gross superstition, by a religion inconceivably dark and bloody, and utterly without one redeeming feature; they were brave warriors, and terrible in war, yet servile and submissive to their superiors; they had a strong imagination and, in some instances, good taste, yet they represented their gods as monsters, and their religious myths and historical legends are absurd, disgusting, and puerile. That the Nahuas were a most ingenious people is abundantly proven by their work as well as by the statements of those who knew them. It has been said that they were not inventive, but this Clavigero indignantly denies.[892] It is certain that their power of imitation was very great,[893] and that they were very quick to learn the new arts introduced among them by the Spaniards.[894] They were generous and remarkably free from avarice.[895] They are said to have been very temperate in their habits,[896] but judging from the vast number of dishes served up at the tables of the rich, and the stringent laws which were necessary to prevent drunkenness, this appears doubtful. Although terrible to their enemies, and naturally warlike, they were peaceable among themselves, and seldom quarreled. Las Casas says that when a difficulty arose between two of them, the disputants did not come at once to blows, but contented themselves with such personal abuse as: "Go to, thou hast bad eyes; thou art toothless;" or they threw handfuls of dirt in each other's faces and then separated and washed themselves. On rare occasions they pushed and elbowed each other, or even had a scuffle, in which hair was pulled out, clothes were torn, and bloody noses received, but deadly weapons were never used, nor even worn except by soldiers on duty. The same writer relates that two women were put to death by order of the king of Tezcuco for fighting in the public market-place, a scandalous outrage upon public decency, the like of which had never been heard of before. He says, further, that when two young men became enamored of the same woman, or when one carried off the other's mistress, the rivals were allowed to fight a duel for the possession of the woman. The combat did not take place, however, until the army went forth to war, when upon the first engagement they sought out each other, and fought with their weapons until one was vanquished.[897] They seem to have been very strict and jealous in all matters relating to their women.[898] The Tlascaltecs were great lovers of liberty, and were always ready to fight for it; they were, besides, quick to take offence, otherwise they are said to have been of a peaceable, domestic disposition, content to stay at home and listen to or tell stories in their own families, an amusement of which they were very fond. They are further described as truthful, just, frugal, and industrious.[899] The Cholultecs, so celebrated for their pottery, are reported to have been very peaceful, industrious, and shrewd traders, yet brave withal, and capable of defending their rights.[900] The Zapotecs were a fierce people, always at war with their neighbors.[901] The Miztecs are said by Herrera to have been the bravest people in all New Spain; the same writer asserts that they were lazy and improvident, while Espinosa speaks of them as an industrious race.[902] The natives of Vera Cruz are spoken of as affable and shrewd.[903] The people of Jalisco were witty and slothful, yet they willingly carried burdens for the Spaniards, Herrera tells us.[904] The Tarascos were exceedingly valorous, great liars, and industrious.[905] FOOTNOTES: [808] _Hernandez_, _Nova Plantarum_, etc. The MSS., comprising 24 books of text and 11 books of plates, were sent to the Escurial in Spain, and from them abridged editions were published in Mexico, 1615, and Rome, 1651. The latter edition is the one in my collection. Sahagun also devotes considerable space to a description of herbs and their properties. _Hist. Gen._, tom. iii., lib. x., xi. [809] _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., p. 157; _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. ii., lib. vii., cap. xi.; _Carbajal Espinosa_, _Hist. Mex._, tom. i., pp. 623-4. [810] 'É da maravigliare, che i Messicani, e massimamente i poveri, non fossero a molte malattie sottoposti atteso la qualità de' loro alimenta.' _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., p. 217; _Humboldt_, _Essai Pol._, tom. i., p. 88. [811] 'Las principales enfermedades que corrian entre esta gente, eran de abundancia de colera, y flema, o otros malos humores, causados de mala comida, y falta de abrigo.' _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. ii., lib. x., cap. xxi. [812] _Tezozomoc_, _Crón. Mex._, in _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. ix., p. 64; _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. i., p. 365. [813] 'Hacia malparir las Mugeres, de antojo de comer de aquello que asaban ... daban camazas á los Viejos de deseo de comer de aquello; y á las Mugeres se los hinchaban los brazos, las manos, y las piernas, que adolecian mucho, y morian con aquel deseo.' _Duran_, _Hist. Indias_, MS., tom. i., cap. x. Torquemada qualifies this by 'Esto dicho, pase por cuento.' _Monarq. Ind._, tom. i., p. 93; _Tezozomoc_, _Crón. Mex._, in _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. ix., pp. 21-2, 64. [814] _Hist. Chich._, in _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. ix., p. 250. [815] _Motolinia_, _Hist. Indios_, in _Icazbalceta_, _Col. de Doc._, tom. i., p. 15; _Gomara_, _Conq. Mex._, fol. 148. [816] _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. i., pp. 117-19, tom. iv., pp. 303-28; _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. ii., lib. x., cap. xxi.; _Gomara_, _Conq. Mex._, fol. 148; _Pauw_, _Rech. Phil._, tom. i., pp. 46-9; _Pimentel_, _Mem. sobre la Raza Indígena_, pp. 99-101; _Prescott's Mex._, vol. ii., pp. 434-5; _Humboldt_, _Essai Pol._, tom. i., pp. 66-71; _Chevalier_, _Mex., Ancien et Mod._, p. 53; _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. i., p. 182; _Id._, in _Nouvelles Annales des Voy._, 1858, tom. clx., p. 280; _Sahagun_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. ii., lib. vii., p. 246. [817] 'Both men, women, and children, had great knowledge in herbs.... They did spend little among Physicians.' _Gage's New Survey_, p. 111. 'Casi todos sus males curan con yeruas.' _Gomara_, _Conq. Mex._, fol. 117. 'No se guardauan de males contagiosos, y enfermedades, y bestialmente se dexavan morir.' _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. ii., lib. vi., cap. xvi. [818] _Sahagun_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. iii., lib. x., p. 119. 'Si algun médico entre ellos (Tlascaltecs) fácilmente se puede haber, sin mucho ruido ni costa, van lo á ver, y si no, mas paciencia tienen que Job.' _Motolinia_, _Hist. Indios_, in _Icazbalceta_, _Col. de Doc._, tom. i., p. 76. [819] _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., pp. 214-16, with cuts, copied in _Carbajal Espinosa_, _Hist. Mex._, tom. i., pp. 671-3; _Sahagun_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. iii., lib. xi., pp. 286-7. [820] _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. iii., lib. iii., cap. ix. [821] 'En las Ciudades principales ... habia hospitales dotadas de rentas y vasallos donde se resabian y curaban los enfermos pobres.' _Las Casas_, _Hist. Apologética_, MS., cap. cxli. 'De cuando en cuando van por toda la provincia á buscar los enfermos.' _Motolinia_, _Hist. Indios_, in _Icazbalceta_, _Col. de Doc._, tom. i., p. 131; _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., p. 165; _Carbajal_, _Discurso_, pp. 37-8. [822] _Bustamante_, in _Sahagun_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. iii., lib. xi., p. 282. [823] _Sahagun_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. ii., lib. vi., p. 185; _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. iv., lib. ix., cap. vii.; _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., pp. 211-12, 216-17; _Motolinia_, _Hist. Indios_, in _Icazbalceta_, _Col. de Doc._, tom. i., p. 131. [824] 'Hay calle de herbolarios donde hay todas las raíces y yerbas medicinales que en la tierra se hallan. Hay casas como de boticarios donde se venden las medicinas hechas, así potables como ungüentos emplastos.' _Cortés_, _Cartas_, p. 104. They 'possédaient des livres dans lesquels étaient consignées minutieusement toutes leurs observations relatives aux sciences naturelles.' _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. iii., pp. 637-8. See also _Sahagun_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. iii., lib. x., p. 116; _Oviedo_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. iii., p. 300; _Gomara_, _Conq. Mex._, fol. 117; _Relatione fatta per vn gentil'huomo del Signor Fernando Cortese_, in _Ramusio_, _Navigationi_, tom. iii., fol. 309. 'Tenian siete, o ocho maneras de rayzes de yeruas y flores: de yeruas y arboles, que eran las que mas comunmente vsauan para curarse.' _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. ii., lib. x., cap. xxi. [825] Acosta adds that the ashes of divers poisonous insects were mixed with the teopatli composition, which benumbed the part to which it was applied. 'Aplicado por via de emplasto amortigua las carnes esto solo por si, quanto mas con tanto genero de ponçoñas, y como les amortiguaua el dolor, pareciales efecto de sanidad, y de virtud diuina.' _Hist. de las Ynd._, pp. 370-1. For details of medical practice see _Sahagun_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. iii., lib. x., pp. 85-105, 109, tom. xi., pp. 212, 236-86, tom. i., lib. ii., pp. 214-15; _Las Casas_, _Hist. Apologética_, MS., cap. cxli., ccxiii.; _Mendieta_, _Hist. Ecles._, pp. 100, 139; _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., pp. 274, 550, 558; _Oviedo_, _Hist. Ind._, tom. iii., p. 306; _Peter Martyr_, dec. v., tom. ii-iii.; _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. ii., lib. x., cap. xxi., dec. iii., lib. ii., cap. xvii., dec. iv., lib. ix., cap. viii.; _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., pp. 77, 212-16; _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. ii., p. 189, tom. iii., pp. 638-40, tom. iv., p. 355. [826] _Las Casas_, _Hist. Apologética_, MS., cap. cxli.; _Id._, in _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. viii., p. 234. 'Lanzábanlos (unos cordeles como llavero) en el suelo, y si quedaban revueltos, decian que era señal de muerte. Y si alguno ó algunos salian extendidos, teníanlo por señal de vida, diciendo: que ya comenzaba el enfermo á extender los piés y las manos.' _Mendieta_, _Hist. Ecles._, p. 110; _Motolinia_, _Hist. Indios_, in _Icazbalceta_, _Col. de Doc._, tom. i., pp. 130-1; _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., pp. 491-2; _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. iv., lib. ix., cap. vii.; _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., pp. 216-17. Other authorities on medicine are: _Purchas his Pilgrimes_, vol. iv., p. 1133; _Gage's New Survey_, p. 111; _West-Indische Spieghel_, p. 247; _Prescott's Mex._, vol. i., p. 48, vol. ii., pp. 119-20, 137, 434-5; _Carbajal Espinosa_, _Hist. Mex._, tom. i., pp. 668-74; _Mühlenpfordt_, _Mejico_, tom. i., pp. 132-4; _Klemm_, _Cultur-Geschichte_, tom. v., pp. 90-1; _Chevalier_, _Mex., Ancien et Mod._, p. 16; _Baril_, _Mexique_, p. 208; _Pimentel_, _Mem. sobre la Raza Indígena_, p. 51. I further have in my possession a very rare and curious medical work by Dr Monardes, treating of the various medicinal plants, etc., found in Mexico and Central America, printed in Seville in 1574. [827] 'Ponen mascaras a Tezcatlipuca, o Vitzilopuchtli, o a otro idolo.' _Gomara_, _Conq. Mex._, fol. 309. As the idols wore masks, it is more likely that a veil was thrown over the face, than that another mask should have been put on. 'Suivant une coutume antique attribuée à Topiltzin-Acxitl, dernier roi de Tollan, on mettait un masque au visage des principales idoles, et l'on couvrait les autres d'une voile.' _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. iii., p. 572. 'Mettevan una maschera all' Idolo di Huitzilopochtli, ed un'altra aquello di Tezcatlipoca.' _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., p. 95. [828] 'Ciertas mujeres y hombres que están salariados de público.' _Zuazo_, _Carta_, in _Icazbalceta_, _Col. de Doc._, tom. i., p. 364. Brasseur de Bourbourg thinks that they were only employed by the common people. _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. iii., p. 569. Tezozomoc states that princes dressed the body. _Crónica Mex._, in _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. ix., p. 142. [829] Zuazo says that the corpse was held on the knees of one of the male or female shrouders, while others washed it. _Carta_, in _Icazbalceta_, _Col. de Doc._, tom. i., p. 364. [830] _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. i., pp. 151, 87; _Vetancvrt_, _Teatro Mex._, pt ii., p. 16; _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. i., p. 145, tom. ii., p. 99; _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. iii., lib. iii., cap. xiv. [831] The chapter on dress furnishes all the information respecting the royal wardrobe. It is not unlikely that princes assisted in robing the king, for such was the custom in Michoacan, and that the mantles brought by them were used for shrouding, but authors are not very explicit on this point. [832] Brasseur de Bourbourg uses the expression 'C'est cette eau que tu as reçue en venant au monde.' _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. iii., p. 569. [833] _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., p. 527; _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., p. 94. Gomara says the dog served as guide: 'vn perro que lo guiasse adonde auia de yr.' _Conq. Mex._, fol. 309. [834] 'Le ponian los vestidos del Dios, que tenia por mas Principal en su Pueblo, en cuia Casa, ò Templo, ò Patio se havia de enterrar.' _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., p. 521; _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., pp. 93-5. Duran mentions an instance where a king was dressed in the mantles of four different gods. _Hist. Indias_, MS., tom. i., cap. xxxix.; _Gomara_, _Conq. Mex._, fol. 309. [835] 'Sobre la mortaja le ponian vna mascara pintada.' _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., p. 521. Perhaps he confounds the idol image on the robe with the mask, for it is unlikely that the mask should be placed upon the shroud. 'Visage découvert.' _Camargo_, _Hist. Tlax._, in _Nouvelles Annales des Voy._, 1843, tom. xcviii., p. 201. Speaking of the obsequies of Tezozomoc of Azcapuzalco, Ixtlilxochitl says that a turquoise mask was put over his face, 'conforme lo fisonomía de su rostro. Esto no se usaba sino con los monarcas de esta tierra; á los demas reyes les ponian una máscara de oro.' _Relaciones_, in _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. ix., p. 370. Veytia states that it was a gold mask 'garnecida de turquezas.' _Hist. Ant. Mej._, tom. iii., p. 5. The hair, says Gomara, 'quedaua la memoria de su anima.' _Conq. Mex._, fol. 309. [836] _Tezozomoc_, _Crónica Mex._, in _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. ix., pp. 90, 98-9; _Duran_, _Hist. Indias_, MS., tom. i., cap. xxxix. 'On plaçait sur le lit de parade la statue que l'on faisait toujours à l'image du roi.' _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. iii., p. 572. The only statue referred to by other authors is that made of the ashes after the cremation. [837] Some of the early Chichimec kings lay five days in state, and Tlaltecatzin, forty days, his body being buried on the eightieth day. _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. i., pp. 61, 72, 87. [838] Acosta, _Hist. de las Ynd._, p. 321, among others, calls this slave a priest. [839] Although Acosta says, 'tañendo tristes flautas y atambores.' _Hist. de las Ynd._, p. 322; _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. iii., lib. ii., cap. xviii. 'On faisait deux grandes bannières de papier blanc.' _Chaves_, _Rapport_, in _Ternaux-Compans_, _Voy._, série ii., tom. v., p. 309. [840] _Ixtlilxochitl_, _Relaciones_, in _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. ix., p. 370; _Veytia_, _Hist. Ant. Mej._, tom. iii., pp. 6-7. Duran states that kings bore the corpse and that the mourners were dressed as water-goddesses. _Hist. Indias_, MS., tom. i., cap. xxxix., xl., tom. ii., cap. li. Acosta says that the arms and insignia were carried before the body by knights. _Hist. de las Ynd._, p. 321. [841] Tezozomoc, _Crónica Mex._, in _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. ix., pp. 90, 142, states that they were dressed in royal insignia and jewels, which is not very likely; a number of them, however, were loaded with the royal wardrobe, which fact may have given rise to this statement. [842] _Relaciones_, in _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. ix., p. 370; _Spiegazione delle Tavole del Codice Mexicano_ (Vaticano), in _Id._, vol. v., pp. 200-1; _Acosta_, _Hist. de las Ynd._, p. 322; _Duran_, _Hist. Indias_, MS., tom. i., cap. xl. 'Salia el gran Sacerdote, con los otros Ministros, à recibirlo.' _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., p. 521. [843] _Ixtlilxochitl_, _Relaciones_, in _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. ix., pp. 332, 325, 327, 388. [844] 'El (the mode) que estos Chichimecas vsaron, fue quemarlos.' _Monarq. Ind._, tom. i., pp. 60, 72, 87; _Ixtlilxochitl_, _Relaciones_, in _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, tom. ix., pp. 369, 388; _Id._, _Hist. Chich._, pp. 214, 223, 261-2. Veytia, who introduces some arguments on this point, thinks that Tezozomoc introduced burning, yet he describes ceremonial cremations in the case of several kings before him. _Hist. Ant. Mej._, tom. iii., pp. 3-4, tom. ii., p. 113; _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. i., p. 140, tom. ii., pp. 97-8. [845] _Camargo_, _Hist. Tlax._, in _Nouvelles Annales des Voy._, 1843, tom. xcviii., pp. 165, 202. 'La gente menuda comunmente se enterraua.' _Gomara_, _Conq. Mex._, fol. 308; _Spiegazione delle Tavole del Codice Mexicano_ (Vaticano), in _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. v., p. 200; _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., p. 528; _Veytia_, _Hist. Ant. Mej._, tom. iii., p. 4; _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. iii., p. 129. 'Sabia por las pinturas, que se quemaron en tiempo del señor de México que se decia _Itzcóatl_, en cuya época los señores, y los principales que habia entónces, acordaron y mandaron que se quemasen todas, para que no viniesen á manos del vulgo.' _Sahagun_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. iii., lib. x., pp. 140-1. [846] _Rapport_, in _Ternaux-Compans_, _Voy._, série ii., tom. v., p. 309. [847] _Ixtlilxochitl_, _Relaciones_, in _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. ix., pp. 379, 388; _Duran_, _Hist. Indias_, MS., tom. i., cap. xxxix., xl.; _Bologne_, in _Ternaux-Compans_, _Voy._, série i., tom. x., pp. 213-14; _Solis_, _Hist. Conq. Mex._, tom. i., p. 432; _Camargo_, _Hist. Tlax._, in _Nouvelles Annales des Voy._, 1843, tom. xcviii., p. 202; _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. iii., p. 573; _Veytia_, _Hist. Ant. Mej._, tom. iii., pp. 8-9. [848] _Tezozomoc_, _Crónica Mex._, in _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. ix., p. 90; _Duran_, _Hist. Indias_, MS., tom. i., cap. xxxix., tom. ii., cap. li. [849] _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., p. 521; _Acosta_, _Hist. de las Ynd._, p. 321. Camargo indicates that the bodies were thrown upon the same pyre together with the presents. _Hist. Tlax._, in _Nouvelles Annales des Voy._, 1843, tom. xcviii., p. 202. 'Sacándoles los corazones, y la sangre de ellos en una batea ó gran xícara, con la cual rociavan á Huitzilopochtli, á quien le presentaron los corazones de todos los muertos.' _Tezozomoc_, _Crónica Mex._, in _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. ix., p. 90. [850] _Gomara_, _Conq. Mex._, fol. 309; _Ixtlilxochitl_, _Relaciones_, in _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. ix., p. 370; _Tezozomoc_, ubi sup. [851] 'La colocaron en el mismo lugar en que ardió la pira.' _Veytia_, _Hist. Ant. Mej._, tom. iii., p. 9. This author says that the mouth-stone of the deceased together with the mask, robes, and ornaments were taken off before the body was placed upon the pyre; this could only have been for the purpose of dressing the wooden statue therein; the stone was, however, placed inside the urn. _Ixtlilxochitl_, ubi sup. Brasseur de Bourbourg calls this bundle of bones _tlaquimilolli_, which he says was sacredly preserved, whether of kings or braves. _Nouvelles Annales des Voy._, 1858, tom. clx., p. 268. In the case of Nauhyotl of Culhuacan, the bones were exhumed and placed in a statue, which was made in his honor, and deposited in a temple consecrated to him. _Duran_, _Hist. Indias_, MS., tom. i., cap. xxxix. [852] 'Al cuarto dia, al anochecer, cargaron los sacerdotes la arca de las cenizas y la estatua, y la colocaron en una especie de nicho, dentro del templo.' _Veytia_, _Hist. Ant. Mej._, tom. iii., p. 10. 'Sous le pavé même du sanctuaire, devant la statue du dieu.' _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. iii., p. 574. Duran mentions that the ashes of one king were deposited at the foot of the stone of sacrifice. _Hist. Indias_, MS., tom. ii., cap. li.; _Tezozomoc_, _Crónica Mex._, in _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. ix., p. 142; _Cortés_, _Cartas_, p. 106; _Las Casas_, _Hist. Apologética_, MS., cap. li. [853] _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. i., pp. 72, 87; _Vetancvrt_, _Teatro Mex._, pt ii., pp. 15-16. [854] _Sahagun_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. ii., lib. vii., p. 257. [855] _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. i., pp. 316, 331; _Bologne_, in _Ternaux-Compans_, _Voy._, série i., tom. x., pp. 213-14; _Camargo_, _Hist. Tlax._, in _Nouvelles Annales des Voy._, 1843, tom. xcviii., pp. 192, 202. [856] 'La muerte se hacian enterrar en la más alta grada, é despues el subcessor subia otras dos gradas.' _Oviedo_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. iii., p. 503. 'Los Príncipes necesitaban de gran sepultura, porque se llevaban tras sí la mayor parte de sus riquezas y familia.' _Solis_, _Hist. Conq. Mex._, tom. i., p. 432. 'Io aiutai a cauar d'vna sepoltura tre mila Castigliani poco piu ò meno.' _Relatione fatta per vn gentil'huomo del Signor Fernando Cortese_, in _Ramusio_, _Navigationi_, tom. iii., fol. 310. [857] _Sahagun_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. iii., lib. x., p. 141; _Ixtlilxochitl_, _Relaciones_, in _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. ix., p. 327; _Humboldt_, _Essai Pol._, tom. i., p. 189. [858] _Ixtlilxochitl_, _Hist. Chich._, in _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. ix., p. 214; _Id._, _Relaciones_, pp. 335, 344; _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., p. 98. [859] _Hist. Indios_, in _Icazbalceta_, _Col. de Doc._, tom. i., p. 31; _Ritos Antiguos_, p. 20, in _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. ix. Ixtlilxochitl, _Relaciones_, in _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. ix., p. 371, states that the sacrifices on the fourth day consisted of five to six slaves, on the tenth of one, on the eightieth of three. 'Le cinquième on sacrifiait plusieurs esclaves, et cette immolation se répétait encore quatre fois, de dix en dix jours.' _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. iii., p. 574. Duran, _Hist. Indias_, MS., tom. i., cap. xiv., xxxix., mentions a fast of eighty days, at the end of which a statue was made, like one which he states was burned with the corpse, and to this exactly the same ceremonies were paid as to the defunct, the statue being burned with an equally large number of slaves as before. The fullest descriptions of royal obsequies are given in _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., pp. 521-3; _Veytia_, _Hist. Ant. Mej._, tom. iii., pp. 3-11; _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., pp. 95-8; _Gomara_, _Conq. Mex._, fol. 309-10; _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. iii., pp. 571-4; _Duran_, _Hist. Indias_, MS., tom. i., cap. xxxix., xl., tom. ii., cap. xlviii.; _Tezozomoc_, _Crónica Mex._, in _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. ix., pp. 86-90, 99. [860] After describing the robing of drunkards and others, Gomara says: 'Y finalmente a cada oficial dauan el traje del idolo de aquel oficio,' which certainly indicates that a drowned or besotted artisan would wear the mantle due to his position in life as well as that due to his manner of death. _Conq. Mex._, fol. 309. Clavigero, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., pp. 93-4, uses the following expression: 'Vestivanlo d'un abito corrispondente alla sua condizione, alle sue facoltà, _ed_ alle circostanze della sua morte.' [861] _Zuazo_, _Carta_, in _Icazbalceta_, _Col. de Doc._, tom. i., pp. 364-5. [862] Camargo says, with reference to sacrifices and pompous ceremonies, 'tout cela avait lieu, plus ou moins, à toutes les funérailles, selon la richesse du défunt.' _Hist. Tlax._, in _Nouvelles Annales des Voy._, 1843, tom. xcviii., p. 202; _Prescott's Mex._, vol. i., p. 63. [863] _Zuazo_, _Carta_, in _Icazbalceta_, _Col. de Doc._, tom. i., p. 365; _Chaves_, _Rapport_, in _Ternaux-Compans_, _Voy._, série ii., tom. v., p. 310; 'Durauan las exequias diez dias.' _Acosta_, _Hist. de las Ynd._, p. 321. 'On passait vingt ou trente jours au milieu des fêtes et des festins.' _Camargo_, _Hist. Tlax._, in _Nouvelles Annales des Voy._, 1843, tom. xcviii., p. 202. _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. iii., lib. ii., cap. xviii.; _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., pp. 93-5. [864] _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., p. 529; _Sahagun_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. ii., lib. vi., pp. 186-91. See p. 269 of this volume. [865] _Sahagun_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. ii., lib. ix., p. 358. [866] Sahagun intimates that the puppet was for those who were slain by enemies, but adds, afterwards, that a puppet was burned with the same ceremonies in the court of the house, if they died at home. _Hist. Gen._, tom. i., lib. iv., pp. 314-15; _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., p. 587; _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. iii., pp. 621-2. See this vol., p. 392. [867] _Tezozomoc_, _Crónica Mex._, in _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. ix., pp. 37-8, 86-7, 161-2; _Duran_, _Hist. Indias_, MS., tom. i., cap. xviii., tom. ii., cap. xlviii.; _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. iii., pp. 259-61, 407-8. [868] _Explicacion del Codex Telleriano-Remensis_, in _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. v., p. 130; _Spiegazione delle Tavole del Codice Mexicano_ (Vaticano), in _Id._, p. 193. [869] _Motolinia_, _Hist. Indios_, in _Icazbalceta_, _Col. de Doc._, tom. i., p. 31; _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., p. 523. [870] _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., p. 298; _Spiegazione delle Tavole del Codice Mexicano_ (Vaticano), in _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. v., pp. 193-4. 'Los tres dias ultimos de este mes ayunavan todos los vivos á los muertos.' _Explicacion del Codex Telleriano-Remensis_, in _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. v., p. 130. See this vol., pp. 328, 331. [871] _Sahagun_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. i., lib. ii., pp. 163-4; _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., p. 281. Brasseur de Bourbourg says that this celebration was of a general character, and dilutes the meagre and doubtful information of his authority considerably. The arrows and food, 'après qu'elles y avaient demeuré un jour et une nuit, on les enlevait et on brûlait le tout ensemble en l'honneur de Mixcohuatl et de ses compagnons d'armes.' _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. i., p. 234, tom. iii., pp. 528-9. [872] _Sahagun_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. iii., lib. x., p. 119. [873] _Diaz_, _Itinerario_, in _Icazbalceta_, _Col. de Doc._, tom. i., p. 304; _Oviedo_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. i., p. 532. [874] _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. iv., lib. ix., cap. vii. [875] _Gomara_, _Conq. Mex._, fol. 310. 'Esta figura se la ponian encima al Difunto.' _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., p. 524. It is not likely, however, that a life-size figure, as Gomara calls it, or any figure, for that matter, should have been placed over the ornaments of the king and pressed upon the body. Beaumont says: 'Lo cubrian con una manta, en que estaba pintado ó realzado el cadaver con los mismos adornos.' _Crón. Mechoacan_, MS., p. 55. 'Au-dessus on asseyait une poupée de la taille du défunt.' _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. iii., p. 83. [876] 'Matauan vno, y aun mas de cada oficio.' _Gomara_, _Conq. Mex._, fol. 311. [877] _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., p. 525. The slaves, he says, 'los embadurnaban todo el cuerpo, con vna tinta amarilla.' 'Yban las andas ó atahud en hombros de los tres principales.' _Beaumont_, _Crón. Mechoacan_, MS., p. 56. [878] 'Todos los que habian tocado el Caltzontzi y á los demas cuerpos se iban á bañar por preservarse de alguna enfermedad.' _Beaumont_, _Crón. Mechoacan_, MS., p. 57. [879] _Beaumont_, _Crón. Mechoacan_, MS., pp. 54-8; _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., pp. 523-6; _Gomara_, _Conq. Mex._, fol. 310-12; _Gage's New Survey_, pp. 157-60, with a cut; _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. iii., pp. 82-6; _Payno_, in _Soc. Mex. Geog., Boletin_, 2da época, tom. i., pp. 717-19. [880] _Geog. Descrip._, tom. i., pt ii., fol. 160-1, tom. ii., pt ii., fol. 320. [881] _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., pp. 98-9; _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. iii., lib. iii., cap. xiii.; _Explicacion del Codex Telleriano-Remensis_, in _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. v., p. 130; _Spiegazione delle Tavole del Codice Mexicano_ (Vaticano), in _Id._, p. 193; _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. iii., pp. 22-4. [882] 'Au douzième mois de l'année zapotèque.' _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. iii., p. 23. [883] _Burgoa_, _Geog. Descrip._, tom. ii., pt ii., fol. 392-3; _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. iii., pp. 23-4. Additional references to funeral ceremonies are: _Veytia_, _Hist. Ant. Mej._, tom. i., p. 238, tom. ii., pp. 79, 231-2, 298; _Vetancvrt_, _Teatro Mex._, pt ii., pp. 15, 25, 29; _Tezozomoc_, _Crónica Mex._, in _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. ix., pp. 89-91, 98-9, 141-2, 178-9; _Purchas his Pilgrimes_, vol. iv., pp. 1029-30, 1138-9; _Gemelli Careri_, in _Churchill's Col. Voyages_, vol. iv., p. 514; _Montanus_, _Nieuwe Weereld_, pp. 261-2; _D'Avity_, _L'Amérique_, tom. ii., p. 69; _Adair_, _Amer. Ind._, p. 217; _Touron_, _Hist. Gén._, tom. iii., pp. 9-10; _Delaporte_, _Reisen_, tom. x., pp. 318-23; _Lenoir_, _Parallèle_, pp. 11-13, 28, 30; _Nouvelles Annales des Voy._, 1824, tom. xxiv., pp. 137-8; _Fransham's World in Miniature_, vol. ii., p. 19; _Müller_, _Amerikanische Urreligionen_, p. 666; _Pimentel_, _Mem. sobre la Raza Indígena_, pp. 64-5; _Carbajal Espinosa_, _Hist. Mex._, tom. i., pp. 234, 559-64, tom. ii., pp. 375, 604; _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. ii., pp. 424-5, tom. iii., pp. 407-8, 453, 520-3, 528-9, 569-74; _Carli_, _Cartas_, pt i., p. 107; _Malte-Brun_, _Précis de la Géog._, tom. vi., p. 456; _Simon's Ten Tribes_, pp. 275-6; _Monglave_, _Résumé_, p. 32; _Cooper's Hist. N. Amer._, vol. ii., p. 163; _Baril_, _Mexique_, p. 203; _Bussierre_, _L'Empire Mex._, pp. 147-9; _Ranking's Hist. Researches_, pp. 381-4; _Brownell's Ind. Races_, p. 96; _Klemm_, _Cultur-Geschichte_, tom. v., pp. 31, 49-53, 77, 184; _Carbajal_, _Discurso_, p. 37. [884] Except the Zapotecs, who, Carbajal Espinosa says, were of low stature and broad-shouldered. _Hist. Mex._, tom. i., p. 245. [885] Gomara says they had wide foreheads. _Conq. Mex._, fol. 317. 'La forma, ò figura de las Cabeças, comunmente las tienen proporcionadas à los cuerpos, y à los otros miembros de èl, y derechas; algunos las tienen empinadas, y las frentes quadradas, y llanas; otros (como son estos Mexicanos, y algunos del Pirù) las tenian, y tienen de mejor forma, algo de hechura de Martillo, ò Navio, que es la mejor forma de todas.' _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., p. 582-3. 'The Aztec skulls are described as being remarkable for the shortness of their axis, their large flattened occiput obliquely truncated behind, the height of the semicircular line of the temples, and the shortness and trapezoidal form of the parietal plane. They present an elevation or ridge along the sagittal suture; the base of the skull is very short, and the face slightly prognathic, as among the Mongol-Kalmucs. They bear a strong analogy to the skulls of a Peruvian Brachycephali delineated by Morton.' _Foster's Pre-Hist. Races_, p. 326. 'The aboriginal Mexicans of our own time are of good stature and well proportioned in all their limbs. They have narrow foreheads, black eyes, white, well-set, regular teeth, thick, coarse and glossy black hair, thin beards, and are in general without any hair on their legs, thighs, or arms. Their skin is olive coloured, and many fine young women may be seen among them with extremely light complexions. Their senses are very acute, more especially that of sight, which they enjoy unimpaired to the most advanced age.' _Figuier's Hum. Race_, p. 455. For remarks on Mexican Crania, descriptions and measurements of skulls with cuts, see _Morton's Crania Amer._, pp. 144-7, 152-7, 231-3, 257, and plates xvi-xviii., lix.-lxi. [886] According to Herrera, _Hist. Gen._, (Lond. 1726,) vol. iv., p. 125, and Brasseur de Bourbourg, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. iii., p. 35, the Miztecs had long beards. [887] 'En los Sentidos exteriores (como son los de el Vèr, Oìr, Oler, y Gustar) los alcançan admirables; porque vèn mui de lejos, y no vsan de Antojos, si no son mui pocos, despues que los han visto, en nuestros Españoles, y eso es en la vejez, y tienen comunmente los ojos buenos, y hermosos, oien mucho, huelen tambien qualquier cosa de mui lejos; lo mismo es el Gusto; el Sentido del tacto, comunmente es delicado, lo qual se verifica en ellos, porque qualquier cosa, que pueda lastimarlos, como es frio, calor, açotes, ù otra exterior afliccion, los aflige mui facilmente, y en mucho grado, y qualqueira enfermedad los adelgaça, mas presto los enflaquece, y mata, que à otra Nacion, asi Española, como otra alguna, como es notorio, à todos los que los conocemos, y son para sufrir mui poco trabajo.' _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., p. 580. [888] _Beaumont_, _Crón. Mechoacan_, MS., p. 50; _Gomara_, _Conq. Mex._, fol. 218; _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. i., p. 337, tom. iii., p. 332; _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. iii., p. 57. [889] He adds further: 'Y esto (aunque no en tanto extremo) corre, mui en general, por todos estos Reinos, y en especial en aquel de Xalisco, en la Nacion, que llaman Coca, y Tecuex, que son los Tonaltecos, y por acà en la de Tlaxcalla, y otras muchas, que por escusar enfado, callo.' _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., p. 582; see also tom. i., p. 339. [890] 'Sonovi così rari i deformi, che tutti quegli Spagnuoli, e Creogli, che nel 1768, vennero dal Messico in Italia, restarono allora, e sono anche oggidì maravigliati dall'osservare nelle Città di questa coltissima penisola un sì gran numero di ciechi, di gobbi, di zoppi, d'attratti ec.' _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. iv., p. 163. See farther, concerning the physical peculiarities of the Nahuas and earlier peoples: _Ixtlilxochitl_, _Relaciones_, in _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. ix., pp. 326, 336-7, 341, 344-5, 395; _Vetancvrt_, _Teatro Mex._, tom. ii., p. 12; _Gomara_, _Conq. Mex._, fol. 37, 44, 95, 318; _Sahagun_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. iii., lib. x., p. 112, 119, 132; _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. i., pp. 37, 51, 255, tom. ii., pp. 580-83; _Cortés_, _Cartas_, tom. i., p. 23; _Veytia_, _Hist. Ant. Mej._, tom. i., pp. 143-6, tom. ii., p. 5; _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. ii., lib. x., cap. xix.; _Oviedo_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. iii., p. 499; _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. i., pp. 118-19, tom. iv., pp. 161-76; _Relatione fatta per vn gentil'huomo del Signor Fernando Cortese_, in _Ramusio_, _Navigationi_, tom. iii., fol. 304; _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. i., p. 282, tom. ii., pp. 187, 189, tom. iii., p. 35; _Carbajal Espinosa_, _Hist. Mex._, tom. i., pp. 90, 245, tom. ii., pp. 326, 487; _Dupaix_, _Rel., 2de Expéd._, p. 25; _Gordon's Hist. and Geog. Mem._, pp. 71-2; _Dillon's Hist. Mex._, p. 45; _Macgregor's Progress of Amer._, vol. i., p. 21; _Cooper's Hist. N. Amer._, vol. ii., p. 163. [891] See this volume, p. 242. [892] 'Vi sono molti, che accordano ai Messicani una grande abilità per l'imitazione; ma lor contrastano quella dell' invenzione. Error volgare, che trovasi smentito nella Storia antica di questa Nazione.' _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. i., p. 120. [893] See this volume, pp. 475-6. [894] 'Los niños de los Indios no son molestos con obstinacion ni porfia à la Fè Catholica, como lo son los Moros y Indios; antes aprenden de tal manera las verdades de los Christianos, que no solamente salen con ellas, sino que las agotan, y es tanta su facilidad que parece que se las beuen. Aprenden mas presto que los niños Españoles; y con mas contento los Articulos de la Fè por su orden, y las demas oraciones de la doctrina Christiana, reteniendo en la memoria fielmente lo que se les enseña.' _Dávila Padilla_, _Hist. Fvnd. Mex._, p. 139. 'Il n'était rien que les Indiens n'apprissent avec une rapidité surprenante, et s'il arrivait quelque nouveau métier dont ils n'eussent aucune connaissance, ils s'appliquaient à le voir faire avec tant d'intelligence, que, malgré les soins de l'ouvrier à leur cacher son secret, ils le lui enlevaient au bout de quelques jours.' _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. iv., p. 728. [895] 'Son muy ladrones, mentirosos, y holgazanes. La fertilidad de la tierra deue causar tanta pereza, o por no ser ellos codiciosos.' _Gomara_, _Conq. Mex._, fol. 317. 'La liberalità e lo staccamento da qualsiasi interesse sono dei principali attributi del loro carattere. L'oro non ha presso i Messicani tutta quella stima, che gode presso altri. Danno senza dispiacere quello, che si procacciano con somma fatica. Questo loro staccamento dall'interesse, ed il poco amore, che portano a quei che gli governano, ii fa rifiutare quelle fatiche, a cui sono da essi costretti, e questa è appunto la tanto esagerata pigrizia degli Americani.' _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. i., pp. 121-2. 'Estavan libres de la enfermedad de la codicia, y no pensauan en la vanidad del oro, y plata, ni hazian estimacion dello.' _Dávila_, _Teatro Ecles._, tom. i., p. 18. 'Segun lo que aquella edad permite, son inclinadissimos à ser liberales. Tanto monta que lo que se les da, se de à vno como à muchos: porque lo que vno recibe, se reparte luego entre todos.' _Dávila Padilla_, _Hist. Fvnd. Mex._, p. 139. [896] The most sober people known. _Relatione fatta per vn gentil'huomo del Signor Fernando Cortese_, in _Ramusio_, _Navigationi_, tom. iii., fol. 304. [897] _Las Casas_, in _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. viii., pp. 124-5. [898] 'Son celosissimosmos, y assi las aporrean mucho.' _Gomara_, _Conq. Mex._, fol. 317. We have seen in a former chapter, that Nezahualcoyotl put his dearest son to death for speaking lewdly to his father's concubine. See this volume, pp. 447, et seq.; see further concerning the character of the Mexicans, about whom the above remarks, though doubtless applicable to many other of the Nahua nations, are more particularly made: _Esplicacion de la Coleccion de Mendoza_, in _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. v., p. 40; _Acosta_, _Hist. de las Ynd._, pp. 458-9; _Dávila Padilla_, _Hist. Fvnd. Mex._, pp. 139, 270; _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. iii., p. 232; _Gomara_, _Conq. Mex._, pp. 317-18; _Padilla_, _Conq. N. Galicia_, MS., p. 8; _Zorita_, in _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. viii., p. 235; _Tezozomoc_, _Crónica Mex._, in _Id._, vol. ix., p. 167; _Las Casas_, _Hist. Apologética_, MS., cap. xliv., xlv., lxvii., cxl.; _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. i., pp. 119-23, tom. iv., pp. 177-202; _Soden_, _Spanier in Peru_, tom. ii., p. 17; _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. iv., pp. 727-30, 810; _Edinburgh Review_, 1867; _Klemm_, _Cultur-Geschichte_, tom. v., pp. 8-10; _Espinosa_, _Hist. Mex._, tom. i., pp. 90-3; _Gordon's Hist. and Geog. Mem._, pp. 73-6; _Chevalier_, _Mexique_, pp. 53-4. [899] For the character of the Tlascaltecs see: _Cortés_, _Cartas_, p. 68; _Camargo_, _Hist. Tlax._, in _Nouvelles Annales des Voy._, 1843, tom. xcviii., pp. 197-200, tom. xcix., pp. 136, 149, 151; _Motolinia_, _Hist. Indios_, in _Icazbalceta_, _Col. de Doc._, tom. i., p. 76; _Gomara_, _Conq. Mex._, fol. 87; _Alcedo_, _Dicc._, tom. v., p. 155; _Heredia y Sarmiento_, _Sermon_, p. 88; _Ixtlilxochitl_, _Hist. Chich._, in _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. ix., p. 294; _Peter Martyr_, dec. v., lib. i.; _Pradt_, _Cartas_, pp. 175-6; _Carbajal Espinosa_, _Hist. Mex._, tom. ii., pp. 121, 129, 511; _Klemm_, _Cultur-Geschichte_, tom. v., pp. 186-7; _Bussierre_, _L'Empire Mex._, p. 230; _Dillon_, _Hist. Mex._, p. 7. [900] _Oviedo_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. iii., p. 499; _Gomara_, _Conq. Mex._, fol. 95; _Pradt_, _Cartas_, p. 176; _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. iv., p. 130; _Carbajal Espinosa_, _Hist. Mex._, tom. i., p. 259, tom. ii., pp. 121, 339. [901] _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. iii., lib. iii., cap. xiv.; _Dávila Padilla_, _Hist. Fvnd. Mex._, p. 548; _Delaporte_, _Reisen_, tom. x., p. 183. [902] _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. iii., lib. iii., cap. xiii.; _Carbajal Espinosa_, _Hist. Mex._, tom. i., p. 244; _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. iii., p. 35. [903] _Gomara_, _Hist. Ind._, fol. 57. [904] _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. iv., lib. viii., cap. ii. [905] _Beaumont_, _Crón. Mechoacan_, MS., pp. 51-2; _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. i., p. 337, tom. iii., p. 332; _Oviedo_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. iii., p. 563; _Ixtlilxochitl_, _Hist. Chich._, in _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. ix., p. 308; _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. iii., lib. iii., cap. x.; _Gomara_, _Conq. Mex._, fol. 218; _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. iii., pp. 56-7; _Carbajal Espinosa_, _Hist. Mex._, tom. i., p. 291, tom. ii., p. 595; _Malte-Brun_, _Précis de la Géog._, tom. vi., p. 456. CHAPTER XX. GOVERNMENT, SOCIAL CLASSES, PROPERTY, AND LAWS OF THE MAYA NATIONS. INTRODUCTORY REMARKS--VOTAN'S EMPIRE--ZAMNÁ'S REIGN--THE ROYAL FAMILIES OF YUCATAN; COCOMES, TUTUL XIUS, ITZAS, AND CHELES--TITLES AND ORDER OF SUCCESSION--CLASSES OF NOBLES--THE QUICHÉ-CAKCHIQUEL EMPIRE IN GUATEMALA--THE AHAU AHPOP AND SUCCESSION TO THE THRONE--PRIVILEGED CLASSES--GOVERNMENT OF THE PROVINCES--THE ROYAL COUNCIL--THE CHIAPANECS--THE PIPILES--NATIONS OF NICARAGUA--THE MAYA PRIESTHOOD--PLEBEIAN CLASSES--SLAVES--TENURE OF LANDS--INHERITANCE OF PROPERTY--TAXATION--DEBTORS AND CREDITORS--LAWS AND THE ADMINISTRATION OF JUSTICE. My reasons for dividing the Civilized Nations of our territory into two groups, the Nahuas and the Mayas, whose institutions are separately described, have been stated in the General View, to which a preceding chapter has been devoted. In the same place was given an outline sketch of the nations composing each group, and their mutual relations,[906] which may serve as an introduction to the remainder of this volume. Without further preliminary remarks I may therefore enter at once upon the subject-matter of this second division of my topic, a description of Maya institutions, or the manners and customs of the civilized nations whose home was south of the isthmus of Tehuantepec. It will be evident to the reader from what has been said that this account must be not only much briefer, but also less complete and satisfactory than that of the Nahua nations. Concerning the Aztecs and kindred peoples about the lakes of the Mexican valley, as we have seen, a large amount of information has been preserved; I have consequently been able, in treating of the northern peoples, to take these nations of the valley as a nucleus, adding in their proper places such fragments of knowledge as are extant respecting tribes outside the limits of Anáhuac. In the south, fragmentary information is all we have; there is no nucleus round which to group it; the matter of the following chapters will, therefore, be very similar in its nature to what that of the preceding would have been, had I undertaken to describe the Tarascos, Totonacs, Zapotecs, etc., without the Aztecs. In this branch of my subject I shall follow as nearly as possible the same order as in the preceding, bringing together into one chapter, however, the topics before treated in several. I shall also include the civilized nations of Nicaragua in this division, although one at least of them was of Nahua blood and language. In the days of ancient Maya glory when Votan and his successors reigned over mighty and perhaps confederated empires in Chiapas, Guatemala, and Yucatan, the kings played rôles to a great extent mythical, being pictured by tradition as combining the character and powers of legislators, teachers, high-priests, and monarchs. Details of the system by which they governed are altogether wanting,[907] but after a long term of prosperity this government in Guatemala and Chiapas became weakened and at last practically destroyed; the country was divided among petty chiefs, concerning whose rule even less is known than of that of their predecessors, but who not improbably based their forms of authority on the ideas handed down from Votan. From these governmental relics there sprung up in later years, under new and perhaps foreign leaders, the Quiché and Cakchiquel empires, of whose government some details are known, since these nations came into direct contact with the Spaniards at the conquest. Leaving these nations for the present, I will speak first of another branch of the primitive Maya empire. [Sidenote: VOTAN'S MAYA EMPIRE.] Yucatan received its culture traditionally from Zamná, who came from abroad, governed the Mayas through a long life, and left the throne as an heritage to his successors. He was doubtless a companion or a descendant of Votan, and founded institutions similar to those of the western kingdoms whence he came. The government and institutions established in Yucatan met to a certain extent the same fate as those of Chiapas; that is, the country was finally split up by civil wars into numerous petty independent sovereignties; but this division was at a much later date than that of Votan's western empire,--not long preceding the Spanish conquest--and the government of the independent chieftains was substantially that of their ancestors, many of whom claimed to be of the royal family founded by Zamná. Consequently some scraps of information are extant respecting the form of government, as well as other institutions, in Yucatan; and from these we may form a faint idea of the earlier institutions of Guatemala and Chiapas. Zamná, like Votan, united in himself the qualities of ruler, law-giver, educator, and priest; he founded the city of Mayapan, and divided the whole country among the chiefs of the leading families who came with him, making them vassals of the king whom he left on the throne at Mayapan. The nobles of the royal family were of course the highest, a family which was perhaps that known later as the Cocomes, and which lasted to the coming of the Spaniards. Each of the vassal princes had to live in the capital during a certain part of every year; and Brasseur de Bourbourg, following Ordoñez, thinks that Mayapan may have formed a confederacy with Tulhá and Palenque in Chiapas.[908] [Sidenote: THE ROYAL FAMILIES OF YUCATAN.] Another royal family, the Tutul Xius, sprung up later and became very powerful as allies and vassals of the king reigning in Mayapan; and still another family, the Itzas, built up a strong government of theocratic nature at Chichen Itza. Then came Cukulcan with some new religious teachings--a famous personage bearing a striking resemblance in his traditional career and in the etymology of his name to the Quetzalcoatl of the Nahuas. Being finally called to the throne at Mayapan, he formed a confederacy, making the princes of the Tutul Xius and Itzas his associate monarchs, subordinate nominally in rank but practically independent except where mutual assistance was required. Cukulcan left the throne to the Cocomes, seven of whom ruled during a period of great prosperity, the succession being from father to son, down to about the eleventh century. Afterward the Cocomes, becoming tyrannical, were deposed from their high position, Mayapan destroyed, and a new confederacy established with the Tutul Xius at the head, Uxmal being at first their capital, the Itzas second, and the Cheles at Izamal third. The Tutul Xiu rule was no less glorious than that of the Cocomes. They rebuilt Mayapan and made it once more the capital, but the unfortunate city was again sacked, this time by foreigners--perhaps the Quichés--in the thirteenth century; and was finally destroyed in the middle of the fifteenth century by the vassal lords of the realm, who revolted, overthrew the Tutul Xiu dynasty, obtained their complete independence, and ruled each his petty province with sovereign power. This was their condition when the Spaniards came, but before that time by civil war, and by famine and pestilence also, as tradition tells us, the power of the rulers and the population of the country had been greatly diminished and the ancient Maya glory had departed forever. Shortly before the final destruction of the monarchy a portion of the Itzas had left Chichen and migrated southward to found a small but powerful nation in what is now the province of Peten, belonging politically to Guatemala. It is from traditionary accounts of the kingdom under the Tutul Xius, and from the meagre observations of the Spaniards in the sixteenth century that our slight knowledge of Maya institutions in the peninsula is gained. The highest title of the king at Mayapan was Ahtepal, which signifies in the Maya tongue 'Majestic,' or 'August.' His power was absolute, but he rarely acted in matters of importance without consulting his lords, and, in accordance with their advice and that of the chief priests, he appointed all officials, secular and religious, in the kingdom, possessing moreover the right to organize all courts and to condemn to death any of his subjects. The succession to the throne was confined to the royal family, to the male line, and to the sons of noble wives; the eldest son seems to have been the acknowledged heir to the throne, and Landa tells us that if the king died during the childhood of his heir, then his eldest or most capable brother ruled not only during the son's minority but during all his own life; and in case there were no brothers the priests and nobles chose a suitable person to reign.[909] One author speaks of the king as having the right to appoint a council which should name his successor, and Remesal mentions that in the province of Campeche, a woman who came in the direct line of succession received high honors, but the most capable of her male relatives ruled the state.[910] [Sidenote: COURT ETIQUETTE IN YUCATAN.] Whenever the king appeared in public, he was always attended by a large company and wore a long white flowing robe decorated with ornaments of gold and precious stones, bracelets, a magnificent collar, and sandals of gold. His crown was a plain golden circle somewhat wider on the forehead than behind, and surmounted with a plume of quetzal-feathers. This bird was reserved for the king and highest nobles, death being the penalty, according to Ordoñez, for one of lower rank who should capture the bird or wear its plumage. The monarch was borne on the shoulders of his nobles reclining in a palanquin, shaded by a feather canopy, and constantly fanned by attendants of high rank. Any person who came into the presence of the king or other high official, was expected to bring some gift proportioned to his means, and Herrera informs us that the highest mark of respect was to place the right hand, anointed with spittle, on the ground and then to rub it over the heart. Villagutierre mentions without description a kind of small throne among the Itzas, and states that the king of this southern realm bore the title of Canek, the name of the leader of their migration. Our only knowledge of the royal palaces of Yucatan is derived from their examination, when more or less in ruins, by modern explorers; consequently I refer the reader to the chapter on Maya buildings for a general description of these grand stone structures, and to another volume of this work for a detailed account with illustrative plates. The nobility of the highest class belonged to members of the royal families, the Cocomes, Tutul Xius, Cheles, and Itzas, those of the reigning king's own blood taking naturally the highest rank. Ahau was the ordinary title of the princes, and Halach Winikel, 'most majestic men,' was a high title among the Tutul Xius. From nobles of the royal families mentioned, governors of provinces, and all the highest officials were chosen. Their positions were nominally at the king's disposal, but practically they descended hereditarily in the same manner as the royal power, the king interfering with new appointments only on extraordinary occasions. These rulers were almost absolute in matters concerning their own provinces, and exacted great honors, ceremonial attendance, and implicit obedience from all their subjects; but they were not exempt in matters of crime from the penalties of the law, and were obliged to reside during a part of each year in the capital, to render personal service to the monarch, and to take part in the supreme council by which he was guided in the administration of public affairs. They were, however, exempt from all tribute except that of personal service, and lived on the product of portions of the public domain assigned them. Cogolludo tells us that the nobles of Mayapan were also required to perform certain services in the temples, and to assist at the religious festivals. They not only had the exclusive right to the government of provinces, but also to the command of armies. Nobles of a lower class, with the title Batab, governed cities, villages, or other subdivisions of provinces. They were not of royal blood, or at least were only connected with the reigning family through the female branch. Their position was also practically hereditary, although the heir could not assume his inherited rank without the royal sanction. No government officials received any salary, but they were obliged to maintain themselves and the poor and disabled of their respective communities from the products of their inherited estates.[911] [Sidenote: THE QUICHÉ-CAKCHIQUEL EMPIRES.] The most powerful kingdoms in Guatemala at the coming of the Spaniards were, that of the Quichés, whose capital was Gumarcaah, or Utatlan, near the site of the modern Santa Cruz del Quiché; and that of the Cakchiquels, capital Iximché, or Patinamit, near Tecpan Guatemala. These two nations were independent of and hostile to each other in the sixteenth century, but they had been united in one empire during the days of Guatemala's greatest glory, their separation dated back only about a century, and their institutions were practically identical, although they were traditionally distinct tribes in the more remote past. The same remark may be made respecting the institutions of the other nations in Guatemala which were wholly or partially independent of the powers mentioned above. All the aboriginal powers had greatly deteriorated by wars, one with another, and their mutual hatred made their defeat by foreigners possible, as had been the case in the conquest of the Nahua nations farther north. There is little doubt that the Quiché-Cakchiquel peoples were direct descendants of Votan's subjects, but the line of traditional history that unites the two empires is broken at many points and cannot be satisfactorily followed. There are evidences also of foreign, chiefly Nahua, influences in the molding of Quiché institutions, exerted before or after the Toltec era in Anáhuac, probably at both periods. The traditional history of the Quiché empire for three or four centuries before the Conquest, rests almost entirely on manuscripts written in the native languages with the Roman alphabet, which have only been consulted by one modern writer. Into the labyrinth of this complicated record of wars and political changes I shall not attempt to enter, especially since the general nature of Quiché institutions does not seem to have been perceptibly modified by the events recorded. An aristocratic monarchy, similar in nearly every feature to that I have described in Yucatan, seems to have been the basis of Quiché government from the first. All high positions, judicial, military, or sacerdotal, were hereditary and restricted to noble families, who traced their genealogy far back into the mythic annals of the nations. Between noble and plebeian blood the lines were sharply defined. The nobles were practically independent and superior in their own provinces, but owed tribute, allegiance, and military aid to the monarch. At the time of Guatemala's highest prosperity and glory, when King Qikab from his throne in Utatlan ruled over all the country, the monarch, if we may credit the traditional account, made an effort to diminish the power of the nobles, by conferring military commands and other high positions on the ablest men of plebeian blood. Thus a new class of nobles, called Achihab was created. This newly conferred power became, acting with the alienation of the old hereditary nobility, too great to be restrained by the monarch who created it. The Achihab became ambitious and insubordinate; they were at last put down, but the dissolution of the empire into several states was the indirect result of their machinations. [Sidenote: SUCCESSION TO THE QUICHÉ THRONE.] Respecting the order of succession to the Quiché throne Torquemada and Juarros state that the king's brother was the king elect, and the direct heir to the throne; the king's oldest son was the senior captain and the next heir; and the latter's first cousin, the nephew of the king, was junior captain and third heir. When the king died each heir was promoted one degree, and the vacant post of junior captain was filled by the nearest relative--_whose_ nearest relative the authors neglect to say. Whoever may have been elevated to the vacant position the whole system as a regular order of succession would be a manifest absurdity. Brasseur de Bourbourg agrees with the authors cited and gives to the king, the elect, and the two captains the titles of Ahau Ahpop, Ahau Ahpop Camha, Nim Chocoh Cawek, and Ahau Ah Tohil, respectively; but when the last position was left vacant by the death of the king, the Abbé tells us that "it was conferred upon the eldest son of the new monarch,"--that is, upon the same man who held it before! Padre Ximenez implies perhaps that the crown descended from brother to brother, and from the youngest brother to a nephew who was a son of the oldest brother. I have no authorities by the aid of which to throw any light upon this confused subject; it is evident, however, that if the last-mentioned system, identical with that which obtained among some of the Nahua nations, be not the correct one, nothing whatever is known of the matter in question.[912] All the authorities state that this remarkable system of succession was established to prevent the power from coming into the hands of young and inexperienced men; and that an incompetent person in the regular line could not succeed to the throne, but retained throughout his life the rank to which he was born. It is not clearly explained how the heir's competency was decided upon, but it seems probable that the matter was settled by the reigning king with the advice of his council of princes. The king's children by his first wife were preferred above the rest, though all received high honors. At Rabinal the Ahau, or ruling prince, was regularly chosen by the nobles, from the royal family, but was not necessarily a son or brother of the last ruler. Among the Cakchiquels the succession alternated between two royal families. The king's title was Ahpozotzil; the next heir from the other branch bore the title Ahpoxahil; their eldest sons, the elder of which became Ahpoxahil on the king's death, had the titles Ahpop Qamahay and Galel Xahil. Inferior titles were Galel Qamahay, Atzih Winak, and Ahuchan Xahil, the bearers of which succeeded to the throne in default of nearer heirs. It will be noticed that this plan of succession is but little clearer than that attributed to the Quichés.[913] [Sidenote: CORONATION IN GUATEMALA.] The ceremonies of coronation in the kingdom of Rabinal, and, so far as can be known, in the other kingdoms of Guatemala, consisted of an assemblage of all the nobles at the capital,--each being obliged to attend or send a representative--the presentation of gifts and compliments to the new king, a discourse of congratulation and advice addressed to him by one of the ancients, and finally a splendid feast which lasted several days and usually degenerated into a drunken orgy. The Quichés and Cakchiquels also bathed the new king and anointed his body with perfumes before seating him on the throne, which was a seat, not described, placed on a carpet or mat, and surmounted by four canopies of feather-work placed one above another, the largest at the top; the seats of the three lower princes already mentioned were also shaded by canopies, three, two, and one, respectively. Whenever he appeared in public the monarch was borne in a palanquin on the shoulders of the nobles who composed his council.[914] The machinery of government was carried on in the provinces by lieutenants of the king's appointment, and the monarch was advised in all matters of state by a council of nobles. Juarros tells us that the supreme Quiché council was composed of twenty-four grandees, who enjoyed great privileges and honors, personally attended the king, and managed the administration of justice and the collection of the royal revenue, but were liable to severe punishment if they committed crime. Brasseur de Bourbourg speaks of a supreme council, giving the names of the princes that composed it, and also of an ordinary council whose members were called _alchaoh_, or 'judges,' and were entrusted with the collection of tribute. The other authorities, Torquemada and Ximenez, state that the councils were not permanent, but were summoned by the king and selected for their peculiar fitness to give advice upon the subject under consideration. The lieutenants had also their provincial councils to advise them in matters of local importance, but all cases of national import, or affecting in any way the nobles of high rank, were referred to the royal council. So great was the power of the nobles assembled in council, that they might, under certain conditions, depose a tyrannical sovereign and seat the next heir on the throne. No person unless of noble blood could hold any office whatever, even that of doorkeeper to the council-chamber, if we may credit Juarros; consequently the greatest pains was taken to insure a lineage free from any plebeian stain. A noble marrying a woman of the common people was degraded to her rank, took her name, and his estate was forfeited to the crown. Ximenez states that traveling officials visited from time to time the different provinces, to observe the actions of the regular judges, and to correct abuses.[915] [Sidenote: THE QUICHÉ NOBILITY.] The following is the Abbé Brasseur's account of the grades of nobility taken from the Quiché manuscript published under the title of Popol Vuh: "Three principal families having a common origin constituted the high nobility of Quiché, modeled on the ancient imperial family of the Toltecs. The first and most illustrious was the house of Cawek, the members of which composed the royal family proper; the second was that of Nihaïb; and the third that of Ahau Quiché. Each of these houses had its titles and charges perfectly distinct and fixed, which never left it, like the hereditary offices of the English court at the present time; and to each of these offices were attached fiefs, or particular domains, from which the titularies drew their revenue, their attendants, and their vassals, and a palace where they lived during their stay in the capital. The house of Cawek, or royal house proper, included only princes of the blood, like the eldest branch of the Bourbons in France. It was composed of nine _chinamital_, or great fiefs, whose names corresponded to those of the palaces occupied by these princes in the capital, and whose titles were as follows:--I. Ahau Ahpop, or 'lord of the princes,' title of the king, corresponding nearly to 'king of kings,' whose palace was called _cuha_; II. Ahau Ahpop Camha, or 'lord of the princes and seneschal' (_camha_, he who cares for the house, majordomo), whom the Spaniards called the second king, and whose palace was called _tziquinaha_, or 'house of birds;' III. Nim Chocoh Cawek, or 'grand elect of Cawek;' IV. Ahau Ah Tohil, or 'lord of the servants of Tohil,' priests of Tohil, the principal Quiché god; V. Ahau Ah Gucumatz, or 'lord of the servants of Gucumatz,' (priests of Quetzalcoatl); VI. Popol Winak Chituy, or president of the counsellors; VII. Lolmet Quehnay, the principal receiver of royal tributes, or minister of finance; VIII. Popol Winak Pahom Tzalatz Xcaxeba, or 'grand master of the hall of the council of the game of ball;' IX. Tepeu Yaqui, 'chief or lord of the Yaquis' (Toltecs, or Mexicans). "The house of Nihaïb, the second in rank, had also nine chinamital, with names corresponding to their palaces, and titles as follows: I. Ahau Galel, 'lord of the bracelets,' or of those who have the right to wear them, and chief of the house of Nihaïb; II. Ahau Ahtzic Winak, 'lord of those who give,' or of those who made presents (especially to ambassadors, who were introduced by him); III. Ahau Galel Camha, 'lord of the bracelets, and seneschal;' IV. Nimah Camha, 'grand seneschal;' V. Uchuch Camha, 'mother of the seneschals;' VI. Nima Camha Nihaïb, 'grand seneschal of Nihaïb;' VII. Nim Chocoh Nihaïb, 'grand elect of Nihaïb;' VIII. Ahau Awilix, 'lord of Awilix' (one of the gods of the Quiché trinity); IX. Yacol Atam, 'grand master of feasts.' "The third house, that of Ahau Quiché, had only four chinamital with the following titles: I. Ahtzic Winak Ahau, 'great lord of givers;' II. Lolmet Ahau, 'grand receiver;' III. Nim Chocoh Ahau, 'lord grand elect;' IV. Ahau Gagawitz, 'lord of Gagawitz' (one of the gods of the Quiché trinity)."[916] [Sidenote: PIPILES AND NICARAGUANS.] Respecting the Chiapanecs, who are not generally considered as the descendants of the peoples who inhabited the country in Votan's time, we have no knowledge of their government save a probably unfounded statement by García that they were ruled by two chiefs, elected each year by the priests, and never had a king.[917] The Pipiles in Salvador, although traditionally among the partially civilized nations, seem to have been governed in the sixteenth century by local chieftains only, like most of the wild tribes already described. These chiefs handed down their power, however, to their sons or nearest relatives. Palacio tells us that to regulate marriages and the planting of crops was among the ruler's duties. Squier concludes that all these petty chiefs were more or less allied politically, and acted together in matters affecting the common interests.[918] Nicaragua, when first visited by Europeans, was divided into many provinces, inhabited by several nations linguistically distinct one from another, one of them, at least, speaking the Aztec tongue; but in respect to their government and other institutions, the very meagre information preserved by Oviedo enables us to make little or no distinction between the different tribes. In many of the provinces we are told the people lived in communities, or little republics, governed by certain _huehues_, or 'old men,' who were elected by the people. These elective rulers themselves elected a captain-general to direct their armies in time of war, which official they had no hesitation in putting to death when he exhibited any symptoms of insubordination or acquired a power over the army which seemed dangerous to the public good. In other and probably in most provinces a chieftain, or _teite_, ruled the people of his domain with much the same powers and privileges as we have noticed in Yucatan and Guatemala. These teites had their petty vassals and lords to execute their orders, and to accompany them in public displays, but it seems they could claim no strictly personal services in their palaces from any but members of their own household. Peter Martyr speaks of a 'throne adorned with rich and princely furniture.' These rulers affected great state, and insisted on a strict observance of court etiquette. They would receive no message, however pressing the occasion, except through the regularly appointed officials; and one of them, in an interview with the Spaniards, would not condescend to open his royal mouth to the leader until a curtain was held between him and his foreign hearers. On several occasions they met the Spaniards in a procession of men and women gaily decked in all their finery, marching to the sound of shell trumpets, and bearing in their hands presents for the invaders. But even in the provinces nominally ruled by the teites, all legislative power was in the hands of a council called _monexico_, composed of old men, who were elected every four moons. Without the consent of the monexico the chief could take action in no public matter whatever, not even in war. The council could decide against the teite, but he had the right to assemble or dissolve it, and to be present at all its meetings. The decisions of the monexico were made known in the market-place by a crier, whose badge of office was a rattle. The lords also, in sending an ambassador or messenger on any public business, gave him a fan, bearing which credential he was implicitly trusted wherever he might go. Two members of the council were chosen as executive officers, and one of them must be always present in the market-place to regulate all dealings of the buyers and sellers. Squier says that the council-houses were called _grepons_, and its corridors or porticos _galpons_; Oviedo in one place terms the buildings _galpones_, and in another applies the name to a class of vassal chiefs.[919] [Sidenote: THE MAYA PRIESTHOOD.] It is only of the priesthood as connected with the government, as an order of nobility, as a class of the community, that a mention is required here: In their quality of priests proper, religious teachers, oracles of the gods, leaders of ceremonious rites, confessors, and sacrificers, they will be treated of elsewhere. Their temporal power, directly exercised, or indirectly through their influence upon kings and chieftains, was perhaps even greater than we have found it among the Nahua nations. Votan, Zamná, Cukulcan, and all the other semi-mythical founders of the Maya civilization, united in their persons the qualities of high-priest and king, and from their time to the coming of the Spaniards ecclesiastical and secular authority marched hand in hand. In Yucatan, the Itzas at Chichen were ruled in the earlier times by a theocratic government, and later the high-priest of the empire, of the royal family of the Cheles, became king of Izamal, which became the sacred city and the headquarters of ecclesiastical dignitaries. The gigantic mounds still seen at Izamal are traditionally the tombs of both kings and priests. The office of chief priest was hereditary, the succession being from father to son--since priests and even the vestal virgins were permitted to marry--but regulated apparently by the opinions of kings and nobles, as well as of ecclesiastical councils. The king constantly applied to the high-priest for counsel in matters of state, and in turn gave rich presents to the head of the church; the security of the temples was also confided to the highest officers of the state. The rank of Ixnacan Katun, or superior of the vestals, was founded by a princess of royal blood. In Guatemala the high-priests who presided over the temples of the Quiché trinity, Tohil, Awilix, and Gucumatz, were all princes of the three royal families; their titles have been given in the lists of the Quiché nobility; and one of the most powerful kings is said to have created two priestly titles for the family of Zakik, to each of which he attached a province for its support. Ximenez tells us that in Vera Paz the chief priest, next in power to the king, was elected from a certain lineage by the people. In the province of Chiquimula, Mictlan is described as a great religious centre, and a shrine much visited by pilgrims. Here the power was in the hands of a sacerdotal hierarchy, hereditary in one family, whose chief bore the title Teoti and was aided by an ecclesiastical council of five members, which controlled all the priesthood, and from whose number a successor to the Teoti was appointed by the chief of the Pipiles, or, as some authorities state, was chosen by lot. Thus we see that while the priesthood had great power over even the highest secular rulers in all the Maya nations, yet the system by which the high-priests were members of the royal families, rendered their power a support to that of royalty rather than a cause of fear. The fear which kings experienced towards the priests seems consequently to have been altogether superstitious on account of their supernatural powers, and not a jealous fear of any possible rivalry. Ordinary priests were appointed by the higher authorities of the church, but whether the choice was confined to certain families, we are not informed. It is altogether probable, however, that such was the case in nations whose lowest secular officers must be of noble blood.[920] [Sidenote: PLEBEIANS AND SLAVES.] In the south as in the north, the status of the lower classes, or plebeians, has received no attention at the hands of the Spanish observers. We know that in Yucatan the nobles were obliged to support from their revenues such of the lower classes as from sickness, old age, or other disabling cause were unable to gain a livelihood. It has been seen also that none of plebeian blood could hold any office, the only exception noted being the attempt of one of the Quiché kings to humiliate the aristocracy by raising plebeian soldiers to the new rank of Achihab, 'men' or 'heroes.' The lower classes of freemen were doubtless for the most part farmers, each tilling the portion of land allotted him in the domain of a noble; and beyond the obligation to pay a certain tax from the product of their labor, and to render military service in case of necessity, they were probably independent, and often wealthy.[921] Lowest in the scale among the Mayas as elsewhere in America were the slaves. Slavery was an institution of all the nations in the sixteenth century, and had been traditionally for some centuries. In Yucatan, tradition speaks of a time when slavery was unknown; its introduction by a powerful Cocome king was one of the acts of oppression which brought about a revolution and deposed him from the throne. During the power of the Tutul Xius which followed, slavery is said to have been abolished, but must--if indeed the tradition be not altogether unfounded--have been re-introduced at a still later period.[922] In the annals of other Maya nations no time seems to be noted when slaves were not held. This unfortunate class was composed chiefly of captives in war, or of those whose parents had been such; the condition was hereditary, but, in Yucatan at least, the children had the right to redeem themselves by settling on unoccupied lands and becoming tribute-payers. Foreign slaves were also brought into the country for sale; and Cortés speaks of Acalan, a city of Guatemala, as a place where an extensive trade in human kind was carried on.[923] In Nicaragua a father might sell himself or his children into bondage, when hard pressed by necessity; but in such cases he seems to have had the right of redemption.[924] In Nicaragua and Yucatan the thief was enslaved by the owner of stolen property, until such time as he paid its value; he could even be sold to other parties, but it is added that he could only be redeemed in Nicaragua with the consent of the cacique. In Yucatan, if a slave died or ran away soon after his sale the purchaser was entitled to receive back a portion of the price paid.[925] [Sidenote: TREATMENT OF SLAVES.] Kidnapping, according to Las Casas, was common in Guatemala, but the laws against the offence were very severe. He who sold a free native into slavery was clubbed to death, his own wife and children were sold, and a large part of the price received went to fill the public exchequer.[926] Pimentel concludes that slaves were more harshly treated in Yucatan than in Mexico; Gomara and Herrera state that no punishment was decreed to him who killed a slave in Nicaragua; but in Yucatan the killer of another's slave must pay the full value of the property destroyed, and was also amenable to punishment if the murdered slave was his own. In Guatemala if a freeman had sexual intercourse with the female slave of another he had to pay the owner her full value or purchase for him another of equal value; but if the woman were a favorite of the owner, the penalty, though still pecuniary, was much increased. In the province of Vera Paz, as Las Casas states, if slaves committed fornication with women of their own condition, both parties were slain by having their heads broken between two stones, or by a stick driven down the throat, or by the garrote; the man, however, being sometimes sold for sacrifice. Among the Pipiles a freeman cohabiting with a slave was himself enslaved, unless pardoned by the high-priest for services rendered in war. In Yucatan, as it is expressly stated, and elsewhere probably, the master was permitted to use his female slaves as concubines, but the offspring of such connection could not inherit. Thomas Gage tells us of a town in Guatemala whose inhabitants in the olden time were all slaves and served the people of Amatitlan as messengers. The only distinguishing marks of slaves that are mentioned were the shearing of the hair in Yucatan, and marks of powdered pine charcoal, called _tile_, in Nicaragua.[927] Respecting the tenure of landed property among the Maya nations the little information extant applies chiefly to Yucatan. The whole country, as we have seen, was divided into many domains, or fiefs, of varying extent, ruled over by nobles, or lords, of different rank. Although each lord had, under the king, nearly absolute authority over his domain, yet he does not seem to have been regarded as in any sense the owner of the lands, or to have had a right to sell or in any way alienate them. A certain portion of these lands were set apart for the lord's support, and were worked by his people in common; the rest of the land seems to have been divided among the people, the first occupant being regarded in a certain sense as its owner, and handing it down as an inheritance from generation to generation, but having no right to sell it, and being also obliged to contribute a certain part of its products to the lord of the domain. Cogolludo and Landa speak of the land as being common property, yet by this they probably do not mean to imply that any man had a right to trespass on the cultivated fields of another, but simply that unoccupied lands might be appropriated by any one for purposes of cultivation. Game, fish, and the salt marshes were likewise free to all, but the hunter, fisherman, or salt-maker must pay a tribute to the lords and to the king. In Nicaragua land could not be sold, and if the owner wished to change his residence he had to leave all his property to his relatives, since nothing could be removed.[928] [Sidenote: INHERITANCE AND TAXATION.] At a man's death his property, in Yucatan, was divided between his sons equally, except that a son who had assisted his father to gain the property might receive more than the rest. Daughters inherited nothing, and only received what might be given from motives of kindness by the brothers. In default of sons, the inheritance went to the brothers or nearest male relatives. Minor heirs were entrusted to tutors who managed the estate, and from it received a recompense for their services. According to Oviedo, property in Nicaragua was inherited by the children, but if there were no children, it went to the relatives of both father and mother. Squier states that in the latter case all personal property was buried with the deceased.[929] Taxes and tribute paid by the people for the support of the kings and nobles consisted of the products of all the different industries. The merchant contributed from the wares in which he dealt; the farmer from the products of the soil, chiefly maize and cacao; the hunter and fisherman from the game taken in forest and stream. Cotton garments, copal, feathers, skins, fowl, salt, honey, and gold-dust composed a large part of the tribute, and slaves are also mentioned in the lists. Personal labor in working the lands of the lords, and in supplying his household with wood and water, was also an important element of taxation in the provinces. Officials were appointed to assess and collect taxes from all subjects. In Yucatan the tribute of the king and that of the local lords were kept separate and were attended to by different officials; but in Guatemala it is implied that all taxes were collected together and then distributed to the king and several classes of nobles according to their rank. In the ancient times those who lived in Mayapan were exempt from all taxation. In Nicaragua, we are told that the teite received no tribute or taxes whatever from his subjects, but in the case of a war or other event involving extraordinary expense, the council decided upon the amount of revenue needed, and chose by lot one of their number to assess and collect it. Taxation among the Mayas does not seem to have been oppressive, and the attempt to extort excessive tribute contributed largely to the overthrow of the Cocome power in the twelfth century.[930] A sale of property or other contract was legalized in Yucatan by the parties drinking before witnesses. A strict fulfillment of all contracts was required both by the law and by public sentiment. Heirs and relatives were liable, or at least assumed the liability, for debts; and often paid, as did the lords of the province, the pecuniary penalty incurred by some poor man, especially if the crime had been committed involuntarily or without malice.[931] [Sidenote: ADMINISTRATION OF JUSTICE.] The administration of justice and the execution of the laws were among the Mayas entrusted to the officials that have been mentioned in what has been said respecting government. Serious crimes or other important matters affecting the interests of the king, of the state, or of the higher ranks of nobility, were referred directly to the royal council presided over by the monarch. The king's lieutenants, or lords of royal blood who ruled over provinces, took cognizance of the more important cases of provincial interest; while petty local questions were decided by subordinate judges, one of whom was appointed in each village or hamlet. But even in the case of the local judges the advice of a council was sought on every occasion, and persons were appointed to assist both judges and parties to the suit in the character of advocates. Although these judges had the right to consult with the lord of their province, and the latter, probably, with the royal council, yet after a decision was rendered, there was apparently no right of appeal in any case whatever; but we are told that in Yucatan at least a royal commissioner traveled through the provinces and reported regularly on the manner in which the judges performed their duties, and on other matters of public import. Both judges and advocates might receive presents from all the parties to a suit, according to Cogolludo, and no one thought of applying for justice without bringing some gift proportioned to his means. In Guatemala, as Las Casas states, the judge received half the property of the convicted party; this is probably only to be understood as applying to serious crimes, which involved a confiscation of all property. In Vera Paz the tax-collectors served also as constables, being empowered to arrest accused parties and witnesses, and to bring them before the judges. Very little is known of the order of procedure in the Maya courts, but great pains was apparently taken to ascertain all the facts bearing on the case, and to render exact justice to all concerned. Court proceedings, testimony, arguments, and decisions are said to have been altogether verbal, there being no evidence that written records were kept as they were by the Nahuas, although the Maya system of hieroglyphic writing cannot be supposed to have been in any respect inferior to that of the northern nations. Nothing in the nature of an oath was exacted from a witness, but to guard against false testimony in Yucatan a terrible curse was launched against the perjurer, and a superstitious fear of consequences was supposed to render falsehood impossible. In Guatemala so much was the perjurer despised that a fine and a reprimand from the judge were deemed sufficient punishment. Torture, if we may credit Las Casas, by tying the hands, beating with clubs, and the inhalation of smoke, was resorted to in Vera Paz to extort confession from a person suspected of adultery or other serious crimes. Great weight seems to have been attached to material evidence; for instance, it was deemed important to take the thief while in actual possession of the stolen property; and a woman to convict a man of rape must seize and produce in court some portion of his wearing-apparel. The announcement of the judge's decision was, as I have said, delivered verbally, and sometimes, when the parties to the suit were numerous, Cogolludo informs us that all were invited to a banquet, during which the verdict was made known. As there was no appeal to a higher tribunal, so there seems to have been no pardoning power, and the judge's final decision was always strictly enforced. Except a mention by Herrera that the Nicaraguan ministers of justice bore fans and rods, I find no account of any distinguishing insignia in the Maya tribunals. [Sidenote: MAYA PUNISHMENTS.] Punishments inflicted on Maya criminals took the form of death, slavery, and pecuniary fines; imprisonment was of rare occurrence, and apparently never inflicted as a punishment, but only for the retention of prisoners until their final punishment was legally determined. Cogolludo states that culprits were never beaten, but Villagutierre affirms that, at least among the Itzas, they were both beaten and put in shackles; and the same author speaks of imprisonment for non-payment of taxes at Coban. The death penalty was inflicted by hanging, by beating with the garrote, or club, and by throwing the condemned over a precipice. Ximenez mentions burning in Guatemala; Oviedo speaks of impalements in Yucatan; those condemned to death in Nicaragua seem to have been sacrificed to the gods by having their hearts cut out; and throwing the body from a wall or precipice is the only method attributed to the Pipiles. At a town in Yucatan called Cachi, Oviedo mentions a sharp mast standing in the centre of a square and used by the people for impaling criminals alive. The method of imprisonment, as described by Cogolludo, consisted in binding the hands behind the back, placing about the neck a collar of wood and cords, and confining the culprit thus shackled in a wooden cage. At Campeche a place of punishment is mentioned by Peter Martyr and Torquemada as having been seen by the early voyagers. Three beams or posts were fixed in the ground, to them were attached three cross-beams, and scattered about were blood-stained arrows and spears. This apparatus would indicate, if it was really a place of punishment, a method of inflicting the death-penalty not elsewhere mentioned; and a stone structure adjoining, covered with sculptured emblems of punishment is suggestive of ceremonial rites in connection with executions. The death sentence generally involved the confiscation of the criminal's property and the enslaving of his family. All but the most heinous offences could be expiated by the payment of a fine consisting of slaves or other property, and the whole or a large part of this fine went to the judges, the lords, or the king. Murder was punished in all the nations by death, but in Yucatan and Nicaragua if there were extenuating circumstances, such as great provocation or absence of malice, the crime was atoned by the payment of a fine. In Yucatan a minor who took human life became a slave; the killing of another's slave called for payment of the value destroyed; the killing of one's own slave involved a slight penalty or none at all. In Nicaragua no penalty was decided upon for the murder of a chief, such a crime being deemed impossible. Theft was atoned by a return of the stolen property and the payment of a fine to the public treasury. In case the criminal could not pay the full value he was sold as a slave until such time as he might be able to redeem his freedom. In some cases the amount seems to have been paid with the price he brought as a slave, and in others he served the injured party. Fines, however, in most cases seem to have been paid by the relatives and friends of the guilty party, so that the number of persons actually enslaved was perhaps not very large. In Guatemala stolen articles of trifling value went with the fine to the public treasury, since the owner would not receive them. The incorrigible thief, when his friends refused to pay his fine, was sometimes put to death; and death was also the penalty for stealing articles of value from the temple. In Nicaragua the thief who delayed too long the payment of his fine was sacrificed to the gods; and in Salvador, banishment was the punishment for trifling theft, death for stealing larger amounts. Landa informs us that in Yucatan a noble who so far forgot his position as to steal had his face scarified, a great disgrace. [Sidenote: CRIMINAL CODE.] Adultery was punished in Yucatan and Guatemala with death; in the latter if the parties were of the common people they were thrown from a precipice. Fornication was atoned by a fine, or if the affronted relatives insisted, by death. A woman who was unchaste was at first reprimanded, and finally, if she persevered in her loose conduct, enslaved. Rape in Guatemala was punished by death; an unsuccessful attempt at the same, by slavery. Marriage with a slave, as already stated, reduced the freeman to a slave's condition; sexual connection with one's own slave was not regarded as a crime. He who committed incest in Yucatan was put to death. Treason, rebellion, inciting to rebellion, desertion, interference with the payment of royal tribute, and similar offences endangering the well-being of the nations, were sufficient cause for death. In Guatemala he who kidnapped a free person and sold him into slavery, lost his life. For an assault resulting in wounds a fine was imposed. He who killed the quetzal, a bird reserved for the kings, was put to death; and the same fate was that of him who took game or fish from another's premises, if the injured party was an enemy and insisted on so severe a penalty. The Pipiles condemned a man to be beaten for lying; but the same offence in time of war demanded capital punishment, as did any disrespect shown for the sacred things of religion. Ximenez states that in Guatemala the _balam_, or sorcerer, was burned; the same offence in Vera Paz, according to Torquemada, caused the guilty party to be beaten to death or hanged. A strict payment of all just debts was enforced, and in Guatemala he who bought many things on credit and failed to pay for them was finally enslaved or even killed. Both here and in Nicaragua the borrower was obliged to return or pay for borrowed articles, and, if the articles were products of the soil, the lender might repay himself from the borrower's field. He who injured another's property, even servants in the lord's palace who broke dishes or furniture, must make good all damage. In Yucatan, we are told that a man could not be taken for debt unaccompanied by crime. Some additional laws and regulations of the Maya nations will appear in their appropriate places in other chapters.[932] FOOTNOTES: [906] See pp. 81-123 of this volume, and especially pp. 114-23, on the Maya nations. [907] Although Brasseur de Bourbourg, on the authority of some of his original MSS. perhaps, states that Xibalba in the height of its glory was ruled by thirteen princes, two of whom were kings, the second being subordinate to the first; and also that there was a council of twelve, presided over by the king. He also mentions a succession of seventeen kings after Votan. _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. i., pp. 127, 123, 95-7. [908] _Cogolludo_, _Hist. Yuc._, pp. 178-9; _Ordoñez_, _Hist. del cielo y de la Tierra_, MS.; _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. i., pp. 78-80. [909] 'Si moria el señor, aunque le succediesse el hijo mayor, eran siempre los demas hijos muy acatados, y ayudados y tenidos por señores.' _Landa_, _Relacion_, p. 112. 'Si quando el señor moria no eran los hijos para regir y tenia hermanos, regia de los hermanos el mayor o el mas desenbuelto y al heredero mostravan sus costumbres y fiestas para quando fuesse hombre y estos hermanos, aunque el eredero fuesse para regir, mandavan toda su vida, y sino avia hermanos, elegian los sacerdotes y gente principal un hombre sufficiente para ello.' _Id._, p. 138. Brasseur de Bourbourg, in his French translation of this passage, gives a different meaning from what I deem the correct one as given in my text. He understands that the brother succeeded in any case. 'Ce n'étaient pas ses fils qui succédaient au gouvernement, mais bien l'aîné de ses frères,' and also that the person appointed by the priests if there was no brother, ruled only during the heir's minority, 'jusqu'à la majorité de l'héritier,' all of which may be very reasonable, but certainly is not found in the Spanish text. [910] 'Organisait les conseils de la religion et de l'état qui devaient, après lui, nommer son successeur.' _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. ii, pp. 53-6; _Remesal_, _Hist. Chyapa_, p. 256. [911] 'Todos los señores tenian cuenta con visitar, respetar, alegrar a Cocom, acompañandole y festejandole y acudiendo a el con los negocios arduos.' _Landa_, _Relacion_, p. 40. A kind of mayordomo called Caluac, whose badge of office was a thick short stick, was the agent through whom the lord performed the routine duties of his position. _Ib._ 'Concertavan las cosas, y negocios principalmente de noche.' _Id._, p. 112. 'Fuè todo el Reyno de Yucatàn, y sus Provincias, con el Nombre de Mayapàn, desde que los Indios fueron à èl y le poblaron, sujeto à vn solo Rey, y Señor absoluto, con Govierno Monarquico. No durò esto poco tiempo, sino por muchos Años.' _Villagutierre_, _Hist. Conq. Itza_, p. 28. Among the Itzas Cortés was visited by 'el Canek, con treinta y dos Principales.' _Id._, p. 46. 'Despues llamó el Canek à Consejo à todos sus Capitanes, y Principales.' _Id._, p. 91. 'Vno, como à modo, ò forma de Trono pequeño, en que èl solia estar.' _Id._, p. 105. 'Vna Corona de Plumas, de varios colores.' _Id._, p. 349. Yucatan 'regido de Señores Particulares, que es el Estado de los Reies: Governavanse por Leies, y costumbres buenas; vivian en Paz, y en Justicia, que es Argumento de su buen Govierno.' _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., p. 345. Brasseur refers to Torquemada, tom. xi., cap. xix., on Yucatan Government, but that chapter relates wholly to Guatemala. 'Quando los Señores de la Ciudad de Mayapàn dominaban, toda la tierra les tributaba.' In later times they attached much importance to their royal blood. _Cogolludo_, _Hist. Yuc._, p. 179. 'Dizese, que vn Señor de la Ciudad de Mayapàn, cabeça de el Reyno, hizo matar afrentosamente à vn hermano suyo, porque corrompió vna doncella.' _Id._, p. 182. See also on the system of government in Yucatan: _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. ii., lib. iv., cap. vii., dec. iv., lib. x., cap. ii-iv.; _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. ii., pp. 16-17, 38, 46, 53-6, 72; _Las Casas_, in _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. viii., p. 147; _Morelet_, _Voyage_, tom. i., pp. 182-4; _Pimentel_, _Mem. sobre la Raza Indígena_, p. 27; _Carbajal Espinosa_, _Hist. Mex._, tom. i., p. 262; _Ternaux-Compans_, in _Nouvelles Annales des Voy._, 1843, tom. xcvii., pp. 45-6, 146; _Fancourt's Hist. Yuc._, pp. 55-6, 115-16. [912] 'It was ordained that the eldest son of the king (that is, of the first king who founded the monarchy) should inherit the crown; upon the second son the title of _Elect_ was conferred, as being the next heir to his elder brother; the sons of the eldest son received the title of Captain senior, and those of the second Captain junior. When the king died, his eldest son assumed the sceptre, and the Elect became the immediate inheritor; the Captain senior ascended to the rank of Elect, the Captain junior to that of Captain senior, and the next nearest relative to that of Captain junior.' _Juarros_, _Hist. Guat._, pp. 188-9. 'Luego el Capitan menor, entraba por maior, y metian otro en el que avia vacado del Capitan menor, que ordinariamente era el Pariente mas cercano.' _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., pp. 338-41. 'Restait alors la charge d'Ahau-Ah-Tohil; elle était conférée au fils aîné du nouveau monarque.' _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. ii., pp. 547, 103, 496. 'Luego que el primero subió al reino, mandó el padre (the first king) que el segundo fuese capitain, y mandó por ley, que si fuesen cuatro, que el primero reinase, el segundo fuese como principe, el tercero capitan general, y el cuarto capitan segundo, y que muerto el primero, reinasen todos por su órden, si se alcanzasen en vida.' Note, 'Bien clara está la descendencia de padres á hijos de todos tres hermanos.' _Ximenez_, _Hist. Ind. Guat._, _Escolios_, pp. 195-6. [913] _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. ii., pp. 549-50, 534, with reference to _Roman_, _Repub. de los Indios_, tom. ii., cap. viii. Titles in Atitlan. _Ternaux-Compans_, _Voy._, série i., tom. x., p. 416. 'Las Prouincias de Tazulatlan, gente belicosa y braua, si bien con pulicia, porque viuian en poblaciones formadas, y gouierno de Republica.' _Dávila_, _Teatro Ecles._, tom. i., p. 148. Tazulatlan, or Tuzulutlan, was the province of Rabinal. _Remesal_, _Hist. Chyapa_, p. 147. [914] 'Aqui havia muy grandes, y sumptuosas comidas, y borracheras.' 'Sentaban al nuevo Electo en vna estera mui pintada.' _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., pp. 342, 338-45. 'In one of the saloons stood the throne, under four canopies of plumage, the ascent to it was by several steps.' _Juarros_, _Hist. Guat._, p. 88. The twenty-four counsellors 'carried the emperor on their shoulders in his chair of state whenever he quitted his palace.' _Id._, p. 189. 'No se diferenciaba el rey de Guatemala ó de Utatlán de los otros en el trage, sino en que él traia horadadas las orejas y narices, que se tenia por grandeza.' _Ximenez_, _Hist. Ind. Guat._, pp. 197, 196. [915] 'Tenia el rey ciertos varones de gran autoridad y opinion, que eran como oidores, y conocian de todos los pleitos y negocios que se ofrecian;' they collected the royal revenues and attended to the expenses of the royal family. 'Tenia en cada pueblo grande sus cancillerias con sus oidores, que eran las cabezas de calpul; pero no era muy grande la comision que tenian.' 'Poderosos Señores, los quales esperaban su confirmacion de sus estados del dicho rey.' 'Aun en las cosas pequeñas y de poca importancia entraban en consulta.' 'Unos como alquaciles que servian de llamar y convocar al pueblo.' _Ximenez_, _Hist. Ind. Guat._, pp. 196-7, 201-2. The king's lieutenants 'tenian su jurisdicion limitada, la qual no era mas, que la que el Señor, ò Rei les concedia, reservando para si, y su Consejo las cosas graves.' These lieutenants held their positions for life if they were qualified and obedient, but to hold them they must have been promoted from lower offices. 'El consejo no era de qualesquiera Personas, sino de aquellas, que mas cursadas estaban en la misma cosa, de que se trataba.' They sometimes called in the aid of foreign nations to depose a tyrant. _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., pp. 339-40, 343, 386. 'There was no instance of any person being appointed to a public office, high or low, who was not selected from the nobility.' _Juarros_, _Hist. Guat._, pp. 190-1. Some members of the councils were priests when religious interests were at stake. _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec iv., tom. viii., cap. x. 'Les personnes ou officiers qui servaient le souverain à la cour se nommaient Lolmay, Atzihunac, Calel, Ahuchan. C'étaient les facteurs, les contador, et trésoriers.' _Ternaux-Compans_, _Voy._, série i., tom. x., p. 418. 'De l'assemblée des princes des maisons de Cawek, d'Ahau-Quiché et de Nihaïb, réunis avec le Galel-Zakik, et l'Ahau-Ah-Tzutuha, se composait le conseil extraordinaire du monarque.' _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. ii., pp. 548-9. The king 'constitua vingt-deux grandes dignités, auxquelles il éleva les membres de la haute aristocratie.' _Id._, pp. 496-7. [916] Lists of the nobility. _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Popol Vuh_, pp. 337-47; _Id._, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. i., pp. 430-32. [917] 'Nunca tuvieron Rei, sino solo elegian los Sacerdotes cada Año dos Capitanes, que eran como Governadores, à quien todos obedecian, aunque era maior el respeto, i veneracion, que tenian à los Sacerdotes.' _García_, _Orígen de los Ind._, p. 329; a statement repeated in _Pimentel_, _Mem. sobre la Raza Indígena_, p. 27; and _Heredia y Sarmiento_, _Sermon_, p. 84. García refers to _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. iv., lib. x., cap. xi., where the only statement on the subject is that 'son muy respetados los principales.' [918] 'No doubt there were individual chiefs who possessed a power superior to the others, exercising a great influence over them, and perhaps arrogating a qualified authority.' _Squier's Cent. Amer._, pp. 331-4; _Palacio_, _Carta_, p. 78. [919] _Oviedo_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. iv., pp. 36-8, 52, 54, 104, 108, 110, tom. iii., p. 231; _Squier's Nicaragua_, (Ed. 1856,) vol. ii., pp. 340-6; _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. iii., lib. iv., cap. vii.; _Peter Martyr_, dec. vi., lib. iii.; _Scherzer_, _Wanderungen_, p. 64. [920] On the status of the priesthood see: _Landa_, _Relacion_, pp. 42, 54, 56, 114, 160, 354; _Cogolludo_, _Hist. Yuc._, p. 198; _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. iii., lib. iv., cap. vii., dec. iv., lib. viii., cap. x., lib. x., cap. ii.; _Oviedo_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. iv., p. 56; _Las Casas_, _Hist. Apologética_, MS., cap. cxxxiii.; _Palacio_, _Carta_, pp. 62, 64; _Ximenez_, _Hist. Ind. Guat._, pp. 200-1; _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. i., pp. 74, 79, tom. ii., pp. 6, 10, 19, 33, 40, 48, 114, 551-6. [921] 'L'idée de la supériorité de caste est tellement évidente dans le _Popol-Vuh_, par example, que le _peuple_, c'est-à-dire la masse étrangère aux tribus quichées, n'est jamais désigné que sous des nommes d'animaux; ce sont les fourmis, les rats, les singes, les oiseaux, etc.' _Viollet-le-Duc._, in _Charnay_, _Ruines Amér._, p. 88. 'Acostumbravan buscar en los pueblos los mancos y ciegos y que les davan lo necesario.' _Landa_, _Relacion_, p. 40. 'Y los señores dauan Gouernadores a los pueblos, a los quales encomendauan mucho la paz, y buen tratamiento de la genta menuda.' _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. iv., lib. x., cap. ii. '_Achih_ ... signifie régulièrement héros, guerrier; il semble toutefois s'appliquer à ceux qui n'appartenaient point à l'aristocratie, mais à une classe intermédiaire entre la noblesse et les serfs ou paysans.' _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Popol Vuh_, pp. 92-3, 324-5; _Id._, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. ii., pp. 56-58. Among the Pipiles 'los que no eran para la guerra, cultivaban las tierras millpas del cazique i papa i sacerdotes, i de las propias suyas davan un tanto para la gente de guerra.' _Palacio_, _Carta_, p. 82. Beggars mentioned in Nicaragua. _Gomara_, _Hist. Ind._, fol. 264. [922] _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. ii., pp. 35, 41, 70. 'Cocom fue primero el que hizo esclavos pero por deste mal se siguio usar las armas con que se defendieron para que no fuessen todos esclavos.' _Landa_, _Relacion_, p. 50. [923] 'En las guerras, que por su ambicion hazian vnos à otros, se cautiuaban, quedando hechos esclauos los vencidos, que cogian. En esto eran rigurosissimos, y los trataban con aspereza.' _Cogolludo_, _Hist. Yuc._, pp. 181-2; _Carrillo_, in _Soc. Mex. Geog., Boletin_, 2da época, tom. iii., p. 267; _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. ii., p. 70; _Cortés_, _Cartas_, p. 421; _Las Casas_, in _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. viii., p. 144. In Nicaragua, Helps tells us that only the common captives were enslaved, the chiefs being killed and eaten. _Span. Conq._, vol. iii., p. 257. [924] 'Acaesçe que venden los padres á los hijos, é aun cada uno se puede vender á sí proprio, si quiere é por lo que quisiere.' _Oviedo_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. iv., pp. 51, 54; _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. iii., lib. iv., cap. vii.; _Squier's Nicaragua_, (Ed. 1856.) vol. ii., p. 345. Bienvenida says that in Yucatan as soon as the father dies the strongest of those who remain enslave the others. In _Ternaux-Compans_, _Voy._, série i., tom. x., p. 331. [925] _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. iii., lib. iv., cap. vii.; _Gomara_, _Hist. Ind._, fol. 264; _Cogolludo_, _Hist. Yuc._, pp. 181-2; _Pimentel_, _Mem. sobre la Raza Indígena_, p. 34; _Fancourt's Hist. Yuc._, p. 117. [926] _Las Casas_, in _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. viii., pp. 136, 144; _Herrera_, _Gomara_, and _Pimentel_, ubi sup. [927] _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., p. 387; _Las Casas_, ubi sup.; _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. iv., lib. viii., cap. x., lib. x., cap. iv.; _Palacio_, _Carta_, pp. 80-2; _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. ii., pp. 70, 573; _Ternaux-Compans_, in _Nouvelles Annales des Voy._, 1843, tom. xcvii., pp. 46-7; _Cogolludo_, _Hist. Yuc._, p. 182; _Gage's New Survey_, p. 414; _Oviedo_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. i., p. 204. [928] 'Las tierras por aora es de comun, y assi el que primero las ocupa las possee.' _Landa_, _Relacion_, p. 130. 'Las tierras eran comunes, y assi entre los Pueblos no auia terminos, ò mojones, que las dividiessen: aunque si entre vna Provincia, y otra, por causa de las guerras.' _Cogolludo_, _Hist. Yuc._, p. 180. Las Casas, in _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. viii., p. 139, speaks of boundary marks between the property of different owners. 'Les habitations était pour la plupart dispersées sans former de village.' _Ternaux-Compans_, in _Nouvelles Annales des Voy._, 1843, tom. xcvii., p. 45. 'Leur qualité de seigneurs héréditaires ne les rendait pas, pour cela, maîtres du sol ni propriétaires des habitants.' _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. ii., pp. 56-8. 'Property was much respected (in Nicaragua); but ... no man could put up his land for sale. If he wished to leave the district, his property passed to the nearest blood relation, or, in default, to the municipality.' _Boyle's Ride_, vol. i., p. 274; _Squier's Nicaragua_, (Ed. 1856,) vol. ii., p. 345; _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. iii., lib. iv., cap. vii. [929] 'Los indios no admittian las hijas a heredar con los hermanos sino era por via de piedad o voluntad.' _Landa_, _Relacion_, pp. 136-8. 'Mejorauan al que mas notablemente auia ayudado al padre, a ganar el hazienda.' _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. iv., lib. x., cap. iv., dec. iii., lib. iv., cap. vii.; _Cogolludo_, _Hist. Yuc._, p. 180; _Carrillo_, in _Soc. Mex. Geog., Boletin_, 2da época, tom. iii., pp. 267-8; _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. ii., p. 70; _Pimentel_, _Mem. sobre la Raza Indígena_, p. 36; _Oviedo_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. iv., p. 50; _Squier_, in _Palacio_, _Carta_, p. 119. [930] 'Hanno abondanza di cottone, & ne fanno manti che sono come lenzuoli, e camisette senza maniche, e questo s'è il principal tributo che danno à suoi patroni.' _Benzoni_, _Hist. Mondo Nuovo_, fol. 99. 'El tributo era mantas pequeñas de algodon, gallinas de la tierra, algun cacao, donde se cogia, y vna resina, que seruia de incienso en los Templos, y todo se dize era muy poco en cantidad.' _Cogolludo_, _Hist. Yuc._, p. 179. 'Allende de la casa hazian todo el pueblo a los señores sus sementeras, y se las beneficiavan y cogian en cantidad que le bastava a el y a su casa.' _Landa_, _Relacion_, pp. 110-12, 130-2. 'Sus mayordomos ... que recibian los tributos, y los dauan a los señores.' _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. iv., lib. x., cap. ii. Some authors speak of a tribute of virgins and of a coin called _cuzcas_. _Carbajal Espinosa_, _Hist. Mex._, tom. i., p. 262. 'Jamais l'impôt n'était réparti par tête, mais par ville, village ou hameau.' _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. ii., pp. 57-8, 33, 553. In Guatemala, 'en lo tocante á las rentas del rey y Señores, habia este órden, que todo venia á un montón, y de allí le daban al rey su parte, despues daban á los Señores, segun cada uno era, y despues daban á los oficiales, y á quienes el rey hacia mercedes.' _Ximenez_, _Hist. Ind. Guat._, pp. 201-2. 'Ils possédaient les esclaves mâles ou femelles que ces sujets leur payaient en tribut.' _Ternaux-Compans_, _Voy._, série i., tom. x., pp. 416-17; _Id._, in _Nouvelles Annales des Voy._, 1843, tom. xcvii., p. 45; _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., pp. 345, 386; _Oviedo_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. iv., p. 104; _Squier's Nicaragua_, (Ed. 1856,) vol. ii., p. 341; _Morelet_, _Voyage_, tom. i., p. 195. [931] _Cogolludo_, _Hist. Yuc._, pp. 180-1; _Ternaux-Compans_, in _Nouvelles Annales des Voy._, 1843, tom. xcvii., p. 46; _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. ii., pp. 70-1; _Carrillo_, in _Soc. Mex. Geog., Boletin_, 2da época, tom. iii., p. 268. [932] On the Maya laws see: _Landa_, _Relacion_, pp. 132-4, 176-8; _Ximenez_, _Hist. Ind. Guat._, pp. 196-200, 208; _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., pp. 338-46, 386-92; _Las Casas_, in _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. viii., pp. 135-46; _Cogolludo_, _Hist. Yuc._, pp. 179-83; _Palacio_, _Carta_, pp. 80-2; _Oviedo_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. iii., pp. 229-30, tom. iv., pp. 50-1; _Peter Martyr_, dec. iv., lib. ii.; _Villagutierre_, _Hist. Conq. Itza_, p. 162; _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. iv., lib. viii., cap. x., dec. iii., lib. iv., cap. vii.; _Juarros_, _Hist. Guat._, pp. 191-2; _Gomara_, _Hist. Ind._, fol. 263-4; _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. ii., pp. 59-61, 572-4; _Squier's Nicaragua_, (Ed. 1856,) vol. ii., p. 345; _Id._, _Cent. Amer._, p. 334; _Ternaux-Compans_, _Voy._, série i., tom. x., pp. 417-18; _Id._, in _Nouvelles Annales des Voy._, 1843, tom. xcvii., pp. 46-7; _Helps' Span. Conq._, vol. iii., pp. 256-7; _Fancourt's Hist. Yuc._, pp. 116-17; _Pimentel_, _Mem. sobre la Raza Indígena_, pp. 29-34. CHAPTER XXI. EDUCATION AND FAMILY MATTERS AMONG THE MAYAS. EDUCATION OF YOUTH--PUBLIC SCHOOLS OF GUATEMALA--BRANCHES OF STUDY IN YUCATAN--MARRYING AGE--DEGREES OF CONSANGUINITY ALLOWED IN MARRIAGE--PRELIMINARIES OF MARRIAGE--MARRIAGE CEREMONIES--THE CUSTOM OF THE DROIT DU SEIGNEUR IN NICARAGUA--WIDOWS--MONOGAMY--CONCUBINAGE--DIVORCE--LAWS CONCERNING ADULTERY--FORNICATION--RAPE--PROSTITUTION--UNNATURAL CRIMES--DESIRE FOR CHILDREN--CHILDBIRTH CEREMONIES--RITE OF CIRCUMCISION--MANNER OF NAMING CHILDREN--BAPTISMAL CEREMONIES. The Maya nations appear to have been quite as strict and careful in the education of youth as the Nahuas. Parents took great pains to instruct their children to respect old age, to reverence the gods, and to honor their father and mother.[933] They were, besides, encouraged while mere infants to amuse themselves with warlike games, and to practice with the bow and arrow. As they grew older, the children of the poor people were taught to labor and assist their parents. The boys were in their childhood educated by the father, who usually taught them his own trade or calling; the girls were under the especial care of the mother, who, it is said, watched very closely over the conduct of her daughters, scarcely ever permitting them to be out of her sight. Children of both sexes remained under the immediate control of their parents until they were of an age to be married, and any disobedience or contumacy was severely punished, sometimes even with death. The boys in Guatemala slept under the portico of the house, as it was thought improper that they should observe the conduct and hear the conversation of married people.[934] In Yucatan, also, the young people were kept separate from their elders. In each village was an immense whitewashed shed, under the shelter of which the youths of the place amused themselves during the day, and slept at night.[935] The various little events in a child's life which among all peoples, savage or civilized, are regarded as of so great importance by anxious mothers, such as its being weaned, its first step, or its first word, were celebrated with feasts and rejoicing; the anniversaries of its birthday were also occasions of much merry-making. The first article that a child made with its own hands was dedicated to the gods.[936] In Yucatan children went naked until they were four or five years old, when the boys were given a breech-clout to wear and a piece of cloth to sleep under; girls began at the same age to wear a petticoat reaching from the waist downward.[937] In Guatemala children were left naked till they were eight or ten years of age, at which time they were required to do light labor.[938] As soon as a child reached the age of seven years, it was taken by its father to the priest, who foretold its future destiny and instructed it how to draw blood from its body, and perform other religious observances.[939] [Sidenote: EDUCATION OF CHILDREN.] The Mayas entrusted the more advanced education of youth entirely to the priesthood. In Guatemala the youths assisted the priests in their duties, and received, in turn, an education suited to their position in life. There were schools in every principal town, at which youths were instructed in all necessary branches by competent teachers. The principal of these was a seminary in which were maintained seventy masters, and from five to six thousand children were educated and provided for at the expense of the royal treasury.[940] Girls were placed in convents, under the superintendence of matrons who were most strict in their guardianship. It is said that they entered when eight years old, and were not free until about to be married.[941] In Yucatan, social distinctions seem to have been more sharply defined than in Guatemala. Here, the schools of learning were only open to the children of the nobility; a poor man was content to teach his son his own trade or profession. The children of the privileged classes were, however, very highly educated. The boys were initiated, we are told, into the mysteries and strange rites of their religion; they studied law, morals, music, the art of war, astronomy, astrology, divination, prophecy, medicine, poetry, history, picture-writing, and every other branch of knowledge known to their people. The daughters of the nobles were kept in strict seclusion, and were carefully instructed in all the accomplishments required of a Maya lady.[942] In Yucatan, the young men usually married at the age of twenty years.[943] In Guatemala, Las Casas tells us that the men never married until they were thirty, notwithstanding he has previously made the extraordinary assertion that the great prevalence of unnatural lusts made parents anxious to get their children wedded as early as possible.[944] Girls among the higher classes must have been married at a very early age in Guatemala, since it is related that when a young noble espoused a maiden not yet arrived at the age of puberty, her father gave him a female slave, to lie with him until the wife reached maturity. The children of this slave could not inherit his property, however.[945] The Guatemalans recognized no relationship on the mother's side only, and did not hesitate to marry their own sister, provided she was by another father.[946] Thus, if a noble lady married an inferior in rank or even a slave, the children belonged to the order of the father, and not of the mother.[947] Torquemada adds that they sometimes married their sisters-in-law and step-mothers.[948] [Sidenote: DEGREES OF KINDRED.] Among the Pipiles, of Salvador, an ancestral tree, with seven main branches, denoting degrees of kindred, was painted upon cloth, and within these seven branches, or degrees, none were allowed to marry, except as a recompense for some great public or warlike service rendered. Within four degrees of consanguinity none, under any pretext, might marry.[949] In Yucatan there was a peculiar prejudice against a man marrying a woman who bore the same name as his own, and so far was this fancy carried that he who did this was looked upon as a renegade and an outcast. Here, also, a man could not marry the sister of his deceased wife, his step-mother, or his mother's sister, but with all other relatives on the maternal side, no matter how close, marriage was perfectly legitimate. A Yucatec noble who wedded a woman of inferior degree, descended to her social level, and was dispossessed of a part of his property, and deprived of his rank.[950] In Nicaragua no one might marry within the first degree of relationship, but beyond that there was no restriction.[951] The question of dowry was settled in Guatemala by the relatives of the young couple.[952] The Yucatec son-in-law served his father-in-law for four or five years, and the omission of such service was considered scandalous;[953] while in Nicaragua the dower was usually paid in fruit or land.[954] Each of the Maya nations seems to have had a method of arranging marriages peculiar to itself. In Guatemala the whole affair was managed by the nearest relatives of the betrothed pair, who were kept in profound ignorance of the coming event, and did not even know each other until the day of the wedding. It seems incredible that the young men should have quietly submitted to having their wives picked out for them without being allowed any voice or choice in the matter. Yet we are told that so great was their obedience and submission to their parents, that there never was any scandal in these things. If this be the case, what a strange phenomenon Guatemalan society must have been, with no love affairs, no wooing permitted, and Cupid a banished boy. But, for all that, many a Guatemalan youth may have looked coldly upon his bride as he thought of another and, to him, fairer face, and many a loyal young wife may have been sometimes troubled with the vision of a comely form that she had admired before she saw her lord. [Sidenote: PRELIMINARIES OF MARRIAGE.] When a man of rank wished to marry his son, he sent a number of his friends with presents to the parents of the young girl upon whom his choice had fallen. If the presents were refused it was a sign that the offer of alliance was declined, and no farther steps were taken in the matter; but if they were accepted it showed that the match was thought a desirable one. In the latter case, a few days having elapsed, another embassy, bearing more costly gifts than before, was dispatched to the parents of the girl, who were again asked to give their consent to the marriage. Finally, a third deputation was sent, and this generally succeeded in satisfactorily arranging the affair. The two families then commenced to treat each other as relations, and to visit each other for the purposes of determining the day of the wedding and making preparations for the event. Among the lower classes the father usually demanded the bride of her parents in person.[955] It was customary among the Pipiles of Salvador for the father of the boy, after having obtained the consent of the girl's parents to the match, to take her to his house when she was twelve years of age, and his son fourteen, and there educate and maintain her as if she were his own child. In return he was entitled to her services and those of his son, until they were able to sustain themselves, and of a suitable age to marry. The parents of the couple then jointly made them a present of a house and gave them the means to start in life. Thereafter, if the young man met his father-in-law in the street, he crossed to the other side of the way, and the girl paid the same courtesy to her mother-in-law.[956] In the greater part of Nicaragua matches were arranged by the parents, but there were certain independent towns in which the girls chose their husbands from among the young men, while the latter were sitting at a feast.[957] I have already alluded to the fact that if in Guatemala or Yucatan a young man married into a rank lower than his own he lost caste in consequence, hence his parents were the more careful to select for him a bride from among the maidens of his own standing in society. Among the Mayas of Yucatan when the day appointed for a marriage ceremony arrived, the invited friends assembled at the house of the bride's father, where the betrothed couple with their parents and the officiating priest were already waiting. For the joyful occasion a great feast was prepared, as it was customary to incur a large expense in food and wine for the entertainment of invited guests. When all were present, the priest called the bride and bridegroom with their parents before him and delivered to them an address concerning the duties of the wedded state. He then offered incense and certain prayers to the gods, concluding the ceremony by asking a blessing from heaven for the newly wedded couple.[958] No ceremonies took place when a widow or widower was married; in such case a simple repast or the giving of food and drink one to another was deemed sufficient to solemnize the nuptials.[959] [Sidenote: MARRIAGE CEREMONIES.] It was customary in Guatemala, when all preliminaries of a marriage had been settled and the day fixed for the wedding, for the bridegroom's father to send a deputation of old women and principal men to conduct the bride to his house. One of those sent for this purpose carried her upon his shoulders, and when they arrived at a certain designated point near the bridegroom's home, she was met by other men also chosen by her father-in-law, who offered incense four or five times before her and sacrificed some quail or other birds to the gods, at the same time giving thanks for her safe arrival. As soon as she came to the house she was seated with much ceremony upon a couch covered with mats or rich carpets; immediately a number of singers began a song suited to the occasion; musicians played on their instruments; dancers came forth and danced before her.[960] The consent of the cacique had to be obtained to all marriages that were celebrated in his territory; before the ceremony the priest desired the young man and his bride to confess to him all the sins of their past life. No person was allowed to marry in Yucatan until the rite of baptism had been administered.[961] In Guatemala, if the betrothed belonged to the higher classes of society, the cacique joined their hands and then tied the end of the man's mantle to a corner of the woman's dress, at the same time advising them to be faithful and loving toward each other. The ceremony ended, all partook of the wedding feast and the bride and bridegroom were carried to the house intended for them, upon the shoulders of some of those who had assisted at the marriage; they were then conducted to the bridal chamber and, as Ximenez tells us, received instructions from two of the most honored old women respecting certain marital duties.[962] The marriage ceremonies of the Pipiles were simple and unique; matches were made by the cacique and carried into effect under his direction. At the appointed time the kinsfolk of the bride proceeded to the house of the bridegroom, whence he was borne to the river and washed. The relatives of the bride performed the same act of cleansing upon the person of the bride. The two parties with their respective charges then repaired to the house of the bride. The couple were now tied together by the ends of the blankets, in which they were enfolded naked and laid away--married.[963] After the ceremony an interchange of presents took place between the relatives of the newly married couple and they all feasted together. Among the civilized nations of Nicaragua, when a match was arranged to the satisfaction of the parents, some fowls were killed, cacao was prepared, and the neighbors were invited to be present. The father, mother, or whoever gave away the bride, was asked in presence of the assembled guests whether or not she came as a virgin; if the answer was in the affirmative, and the husband afterwards found that she had been already seduced, he had the right to return her to her parents and she was looked upon as a bad woman; but if the parents answered that she was not a virgin, and the man agreed to take her for a wife, the marriage was valid.[964] When they were to be united the cacique took the parties with his right hand by the little fingers of their left hands and led them into the house set apart for marriages, leaving them, after some words of advice, in a small room, where there was a fire of candlewood. While the fire lasted they were expected to remain perfectly still, and not until it was burned out did they proceed to consummate the marriage. The following day if the husband made no objection in respect to the girl's virginity, the relations and friends assembled and expressed their gratification with loud cries of joy, and passed the day in feasting and pleasure.[965] [Sidenote: DROIT DE SEIGNEUR.] Notwithstanding the disgrace attached to a woman who had lost her virginity before marriage and concealed the fact, we are assured by Andagoya that in Nicaragua a custom similar to the European 'droit du seigneur' was practiced by a priest living in the temple, who slept with the bride during the night preceding her marriage.[966] A widow was looked upon as the property of the family of her deceased husband, to whose brother she was invariably married, even though he might have a wife of his own at the time. If she had no brother-in-law, then she was united to the nearest living relative on her husband's side.[967] In Yucatan, the widow could not marry again until after a year from her husband's death.[968] Monogamy seems to have been the rule among the Maya nations, and many authors assert positively that polygamy did not exist. It was only in the border state of Chiapas that the custom is mentioned by Remesal. To compensate for this, concubinage was largely indulged in by the wealthy. The punishment for bigamy was severe, and consisted, in Nicaragua, of banishment and confiscation of the entire property for the benefit of the injured wife or husband, who was at liberty to marry again, a privilege which was not, however, accorded to women who had children. Landa tells us that the Chichen Itza kings lived in a state of strict celibacy, and Diaz relates that a tower was pointed out to him on the coast of Yucatan, which was occupied by women who had dedicated themselves to a single life.[969] With their loveless marriages it was fortunate that divorce could be obtained on very slight grounds. In Yucatan, says Landa, the father would, after a final separation, procure one wife after another to suit the tastes of his son. If the children were still of tender age at the time the parents separated, they were left with the mother; if grown up, the boys followed the father, while the girls remained with the mother. It was not unusual for the husband to return to the wife after a while, if she was free, regardless of the fact that she had belonged to another in the meantime.[970] In Guatemala the wife could leave her husband on the same slight grounds as the man, and if she refused to return to him after being requested to do so, he was allowed to marry again; she was then considered free, and held of no little consequence. In Nicaragua the husband decided whether the children were to remain with him or the divorced wife.[971] [Sidenote: INTERCOURSE OF THE SEXES.] The Mayas seem to have dealt more leniently with adulterers than the Nahuas. In Guatemala, the married man who committed adultery with a maiden was, upon complaint of the girl's relations, compelled to pay as a fine from sixty to one hundred rare feathers. It generally happened, however, that the friends of the woman were careful to keep the matter secret, as such a scandal would cause great injury to her future prospects. If a married man was known to sin with a married woman or a widow, both were for the first or even the second offence merely warned, and condemned to pay a fine of feathers; but if they persevered in their crime, then their hands were bound behind their backs, and they were forced to inhale the smoke of a certain herb called _tabacoyay_, which, although very painful, was not a fatal punishment. The single man who committed adultery with a married woman was obliged to pay to the parents of the latter the amount which her husband had paid for her; doubtless this fine was handed over to the injured husband, who, in such a case, repudiated his wife. It sometimes happened, however, that the husband did not report the matter to the authorities, but gave his unfaithful wife a bird of the kind which was used in sacrifices, and told her to offer it to the gods, and, with her companion in crime, to confess and be forgiven. Such a husband was regarded as a most virtuous and humane man.[972] A noble lady taken in adultery was reprimanded the first time, and severely punished or repudiated for the second offence. In the latter case she was free to marry again.[973] It was a capital crime to commit adultery with a lord's wife; if he who did so was a noble, they strangled him, but if he was a plebeian, they flung him down a precipice.[974] Cogolludo says that among the Itzas the man and woman taken in adultery were put to death. The woman was taken beyond the limits of the town to a place where there were many loose stones. There she was bound to a post, and the priest who had judged her having cast the first stone, and the injured husband the second, the crowd that was never missing on such occasions joined so eagerly in the sport that the death of their target was a speedy one. The male adulterer, according to the same account, was also bound to a post, and shot to death in the same manner with arrows.[975] [Sidenote: ADULTERY AND FORNICATION.] In Vera Paz, incorrigible adulterers were enslaved.[976] In Nicaragua, the faithless wife was repudiated by her husband, and not allowed to marry again, but she had the right of retaining her dowry and effects. The adulterer was severely beaten with sticks, by the relations of the woman he had led astray. The husband appears to have taken no part in the matter.[977] In Yucatan, adultery was punished with death. According to Cogolludo, offenders of both sexes were shot to death with arrows; Landa tells us that the man was killed with a stone by the husband of his paramour, but the woman was punished with disgrace only. It is said that in more ancient times adulterers were impaled or disemboweled. But so great was the horror in which the Yucatecs held this crime, that they did not always wait for conviction, but sometimes punished a suspected person by binding him, stripping him naked, shaving off his hair, and thus leaving him for a time.[978] Among the Pipiles of Salvador he who made advances to a married woman, and did nothing worse, was banished, and his property was confiscated. The adulterer, if we may believe Palacio,[979] was put to death; Squier says he became the slave of the dishonored husband.[980] Simple fornication was punished with a fine, to be paid in feathers of a certain rare bird, which, by the laws of Vera Paz at least, it was death to kill without express permission, as its plumage formed a most valuable article of trade with the neighboring provinces.[981] But if any complaint was raised, such as by a father in behalf of his daughter, or by a brother for his sister, the seducer was put to death, or at least made a slave.[982] In Yucatan, death seems to have been the inevitable fate of the seducer.[983] In Guatemala and Salvador, consummated rape was punished with death. He who merely attempted rape was enslaved.[984] In Nicaragua, the penalty for this crime was not so severe, since he who committed it was only obliged to compensate pecuniarily the parents of his victim; though if he could not do this he became their slave. He who ravished the daughter of his employer or lord was, however, always put to death.[985] Incest is said to have been an unknown crime.[986] Public prostitution was tolerated, if not encouraged, among all the Maya nations. In every Nicaraguan town there were establishments kept by public women, who sold their favors for ten cocoa-nibs, and maintained professional bullies to protect and accompany them at home and abroad. Parents could prostitute their daughters without shame; and it is said, further, that during a certain annual festival, women, of whatever condition, could abandon themselves to the embrace of whomever they pleased, without incurring any disgrace.[987] It was no unusual thing for parents of the lower orders to send their daughters on a tour through the land, that they might earn their marriage portion by prostitution.[988] [Sidenote: UNNATURAL VICES.] All the old writers appear anxious to clear the civilized aborigines from the charge of sodomy, yet the fact that no nation was without strict laws regarding this unnatural vice, combined with the admissions reluctantly made by the reverend fathers themselves, seems to show that pederasty certainly was not unknown. Thus, Las Casas says that sodomy was looked upon as a great and abominable sin in Vera Paz, and was not known until a god,[989] called by some Chin, by others Cavil, and again by others Maran, instructed them by committing the act with another deity. Hence it was held by many to be no sin, inasmuch as a god had introduced it among them. And thus it happened that some fathers gave their sons a boy to use as a woman; and if any other approached this boy he was treated as an adulterer. Nevertheless, if a man committed a rape upon a boy, he was punished in the same manner as if he had ravished a woman. And, adds the same writer, there were always some who reprehended this abominable custom.[990] In Yucatan certain images were found by Bernal Diaz which would lead us to suppose that the natives were at least acquainted with sodomy,[991] but here again the good father[992] takes up the cudgels in behalf of his favorites. In Nicaragua sodomites were stoned to death.[993] The desire to possess children seems to have been very general, and many were the prayers and offerings made by disappointed parents to propitiate the god whose anger was supposed to have deferred their hopes. To further promote the efficacy of their prayers, the priest enjoined upon man and wife to separate for a month or two, to adhere to a simple diet, and abstain from salt.[994] Several superstitious observances were also regarded; thus, among the Pipiles, a husband should avoid meeting his father-in-law, or a wife her mother-in-law, lest issue fail them.[995] These observances tend the more to illustrate their longing to become parents, since the women are said to have been very prolific. The women were delivered with little difficulty or pain,[996] yet a midwife was called in, who attended to the mother's wants, and facilitated parturition by placing a heated stone upon the abdomen. In Yucatan an image of _Ixchel_, the goddess of childbirth, was placed beneath the bed. Among the Pipiles and in Guatemala, the woman was confessed when any difficulty arose, and it not unfrequently happened that an officer of justice took advantage of such opportunities to obtain criminating evidence. If the wife's confession alone did not have the desired effect, the husband was called upon to avow his sins; his maxtli was besides laid over the wife, and sometimes blood was drawn from his tongue and ears, to be scattered towards the four quarters with various invocations.[997] After delivery a turkey hen was immolated, and thanks rendered to the deity for the happy issue. The midwife thereupon washed the child, placed a bow and arrow in its hands, if a boy, a spindle, if a girl, and drew a mark upon its right foot, so that it might become a good mountaineer. [Sidenote: CHILDBIRTH AND CIRCUMCISION.] The birth of a son was celebrated with especial rejoicings, and extensive invitations issued for the feasts that took place on or about the day when the umbilical cord was to be cut,[998] a ceremony which seems to have borne the same festive character as baptism among the Nahuas and other nations. The _ahgih_, astrologer, was asked to name a favorable day for the rite. The cord was then laid upon an ear of maize to be cut off with a new knife and burned. The grains were removed from the cob and sown at the proper season; one half of the yield to be made into gruel and form the first food of the child aside from the mother's milk, the other half to be sent to the ahgih, after reserving a few grains for the child to sow with his own hands when he grew up, and make an offering thereof to his god. At the same time a kind of circumcision may have been performed, a rite which could not, however, have been very general, if indeed it ever existed, for Cogolludo positively asserts that it never was practiced in Yucatan, and Landa thinks that the custom of slitting the foreskin, which the devout performed before the idol, may have given rise to the report. Palacio asserts that certain Indians in Salvador are known to have scarified themselves as well as some boys in the same manner.[999] [Sidenote: NAMING THE CHILDREN.] The naming of the child was the next important affair. Among the Pipiles it was taken to the temple on the twelfth day, over a road strewn with green branches,[1000] and here the priest gave it the name of its grandfather or grandmother, after which offerings of cacao and fowl were presented to the idol, and some gifts to the minister. In Guatemala the child was named after the god to whom the day of its birth was dedicated, for it was not thought desirable to call it after the parents; other names were, however, applied afterwards, according to circumstances.[1001] Las Casas adds that the parents lost their name on the birth of the first son and daughter, the father being called 'father of Ek,' or whatever might be the name of the son, and the mother receiving the cognomen of 'mother of Can,' etc.[1002] The Itzas gave their children a name formed of the combined names of the father and mother, that of the latter standing first; thus, in Canek, _can_ is taken from the mother's name, _ek_ from the father's. In Yucatan, the former home of this people, the custom was almost the same, except that _na_ was prefixed to the names of the parents; thus, Na-Chan-Chel denoted son of Chel and Chan, but as the name of the father, according to Landa, was perpetuated in the son only, not in the daughter, it follows that the girl could not have been named in the same order; it is possible that the mother's name was placed last, and served as surname in their case. In later years this name was not usually imposed until the time of baptism; but in earlier times a distinctive name was given by the priest at the time of taking the horoscope, shortly after birth. The name of the father was borne till the marriage day, the names of both parents being assumed after that event.[1003] On the conclusion of the above ceremonies, the Guatemalan or Pipile infant and mother were taken to a fountain or river, near a fall if possible, to be bathed, and during the bath incense, birds, or cacao were offered to the water, apparently with a view of gaining the good will of the god of that element. The utensils which had served at the birth, such as warming stone, cups, and knife, were thrown into the water at the same time.[1004] The mothers were good and patient nurses, suckling their infants for over three years, for the habit of taking warm morning drinks, the exercise of grinding maize, and the uncovered bosom, all tended to produce large breasts and an abundant supply of milk. Otherwise the children received a hardy training, clothing being dispensed with, and the bare ground serving for a couch. When working, the mother carried them on her back; in Yucatan, however, they were usually borne across the hip, and for this reason a large number became bow-legged. Landa also mentions another deformity, that produced by head-flattening, which is to be noticed on the sculptures of the Maya ruins.[1005] [Sidenote: BAPTISMAL CEREMONIES.] It is related by all the old Spanish historians, that when the Spaniards first visited the kingdom of Yucatan they found there traces of a baptismal rite; and, strangely enough, the name given to this rite in the language of the inhabitants, was _zihil_, signifying 'to be born again.' It was the duty of all to have their children baptized, for, by this ablution they believed that they received a purer nature, were protected against evil spirits and future misfortunes. I have already mentioned that no one could marry unless he had been baptised according to their customs; they held, moreover, that an unbaptised person, whether man or woman, could not lead a good life, nor do anything well. The rite was administered to children of both sexes at any time between the ages of three and twelve years. When parents desired to have a child baptised they notified the priest of their intentions. The latter then published a notice throughout the town of the day upon which the ceremony would take place, being first careful to fix upon a day of good omen. This done, the fathers of the children who were to be baptised, selected five of the most honored men of the town to assist the priest during the ceremony. These were called _chacs_.[1006] During the three days preceding the ceremony the fathers and assistants fasted and abstained from women. When the appointed day arrived, all assembled with the children who were to be baptised, in the house of the giver of the feast, who was usually one of the wealthiest of the parents. In the courtyard fresh leaves were strewn, and there the boys were ranged in a row in charge of their godfathers, while in another row were the girls with their godmothers. The priest now proceeded to purify the house with the object of casting out the devil. For this purpose four benches were placed one in each of the four corners of the courtyard, upon which were seated four of the assistants holding a long cord that passed from one to the other, thus enclosing part of the yard; within this enclosure were the children and those fathers and officials who had fasted. A bench was placed in the centre, upon which the priest was seated with a brazier, some ground corn, and incense. The children were directed to approach one by one, and the priest gave to each a little of the ground corn and incense, which, as they received it, they cast into the brazier. When this had been done by all, they took the cord and brazier, with a vessel of wine, and gave them to a man to carry outside the town, with injunctions not to drink any of the wine, and not to look behind him; with such ceremony the devil was expelled.[1007] The yard was then swept clean, and some leaves of a tree called _cihom_, and of another called _copo_, were scattered over it. The priest now clothed himself in long gaudy-looking robes, consisting, according to Landa, of a jacket of red feathers with flowers of various colors embroidered thereon; hanging from the ends were other long feathers, and on his head a coronet of plumes. From beneath the jacket long bands of cotton hung down to the ground. In his hand he held some hyssop fastened to a short stick. The chacs then put white cloths upon the children's heads and asked the elder if they had committed any sins; such as confessed that they had, were then placed apart. The priest then ordered the people to sit down and be silent; he next blessed the boys, and offering up some prayers, purified them with the hyssop with much solemnity. The principal officer who had been elected by the fathers, now took a bone, and having dipped it in a certain water, moistened their foreheads, their features, and their fingers and toes.[1008] After they had been thus sprinkled with water the priest arose and removed the cloths from the heads of the children, and then cut off with a stone knife a certain bead that was attached to the head from childhood; they were then given by one of the assistants some flowers to smell, and a pipe through which they drew some smoke, after which they were each presented with a little food, and a vessel full of wine was brought as an offering to the gods, who were entreated to receive it as a thanksgiving from the boys; it was then handed to one of the officials, who had to drink it at one draught. A similar ceremony took place with the female children, at the conclusion of which their mothers divested them of a cord, which was worn during their childhood, fastened round the loins, having a small shell that hung in front. The removal of this signified that they could marry as soon as their parents permitted.[1009] The children were then dismissed, and their fathers distributed presents among those who had assisted at the ceremony. A grand banquet called _emku_, or 'the descent of god,' was then held, and during the nine succeeding days the fathers of the children fasted, and were not to approach their wives.[1010] [Sidenote: DOMESTIC DISCIPLINE.] The Nicaraguan husbands are said to have been so much under the control of their wives that they were obliged to do the housework while the women attended to the trading. The latter were, moreover, great shrews, and would on the slightest provocation drive their offending husbands out of the house; we are told that it was no unusual occurrence for the neighbors to be suddenly called in to appease some unfortunate man's Xanthippe.[1011] The women of Yucatan were renowned for their modesty and conjugal faithfulness. Landa, one of the first bishops of Yucatan, relates an anecdote illustrating this trait. Alonso Lopez de Avila, during the war against Bacalar, took prisoner a very beautiful Indian girl. Struck by her beauty the captor endeavored by all means to induce her to gratify his desires, but in vain. She had promised her warrior-husband, who during those perilous times was constantly face to face with death, that none but he should ever call her wife; how then, while perhaps he yet lived, could she become another's mistress. But such arguments did not quench the Spaniard's lust, and as she remained steadfast, he ordered her to be cast among the bloodhounds, who devoured her--a martyr at the hands of the men who pretended to preach Jesus Christ, and him crucified.[1012] FOOTNOTES: [933] They were taught, says Las Casas, 'que honrasen á los padres y les fuesen obedientes; que no tuviesen codicia de muchos bienes; que no adulterasen con muger agena; que no fornicasen, ni llegasen á muger, sino á la que fuese suya; que no mirasen á las mugeres para codiciarlas, diciendo que no traspasasen umbral ageno; que si anduviesen de noche por el pueblo, que llevasen lumbre en la mano; que siguiesen su camino derecho, que no bajasen de camino, ni subiesen tampoco del; que á los ciegos no les pusiesen ofendiculo para que cayesen; á los lisiados no escarneciesen y de los locos no se riesen, porque todo aquello era malo; que trabajen y no estubiesen ociosos; y para esto desde niños les enseñavan como havian de hacer las sementeras y como beneficiallas y cogellas.' _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. viii., p. 132. Brasseur de Bourbourg remarks that the respectful term of _you_ instead of _thou_, is frequently used by children when addressing their parents, in the Popol Vuh. _Popol Vuh_, p. 96. The old people 'eran tan estimados en esto que los moços no tratavan con viejos, sino era en cosas inevitables, y los moços por casar; con los casados sino muy poco.' _Landa_, _Relacion_, p. 178. [934] 'Dormian en los portales no solo cuando hacian su ayuno, mas aun casi todo el año, porque no les era permitido tratar ni saber de los negocios de los casados, ni aun sabian cuando habian de casarse, hasta el tiempo que les presentaban las mugeres, porque eran muy sujetos y obedientes á sus padres. Cuando aquestos mancebos iban á sus casas a ver á sus padres ... tenian su cuenta de que no hablasen los padres cosa que fuese menos honesta.' _Ximenez_, _Hist. Ind. Guat._, p. 181. [935] _Landa_, _Relacion_, p. 178. [936] _Las Casas_, _Hist. Apologética_, MS., cap. clxxix.; _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. ii., p. 569. [937] _Landa_, _Relacion_, p. 180. [938] _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. iv., lib. x., cap. xiv.; _Juarros_, _Hist. Guat._, p. 195. [939] _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. ii., p. 569. [940] _Juarros_, _Hist. Guat._, p. 87; _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. ii., p. 569. [941] _Ximenez_, _Hist. Ind. Guat._, p. 194; _Juarros_, _Hist. Guat._, p. 195; _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. ii., p. 569. [942] _Landa_, _Relacion_, pp. 42-4; _Carrillo_, in _Soc. Mex. Geog., Boletin_, 2da época, tom. iii., p. 269; _Morelet_, _Voyage_, tom. i., p. 191; _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. ii., pp. 61-2. [943] _Dávila_, _Teatro Ecles._, tom. i., p. 203; _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. ii., p. 52; Herrera, _Hist. Gen._, dec. iv., lib. x., cap. iv., says that in later times they married at twelve or fourteen. [944] _Las Casas_, in _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. viii., p. 135. [945] _Ximenez_, _Hist. Ind. Guat._, p. 208. This is the same passage that Brasseur de Bourbourg, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. ii., p. 572, cites as _Roman_, _Rep. Ind._, tom. ii., cap. x. [946] 'Los Indios de la Vera-Paz muchas veces, segun el Parentesco, que vsaban, era fuerça que casasen Hermanos con Hermanas, y era la raçon esta: Acostumbraban no casar los de vn Tribu, ò Pueblo, con las Mugeres del mismo Pueblo, y las buscaban, que fuesen de otro; porque no contaban por de su Familia, y Parentesco los Hijos que nacian en el Tribu ò Linage ageno, aunque la Muger huviese procedido de su mismo Linage; y era la raçon, porque aquel Parentesco se atribuìa à solo los Hombres. Por manera, que si algun Señor daba su Hija à otro de otro Pueblo, aunque no tuviese otro heredero este Señor, sino solos los Nietos, Hijos de su Hija, no los reconocia por Nietos, ni Parientes, en raçon de hacerlos herederos, por ser Hijos del otro Señor de otros Pueblos y asi se le buscaba al tal Señor, Muger que fuese de otro Pueblo, y no de el proprio. Y asi sucedia, que los Hijos de estas Mugeres, no tenian por Parientes à los Deudos de su Madre, por estàr en otro Pueblo, y esto se entiende, en quanto à casarse con ellas, que lo tenian por licito, aunque en lo demàs se reconocian. Y porque la cuenta de su Parentesco era entre solos los Hombres, y no por parte de las Mugeres. Y por esto no tenian impedimento, para casarse, con los tales Parientes; y asi se casaban con todos los grados de Consanguinidad, porque mas por Hermana tenian qualquiera Muger de su Linage, aunque fuese remotisima, y no tuviese memoria del grado, en que le tocaba, que la Hija de su propia Madre, como fuese havida de otro Marido, y por este error se casaban, con las Hermanas de Madre, y no de Padre.' _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., p. 419. [947] _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. ii., p. 572. [948] _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., p. 419. [949] 'En lo que tocava al parentesco, tenian un arbol pintado, i en el siete ramos que signifacava siete grados de parentesco. En estos grados no se podia casar nadie, i esto se entendia por linea recta si no fuese que alguno huviese fecho algun gran fecho en armas, i havia de ser del tercero grado fuera; i por linea traversa tenia otro arbol con quatro ramos que significaban el quarto grado, en estos no se podia casar nadie.... Qualquiera que tenia quenta carnal con parienta en los grados susodichos morian por ello ambos.' _Palacio_, _Carta_, p. 80; _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. iv., lib. viii., cap. x.; _Squier's Cent. Amer._, p. 334. [950] _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. iv., lib. x., cap. iv.; _Landa_, _Relacion_, pp. 134-6, 140; _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. ii., p. 61. [951] _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., p. 419; _Squier's Nicaragua_, (Ed. 1856,) vol. ii., p. 343. [952] _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. ii., p. 570. [953] _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. ii., p. 53. 'Los dotes eran de vestidos, y cosas de poca sustancia, lo mas se gastaua en los combites.' _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. iv., lib. x., cap. iv. [954] _Oviedo_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. iv., p. 50; _Squier's Nicaragua_, (Ed. 1856,) vol. ii., p. 343. [955] _Ximenez_, _Hist. Ind. Guat._, pp. 204-6; _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. ii., pp. 569-71. [956] _Palacio_, _Carta_, p. 78; _Squier's Cent. Amer._, p. 321. [957] _Gomara_, _Hist. Ind._, fol. 263; _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. iii., lib. iv., cap. vii.; _Squier's Nicaragua_, (Ed. 1856,) vol. ii., p. 343. [958] 'Haziase vna platica de como se auia tratado, y mirado aquel casamiento, y que quadraua: hecha la platica el Sacerdote sahumaua la casa; y con oraciones bendezia a los nouios, y quedauan casados.' _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. iv., lib. x., cap. iv. [959] _Ib._; _Landa_, _Relacion_, p. 142. [960] 'Llegada á casa, luego la ponian y asentaban en un tálamo bien aderezado, y comenzaban grandes bailes y cantares y otros regocijos muchos, con que la fiesta era muy solemne.' _Ximenez_, _Hist. Ind. Guat._, p. 206; _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. ii., pp. 570-1. [961] 'Sin él ninguno se casaba.' _Veytia_, _Hist. Ant. Mej._, tom. i., p. 183; _Cogolludo_, _Hist. Yuc._, p. 191; _Juarros_, _Hist. Guat._, p. 196. [962] 'A la noche, dos mugeres honradas y viejas metíanlos en una pieza, y enseñàbanlos como habian de haberse en el matrimonio.' _Ximenez_, _Hist. Ind. Guat._, p. 206. [963] Palacio says they were each wrapped in a new white mantle. 'Ambos los enbolvian cada qual en su manta blanca nueva.' _Carta_, p. 78. See also _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. iv., lib. viii., cap. x.; _Squier's Cent. Amer._, p. 333. [964] 'Si la tomo por virgen, y la halla corrompida, desecha la, mas no de otra manera.' _Gomara_, _Hist. Ind._, fol. 263; _Oviedo_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. iv., p. 49. [965] 'Los novios se están quedos, mirando cómo aquella poca tea se quema; é acabada, quedan casados é ponen en efetto lo demás.' _Oviedo_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. iv., p. 50. 'En muriendose la lumbre, quedan casados.' _Gomara_, _Hist. Ind._, fol. 263; _Squier's Nicaragua_, (Ed. 1856,) vol. ii., p. 343; _Boyle's Ride_, vol. i., p. 273. [966] 'La noche ántes habia de dormir con la novia uno que tenian por papa.' _Andagoya_, in _Navarrete_, _Col. de Viages_, tom. iii., p. 414; _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. iii., lib. v., cap. xii. Oviedo perhaps alludes to this custom when he says: 'Muchos hay que quieren más las corrompidas que no las vírgenes.' _Hist. Gen._, tom. iv., p. 50; _Malte-Brun_, _Précis de la Géog._, tom. vi., p. 472. [967] 'Comunmente estas gentes compraban la muger, y aquellos dones que llevaban, era el precio, y así la muger jamas volvía á casa de sus padres aunque enviudase; porque luego el hermano del muerto la tomaba por muger _aunque él fuese casado_, y si el hermano no era para ello, un pariente tenia derecho á ella. Los hijos de las tales mugeres no tenian por deudos á los tales abuelos, ni á los demas deudos de las madres, porque la cuenta de su parentesco venia por linea de varones, y así no tenian impedimentos para casarse con los parientes de sus madres, esto se entiende para contraer matrimonio; que en lo demas amábanse y queríanse unos à otros.' _Ximenez_, _Hist. Ind. Guat._, p. 207; _Las Casas_, in _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. viii., p. 146; _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., p. 388; _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. ii., pp. 571-2. [968] 'No se casavan despues de viudos un año, por no conocer hombre a muger en aquel tiempo, y a los que esto no guardavan, tenian por poco templados y que les vendria por esso algun mal.' _Landa_, _Relacion_, p. 156. [969] _Diaz_, _Itinéraire_, in _Ternaux-Compans_, _Voy._, série i., tom. x., p. 13. 'Todos toman muchas mugeres, empero vna es la legitima,' says Gomara, _Hist. Ind._, fol. 263, in speaking of Nicaragua. 'Comunmente cada uno tiene una sola muger, é pocos son los que tienen más, exçepto los prinçipales ó el que puede dar de comer á más mugeres; é los caçiques quantas quieren.' _Oviedo_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. iv., p. 37. The word 'muger' evidently means women who lived with the man, the wife and concubines, for, on p. 50, it is stated that only one legitimate wife was allowed. The punishment for bigamy helps to bear this out. _Villagutierre_, _Hist. Conq. Itza_, pp. 310, 499. 'Nunca los yucataneses tomaron mas de una.' _Landa_, _Relacion_, pp. 142, 341. This view is also taken by Cogolludo, _Hist. Yuc._, p. 193, who adds, however: 'Contradize Aguilar en su informe lo de vna muger sola, diziendo, que tenian muchas;' but this may refer to concubines. Brasseur de Bourbourg, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. ii., p. 55, says: 'La pluralité des femmes étant admises par la loi,' and gives _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. iv., lib. x., cap. iv., as his authority; but this author merely refers to concubinage as being lawful. [970] _Landa_, _Relacion_, pp. 138-40. 'Tenian grandes pendencias, y muertes sobre ello,' says Herrera, _Hist. Gen._, dec. iv., lib. x., cap. iv., referring to their married life. [971] _Oviedo_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. iv., p. 50; _Las Casas_, in _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. viii., p. 146; _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. ii., p. 572. [972] _Las Casas_, _Hist. Apologética_, in _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. viii., pp. 137-8. [973] _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. ii., p. 572. [974] _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., p. 387. 'Acontecio quexarse vn Indio contra vn Alcalde de su nacion, que sin pedimento suyo hauia castigado a su muger por ocho adulterios, y hechole pagar a el la condenacion, de manera que aliende de su afrenta, le lleuaua su dinero.' _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. iv., lib. viii., cap. viii. 'Cuando queria que la muger se huia y se iba con otro, ó por sencillas se volvia en casa de sus padres, requeríala el marido que volviese, y si no queria, él se podia casar luego con otra, porque en este caso las mugeres eran poderosas y libres. Algunos sufrian un año aguardándolas; pero lo comun era casarse luego, porque no podian vivir sin mugeres, á causa de no tener quien les guisese de comer.' _Ximenez_, _Hist. Ind. Guat._, p. 200. [975] _Cogolludo_, _Hist. Yuc._, p. 699. [976] 'Quando las mugeres eran halladas en adulterio, la primera vez eran corregidas de palabra; y si no se enmendaban, repudiábanlas; y si era Señor, hermano ó pariente del Señor de la tierra, luego en dejándola, se podia casarse con quien quisiere. Los vasallos hacian tambien esto muchas veces, pero tenian un poco de mas paciencia, porque las corregian dos y cinco veces, y llamaban á sus parientes para que las reprehendiesen. Pero si eran incorregibles, denunciaban ellas delante del Señor, el cual las mandaba comparecer ante sí y hacianlas esclavas, y la misma pena se daba á las que no querian hacer vida con sus maridos.' _Ximenez_, _Hist. Ind. Guat._, pp. 208-9. [977] Oviedo asserts that the husband avenged his own honor. The Friar asks: '¿Qué pena le dan al adúltero, que se echa con la muger de otro?' The Indian answers: 'El marido della riñe con él é le da de palos; pero no lo mata.' _Hist. Gen._, tom. iv., p. 50. Squier, _Nicaragua_, (Ed. 1856,) vol. ii., p. 343, says that the woman was also severely flogged, but this does not seem to have been the case. See _Gomara_, _Hist. Ind._, fol. 263; _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. iii., lib. iv., cap. vii.; _Boyle's Ride_, vol. i., p. 273. [978] _Cogolludo_, _Hist. Yuc._, p. 182; _Landa_, _Relacion_, pp. 48, 176; _Ternaux-Compans_, in _Nouvelles Annales des Voy._, 1843, tom. xcvii., p. 46; _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. iv., lib. x., cap. ii.; _Fancourt's Hist. Yuc._, p. 117. [979] _Carta_, p. 80. [980] _Cent. Amer._, p. 334. [981] _Las Casas_, _Hist. Apologética_, MS., in _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. viii., pp. 137, 144; _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., p. 387. [982] _Las Casas_, in _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. viii., p. 144; _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., p. 388. [983] _Cogolludo_, _Hist. Yuc._, p. 182. [984] _Las Casas_, in _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. viii., p. 144; _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., p. 388; _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. iv., lib. viii., cap. x.; _Palacio_, _Carta_, p. 82; _Squier's Cent. Amer._, p. 334. [985] _Gomara_, _Hist. Ind._, fol. 263; _Oviedo_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. iv., p. 51; _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. iii., lib. iv., cap. vii.; _Squier's Nicaragua_, (Ed. 1856,) vol. ii., p. 343. [986] _Oviedo_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. iv., p. 51; _Squier's Nicaragua_, (Ed. 1856,) vol. ii., p. 343. [987] _Oviedo_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. i., pp. 252, 316, tom. iv., pp. 37, 51; _Gomara_, _Hist. Ind._, fol. 263-4; _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. iii., lib. iv., cap. vii.; _Müller_, _Amerikanische Urreligionen_, p. 663; _Squier's Nicaragua_, (Ed. 1856,) vol. ii., pp. 343-4; _Boyle's Ride_, vol. i., p. 273. 'Dado que e vido que en otras partes de las Indias usavan del nefando peccado en estas tales casas, en esta tierra (Yucatan) no e entendido que hiziessen tal, ni creo lo hazian, porque los llagados desta pestilencial miseria dizen que no son amigos de mugeres como eran estos, ca a estos lugares llevavan las malas mugeres publicas, y en ellos usavan dellas, y las pobres que entre esta gente acertava a tener este officio no obstante que recibian dellos gualardon, eran tantos los mocos que a ellas acudian que las traian acossadas y muertas.' _Landa_, _Relacion_, p. 178. [988] _Andagoya_, in _Navarrete_, _Col. de Viajes_, tom. iii., p. 414; _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. iii., lib. v., cap. xii.; _Squier's Nicaragua_, (Ed. 1856,) vol. ii., p. 344; _Boyle's Ride_, vol. i., pp. 273-4. [989] A demon, Las Casas calls him, but these monks spoke of all the New World deities as 'demons.' [990] _Las Casas_, in _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. viii., p. 138. Before this he writes: 'Y es aqui de saber, que tenian por grave pecado el de la sodomia como abajo dirémos, y comunmente los padres lo aborrecian y prohibian á los hijos. Pero por causa de que fuesen instruidos en la religion, mandavanles dormir en los templos donde los mozos mayores en aquel vicio á los niños corrompian. Y despues salidos de alli mal acostumbrados, dificil era librarlos de aquel vicio. Por esta causa eran los padres muy solicitos de casarlos quan presto podian, por los apartar de aquella corrupcion vilissima aunque casallos muchachos contra su voluntad y forzados, y solamente por aquel respeto lo hacian.' _Id._, pp. 134-5. [991] _Cogolludo_, _Hist. Yuc._, p. 180. [992] 'Otro acerrimo infamador de estas naciones, que Dios Nuestro Señor haya, en cuya historia creo yo que tuvo Dios harto poca parte, dixo ser indicio notorio de que aquellas gentes eran contaminadas del vicio nefando por haver hallado en cierta parte de aquella tierra, hechos de barro ciertos idolos uno encima de otro. Como si entre nuestros pintores ó figulos no se finjan cada dia figuras feas y de diversos actos, que no hay sopecha por nadie obrarse, condenarlos todos por aquello, haciendolos reos de vicio tan indigno de se hablar, no carece de muy culpable temeridad, y asi lo que ariba dije tengo por la verdad, y lo demas por falsos testimonios dignos de divino castigo.' _Las Casas_, in _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. viii., p. 147. [993] _Oviedo_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. iv., p. 51; _Squier's Nicaragua_, (Ed. 1856,) vol. ii., p. 343. [994] 'Que comiesen el pan seco ó solo maiz, ó que estuviesen tantos dias en el campo metidos en alguna cueva.' _Ximenez_, _Hist. Ind. Guat._, p. 193. [995] _Palacio_, _Carta_, p. 78. [996] In Vera Paz 'las mugeres paren como cabras, muchas vezes a solas, tendidas en el suelo: otras por los caminos, y luego se van a lauar al rio.' _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. iv., lib. x., cap. xiv.; _Landa_, _Relacion_, p. 192. [997] 'Le hazian dezir sus pecados i si no paria, hazia que se confesase el marido, i si no podia con esto, si havia dicho i confesado que conofia alguno, ivan á casa de aquel i traian de su casa la manta é pañetes i ceiñola á la preñada paraque pariese.' _Palacio_, _Carta_, p. 76; _Las Casas_, in _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. viii., p. 139. [998] It would seem that the child remained with the navel-string attached to it until a favorable day was selected for performing the ceremony of cutting it. 'Echaban suertes para ver que dia seria bueno para cortar el ombligo.' And further on: 'Muchos tribus de indios de Centro-America conservan hasta hoy al nacimiento de un niño el uso de quemarle el ombligo; costumbre barbara de que mueron muchos niños.' This would indicate that the cord was burned while attached to the infant. _Ximenez_, _Hist. Ind. Guat._, pp. 193-4; _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., p. 448. [999] In Cezori 'ciertos Indios idolatraron en un monte en sus terminos, i entre ellos que uno se harpó i hendió su miembro, i que circuncidaron quatro muchachos de doze años para arriba al uso judaico, i la sangre que salio dellos la sacrificaron á un idolo.' _Palacio_, _Carta_, p. 84. 'Se harpavan el superfluo del miembro vergonçoso, dexandolo como las orejas, de lo qual se engaño el historiador general de las Indias, diziendo que se circumcidian.' _Landa_, _Relacion_, pp. 162-3. 'Ni aquellos Religiosos Dominicos, ni el Obispo de Chiapa, haziendo tan particular inquisicion, hazen memoria de auer hallado tal cosa ... los Indios, ni estos tienen tradicion de que vsassen tal costumbre sus ascendientes.' _Cogolludo_, _Hist. Yuc._, p. 191. 'They are Circumcised, but not all.' _Peter Martyr_, dec. iv., lib. i. Circumcision was 'un usage général dans l'Yucatan, observé de temps immémorial: elle était pratiquée sur les petits enfants dès les premiers jours de leur naissance.' _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. ii., p. 51. This positive and isolated assertion of the Abbé must be founded upon some of his MSS., as usual. [1000] 'Cortarban ramos verdes en que pisase.' _Palacio_, _Carta_, p. 76. [1001] Brasseur de Bourbourg, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. ii., p. 568, refers only to the first-born. 'Dabanle el nombre del Dia, en que havia nacido, ò segun lo que precediò en su Nacimiento.' _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., p. 448. _Ximenez_, _Hist. Ind. Guat._, p. 193. [1002] _Hist. Apologética_, MS., cap. clxxix. [1003] 'A sus hijos y hijas siempre llamavan del nombre del padre y de la madre, el del padre como propio y de la madre apellativo.' The pre-baptismal name was abandoned when the father's name was assumed. _Landa_, _Relacion_, pp. 136, 194. Only the few who were destined to receive the baptism obtained the distinctive name. _Medel_, in _Nouvelles Annales des Voy._, 1843, tom. xcvii., pp. 44-5; _Villagutierre_, _Hist. Conq. Itza_, p. 489. [1004] _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., p. 448. Palacio, _Carta_, p. 76, states that this ceremony was performed after the twelfth day, and that the mother only was taken to be bathed. _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. iv., lib. viii., cap. x., and _Squier's Cent. Amer._, p. 333; _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. ii., p. 568. [1005] 'Allanarles las frentes y cabeças.' 'Comunmente todos estevados, porque ... van ahorcajados en los quadriles.' _Landa_, _Relacion_, pp. 192-4, 112; _Juarros_, _Hist. Guat._, p. 195. [1006] _Chác_ or _Chaac_, was the title given to certain laymen who were elected to assist the priest in some of his religious duties. Also the name of a divinity, protector of the water and harvests. See _Landa_, _Relacion_, p. 485. [1007] Who was selected to take the wine, brazier, and cord outside the town, or what he did with it afterwards, we are not told. Cogolludo says: 'Daban à vn Indio vn vaso del vino que acostumbraban beber, y embiabanle fuera del Pueblo con èl, mandandole, que ni lo bebiesse, ni mirasse atràs, con que creìan quedaba totalmente expulso el demonio.' _Hist. Yuc._, p. 191. 'En un vaso enviaban vino fuera del pueblo, con órden al indio que no lo bebiese ni mirase atras, y con esto pensaban que habian echado al demonio.' _Veytia_, _Hist. Ant. Mej._, tom. i., p. 183; _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. iv., lib. x., cap. iv. [1008] 'Esta agua hazian de ciertas flores y de cacao mojado y desleido con agua virgen que ellos dezian traida de los concavos de los arboles o de los montes.' _Landa_, _Relacion_, p. 150. [1009] 'Los varoncillos usavanles siempre poner pegada a la cabeça en los cabellos de la coronilla una contezuela blanca, y a las muchachas traian ceñidas por las renes muy abaxo con un cordel delgado y en el una conchuela asida que les venia a dar encima de la parte honesta, y destas dos cosas era entre ellos peccado y cosa muy fea quitarla de las mochachas antes del baptismo.' _Landa_, _Relacion_, pp. 144, 146. [1010] Brasseur de Bourbourg says they feasted nine days: 'Tous ensemble, prêtres et parents, festoyaient après cela, pendant neuf jours, les pères étant obligés, durant cet intervalle, de s'abstenir de leurs femmes.' _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. ii., p. 52. He appears to have misunderstood Cogolludo, to whom he refers, since that author's words are, 'acabando la fiesta en banquetes, y en los nueve dias siguientes no auian de llegar à sus mugeres los padres de los niños.' _Hist. Yuc._, p. 191. 'Allende de los tres dias que se avia, como por ayuno, abstenido, se avia de abstener nueve mas y lo hazian inviolablemente.' _Landa_, _Relacion_, p. 154. See further: _Veytia_, _Hist. Ant. Mej._, tom. i., pp. 182-3; _Dávila_, _Teatro Ecles._, tom. i., p. 205; _Laet_, _Novus Orbis_, p. 272; _Ternaux-Compans_, in _Nouvelles Annales des Voy._, 1843, tom. xcvii., pp. 44-5. [1011] _Andagoya_, in _Navarrete_, _Col. de Viajes_, tom. iii., p. 414; _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. iii., lib. iv., cap. vii., lib. v., cap. xii.; _Oviedo_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. iv., pp. 39, 61, 103; _Malte-Brun_, _Précis de la Géog._, tom. vi., p. 472; _Gomara_, _Hist. Ind._, fol. 263. In Guatemala 'il est à remarquer ici que quand il s'agit simultanément d'hommes et de femmes dans le discours, les femmes ont presque toujours la préséance sur les hommes.' 'C'est peut-être en mémoire de la mère de Hun-Ahpu que les femmes-chefs en bien des contrées devaient leurs prérogatives.' _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Popol Vuh_, pp. 93-4. In Yucatan the women 'son zelosas y algunas tanto que ponian las manos a las de quien tenian zelos, y tan colericas, enojadas, aunque harto mansas, que solian dar buelta de pelo algunas a los maridos con hazerlo ellos pocas vezes.' _Landa_, _Relacion_, pp. 188, 190. The women of Yucatan had, however, their duties to perform. 'Son grandes travajadoras y vividoras, porque dellas cuelgan los mayores y mas trabajos de la sustentacion de sus casas y educacion de sus hijos, y paga de sus tributos y con todo esso si es menester llevan algunas vezes mayor carga, labrando y sembrando sus mantenimientos. Son a maravilla grangeras, velando de noche el rato que de servir sus casas les queda, yendo a los mercados a comprar y vender sus cosillas.'... The women joined and aided one another in the work, as weaving, etc. 'Elles avaient leurs saillies et leurs bons mots pour railler et conter des aventures et par moment aussi pour murmurer de leurs maris.' _Id._, p. 190. [1012] _Landa_, _Relacion_, p. 186. CHAPTER XXII. FEASTS AND AMUSEMENTS OF THE MAYAS. SPECIAL OBSERVANCES--FIXED FEASTS--SACRIFICE OF SLAVES--MONTHLY FEASTS OF THE YUCATECS--RENEWAL OF THE IDOLS--FEAST OF THE CHACS--HUNTING FESTIVAL--THE TUPPKAK--FEAST OF THE CACAO-PLANTERS--WAR FEAST--THE MAYA NEW YEAR'S DAY--FEASTS OF THE HUNTERS, FISHERS, AND APIARISTS--CEREMONIES IN HONOR OF CUKULCAN--FEAST OF THE MONTH OF MOL--FEAST OF THE YEARS KAN, MULUC, IX, AND CAUAC--YUCATEC SACRIFICES--THE PIT OF CHICHEN--SACRIFICES OF THE PIPILES--FEAST OF VICTORY--FEASTS AND SACRIFICES IN NICARAGUA--BANQUETS--DANCES--MUSICAL INSTRUMENTS--GAMES. Though the information concerning the feasts, religious and otherwise, of the Maya nations, is not so full as that touching the Nahuas, yet there is no doubt that the former people were quite as fond of such matters as the latter. The Quichés had many festivals and special observances, in some of which the whole people took part, while others were performed by private persons through excess of piety. They always made a sacrifice before commencing any work of importance. There were four special things for which they besought the gods; namely, long life, health, progeny, and the necessaries of life. They had particular oratories where they went upon occasions of great distress, and drew blood from several parts of their body. When they desired to have sons they sacrificed at fountains. They had oratories in thick groves, and if they found a spot where a large tree grew over a spring, they held the place to be divine, because two divinities met in the tree and in the pool.[1013] [Sidenote: SACRIFICIAL FESTIVALS.] The religious feasts in which all the people took part were held on certain fixed days of the calendar. One of their most notable and solemn festivals was more a time of penance and vigil than of feasting. When the season of its celebration approached, the lord of a province with the principal men held a council and sent for a diviner, and advised with him concerning the day upon which the sacrifice should take place. The wise man at once began his sorceries, and cast lots in order to ascertain what day would be the most propitious. When the day was fixed, all men had from that time to sleep in houses apart from their wives during a period of sixty or eighty days, or even longer, according to the severity demanded. Upon each of these days every one had to offer sacrifice by drawing blood from his arms, thighs, tongue, and other parts of his body. This they did at certain hours of the day and night, and also burned incense. They could not bathe while the observances lasted. From the day when this lent began, the slaves who were to be sacrificed were allowed a certain freedom, and permitted to go about the town wheresoever they pleased. On the neck of each, however, was fastened a ring of gold, silver, or copper, through which a stick was passed, and as a further precaution against escape each was accompanied by a guard of three or four men. They were at liberty to enter any house, whether it was that of the supreme lord or of the poorest man, and wherever they applied for food or drink it was given them. The same liberty was accorded to the guard. When the day of sacrifice arrived, the high-priest attired himself in his finest vestments. These consisted of certain cloaks, with crowns of gold, silver, or other metal, adorned with precious stones. The idols were placed upon a frame ornamented with gold, silver, and gems, and decked with roses and other flowers. The slaves were then brought in procession to the temple yard amid songs, music, and dancing; and the idols were set upon altars, before which were the sacrificial stones. As the hour of sacrifice drew near, the supreme lord, and principal men with him, repaired to the room where the slaves were waiting; each then seized his slave by the hair and carried him before the god, crying with a loud voice: O God our Lord, remember thy servants, grant them health, offspring, and prosperity, so that they may increase and serve thee. Give us rain, O Lord, and seasonable weather to support us, that we may live, hearken to our prayers, aid us against our enemies, give us comfort and rest. On reaching the altar the sacrificing priest stood ready, and the lord placed the victim in his hands. He then, with his ministers, opened the breast with the sacrificial knife, tore out the heart and offered it to the idol, at the same time anointing it with the blood. Each idol had its holy table; the Sun, the Moon, the East, the West, the North, and the South had each one. The heads of the sacrificed were put on stakes. The flesh was seasoned, cooked, and partaken of as a holy thing. The high-priest and supreme lord were given the hands and feet, as the most delicate morsels, and the body was distributed among the other priests. All through the days of the sacrificing great liberty was permitted to the people, grand banquets were held, and drunken revels ensued.[1014] Concerning the religious feasts and observances of the Yucatecs, Landa is the best and most complete authority, and I will therefore take from his work such scattered notices as he gives. In the month of Chen they worked in fear and trembling, making new idols. And when these were finished, those for whom they were made gave presents of the best they had to those who had modeled and carved them. The idols were then carried from the building in which they had been made to a cabin made of leaves, where the priest blessed them with much solemnity and many fervent prayers, the artists having previously cleansed themselves from the grease with which they had been besmeared, as a sign of fasting, during the entire time that they remained at work. Having then driven out the evil spirit, and burned the sacred incense, the newly made images were placed in a basket, enveloped in a linen cloth, and delivered to their owners, who received them with every mark of respect and devotion. The priest then addressed the idol-makers for a few moments on the excellence and importance of their profession, and on the danger they would incur by neglecting the rules of abstinence while doing such sacred work. Finally, all partook of an abundant repast, and made amends for their long fast by indulging freely in wine. In one of the two months called Chen and Yax, on a day determined by the priest, they celebrated a feast called _ocna_, which means the renovation of the temple in honor of the Chacs, whom they regarded as the gods of the fields. During this festival, they consulted the oracle of the Bacabs.[1015] This feast was celebrated every year. Besides this, the idols of baked clay and the braziers were renewed at this season, because it was customary for each idol to have its own little brazier, in which incense was burned before it; and, if it was necessary, they built the god a new dwelling, or renovated the old one, taking care to place on the walls an inscription commemorating these things, in the characters peculiar to them. [Sidenote: FESTIVALS OF ZAC AND MAC.] In the month of Zac, on a day appointed by the priest, the hunters held a feast similar to that which, as we shall presently see, took place in the month of Zip. This was for the purpose of averting the anger of the gods from them and the seed they had sown, because of the blood which had been shed in the chase; for they regarded as abominable all spilling of blood, except in sacrifice.[1016] They never went out to hunt without first invoking their gods and burning incense before them; and on their return from a successful hunt they always anointed the grim visages of the idols with the blood of the game. On another day of this month a great feast was held, which lasted for three days, attended with incense-burning, sacrifices, and general orgies. But as this was a movable feast, the priests took care to give notice of it in advance, in order that all might observe a becoming fast. During the month of Mac, the old people celebrated a feast in honor of the Chacs, gods of the cornfields, and of another deity named Yzamna. Some days before this the following ceremony, called in their language _tuppkak_,[1017] was observed. Having brought together all the reptiles and beasts of the field that could be procured in the country, they assembled with them in the court of the temple, in the corners of which were the chacs and the priests, to drive away the evil spirit, each having by his side a jug filled with water. Standing on end, in the centre, was an enormous bundle of dry and fine wood, which was set on fire after some incense had been burned. As the wood burned, the assembled crowd vied with each other in tearing out the hearts of the victims they had brought with them and casting them into the flames. If it had been impossible to procure such large game as jaguars, pumas, or alligators, they typified the hearts of these animals by incense, which they threw into the fire; but if they had them, they were immolated like the rest. As soon as all the hearts were consumed, the chacs[1018] put out the fire with the water contained in their pitchers. The object of this feast and of that which followed was to obtain an abundance of water for their cornfields during the year. This feast was celebrated in a different manner from others, because no one fasted before it, with the exception of the beadle (muñidor) of the occasion. On the day of the feast called tuppkak, the people and the priests met once more in the courtyard of the temple, where was erected a platform of stone, with steps leading up to it, the whole tastefully decorated with foliage. The priest gave some incense to the beadle, who burned in a brazier enough to exorcise the evil spirit. This done, the first step of the platform was with great solemnity smeared with mud taken from a well or cistern; the other steps were stained a blue color. As usual, they ended these ceremonies by eating and drinking and making merry, full of confidence in the efficacy of their rites and ceremonies for this year. In the month of Muan the cacao-planters held a festival in honor of the gods Ekchuah, Chac, and Hobnil, who were their patron deities.[1019] To solemnize it, they all went to the plantation of one of their number, where they sacrificed a dog having a spot on its skin of the color of cacao. They burned incense to their idols, and made offerings of blue iguanas, feathers of a particular kind of bird, and game. After this they gave to each of the officials[1020] a branch of the cacao-plant. The sacrifice being ended, they all sat down to a repast, at which, it is said, no one was allowed to drink more than three glasses of wine. All then went into the house of him who had given the feast, and passed the time pleasantly together. [Sidenote: WAR-FEAST IN THE MONTH OF PAX.] In the month of Pax, a feast was held, called Pacumchac, which was celebrated by the nobles and priests of the villages, together with those of the great towns. Having assembled, they passed five nights in the temple of Cit Chac Coh,[1021] praying and offering incense. At the beginning of these five days, they went all together to the house of the general of their armies, whose title was Nacon, and carried him in state to the temple, where, having placed him on a seat, they burned incense before him as though he had been a god. But though they prayed during these five nights, they did not by any means fast in the day-time, but ate and drank plentifully, and executed a kind of grand war-dance, which they called _holkan okot_, which is to say, 'dance of the warriors.' The five days being passed, the real business of the feast began, which, as it concerned matters of war and victory, was a very solemn affair. It was commenced with ceremonies and sacrifices similar to those already described as taking place in the month of Mac. Then the evil spirit was expelled in the usual manner, after which were more prayers, offerings, and incensing. While all this was going on, the nobles once more took the Nacon upon their shoulders, and carried him in procession round the temple. On their return a dog was sacrificed, its heart being torn out and presented to the idol between two dishes. Every one present then shattered a large jug filled with some beverage, which completed this part of the festival. The usual banquet followed, after which the Nacon was again placed upon the shoulders of the nobles and carried to his house. There, the nobles and priests partook of a grand banquet, at which all got drunk, except the Nacon; the people, meanwhile, returning to their homes. On the morrow, having slept off the effects of the wine, the guests of the Nacon received from him large presents of incense which had been previously blessed. He also took advantage of this opportunity to deliver a long discourse, in which he recommended his hearers to observe scrupulously in both town and country the feasts of the gods, in order to obtain a prosperous and abundant year. As soon as the Nacon had finished speaking, there was a general and noisy leave-taking, and the guests separated, and set out for their respective homes. There they occupied themselves in celebrating the festivals proper to the season, keeping them up sometimes until the month of Pop. These feasts were called Zabacilthan, and were observed as follows. The people of each place or district sought among the richest of their number for some who were willing to defray the expenses of the celebration, and recommended them to take the matter into consideration, because it was customary to make merry during the three last months of the year. This having been settled, all met in the house of one of these prominent men, after having driven away the evil spirit as usual. Copal was burned, offerings were made, and the wine-cup, which seems to have been the chief attraction on these occasions, was not neglected. And all through these three months, the excesses in which the people indulged were pitiful to see; cuts, bruises, and eyes inflamed with drink were plentiful amongst them; to gratify their passion for drink they cast themselves away. [Sidenote: THE MAYA NEW YEAR'S DAY.] During the last five days of the month of Cumhu, which were the last days of the year, the people seldom went out of their houses, except to place offerings in the temples, with which the priests bought incense to be burned in honor of the gods. They neither combed their hair nor washed themselves during these five days; neither men nor women cleansed themselves; they did no work of any kind lest some misfortune should befall them. [Sidenote: FESTIVITIES IN YUCATAN.] The first day of the month of Pop, the Maya New Year's Day, was a season of rejoicing, in which all the nation took part. To give more importance to the event, they renewed at this time all the articles which they used, such as plates, cups, baskets, clothes, and the dresses of the idols; they swept their houses and cast everything into the place where they put their rubbish; and no one dared to touch what was cast away, even though greatly in need of it. To prepare for this feast, princes, priests, and nobles, and all who wished to show their devotion, fasted and abstained from their wives for a longer or shorter period, some for three months preceding it, some for two, according to their ideas of propriety, but none for less than thirteen days. During this season of abstinence, they ate their meat unseasoned, which was considered severe discipline. At this time, also, they elected the officers who were to assist the priest at the ceremony. The priest prepared a number of little balls of fresh incense on small boards made for the purpose, for those who fasted to burn before the idols. Great care was taken not to break the fast after it had been once commenced; for if this were done it was thought that misfortune must inevitably ensue. New Year's Day having arrived, all the men assembled in the courtyard of the temple. Women could assist at no feast which was celebrated within the temple, except those who went to take part in particular dances; on other occasions, however, the women were allowed to be present. On the day in question the men came alone, adorned with paint, and cleansed from the grease with which they had been bedaubed during the days of penance. When all were assembled, with offerings of food and newly fermented wine, the priest purified the temple and seated himself in the centre of the court, clothed in his robes of office, and having by his side a brazier and the balls of incense before mentioned. After the evil spirit had been expelled, all present offered up prayers, while the assistants kindled the new fire for the year. The priest now cast one of the balls of incense into the brazier, and then distributed the remainder among the assembled worshipers. The nobles came first in the order of their rank, and as each received a ball from the priest, who gave it with great solemnity, he dropped it gently into the brazier and stood still until it was consumed. The inevitable banquet and orgies terminated the ceremonies. This was the manner in which they celebrated the birth of the new year. During the month, some of the most devout among them repeated the feast in their own homes, and this was particularly done by the nobles and priests, who were ever foremost in religious observances. During the month of Uo the priests and sorcerers began to prepare for a festival called _pocam_, which was solemnized by the hunters and fishers on the seventh day of the next month, which was Zip. Having assembled, clothed in their ornaments, at the house of the prince, they expelled the evil spirit, and then uncovered their books and exposed them upon a carpet of green leaves and branches, which had been prepared for this purpose. They next invoked with reverence a deity named Cinchau Yzamna, who had been, they said, the first priest.[1022] To him they offered various gifts, and burned balls of incense in his honor. In the meantime others took a vessel and a little verdigris with some pure water, which had to be procured from a wood into whose recesses no woman had ever penetrated. They now cleaned the leaves of their books by moistening them; this done, the wisest among them opened a volume and examined the prospects of the coming year, which he declared aloud to all present. He concluded with a brief discourse, in which he advised them how to avoid coming evils. Jollity now reigned and the wine flowed freely--a consummation which many of the old priest's hearers had doubtless been long looking forward to impatiently. The solemnities on this occasion were varied at times by performing a dance called _okot uil_. On the following day the doctors and sorcerers with their wives came together in the house of one of their number. The priests, having driven away the evil spirit, brought to view their medicine-bags, in which they kept a number of charms, some little images of Ixchel, goddess of medicine, from whom the feast was named _ihcil ixchel_, and some small stones called _am_, which they used in their sorceries. Then with great devotion the doctors and sorcerers invoked the gods of medicine, Yzamna, Citbolontum, and Ahau Chamahez, while the priests burned incense, and the assistants painted themselves blue, the color of the books used by the priests. Bearing their medicine bags in their hands, they then joined in a dance called _chantunyab_, after which the men seated themselves in a row on one side, and the women on the other; a day was appointed for holding the feast during the ensuing year, and then the usual drunken orgies commenced. It is said that the priests abstained from wine on this occasion, perhaps because the women were present; but they took their share, nevertheless, and reserved it for a more private opportunity. On another occasion the hunters, with their wives, assembled in the house of one of their number, and performed there certain ceremonies. The first proceeding was, of course, to expel the evil influence; then the priests, who were never absent from these meetings, placed in the middle of the room some incense, a brazier, and some blue coloring material. Next, the huntsmen prayed with great devotion to the gods of the chase, Acanum, Zuhuy Zipi, Tabai, and others, and cast incense into the brazier. While this was burning, each took an arrow and a deer's head, which the priest's assistants had painted blue; thus equipped, some danced, holding hands; others pierced their ears or their tongue, and passed through the holes which they made seven leaves of an herb called _ac_. Then priests and their assistants made offerings to the gods and joined in the dance. Finally, the festivities closed by all present becoming, to quote the words of Bishop Landa, 'as drunk as baskets.' The next day it was the turn of the fishermen to celebrate a feast, which they did in the same manner as the hunters, except that instead of a deer's head, they smeared their fishing implements with color; neither did they pierce their ears, but cut round about them, and after doing this they executed a dance called _chohom_. Then they consecrated a large tree, which they left standing. After the feast had been duly celebrated in the towns, it was customary for the nobles and many of the people to go down to the coast on a grand fishing expedition. The patron divinities of the fishermen were Ahkak Nexoi, Ahpua, Ahcitz, and Amalcum.[1023] [Sidenote: FEAST OF THE APIARISTS.] In the month of Tzoz, the apiarists prepared for a feast which was to take place in the next month, called Tzec, by a fast, which was, however, optional with all except the priests who were to officiate, and their assistants. The day of celebration having arrived, the participants came together in the house of him who gave the feast, and performed nearly the same ceremonies as the hunters and fishermen, except that they drew no blood from their bodies. The apiarists had for their patron deities the Bacabs, and particularly Hobnil. They made many propitiatory offerings at this time, especially to the four gods of abundance, to whom they presented four dishes adorned with figures of honey. The usual drunken bout was not omitted. After the mysterious departure of Cukulcan,[1024] the Maya Quetzalcoatl, from Yucatan, the people, convinced that he had gone to the abode of the gods, deified him, and built temples and instituted feasts in his honor. These latter were scrupulously observed throughout the entire country up to the time of the destruction of Mayapan; but after that event they were neglected by all the provinces but that of Mani.[1025] In remembrance, however, of the respect shown of old to Cukulcan, these provinces sent annually, by turn, to Mani four or five magnificent feather banners, which were used in the ceremonies there. On the sixteenth day of the month of Xul, all the nobles and priests of Mani, being prepared by fast and penance for the occasion, came together, and with them came a considerable multitude of people. In the evening all set out in procession from the house of the lord, and, accompanied by a large number of professional actors, proceeded slowly towards the temple of Cukulcan, which had already been decorated in a suitable manner. Upon arriving they placed the banners on high in the temple, offered prayers, and going into the courtyard spread out their idols upon green leaves and branches; then they burned incense in many places, and made offerings of meat cooked without pepper or salt, bean-soup, and calabashes. After this, those who had observed the fast did not go home, but passed five days and five nights in the temple, praying, burning copal, and executing sacred dances. During this time the actors went from one house to another, representing their plays and receiving gifts from those whom they entertained. At the end of the five days they carried all their earnings to the temple and distributed them among the watchers there. Afterwards all returned to the prince's palace, taking with them the banners and the idols. Thence each betook himself to his home. They said, and confidently believed, that Cukulcan descended from heaven on the last day of the feast and received personally the gifts which were presented to him. This festival was called _chic kaban_. During the month of Yaxkin it was the custom to prepare for a general festival, called _olohzabkamyax_, held in the month of Mol, in honor of all the gods. At this feast, after the usual preliminary rites, they smeared with blue coloring matter the instruments used in every profession, from the sacred implements of the priests to the distaffs of the women, and even the doors of their houses. Children of both sexes were daubed in the same manner, but instead of coloring their hands they gave them each nine gentle raps on the knuckles. The little girls were brought to the feast by an old woman, who for that reason was called _ixmol_, conductress. The blows were given to the children in order that they might become skilled workmen in the profession of their fathers or mothers. The usual conclusion ensued. During the month of Mol the apiarists had another festival similar to that of the month of Tzec, in order to induce their patron gods to cause the flowers to grow, from which the bees gathered honey. [Sidenote: FESTIVAL TO INSURE A CROP.] The Mayas depended so much upon the produce of the soil for their sustenance that a failure of the crops was one of the heaviest misfortunes that could fall upon them. To avoid this they made four idols, named Chichac Chob, Ek Balam Chac, Ahcan Uolcab, and Ahbuluc Balam.[1026] Having placed them in the temple, and, according to custom, burned incense before them, they presented them with two pellets of a kind of resin called _kik_, some iguanas, some bread, a mitre, a bouquet of flowers, and a stone upon which they set great value. Besides this, they erected a great wooden arch in the court, which they filled with wood, taking care to leave openings through which to pass backwards and forwards. The greater part of the men then took each a long stick of dry wood, and while a musician mounted on the top of the pile sang and beat a drum, all danced reverently and in good order, as they did so passing in and out the wood-pile. This they kept up until evening, when, leaving their sticks behind them, they went home to eat and rest. During the night they returned, and each taking his faggot, lit it and applied it to the pile, which burned fiercely and rapidly.[1027] As soon as the heap was reduced to red-hot ashes, those who had danced gathered about it, and passed barefooted over the coals, some without injury, and some with; this they believed would avert misfortune and appease the anger of the gods.[1028] It was customary in all the towns of Yucatan to erect at the limits of each of the four quarters, east, west, north, and south, two heaps of stones, facing each other, and intended to be used during the celebration of two solemn festivals, which were as follows. In the year of which the dominical letter was _kan_, the sign was _hobnil_, and, according to the Yucatecs, these both ruled in the south. They made this year, of baked earth, an idol which they called Kanu Uayeyab, and having made it they carried it out to the heaps of stones which lay towards the south. They then selected a principal man of the place, and in his house they celebrated the feast. For this purpose they made another image, of the god Bolon Zacab,[1029] and placed it in the chosen house, in a prominent place, so that all who arrived might see it. This done, the nobles, priests, and people came together, and set out by a road swept clean, ornamented with arches, and strewed with foliage, to the southern heaps of stones, where they gathered about the idol Kanu Uayeyab. The priest then incensed the god with forty-nine grains of maize, ground up and mixed with copal; the nobles next placed incense in the brazier, and burned it before the idol. The incense burned by the priest was called _zacah_, that used by the nobles, _chahalté_. When these rites were completed the head of a fowl was cut off and offered to the idol, which was now placed on a litter called _kanté_,[1030] and upon its shoulders were placed other little images, as signs of abundance of water and a good year, and these images were frightful to behold. Amid dances and general rejoicing the idol was carried towards the house where the statue of Bolon Zacab had been placed, and while the procession was on the road, the nobles and priests partook of a beverage made from four hundred and fifteen grains of roasted maize, which they called _picula kakla_. Arrived at their destination, they placed the image that they carried opposite the idol which they found there, and made many offerings of food and drink, which were afterwards divided among the strangers who were present, the officiating priest receiving only the leg of a deer. Some of the devotees drew blood from their bodies, scarified their ears, and anointed with the blood a stone idol named Kanal Acantun. They modeled a heart of dough of maize and of calabash-seeds, and offered it to the idol Kanu Uayeyab. And in this manner they honored both the idols during the entire time of the feast, burning before them incense of copal and ground maize, for they held it certain that misfortune would overwhelm them if they neglected these rites. Finally, the statue of Bolon Zacab was carried to the temple, and the other image to the western entrance of the town, where it remained until the next celebration of the feast. [Sidenote: MAYA FESTIVALS.] The ceremonies of the new year, under the sign of _muluc_, were very similar to those just described, though held in honor of other deities. A dance performed upon a high scaffolding, attended with sacrifices of turkeys; another executed by the old people, holding little baked-clay images of dogs in their hands; and the sacrifice of a peculiarly marked dog, were, however, additional features. The same may be said of the new year under the sign of _yx_, and of the new year under the sign of _cauac_, when the rites which were performed were sufficiently like those which have gone before to need no further description.[1031] The gods of the Yucatecs required far fewer human lives at the hands of their worshipers than those of the Nahuas. The pages of Yucatec history are not marred by the constant blood-blots that obscure the Nahua record. An event which in Mexico would be the death-signal to a hecatomb of human victims, would in Yucatan be celebrated by the death of a spotted dog. The office of sacrificer which in Mexico was one of the highest honors to which a priest could attain, was in Yucatan regarded as unclean and degrading.[1032] Nevertheless, the Yucatec religion was not free from human sacrifice, and although captives taken in war were used for this purpose, yet it is said that such was their devotion, that should a victim be wanting they would dedicate their children to the altar rather than let the gods be deprived of their due.[1033] But it seldom happened that more than one victim was sacrificed at a time, at least in earlier days, and even then he was not butchered as by the Nahuas, but was shot through the heart with arrows before being laid upon the sacrificial stone.[1034] [Sidenote: SACRIFICES AT CHICHEN ITZA.] At Chichen Itza human sacrifices were made in a peculiar manner. In the centre of the city was an immense pit, containing water, and surrounded on all sides by a dense grove, which served to render the spot silent and solitary, in spite of its position. A circular staircase, rudely cut in the rock, descended to the edge of the water from the foot of an altar which stood upon the very brink of the pit.[1035] At first, only animals and incense were offered here, as the teachings of Cukulcan forbade the sacrifice of human victims, but after the departure of the great Maya apostle the Yucatecs returned to the evil of their ways,[1036] and the pit of Chichen was once more polluted with human bodies. At first one victim sufficed, but the number gradually increased, until, during the later years of Maya independence, hundreds were immolated at a time. If some calamity threatened the country, if the crops failed or the requisite supply of rain was wanting, the people hastened to the pit of horror, to offer prayers and to appease the wrath of the gods with gifts of human life. On the day of sacrifice, the victims, who were generally young virgins, were taken to the temple, clothed in the garments appropriate to the occasion, and conducted thence to the sacred pit, accompanied by a multitude of priests and priestesses of all ranks. There, while the incense burned on the altar and in the braziers, the officiating priest explained to them the things for which they were to implore the gods into whose presence they were about to be introduced. A long cord was then fastened round the body of each victim, and the moment the smoke ceased to rise from the altar, all were hurled into the gulf. The crowd, which had gathered from every part of the country to see the sacrifice, immediately drew back from the brink of the pit and continued to pray without cessation for some time. The bodies were then drawn up and buried in the neighboring grove.[1037] The Pipiles had two idols, one in the figure of a man, called Quetzalcoatl, the other in the shape of a woman, called Itzqueye. Certain days of their calendar were specially set apart for each of the deities, and on these the sacrifices were made. Two very solemn sacrifices were held in each year, one at the commencement of summer, the other at the beginning of winter. At these, Herrera says, only the lords were present.[1038] The sacrifice was made in the interior of the temple, and the victims were boys between the ages of six and twelve years, bastards, born among themselves. For a day and a night previous to the sacrifice, drums and trumpets were sounded and on the day following the people assembled. Four priests then came out from the temple, each bearing a small brazier with burning incense; together they turned in the direction of the sun, and kneeling down offered up incense and prayers; they then did the same toward the four cardinal points.[1039] Their prayers finished, they retired within four small chapels built at the four corners of the temple, and there rested. They next went to the house of the high-priest, and took thence the boy who was to be sacrificed and conducted him four times round the court of the temple, dancing and singing. When this ceremony was finished, the high-priest came out of his house, with the diviner and guardian of the sanctuary, and ascended the steps of the temple, with the cacique and principal men, who, however, remained at the door of the sanctuary. The four priests now seized the boy by the arms and legs, and the guardian of the temple coming out with little bells on his wrists and ankles, opened the left breast of the victim, tore out the heart, and handed it to the high-priest, who placed it in a small embroidered purse which he carried. The four priests received the blood of the victim in four jicaras, or bowls, made from the shell of a certain fruit, and descending one after the other to the courtyard, sprinkled the blood with their right hands in the direction of the cardinal points. If any blood remained over they returned it to the high-priest, who placed it with the purse containing the heart in the body of the victim through the wound that had been made, and the body was interred in the temple. This was the ceremony of sacrifice at the beginning of each of the two seasons. [Sidenote: PIPILE FEAST OF VICTORY.] When information was received from their war chief that he had gained a victory, the diviner ascertained to which of the gods sacrifice was to be made. If to Quetzalcoatl, the ceremony lasted fifteen days; if to Itzqueye, five days; and upon each day they sacrificed a prisoner. These sacrifices were made as follows: All those who had been in the battle returned home in procession, singing and dancing, bringing with them the captives who were to be sacrificed, their wrists and ankles decorated with feathers and chalchiuites, and their necks with strings of cacao-nibs. The high-priests and other ministers went out at the head of the populace to meet them with music and dancing, and the caciques and captains delivered over those who were to be sacrificed to the high-priest. Then they all went together to the courtyard of their _teupa_, or temple, where they continued dancing day and night during the time the sacrifices lasted. In the middle of the court was a stone bench on which the victim was stretched, four priests holding him by the feet and hands. The sacrificing priest then came forward, adorned with many feathers and loaded with little bells, holding in his hand a flint knife, with which he opened the breast of the victim, tore out the heart, brandished it toward the cardinal points, and finally threw it into the air with sufficient force to cause it to fall directly in the middle of the court, saying: "Receive, Oh God, this thank-offering for the victory."[1040] This sacrifice was public and beheld by all the people. The men drew blood from their private parts, and the women from their ears, tongue, and other parts of the body; as the blood flowed it was taken up with cotton and offered by the men to Quetzalcoatl, by the women to Itzqueye. When the Pipiles were about to undertake any hunting or fishing expedition, they first made an offering to their gods. For this purpose they took a living deer,[1041] and leading it to the temple yard, they there strangled and afterwards flayed it, saving the blood in a vessel. The liver, lungs, and stomach were chopped in small pieces, which were afterwards laid aside with the heart, head, and feet. The remainder of the deer was cooked by itself, and the blood likewise, and while this was being done the people danced. The high-priest with his assistant next took the head by the ears, and each of the four priests one of the feet, while the guardian of the sanctuary put the heart into a brazier and burnt it with copal and ulli to the god who was the protector of hunting. After the dance, the head and feet were scorched in the fire before the idol and given to the high-priest to be eaten. The flesh and blood were eaten by the other ministers of the temple before the idol, and the same was done with other animals sacrificed. The entrails of fish were burned before the idol.[1042] [Sidenote: SACRIFICES IN NICARAGUA.] Among the civilized nations of Nicaragua, it would appear there were eighteen distinct festivals, corresponding with the eighteen months in their calendar.[1043] These were proclaimed by the priest, holding the instrument of sacrifice in his hand, from the steps leading to the sacrificial altar in the court of the temple. He made known who and how many were to be sacrificed, and whether they were to be prisoners taken in battle or individuals reared among themselves for the purpose.[1044] When the victim was stretched upon the stone, the officiating priest walked three times round him, singing in a doleful tone; he then opened the victim's breast, plucked out his heart, and daubed his face with the blood. He next dismembered the body and gave the heart to the high-priest, the feet and hands to the king, the thighs to him who had captured him, the entrails to the trumpeters, and the remainder to the people, that all might eat.[1045] The heads of those sacrificed were set as trophies on trees appointed for the purpose.[1046] If the person sacrificed had been bought, they buried the entrails, hands, and feet, in a gourd, and burned the heart and all the rest.[1047] As it was lawful for a father to sell his own children, and each person himself, they therefore did not eat the flesh of such sacrifices because they were their own countrymen and relations. When they ate the flesh of foreigners sacrificed, they held exciting dances, and passed the days in drunken revels and smoking, but had no sexual intercourse with their wives while the festival lasted.[1048] At certain feasts they offered blood drawn from their own bodies, with which they rubbed the beard and lips of the idol. The priests wore white cotton cloaks, some short and small, others hung from the shoulders to the heels, with bands having bags attached, in which they carried sharp stone knives, papers, ground charcoal, and certain herbs. The lay brothers bore in their hands little flags with the idol they held most in veneration painted thereon, and small purses containing powder and awls; the youths had bows and arrows, darts and shields. The idol, in form and appearance very frightful, was set upon a spear and carried by the eldest priest. The ascetics marched in file, singing, to the place of worship. They spread mantles and strewed roses and flowers, that the standards might not touch the ground. The procession halted; the singing ceased; they fell to prayer. The prelate clapped his hand; some drew blood from the tongue, others from the ears, from the privy member, or from whatever part their devotion led them. They took the blood on paper or on their fingers and smeared the idol's face. In the meantime the youths danced, leaped about, and shook their weapons. Those who had gashed themselves, cured their wounds by an application of powdered charcoal and herbs that they carried for the purpose. In these observances they sprinkled maize with the blood from their privy parts, and it was distributed and eaten as blessed bread.[1049] [Sidenote: BANQUETS OF THE PEOPLE.] Like the Mexicans the Mayas had a great predilection for entertaining each other at banquets, and it is related of them that they often spent on one such occasion a sum that it had taken them many months to earn. Seasons of betrothal and marriage were always enlivened by sumptuous feasts. Whenever any contract had to be arranged, a feast was given and the act of eating and drinking together in public and before witnesses sufficed to make such contract valid.[1050] The lords and principal men gave feasts to each other, and as it was incumbent upon all the guests to return the compliment, there must have been a continual round of feasting. Cogolludo states that meat was eaten at banquets only, and this may in some measure account for the frequency with which they occurred, and the etiquette that required the invitation to be returned. They observed a certain formality at their entertainments, seating themselves either in twos or fours. Each of the guests received a roasted fowl, some bread, and an abundance of cacao. When the meal was finished, presents were distributed to the guests, each being presented with a mantle, a small stool, and a handsome cup. Beautiful women acted as cup-bearers, and when one of these presented a cup of wine to a guest, she turned her back to him while he drank. The feast lasted until all were intoxicated, and then the wives led their drunken husbands home. When a marriage banquet, or one in commemoration of the deeds of their ancestors, was given, no return invitation was expected.[1051] Their entertainments were usually enlivened by a company of dancers and musicians, who performed dramatic representations under the leadership of one who was called _holpop_, or master of the ceremonies; he gave instructions to the actors, directed the singers and musicians, and from him all had to take their cue. The actors were called _balzam_, a name corresponding to jester or mimic. As women were not permitted to take part in the mummeries, their places were supplied by men. Their movements during the play were grave and monotonous, yet they were clever in mimicry and caricature, which they frequently made use of as a means of reproving their chief men.[1052] The plays were generally of a historical character, having for their subject the great deeds of their ancestors; their songs consisted of ballads founded upon local traditions and legendary tales.[1053] [Sidenote: MUSIC AND DANCES.] A favorite dance of the Mayas was one called _colomche_; a large number of men took part in it, sometimes as many as eight hundred. These formed a ring, and were accompanied during their movements by a number of musicians. When the dancing began, two of the actors, still keeping step with the rest, came out from the ring, one holding in his hand a bunch of wands and dancing upright, while the other cowered down, still dancing. Then he who had the wands threw them with all his force at his companion, who with great dexterity parried them with a short stick. When the two had finished, they returned to their former position in the circle, and two others took their place and went through the same performance, the rest following in their turn. They had also war dances, in which large numbers joined, the performers holding small flags in their hands.[1054] They had a variety of musical instruments, prominent among which was the _tunkul_, which was almost the same thing as the teponaztli of the Mexicans.[1055] They had other drums made of a hollow trunk and covered at one end with deer-skin, tortoise shells that they struck with deer's horns, trumpets,--some of marine shells and others of hollow canes with a calabash at the end,--whistles and flutes made from bone and cane, besides various kinds of rattles.[1056] Landa says that in every village there was a large house or rather shed, for it was open on all sides, in which the young men met for amusement.[1057] Oviedo, who witnessed some dances and games among the Nicaraguans, thus describes one he saw at Tecoatega after the harvesting of the cacao. As many as sixty persons, all men, though a number of them represented women, took part in a dance. They were painted of various colors and patterns, and wore upon their heads beautiful tufts of feathers, and about their persons divers ornaments, while some wore masks like birds' heads. They performed the dance going in couples and keeping at a distance of three or four steps between pair and pair. In the centre of a square was a high pole of more than sixty feet in height driven firmly into the ground; on the top was seated a gaudily painted idol which they called the god of the _cacaguat_, or cacao; round the top were fixed four other poles in the form of a square, and rolled upon it was a thick grass rope at the ends of which were bound two boys of seven or eight years of age. One of them had in one hand a bow and in the other a bunch of arrows; the other boy carried a beautiful feather fan and a mirror. At a certain step of the dance the boys came out from the square and the rope began to unroll; they went round and round in the air, always going further out and counterbalancing one another, the rope still unrolling. While they were descending, the sixty men proceeded with their dance to the sound of singers beating drums and tabors. The boys passed through the air with much velocity, moving their arms and legs to present the appearance of flying. When they reached the ground the dancers and singers gave some loud cheers and the festival was concluded.[1058] Another favorite amusement was a performance on a swinging bar. For this two tall forked posts were firmly planted in the ground; across them and resting in the forks a pole was strongly bound. This pole passed at right angles through a hole in the centre of a thick bar, made to revolve upon it and of very light wood; near the end of the bar were cross sticks for the performers to take hold of. A man placed himself at each end, and when the bar was set in motion they went tumbling round and round, to the delight of the spectators.[1059] FOOTNOTES: [1013] 'Los universales sacrificios se ofrecian ordinariamente cuando venian las fiestas, las cuales habia en unas provincias cinco, y en otras seis, ó se ofrecian por necesidad particular, por uno de estos dos respectos.' _Ximenez_, _Hist. Ind. Guat._, p. 177; _Las Casas_, _Hist. Apologética_, MS., cap. clxxix. [1014] 'Aquel dia era libertado para hacer grandes banquetes y borracheras, y así se mataban infinitas aves, mucha caza y vinos muy diferentes, hacian muchas danzas y bailes en presencia de los ídolos. Duraban aquestas fiestas, tres, cinco y siete dias, segun lo que ordenaban los ministros, y lo decian cuando habian de comenzar. En estos dias, en cada tarde andaban en procesion con grandes cantos y músicas, llevando al ídolo por las calles y plazas, y donde habia lugar preeminente, hacian altares y ponian mesas, y allí paraban, y como nosotros representamos farsas, así ellos jugaban á la pelota delante de sus dioses.' _Ximenez_, _Hist. Ind. Guat._, p. 187; _Las Casas_, _Hist. Apologética_, MS., cap. clxxvii. [1015] The manner in which this was done will be described elsewhere in this chapter. [1016] 'Ce qui, d'accord avec divers autres indices, annoncerait bien que l'effusion du sang, et surtout du sang humain, dans les sacrifices, était d'origine étrangère, nahuatl probablement.' _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, in _Landa_, _Relacion_, p. 247. [1017] Meaning 'quenching of fire.' _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, in _Landa_, _Relacion_, p. 254. Yzamna is otherwise called Zamná. [1018] This word _chacs_, which before was interpreted as the 'gods of the cornfields,' probably here means the priests of those deities. In a former chapter we have seen the word applied to those who assisted at the rite of baptism. [1019] '_Ekchuah_, écrit ailleurs _Echuah_, était le patron des marchands et naturellement des cacaos, marchandise et monnaie à la fois.' _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, in _Landa_, _Relacion_, p. 261. [1020] 'Officiales;' this may mean officiating priests, or overseers on the plantations, or almost anything else. [1021] '_Cit_ paraît être une sorte de cochon sauvage; _chac_ est le nom générique des dieux de la pluie, des campagnes, des fruits de la terre, etc. _Coh_ est le puma ou lion américain; suivant d'autres, _chac-coh_ est le léopard.' _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, in _Landa_, _Relacion_, p. 265. [1022] '_Cinchau-Yzamná_ est une orthographe erroné, si l'on en juge après les leçons précédentes; c'est probablement une mauvaise abréviation de _Kinich-Ahau-Ytzamná_, donné, d'ailleurs, comme l'inventeur des lettres et de l'écriture, l'auteur de tous les noms imposés au Yucatan.' _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, in _Landa_, _Relacion_, pp. 284-5. [1023] 'C'étaient là sans doute les dieux de la pêche, à propos desquels Cogolludo dit les paroles suivantes: "On dit aussi que bien après la conquête, les Indiens de la province de Titz imin, quand ils allaient pêcher le long de la côte de Choáca, avant de se mettre à la pêche, commençaient par des sacrifices et des oblations à leurs faux dieux, leur offrant des chandelles, des réaux d'argent et des _cuzcas_, qui sont leurs émeraudes, et d'autres pierres précieuses, en certain endroits, au _ku_ et oratoires qui se voient encore dans les bras de mer (estuaires) et les lagunes salées qu'il y a sur cette côte vers le _Rio de Lagartos_."' (_Hist. Yuc._, tom. iv., cap. iv.); _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, in _Landa_, _Relacion_, pp. 292-3. [1024] '_Cuculcan_, écrit quelquefois _Kukulcan_, vient de _kuk_, oiseau qui paraît être le même que le quetzal; son déterminatif est _kukul_ qui uni à _can_, serpent, fait exactement le même mot que _Quetzal Cohuatl_, serpent aux plumes vertes, ou de Quetzal.' _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, in _Landa_, _Relacion_, p. 35. [1025] 'La province de Mani avait été colonisée par les Tutul-Xius, dont l'origine était toltèque ou nahuatl; les fêtes de Kukulcan se bornant à cette province après la destruction de Mayapan, ne laissent point de doute sur l'origine de ce personnage, et donnent lieu de penser que le reste du Yucatan, tout en vénérant jusqu'à un certain point ce mythe ou ce prophète, avait gardé au fond la religion qui avait précédé celle des Toltèques. Ce serait un point d'histoire d'une grande importance au point de vue philosophique. Nous trouverons plus loin d'autres indices du culte primitif des Mayas.' _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, in _Landa_, _Relacion_, pp. 300-1. [1026] '_Ek-balam-chac_ signifie tigre noir dieu des champs: ce sont du reste des noms donnés au tigre encore aujourd'hui. _Ahcan_ est le serpent mâle en général. _Ahbuluc-Balam_ signifie Celui des onze tigres.' _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, in _Landa_, _Relacion_, pp. 230-1. [1027] 'Ne croirait-on pas lire la description de cette fête des Scythes, rapportée par Hérodote, et que M. Viollet-Leduc a insérée dans ses _Antiquités mexicaines_, formant l'introduction de l'ouvrage de M. Désiré Charnay: _Cités et Ruines américaines_, page 16.' _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, in _Landa_, _Relacion_, pp. 232-3. [1028] _Landa_, _Relacion_, pp. 230-2. [1029] '_Bolon_ est l'adjectif numéral neuf, _zacab_, dont la racine est _zac_, blanc, est le nom d'une sorte de maïs moulu, dont on fait une espèce d'orgeat. Cette statue était-elle une image allégorique de cet orgeat offert en cette occasion?' _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, in _Landa_, _Relacion_, pp. 212-13. [1030] '_Kanté_, bois jaune; c'est probablement le cèdre.' _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, in _Landa_, _Relacion_, p. 213. [1031] _Landa_, _Relacion_, pp. 210-32. [1032] 'La charge de _Nacon_ était double; l'un était perpétuel et peu honorable, parce que c'était lui qui ouvrait la poitrine aux victimes humaines qu'on sacrifiait.' _Landa_, _Relacion_, p. 161. 'El oficio de abrir el pecho a los sacrificados, que en Mexico era estimado, aqui era poco honroso.' _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. iv., lib. x., cap. iv. [1033] _Ib._ [1034] _Landa_, _Relacion_, p. 166; _Herrera_, ubi sup. [1035] The present appearance of the pit is thus described by Stephens: 'Setting out from the Castillo, at some distance we ascended a wooded elevation, which seemed an artificial causeway leading to the senote. The senote was the largest and wildest we had seen; in the midst of a thick forest, an immense circular hole, with cragged, perpendicular sides, trees growing out of them and overhanging the brink, and still as if the genius of silence reigned within. A hawk was sailing around it, looking down into the water, but without once flapping its wings. The water was of a greenish hue. A mysterious influence seemed to pervade it, in unison with the historical account that the well of Chichen was a place of pilgrimage, and that human victims were thrown into it in sacrifice. In one place, on the very brink, were the remains of a stone structure, probably connected with ancient superstitious rites; perhaps the place from which the victims were thrown into the dark well beneath.' _Yucatan_, vol. ii., p. 324. [1036] We have seen that even the memory of Cukulcan was neglected in all the provinces of Yucatan but one. [1037] _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. iv., lib. x., cap. i.; _Medel_, in _Nouvelles Annales des Voy._, 1843, tom. xcvii., p. 43; _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. ii., pp. 44-5. [1038] _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. iv., lib. viii., cap. x. [1039] 'Ivanse derechos todos quatro juntos á do sale el sol, i se hincavan de rodillas ante el, i le zaumavan diciendo palabras é invocaciones, i esto fecho se dividian hacia quatro partes, lest, oest, norte, sur, i predicavan sus rictos i ceremonias.' _Palacio_, _Carta_, p. 68. [1040] 'Yua el sacristan y sacauale con la nauaja el coraçon, y arrojauale al dios, o a la diosa, y dezia, Toma el fruto desta vitoria.' _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. iv., lib. viii., cap. x. [1041] Brasseur de Bourbourg says: 'cerf blanc.' _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. ii., p. 557. [1042] 'Le sacrifice du cerf blanc, d'abord un des plus augustes, devint, plus tard, l'offrande commune et exclusive des chasseurs qui désiraient se rendre favorables les dieux protecteurs de la chasse et des forêts.' _Id._, p. 557; _Palacio_, _Carta_, pp. 74-6. [1043] 'Echauan las fiestas que eran diez y ocho, como los meses subidos en el gradario, o sacrificadero que tenian los patios de los templos.' _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. iii., lib. iv., cap. vii. In the evidence taken by Fray Françisco de Bobadilla the number of festivals is given as twenty-one and eleven; I must therefore leave the reader to decide for himself which is correct. 'Y.--En un año tenemos veynte é un dias de fiestas (é no juntos estos dias).... F.--En el tiempo de aquellas onçe fiestas, que deçis que teneys cada año.' _Oviedo_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. iv., pp. 47, 52. [1044] 'For there are two kindes of humane sacrifices with them: the one, of enemies taken in the warres, the other of such as are brought vp and maintained at home.' _Peter Martyr_, dec. vi., lib. vi. [1045] 'And whosoeuer should haue no parte nor portion of the sacrificed enemie, would thinke he shoulde bee ill accepted that yeere.' _Ib._ [1046] 'Euery King nourisheth his appointed trees in a fielde neere vnto him, obseruing the names of euery hostile country, where they hange the heads of their sacrificed enemies taken in the warres.' _Ib._ [1047] Herrera gives a similar account of the disposal of the body, but adds: 'Saluo que ponian la cabeça en los arboles.' _Hist. Gen._, dec. iii., lib. iv., cap. vii. I think it improbable that the heads were treated in the same manner as those of their enemies. Peter Martyr says nothing distinctly of the disposal of the head, but, speaking of the sacrifice, says 'they reuerence all parts thereof, and partly bury them beefore the dores of their temples, as the feete, handes, and bowels, which they cast together into a gourde, the rest (together with the hartes, making a great fire within the view of those hostile trees, with shril hyms, and applauses of the Priestes) they burne among the ashes of the former sacrifices, neuer thence remooued, lying in that fielde.' Dec. vi., tom. vi. [1048] 'En aquellas fiestas no trabaxamos ni entendemos en más de emborracharnos; pero no dormimos con nuestras mugeres, é aquellos dias, por quitar la ocasion, duermen ellas dentro en casa é nosotros fuera della: é al que en tales dias se echa con su muger, nuestros dioses les dan dolençia luego, de que mueren; é por esso ninguno lo osa haçer, porque aquellos dias son dedicados á nuestros dioses.' _Oviedo_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. iv., p. 52. [1049] _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. iii., lib. iv., cap. vii.; _Peter Martyr_, dec. vi., lib. vi., vii.; _Squier_, in _Palacio_, _Carta_, p. 116. [1050] 'En las ventas, y contratos, no auia escritos que obligassen, ni cartas de papago, que satisfaciessen, pero quedaba el contrato valido con que bebiessen publicamente delante de testigos.' _Cogolludo_, _Hist. Yuc._, pp. 180-1. [1051] _Landa_, _Relacion_, pp. 122-4. [1052] 'Son graciosos en los motes, y chistes, que dizen à sus mayores, y Iuezes: si son rigurosos, ambiciosos, auarientos, representando los sucessos que con ellos les passan, y aun lo que vèn à su Ministro Doctrinero, lo dizen delante dèl, y à vezes con vna sola palabra.' _Cogolludo_, _Hist. Yuc._, p. 187. [1053] See _Carrillo_, in _Soc. Mex. Geog., Boletin_, 2da época, tom. iii., pp. 259, 261; _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. ii., pp. 65-7; _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. iv., lib. x., cap. iv.; _Ternaux-Compans_, in _Nouvelles Annales des Voy._, 1843, tom. xcvii., p. 47. [1054] _Landa_, _Relacion_, pp. 126, 128. [1055] 'El timbal yucateco (_tankul ó tunkul_,) es el instrumento mas notable de la música yucateca, y en general de la música americana, que acompañaban las danzas ó bailes sagrados, y el nombre maya de ese notable instrumento, nos revela hasta hoy el carácter sagrado de aquellas fiestas, pues el nombre de _tunkul ó tankul_, significa ligeramente la hora de la adoracion.' _Carrillo_, in _Soc. Mex. Geog., Boletin_, 2da época, tom. iii., p. 259. I have one of these instruments in my possession. [1056] _Landa_, _Relacion_, pp. 124, 126; _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. iv., lib. x., cap. iv.; _Cogolludo_, _Hist. Yuc._, pp. 77, 186; _Carrillo_, in _Soc. Mex. Geog., Boletin_, 2da época, tom. iii., p. 260; _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. ii., pp. 64-5. [1057] _Landa_, _Relacion_, p. 178. [1058] This is very similar to the Nahua game, described on page 295, et seq., of this volume. [1059] _Oviedo_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. iv., pp. 93-4, 111-12, pl. v., fig. i., ii. CHAPTER XXIII. FOOD, DRESS, COMMERCE, AND WAR CUSTOMS OF THE MAYAS. INTRODUCTION OF AGRICULTURE--QUICHÉ TRADITION OF THE DISCOVERY OF MAIZE--MAIZE CULTURE--SUPERSTITIONS OF FARMERS--HUNTING AND FISHING--DOMESTIC ANIMALS, FOWL, AND BEES--PRESERVATION AND COOKING OF FOOD--MEALS--DRINKS AND DRINKING-HABITS--CANNIBALISM--DRESS OF THE MAYAS--MAXTLIS, MANTLES, AND SANDALS--DRESS OF KINGS AND PRIESTS--WOMEN'S DRESS--HAIR AND BEARD--PERSONAL DECORATION--HEAD-FLATTENING, PERFORATION, TATTOOING, AND PAINTING--PERSONAL HABITS--COMMERCE--CURRENCY--MARKETS--SUPERSTITIONS OF TRAVELERS--CANOES AND BALSAS--WAR--MILITARY LEADERS--INSIGNIA--ARMOR--WEAPONS--FORTIFICATIONS--BATTLES-- TREATMENT OF CAPTIVES. The tierra caliente and the low forest-clad foothills of the Usumacinta region on the confines of Yucatan, Guatemala, Chiapas, and Tabasco, present claims as strong at least as those of any other locality to be considered the birth-place of American civilization. Here apparently Votan and Gucumatz, demi-gods or civilizers, won their first triumphs over the powers of barbarism. In the most remote times to which we are carried by vague tradition and mythic fable, gods with strangely human attributes, or men of wonderful supernatural powers, newly arrived in this land, took counsel one with another how they might subject to their power and reclaim from barbarism the native bands of savages, or 'animals,' who roamed naked through the forests, and subsisted on roots and wild fruits. The discussion of the tradition with reference to its historic signification, is foreign to my present purpose, but as the story includes the traditional origin of agriculture and the discovery of maize under the form of a new creation, it is an appropriate introduction to the present chapter on the food, dress, and commerce of the Maya nations. The story runs as follows in the aboriginal Quiché annals:[1060] Behold how they began to think of man, and to seek what must enter into the flesh of man. Then spake he who begets, and he who gives being, Tepeuh, Gucumatz, the creator and the former, and said: "Already the dawn is nigh; the work is finished; behold the support, the foster-father, is ennobled; the son of civilization, man, is honored, and humanity on the face of the earth." They came, and in great numbers they assembled; in the shadows of the night they joined their wise counsel. Then sought they and consulted in sadness, meditating; and thus the wisdom of these men was manifest; they found and were made to see what must enter into the flesh of man; and the dawn was near. [Sidenote: DISCOVERY OF MAIZE.] In Paxil, or Cayala ('land of divided and stagnant waters') as it is called, were the ears of yellow maize and of white. These are the names of the barbarians who went to seek food; the Fox, the Jackal, the Paroquet, and the Crow,--four barbarians who made known to them the ears of the white maize and of the yellow, who came to Paxil and guided them thither. There it was they obtained at last the food that was to enter into the flesh of man, of man created and formed; this it was that was his blood, that became the blood of man--this maize that entered into him by the provision of him who creates, of him who gives being. And they rejoiced that they had at last arrived in this most excellent land, so full of good things, where the white and yellow maize did abound, also the cacao, where were sapotes and many fruits, and honey; all was overflowing with the best of food in this country of Paxil, or Cayala. There was food of every kind; there were large and small plants, to which the barbarians had guided them. Then they began to grind the yellow and white maize, and of them did Xmucané make nine drinks, which nourishment was the beginning of strength, giving unto man flesh and stature. Such were the deeds of the begetter and giver of being, Tepeuh, Gucumatz. Thereupon they began to speak of creating our first mother and our first father. Only yellow maize and white maize entered into their flesh, and these alone formed the legs and arms of man; and these were our first fathers, the four men who were formed, into whose flesh this food entered. And from this time of its traditional discovery by Gucumatz, or Quetzalcoatl, down to the conquest by the Spaniards and even down to the present time, the yellow and white maize, in their several varieties, have been the chief reliance of the Maya as of the Nahua nations for daily food. Every year during the latter months of the dry season, from March to May, the farmer busied himself in preparing his _milpa_, or cornfield, which he did by simply cutting or uprooting the dense growth and burning it. The ashes thus produced were the only fertilizer ever employed, and even this was probably never needed in this land of tropical fertility. Just before the first rain fell, equipped with a sack of seed-maize on his shoulder and a sharpened stick in his hand, he made holes at regular intervals among the ashes, and in each deposited five or six grains, covering it with the same instrument, aided perhaps by the foot. In Yucatan the planters united in bands of twenty for mutual assistance, working together until the land of all the club was properly seeded. It was not customary to plant very large fields, but rather many in different localities, to guard against a possible partial failure of the crops from local causes. Hedges, ditches, and fences were constructed to enclose the milpas, so effective in the Lacandone country that the Spaniards' horses were unable to leap them. The corn was carefully kept free from weeds while growing, and watched by boys after it had begun to ripen. In Nicaragua, where, Oviedo tells us, more attention was paid to agriculture than in any other region visited by him, the boys took their station in trees scattered over the field, or sometimes on raised covered scaffolds of wood and reeds, called _barbacoas_, where they kept up a continual shouting to drive away the birds. Irrigation was practiced when the rains were backward, and if we may credit Oviedo, by thus artificially forcing the crop in Nicaragua, well-filled corn was plucked only forty days after planting the seed. Villagutierre states that the Itzas spent most of their time in worship, dancing, and getting drunk, trusting to uncultivated fruits and the fertility of their soil for a subsistence, and contenting themselves with very small milpas. [Sidenote: CULTIVATION OF THE SOIL.] After maize, cacao was perhaps the crop to which most attention was paid. It grew in hot and shady localities, and where there was no natural shade, trees were set out for the purpose. It was called _cacaguat_ in Nicaragua, and was gathered from February to April. Several varieties, of a somewhat inferior quality, grew wild, and were much used by the natives. The cultivation of beans, pepper, cotton, and of numerous native fruits, was carried on extensively, but we have no details respecting the methods employed.[1061] In connection with the planting and growth of the various cultivated plants, the Mayas entertained some peculiar superstitions. Far from understanding the simplest laws of nature, they recognized only supernatural agencies in the growth or blighting of their crops. In Yucatan, Cogolludo states that no meat was eaten while cotton was growing, from fear that it would fail to mature. The Nicaraguans, according to Dávila, ate no salt or pepper, nor did they drink any intoxicating beverage, or sleep with their women during the time of planting. Oviedo also observed certain bundles of sticks placed at the corners of each field, as well as leaves, stones, and cotton rags, scattered over the surface by ugly and deformed old hags, for some unknown but doubtless superstitious purpose. Palacio tells us that the Pipiles before beginning to plant gathered in small bowls specimens of all the seeds, which, after performing certain rites with them before the idol, they buried in the ground, and burned copal and ulli over them. Blood was drawn freely from different parts of the body, with which to anoint the idol; and, as Ximenez states, the blood of slain fowls was sprinkled over the land to be sown. In the case of cacao the finest grains of seed were exposed to the moonlight during four nights; and whatever the seed to be planted, the tillers of the soil must sleep apart from their wives and concubines for several days, in order that on the night before planting they might indulge their passions to the fullest extent; certain persons are even said to have been appointed to perform the sexual act at the very moment when the first seeds were deposited in the ground. Before beginning the operation of weeding, they burned incense at the four corners of the field, and uttered fervent prayers to the idols. When the corn was ripe they plucked the finest ears and offered them to the gods, to the priests, and sometimes also to the poor. At harvest time the corn was heaped up in the field, and was not moved until the grain itself gave the signal that it was ready; the signal was, as Brasseur states it, the springing up of a fresh blade, or, according to Ximenez, the falling of an ear from the heap.[1062] The home of the Mayas in nearly every part abounded in many varieties of game, and the authors report the natives to have been expert hunters and fishermen, but respecting the particular methods employed in capturing food from forest, ocean, and river, little information has been preserved. The people of Yucatan used the bow and arrow; were especially skillful at throwing a kind of arrow or dart by means of a piece of wood three fingers thick, pierced with a hole at one third its length; and, according to Cogolludo, they bred hunting dogs which were trained to follow and seize deer, tigers, and boars, as well as badgers, rabbits, armadillos, and iguanas. The latter animal was, as it still is, a favorite food. Tradition relates that the Tutul Xius when they first came to Yucatan used no weapons, but were famous for their skill in taking game by means of snares, traps, and similar devices. In Guatemala, a blow-pipe and earthen bullets were sometimes used to shoot birds. A portion of all game taken had to be given to the rulers of town and province, and also a large portion--half, Las Casas tells us, in Guatemala--must be offered to the god of hunting, or, in other words, furnished for the priests' tables. Fish and turtles were the chief articles of food in some coast regions, and the Nicaraguans are described by Oviedo as expert fishermen, who took fish from ocean and river by means of rods, lines, and flies, also in cotton nets, and by pens and embankments in the tide waters. They are said to have had a plant, the _baygua_, a decoction of which being put in the water brought the fish senseless to the surface. The Itzas and probably others used the harpoon. Young alligators just hatched were esteemed as delicacies in Vera Paz, and large fleets of canoes were sent at the proper season to take them. The tapir was also a favorite article of food. Toads and other reptiles seem to have been eaten when other supplies were not at hand.[1063] [Sidenote: USE OF MEAT AS FOOD.] As an article of daily food, meat was comparatively little used; Cogolludo even goes so far as to say it was never eaten in Yucatan except at feasts. Besides the game-supply, dogs of a certain species were raised for food. They were of small size, without hair, could not bark, and when castrated became immensely fat. They were called _xulos_ in Nicaragua, and _tzomes_ in Yucatan, but were probably the same as the _techichis_ already mentioned in Mexico. Turkeys, ducks, geese, and other fowl were domesticated; and pigs, rabbits, and hares are mentioned as having been bred. Multitudes of bees were kept for their honey and wax, and hives are spoken of by Las Casas without description. Gomara says the bees were small and the honey somewhat bitter. The only methods of making salt that I find particularly mentioned were to bake tide-washed earth, boiling down the brine made of the product, and also to boil the lye produced by leeching the ashes of a palm called _xacxam_. The former method was practiced in Guatemala, at great cost of labor and wealth, as Herrera says; the second is referred to Yucatan. Many roots were of course utilized for food, and a peculiar herb, called _yaat_, was mixed with lime and carried constantly in the mouth by the Nicaraguans on the march or journey, as a preventive of fatigue and thirst.[1064] Respecting the preservation and cooking of food, as well as the habits of the people in taking their daily meals, there are no differences to be recorded from what has been said of the Nahuas. The inevitable tortillas and tamales were the standard dish, made in the same way as at the north; meat was dried, salted, roasted, and stewed, with pepper for the favorite seasoning. Fruits were perhaps a more prominent article of food, and were eaten for the most part raw.[1065] Cogolludo informs us that the Yucatecs eat regularly once a day, just before sunset; and we are also told that they took great pains to keep their bright-colored table-cloths and napkins in a state of perfect cleanliness. In Nicaragua, they were accustomed to wash the hands and mouth after eating; and the chiefs, who sat in a circle on wooden benches and were served by the women, also washed at the commencement of the meal. The men and women eat always separately, the latter taking their food from the ground, or sometimes from a palm-leaf basket-work platter. Very little food sufficed for the Mayas and they could bear hunger for a long time, but like all the aboriginal inhabitants of America they eat plentifully when well supplied, taking no heed for a time in the future when food might be lacking.[1066] [Sidenote: DRINKS PREPARED FROM MAIZE.] We have seen that in the beginning, according to the tradition, Xmucané invented nine drinks, which were prepared from maize. The exact composition of these famous beverages of antiquity is not given; but Landa speaks of at least six, in the preparation of which maize was used, at least as an ingredient. To make the first, the corn was half-boiled in lime-water, coarsely ground, and preserved in small balls, which were simply mixed with water for use; this beverage was much used on journeys, and was often the only provision, serving for food as well. The second was made of the same hulled corn ground fine and mixed in water so as to form a gruel, which was heated and thickened over the fire, and was a favorite drink taken hot in the morning. The third was parched corn ground, mixed in water, and seasoned with pepper or cacao. The fourth was composed of ground maize and cacao, and was designed especially for public festivals. For the fifth a grease, much like butter, was extracted from cacao and mixed with maize. The sixth was prepared from raw maize ground. The fermented liquor, made of maize and cacao, which was drunk by the Itzas, was called _zaca_. Native wines were made of honey and water, of figs, and of a great variety of fruits; that made of the native fruit called _jacote_, and one of red cherries, were very popular in Nicaragua. _Chicha_ was a fermented drink made of pine-apple juice, honey or sugar, and water. Pulque made from the maguey is mentioned, but this plant does not seem to have played so important a rôle in the south as in the north; at least there is very little said of it. A very strong and stinking wine is also mentioned as being prepared from a certain root. Herrera tells us that the maize-wines resembled beer, and Andagoya that their intoxicating properties were not very lasting. Benzoni complains that the native wines failed to comfort the spirit, warm the stomach, and sooth to sleep like those of Castile. Chocolate and other drinks prepared from cacao were universal favorites, and were prepared both from wild and cultivated varieties. Oviedo states that in Nicaragua none but the rich and noble could afford to drink it, as it was literally drinking money. He describes the manner of preparing the cacao, _coco_, or _cacaguat_. It was picked from the trees from February to April, dried in the sun, roasted, ground in water, mixed with a quantity of _bixa_ until it was of a bright blood-color, and the dried paste was preserved in cakes. With this paste the natives delighted to bedaub their faces. To prepare the drink, they do not seem to have employed heat, at least in this part of the country, but simply dissolved the paste in water, and poured it from one dish into another to raise a froth. The Mayas seem to have been a people greatly addicted to the vice of drunkenness, which was much less disgraceful and less severely punished by the laws than among the Nahuas. It was quite essential to the thorough enjoyment of a feast or wedding to become intoxicated; the wife even handed the tempting beverages to her husband, modestly averted her head while he drank, kindly guided him home when the festivities were over, and even became intoxicated herself occasionally, if Landa may be believed. The same authority represents the natives of Yucatan as very brutal and indecent when drunk, and Oviedo says that he who dropped down senseless from drink in a banquet was allowed to remain where he fell, and was regarded by his companions with feelings of envy.[1067] [Sidenote: EATING HUMAN FLESH.] The custom of eating the flesh of human victims who were sacrificed to the gods, was probably practiced more or less in all the Maya regions; but neither this cannibalism nor the sacrifices that gave rise to it were so extensively indulged in as by the Mexicans. Some authors, as Gomara, deny that human flesh was ever eaten in Yucatan, but others, as Herrera, Villagutierre, and Peter Martyr, contradict this, although admitting that cases of cannibalism were rare, and the victims confined to sacrificed enemies. Las Casas states that in Guatemala the hands and feet were given to the king and high-priest, the rest to other priests, and that none was left for the people. In Nicaragua the high-priest received the heart, the king the feet and hands, he who captured the victim took the thighs, the tripe was given to the trumpeters, and the rest was divided among the people. The head was not eaten. The edible portions were cut in small pieces, boiled in large pots, seasoned with salt and pepper, and eaten together with cakes of maize. At certain feasts also maize was sprinkled with blood from the genitals. According to Herrera some Spaniards were eaten in Yucatan, but Albornoz tells us that the natives of Honduras found the foreigners too tough and bitter to be eaten.[1068] [Sidenote: DRESS OF THE MAYAS.] By reason of the warmer climate in the southern lands, or of a difference in the popular taste, somewhat less attention seems to have been paid to dress and personal adornment by the Mayas than by the Nahuas, or rather the Maya dress was much more simple and more uniform among the different classes of society; and, so far as can be determined from the very scanty information extant, there was only a very slight variation in the dress of the different nations--much less, indeed, than would naturally be expected between the tribes of the low Yucatan plains and of the Guatemalan highlands. Very little of the information that has been preserved, however, relates to the people of Guatemala. Men wore almost universally the garment known in Mexico as the maxtli, a long strip of cotton cloth, wound several times round the loins and passing between the legs. This strip was often twisted so as to resemble a cord, and the higher the class or the greater the wealth of the wearer, the greater the length of the cord and the number of turns about the body. Among the Itzas and other tribes of Yucatan, instead of passing this garment between the legs, its ends were often allowed to hang, one in front and the other behind, being in such cases more or less embroidered or otherwise decorated.[1069] In more modern times the maxtli seems to have been, in some cases at least, replaced by cotton drawers, fastened with a string round the waist, and having the legs rolled up to the middle of the thigh.[1070] A large proportion of the Mayas, especially of the poorer classes, wore commonly no other garment than the one mentioned; but very few were without a piece of cotton cloth about four or five feet square, which was used as a covering at night and was often worn in the daytime, by tying two corners on the same side over the shoulders and allowing the cloth to hang down the back. The Spaniards uniformly apply the somewhat indefinite term 'mantle' to this garment. These mantles are still worn.[1071] The only other garment mentioned, and one not definitely stated to have been worn except in Yucatan, was a kind of loose sleeveless shirt reaching to the knees. These shirts as well as the mantles were worn both white and dyed in brilliant and variegated colors.[1072] I find no mention of other material than cotton used for clothing, except in the case of the Cakchiquels, who, according to Brasseur, wore both bark and maguey-fibre.[1073] There is nothing to indicate that the dress of nobles, priests, or kings, differed essentially from that of the common people, except in fineness of material or richness and profusion of ornaments. It is probable, however, that the higher classes were always clad in the garments which have been described, while a majority of the plebeians wore only the maxtli, which was sometimes only a single strip of cloth passing once round the waist and between the legs. As rulers and priests are often spoken of as dressed in 'large white mantles' or 'flowing robes,' it is probable that the mantle worn by them was much larger, as well as of finer stuff, than that described. Landa speaks of a priest in Yucatan who wore an upper garment of colored feathers, with strips of cotton hanging from its border to the ground. Palacio tells us of priestly robes in Salvador of different colors, black, blue, green, red, and yellow. According to Remesal the priests of Guatemala were filthy, abominable, and ugly, in fact very hogs in dress. In Nicaragua, Herrera describes white cotton surplices, and other priestly vestments, some small, others hanging from the shoulders to the heels, with hanging pockets, in which were carried stone lancets, with various herbs and powders, indispensable in the practice of sacerdotal arts. Ximenez represents the Guatemalan king's dress as like that of the people, except that he had his ears and nose pierced, of which more anon.[1074] [Sidenote: DRESS OF WOMEN AND CHILDREN.] The women universally wore a skirt formed by winding a wide piece of cotton cloth round the body and fastening it at the waist. This garment reached from the waist to the knee, as worn by the plebeian women, but those of a higher class covered with it their legs as low as the ankles. In some parts of Nicaragua, especially on the islands, Herrera says that except this skirt, which was so scanty as hardly to merit a better name than breech-clout, the women were naked; but elsewhere they were always particular to cover their breasts from sight. This they accomplished in some cases by a piece of cloth round the neck, and fastened under the arms; but they also often wore a kind of chemise, or loose sack, with holes for the head and arms, and sometimes with short sleeves. The latter garment was always worn on feast-days by those who had it to wear. Andagoya mentions a sort of cape worn in Nicaragua, which had a hole for the head, and covered the breasts and half of the arms. Herrera speaks of a sack open at both ends, and tightened at the waist, worn in Nicaragua; and Landa mentions the same garment in Yucatan. The women, like the men, used a square mantle to sleep under, and carried it with them on journeys. Children were allowed to remain naked in Yucatan till they were four or five years old, and in Guatemala to the age of eight or nine years; but in Yucatan, Landa tells us, that a boy at the age of three years, had a white ornament tied in his hair, and a girl at the same age had a shell fastened by a string in such a manner as to cover certain parts of her person.[1075] It is very difficult to form any definite idea of the Maya methods of dressing the hair, save that all allowed it to grow long, and most persons separated it into tresses, winding some of them about the head and allowing others to hang down the back. Landa informs us that the Yucatecs burned the hair on the crown, allowing it to remain short there, but permitted the rest to grow as long as it would, binding it round the head except a queue behind. In Nicaragua, the forehead was shaved, and sometimes the whole head except a tuft at the crown. The women everywhere and men generally took great pains with the hair; the former often mixed feathers with their raven locks, which were dressed differently according as the owners were married or single, and particular care was devoted to the coiffure of a bride. All the authorities agree that the priests in Yucatan wore the hair long, uncombed, and often saturated with sacrificial blood. Plumes of feathers seem to have been their usual head-dress. Palacio and Herrera mention a colored head-dress, mitre, or diadem with hanging plumes worn by a priest in Salvador. Over the hair a piece of cloth was usually worn by females, in which the Abbé Brasseur finds a resemblance to the Egyptian _calantica_. A tuft of hair hanging over the face of children often made them cross-eyed; indeed, mothers are said to have arranged it with a view to this very effect, deemed by them a desirable thing, or to have attached to the forehead a small hanging plaster for the same purpose. The number of 'bizcos' treated by Dr Cabot, who accompanied Mr Stephens in his excursion through Yucatan, shows that though squinting eyes are still common in the country, the defect has at least lost its charm to the Maya mothers.[1076] No beard was worn, and the few hairs that made their appearance on the face were immediately extracted. According to Landa, mothers are said to have burned the faces of young children with hot cloths to prevent the growth of a beard in later years. After the Conquest many of the natives grew beards, which, though sometimes long, were always thin and coarse. Something like a beard is also to be seen on some of the sculptured faces among the Maya ruins. Oviedo met in Nicaragua a man about seventy years of age, who had a long flowing white beard.[1077] The Mayas, when they covered the feet at all, wore a kind of sandal of coarse cloth, or more frequently of dry deer-skin. These sandals were simply pieces of skin, often double, covering and fitting somewhat the sole, and fastened by cotton strings from the ankle to the toes and perhaps also to the heel. I find no account of hand-coverings except in the Popol Vuh, where gloves are spoken of as being used in the game of ball.[1078] [Sidenote: DISFIGUREMENT OF THE PHYSIQUE.] Having provided for their comfort by the use of the articles of dress already described, the Mayas, like most other American aborigines, deemed it essential to modify and improve their physique by artificial means. This they accomplished by head-flattening, teeth-filing, perforation of the ears, nose, and lips, tattooing, and painting; yet it is not probable that all these methods of disfigurement were practiced by all the natives. In Nicaragua, the heads of infants were flattened; the people believed that the custom had been originally introduced by the gods; that the compressed forehead was the sign of noble blood and the highest type of beauty; and besides that the head was thus better adapted to the carrying of burdens. In Yucatan, according to Landa, the same custom obtained. Four or five days after birth the child was laid with the face down on a bed and the head was compressed between two pieces of wood, one on the forehead and the other on the back of the head, the boards being kept in place for several days until the desired cranial conformation was effected. So great was the pressure that the child's skull was sometimes broken. I find no account of forehead-flattening in Guatemala and Chiapas, though Mr Squier, following Fuentes' unpublished history, says that among the Quichés, Cakchiquels, and Zutugils the back of the head was flattened by the practice of carrying infants tied closely to a straight board. Yet from the frequent occurrence of this cranial type in the sculptured profiles in Chiapas, Honduras, and Yucatan, there can be no doubt that in the most ancient times a flattened forehead was the ideal of manly beauty, and I think we have sufficient reason to believe that the artificial shaping of the skull was even more universally practiced in ancient than in modern times. The origin of the custom is a most interesting topic for study and speculation.[1079] The practice of filing the teeth prevailed to a certain extent among the women of Yucatan, whose ideal of dental charms rendered a saw-teeth arrangement desirable. The operation was performed by certain old women, professors of the art, by means of sharp gritty stones and water.[1080] The piercing of ears, nose, and lips was practiced among all the nations by both men and women apparently, except in Guatemala, where, Ximenez tells us, it was confined to the kings, who perforated the nose and ears as a mark of rank and power. We have no authority for supposing that persons of any class in Yucatan and Nicaragua were restrained from this mutilation of their faces, or from wearing in the perforated features any ornaments they could afford to purchase. Such ornaments were small sticks, bones, shells, and rings of amber or gold. Other ornaments besides those inserted in the ears, nose, and lips, were bracelets, rings, gold beads, and medals, shell necklaces, metallic and wooden wands, gilded masks, feathers and plumes, and pearls. Besides this piercing for ornamental purposes, it should be noted that perforation of cheeks and tongues, and scarifyings of other parts of body and limbs, were common in connection with religious rites and duties.[1081] [Sidenote: TATTOOING AND PAINTING.] Tattooing was effected in Yucatan and Nicaragua by lacerating the body with stone lancets, and rubbing the wounds with powdered coal or black earths, which left indelible marks. Stripes, serpents, and birds seem to have been favorite devices for this kind of decoration. The process was a slow and painful one, and to submit to it was deemed a sign of bravery. The tattooing was done by professors who made this art a specialty. Cogolludo says the Itzas had the whole body tattooed, but Landa and Herrera tell us that neither in Yucatan nor in Nicaragua were the breasts of the women subjected to this decorative mutilation.[1082] Painting the face and body was universal, but little can be said respecting the details of the custom, save that red and black were apparently the favorite colors, and colored earths the most common material of the paints. Bixa was, however, much used for red, and cacao tinted with bixa to a blood-red hue was daubed in great profusion on the faces of the Nicaraguans. In Yucatan young men generally restricted themselves to black until they were married, indulging afterwards in varied and bright-colored figures. Black was also a favorite color for war-paint. Odoriferous gums were often mixed with the paints, especially by the women, which rendered the decoration durable, sticky, and most disagreeable to foreign olfactories. It appears that in Guatemala, and probably elsewhere, a coat of paint was employed, not only for ornamental purposes, but as a protection against heat and cold. At certain Nicaraguan feasts and dances the naked bodies were painted in imitation of the ordinary garments, cotton-fibre being mixed with the paint.[1083] [Sidenote: PERSONAL HABITS.] All were fond of perfumes, and besides the odoriferous substances mixed by the ladies in their paint, copal and other gums were burned on many occasions, not only in honor of the gods, but for the agreeable odor of the smoke; sweet-smelling barks, herbs, and flowers were also habitually carried on the person.[1084] All the Mayas, especially females, were rather neat than otherwise in their personal habits, taking great pains with their dress and so-called decorations. They bathed frequently in cold water and sometimes indulged in hot baths, perhaps in steam-baths; but of the latter very little is said, although Brasseur says it was used in Guatemala under the name of _tuh_. The women were very modest and usually took much pains to prevent the exposure of their persons, but in bathing and on certain other occasions both sexes appear to have been somewhat careless in this respect. In both Yucatan and Nicaragua mirrors were employed by the men, but the women required or at least employed no such aids.[1085] Although such disfigurements as have been described, painting, tattooing, and perforation, are reported by all the authors, and were all doubtless practiced, yet one can hardly avoid forming the idea in reading the narratives of the conquerors, that such hideous mutilations were confined to certain classes and certain occasions, and that the mass of the people in every-day life presented a much less repulsive aspect. * * * * * I have already spoken of the tenure of landed property and the laws of inheritance among the Mayas. To the accumulation of wealth in the form of personal property they do not seem to have attached much importance. They were content for the most part with a supply of simple food for their tables, the necessary household utensils, and such articles of dress and ornament as were required by their social rank; with these and a sufficient surplus to entertain their friends in a fitting style, they took little care for the future. Yet traders were a class much honored, and their profession was a lucrative one. An active trade was carried on in each town, as also between different towns, provinces, and nations, in order that the people of each locality might be supplied with the necessary commodities both of home and foreign production. Few details have been preserved respecting the manner of conducting trade, but what is known on the subject indicates that the commercial system was identical with that of the Nahuas, to which a preceding chapter has been devoted. Commodities of every class, food, dress, ornaments, weapons, and implements, were offered for sale in the market-place, or plaza, of every village, where all transactions between buyers and sellers were regulated by an official who had full authority to correct abuses and punish offences against the laws of trade. Fairs were held periodically in all the larger towns, which were crowded by buyers and sellers from abroad. Traveling merchants traversed the country in every direction busied in the exchange and transport of varied local products. Yucatan did a large foreign trade with Tabasco and Honduras, from both of which regions large quantities of cacao were imported. Other international routes of commerce doubtless existed in different directions; we have seen that the Nahua merchants crossed the isthmus of Tehuantepec to traffic in Maya lands, and the southern merchants were doubtless not unrepresented in the northern fairs. Transportation was effected for the most part by carriers overland, and in many parts of the country, as in Yucatan, magnificent paved roads offered every facility to the traveler; quite an extensive coasting-trade was also carried on by water. The ordinary mercantile transactions were effected by exchange, or barter, of one commodity for another; but where this was inconvenient cacao passed current as money among all the nations. Thus a rabbit in Nicaragua sold for ten cacao-nibs, and one hundred of these seeds would buy a tolerably good slave. Notwithstanding the comparatively small value of this cacao-money, Oviedo tells us that counterfeiting was sometimes attempted. According to Cogolludo, copper bells and rattles of different sizes, red shells in strings, precious stones, and copper hatchets often served as money, especially in foreign trade. Doubtless many other articles, valuable and of compact form were used in the same way. Landa speaks of net-work purses in which the money of the natives was carried. [Sidenote: MARKET REGULATIONS.] We are informed that in Yucatan articles of ordinary consumption, like food, were sold always at a fixed price, except maize, which varied slightly in price according to the yield. Maize was sold by the carga, or load, which was about one half of the Castilian fanega. In Nicaragua the matter of price was left altogether to the contracting parties. The Mayas of all nations were very strict in requiring the exact fulfilment of contracts, which, in Yucatan, as has been said, and in Guatemala also, according to Brasseur de Bourbourg, were legalized by the parties drinking together, the beverage being generally colored with certain leaves called _max_. In the Nicaraguan markets some extraordinary regulations were enforced. Men could not visit the market-place of their own towns, either to buy, sell, or for any other purpose; they even incurred the risk of receiving a sound beating, if they so much as peeped in to see what was going on. All the business was transacted by the women; but boys, into whose minds, by reason of their tender years, carnal thoughts were supposed not to have entered, might be present to assist the women, and even men from other towns or provinces, were welcome, provided they did not belong to a people of different language. No peculiar ceremonies are mentioned as accompanying the setting-out or return of trading caravans, but some customs observed by travelers, a large proportion of whom were probably merchants, are recorded. In Yucatan all members of a household prayed often and earnestly for the safe return of the absent member; and the traveler himself, when he chanced to come in contact with a large stone which had been moved in opening the road, reverently laid upon it a green branch, brushing his knees with another at the same time as a preventive of fatigue. He also carried incense on his journey, and at each nightfall, wherever he might be, he stood on end three small stones, and on three other flat stones placed before the first he burned incense and uttered a prayer to Ekchua, god of travelers, whose name signifies 'merchant.' When the traveler was belated, and thought himself likely to arrive after dark at his proposed stopping-place, he deposited a stone in a hollow tree, and pulled out some hairs from his eyebrows, which he proceeded to blow towards the setting sun, hoping thereby to induce that orb to retard somewhat its movements. In Guatemala, small chapels were placed at short intervals on all the lines of travel, where each passer halted for a few moments at least, gathered a handful of herbs, rubbed with them his legs, spat reverently upon them, and placed them prayerfully upon the altar with a small stone and some trifling offering of pepper, salt, or cacao. The offering remained untouched, no one being bold enough to disturb the sacred token.[1086] [Sidenote: MAYA BOATS AND NAVIGATION.] Oviedo states that in Nicaragua, or at least in certain parts of that country, the people had no canoes, but resorted to balsas when it became necessary to cross the water. The balsa in this region was simply a raft of five or six logs tied together at the ends with grass, and covered with cross-sticks. The author referred to saw a fleet of these aboriginal vessels which bore fifteen hundred warriors. On the coast of Yucatan and in the lakes of Peten, the natives had many canoes for use in war and commerce, and were very skillful in their management. These canoes were 'dug-outs' made from single trunks, capable of carrying from two to fifty persons, and propelled by paddles. Cogolludo tells us that canoes with sails were seen by Córdova during his voyage up the coast, and some modern writers speak of the famous canoe met by Columbus off the Honduras coast as having been fitted with sails; but in the latter case there seems to be no authority for the statement, and that sails were ever employed may well be considered doubtful. The boat seen by Columbus was eight feet wide, "as long as a galley," bore twenty-five men, and an awning of mats in the centre protected the women and children. All the information we have respecting boats in Guatemala is the statement of Peter Martyr that the 'dug-outs' were also in use there, and of Juarros that the Lacandones had a large fleet of boats; Guatemala was a country, however, whose physical conformation would rarely call for navigation on an extensive scale. Villagutierre says that the Chiapanecs used gourd balsas, or 'calabazas.'[1087] * * * * * Wars among the Maya nations were frequent,--more so probably during the century preceding the Spanish conquest, when their history is partially known, than in the more glorious days of the distant past,--but they were also, as a rule, of short duration, partaking more of the character of raids than of regular wars. One campaign generally decided the tribal or national dispute, and the victors were content with the victory and the captives taken. Landa and Herrera report that the nations of Yucatan learned the art of war from the Mexicans, having been an altogether peaceful people before the Nahua influence was brought to bear on them. The latter also suspects that the Yucatec war-customs, as observed by the Spaniards, may have been modified by the teaching of Guerrero and Aguilar, white men held for several years as prisoners before the invaders came; but neither theory seems to have much weight. The profession of arms was everywhere an honorable one, but military preferment and promotion seem to have been somewhat more exclusively confined to the nobility than among the Nahuas. According to Landa, a certain number of picked men were appointed in each town, who were called _holcanes_, must be ready to take up arms whenever called for, and received a small amount of money for their services while in actual war. This is the only instance of a paid soldiery noted in the limits of our territory.[1088] In Nicaragua Tapaligui was the most honorable title a man could win by bravery, and from the number of those who bore the title the war-captain was in most provinces appointed either by the monexico, or council, or by the cacique. This captain was for the most part independent of the civil ruler in time of war, but Boyle speaks of certain cities where the cacique himself commanded the army. The civil chief, however, if he possessed the requisite bravery, often accompanied the troops to the field to take command at the captain's death, or appoint his successor.[1089] In Yucatan they had two war-captains, one of whom held his position by inheritance, while the other was chosen for a term of three years. The title of the latter was Nacon, and his office seems to have been attended with some inconveniences, since during the three years he could know no woman, eat no meat, indulge in no intoxication, and have but little to do with the public. Fish and iguana-flesh were allowed him, but it must be served on dishes used by no one but himself, and must not be served by women. In Vera Paz the captains were chosen from among the most distinguished braves, and seem to have held their position for life.[1090] [Sidenote: INSIGNIA OF WARRIORS.] In Yucatan skins and feathers, worn according to fixed rules, not recorded, were among the most prominent insignia of warriors. The face was painted in various colors; and tattooing the hands was a privilege accorded to the brave. The Itzas fought naked, but painted face, body, and limbs black, the brave tattooing the face in stripes. Feather plumes are the only insignia mentioned in connection with Guatemalan warriors; but the grade of a Pipile's prowess was indicated by the number of holes he had in ears, nose, and other features. All officers in the Nicaraguan armies had distinguishing marks, which they wore both in time of war and of peace; the Tapaligui was allowed to shave his head except on the crown, where the hair was left a finger long, with a longer tuft projecting from the centre. The arrangement of the feathers on the shield also indicated to the soldiers an officer's rank.[1091] The universal Maya armor was a thick quilted sack of cotton, which fitted closely over the body and arms, and reached generally to the middle of the thighs, although Alvarado found the Guatemalans clad in similar sacks reaching to the feet. In Yucatan, according to Landa, a layer of salt was placed between the thicknesses of cotton, making the garment very hard and impenetrable. As the Guatemalan armor is described as being three fingers thick and so heavy that the soldiers could with difficulty run or rise after falling, we may suppose that salt or some similar material was also used by the Quichés. Squier mentions, apparently without sufficient authority, short breeches worn to protect the legs. The Spaniards were not long in recognizing the advantages of the native cotton armor, and it was commonly adopted or added to their own armor of steel. The head-armor, when any was worn, seems to have been ordinarily a kind of cap, also of quilted cotton. Landa says that in Yucatan a few leaders wore wooden helmets; they are also mentioned by Gomara and Las Casas. Peter Martyr speaks of golden helmets and breast-plates as worn in Nicaragua. Shields were made of split reeds, were round in form, and were covered generally with skins and decorated with feathers, though a cotton covering was also used in Nicaragua.[1092] [Sidenote: ABORIGINAL WEAPONS.] Bows and arrows, lances, and darts were used as weapons of war by all the Maya tribes, the projectiles being usually pointed with flint, but often also with fish-bone or copper. Arrows were carried in quivers and were never poisoned. The Yucatec bow, as Landa informs us, was a little shorter than the man who carried it, and was made of a very strong native wood; the string was made of the fibres of certain plants. The arrows were light reeds with a piece of hard wood at the end. Oviedo tells us of lances, or pikes, in Nicaragua, which were thirty spans long, and others in Yucatan fifteen spans long; Herrera says they were over twenty feet long in Guatemala, and that their heads were poisoned; though Oviedo denies that poison was used. In Nicaragua and Yucatan heavy wooden swords, called by the Mexicans _macuahuitl_, were used, but I find no special mention of these weapons in Guatemala. A line of sharp flints were firmly set along the two edges, and, wielded with both hands they were a most formidable weapon. Waldeck found in modern times the horn of a sawfish covered with skin and used as a weapon. He thinks the aboriginal weapon may have been fashioned after this natural model. Slings were extensively used in Yucatan, and also copper axes to some extent, but these are supposed to have been imported from Mexico, as no metals are found in the peninsula.[1093] The Quichés, Cakchiquels, and other tribes inhabiting the high lands of Guatemala, chose the location of their towns in places naturally well nigh inaccessible, strengthening them besides with artificial fortifications in the shape of massive stone walls and deep ditches. Ruins of these fortified towns are very numerous and will be described elsewhere; a few words respecting Utatlan, the Quiché capital, and one of the most securely located and guarded cities, will suffice here. Standing on a level plateau, the city was bounded on every side by a deep ravine, believed to have been at some points artificial, and which could only be crossed at one place. Guarding this single approach a line of massive stone structures connected by ditches extends a long distance, and within this line of fortifications, at the entrance of the pass, is El Resguardo, a square-based pyramidical structure, one hundred and twenty feet high, rising in three terraces, and having its summit platform inclosed by a stone wall, covered with hard cement. A tower also rises from the summit. The Spaniards under Alvarado found their approach obstructed at various points in Guatemala by holes in which were pointed stakes fixed in the ground, and carefully concealed by a slight covering of turf; palisades, ditches, and walls of stone, logs, plants, or earth, were thrown across the road at every difficult pass; and large stones were kept ready to hurl or roll down upon the invaders. Numerous short pointed sticks were found on at least one occasion fixed upright in the ground, apparently a slight defense, but really a most formidable one, since the points were poisoned. Doubtless all these methods of defence had been practiced often before in their international wars against American foes. Strong defensive works are also mentioned in Chiapas, and Andagoya tells us of a town in Nicaragua fortified by a high and impenetrable hedge of cacti. In Yucatan the Spaniard's progress was frequently opposed, at points favorable for such a purpose, by temporary trenches, barricades of stone, logs, and earth, and protected stations for bowmen and slingers; but in the selection of sites for their towns, notwithstanding the generally level surface of their country, facilities for defence seem to have been little or not at all considered. One, only, of the many ruined cities which have been explored, Tuloom, on the Eastern coast, stands on an eminence overlooking the ocean, in a very strong natural position; but strangely enough it is just here, where artificial defenses were least needed, that we find a massive wall surrounding the chief structures,--the only city wall standing in modern times, though Mayapan was traditionally a walled town, and a few slight traces of walls have been found about other cities.[1094] [Sidenote: DECLARATION OF WAR.] The ambition of the native rulers to increase their dominions by encroachments upon their neighbors' territory was probably the cause of most wars among the Maya nations; but raids were also undertaken occasionally, with no other object than that of obtaining victims for sacrifice. In the consultations preceding the declaration of war the priesthood had much to say, and played a prominent part in the accompanying ceremonies. In Salvador the high-priest with four subordinates decided on the war by drawing of lots and by various other sorceries, and even gave directions how the campaign was to be carried on. The high-priest was generally on the ground, in charge of certain idols, when an important battle was to be fought. Supplies were carried, in Yucatan at least, on the backs of women, and the want of adequate means of transportation is given as one reason why the Maya wars were usually of short duration. The Nicaraguan soldier, as Oviedo states, regarded a calabash of water and a supply of the herb _yaat_ already mentioned, as the most indispensable of his supplies. Respecting their ceremonies before giving battle we only know that on one occasion in Yucatan they brought a brazier of burning perfume which they placed before the Spanish forces, with the intimation that an attack would be made as soon as the fire went out; and also that Alvarado noticed in Guatemala the sacrifice of a woman and a bitch as a preliminary of battle. All fought bravely, with no apparent fear of death, endeavoring to capture the enemy alive, rather than to kill them, and at the same time to avoid being captured themselves by the sacrifice of life if necessary. In most nations it was deemed important to terrify the enemy by shouting, clanging of drums, sticks, and shells, and blowing of whistles. The armies of Yucatan are said to have exhibited somewhat better order in their military movements than those of other nations. They formed their forces into two wings, placing in the centre a squadron to guard the captain and high-priest. The Nicaraguans fought desperately until their leader fell, but then they always ran away. He who from cowardice failed to do his duty on the battle-field was by the Nicaraguan code disgraced, abused, insulted, stripped of his weapons, and discharged from the service, but was not often put to death. As has been stated in a preceding chapter treason and desertion were everywhere punished with death. All booty except captives belonged to the taker, and to return from a campaign without spoil was deemed a dishonor. [Sidenote: PIPILE WAR FESTIVAL.] Captives, if of noble blood or high rank, were sacrificed to the gods, and were rarely ransomed. The captor of a noble prisoner received high honors, but was punished if he accepted a ransom, the penalty being death in Nicaragua. The heads of the sacrificed captives were in Yucatan suspended in the branches of the trees, as memorials of victory, a separate tree being set apart for each hostile province. The bones, as Landa tells us, were kept by the captors, the jaw-bone being worn on the arm, as an ornament. We read of no actual torture of prisoners, but the Cakchiquels danced about the victim to be sacrificed, and loaded him with insults. Among the Pipiles it was left to the priests to decide whether the sacrifice should be in honor of a god or goddess; if the former, the festival lasted, according to Palacio, fifteen days; the captives were obliged to march in procession through the town, and one was sacrificed each day; if the feast was dedicated to a deity of the gentler sex, five days of festivities and blood sufficed. Prisoners of plebeian blood were enslaved, or only sacrificed when victims of higher rank were lacking. They were probably the property of the captors. At the close of a campaign in which no captives were taken, the Nicaraguan captains went together to the altar, and there wept ceremonial tears of sorrow for their want of success. The authorities record no details of the methods by which peace was ratified; the Yucatecs, however, according to Cogolludo, expressed to the Spaniards a desire for a suspension of hostilities, by throwing away their weapons, and by kissing their fingers, after touching them to the ground.[1095] FOOTNOTES: [1060] This history, written with Roman characters, but in the Quiché language, in the early years of the Conquest, was quoted by Brasseur de Bourbourg as the _MS. Quiché de Chichicastenango_, in his _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. i., pp. 59-60; a translation into Spanish by Ximenez appeared in 1857, _Hist. Ind. Guat._, pp. 79-80; and a translation into French by Brasseur de Bourbourg in 1861, _Popol Vuh_, pp. 195-9. Brasseur's rendering is followed for the most part in my text, but so far as this extract is concerned there are only slight verbal differences between the two translations. [1061] _Landa_, _Relacion_, p. 130; _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, in _Id._, p. 361. On the coast of Yucatan, 'des racines dont ils font le pain, et qu'ils nomment maïs.' _Diaz_, _Itinéraire_, in _Ternaux-Compans_, _Voy._, série i., tom. x., p. 8. The Lacandones applied themselves 'al trabajo de sus Milpas, y Sementeras de Maiz, Chile, y Frixoles, entre que sembravan Piñas, Platanos, Batatas, Xicamas, Xacotes, Zapotes, y otras Frutas;' their milpas were large, and were cleared with stone hatchets. _Villagutierre_, _Hist. Conq. Itza_, pp. 310-11. The Itzas had 'mucha Grana, Cera, Algodòn, Achiote, Baynillas, y otras Legumbres.' _Id._, pp. 353, 499. Many varieties of beans raised in Nicaragua. _Oviedo_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. i., p. 285. 'Vi muchos destos perales en la provinçia de Nicaragua, puestos á mano en las heredades é plaças ó assientos de los indios, é por ellos cultivados. É son tan grandes árboles como nogales algunos dellos.' _Id._, p. 353. Planting of maize, _Id._, pp. 265-6; tom. iv., pp. 104-5. See also on agriculture: _Benzoni_, _Hist. Mondo Nuovo_, pp. 102-3; _Andagoya_, in _Navarrete_, _Col. de Viajes_, tom. iii., pp. 413-14; _Cortés_, _Cartas_, p. 405; _Squier's Cent. Amer._, pp. 551, 556; _Viollet-le-Duc_, in _Charnay_, _Ruines Amér._, p. 71; _Humboldt_, _Essai Pol._, tom. i., p. 269; _Gallatin_, in _Amer. Ethno. Soc., Transact._, tom. i., p. 8. [1062] _Ximenez_, _Hist. Ind. Guat._, pp. 190-1; _Cogolludo_, _Hist. Yuc._, p. 183; _Palacio_, _Carta_, pp. 72-4; _Oviedo_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. i., p. 285; _Dávila_, _Teatro Ecles._, tom. i., p. 233; _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. ii., pp. 565-6. [1063] In the province of Campeche the Spaniards were feasted on 'Peacockes and crammed foule both of the Mountaynes, Woods, and Water, as Patryches, Quayles, Turtles, Duckes, Geese, and fourefooted wilde beastes, as Boores, Hartes, and Hares: besides Wolfes, Lyons, Tygers, and Foxes.' _Peter Martyr_, dec. iv., lib. ii. 'Juntanse tambien para la caça de L en L, mas o menos, y la carne del venado assan en parillas, porque no se les gaste, y venidos al pueblo, hazen sus presentes al señor, y distribuyen como amigos y el mesmo hazen en la pesca.' _Landa_, _Relacion_, pp. 130-2, 46. In Vera Paz 'tejones, que tienen buena carne, el bilab es mejor que carnero: venadillos vermejos, y otros bayos, y muchos otros que los Indios flechan, y comen algunos desollados, otros ahumados, y assados, en barbocoa, y en charque, y todo malguisado.' _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. iv., lib. x., cap. xiii., xiv., ii. At Cozumel 'el pescado es su casi principal manjar.' _Gomara_, _Conq. Mex._, fol. 22. See also _Oviedo_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. i., pp. 355, 424, 497, tom. iv., p. 33; _Cogolludo_, _Hist. Yuc._, p. 187; _Las Casas_, _Hist. Apologética_, MS., cap. 177; _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Popol Vuh_, p. 63. [1064] _Landa_, _Relacion_, p. 118; _Las Casas_, in _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. viii., p. 148; _Cogolludo_, _Hist. Yuc._, p. 184, 187-8, 700; _Villagutierre_, _Hist. Conq. Itza_, pp. 41, 311; _Oviedo_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. i., pp. 206-7, 411, 497, 507, tom. iii., p. 227; _Peter Martyr_, dec. iv., lib. vi., ii., dec. vi., lib. iii.; _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. i., lib. v., cap. v., dec. iv., lib. viii., cap. viii.; _Gomara_, _Conq. Mex._, fol. 23; _Id._, _Hist. Ind._, fol. 61-2; _Cortés_, _Cartas_, p. 449; _Fancourt's Hist. Yuc._, p. 32. [1065] Cortés, _Cartas_, p. 23, tells us that no bread was made in Yucatan, but that maize was eaten roasted. The best tortillas in Nicaragua were called _tascalpachon_. _Oviedo_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. i., pp. 267, 324, 355, 411, 513, 523, tom. iii., p. 227. See also _Landa_, _Relacion_, pp. 116-20, 135; _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. iv., lib. x., cap. xiii. [1066] _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. ii., pp. 69; _Landa_, _Relacion_, p. 120; _Cogolludo_, _Hist. Yuc._, p. 180; _Oviedo_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. iv., p. 111. [1067] _Villagutierre_, _Hist. Conq. Itza_, pp. 89, 98, 312; _Landa_, _Relacion_, pp. 116-20, 192; _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. i., lib. v., cap. v., dec. iii., lib. iv., cap. vii., dec. iv., lib. viii., cap. ix., lib. x., cap. iv.; _Oviedo_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. i., pp. 267, 317-18, tom. iv., p. 95; _Benzoni_, _Hist. Mondo Nuovo_, fol. 102-3, 109; _Las Casas_, _Hist. Apologética_, MS., cap. clxxvii.; _Waldeck_, _Voy. Pitt._, p. 40; _Cortés' Despatches_, p. 4; _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. ii., pp. 51-2, 499. [1068] In Yucatan: 'These Barbarians eate onely their enemies, or such strangers as come vnto them, otherwise they abstaine from mans flesh.' _Peter Martyr_, dec. iv., lib. vi. In Guatemala the heads and tripe were seasoned with wine. _Las Casas_, _Hist. Apologética_, MS., cap. clxxvii.; _Id._, in _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. viii., p. 147; _Villagutierre_, _Hist. Conq. Itza_, pp. 649, 651; _Gomara_, _Hist. Ind._, fol. 62; _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. ii., lib. iv., cap. vii., dec. iii., lib. iv., cap. vi., vii., lib. vii., cap. iii., dec. iv., lib. x., cap. iv.; _Oviedo_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. iv., pp. 37, 51-2, 56, 108; _Andagoya_, in _Navarrete_, _Col. de Viajes_, tom. iii., p. 420; _Benzoni_, _Hist. Mondo Nuovo_, fol. 35, 104; _Albornoz_, in _Icazbalceta_, _Col. de Doc._, tom. i., p. 486; _Helps' Span. Conq._, vol. iii., p. 88; _Pimentel_, _Mem. sobre la Raza Indígena_, p. 23; _Morelet_, _Voyage_, tom. i., p. 191. [1069] The Itzas, men and women, wore 'faxas' 4 varas long and 1/3 vara wide. _Villagutierre_, _Hist. Conq. Itza_, pp. 312, 402, 498. At Campeche, a strip of cotton one hand wide, twisted and wound 20 or 30 times about the body. _Oviedo_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. i., pp. 512-13. This garment called _mastate_. _Bernal Diaz_, _Hist. Conq._, fol. 2. Ends embroidered and decorated with feathers. _Landa_, _Relacion_, p. 116. _Almayzares_, called in New Spain _mastil_; otherwise naked. _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. i., lib. v., cap. v., dec. ii., lib. iv., cap. vii.; _Cortés' Despatches_, p. 4. The Chiapanecs naked except this cloth about the loins. _Remesal_, _Hist. Chyapa_, pp. 292, 302. [1070] Plate showing the costume of an Indian of the interior. _Waldeck_, _Voy. Pitt._, pl. v. Trowsers of cotton in Salvador. _Squier's Cent. Amer._, p. 321. [1071] Called _tilmas_ or _hayates_, a yard and a half square. _Cogolludo_, _Hist. Yuc._, p. 187. Mantles called _zuyen_. _Id._, p. 2. 'Mantas pintadas.' _Las Casas_, in _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. viii., p. 147. [1072] Cotton robes of bright colors. _Squier's Cent. Amer._, p. 551. 'Tuniques.' _Ternaux-Compans_, in _Nouvelles Annales des Voy._, 1843, tom. xcvii., p. 52. 'Sacks.' _Fancourt's Hist. Yuc._, pp. 284-5. 'Camisetas de colores.' _Oviedo_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. i., p. 497. 'Xaquetas de algodon.' _Bernal Diaz_, _Hist. Conq._, fol. 2. 'Camisette senza maniche.' _Benzoni_, _Hist. Mondo Nuovo_, pp. 98, 104. [1073] _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. ii., p. 172. Mayas dress like the Mexicans. _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. iii., lib. iv., cap. vii. [1074] _Landa_, _Relacion_, pp. 148-50; _Palacio_, _Carta_, pp. 62-4; _Remesal_, _Hist. Chyapa_, p. 137; _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. iii., lib. iv., cap. vii., dec. iv., lib. viii., cap. x., dec. ii., lib. ii., cap. xvii.; _Ximenez_, _Hist. Ind. Guat._, p. 197; _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. ii., p. 54. [1075] 'L'étoffe rayée d'une ou de plusieurs couleurs que les femmes se roulent encore autour du corps en la serrant à la ceinture comme un jupon, descendant plus ou moins bas au-dessous du genou, se trouve être exactement la même que l'on voit aux images d'Isis et aux femmes égyptiennes des époques pharaoniques.' _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. ii., p. 67. Skirt from the waist to feet, called _pic_. _Cogolludo_, _Hist. Yuc._, pp. 187-8, 699. 'Ropas de algodon, que llaman naguas.' _Bernal Diaz_, _Hist. Conq._, fol. 2; _Andagoya_, in _Navarrete_, _Col. de Viajes_, tom. iii., p. 414; _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. iv., lib. x., cap. iv.; _Landa_, _Relacion_, pp. 184-6, 16, 144-6, 180. [1076] 'Es lo mas dificultoso en los Indios el reduzirlos à cortarles el pelo.' _Villagutierre_, _Hist. Conq. Itza_, pp. 498, 312. In Guatemala somewhat less attention seems to have been paid to the hair. 'Trayanlo encrespado, ò rebujado en la cabeça como estopas, à causa de que no se lo peynauan.' _Remesal_, _Hist. Chyapa_, p. 302; Cogolludo, _Hist. Yuc._, p. 187, speaks of straw and palm-leaf hats, but he probably refers to his own time. Hair of priests filled with blood. _Id._, p. 5; _Bernal Diaz_, _Hist. Conq._, fol. 3; _Squier's Cent. Amer._, pp. 321, 551. In Nicaragua 'traen rapadas las cabeças de la mitad adelante é los aladares por debaxo, é déxanse una coleta de oreja á oreja por detrás desde la coronilla.' _Oviedo_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. iv., pp. 38, 108; _Landa_, _Relacion_, pp. 112-14, 184; _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. ii., p. 68; _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. iv., lib. x., cap. iii., lib. viii., cap. x. Aguilar wore a 'corona y trença de cabellos, como los naturales.' _Gomara_, _Hist. Ind._, fol. 62; _Id._, _Conq. Mex._, fol. 23; _Palacio_, _Carta_, p. 62. [1077] _Benzoni_, _Hist. Mondo Nuovo_, p. 35; _Charnay_, _Ruines Amér._, p. 341; _Landa_, _Relacion_, p. 114; _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. iv., lib. x., cap. iii.; _Oviedo_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. iv., p. 111. [1078] 'Traian sandalias de cañamo o cuero de venado por curtir seco.' _Landa_, _Relacion_, p. 116. They generally went barefoot. _Cogolludo_, _Hist. Yuc._, p. 187. Sandals in Nicaragua called _gutaras_. _Oviedo_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. iv., pp. 38-9; _Squier's Nicaragua_, (Ed. 1856,) vol. ii., p. 347; _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Popol Vuh_, p. 77. [1079] _Oviedo_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. iv., p. 54; _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. iii., lib. iv., cap. vii., dec. iv., lib. x., cap. iii.; _Squier's Nicaragua_, (Ed. 1856,) vol. ii., p. 345; _Id._, in _Palacio_, _Carta_, p. 106; _Landa_, _Relacion_, pp. 114, 180, 194. [1080] _Landa_, _Relacion_, p. 182. [1081] A war party: 'Agujeradas narizes, y orejas con sus narigeras, y orejeras de Cuzcas, y otras piedras de diuersos colores.' _Cogolludo_, _Hist. Yuc._, p. 73. The Itzas wore in the nose 'una baynilla olorosa,' and in the ears, 'vn palo labrado.' _Id._, p. 699. 'Sartales de Caracoles colorados,' much prized by the Itzas. _Villagutierre_, _Hist. Conq. Itza_, p. 48. Small sticks in the ears, and little reeds or amber rings, or grains of vanilla, in the nose. _Id._, pp. 312, 402. A few silver and gold ear-ornaments. _Id._, pp. 497-9. On the peninsula of Yucatan, 'trayan las orejas horadadas para çarcillos.' _Landa_, _Relacion_, p. 114. The priest carried 'un isopo en la mano de un palo corto muy labrado, y por barbas o pelos del isopo ciertas colas de unas culebras que son como caxcaveles.' _Id._, pp. 149-50. Women pierced nose and ears. _Id._, p. 182. In Nicaragua 'traen sajadas las lenguas por debaxo, é las orejas, é algunos los miembros viriles, é no las mugeres ninguna cosa destas, y ellos y ellas horadadas las orejas de grandes agujeros.' _Oviedo_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. iv., pp. 38-9, tom. i., p. 497. King in Yucatan wore 'des bracelets et des manchettes d'une élégance égale à la beauté de la matière.' _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. ii., p. 54. '_Tecaüh_, qui est le bijou que les chefs indiens portaient fréquemment à la lèvre inférieure ou au cartilage du nez.' _Id._, p. 92. See also _Cortés_, _Cartas_, p. 3; _Camargo_, _Hist. Tlax._, in _Nouvelles Annales des Voy._, 1843, tom. xcix., p. 144; _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. ii., lib. iv., cap. vii., dec. iii., lib. iv., cap. vii., lib. vii., cap. ix., dec. iv., lib. iii., cap. iii., lib. x., cap. iii., iv.; _Gomara_, _Hist. Ind._, fol. 60, 62; _Squier's Nicaragua_, (Ed. 1856,) vol. ii., p. 347; _Id._, _Cent. Amer._, p. 551; _Ximenez_, _Hist. Ind. Guat._, p. 197; _Diaz_, _Itinéraire_, in _Ternaux-Compans_, _Voy._, série i., tom. x., pp. 16, 25, 39; _Las Casas_, in _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. viii., p. 147. [1082] 'Los oficiales dello labravan la parte que querian con tinta, y despues sejavanle delicadamente las pinturas, y assi con la sangre y tinta quedavan en el cuerpo las señales, y que se labran poco a poco por el tormento grande, y tambien se ponen despues malos, porque se les enconavan los labores, y haziase materia, y que con todo esso se mofavan de los que no se labravan.' _Landa_, _Relacion_, pp. 120, 182; _Cogolludo_, _Hist. Yuc._, pp. 186, 699; _Remesal_, _Hist. Chyapa_, p. 293; _Villagutierre_, _Hist. Conq. Itza_, pp. 402, 498; _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. iv., lib. x., cap. iv.; _Oviedo_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. iv., p. 38; _Ternaux-Compans_, in _Nouvelles Annales des Voy._, 1843, tom. xcvii., p. 47; _Fancourt's Hist. Yuc._, pp. 121, 285; _Bussierre_, _L'Empire Mex._, p. 205. [1083] _Remesal_, _Hist. Chyapa_, p. 302; _Landa_, _Relacion_, pp. 114-16, 178-80, 182, 184; _Cogolludo_, _Hist. Yuc._, pp. 6, 77; _Villagutierre_, _Hist. Conq. Itza_, pp. 107, 402, 490, 499; _Oviedo_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. i., pp. 297, 318, 498, tom. iv., p. 111; _Cortés_, _Cartas_, p. 422; _Gomara_, _Hist. Ind._, fol. 62; _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Popol Vuh_, pp. 71-2, 189. [1084] 'Eran amigos de buenos olores y que por esto usan de ramilletes de flores y yervas olorosas, muy curiosos y labrados.' _Landa_, _Relacion_, p. 114. 'Des roseaux longs de deux palmes, et qui répandaient une excellente odeur quand on les brûlait.' _Diaz_, _Itinéraire_, in _Ternaux-Compans_, _Voy._, série i., tom. x., p. 7; _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. iv., lib. x., cap. iii.; _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. ii., p. 68; _Valois_, _Mexique_, p. 206. [1085] 'Se vañavan mucho, no curando de cubrirse de las mugeres, sino quando podia cubrir la mano.' _Landa_, _Relacion_, p. 114. 'Se lavan las manos y la boca despues de comer.' _Id._, p. 120. The women stripped naked in the wells where they bathed; they took hot baths rather for health than cleanliness. _Id._, p. 184. The women 'tienen poco secreto, y no son tan limpias en sus personas ni en sus cosas con quanto se lavan como los ermiños.' _Id._, p. 192. 'Los hombres haçen aguas puestos en cluquillas, é las mugeres estando derechas de piés á dó quiera que les viene la gana.' _Oviedo_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. iv., p. 38; _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. iv., lib. x., cap. iii., iv.; _Dávila_, _Teatro Ecles._, tom. i., p. 203; _Gomara_, _Hist. Ind._, fol. 263; _Carbajal Espinosa_, _Hist. Mex._, tom. i., p. 263; _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. ii., p. 68. [1086] The following are my authorities on the Maya commerce, many references to simple mentions of articles bought and sold and to the use of cacao as money being omitted. _Ximenez_, _Hist. Ind. Guat._, p. 203; _Las Casas_, in _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. viii., pp. 137, 147; _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec i., lib. v., cap. v., dec. iii., lib. iv., cap. vii., lib. v., cap. xii., lib. vii., cap. ix., dec. iv., lib. viii., cap. iii., ix.; _Landa_, _Relacion_, pp. 32, 128-30, 156-8; _Cogolludo_, _Hist. Yuc._, pp. 181, 183; _Villagutierre_, _Hist. Conq. Itza_, p. 311; _Oviedo_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. i., p. 316, tom. iii., p. 253, tom. iv., pp. 36-7, 49, 54, 104; _Peter Martyr_, dec. iv., lib. i.; _Cortés_, _Cartas_, p. 422; _Benzoni_, _Hist. Mondo Nuovo_, fol. 102, 109; _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. ii., pp. 50-1, 71, 564; _Id._, _Popol Vuh_, p. 97; _Squier's Nicaragua_ (Ed. 1856,) vol. ii., p. 346; _Id._, _Cent. Amer._, p. 320; _Gallatin_, in _Amer. Ethno. Soc., Transact._, vol. i., p. 8; _Andagoya_, in _Navarrete_, _Col. de Viajes_, tom. iii., p. 414. [1087] _Cogolludo_, _Hist. Yuc._, p. 4; _Bernal Diaz_, _Hist. Conq._, fol. 2; _Diaz_, _Itinéraire_, in _Ternaux-Compans_, _Voy._, série i., tom. x., p. 21; _Id._, in _Icazbalceta_, _Col. de Doc._, tom. i., p. 292; _Villagutierre_, _Hist. Conq. Itza_, pp. 353, 369, 489, 76; _Peter Martyr_, dec. viii., lib. v.; _Oviedo_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. iii., p. 100; _Juarros' Hist. Guat._, p. 271; _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. i., lib. v., cap. v.; _Folsom_, in _Cortés' Despatches_, pp. 3-4; _Foster's Pre-Hist. Races_, pp. 226-7. See vol. i., p. 699, of this work. [1088] _Landa_, _Relacion_, pp. 174, 48; _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. iv., lib. x., cap. iv., lib. iii., cap. iii. The Chiapanecs were among the boldest warriors. _Bernal Diaz_, _Hist. Conq._, fol. 178. [1089] _Oviedo_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. iv., pp. 38, 53; _Gomara_, _Hist. Ind._, fol. 264; _Squier's Nicaragua_, (Ed. 1856,) vol. ii., p. 342; _Boyle's Ride_, vol. i., p. 272. [1090] _Landa_, _Relacion_, p. 172; _Ximenez_, _Hist. Ind. Guat._, p. 202. [1091] _Oviedo_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. iv., p. 38; _Landa_, _Relacion_, p. 172; _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. ii., lib. iv., cap. viii., dec. iii., lib. iv., cap. vii., lib. v., cap. x., lib. vii., cap. iii., dec. iv., lib. viii., cap. x.; _Palacio_, _Carta_, pp. 70-2; _Villagutierre_, _Hist. Conq. Itza_, pp. 391, 498-9; _Squier's Nicaragua_, (Ed. 1856,) vol. ii., p. 342; _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. ii., pp. 558-9; _Boyle's Ride_, vol. i., p. 270. [1092] Cotton armor called in some places _escaupiles_. _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. iv., lib. iii., cap. iii. Both white and colored. _Id._, dec. iii., lib. v., cap. x., lib. iv., cap. vi., dec. ii., lib. ii., cap. xvii., lib. iii., cap. i. Called by the Quichés _achcayupiles_. _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. ii., p. 91; _Landa_, _Relacion_, p. 172; _Cogolludo_, _Hist. Yuc._, p. 6; _Bernal Diaz_, _Hist. Conq._, fol. 2; _Gomara_, _Hist. Ind._, fol. 62; _Las Casas_, in _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. viii., p. 148; _Oviedo_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. iii., p. 484, tom. iv., p. 53; _Alvarado_, in _Ternaux-Compans_, _Voy._, série i., tom. x., p. 140; _Squier's Nicaragua_, (Ed. 1856,) vol. ii., p. 347. [1093] Macanas used as weapons in Nicaragua. _Oviedo_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. iv., pp. 53, 33, tom. i., pp. 511-12, tom. iii., pp. 231, 484. Crystal-pointed arrows used by the Itzas, and chiefs had short flint knives, with feathers on the handles. _Villagutierre_, _Hist. Conq. Itza_, pp. 495, 41, 92. Hardened rods, or pikes. _Cogolludo_, _Hist. Yuc._, pp. 77, 2. Darts thrown from a 'tiradera.' _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. ii., lib. ii., cap, xvii., dec. iii., lib. iv., cap. vi., lib. v., cap. x., lib. vii., cap. iii., dec. iv., lib. x., cap. ii. A bat was the sign of a Cakchiquel armory. _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Popol Vuh_, p. 225. See also Maya weapons. _Squier's Nicaragua_, (Ed. 1856,) vol. ii., p. 341, 347; _Peter Martyr_, dec. vi., lib. v.; _Boyle's Ride_, vol. i., p. 258; _Scherzer_, _Wanderungen_, p. 63; _Landa_, _Relacion_, pp. 48, 170; _Las Casas_, in _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. viii., p. 148; _Waldeck_, _Voy. Pitt._, p. 64, with cut; _Morelet_, _Voyage_, tom. i., pp. 186, 194; _Diaz_, _Itinéraire_, in _Ternaux-Compans_, _Voy._, série i., tom. x., p. 25; _Id._, in _Icazbalceta_, _Col. de Doc._, tom. i., p. 295; _Bernal Diaz_, _Hist. Conq._, fol. 2; _Ximenez_, _Hist. Ind. Guat._, p. 127. [1094] See vol. iv., chap. iv., v., for a full description of Maya ruins, with plates. See _Landa_, _Relacion_, p. 174; _Alvarado_, in _Ternaux-Compans_, _Voy._, série i., tom. x., pp. 112, 117; _Godoi_, in _Id._, p. 158; _Cortés_, _Cartas_, pp. 425-6; _Juarros_, _Hist. Guat._, p. 87; _Oviedo_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. i., p. 534, tom. iii., pp. 477-8; _Fuentes_, in _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. viii., p. 243; _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. iv., lib. iii., cap. iii., lib. x., cap. iii.; _Villagutierre_, _Hist. Conq. Itza_, p. 41; _Andagoya_, in _Navarrete_, _Col. de Viajes_, tom. iii., p. 407. [1095] _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., p. 386; _Cogolludo_, _Hist. Yuc._, pp. 5, 77, 130, 181; _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. iii., lib. iv., cap. vii., dec. iv., lib. iii., cap. iii., lib. viii., cap. x., lib. x., cap. iv.; _Villagutierre_, _Hist. Conq. Itza_, pp. 72-3, 76, 142, 281; _Landa_, _Relacion_, pp. 168, 174, 176; _Las Casas_, in _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. viii., pp. 144, 148; _Palacio_, _Carta_, pp. 70-2; _Oviedo_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. i., pp. 276, 511-12, 523, tom. iii., pp. 230, 477, tom. iv., pp. 53-4; _Gomara_, _Hist. Ind._, fol. 61, 264; _Juarros' Hist. Guat._, p. 185, etc.; _Peter Martyr_, dec. viii., lib. v.; _Ximenez_, _Hist. Ind. Guat._, pp. 170, 198, 202-3; _Alvarado_, in _Ternaux-Compans_, _Voy._, série i., tom. x., pp. 112, 138; _Diaz_, _Itinéraire_, in _Id._, pp. 17-18; _Squier's Cent. Amer._, pp. 325, 333; _Id._, _Nicaragua_, (Ed. 1856,) vol. ii., p. 342; _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. ii., pp. 544, 558-9; _Ternaux-Compans_, in _Nouvelles Annales des Voy._, 1843, tom. xcvii., p. 46; _Morelet_, _Voyage_, tom. i., p. 186; _Boyle's Ride_, vol. i., p. 259; _Fancourt's Hist. Yuc._, pp. 92, 116. CHAPTER XXIV. MAYA ARTS, CALENDAR, AND HIEROGLYPHICS. SCARCITY OF INFORMATION--USE OF METALS--GOLD AND PRECIOUS STONES--IMPLEMENTS OF STONE--SCULPTURE--POTTERY--MANUFACTURE OF CLOTH--DYEING--SYSTEM OF NUMERATION--MAYA CALENDAR IN YUCATAN--DAYS, WEEKS, MONTHS, AND YEARS--INDICTIONS AND KATUNES--PEREZ' SYSTEM OF AHAU KATUNES--STATEMENTS OF LANDA AND COGOLLUDO--INTERCALARY DAYS AND YEARS--DAYS AND MONTHS IN GUATEMALA, CHIAPAS, AND SOCONUSCO--MAYA HIEROGLYPHIC SYSTEM--TESTIMONY OF EARLY WRITERS ON THE USE OF PICTURE-WRITING--DESTRUCTION OF DOCUMENTS--SPECIMENS WHICH HAVE SURVIVED--THE DRESDEN CODEX--MANUSCRIPT TROANO--TABLETS OF PALENQUE, COPAN, AND YUCATAN--BISHOP LANDA'S KEY--BRASSEUR DE BOURBOURG'S INTERPRETATION. Our knowledge of Maya arts and manufactures, so far as it depends on the statements of the early Spanish writers is very slight, and may be expressed in few words; especially as most of these arts seem to have been very nearly identical with those of the Nahuas, although many of them, at the time of the Conquest at least, were not carried to so high a grade of perfection as in the north. Some branches of mechanical art have indeed left material relics, which, examined in modern times, have extended our knowledge on the subject very far beyond what may be gleaned from sixteenth-century observations. But a volume of this work is set apart for the consideration of material relics with numerous illustrative plates, and although the temptation to use both information and plates from modern sources is particularly strong in some of the topics of this chapter and the following, a regard for the symmetry of the work, and the necessity of avoiding all repetition, cause me to confine myself here almost exclusively to the old authors, as I have done in describing the Nahua arts. [Sidenote: KNOWLEDGE OF METALS.] Iron was not known to the Mayas, and it is not quite certain that copper was mined or worked by them. The boat so often mentioned as having been met by Columbus off the coast, and supposed to have come from Yucatan, had on board crucibles for melting copper, and a large number of copper hatchets. Similar hatchets together with bells, ornaments, and spear and arrow points of the same metal were seen at various points, and were doubtless used to a considerable extent throughout Yucatan, Chiapas, and Guatemala. But there are no metallic deposits on the peninsula, and the copper instruments used there, or at least the material, must have been brought from the north, as it is indeed stated by several authors that they were. No metallic relics whatever have been found among the ruins of Yucatan, and only very few in other Maya regions. Copper implements are not mentioned by the early visitors to Nicaragua, and although that country abounds in ore of a variety easily worked, yet there is no evidence that it was used, and Squier's statement that the Nicaraguans were skillful workers in this metal, probably rests on no stronger basis than the reported discovery of a copper mask at Ometepec. Godoi speaks of copper in Chiapas, and also of a metallic composition called _cacao_! Small articles of gold, intended chiefly for ornamental purposes, were found everywhere in greater or less abundance by the Spaniards, the gold being generally described as of a low grade. Cortés speaks of the gold in Yucatan as alloyed with copper, and the same alloy is mentioned in Guatemala by Herrera, and in Nicaragua by Benzoni. The latter author says that gold was abundant in Nicaragua but was all brought from other provinces. He also states that there were no mines of any kind, but Oviedo, on the contrary, speaks of 'good mines of gold.' Articles of gold took the form of animals, fishes, birds, bells, small kettles and vases, beads, rings, bracelets, hatchets, small idols, bars, plates for covering armor, gilding or plating of wooden masks and clay beads, and settings for precious stones. Peter Martyr speaks of gold as formed in bars and stamped in Nicaragua, and Villagutierre of silver 'rosillas' in use among the Itzas. We have but slight information respecting the use of precious stones. Oviedo saw in Nicaragua a sun-dial of pearl set on jasper, and also speaks of wooden masks covered with stone mosaic and gold plates in Tabasco. Martyr tells us that the natives of Yucatan attached no value to Spanish counterfeited jewels, because they could take from their mines better ones of genuine worth.[1096] [Sidenote: STONE CARVING.] The few implements in common use among the Mayas, such as knives, chisels, hatchets, and metates, together with the spear and arrow heads already mentioned, were of flint, porphyry, or other hard stone. There is but little doubt that most of their elaborate sculpture on temples and idols was executed with stone implements, since the material employed was for the most part soft and easily worked. The carvings in the hard sapote-wood in Yucatan must have presented great difficulties to workmen without iron tools; but the fact remains that stone implements, with a few probably of hardened copper, sufficed with native skill and patience for all purposes. Villagutierre informs us that the Lacandones cut wood with stone hatchets. Cogolludo speaks of the remarkable facility which the natives displayed in learning the mechanical arts introduced by Spaniards, in using new and strange tools or adapting the native implements to new uses. All implements whether of the temple or the household, seem to have been ceremonially consecrated to their respective uses. Oviedo speaks of deer-bone combs used in Guatemala, and of another kind of combs the teeth of which were made of black wood and set in a composition like baked clay but which became soft on exposure to heat. The early writers speak in general terms of idols of various human and animal forms, cut from all kinds of stone, and also from wood; Martyr also mentions an immense serpent in what he supposed to be a place of punishment in Yucatan, which was 'compacted of bitumen and small stones.' The Itzas constructed of stone and mortar the image of a horse, modeled on an animal left among them by Cortés. The Spanish authors say little or nothing of the sculpture of either idols or architectural decorations, except that it was elaborate, and often demon-like; but their observations on the subject would have had but little value, even had they been more extended, and fortunately architectural remains are sufficiently numerous and complete, at least in Yucatan, Honduras, and Chiapas, to supply information that, if not entirely satisfactory, is far more so than what we possess respecting other branches of Maya art. Brasseur de Bourbourg speaks of vases exquisitely worked from alabaster and agate in Yucatan; there is some authority for this in modern discoveries, but little or none, so far as I know, in the writings of the conquerors. Earthenware, shells, and the rind of the gourd were the material of Maya dishes. All speak of the native pottery as most excellent in workmanship, material, and painting, but give no details of its manufacture. Herrera, however, mentions a province of Guatemala, where very fine pottery was made by the women, and Palacio tells us that this branch of manufactures was one of the chief industries of Aguachapa, a town of the Pipiles. All that is known of cloths and textile fabrics has been given in enumerating the various articles of dress; of any differences that may have existed between the Nahua and Maya methods of spinning and weaving cotton we know nothing. It is probable that the native methods have not been modified essentially in modern times among the same peoples. We are told that in Yucatan the wife of a god invented weaving, and was worshiped under the name of Ixazalvoh; while another who improved the invention by the use of colored threads was Yxchebelyax, also a goddess. Spinning and weaving was for the most part women's work, and they are spoken of as industrious and skillful in the avocation. Bark and maguey-fibre were made into cloth by the Cakchiquels, and Oviedo mentions several plants whose fibre was worked into nets and ropes by the Nicaraguans. The numerous dye-woods which are still among the richest productions of the country in many parts, furnished the means of imparting to woven fabrics the bright hues of which the natives were so fond. Bright-colored feathers were highly prized and extensively used for decorative purposes. Garments of feathers are spoken of, which were probably made as they were in Mexico by pasting the plumage in various ornamental figures on cotton fabric.[1097] [Sidenote: SYSTEM OF NUMERATION.] The following table will give the reader a clear idea of the Maya system of numeration as it existed in Yucatan; the definitions of some of the names are taken from the Maya dictionary, and may or may not have any application to the subject: 1 hun, 'paper' 2 ca, 'calabash' 3 ox, 'shelled corn' 4 can, 'serpent' or 'count' 5 ho, 'entry' 6 uac 7 uuc 8 uaxac, 'something standing erect' 9 bolon, _bol_, 'to roll or turn' 10 lahun, _lah_, 'a stone' 11 buluc, 'drowned' 12 lachá, (lahun-ca), 10 + 2 13 oxlahun, 3 + 10 14 canlahun, 4 + 10 15 holhun, (ho-lahun), 5 + 10 16 uaclahun, 6 + 10, etc. 20 hunkal, _kal_, 'neck,' or a measure, 1 × 20 21 huntukal, 1 + 20 22 catukal, 2 + 20, etc. 28 uaxactukal, or hunkal catac uaxac, 8 + 20, or 20 + 8 _catac_, 'and' 30 luhucakal, 2 × 20 - 10 (?) 31 buluctukal, 11 + 20 32 lahcatukal, 12 + 20 33 oxlahutukal, 13 + 20, etc. 40 cakal, 2 × 20 41 huntuyoxkal 42 catuyoxkal 50 lahuyoxkal 51 buluctuyoxkal 60 oxhal, 3 × 20 61 huntucankal 70 lahucankal 71 buluctucankal 80 cankal, 4 × 20 81 hutuyokal 82 catuyokal 90 lahuyokal 100 ho-kal, 5 × 20 101 huntu uackal 102 catu uackal 110 lahu uackal 115 holhu uackal 120 uackal, 6 × 20 130 lahu uuckal 131 buluc tu uuckal 140 uuckal, 7 × 20 141 huntu uaxackal 160 uaxackal, 8 × 20, etc. 200 lahuncal, 10 × 20 300 holhukal, 15 × 20 400 hunbak, 1 × 400 500 hotubak 600 lahutubak 800 cabak, 2 × 400 900 hotu yoxbak 1,000 lahuyoxbak or hunpic (modern) 1,200 oxbak, 3 × 400 1,250 oxbak catac lahuyoxkal, 3 × 400 + 50 2,000 capic (modern) 8,000 hunpic (ancient) 16,000 ca pic (ancient) 160,000 calab 1,000,000 kinchil or huntzotzceh 64,000,000 hunalau Thus the Mayas seem to have had uncompounded names for the numerals from 1 to 11, 20, 400, and 8,000, and to have formed all numbers by the addition or multiplication of these. The manner in which the combinations were made seems clear up to the number 40. Thus we have 10 and 2, 10 and 3, etc., up to 19; 20 is _hun-kal_, 21 is _hun-tu-kal_, etc., indicating that _tu_, which I do not find in any dictionary, is simply 'and' or a sign of addition. The composition of _lahu-ca-kal_ is clear only in the sense of _ten_ from _twice twenty_; 40 is two twenties, 60 is three twenties, and so on regularly by twenties up to 400, for which a new word _bak_ is introduced; after which the numbers proceed, twice 400, thrice 400, etc., to 8,000, _pic_, corresponding to the Nahua _xiquipilli_. But while the composition is intelligible so far as the multiples of 20 and 400 are concerned, it is far from clear in the case of the intermediate numbers. For instance, 40 is _ca-kal_, and forming 41, 42, etc., as 21 was formed from 20, we should have _hun-tu-ca-kal_, _ca-tu-ca-kal_, etc., instead of the names given, _hun-tu-yox-kal_, etc., or, interpreting this last name as the former were interpreted we should have 61 instead of 41. The same observation may be made respecting every number, not a multiple of 20, up to 400; that is, each number is less by 20 than the composition of its name would seem to indicate. If we gave to _tu_ the meaning 'towards,' then _hun-tu-yox-kal_ might be interpreted '1 (from 40) towards 60,' or 41; but in such a case the word for 21, _hun-tu-kal_, must be supposed to be a contraction of _hun-tu-ca-kal_, '1 (from 20) towards 40.' Other irregularities will be noticed by the reader in the numbers above 400. I have thought it best to call attention to what appears a strange inconsistency in this system of numeration, but which may present less difficulties to one better acquainted than I with the Maya language.[1098] [Sidenote: THE MAYA CALENDAR.] Authorities on the Maya calendar of Yucatan, the only one of which any details are known, are Bishop Landa and Don Juan Pio Perez. The latter was a modern writer who devoted much study to the subject, was perfectly familiar with the Maya language, and had in his possession or consulted elsewhere many ancient manuscripts. There are also a few scattered remarks on the subject in the works of other writers.[1099] The Maya day was called _kin_, or 'sun'; _malik ocok kin_ was the time just preceding sunrise; _hatzcab_ was the time from sunrise to noon, which was called _chunkin_ or 'middle of the day'; _tzelep kin_ was the declining sun, or about three o'clock P. M.; _oc na kin_ was sunset. The night was _akab_, and midnight was _chumuc akab_. Other hours were indicated by the position of the sun in the daytime, and by that of some star--the morning star, the Pleiades, and the Gemini as Landa says--during the night. [Illustration: Days of the Maya Calendar.] The following table shows the names of the twenty days with the orthography of different writers, and the meaning of the names so far as known: Kan 'henequen string,' 'yellow,' 'serpent.' Chicchán _chichan_ would be 'small,' a thing that grows or increases slowly. Cimi (Quimi, Cimij) preterite of _cimil_, 'to die.' Manik possibly 'passing wind.' Lamat possibly 'abyss of water,' found as _lambat_ in Oajaca calendar. Muluc possibly 'reunion,' also in Chiapas calendar. Oc 'what may be held in the palm of the hand,' 'foot,' 'leg.' Chuen 'board,' or name of a tree, perhaps _chouen_ of Quiché calendar. Eb 'stairway' or 'ladder.' Ben (Been) perhaps Been, an ancient prince, or 'to spend with economy.' Ix (Hix, Gix) possibly 'roughness.' The Quiché _itz_ is 'sorcerer.' Men 'builder.' Cib (Quib) 'wax' or 'copal.' Caban Ezanab (Ecnab, Edznab) Cauac Ahau (Ajau) 'king,' beginning of the period of 24 (or 20) years. Ymix _Imox_, in Quiché calendar is the Mexican Cipactli. Ik (Yk) 'wind' or 'breath.' Akbal In Quiché, 'vase.' The hieroglyphics by which the names of the days were expressed are shown in the accompanying cut in their proper order of succession,--Kan, Chicchan, etc., to Akbal; but it is to be noted that although this order was invariable, yet the month might begin with any one of the four days Kan, Muluc, Ix, and Cauac. The month, made up as I have said of twenty days, was called _u_, or 'moon,' indicating perhaps that time was originally computed by lunar calculations. It was also called _uinal_, a word whose signification is not satisfactorily given. The year contained eighteen months, whose names with the hieroglyphics by which they were written, are shown in the cut on the opposite page, in their order, Pop, Uo, Zip, etc., to Cumhu. Not only did the months succeed each other always in the same order, but Pop was always the first month of the year, which began on a date corresponding to July 16 of our calendar, a date which varies only forty-eight hours from the time when the sun passes the zenith--an approximation as accurate as could be expected from observations made without instruments. [Sidenote: MONTHS OF THE MAYA CALENDAR.] [Illustration: Months of the Maya Calendar.] The following table shows the names of the months, their meaning, and the day on which each began, according to our calendar: Pop (Poop, Popp) 'mat' July 16 Uo (Woo, Voo) 'Frog' Aug. 5 Zip (Cijp) name of a tree, 'defect,' 'swollen' Aug. 25 Tzoz (Zoc, Zotz) 'bat' Sept. 14 Tzec (Zeec) possibly 'discourse,' 'skull' Oct. 4 Xul 'end' Oct. 24 Yaxkin (Dze-Yaxkin, Tze Yaxkin) 'beginning of summer' Nov. 13 Mol (Mool) 'to reunite'. Dec. 3 Chen (Cheen) 'well' Dec. 23 Yax (Yaax) 'green' or 'blue' or 'first' Jan. 12 Zac (Zak) 'clear,' 'white' Feb. 1 Ceh (Qeh, Quej, Queh) 'deer' Feb. 21 Mac, 'to close,' 'lid,' a measure Mar. 13 Kankin, 'yellow sun' Apr. 2 Muan (Moan) 'showery day,' the bird called 'ara' Apr. 22 Pax (Paax) a musical instrument May 12 Kayab, 'singing' June 1 Cumhu (Cumkú) noise of an explosion, as of thunder June 21 [1100] [Sidenote: INTERCALARY DAYS.] The year was called _haab_, and consisted of the eighteen months already named,--which would make 360 days,--and of five supplementary, or intercalary days, to complete the full number of 365. These intercalary days were called _xma kaba kin_, or 'nameless days,' and also _uayab_ or _nayeb haab_, _u na haab_, _nayab chab_, _u yail kin_, _u yail haab_, _u tuz kin_, or _u lobol kin_, which may mean 'bed' or 'chamber' of the year, 'mother of the year,' 'bed of creation,' 'travail of the year,' 'lying days,' or 'bad days,' etc. They were added at the end of each year, after the last day of Cumhu, and although they are called nameless, and were perhaps never spoken of by name, yet they were actually reckoned like the rest;--that is, if the last day of Cumhu was Akbal, the five intercalary days would be reckoned as Kan, Chicchan, Cimi, Manik, and Lamat, so that the new year, or the month of Pop, would begin with the day Muluc. Besides this division of time into years, months, and days, there was another division carried along simultaneously with the first, into twenty-eight periods of thirteen days each,[1101] which may for convenience be termed weeks, although the natives did not apply any name to the period of thirteen days, and perhaps did not regard it as a definite period at all, but used the number thirteen as a sacred number from some superstitious motives;[1102] yet its use produces some curious complications in the calendar, of which it is a most peculiar feature. The name of each day was preceded by a numeral showing its position in the week, and these numerals proceeded regularly from one to thirteen and then began again at one. Thus 1 Kan meant 'Kan, the first day of the week'; 12 Cauac, 'Cauac, the twelfth day of the week,' etc. It is probable also that the days of the month were numbered regularly from 1 to 20, as events are spoken of as occurring on the 18th of Zip, etc., but the numeral relating to the week was the most prominent. The table shows the succession of days and weeks for several months: ========================================= | 1 | | | 2 | | a | POP. | b | a | UO. | b | ---+----------+----+----+----------+----+ 1 | Kan | 1 | 8 | Kan | 1 | 2 | Chicchán | 2 | 9 | Chicchán | 2 | 3 | Cimi | 3 | 10 | Cimi | 3 | 4 | Manik | 4 | 11 | Manik | 4 | 5 | Lamat | 5 | 12 | Lamat | 5 | 6 | Muluc | 6 | 13 | Muluc | 6 | 7 | Oc | 7 | 1 | Oc | 7 | 8 | Chuen | 8 | 2 | Chuen | 8 | 9 | Eb | 9 | 3 | Eb | 9 | 10 | Ben | 10 | 4 | Ben | 10 | 11 | Ix | 11 | 5 | Ix | 11 | 12 | Men | 12 | 6 | Men | 12 | 13 | Cib | 13 | 7 | Cib | 13 | 1 | Caban | 14 | 8 | Caban | 14 | 2 | Ezanab | 15 | 9 | Ezanab | 15 | 3 | Cauac | 16 | 10 | Cauac | 16 | 4 | Ahau | 17 | 11 | Ahau | 17 | 5 | Ymix | 18 | 12 | Ymix | 18 | 6 | Ik | 19 | 13 | Ik | 19 | 7 | Akbal | 20 | 1 | Akbal | 20 | ========================================= a: Day of Week. b: Day of Month. ========================================= | 3 | | | 4 | | a | ZIP. | b | a | TZOZ. | b | ---+----------+----+----+----------+----+ 2 | Kan | 1 | 9 | Kan | 1 | 3 | Chicchán | 2 | 10 | Chicchán | 2 | 4 | Cimi | 3 | 11 | Cimi | 3 | 5 | Manik | 4 | 12 | Manik | 4 | 6 | Lamat | 5 | 13 | Lamat | 5 | 7 | Muluc | 6 | 1 | Muluc | 6 | 8 | Oc | 7 | 2 | Oc | 7 | 9 | Chuen | 8 | 3 | Chuen | 8 | 10 | Eb | 9 | 4 | Eb | 9 | 11 | Ben | 10 | 5 | Ben | 10 | 12 | Ix | 11 | 6 | Ix | 11 | 13 | Men | 12 | 7 | Men | 12 | 1 | Cib | 13 | 8 | Cib | 13 | 2 | Caban | 14 | 9 | Caban | 14 | 3 | Ezanab | 15 | 10 | Ezanab | 15 | 4 | Cauac | 16 | 11 | Cauac | 16 | 5 | Ahau | 17 | 12 | Ahau | 17 | 6 | Ymix | 18 | 13 | Ymix | 18 | 7 | Ik | 19 | 1 | Ik | 19 | 8 | Akbal | 20 | 2 | Akbal | 20 | ========================================= Of the twenty days only four,--Kan, Muluc, Ix, and Cauac--could begin either a month or a year. Whatever the name of the first day of the first month, every month in the year began with the same day, accompanied, however, by a different numeral. The numeral of the first day for the first month being 1, that of the second would be 8, and so on for the other months in the following order: 2, 9, 3, 10, 4, 11, 5, 12, 6, 13, 7, 1, 8, 2, 9, 3. To ascertain the numeral for any month 7 must be added to that of the preceding month, and 13 subtracted from the sum if it be more than 13. [Sidenote: SUCCESSION OF THE YEARS.] By extending the table of days and months over a period of years,--an extension which my space does not permit me to make in these pages,--the reader will observe that by reason of the intercalary days, and of the fact that 28 weeks of 13 days each make only 364 instead of 365 days, if the first year began with the day 1 Kan, the second would begin with 2 Muluc, the third with 3 Ix, the fourth with 4 Cauac, the fifth with 5 Kan, and so on in regular order; therefore the years were named by the day on which they began, 1 Kan, 2 Muluc, 3 Ix, etc., since the year would begin with any one of these combinations only once in 52 years. Thus the four names of the days Kan, Muluc, Ix, and Cauac served as signs for the years, precisely as the signs _tochtli_, _calli_, _tecpatl_, and _acatl_ with their numerals served among the Aztecs. In the circle in which the Mayas are said to have inscribed their calendar, these four signs are located in the east, north, west, and south respectively, and are considered the 'carriers of the years.' It will be seen that, starting from 1 Kan, although every fifth year began with the day, or sign, Kan, yet the numeral 1 did not occur again in connection with any first day until thirteen years had passed away; so that 1 Kan or Kan alone not only named the year which it began, but also a period of thirteen years, which is spoken of as a 'week of years' or an 'indiction.' The first indiction of thirteen years beginning with 1 Kan, the second began with 1 Muluc, the third with 1 Ix, and the fourth with 1 Cauac. After the indiction whose sign was 1 Cauac, the next would begin again with 1 Kan; that is 52 years would have elapsed, and this period of 52 years was called a Katun, corresponding with the Aztec cycle, as explained in a preceding chapter. Thus we see that the four signs Kan, Muluc, Ix, and Cauac served to name certain days of the month; they also named the years of the indiction, since in connection with certain numerals they were the first days of these years; they further named the indictions of the Katun, of which with the numeral 1 they were also the first days; and finally they named, or may have named, the Katun itself which they begun, also in connection with the numeral 1. How the Katuns were actually named we are not informed. The completion of each Katun was regarded by the Mayas as a most critical and important epoch, and was celebrated with most imposing religious ceremonies. Also a monument is said to have been raised, on which a large stone was placed crosswise, also called _katun_ as a memorial of the cycle that had passed. It is unfortunate that some of these monuments cannot be discovered and identified among the ruins. Thus far the Maya calendar is, after a certain amount of study, sufficiently intelligible; and is, except in its system of nomenclature, essentially identical with that of the Nahuas. The calendars of the Quichés, Cakchiquels, Chiapanecs, and the natives of Soconusco, are also the same so far as their details are known. The names of months and days in some of these calendars will be given in this chapter. [Sidenote: THE AHAU KATUNES.] Another division of time not found in the Nahua calendar, was that into the Ahau Katunes. The system according to which this division was made is clear enough if we may accept the statements of Sr Perez; several of which rest on authorities that are unknown to all but himself. According to this writer, the Ahau Katun was a period of 24 years, divided into two parts; the first part of 20 years was enclosed in the native writings by a square and called _amaytun_, _lamayte_, or _lamaytun_; and the second, of the other four years, was placed as a 'pedestal' to the others, and therefore called _chek oc katun_, or _lath oc katun_. These four years were considered as intercalary and unfortunate, like the five supplementary days of the year, and were sometimes called _a yail haab_, 'years of pain.' This Katun of 24 years was called Ahau from its first day, and the natives began to reckon from 13 Ahau Katun, because it began on the day 13 Ahau, on which day some great event probably took place in their history. The day Ahau at which these periods began was the second day of such years as began with Cauac; and 13 Ahau, the first day of the first period, was the second of the year 12 Cauac; 2 Ahau was the second day of the year 1 Cauac, etc. If we construct a table of the years from 12 Cauac in regular order, we shall find that if the first period was 13 Ahau Katun because it began with 13 Ahau, the second, 24 years later, was 11 Ahau Katun, beginning with 11 Ahau; the third was 9 Ahau Katun, etc. That is, the Ahau Katunes, instead of being numbered 1, 2, 3, etc., in regular order was preceded by the numerals 13, 11, 9, 7, 5, 3, 1, 12, 10, 8, 6, 4, and 2. 13 of these Ahau Katunes, making 312 years, constituted a great cycle, and we are told that it was by means of the Ahau Katunes and great cycles of 312 years that historical events were generally recorded. Sr Perez states that the year 1392 of our era was the Maya year 7 Cauac, 'according to all sources of information, confirmed by the testimony of Don Cosme de Burgos, one of the conquerors, and a writer (but whose observations have been lost).' Therefore the 8 Ahau Katun began on the second day of that year; the 6 Ahau Katun, 24 years later, in 1416; the 4 Ahau in 1440; the 2, in 1464; the 13, in 1488; the 11, in 1512; the 9, in 1536; the 7, in 1560; the 5, in 1584; the 3, in 1608, etc. As a test of the accuracy of his system of Ahau Katunes, the author says that he found in a certain manuscript the death of a distinguished individual, Ahpulá, mentioned as having taken place in the 6th year of Ahau Katun, when the first day of the year was 4 Kan, on the day of 9 Ix, the 18th day of the month Zip. Now the 13 Ahau began in the year 12 Cauac, or 1488; the 6th year from 1488 was 1493, or 4 Kan; if the month of Pop began with 4 Kan, then the 3d month, Zip, began with 5 Kan, and the 18th of that month fell on 9 Ix, or Sept. 11. All this may be readily verified by filling out the table in regular order. On the other hand we have Landa's statement that the Ahau Katun was a period of 20 years; he gives however the same order of the numerals as Perez,--that is 13, 11, 9, 7, 5, 3, 1, 12, 10, 8, 6, 4, 2. He also states that the year 1541 was the beginning of 11 Ahau; but if 11 Ahau was the second day of 1541, that year must have been 10 Cauac, and 1561, 20 years later, would have been 4 Cauac, the second day of which would have been 5 Ahau; which does not agree at all with the order of numerals. In fact no other number of years than 24 for each Ahau Katun will produce this order of numerals, which fact is perhaps the strongest argument in favor of Sr Perez' system. Cogolludo also says that the Mayas counted their time by periods of 20 years called Katunes, each divided into 5 sub-periods of four years each. Sr Perez admits that other writers reckon the Ahau Katun as 20 years, but claims that they have fallen into error through disregarding the _chek oc katun_, or 4 unlucky years of the period. A Maya manuscript furnished and translated by Perez is published by Stephens and in Landa's work, and repeatedly speaks of the Ahau Katun as a period of 20 years. Again, this is the very manuscript in which the death of Ahpulá was announced, and the date of that event is given as 6 years _before the completion of 13 Ahau_, instead of the sixth year of that period as stated in the calculations of Sr Perez; and besides, the date is distinctly given as 1536, instead of 1403, which dates will in nowise agree with the system explained, or with the date of 1392 given as the beginning of 8 Ahau. Moreover, as I have already said, several of the statements on which Perez bases his computations are unsupported by any authority save manuscripts unknown to all but himself. Such are the statements that the Ahau Katun began on the 2d day of a year Cauac; that 13 Ahau was reckoned as the first; and that 8 Ahau began in 1392. These facts, together with various other inaccuracies in the writings of Sr Perez are sufficient to weaken our faith in his system of the Ahau Katunes; and since the other writers give no explanations, this part of the Maya calendar must remain shrouded in doubt until new sources of information shall be found.[1103] The following quotation made by Sr Perez from a manuscript, contains all that is known respecting what was possibly another method of reckoning time. "There was another number which they called _Ua Katun_, and which served them as a key to find the Katunes, according to the order of its march, it falls on the days of the _uayeb haab_, and revolves to the end of certain years: Katunes 13, 9, 5, 1, 10, 6, 2, 11, 7, 3, 12, 8, 4." [Sidenote: BISSEXTILE ADDITIONS.] We have seen that the Maya year by means of intercalary days added at the end of the month Cumhu was made to include 365 days. How the additional six hours necessary to make the length of the year agree with the solar movements were intercalated without disturbing the complicated order already described, is altogether a matter of conjecture. The most plausible theory is perhaps that a day was added at the end of every four years, this day being called by the same name and numeral as the one preceding it, or, in other words, no account being made of this day in the almanac, although it was perhaps indicated by some sign in the hieroglyphics of these days. The Nicaraguan calendar was practically identical with that of the Aztecs, even in nomenclature although there were naturally some slight variations in orthography. The following table shows the names of the months in several other Maya calendars, whose system so far as known is the same as that in Yucatan. Chiapas Quiché.[1104] Cakchiquel.[1104] and Soconusco.[1105] ------------------------+---------------------------+-------------- 1 Nabe Tzih '1st word' | I Bota 'rolls of mats' | Tzun 2 U Cab Tzih '2d word' | Qatic 'common seed' | Batzul 3 Rox Tzih '3d word' | Izcal 'sprouts' | Sisac 4 Che 'tree' | Pariche 'firewood' | Muetasac 5 Tecoxepual | Tocaxequal 'seeding time' | Moc 6 Tzibe Pop | Nabey Tumuzuz | Olati 'painted mat' | '1st flying ants' | | Rucab Tumuzuz | Ulol 7 Zak 'white' | '2d flying ants' | 8 Chab 'bow' | Cibixic 'time of smoke' | Oquinajual 9 Huno Bix Gih | Uchum 'resowing time' | Veh '1st song of sun' | | 10 Nabe Mam | Nabey Mam '1st old man' | Elech '1st old man' | | 11 U Cab Mam | Ru Cab Mam '2d old man' | Nichqum '2d old man' | | 12 Nabe Ligin Ga | Ligin Ka 'soft hand' | Sbanvinquil '1st soft hand' | | 13 U Cab Ligin Ga | Nabey Togic '1st harvest' | Xchibalvinquil '2d soft hand' | | 14 Nabe Pach | Ru Cab Togic '2d harvest' | Yoxibalvinquil '1st generation' | | 15 U Cab Pach | Nabey Pach | Xchanibalvinquil '2d generation' | '1st generation' | 16 Tziquin Gih | Ru Cab Pach | Poin 'time of birds' | '2d generation' | 17 Tzizi Lagan | Tziquin Gih | Mux 'to sew the standard'| 'time of birds' | 18 Cakam 'time of | Cakam | Yaxquin red flowers' | 'time of red flowers' | [Sidenote: DAYS IN GUATEMALA AND CHIAPAS.] The names of the days in the same calendars are as follows: Quiché and Cakchiquel.[1106] Chiapas (Tzendal?) Soconusco.[1107] ---------------------------------+------------------------------------ 1 Imox 'sword-fish' | Imox or Mox 2 Ig 'spirit' or 'breath' | Igh or Ygh 3 Akbal 'chaos' | Votan 4 Qat 'lizard' | Chanan or Ghanan 5 Can 'snake' | Abah or Abagh 6 Camey 'death' | Tox 7 Quieh 'deer' | Moxic 8 Ganel 'rabbit' | Lambat 9 Toh 'shower' | Molo or Mulu 10 Tzy 'dog' | Elab or Elah 11 Batz 'monkey' | Batz 12 Ci or Balam, 'broom,' 'tiger' | Evob or Enob 13 Ah 'cane' | Been 14 Yiz or Itz 'sorcerer' | Hix 15 Tziquin 'bird' | Tziquin 16 Ahmak 'fisher,' 'owl' | Chabin or Chahin 17 Noh 'temperature' | Chic or Chiue 18 Tihax 'obsidian' | Chinax 19 Caok 'rain' | Cahogh or Cabogh 20 Hunahpu 'shooter of blowpipe' | Aghual I shall treat of the Maya hieroglyphics by giving first the testimony of the early writers respecting the existence of a system of writing in the sixteenth century; then an account of the very few manuscripts that have been preserved, together with illustrative plates from both manuscripts and sculptured stone tablets; to be followed by Bishop Landa's alphabet, a mention of Brasseur de Bourbourg's attempted interpretation of the native writings, and a few speculations of other modern writers on the subject. The statements of the early writers, although conclusive, are not numerous, and I will consequently translate them literally. Landa says that "the sciences which they taught were--to read and write with their books and characters with which they wrote, and with the figures which signified (explained, or took the place of?) writings. They wrote their books on a large leaf, doubled in folds, and inclosed between two boards which they made very fine (decorated); and they wrote on both sides in columns, according to the folds; the paper they made of the roots of a tree, and gave it a white varnish on which one could write well; these sciences were known by certain men of high rank (only), who were therefore more esteemed although they did not use the art in public." "These people also used certain characters or letters with which they wrote in their books their antiquities and their sciences; and by means of these and of figures and of certain signs in their figures they understood their things, and made them understood, and taught them. We found among them a great number of books of these letters of theirs, and because they had nothing in which there were not superstitions and falsities of the devil, we burned them all, at which they were exceedingly sorrowful and troubled."[1108] According to Cogolludo, "in the time of their infidelity the Indians of Yucatan had books, made of the bark of trees, with a white and durable varnish, ten or twelve yards long, which by folding were reduced to a span. In these they painted with colors the account of their years, wars, floods, hurricanes, famines, and other events." "The son of the only god, of whose existence, as I have said, they were aware, and whom they called Ytzamná, was the man, as I believe, who first invented the characters which served the Indians as letters, because they called the latter also Ytzamná."[1109] The Itzas, as Villagutierre tells us, had "characters and figures painted on the bark of trees, each leaf, or tablet, being about a span long, as thick as a real de à ocho (a coin), folded both ways like a screen, which they called _analtees_."[1110] Mendieta states that the Mexicans had no letters, "although in the land of Champoton it is said that such were found, and that they understood each other by means of them, as we do by means of ours."[1111] Acosta says that in Yucatan "there were books of leaves, bound or folded after their manner, in which the learned Indians had their division of their time, knowledge of plants and animals and other natural objects, and their antiquities; a thing of great curiosity and diligence."[1112] The Maya priests "were occupied in teaching their sciences and in writing books upon them."[1113] In Guatemala, according to Benzoni, "the thing of all others at which the Indians have been most surprised has been our reading and writing.... Nor could they imagine among themselves in what way white paper painted with black, could speak."[1114] Peter Martyr gives quite a long description of the native wood-bound books, which he does not refer particularly to Yucatan, although Brasseur, apparently with much reason, believes they were the Maya _analtés_ rather than the regular Aztec picture writings. The description is as follows in the quaint English of the translator. "They make not their books square leafe by leafe, but extend the matter and substance thereof into many cubites. They reduce them into square peeces, not loose, but with binding, and flexible Bitumen so conioyned, that being compact of wooden table bookes, they may seeme to haue passed the hands of some curious workman that ioyned them together. Which way soeuer the book bee opened, two written sides offer themselues to the view, two pages appeare and as many lye vnder, vnlesse you stretch them in length: for there are many leaues ioyned together vnder one leafe. The Characters are very vnlike ours, written after our manner, lyne after lyne, with characters like small dice, fishookes, snares, files, starres, & other such like formes and shapes. Wherein they immitate almost the Egyptian manner of writing, and betweene the lines they paint the shapes of men, & beasts, especially of their kings & nobles.... They make the former wooden table bookes also with art to content and delight the beholder. Being shut, they seeme to differ nothing from our bookes, in these they set downe in writing the rites, and the customes of their laws, sacrifices, ceremonies, their computations, etc."[1115] [Sidenote: MAYA HIEROGLYPHIC SYSTEM.] Respecting hieroglyphic records in Chiapas and Guatemala, we have the statement of Ordoñez that "Votan wrote a work upon the origin of the Indians," and that he, Ordoñez, had a copy of the book in his possession; a complaint in the Quiché annals known as the Popol Vuh, that the 'national book' containing the ancient records of their people had been lost; and finally the reported discovery and destruction in Soconusco of archives on stone by Nuñez de la Vega in 1691. All this amounts to little save as indicating the ancient use of hieroglyphics by the followers of Votan, a fact sufficiently proven, as we shall see, by the engraved tablets of Palenque and Copan.[1116] The Nicaraguans at the time of the conquest had records painted in colors upon skin and paper, undoubtedly identical in their figures with those of the Nahuas, to whom the civilized people of Nicaragua were nearly related in blood and language. No specimens of these southern hieroglyphics have, however, been preserved. Oviedo and Herrera slightly describe the paintings and later writers have followed them.[1117] [Sidenote: MAYA MANUSCRIPTS.] Of the aboriginal Maya manuscripts three specimens only, so far as I know, have been preserved. These are the _Mexican Manuscript, No. 2_, of the Imperial Library at Paris; the _Dresden Codex_; and the _Manuscript Troano_. Concerning the first we only know of its existence and the similarity of its characters to those of the other two and of the sculptured tablets. The document was photographed in 1864 by order of the French government, but I am not aware that the photographs have ever been given to the public. The _Dresden Codex_ is preserved in the Royal Library of Dresden. A complete copy was published in Lord Kingsborough's collection of Mexican antiquities, and fragments were also reproduced by Humboldt. It was purchased in Vienna by the librarian Götz in 1739, but beyond this nothing whatever is known of its history and origin. It was published by Kingsborough as an Aztec picture-writing, although its characters present little if any resemblance to those of its companion documents in the collection. Its form was also different from all the rest, since it is written on both sides of five leaves of maguey-paper. At the time of its publication, however, the existence of any but Aztec hieroglyphics in America was unknown. Mr Stephens in his antiquarian exploration of Central America, at once noticed the similarity of its figures to those of the sculptured hieroglyphics found there, but he used this similarity to prove the identity of the northern and southern nations, since it did not occur to him that the Aztec origin of the Dresden document was a mere supposition. Mr Brantz Mayer, fully aware of the differences between this and other reputed Mexican picture-writings, went so far as to pronounce it the only genuine Aztec document that he had seen. There can be no reasonable doubt, however, at this day, that the Maya and Nahua (or Maya and Aztec, since some authors will not agree with my use of the term Nahua) hieroglyphic systems were practically distinct, although it would be hardly wise to decide that they are absolutely without affinities in some of their details. The accompanying cut from Stephens' work shows a small fragment of the Dresden Codex.[1118] [Illustration: Fragment of the Dresden Codex.] [Sidenote: THE MANUSCRIPT TROANO.] The _Manuscript Troano_ was found about the year 1865 in Madrid by the Abbé Brasseur de Bourbourg, and was reproduced in fac-simile by a chromo-lithographic process by the Commission Scientifique du Mexique, under the auspices of the French Government. Its name comes from that of its possessor in Madrid, Sr Tro y Ortolano, and nothing whatever is known of its origin; two or three other old American manuscripts are reported to have been brought to light in Spain since the publication of this. The original is written on a strip of maguey-paper about fourteen feet long and nine inches wide, the surface of which is covered with a whitish varnish, on which the figures are painted in black, red, blue, and brown. It is folded fan-like into thirty-five folds, presenting when shut much the appearance of a modern large octavo volume. The hieroglyphics cover both sides of the paper, and the writing is consequently divided into seventy pages, each about five by nine inches, having been apparently executed after the paper was folded, so that the folding does not interfere with the written matter. One of the pages as a specimen is shown in the following plate, an exact copy, save in size and color, of the original. The regular lines of written characters are uniformly in black, while the pictorial portions, or what may perhaps be considered representative signs, are in red and brown, chiefly the former, and the blue appears for the most part as a background in some of the pages. A few of the pages are slightly damaged, and all the imperfections are, as it is claimed, faithfully reproduced in the published copy, which with the editor's comments fills two quarto volumes in the series published by the Commission mentioned.[1119] [Sidenote: MAYA INSCRIPTIONS IN STONE.] The plates on the following pages from the works of Stephens and Waldeck I present as specimens of the Maya writing, as it is found carved in stone in Yucatan, Honduras, and Chiapas. For particulars respecting the ruins in connection with which they were discovered, I refer the reader to volume IV. of this work. Fig. 1 represents the hieroglyphics sculptured on the top of an altar at Copan, in Honduras, the thirty-six groups cover a space nearly six feet square. Fig. 2 is a tablet set in the interior wall of a building in Chichen, Yucatan. The tablet is placed over the doorways and extends the whole length of the room, forty-three feet; only a part, however, is shown in the cut. Fig. 3 is a full-size representation of the carving on a green stone, or chalchiuite, found at Ococingo, Chiapas. I take it from the English translation of Morelet's Travels. Many of the monoliths of Copan have a line of hieroglyphics on their side. Plates representing specimens of these monuments will be given in Volume IV. Fig. 4 shows a portion of the hieroglyphic inscriptions on the famous 'tablet of the cross' at Palenque.[1120] [Illustration: Page of Manuscript Troano.] [Illustration: Fig. 1.--Altar Inscription from Copan.] [Illustration: Fig. 2.--Tablet from Chichen.] [Illustration: Fig. 3.--Chalchiuite from Ococingo.] [Illustration: Fig. 4.--Tablet from Palenque.] * * * * * [Sidenote: BISHOP LANDA'S ALPHABET.] I have given on a preceding page in this chapter, the signs by which the natives of Yucatan expressed the names of their days and months, taken from the work of Bishop Landa. The same author has also preserved a Maya alphabet. On account of Landa's failure to appreciate the importance of the native hieroglyphics, or to comprehend the system, and also very likely on account of his copyist's carelessness--for the original manuscript of Landa's work has not been found--the passage relating to the alphabet is very vague, unsatisfactory, and perhaps fragmentary; but it is of the very highest importance, since the alphabet here given in connection with the calendar signs already spoken of, furnish apparently the only ground for a hope that the veil of mystery which hangs over the Maya inscriptions may one day be lifted. I therefore give Landa's description as nearly as possible in his own words, copying also the original Spanish in a note. "Of their letters I give here (see alphabet on the next page) an A, B, C, since their heaviness (number and intricacy?) permits no more; because they use one character for all the aspirations of the letters, and another in the pointing of the parts (punctuation), and thus it goes on to infinity, as may be seen in the following example: _lé_ means 'a snare' or to hunt with it; to write it with their characters, we having given them to understand (although we gave, etc.) that they are two letters, they wrote it with three, placing after the aspiration _l_ the vowel _e_, which it has before it, and in this they do not err, although they make use, if they wish, of their curious method. Example: [Illustration: _e l e lé_] Then at the end they attach the adjoined part. _Ha_ which means 'water,' because the _haché_ (sound of the letter _h_) has _a_, _h_, before it, they put it at the beginning with _a_, at the end in this manner: [Illustration: _ha_] They also write it in parts but in both ways. I would not put (all this) here, nor treat of it, except in order to give a complete account of the things of this people. _Ma in kati_ means 'I will not'; they write it in parts after this manner."[1121] [Illustation: _ma i n ka ti_] [Illustration: A A A A B B C(q?) T È H H I CA(?) K L L M N O O P PP CU KU X X U(?) U (dj or dz?) Z HA MA TO Sign of (me, mo?) Aspiration.] Respecting this alphabet Landa adds: "this language lacks the letters that are missing here; and has others added from ours for other necessary things; and they already make no use of these characters, especially the young who have learned ours." It will be noticed that there are several varying characters for the same letter, and several syllabic signs. The characters of Landa's alphabet, and the calendar signs can be identified more or less accurately and readily with some of those of the hieroglyphic inscriptions in stone, the Manuscript Troano, and the Dresden Codex. The resemblance in many cases is clear, in others very vague and perhaps imaginary, while very many others cannot apparently be identified. Although Landa's key must be regarded as fragmentary, I believe there is no reason to doubt its authenticity. But one attempt has been made to practically apply this key to the work of deciphering the Maya documents, that of the Abbé Brasseur de Bourbourg. This writer, after a profound study of the subject, devotes one hundred and thirty-six quarto pages to a consideration of the Maya characters and their variations, and fifty-seven pages to the translation of a part of the Manuscript Troano. The translation must be pronounced a failure, especially after the confession of the author in a subsequent work that he had begun his reading at the wrong end of the document,[1122]--a trifling error perhaps in the opinion of the enthusiastic Abbé, but a somewhat serious one as it appears to scientific men. His preliminary examinations doubtless contain much valuable information which will lighten the labors and facilitate the investigations of future students; but unfortunately, such is their nature that condensation is impracticable. A long chapter, if not a volume, would be required to do them anything like justice, and they must be omitted here. Brasseur de Bourbourg devoted his life to the study of American primitive history. In actual knowledge of matters pertaining to his chosen subject, no man ever equaled or approached him. Besides being an indefatigable student he was an elegant writer. In the last decade of his life he conceived a new and complicated theory respecting the origin of the American people, or rather the origin of Europeans and Asiatics from America, made known to the world in his _Quatre Lettres_. His attempted translation of the Manuscript Troano was made in support of this theory. By reason of the extraordinary nature of the views expressed, and the author's well-known tendency to build magnificent structures on a slight foundation, his later writings were received for the most part by critics, utterly incompetent to understand them, with a sneer or, what seems to have grieved the writer more, in silence. Now that the great _Américaniste_ is dead, while it is not likely that his theories will ever be received, his zeal in the cause of antiquarian science and the many valuable works from his pen will be better appreciated. It will be long ere another shall undertake with equal devotion and ability the well nigh hopeless task. [Sidenote: INTERPRETATION OF MAYA RECORDS.] I close the chapter with a few quotations from modern writers respecting the Maya hieroglyphics and their interpretation. Tyler says "there is even evidence that the Maya nation of Yucatan, the ruins of whose temples and palaces are so well known from the travels of Catherwood and Stephens, not only had a system of phonetic writing, but used it for writing ordinary words and sentences."[1123] Wuttke suggests that Landa's alphabet originated after the Conquest, a suggestion, as Schepping observes, excluded by Mendieta's statement, but "otherwise very probable in consideration of the phoneticism developed in Mexico shortly after the Conquest."[1124] And finally Wilson says, "while the recurrence of the same signs, and the reconstruction of groups out of the detached members of others, clearly indicate a written language, and not a mere pictorial suggestion of associated ideas, like the Mexican picture-writing." "In the most complicated tablets of African hieroglyphics, each object is distinct, and its representative significance is rarely difficult to trace. But the majority of the hieroglyphics of Palenque or Copan appear as if constructed on the same polysynthetic principle which gives the peculiar and distinctive character to the languages of the New World. This is still more apparent when we turn to the highly elaborate inscriptions on the colossal figures of Copan. In these all ideas of simple phonetic signs utterly disappear. Like the _bunch-words_, as they have been called, of the American languages, they seem each to be compounded of a number of parts of the primary symbols used in picture-writing, while the pictorial origin of the whole becomes clearly apparent. In comparing these minutely elaborated characters with those on the tables, it is obvious that a system of abbreviation is employed in the latter. An analogous process seems dimly discernible in the abbreviated compound characters of the Palenque inscription. But if the inference be correct, this of itself would serve to indicate that the Central American hieroglyphics are not used as phonetic, or pure alphabetic signs; and this idea receives confirmation from the rare recurrence of the same group.... The Palenque inscriptions have all the characteristics of a written language in a state of development analogous to the Chinese, with its word-writing; and like it they appear to have been read in columns from top to bottom. The groups of symbols begin with a large hieroglyphic on the left-hand corner; and the first column occupies a double space. It is also noticeable that in the frequent occurrence of human and animal heads among the sculptured characters they invariably look toward the left; an indication, as it appears to me, that they are the graven inscriptions of a lettered people, who were accustomed to write the same characters from left to right on paper or skins. Indeed, the pictorial groups on the Copan statues seem to be the true hieroglyphic characters; while the Palenque inscriptions show the abbreviated hieratic writing. To the sculptor the direction of the characters was a matter of no moment; but if the scribe held his pen, or style, in his right hand, like the modern clerk, he would as naturally draw the left profile as we slope our current hand to the right. Arbitrary signs are also introduced, like those of the phonetic alphabets of Europe. Among these the T repeatedly occurs: a character which, it will be remembered, was also stamped on the Mexican metallic currency."[1125] FOOTNOTES: [1096] Two spindles with golden tissue. _Cortés_, _Cartas_, pp. 3, 422. Six golden idols, each one span long, in Nicaragua. _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. iii., lib. iv., cap. v. 20 golden hatchets, 14 carats fine, weighing over 20 lbs. _Id._, lib. iv., cap. vi. Houses of goldsmiths that molded marvellously. _Id._, cap. vii. See also _Id._, dec. i., lib. v., cap. v. Little fishes and geese of low gold at Catoche. _Cogolludo_, _Hist. Yuc._, p. 4. Golden armor and ornaments at Tabasco River. _Id._, pp. 12-13. Idols of unknown metals among the Itzas. _Villagutierre_, _Hist. Conq. Itza_, pp. 495, 497. Gilded wooden mask, gold plates, little golden kettles. _Diaz_, _Itinéraire_, in _Ternaux-Compans_, _Voy._, série i., tom. x. pp. 16, 25. Vases of chiseled gold in Yucatan. _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. ii., p. 69; _Id._, in _Landa_, _Relacion_, p. 32; _Benzoni_, _Hist. Mondo Nuovo_, fol. 102; _Oviedo_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. iv., pp. 39, 95, tom. i., p. 520; _Peter Martyr_, dec. iv., lib. i., dec. vi., lib. ii., vi.; _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. i., p. 354; _Godoi_, in _Ternaux-Compans_, _Voy._, série i., tom. x., p. 178; _Squier's Nicaragua_, (Ed. 1856,) vol. ii., p. 346. Respecting a copper mask from Nicaragua and two copper medals from Guatemala, see vol. iv. of this work. [1097] For slight notices of the various mechanical arts of the Mayas see the following authorities: _Oviedo_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. i., pp. 276, 350, 521, tom. iv., pp. 33, 36, 105-9; _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. i., p. 354, tom. ii., p. 346; _Laet_, _Novus Orbis_, p. 329; _Cogolludo_, _Hist. Yuc._, pp. 4, 13, 187, 196; _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. ii., lib. ii., cap. xvii., dec. iv., lib. viii., cap. ix., lib. x., cap. ii., xiv.; _Landa_, _Relacion_, pp. 116, 120, 128-9; _Villagutierre_, _Hist. Conq. Itza_, pp. 100, 311-12, 495, 499-501; _Remesal_, _Hist. Chyapa._, p. 293; _Peter Martyr_, dec. iv., lib. ii., dec. vi., lib. iii.; _Benzoni_, _Hist. Mondo Nuovo_, fol. 98, 102-3; _Ximenez_, _Hist. Ind. Guat._, p. 203; _Gomara_, _Hist. Ind._, fol. 268; _Cortés_, _Cartas_, p. 489; _Andagoya_, in _Navarrete_, _Col. de Viajes_, tom. iii., p. 416; _Las Casas_, _Hist. Apologética_, MS., cap. cxxiv.; _Id._, in _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. viii., pp. 147-8; _Palacio_, _Carta_, p. 44; _Squier's Nicaragua_, (Ed. 1856,) vol. ii., pp. 339, 346; _Foster's Pre-Hist. Races_, p. 212; _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. ii., pp. 69, 172, 563. [1098] _Beltran de Santa Rosa María_, _Arte_, pp. 195-208; _Id._, in _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, MS. _Troano_, tom. ii., pp. 92-9. 'El modo de contar de los Indios es de cinco en cinco, y de quatro cincos hazen veinte.' _Landa_, _Relacion_, p. 206; _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. iv., lib. x., cap. iv. [1099] _Landa_, _Relacion_, pp. 202-316; _Perez_, _Cronologia Antigua de Yuc._, with French translation, in _Id._, pp. 366-429; English translation of the same in _Stephens' Yucatan_, vol. i., pp. 434-59; original Spanish also in the _Registro Yucateco_; _Orozco y Berra_, _Geografía_, pp. 103-8, 163-4; _Veytia_, _Hist. Ant. Mej._, tom. i., p. 137; _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., pp. 65-6; _Gallatin_, in _Amer. Ethno. Soc., Transact._, vol. i., pp. 104-14; _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. iii., pp. 462-7; _Id._, MS. _Troano_, tom. i., pp. 73-97. [1100] Cogolludo omits the month Tzoz, and inserts a month Vaycab, Vtuz Kin, or Vlobol Kin, between Cumhu and Pop. He also in one place puts Cuchhaab in the place of Kan. _Hist. Yuc._, p. 185-6. See also _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. ii., pp. 466-7; _Waldeck_, _Voy. Pitt._, p. 22. The Abbé Brasseur de Bourbourg, in his attempted interpretation of the Manuscript Troano, gives the following curious etymologies of the names of these months. 'Le vocable _pop_, que Beltran écrit long, _poop_, signifie la natte, "estera ò petate," dit Pio Perez, qui donne encore à _pop_ le sens d'un arbrisseau ou d'une plante qu'il ne décrit point, mais qui, fort probablement, doit être de la nature des joncs dont on fait les différentes espèces de nattes connues au Yucatan. En prenant ce vocable avec l'orthographe de Beltran, _poop_ se composerait de _po_, primitif inusité, exprimant l'enflure, la vapeur, l'expansion par la chaleur d'une matière dans une enveloppe, et de _op_, briser, rompre pour sortir, crevasser par la force du feu.... Beltran ajoute que _uo_ désigne en outre le têtard, une sorte de petit crapaud et un fruit indigène, appelé _pitahaya_ aux Antilles ... _uo_, au rapport du même auteur énonce l'idée des caractères de l'écriture, en particulier des voyelles.... Cet hiéroglyphe paraît assez difficile à expliquer. Sa section inférieure renferme un caractère qui semble, en raccourci, celui de la lettre _h_, et la section supérieure est identique avec le signe que je crois une variante du _ti_, localité, lieu. Ce qu'on pourrait interpréter par "le possesseur enfermé du lieu," indice du têtard, de l'embryon dans son enveloppe. (?) L'ensemble de l'idée géologique, qui a présidé à la composition du calendrier maya, se poursuit dans les noms des mois, ainsi que dans ceux des jours. Après le marécage, déjà crevassé par le chaleur, apparaît le têtard, l'embryon de la grenouille, laissé au fond de la bourbe, symbole de l'embryon du feu volcanique couvant sous la terre glacée et qui ne tardera pas à rompre son enveloppe, ainsi qu'on le verra dans les noms des mois suivants.... _Zip_, analysé, donne _Zi ip_, bois à brûler qui se gonfle outre mesure, sens intéressant qui rappelle le grand arbre du monde, gonflé outre mesure par les gaz et les feux volcaniques, avant d'éclater.... J'inclinerais à penser que Landa a voulu exprimer par _tzoz_, non la chauve-souris _zos_, mais _tzotz_, la chevelure, vocable qui dans toutes les langues du groupe mexico-guatémalien indique symboliquement la chevelure de l'eau, la surface ondoyante, remuante de la mer, d'un lac ou d'une rivière: c'est à quoi semblent correspondre les signes de la glace qui se présentent dans l'image du mois _Tzoz_. Il s'agirait donc ici de la chevelure, de la surface des eaux gelées au-dessus de la terre et que la force du feu volcanique commence à rider, à faire grimacer, ainsi que l'énonce le nom du mois suivant.... Tzec.... Ce que l'auteur du calendrier a voulu exprimer, c'est bien probablement une tête de mort de singe, aux dents grimaçantes, image assez commune dans les fantaisies mythologiques de l'Amérique centrale et qu'on retrouve sculptée fréquemment dans les belles ruines de Copan.... Une intention plus profonde encore se révèle dans ces têtes de singes. Car si les danses et les mouvements de ces animaux symbolisent, dans le sens mystérieux du _Popol Vuh_, le soulèvement momentané des montagnes à la surface de la mer des Caraìbes, leurs têtes, avec l'expression de la mort, ne sauraient faire allusion, probablement, qu'à la disparition de ces montagnes sous les eaux, où elles continuèrent à grimacer, dans les récifs et les _Ronfleurs_, comme elles avaient fait grimacer la glace, en se soulevant.' As it would occupy too much space to give the Abbé's explanations of all the months, the above will suffice for specimens. See _MS. Troano_, tom. i., pp. 98-108. [1101] Landa says, however, 'vingt-sept trezaines et neuf jours, sans compter les supplémentaires.' _Relacion_, p. 235. [1102] The number 13 may come from the original reckoning by lunations, 26 days being about the time the moon is seen above the horizon in each revolution, 13 days of increase, and 13 of decrease. _Perez_, in _Landa_, _Relacion_, pp. 366-8. Or it may have been a sacred number before the invention of the calendar, being the number of gods of high rank. _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Ib._ [1103] 'Contaban sus eras, y edades, que ponian en sus libros de veinte en veinte años, y por lustros de quatro en quatro.... Llegando estos lustros a cinco, que ajustan veinte años, llamaban _Katùn_, y ponian vna piedra labrada sobre otra labrada, fixada con cal, y arena en las paredes de sus Templos, y casas de los Sacerdotes, como se vè oy en los edificios.' _Cogolludo_, _Hist. Yuc._, p. 186. 'Llaman a esta cuenta en su lengua Uazlazon Katun que quiere dezir la _gerra_ de los Katunes.' _Landa_, _Relacion_, p. 313. 'Para cuenta de veintenas de años en calendarios de los indios yucatecos, lo mismo que las indicciones nuestras; pero de mas años que estas, eran trece _ahaues_ que contenian 260 años, que era para ellos un siglo.' _Beltran de Santa Rosa María_, _Arte_, p. 204. Brasseur de Bourbourg is disposed to reject the system of Sr Perez, but he in his turn makes several errors in his notes on the subject. In _Landa_, _Relacion_, pp. 402-13, 428. The Maya MS. referred to in the text is found with its translation in _Id._, pp. 420-9, and _Stephens' Yucatan_, vol. ii., pp. 465-9. [1104] The Quiché year, according to Basseta, began on December 24, of our calendar. Following an anonymous MS. history of Guatemala, the Cakchiquel year began on January 31; and the 1st of Parichè in 1707 was on January 21. _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. iii., pp. 466-7. [1105] 'Algunos de estos nombres estan en lengua zotzil, y los demas se ignora en qué idioma se hallan.' _Pineda_, in _Soc. Mex. Geog., Boletin_, tom. iii., p. 408; _Orozco y Berra_, _Geografía_, pp. 205-6. [1106] _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. iii., pp. 462-3. [1107] _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, ubi sup.; _Boturini_, _Idea_, p. 118; _Humboldt_, _Vues_, tom. ii., pp. 356-7; _Gallatin_, in _Amer. Ethno. Soc., Transact._, vol. i., p. 104; _Orozco y Berra_, _Geografía_, p. 105; Veytia, _Hist. Ant. Mej._, tom. i., p. 137, makes Votan the first month; _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., p. 66; _Pineda_, in _Soc. Mex. Geog., Boletin_, tom. iii., p. 344. [1108] _Landa_, _Relacion_, pp. 44, 316. [1109] _Cogolludo_, _Hist. Yuc._, pp. 185, 196. The same author quotes Fuensalida to the effect that the Itza priests still kept in his time a record of past events in a book 'like a history which they call Analte.' _Id._, p. 507. [1110] _Villagutierre_, _Hist. Conq. Itza_, pp. 393-4. 'Analtehes, ò Historias, es vna misma cosa.' _Id._, p. 352. [1111] _Mendieta_, _Hist. Ecles._, p. 143. [1112] _Acosta_, _Hist. de las Ynd._, p. 407; _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., p. 187. [1113] _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec, iv., lib. x., cap. ii. [1114] _Benzoni_, _Hist. Mondo Nuovo_, fol. 109-10. [1115] _Peter Martyr_, dec. iv., lib. viii., or Latin edition of Cologne, 1574, p. 354; also quoted in _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, MS. _Troano_, tom. i., pp. 2-3; _Montanus_, _Nieuwe Weereld_, p. 77. Carli tells us that the inhabitants of Amatitlan in Guatemala were especially expert in making palm-leaf paper for writing. _Cartas_, pt ii., p. 104; _Malte-Brun_, _Précis de la Géog._, tom. vi., p. 470. References to modern authors who, except possibly Medel, have no other sources of information than those I have quoted, are as follows: 'Dans le Yucathan, on m'a montré des espèces de lettres et de caractères dont se servent les habitants.... Ils employaient au lieu de papier l'écorce de certaines arbres, dont ils enlevaient des morceaux qui avaient deux aunes de long et un quart d'aune de large. Cette écorce était de l'épaisseur d'une peau de veau et se pliait comme un linge. L'usage de cette écriture n'était pas généralement répandu, et elle n'était connue que des prêtres et de quelques caciques.' _Medel_, in _Nouvelles Annales des Voy._, 1843, tom. xcvii., pp. 49-50; _Waldeck_, _Voy. Pitt._, p. 40; _Squier's Cent. Amer._, p. 552; _Morelet_, _Voyage_, tom. i., p. 191; _Fancourt's Hist. Yuc._, p. 119; _Carrillo_, in _Soc. Mex. Geog., Boletin_, 2da época, tom. iii., pp. 269-70; _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. i., p. 79. [1116] _Ordoñez_, _Hist. Cielo, etc._, MS., and _Nuñez de la Vega_, _Constit. Diæces._, quoted by _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. i., pp. 71, 74; _Id._, _Popol Vuh_, p. 5; _Juarros_, _Hist. Guat._, p. 208; _Pineda_, in _Soc. Mex. Geog., Boletin_, tom. iii., pp. 345-6. [1117] _Oviedo_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. iv., p. 36; _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. iii., lib. iv., cap. vii.; _Gallatin_, in _Amer. Ethno. Soc., Transact._, vol. i., p. 8; _Malte-Brun_, _Précis de la Géog._, tom. vi., p. 472; _Squier's Nicaragua_, (Ed. 1856,) vol. ii., pp. 347-8. [1118] _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. iii., No. 2; _Humboldt_, _Vues_, tom. ii., pp. 268-71, pl. xvi. Mr Prescott, _Mex._, vol. i., pp. 104-5, says that this document bears but little resemblance to other Aztec MSS., and that it indicates a much higher stage of civilization; but he also fails to detect any stronger likeness to the bas-reliefs of Palenque, of which latter, however, he probably had a very imperfect idea. It cannot be interpreted, for 'even if a Rosetta stone were discovered in Mexico, there is no Indian tongue to supply the key or interpreter.' _Mayer_, _Mex. as it Was_, pp. 258-9. 'Le Codex de Dresde, et un autre de la Bibliothèque Nationale à Paris, bien qu'offrant quelque rapport avec les Rituels, échappent à toute interprétation. Ils appartiennent, ainsi que les inscriptions de Chiappa et du Yucatan à une écriture plus élaborée, comme incrustée et calculiforme, dont on croit trouver des traces dans toutes les parties très-anciennement policées des deux Amériques.' _Aubin_, in _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. i., p. lxxi. See _Stephens' Cent. Amer._, vol. ii., pp. 342, 453-5; _Id._, _Yucatan_, tom. ii., pp. 292, 453. [1119] _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _MS. Troano; Études sur le système graphique et la langue des Mayas_, Paris, 1869-70, 4º, 2 vols., 70 colored plates. [1120] _Waldeck_, _Palenqué_, pl. 21; _Stephen's Cent. Amer._, vol. i., pp. 136-7, 140-2; _Id._, _Yucatan_, vol. ii., pp. 300-1; _Morelet's Trav._, p. 98; Vol. iv., pp. 91-2, 97-9, 234, and chap. vi., of this work. [1121] The Spanish text is as follows: 'De sus letras porne aqui un _a_, _b_, _c_, que no permite su pesadumbre mas porque usan para todas las aspiraciones de las letras de un caracter, y despues, al puntar de las partes otro, y assi viene a hazer _in infinitum_, como se podra ver en el siguiente exemplo. _Lé_, quiere dezir laço y caçar con el; para escrivirle con sus carateres, haviendoles nosotros hecho entender que son dos letras, lo escrivian ellos con tres, puniendo a la aspiracion de la _l_ la vocal _é_, que antes de si trae, y en esto no hierran, aunque usense, si quisieren ellos de su curiosidad. Exemplo: _e l e lé_. Despues al cabo le pegan la parte junta. _Ha_ que quiere dezir agua, porque la _haché_ tiene _a_, _h_, antes de si la ponen ellos al principio con _a_, y al cabo desta manera: _ha_. Tambien lo escriven a partes pero de la una y otra manera, yo no pusiera aqui ni tratara dello sino por dar cuenta entera de las cosas desta gente. _Ma in kati_ quiere dezir no quiero, ellos lo escriven a partes desta manera: _ma i n ka ti_.' _Landa_, _Relacion_, pp. 316-22; also in _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _MS. Troano_, tom. i., pp. 37-8. [1122] _Bibliothèque Mexico-Guatémalienne_, Paris, 1871, p. xvii. [1123] _Tylor's Researches_, pp. 100-1. [1124] _Wuttke and Schepping_, in _Spencer's Descriptive Sociology_, no. 2., div. ii., pt 1-B, p. 51. See note 16 of this chapter. [1125] _Wilson's Pre-Historic Man_, p. 378, et seq. CHAPTER XXV. BUILDINGS, MEDICINE, BURIAL, PHYSICAL PECULIARITIES, AND CHARACTER OF THE MAYAS. SCANTY INFORMATION GIVEN BY THE EARLY VOYAGERS--PRIVATE HOUSES OF THE MAYAS--INTERIOR ARRANGEMENT, DECORATION, AND FURNITURE--MAYA CITIES--DESCRIPTION OF UTATLAN--PATINAMIT, THE CAKCHIQUEL CAPITAL--CITIES OF NICARAGUA--MAYA ROADS--TEMPLES AT CHICHEN ITZA AND COZUMEL--TEMPLES OF NICARAGUA AND GUATEMALA--DISEASES OF THE MAYAS--MEDICINES USED--TREATMENT OF THE SICK--PROPITIATORY OFFERINGS AND VOWS--SUPERSTITIONS--DREAMS--OMENS--WITCHCRAFT--SNAKE-CHARMERS --FUNERAL RITES AND CEREMONIES--PHYSICAL PECULIARITIES--CHARACTER. A full résumé of the principles of Maya architecture, gathered from observations of ruins made by modern travelers, will be given in another part of this work.[1126] I shall, therefore, without regard to the inevitable scantiness and unsatisfactory nature of such information, confine myself in this chapter to the descriptions furnished by the old writers, who saw the houses and towns while they were occupied by those who built them and the temples before they became ruins, or at least were contemporaries of such observers. The accounts given of the dwellings of the Mayas are very meagre. The early voyagers on the coast of Yucatan, such as Grijalva and Córdova, saw well-built houses of stone and lime, with sloping roofs thatched with straw or reeds; or, in some instances, with slates of stone;[1127] but this is all they tell us, and, indeed, they had little opportunity for close examination; the natives of those parts were fierce and warlike, and little disposed to submit to invasion, so that the handful of adventurers had barely time to look hastily about them after effecting a landing before they were driven back wounded to their boats. Here, as elsewhere, too, the temples and larger buildings naturally attracted their sole attention, both because of their strangeness and of the treasures which they were supposed to or did contain. These men were soldiers, gold-hunters; they did not travel leisurely; they had no time to examine the architecture of private dwellings; they risked and lost their lives for other purposes. Bishop Landa, however, has something to say on the subject of Maya dwellings. The roof, he says, was covered with straw, which they had in great abundance, or with palm-leaves, which answered the purpose admirably. A considerable pitch was given to the roof, that the rain might run off easily. The house was divided in its length, that is, from side to side, by a wall, in which several doorways were left as a means of communication with the back room where they slept. The front room where guests were received was carefully whitewashed, or in the houses of nobles, painted in various colors or designs; it had no door but was open all the length of the front of the house, and was sheltered from sun and rain by the eaves which usually descended very low.[1128] There was always a doorway in the rear for the use of all the inmates. The fact of there being no doors made it a point of honor among them not to rob or injure each other's houses. The poor people built the houses of the rich.[1129] A new dwelling could not be occupied until it had been formally blessed and purged of the evil spirit.[1130] [Sidenote: NICARAGUAN DWELLINGS.] In Nicaragua, the dwellings were mostly made of canes, and thatched with straw. In the large cities the houses of the nobles were built upon platforms several feet in height, but in the smaller towns the residences of all classes were of the same construction, except that those of the chiefs were larger and more commodious. Some, however, appear to have been built of stone.[1131] Of the dwellings in Guatemala, still less is said. Villagutierre mentions a Lacandone village in which were one hundred and three houses with sloping thatched roofs, supported upon stout posts. The front of each house was open, but the back and sides were closed with a strong stockade. The interior was divided into several apartments. Cogolludo says that their houses were covered with plaster, like those of Yucatan.[1132] The house, or rather shed, near the Gulf of Dulce, in which Cortés stayed, had no walls, the roof resting upon posts.[1133] In other parts of Guatemala he saw 'large houses with thatched roofs.'[1134] Gage does not give a glowing account of their dwellings. "Their houses," he writes, "are but poor thatched Cottages, without any upper rooms, but commonly one or two only rooms below, in the one they dress their meat in the middle of it, making a compass for fire, with two or three stones, without any other chimney to convey the smoak away, which spreading it self about the room, filleth the thatch and the rafters so with sut, that all the room seemeth to be a chimney. The next unto it, is not free from smoak and blackness, where sometimes are four or five beds according to the family. The poorer sort have but one room, where they eat, dress their meat and sleep."[1135] Las Casas tells us that when the Guatemalans built a new house they were careful to dedicate an apartment to the worship of the household gods; there they burned incense and offered domestic sacrifices upon an altar erected for the purpose.[1136] [Sidenote: HOUSEHOLD FURNITURE.] Little is said about the interior appointment and decoration of dwellings. Landa mentions that in Yucatan they used bedsteads made of cane,[1137] and the same is said of Nicaragua by Oviedo, who adds that they used a small four-legged bench of fine wood for a pillow.[1138] In Guatemala, there was in each room a sort of bedstead large enough to accommodate four grown persons, and other small ones for the children.[1139] Brasseur de Bourbourg gives a description of gorgeous furniture used in the houses of the wealthy in Yucatan, but unfortunately the learned Abbé has for his only authority on this point the somewhat apocryphal Ordoñez' MS. The stools, he writes, on which they seated themselves cross-legged after the Oriental fashion, were of wood and precious metals, and were often made in the shape of some animal or bird; they were covered with deer-skins, tanned with great care, and embroidered with gold and precious stones. The interior-walls were sometimes hung with similar skins, though they were more frequently decorated with paintings on a red or blue ground. Curtains of finest texture and most brilliant colors fell over the doorways, and the stucco floors were covered with mats made of exquisite workmanship. Rich hued cloths covered the tables. The plate would have done honor to a Persian satrap. Graceful vases of chased gold, alabaster or agate, worked with exquisite art, delicate painted pottery, excelling that of Etruria, candelabra for the great odorous pine torches, metal braziers diffusing sweet perfumes, a multitude of _petits riens_, such as little bells and grotesquely shaped whistles for summoning attendants, in fact all the luxuries which are the result of an advanced civilization, were, according to Brasseur de Bourbourg, to be found in the houses of the Maya nobility.[1140] [Sidenote: MAYA FORTIFICATIONS.] Of the interior arrangement of the Yucatec towns we are told nothing except that the temples, palaces, and houses of the nobility were in the centre, with the dwellings of the common people grouped about them, and that the streets were well kept.[1141] Some of them must, however, have been very large and have contained fine buildings. During Córdova's voyage on the coast of Yucatan a city was seen which, says Peter Martyr, "for the hugenesse thereof they call Cayrus, of Cayrus the Metropolis of Ægipt: where they find turreted houses, stately tenples, wel paued wayes & streets where marts and faires for trade of merchandise were kept."[1142] During Grijalva's voyage a city, the same one perhaps, was seen, which Diaz, the chaplain of the expedition, says was as 'large as the city of Seville.'[1143] None of the Yucatec cities appear to have been located with any view to defense, or to to have been provided with fortifications of any description.[1144] The towns of Guatemala, on the other hand, were very strongly fortified, both artificially and by the site selected. Juarros thus describes the city of Utatlan in Guatemala: "it was surrounded by a deep ravine that formed a natural fosse, leaving only two very narrow roads as entrances to the city, both of which were so well defended by the castle of _Resguardo_, as to render it impregnable. The centre of the city was occupied by the royal palace, which was surrounded by the houses of the nobility; the extremities were inhabited by the plebeians. The streets were very narrow, but the place was so populous, as to enable the king to draw from it alone, no less than 72,000 combatants, to oppose the progress of the Spaniards. It contained many very sumptuous edifices, the most superb of them was a seminary, where between 5 and 6000 children were educated; they were all maintained and provided for at the charge of the royal treasury; their instruction was superintended by 70 masters and professors. The castle of the Atalaya was a remarkable structure, which being raised four stories high, was capable of furnishing quarters for a very strong garrison. The castle of Resguardo was not inferior to the other; it extended 188 paces in front, 230 in depth, and was 5 stories high. The grand alcazar, or palace of the kings of Quiché, surpassed every other edifice, and in the opinion of Torquemada, it could compete in opulence with that of Montezuma in Mexico, or that of the Incas in Cuzco. The front of this building extended from east to west 376 geometrical paces, and in depth 728; it was constructed of hewn stone of different colors; its form was elegant, and altogether most magnificent; there were 6 principal divisions, the first contained lodgings for a numerous troop of lancers, archers, and other well disciplined troops, constituting the royal body guard; the second was destined to the accommodation of the princes, and relations of the king, who dwelt in it, and were served with regal splendour, as long as they remained unmarried; the third was appropriated to the use of the king, and contained distinct suits of apartments, for the mornings, evenings, and nights. In one of the saloons stood the throne, under four canopies of plumage, the ascent to it was by several steps; in this part of the palace were, the treasury, the tribunals of the judges, the armory, the gardens, aviaries, and menageries, with all the requisite offices appending to each department. The 4th and 5th divisions were occupied by the queens and royal concubines; they were necessarily of great extent, from the immense number of apartments requisite for the accommodation of so many females, who were all maintained in a style of sumptuous magnificence, gardens for their recreation, baths, and proper places for breeding geese, that were kept for the sole purpose of furnishing feathers, with which hangings, coverings, and other similar ornamental articles, were made. Contiguous to this division was the sixth and last; this was the residence of the king's daughters and other females of the blood royal, where they were educated and attended in a manner suitable to their rank."[1145] Patinamit, the Cakchiquel capital, was nearly three leagues in circumference. It was situated upon a plateau surrounded by deep ravines which could be crossed at only one point by a narrow causeway which terminated in two gates of stone, one on the outside and the other on the inside of the thick wall of the city. The streets were broad and straight, and crossed each other at right angles. The town was divided from north to south into two parts by a ditch nine feet deep, with a wall of masonry about three feet high on each side. This ditch served to divide the nobles from the commoners, the former class living in the eastern section, and the latter in the western.[1146] Peter Martyr says of the cities of Nicaragua: "Large and great streetes guarde the frontes of the Kinges courts, according to the disposition and greatnes of their village or towne. If the town consist of many houses, they haue also little ones, in which, the trading neighbours distant from the Court may meete together. The chiefe noble mens houses compasse and inclose the kinges streete on euery side: in the middle site whereof one is erected which the Goldesmithes inhabite."[1147] The Mayas constructed excellent and desirable roads all over the face of the country. The most remarkable of these were the great highways used by the pilgrims visiting the sacred island of Cozumel; these roads, four in number, traversed the peninsula in different directions, and finally met at a point upon the coast opposite the island.[1148] Diego de Godoi, in a letter to Cortés, states that he and his party came to a place in the mountains of Chiapas, where the smooth and slippery rock sloped down to the edge of a precipice, and which would have been quite impassable had not the Indians made a road with branches and trunks of trees. On the side of the precipice they erected a strong wooden railing, and then made all level with earth.[1149] [Sidenote: MAYA TEMPLES.] Of the Maya temples very little is said. There was one at Chichen Itza which had four great staircases, each being thirty-three feet wide and having ninety-one steps, very difficult of ascent. The steps were of the same height and width as ours. On both sides of each stairway was a low balustrade, two feet wide, made of good stone, like the rest of the building. The edifice was not sharp-cornered, because from the ground upward between the balustrades the cubic blocks were rounded, ascending by degrees and elegantly narrowing the building. There was at the foot of each balustrade a fierce serpent's head very strangely worked. On the top of the edifice there was a platform, on which stood a building forty-three feet by forty-nine feet, and about twenty feet high, having only a single doorway in the centre of each front. The doorways on the east, west and south, opened into a corridor six feet wide, which extended without partition walls round the three corresponding sides of the edifice; the northern doorway gave access to a corridor forty feet long and six and a third feet wide. Through the centre of the rear wall of this corridor a doorway opened into a room twelve feet nine inches by nineteen feet eight inches, and seventeen feet high; its ceiling was formed by two transverse arches supported by immense carved beams of zapote-wood, stretched across the room and resting, each at its centre, on two square pillars.[1150] The island of Cozumel was especially devoted to religious observances, and was annually visited by great numbers of pilgrims; there were therefore more religious edifices here than elsewhere. Among them is mentioned a square tower, with four windows, and hollow at the top; at the back was a room in which the sacred implements were kept; it was surrounded by an enclosure, in the middle of which stood a cross nine feet high, representing the God of rain.[1151] Other temples so closely resembled those of Mexico as to need no further description here.[1152] [Sidenote: NICARAGUAN TEMPLES.] The temples of Nicaragua were built of wood and thatched; they contained many low, dark rooms, where the idols were kept and the religious rites performed. Before each temple was a pyramidal mound, on the flat top of which the sacrifices were made in the presence of the whole people.[1153] In Guatemala, Cortés saw temples like those of Mexico.[1154] The temple of Tohil, at Utatlan, was, according to Brasseur de Bourbourg, a conical edifice, having in front a very steep stairway; at the summit was a platform of considerable size upon which stood a very high chapel, built of hewn stone, and roofed with precious wood. The walls were covered within and without with a very fine and durable stucco. Upon a throne of gold, enriched with precious stones, was seated the image of the god.[1155] * * * * * The particular diseases to which the Mayas were most subject are not enumerated, but there is no reason to doubt that they suffered from the same maladies as their neighbors the Nahuas. They seem to have been greatly afflicted with various forms of syphilis,[1156] and in winter, with catarrh and fever.[1157] They were much troubled, also, with epidemics, which not unfrequently swept the country with great destruction.[1158] [Sidenote: TREATMENT OF THE SICK.] Medicinal practitioners were numerous. Their medicines, which were mostly furnished by the vegetable kingdom, were administered in the usual forms,[1159] and their treatment of patients involved the customary mummeries. Clysters were much used.[1160] For syphilis they used a decoction of a wood called _guayacan_, which grew most plentifully in the province of Nagrando in Nicaragua.[1161] For rheumatism, coughs, colds, and other complaints of a kindred nature, they used various herbs, among them tobacco,[1162] and a kind of dough made of 'stinking poisonous worms.'[1163] Sores arising from natural causes they washed in a decoction of an herb called _coygaraca_, or poulticed it with the mashed leaves of another named _mozot_.[1164] Wounds taken in battle they always treated with external applications.[1165] Cacao, after the oil had been extracted was considered to be a sure preventive against poison.[1166] When a rich man or a noble fell sick a messenger was dispatched with gifts to the doctor, who came at once and staid by his patient until he either got well or died. If the sickness was not serious the physician merely applied the usual remedies, but it was thought that a severe illness could only be brought on by some crime committed and unconfessed. In such cases, therefore, the doctor insisted upon the sick man making a clean breast of it, and confessing such sin even though it had been committed twenty years before. This done, the physician cast lots to see what sacrifices ought to be made, and whatever he determined upon was always given even though it amounted to the whole of the patient's fortune.[1167] In Yucatan the practitioner sometimes drew blood from those parts of the patient's body in which the malady lay.[1168] Lizana mentions a temple at Izamal to which the sick were carried that they might be healed miraculously.[1169] In Guatemala, as elsewhere, propitiatory offerings of birds and animals were made in ordinary cases of sickness, but if the patient was wealthy and dangerously ill he would sometimes strive to appease the anger of the gods and atone for the sins which he was supposed to have committed by sacrificing male or female slaves, or, in extraordinary cases, when the sick man was a prince or a great noble, he would even vow to sacrifice a son or a daughter in the event of his recovery; and although the scapegoat was generally chosen from among his children by female slaves, yet so fearful of death, so fond of life were they, that there were not wanting instances when legitimate children, and even only sons were sacrificed. And it is said, moreover, that they were inexorable as Jephthah in the performance of such vows, for it was held to be a great sin to be false to a bargain made with the gods.[1170] [Sidenote: PRACTICE OF SORCERY.] The Mayas, like the Nahuas, were grossly superstitious. They believed implicitly in the fulfillment of dreams, the influence of omens, and the power of witches and wizards. No important matter was undertaken until its success had been foretold and a lucky day determined by the flight of a bird or some similar omen. Whether the non-fulfilment of the prediction was provided against by a _double entendre_, after the manner of the sibyls, we are not told. The cries or appearance of certain birds and animals were thought to presage harm to those who heard or saw them.[1171] They as firmly believed and were as well versed in the black art as their European brethren of a hundred years later, and they appear to have had the same enlightened horror of the arts of gramarye, for in Guatemala, at least, they burned witches and wizards without mercy. They had among them, they said, sorcerers who could metamorphose themselves into dogs, pigs, and other animals, and whose glance was death to their victims. Others there were who could by magic cause a rose to bloom at will, and could bring whomsoever they wished under their control by simply giving him the flower to smell. Unfaithful wives, too, would often bewitch their husbands that their acts of infidelity might not be discovered.[1172] All these things are gravely recounted by the old chroniclers, not as matters unworthy of credence, but as deeds done at the instigation of the devil to the utter damnation of the benighted heathen. Cogolludo, for instance, speaking of the performances of a snake-charmer, says that the magician took up the reptile in his bare hands, as he did so using certain mystic words, which he, Cogolludo, wrote down at the time, but finding afterwards that they invoked the devil, he did not see fit to reproduce them in his work. The same writer further relates that upon another occasion a diviner cast lots, according to custom, with a number of grains of corn, to find out which direction a strayed child had taken. The child was eventually found upon the road indicated, and the narrator subsequently endeavored to discover whether the devil had been invoked or not, but the magician was a poor simple fool, and could not tell him.[1173] Nor does there seem to have been any great difference between the credulity and superstition of conquerors and conquered in other respects. The Spanish Fathers, if we may judge from their writings, believed in the Aztec deities as firmly as the natives; the only difference seems to have been that the former looked upon them as devils and the latter as gods. When the Spaniards took notes in writing of what they saw, the Costa Ricans thought they were working out some magic spell; when the Costa Ricans cast incense towards the invaders telling them to leave the country or die,[1174] the Spaniards swore that the devil was in it, and crossed themselves as a counter-spell. The Yucatecs observed a curious custom during an eclipse of the moon. At such times they imagined that the moon was asleep, or that she was stung and wounded by ants. They therefore beat their dogs to make them howl, and made a great racket by striking with sticks upon doors and benches; what they hoped to accomplish by this, we are not told.[1175] * * * * * [Sidenote: FUNERAL RITES.] The Mayas disposed of the bodies of their dead by both burial and cremation. The former, however, appears to have been the most usual way. In Vera Paz, and probably in the whole of Guatemala, the body was placed in the grave in a sitting posture, with the knees drawn up to the face. The greater part of the dead man's property was buried with him, and various kinds of food and drink were placed in the grave that the spirit might want for nothing on its way to shadow-land.[1176] Just before death took place, the nearest relation, or the most intimate friend of the dying man, placed between his lips a valuable stone, which was supposed to receive the soul as soon as it passed from the body. As soon as he was dead, the same person removed the stone and gently rubbed the face of the deceased with it. This office was held to be a very important one, and the person who performed it preserved the stone with great reverence. When the lord of a province died, messengers were sent to the neighboring provinces to invite the other princes to be present at the funeral. While awaiting their arrival the body was placed in a sitting posture, in the manner in which it was afterwards to be interred,[1177] and clothed in a great quantity of rich clothing.[1178] On the day of the funeral the great lords who had come to attend the ceremony, brought precious gifts and ornaments, and placed them by the side of or on the person of the corpse. Each provided also a male or female slave, or both, to be sacrificed over the grave of the deceased. The body was then placed in a large stone chest,[1179] and borne with great solemnity to its last resting-place, which was generally situated on the top of a hill. The coffin having been lowered into the grave with its ornaments, the doomed slaves were immolated, and also cast in along with the implements which they had used in life, that they might follow their accustomed pursuits in the service of their new master in the other world. Finally, the grave was filled up, a mound raised over it, and a stone altar erected above all, upon which incense was burned and sacrifices were made in memory of the deceased. The common people did not use coffins, but placed the body in a sitting posture and wrapped up in many cloths, in an excavation made in the side of the grave, burying with it many jars, pans, and implements. They raised a mound over the grave of a height in proportion to the rank of the defunct.[1180] Only the poorer classes of the Yucatecs buried their dead. These placed corn in the mouth of the corpse, together with some money as ferriage for the Maya Charon. The body was interred either in the house or close to it. Some idols were thrown into the grave before it was filled up. The house was then forsaken by its inmates, for they greatly feared the dead.[1181] The books of a priest were buried with him, as were likewise the charms of a sorcerer.[1182] The Itzas buried their dead in the fields, in their every-day clothes. On the graves of the males they left such implements as men used, on those of the females they placed grinding-stones, pans, and other utensils used by the women.[1183] In Nicaragua, property was buried with the possessor if he or she had no children; if the contrary was the case, it was divided among the heirs. Nicaraguan parents shrouded their children in cloths, and buried them before the doors of their dwellings.[1184] Among the Pipiles the dead were interred in the house they had lived in, along with all their property. A deceased high-priest was buried, clad in the robes and ornaments appertaining to his office, in a sepulchre or vault in his own palace, and the people mourned and fasted fifteen days.[1185] Cremation or partial cremation seems to have been reserved for the higher classes. In Yucatan, an image of the dead person was made, of wood for a king, of clay for a noble. The back part of the head of this image was hollowed out, and a portion of the body having been burned, the ashes were placed in this hollow, which was covered with the skin of the occiput of the corpse. The image was then placed in the temple, among the idols, and was much reverenced, incense being burned before it, almost as though it had been a god. The remainder of the body was buried with great solemnity. When an ancient Cocome king died, his head was cut off and boiled. The flesh was then stripped off, and the skull cut in two crosswise. On the front part of the skull, which included the lower jaw and teeth, an exact likeness of the dead man was molded in some plastic substance. This was placed among the statues of the gods, and each day edibles of various kinds were placed before it, that the spirit might want for nothing in the other life, which, by the way, must have been a poor one to need such terrestrial aliment.[1186] When a great lord died in Nicaragua, the body was burned along with a great number of feathers and ornaments of different kinds, and the ashes were placed in an urn, which was buried in front of the palace of the deceased. As usual, the spirit must be supplied with food, which was tied to the body before cremation.[1187] [Sidenote: MOURNING FOR THE DEAD.] According to the information we have on the subject, the mourning customs of the Mayas appear to have been pretty much the same everywhere. For the death of a chief or any of his family the Pipiles lamented for four days, silently by day, and with loud cries by night. At dawn on the fifth day the high-priest publicly forbade the people to make any further demonstration of sorrow, saying that the soul of the departed was now with the gods. The Guatemalan widower dyed his body yellow, for which reason he was called _malcam_. Mothers who lost a sucking child, withheld their milk from all other infants for four days, lest the spirit of the dead babe should be offended.[1188] * * * * * The Mayas, like the Nahuas, were mostly well-made, tall, strong, and hardy. Their complexion was tawny. The women were passably good-looking, some of them, it is said, quite pretty, and seem to have been somewhat fairer-skinned than the men. What the features of the Mayas were like, can only be conjectured. Their sculpture would indicate that a large hooked nose and a retreating forehead, if not usual, were at least regarded with favor, and we know that head-flattening was almost universal among them. Beards were not worn, and the Yucatec mothers burned the faces of their children with hot cloths to prevent the growth of hair. In Landa's time some of the natives allowed their beard to grow, but, says the worthy bishop, it came out as rough as hog's bristles. In Nicaragua it would seem that they did not even understand what a beard was; witness the following 'pretie policy' of Ægidius Gonsalus: "All the Barbarians of those Nations are beardlesse, and are terribly afraide, and fearefull of bearded men: and therefore of 25. beardlesse youthes by reason of their tender yeres, Ægidius made bearded men with the powlinges of their heades, the haire being orderly composed, to the end, that the number of bearded men might appeare the more, to terrifie the[|m] if they should be assailed by warre, as afterwarde it fell out."[1189] Squinting eyes were, as I have said before, thought beautiful in Yucatan.[1190] [Sidenote: CHARACTER OF THE MAYAS.] Of all the Maya nations, the Yucatecs bear the best character. The men were generous, polite, honest, truthful, peaceable, brave, ingenious, and particularly hospitable, though, on the other hand, they were great drunkards, and very loose in their morals. The women were modest, very industrious, excellent housewives, and careful mothers, but, though generally of a gentle disposition, they were excessively jealous of their marital rights; indeed, Bishop Landa tells us that upon the barest suspicion of infidelity on the part of their husbands they became perfect furies, and would even beat their unfaithful one.[1191] The Guatemalans are spoken of as having been exceedingly warlike and valorous, but withal very simple in their tastes and manner of life.[1192] Arricivita calls the Lacandones thieves, assassins, cannibals, bloody-minded men, who received the missionaries with great violence.[1193] The fact that the Lacandones strove to repel invasion, without intuitively knowing that the invaders were missionaries, may have helped the worthy padre to come to this decision, however. The Nicaraguans were warlike and brave, but at the same time false, cunning, and deceitful. Their resolute hatred of the whites was so great that it is said that for two years they abstained from their wives rather than beget slaves for their conquerors.[1194] * * * * * Next after the collecting of facts in any one direction comes their comparison with other ascertained facts of the same category, by which means fragments of knowledge coalesce and unfold into science. This fascinating study, however, is no part of my plan. If in the foregoing pages I have succeeded in collecting and classifying materials in such a manner that others may, with comparative ease and certainty, place the multitudinous nations of these Pacific States in all their shades of savagery and progress side by side with the savagisms and civilizations of other ages and nations, my work thus far is accomplished. But what a flood of thought, of speculation and imagery rushes in upon the mind at the bare mention of such a study! Isolated, without the stimulus of a Mediterranean commerce, hidden in umbrageous darkness, walled in by malarious borders, and surrounded by wild barbaric hordes, whatever its origin, indigenous or foreign, there was found on Mexican and Central American table-lands an unfolding humanity, unique and individual, yet strikingly similar to human unfoldings under like conditions elsewhere. Europeans, regarding the culture of the conquered race first as diabolical and then contemptible, have not to this day derived that benefit from it that they might have done. It is not necessary that American civilization should be as far advanced as European, to make a perfect knowledge of the former as essential in the study of mankind as a knowledge of the latter; nor have I any disposition to advance a claim for the equality of American aboriginal culture with European, or to make of it other than what it is. As in a work of art, it is not a succession of sharply defined and decided colors, but a happy blending of light and shade, that makes the picture pleasing, so in the grand and gorgeous perspective of human progress the intermediate stages are as necessary to completeness as the dark spectrum of savagism or the brilliant glow of the most advanced culture. [Sidenote: CONCLUSION.] This, however, I may safely claim; if the preceding pages inform us aright, then were the Nahuas, the Mayas, and the subordinate and lesser civilizations surrounding these, but little lower than the contemporaneous civilizations of Europe and Asia, and not nearly so low as we have hitherto been led to suppose. Whatever their exact status in the world of nations--and that this volume gives _in esse_ and not _in posse_--they are surely entitled to their place, and a clear and comprehensive delineation of their character and condition fills a gap in the history of humanity. As in every individual, so in every people, there is something different from what may be found in any other people; something better and something worse. One civilization teaches another; if the superior teaches most, the inferior nevertheless teaches. It is by the mutual action and reaction of mind upon mind and nation upon nation that the world of intellect is forced to develop. Taking in at one view the vast range of humanity portrayed in this volume and the preceding, with all its infinite variety traced on a background of infinite unity, individuality not more clearly evidenced than a heart and mind and soul relationship to humanity everywhere, the wide differences in intelligence and culture shaded and toned down into a homogeneous whole, we can but arrive at our former conclusion, that civilization is an unexplained phenomenon whose study allures the thoughtful and yields results pregnant with the welfare of mankind. FOOTNOTES: [1126] See vol. iv., pp. 267, et. seq. [1127] 'A todo lo largo tenian los vecinos de aquel lugar muchas casas, hecho el cimiento de piedra y lodo hasta la mitad de las paredes, y luego cubiertas de paja. Esta gente del dicho lugar, en los edificios y en las casas, parece ser gente de grande ingenio: y si no fuera porque parecia haber allí algunos edificios nuevos, se pudiera presumir que eran edificios hechos por Españoles.' _Diaz_, _Itinerario_, in _Icazbalceta_, _Col. de Doc._, tom. i., p. 286; see also _Id._, pp. 281, 287. 'Las casas son de piedra, y ladrillo con la cubierta de paja, o rama. Y aun alguna de lanchas de piedra.' _Gomara_, _Conq. Mex._, fol. 23. 'The houses were of stone or brick, and lyme, very artificially composed. To the square Courts or first habitations of their houses they ascended by ten or twelue steps. The roofe was of Reeds, or stalkes of Herbs.' _Purchas his Pilgrimes_, vol. v., p. 885; _Bernal Diaz_, _Hist. Conq._, fol. 2-3; _Bienvenida_, in _Ternaux-Compans_, _Voy._, série i., tom. ii., p. 311; _Oviedo_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. i., p. 507, tom. iii., p. 230; _Montanus_, _Nieuwe Weereld_, p. 72; _Peter Martyr_, dec. iv., lib. i. [1128] 'C'est encore aujourd'hui de cette manière que se construisent à la campagne les maisons non seulement des indigènes, mais encore de la plupart des autres habitants du pays, au Yucatan et ailleurs.' _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, in _Landa_, _Relacion_, pp. 110-11. [1129] _Landa_, _Relacion_, p. 110. [1130] _Cogolludo_, _Hist. Yuc._, p. 184. [1131] 'Their houses of bricke or stone, are couered with reedes, where there is a scarcitie of stones, but where Quarries are, they are couered with shindle or slate. Many houses haue marble pillars, as they haue with vs.' _Peter Martyr_, dec. iv., lib. iii., dec. vi., lib. v.; _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. iii., lib. iv., cap. vii.; _Benzoni_, _Hist. Mondo Nuovo_, p. 102. [1132] _Hist. Yuc._, p. 700. 'Las casas eran ciento y tres, de gruessos, y fuertes Maderos, en que se mantenian los Techos, que eran de mucha Paja, reziamente amarrada, y con su corriente, y descubiertos todos los Frontispicios, y tapados los costados, y espaldas, de Estacada, con sus Aposentos, donde las Indias cozinavan, y tenian sus menesteres.' _Villagutierre_, _Hist. Conq. Itza_, pp. 311-12. [1133] _Cortés_, _Cartas_, p. 447. [1134] _Id._, pp. 268, 426. [1135] _New Survey_, p. 318. [1136] _Hist. Apologética_, MS., cap. cxxiv. [1137] _Relacion_, p. 110. [1138] 'Á la parte oriental, á siete ú ocho passos debaxo deste portal, está un echo de tres palmos alto de tierra, fecho de las cañas gruessas que dixe, y ençima llano é de diez ó doçe piés de luengo é de cinco ó seys de ancho, é una estera de palma gruessa ençima, é sobre aquella otras tres esteras delgadas é muy bien labradas, y ençima tendido el caçique desnudo é con una mantilla de algodon blanco é delgada revuelta sobre sí; é por almohada tenia un banquito pequeño de quatro piés, algo cóncavo, quellos llaman duho, é de muy linda é lisa madera muy bien labrado, por cabeçera.' _Hist. Gen._, tom. iv., p. 109. [1139] 'Y en cada Aposento vn Tapesco, sobre maderos fuertes, que en cada vno cabian quatro Personas; y otros Tapesquillos aparte, en que ponian las Criaturas.' _Villagutierre_, _Hist. Conq. Itza_, p. 312. Gage writes: They have 'four or five beds according to the family.... Few there are that set any locks upon their doors, for they fear no robbing nor stealing, neither have they in their houses much to lose, earthen pots, and pans, and dishes, and cups to drink their Chocolatte, being the chief commodities in their house. There is scarce any house which hath not also in the yard a stew, wherein they bath themselves with hot water.' _New Survey_, p. 318. [1140] _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. ii., pp. 68-9. [1141] _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. iv., lib. x., cap. ii., iii. [1142] Dec. iv., lib. i. [1143] _Diaz_, _Itinerario_, in _Icazbalceta_, _Col. de Doc._, tom. i., p. 287. [1144] See vol. iv. of this work, pp. 267-8. [1145] _Juarros_, _Hist. Guat._, pp. 87-8; _Las Casas_, _Hist. Apologética_, MS., cap. lii.; _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. ii., p. 493; _Palacio_, _Carta_, pp. 123-4. [1146] _Juarros_, _Hist. Guat._, pp. 383-4; _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. ii., p. 520. [1147] Dec. vi., lib. vi.; _Gomara_, _Hist. Ind._, fol. 263; _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. iii., lib. iv., cap. vii. [1148] _Lizana_, in _Landa_, _Relacion_, p. 358; _Cogolludo_, _Hist. Yuc._, p. 193; _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. ii., pp. 25, 46-7. [1149] _Godoi_, in _Ternaux-Compans_, _Voy._, série i., tom. x., pp. 171-2. At the Lake of Masaya in Nicaragua, Boyle noticed a 'cutting in the solid rock, a mile long, and gradually descending to depth of at least three hundred feet! This is claimed as the work of a people which was not acquainted with blasting or with iron tools. Nature had evidently little hand in the matter, though a cleft in the rock may perhaps have helped the excavators. The mouth of this tunnel is about half a mile from the town.' _Ride_, vol. ii., p. 11. Herrera, _Hist. Gen._, dec. iv., lib. viii., cap. vii., mentions the same thing in a very different manner: 'La subida y baxada, tan derecha como vna pared, que como es de peña viua, tiene en ella hechos agujeros, adonde ponen los dedos de las manos, y de los pies.' [1150] For description of ruins of this building as they now exist, and cuts of staircase, ground plan, and ornamentation, see vol. iv., pp. 226-9. Bishop Landa thus describes it: 'Este edificio tiene quatro escaleras que miran a las quatro partes del mundo: tienen de ancho a xxxiii pies y a noventa y un escalones cada una que es muerte subirlas. Tienen en los escalones la mesma altura y anchura que nosotros damos a los nuestros. Tiene cada escalera dos passamanos baxos a ygual de los escalones, de dos piez de ancho de buena canteria como lo es todo el edificio. No es este edificio esquinado, porque desde la salida del suelo se comiençan labrar desde los passemanos al contrario, como estan pintado unos cubos redondos que van subiendo a trechos y estrechando el edificio por muy galana orden. Avia quando yo lo vi al pie de cada passamano una fiera boca de sierpe de una pieça bien curiosamente labrada. Acabadas de esta manera las escaleras, queda en lo alto una plaçeta llana en la qual esta un edificio edificado de quatro quartos. Los tres se andan a la redonda sin impedimento y tiene cada uno puerta en medio y estan cerrados de boveda. El quarto del norte se anda por si con un corredor de pilares gruessos. Lo de en medio que avia de ser como el patinico que haze el orden de los paños del edificio tiene una puerta que sale al corredor del norte y esta por arriba cerrado de madera y servia de quemar los saumerios. Ay en la entrada desta puerta o del corredor un modo de armas esculpidas en una piedra que no pude bien entender. Tenia este edificio otros muchos, y tiene oy en dia a la redonda de si bien hechos y grandes, y todo en suelo del a ellos encalado que aun ay a partes memoria de los encalados tan fuerte es el argamasa de que alla los hazen. Tenia delante la escalera del norte algo aparte dos teatros de canteria pequeños de a quatro escaleras, y enlosados por arriba en que dizen representavan las farsas y comedias para solaz del pueblo. Va desde et patio en frente destos teatros una hermosa y ancha calçada hasta un poço como dos tiros de piedra. En este poço an tenido, y tenian entonces costumbre de echar hombres vivos en sacrificio a los dioses en tiempo de seca, y tenian no morian aunque no los veyan mas. Hechavan tambien otros muchas cosas, de piedras de valor y cosas que tenían depciadas.... Es poço que tiene largos vii estados de hondo hasta el agua, hancho mas de cien pies y redondo y de una peña tajada hasta el agua que es maravilla. Parece que tiene al agua muy verde, y creo lo causan las arboledas de que esta cercado y es muy hondo. Tiene en cima del junto a la boca un edificio pequeño donde halle yo idolos hechos a honra de todos los edificios principales de la tierra, casi como el Pantheon de Roma. No se si era esta invencion antigua o de los modernos para toparse con sus idolos quando fuessen con ofrendas a aquel poço. Halle yo leones labrados de bulto y jarros y otras cosas que no se como nadie dira no tuvieron herramiento esta gente. Tambien halle dos hombres de grandes estaturas labrados de piedra, cado uno de una pieça en carnes cubierta su honestidad como se cubrian los indios. Tenian las cabeças por si, y con zarcillos en las orejas como lo usavan los indios, y hecha una espiga por detras en el pescueço que encaxava en un agujero hondo para ello hecho en el mesmo pescueço y encaxado quedava el bulto cumplido.' _Relacion_, pp. 342-6. [1151] 'Vieron algunos adoratorios, y templos, y vno en particular, cuya forma era de vna torre quadrada, ancha del pie, y hueca en lo alto con quatro grandes ventanas, con sus corredores, y en lo hueco, que era la Capilla, estauan Idolos, y a las espaldas estaua vna sacristia, adonde se guardauan las cosas del seruicio del templo: y al pie deste estaua vn cercado de piedra, y cal, almenado y enluzido, y en medio vna Cruz de cal, de tres varas en alto, a la qual tenian por el Dios de la lluuia.' _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. ii., lib. iii., cap. i. 'Junto à vn templo, como torre quadrada, donde tenian vn Idolo muy celebrado, al pie de ella auia vn cercado de piedra, y cal muy bien luzido, y almenado, en medio del qual auia vna Cruz de cal tan alta, como diez palmos,' to which they prayed for rain. _Cogolludo_, _Hist. Yuc._, p. 200. It is doubtless the same structure of which Gomara writes: 'El templo es como torre quadrada, ancha del pie, y con gradas al derredor, derecha de medio arriba, y en lo alto hueca, y cubierta de paja, con quatro puertas o ventanas con sus antepechos, o corredores. En aquello hueco, que parece capilla, assientan o pintan sus dioses.' _Gomara_, _Conq. Mex._, fol. 23. [1152] The pyramids are of different size: 'aunque todos de vna forma. Son al modo de los que de la Nueua España refiere el Padre Torquemada en su Monarquia Indiana: leuantado del suelo vn terrapleno fundamento del edificio, y sobre èl vàn ascendiendo gradas en figuras piramidal, aunque no remata en ella, porque en lo superior haze vna placeta, en cuyo suelo estàn separada (aunque distantes poco) dos Capillas pequeñas en que estaban los Idolos (esto es en lo de Vxumual) y alli se hazian los sacrificios, assi de hombres, mugeres, y niños, como de las demàs cosas. Tienen algunos de ellos altura de mas de cien gradas de poco mas de medio pie de ancho cada vno.' _Cogolludo_, _Hist. Yuc._, p. 193. Landa describes a pyramidal structure which differs from others: 'Ay aqui en Yzamal un edificio entre los otros de tanta altura que espanta, el qual se vera en esta figura y en esta razon della. Tiene XX gradas de a mas de dos buenos palmos de alto y ancho cada un y terna, mas de cien pies de largo. Son estas gradas de muy grandes piedras labradas aunque con el mucho tiempo, y estar al agua, estan ya feas y maltratadas. Tiene despues labrado en torno como señala esta raya, redonda labrado de canteria una muy fuerte pared a la qual como estado y medio en alto sale una ceja de hermosas piedras todo a la redonda y desde ellas se torna despues a seguir la obra hasta ygualar con el altura de la plaça que se haze despues de la primera escalera. Despues de la qual plaça se haze otra buena placeta, y en ella algo pegado a la pared esta hecho un cerro bien alto con su escalera al medio dia, donde caen las escaleras grandes y encima esta una hermosa capilla de canteria bien labrada. Yo subi en lo alto desta capilla y como Yucatan es tierra llana se vee desde ella tierra quanto puede la vista alcançar a maravilla y se vee la mar. Estos edificios de Yzamal eran por todos XI o XII, aunque es este el mayor y estan muy cerca unos de otros. No oy memoria de los fundadores, y parecen aver sido los primeros. Estan VIII leguas de la mar en muy hermoso sitio, y buena tierra y comarca de gente.' _Relacion_, pp. 328-30. [1153] _Oviedo_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. iv., p. 37; _Peter Martyr_, dec. vi., lib. v. [1154] _Cortés_, _Cartas_, p. 448. [1155] _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. ii., p. 552. See also _Villagutierre_, _Hist. Conq. Itza_, p. 402. [1156] 'Y en estas partes é Indias pocos chripstianos, é muy pocos digo, son los que han escapado deste trabajoso mat (buboes) que hayan tenido partiçipaçion carnal con las mugeres naturales desta generaçion de indias; porque á la verdad es propria plaga desta tierra, é tan usada á los indios é indias como en otras partes otras comunes enfermedades.' _Oviedo_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. i., p. 365. [1157] 'Comiença el inuierno de aquella tierra desde san Francisco, quando entran los Nortes, ayre frio, y que destiempla mucho a los naturales: y por estar hechos al calor, y traer poca ropa, les dan rezios catarros, y calenturas.' _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. iv., lib. iii., cap. iv. [1158] _Landa_, _Relacion_, pp. 60-2. [1159] Ay infinitos generos de cortezas, rayzes, y hojas de arboles, y gomas, para muchas enfermedades, con que los Indios curauan en su gentilidad, con soplos, y otras inuenciones del demonio.' _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. iv., lib. x., cap. xiv.; _Las Casas_, _Hist. Apologética_, in _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. viii., p. 234. [1160] 'Curan viejas los enfermos ... y echan melezinas con vn cañuto, tomando la decoccion en la boca, y soplando. Los nuestros les hazian mil burlas, desuenteando al tiempo, que querian ellas soplar, o riendo del artificio.' _Gomara_, _Hist. Ind._, fol. 264; _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. iii., lib. iv., cap. vii. [1161] _Oviedo_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. i., p. 365. [1162] 'Ay en esta terra mucha diuersidad de yeruas medicinales, con que se curan los naturales: y matan los gusanos, y con que restriñen la sangre, como es el Piciete, por otro nombre Tabaco, que quita dolores causados de frio, y tomado en humo es prouechoso para las reumas, asma, y tos; y lo traen en poluo en la boca los Indios, y los negros, para adormecer, y no sentir el trabajo.' _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. iii., lib. vii., cap. iii. [1163] 'Hazen en el (Atiquizaya) vna massa de gusanos hediondos y ponçoñosos, que es marauillosa medicina para todo genero de frialdades, y otras indisposiciones.' _Id._, dec. iv., lib. viii., cap. x. [1164] _Oviedo_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. i., pp. 383-5. [1165] 'Curauan los heridos con poluos de yeruas, o carbon que lleuauan para esto.' _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. iii., lib. iv., cap. vii. [1166] _Oviedo_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. i., p. 321. [1167] _Las Casas_, in _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, tom. viii., p. 234; _Ximenez_, _Hist. Ind. Guat._, pp. 191-2; _Cogolludo_, _Hist. Yuc._, p. 184. [1168] _Landa_, _Relacion_, p. 160. [1169] 'Otro altar y templo sobre otro cuyo levantaron estos indios en su gentilidad á aquel su rey ó falso Dios _Ytzmat-ul_, donde pusieron la figura de la mano, que les servia de memoria, y dizen que alli le llevavan los muertos y enfermos, y que alli resucitavan y sanavan, tocandolos la mano; y este era el que está en la parte del puniente; y assi se llama y nombra Kab-ul que quiere dezir mano obradora.' _Lizana_, in _Landa_, _Relacion_, p. 358. [1170] _Ximenez_, _Hist. Ind. Guat._, pp. 191-2, 209-10. [1171] _Cogolludo_, _Hist. Yuc._, pp. 183-4. [1172] _Las Casas_, in _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, tom. viii., p. 144; _Oviedo_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. iv., p. 55; _Gomara_, _Hist. Ind._, fol. 264; _Cogolludo_, _Hist. Yuc._, p. 184. [1173] _Ib._ [1174] In Campeche the priests 'lleuauan braserillos de barro en que echauan anime, que entre ellos dizen Copal, y sahumauan a los Castellanos, diziendoles que se fuessen de su tierra, porque los matarian.' _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. ii., lib. ii., cap. xvii. [1175] _Cogolludo_, _Hist. Yuc._, p. 183. [1176] Cogolludo says that a calabash filled with _atole_, some large cakes, and some maize bran, were deposited in the grave. The first, for the soul to drink on its journey; the second, for the dogs which the deceased had eaten during his life, that they might not bite him in the other world; and the last to conciliate the other animals that he had eaten. _Hist. Yuc._, p. 700. [1177] Brasseur de Bourbourg, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. ii., p. 574, says that the body was embalmed; but Ximenez, from whom his account is evidently taken, is silent on this point. [1178] Ximenez, _Hist. Ind. Guat._, p. 210, et seq., affirms that wealthy people, when they began growing old, set about collecting a vast number of clothes and ornaments in which to be buried. [1179] Brasseur de Bourbourg, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. ii., p. 575, says that the body was deposited in the grave seated upon a throne. [1180] _Ximenez_, _Hist. Ind. Guat._, pp. 210-14; _Palacio_, _Carta_, p. 119; _Cogolludo_, _Hist. Yuc._, pp. 699-700. [1181] Unless a great number of people were living in it, when they seem to have gathered courage from each other's company, and to have remained. [1182] _Landa_, _Relacion_, p. 196; _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. iv., lib. x., cap. iv. [1183] _Villagutierre_, _Hist. Cong. Itza_, p. 313. [1184] _Palacio_, _Carta_, p. 119; _Oviedo_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. iv., p. 48. [1185] _Palacio_, _Carta_, p. 78; _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. ii., p. 556. [1186] _Landa_, _Relacion_, pp. 196-8; _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. iv., lib. x., cap. iv. [1187] _Oviedo_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. iv., pp. 48-9. In the island of Ometepec the ancient graves are not surrounded by isolated stones like the calputs of the modern Indians, but are found scattered irregularly over the plain at a depth of three feet. Urns of burnt clay are found in these graves, filled with earth and displaced bones; and vases of the same material, covered with red paintings and hieroglyphics, stone points of arrows, small idols, and gold ornaments. _Sivers_, _Mittelamerika_, pp. 128-9. [1188] _Landa_, _Relacion_, p. 196; _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. iv., lib. x., cap. iv.; Id. lib. viii., cap. x.; _Ximenez_, _Hist. Ind. Guat._, p. 214; _Villagutierre_, _Hist. Conq. Itza_, p. 313; _Palacio_, _Carta_, pp. 76-8. [1189] _Peter Martyr_, dec. vi., lib. v. [1190] _Andagoya_, in _Navarrete_, _Col. de Viages_, tom. iii., p. 414; _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. iii., lib. iv., cap. vii., dec. iv., lib. x., cap. iii.; _Oviedo_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. iv., p. 111; _Gomara_, _Conq. Mex._, fol. 23; _Dávila_, _Teatro Ecles._, tom. i., p. 170; _Cogolludo_, _Hist. Yuc._, p. 700; _Landa_, _Relacion_, pp. 112-14; _Villagutierre_, _Hist. Conq. Itza_, p. 402; _De Laet_, _Novus Orbis_, p. 329. [1191] _Landa_, _Relacion_, pp. 100, 122, 188-90; _Villagutierre_, _Hist. Conq. Itza_, pp. 312, 516; _Dávila_, _Teatro Ecles._, tom. i., p. 203; _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. iv., lib. x., cap. iv.; _Cogolludo_, _Hist. Yuc._, pp. 180, 187-8; _Gomara_, _Hist. Ynd._, fol. 62; _Las Casas_, in _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. viii., pp. 147-8. [1192] _Gomara_, _Hist. Ynd._, fol. 268; _Dávila_, _Teatro Ecles._, tom. i., p. 148; _Oviedo_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. iv., p. 33; _Las Casas_, _Hist. Apologética_, MS., cap. xlvi. [1193] _Crónica Seráfica_, pp. 25-6. [1194] _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. iii., lib. iv., cap. vii., dec. iv., lib. iii., cap. ii.; _Oviedo_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. iv., p. 39. END OF THE SECOND VOLUME. 
41070	----	produced from images generously made available by 1st-hand-history.org) Transcriber's Note: Inconsistent hyphenation and spelling in the original document have been preserved. Obvious typographical errors have been corrected. Italics in the footnote citations were inconsistently applied by the typesetter. Italic text is denoted by _underscores_. The following changes were made or suggested: Page xlix: "Viena" is a possible typo for "Vienna" Page xlix: "Megico" is a possible typo for "Mejico" Page 18: the opening quote mark is missing in the quote ending "in company," Page 37: "Aläsku" should possibly be "Aläksu" Page 104: "von 10 bis 12 Pud" should possibly be "von 10 bis 12 Pfund" Page 105: "mit grellen Farben" should possibly be "die mit grellen Farben" Page 203: Viaye changed to Viage Page 210: "Some of women would with difficulty" is apparently missing a word Page 212: Crane's Topog. Mem. possibly should be Cram's Page 283: Farnham's Trav., pp. 81-; is missing an end page reference Page 401: "galeon" should possibly be "galleon" Page 413: Footnote 591 is missing its anchor Page 417: Footnote 597 is missing its anchor Page 420: Footnote 601 is missing its anchor Page 468: "to the west fork of Walker's river the south.'" is apparently missing a word Page 606: headquarters possibly should be headwaters Page 699: gray colors possibly should be gay colors Page 763: looses possibly should be loses THE WORKS OF HUBERT HOWE BANCROFT. VOLUME I. THE NATIVE RACES. VOL. I. WILD TRIBES. SAN FRANCISCO: A. L. BANCROFT & COMPANY, PUBLISHERS. 1883. Entered according to Act of Congress in the Year 1882, by HUBERT H. BANCROFT, In the Office of the Librarian of Congress, at Washington. _All Rights Reserved._ [Illustration: THE WORLD: The white part showing THE PACIFIC STATES.] PREFACE. In pursuance of a general plan involving the production of a series of works on the western half of North America, I present this delineation of its aboriginal inhabitants as the first. To the immense territory bordering on the western ocean from Alaska to Darien, and including the whole of Mexico and Central America, I give arbitrarily, for want of a better, the name Pacific States. Stretching almost from pole to equator, and embracing within its limits nearly one tenth of the earth's surface, this last Western Land offers to lovers of knowledge a new and enticing field; and, although hitherto its several parts have been held somewhat asunder by the force of circumstances, yet are its occupants drawn by nature into nearness of relationship, and will be brought yet nearer by advancing civilization; the common oceanic highway on the one side, and the great mountain ramparts on the other, both tending to this result. The characteristics of this vast domain, material and social, are comparatively unknown and are essentially peculiar. To its exotic civilization all the so-called older nations of the world have contributed of their energies; and this composite mass, leavened by its destiny, is now working out the new problem of its future. The modern history of this West antedates that of the East by over a century, and although there may be apparent heterogeneity in the subject thus territorially treated, there is an apparent tendency toward ultimate unity. To some it may be of interest to know the nature and extent of my resources for writing so important a series of works. The books and manuscripts necessary for the task existed in no library in the world; hence, in 1859, I commenced collecting material relative to the Pacific States. After securing everything within my reach in America, I twice visited Europe, spending about two years in thorough researches in England and the chief cities of the Continent. Having exhausted every available source, I was obliged to content myself with lying in wait for opportunities. Not long afterward, and at a time when the prospect of materially adding to my collection seemed anything but hopeful, the _Biblioteca Imperial de Méjico_, of the unfortunate Maximilian, collected during a period of forty years by Don José María Andrade, litterateur and publisher of the city of Mexico, was thrown upon the European market and furnished me about three thousand additional volumes. In 1869, having accumulated some sixteen thousand books, manuscripts, and pamphlets, besides maps and cumbersome files of Pacific Coast journals, I determined to go to work. But I soon found that, like Tantalus, while up to my neck in water, I was dying of thirst. The facts which I required were so copiously diluted with trash, that to follow different subjects through this trackless sea of erudition, in the exhaustive manner I had proposed, with but one life-time to devote to the work, was simply impracticable. In this emergency my friend, Mr Henry L. Oak, librarian of the collection, came to my relief. After many consultations, and not a few partial failures, a system of indexing the subject-matter of the whole library was devised, sufficiently general to be practicable, and sufficiently particular to direct me immediately to all my authorities on any given point. The system, on trial, stands the test, and the index when completed, as it already is for the twelve hundred authors quoted in this work, will more than double the practical value of the library. Of the importance of the task undertaken, I need not say that I have formed the highest opinion. At present the few grains of wheat are so hidden by the mountain of chaff as to be of comparatively little benefit to searchers in the various branches of learning; and to sift and select from this mass, to extract from bulky tome and transient journal, from the archives of convent and mission, facts valuable to the scholar and interesting to the general reader; to arrange these facts in a natural order, and to present them in such a manner as to be of practical benefit to inquirers in the various branches of knowledge, is a work of no small import and responsibility. And though mine is the labor of the artisan rather than that of the artist, a forging of weapons for abler hands to wield, a producing of raw materials for skilled mechanics to weave and color at will; yet, in undertaking to bring to light from sources innumerable essential facts, which, from the very shortness of life if from no other cause, must otherwise be left out in the physical and social generalizations which occupy the ablest minds, I feel that I engage in no idle pastime. A word as to the Nations of which this work is a description, and my method of treating the subject. Aboriginally, for a savage wilderness, there was here a dense population; particularly south of the thirtieth parallel, and along the border of the ocean north of that line. Before the advent of Europeans, this domain counted its aborigines by millions; ranked among its people every phase of primitive humanity, from the reptile-eating cave-dweller of the Great Basin, to the Aztec and Maya-Quiché civilization of the southern table-land,--a civilization, if we may credit Dr Draper, "that might have instructed Europe," a culture wantonly crushed by Spain, who therein "destroyed races more civilized than herself." Differing among themselves in minor particulars only, and bearing a general resemblance to the nations of eastern and southern America; differing again, the whole, in character and cast of features from every other people of the world, we have here presented hundreds of nations and tongues, with thousands of beliefs and customs, wonderfully dissimilar for so segregated a humanity, yet wonderfully alike for the inhabitants of a land that comprises within its limits nearly every phase of climate on the globe. At the touch of European civilization, whether Latin or Teutonic, these nations vanished; and their unwritten history, reaching back for thousands of ages, ended. All this time they had been coming and going, nations swallowing up nations, annihilating and being annihilated, amidst human convulsions and struggling civilizations. Their strange destiny fulfilled, in an instant they disappear; and all we have of them, besides their material relics, is the glance caught in their hasty flight, which gives us a few customs and traditions, and a little mythological history. To gather and arrange in systematic compact form all that is known of these people; to rescue some facts, perhaps, from oblivion, to bring others from inaccessible nooks, to render all available to science and to the general reader, is the object of this work. Necessarily some parts of it may be open to the charge of dryness; I have not been able to interlard my facts with interesting anecdotes for lack of space, and I have endeavored to avoid speculation, believing, as I do, the work of the collector and that of the theorizer to be distinct, and that he who attempts to establish some pet conjecture while imparting general information, can hardly be trusted for impartial statements. With respect to the territorial divisions of the first volume, which is confined to the Wild Tribes, and the necessity of giving descriptions of the same characteristics in each, there may be an appearance of repetition; but I trust this may be found more apparent than real. Although there are many similar customs, there are also many minor differences, and, as one of the chief difficulties of this volume was to keep it within reasonable limits, no delineation has been repeated where a necessity did not appear to exist. The second volume, which treats of the Civilized Nations, offers a more fascinating field, and with ample space and all existing authorities at hand, the fault is the writer's if interest be not here combined with value. As regards Mythology, Languages, Antiquities, and Migrations, of which the three remaining volumes treat, it has been my aim to present clearly and concisely all knowledge extant on these subjects; and the work, as a whole, is intended to embody all facts that have been preserved concerning these people at the time of their almost simultaneous discovery and disappearance. It will be noticed that I have said little of the natives or their deeds since the coming of the Europeans; of their wars against invaders and among themselves; of repartimientos, presidios, missions, reservations, and other institutions for their conquest, conversion, protection, or oppression. My reason for this is that all these things, so far as they have any importance, belong to the modern history of the country and will receive due attention in a subsequent work. In these five volumes, besides information acquired from sources not therein named, are condensed the researches of twelve hundred writers, a list of whose works, with the edition used, is given in this volume. I have endeavored to state fully and clearly in my text the substance of the matter, and in reaching my conclusions to use due discrimination as to the respective value of different authorities. In the notes I give liberal quotations, both corroborative of the text, and touching points on which authors differ, together with complete references to all authorities, including some of little value, on each point, for the use of readers or writers who may either be dissatisfied with my conclusions, or may wish to investigate any particular branch of the subject farther than my limits allow. I have given full credit to each of the many authors from whom I have taken material, and if, in a few instances, a scarcity of authorities has compelled me to draw somewhat largely on the few who have treated particular points, I trust I shall be pardoned in view of the comprehensive nature of the work. Quotations are made in the languages in which they are written, and great pains has been taken to avoid mutilation of the author's words. As the books quoted form part of my private library, I have been able, by comparison with the originals, to carefully verify all references after they were put in type; hence I may confidently hope that fewer errors have crept in than are usually found in works of such variety and extent. The labor involved in the preparation of these volumes will be appreciated by few. That expended on the first volume alone, with all the material before me, is more than equivalent to the well-directed efforts of one person for ten years. In the work of selecting, sifting, and arranging my subject-matter, I have called in the aid of a large corps of assistants, and, while desiring to place on no one but myself any responsibility for the work, either in style or matter, I would render just acknowledgment for the services of all; especially to the following gentlemen, for the efficient manner in which, each in his special department, they have devoted their energies and abilities to the carrying out of my plan;--to Mr T. Arundel-Harcourt, in the researches on the manners and customs of the Civilized Nations; to Mr Walter M. Fisher, in the investigation of Mythology; to Mr Albert Goldschmidt, in the treatise on Language; and to Mr Henry L. Oak, in the subject of Antiquities and Aboriginal History. CONTENTS OF THIS VOLUME. CHAPTER I. ETHNOLOGICAL INTRODUCTION. PAGE. Facts and Theories--Hypotheses concerning Origin--Unity of Race--Diversity of Race--Spontaneous Generation--Origin of Animals and Plants--Primordial Centres of Population-- Distribution of Plants and Animals--Adaptability of Species to Locality--Classification of Species--Ethnological Tests--Races of the Pacific--First Intercourse with Europeans 1 CHAPTER II. HYPERBOREANS. General Divisions--Hyperborean Nations--Aspects of Nature--Vegetation--Climate--Animals--The Eskimos--Their Country--Physical Characteristics--Dress--Dwellings--Food-- Weapons--Boats--Sledges--Snow-Shoes--Government--Domestic Affairs--Amusements--Diseases--Burial--The Koniagas, their Physical and Social Condition--The Aleuts--The Thlinkeets-- The Tinneh 35 CHAPTER III. COLUMBIANS. Habitat of the Columbian Group--Physical Geography--Sources of Food Supply--Influence of Food and Climate--Four extreme Classes--Haidahs--Their Home--Physical Peculiarities-- Clothing--Shelter--Sustenance--Implements--Manufactures-- Arts--Property--Laws--Slavery--Women--Customs--Medicine-- Death--The Nootkas--The Sound Nations--The Chinooks--The Shushwaps--The Salish--The Sahaptins 150 CHAPTER IV. CALIFORNIANS. Groupal Divisions; Northern, Central, and Southern Californians, and Shoshones--Country of the Californians-- The Klamaths, Modocs, Shastas, Pitt River Indians, Eurocs, Cahrocs, Hoopahs, Weeyots, Tolewahs, and Rogue River Indians and their Customs--The Tehamas, Pomos, Ukiahs, Gualalas, Sonomas, Petalumas, Napas, Suscols, Suisunes, Tamales, Karquines, Tulomos, Thamiens, Olchones, Runsiens, Escelens, and others of Central California--The Cahuillos, Diegueños, Islanders, and Mission Rancherías of Southern California--The Snakes or Shoshones proper, Utahs, Bannocks, Washoes and other Shoshone Nations 322 CHAPTER V. NEW MEXICANS. Geographical Position of this Group, and Physical Features of the Territory--Family Divisions; Apaches, Pueblos, Lower Californians, and Northern Mexicans--The Apache Family: Comanches, Apaches proper, Hualapais, Yumas, Cosninos, Yampais, Yalchedunes, Yamajabs, Cruzados, Nijoras, Navajos, Mojaves, and their customs--The Pueblo Family: Pueblos, Moquis, Pimas, Maricopas, Pápagos, and their Neighbors--The Cochimis, Waicuris, Pericuis, and other Lower Californians-- The Seris, Sinaloas, Tarahumares, Conchos, Tepehuanes, Tobosos, Acaxees, and others in Northern Mexico 471 CHAPTER VI. WILD TRIBES OF MEXICO. Territorial Aspects--Two Main Divisions; Wild Tribes of Central Mexico, and Wild Tribes of Southern Mexico--The Coras and others in Jalisco--Descendants of the Aztecs--The Otomís and Mazahuas Adjacent to the Valley of Mexico--The Pames--The Tarascos and Matlaltzincas of Michoacan--The Huaztecs and Totonacos of Vera Cruz and Tamaulipas--The Chontales, Chinantecs, Mazatecs, Cuicatecs, Chatinos, Miztecs, Zapotecs, Mijes, Huaves, Chiapanecs, Zoques, Lacandones, Choles, Mames, Tzotziles, Tzendales, Chochones and others of Southern Mexico 615 CHAPTER VII. WILD TRIBES OF CENTRAL AMERICA. 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Like the raw material of the manufacturer, they form the bases of innumerable fabrics, are woven into many theories finely spun or coarsely spun, which wear out with time, become unfashionable, or else prove to be indeed true and fit, and as such remain. This raw material of the scholar, like that of the manufacturer, is always a staple article; its substance never changes, its value never diminishes; whatever may be the condition of society, or howsoever advanced the mind, it is indispensable. Theories may be only for the day, but facts are for all time and for all science. When we remember that the sum of all knowledge is but the sum of ascertained facts, and that every new fact brought to light, preserved, and thrown into the general fund, is so much added to the world's store of knowledge,--when we consider that, broad and far as our theories may reach, the realm of definite, tangible, ascertained truth is still of so little extent, the importance of every never-so-insignificant acquisition is manifest. Compare any fact with the fancies which have been prevalent concerning it, and consider, I will not say their relative brilliance, but their relative importance. Take electricity, how many explanations have been given of the lightning and the thunder, yet there is but one fact; the atmosphere, how many howling demons have directed the tempest, how many smiling deities moved in the soft breeze. For the one all-sufficient First Cause, how many myriads of gods have been set up; for every phenomenon how many causes have been invented; with every truth how many untruths have contended, with every fact how many fancies. The profound investigations of latter-day philosophers are nothing but simple and laborious inductions from ascertained facts, facts concerning attraction, polarity, chemical affinity and the like, for the explanation of which there are countless hypotheses, each hypothesis involving multitudes of speculations, all of which evaporate as the truth slowly crystallizes. Speculation is valuable to science only as it directs the mind into otherwise-undiscoverable paths; but when the truth is found, there is an end to speculation. So much for facts in general; let us now look for a moment at the particular class of facts of which this work is a collection. [Sidenote: TENDENCY OF PHILOSOPHIC INQUIRY.] The tendency of philosophic inquiry is more and more toward the origin of things. In the earlier stages of intellectual impulse, the mind is almost wholly absorbed in ministering to the necessities of the present; next, the mysterious uncertainty of the after life provokes inquiry, and contemplations of an eternity of the future command attention; but not until knowledge is well advanced does it appear that there is likewise an eternity of the past worthy of careful scrutiny,--without which scrutiny, indeed, the eternity of the future must forever remain a sealed book. Standing as we do between these two eternities, our view limited to a narrow though gradually widening horizon, as nature unveils her mysteries to our inquiries, an infinity spreads out in either direction, an infinity of minuteness no less than an infinity of immensity; for hitherto, attempts to reach the ultimate of molecules, have proved as futile as attempts to reach the ultimate of masses. Now man, the noblest work of creation, the only reasoning creature, standing alone in the midst of this vast sea of undiscovered truth,--ultimate knowledge ever receding from his grasp, primal causes only thrown farther back as proximate problems are solved,--man, in the study of mankind, must follow his researches in both of these directions, backward as well as forward, must indeed derive his whole knowledge of what man is and will be from what he has been. Thus it is that the study of mankind in its minuteness assumes the grandest proportions. Viewed in this light there is not a feature of primitive humanity without significance; there is not a custom or characteristic of savage nations, however mean or revolting to us, from which important lessons may not be drawn. It is only from the study of barbarous and partially cultivated nations that we are able to comprehend man as a progressive being, and to recognize the successive stages through which our savage ancestors have passed on their way to civilization. With the natural philosopher, there is little thought as to the relative importance of the manifold works of creation. The tiny insect is no less an object of his patient scrutiny, than the wonderful and complex machinery of the cosmos. The lower races of men, in the study of humanity, he deems of as essential importance as the higher; our present higher races being but the lower types of generations yet to come. Hence, if in the following pages, in the array of minute facts incident to the successive peoples of which we speak, some of them appear small and unworthy of notice, let it be remembered that in nature there is no such thing as insignificance; still less is there anything connected with man unworthy of our most careful study, or any peculiarity of savagism irrelevant to civilization. [Sidenote: ORIGIN OF MAN.] Different schools of naturalists maintain widely different opinions regarding the origin of mankind. Existing theories may be broadly divided into three categories; in the first two of which man is considered as a special creation, and in the third as a natural development from some lower type. The special-creation school is divided on the question of unity or diversity of race. The first party holds by the time-honored tradition, that all the nations of the earth are descended from a single human pair; the second affirms, that by one creative act were produced several special creations, each separate creation being the origin of a race, and each race primordially adapted to that part of the globe which it now inhabits. The third theory, that of the development school, denies that there ever were common centres of origin in organic creation; but claims that plants and animals generate spontaneously, and that man is but the modification of some preexisting animal form. [Sidenote: HYPOTHESES CONCERNING ORIGIN.] The first hypothesis, the doctrine of the monogenists, is ably supported by Latham, Prichard, and many other eminent ethnologists of Europe, and is the favorite opinion of orthodox thinkers throughout Christendom. The human race, they say, having sprung from a single pair, constitutes but one stock, though subject to various modifications. Anatomically, there is no difference between a Negro and a European. The color of the skin, the texture of the hair, the convolutions of the brain, and all other peculiarities, may be attributed to heat, moisture, and food. Man, though capable of subduing the world to himself, and of making his home under climates and circumstances the most diverse, is none the less a child of nature, acted upon and molded by those conditions which he attempts to govern. Climate, periodicities of nature, material surroundings, habits of thought and modes of life, acting through a long series of ages, exercise a powerful influence upon the human physical organization; and yet man is perfectly created for any sphere in which he may dwell; and is governed in his condition by choice rather than by coercion. Articulate language, which forms the great line of demarcation between the human and the brute creation, may be traced in its leading characteristics to one common source. The differences between the races of men are not specific differences. The greater part of the flora and fauna of America, those of the circumpolar regions excepted, are essentially dissimilar to those of the old world; while man in the new world, though bearing traces of high antiquity, is specifically identical with all the races of the earth. It is well known that the hybrids of plants and of animals do not possess the power of reproduction, while in the intermixture of the races of men no such sterility of progeny can be found; and therefore, as there are no human hybrids, there are no separate human races or species, but all are one family. Besides being consistent with sound reasoning, this theory can bring to its support the testimony of the sacred writings, and an internal evidence of a creation divine and spiritual, which is sanctioned by tradition, and confirmed by most philosophic minds. Man, unlike animals, is the direct offspring of the Creator, and as such he alone continues to derive his inheritance from a divine source. The Hebraic record, continue the monogenists, is the only authentic solution of the origin of all things; and its history is not only fully sustained by science, but it is upheld by the traditions of the most ancient barbarous nations, whose mythology strikingly resembles the Mosaic account of the creation, the deluge, and the distribution of peoples. The Semitic family alone were civilized from the beginning. A peculiar people, constantly upheld by special act of Providence from falling into paganism, they alone possessed a true knowledge of the mystery of creation. A universal necessity for some form of worship, a belief inherent in all mankind, in an omnipotent deity and a life beyond the grave, point to a common origin and prophesy a common destiny. This much for the monogenists. The second hypothesis, that of the polygenists, holds that there was not one only, but several independent creations, each giving birth to the essential, unchangeable peculiarities of a separate race; thus constituting a diversity of species with primeval adaptation to their geographical distribution. Morton, Agassiz, Gliddon, and others in America, stand sponsors for this theory. The physiological differences of race, they say, which separate mankind into classes, do not result from climatic surroundings, but are inherited from original progenitors. They point to marked characteristics in various peoples which have remained unchanged for a period of four thousand years. In place of controverting divine revelation, they claim that Mosaic history is the history of a single race, and not the history of all mankind; that the record itself contains an implied existence of other races; and that the distribution of the various species or races of men, according to their relative organisms, was part of the creative act, and of no less importance than was the act of creation. The third hypothesis, derived mainly from the writings of Lamarck, Darwin, and Huxley, is based upon the principle of evolution. All existing species are developments of some preëxisting form, which in like manner descended by true generation from a form still lower. Man, say they, bears no impress of a divine original that is not common to brutes; he is but an animal, more perfectly developed through natural and sexual selection. Commencing with the spontaneous generation of the lowest types of vegetable and animal life,--as the accumulation of mold upon food, the swarming of maggots in meat, the infusorial animalcules in water, the generation of insect life in decaying vegetable substances,--the birth of one form arising out of the decay of another, the slow and gradual unfolding from a lower to a higher sphere, acting through a long succession of ages, culminate in the grandeur of intellectual manhood. Thus much for this life, while the hope of a like continued progress is entertained for the life to come. While the tendency of variety in organic forms is to decrease, argue these latter-day naturalists, individuals increase in a proportion greater than the provisional means of support. A predominating species, under favorable circumstances, rapidly multiplies, crowding out and annihilating opposing species. There is therefore a constant struggle for existence in nature, in which the strongest, those best fitted to live and improve their species, prevail; while the deformed and ill-favored are destroyed. In courtship and sexual selection the war for precedence continues. Throughout nature the male is the wooer; he it is who is armed for fight, and provided with musical organs and ornamental appendages, with which to charm the fair one. The savage and the wild beast alike secure their mate over the mangled form of a vanquished rival. In this manner the more highly favored of either sex are mated, and natural selections made, by which, better ever producing better, the species in its constant variation is constantly improved. Many remarkable resemblances may be seen between man and the inferior animals. In embryonic development, in physical structure, in material composition and the function of organs, man and animals are strikingly alike. And, in the possession of that immaterial nature which more widely separates the human from the brute creation, the 'reasonable soul' of man is but an evolution from brute instincts. The difference in the mental faculties of man and animals is immense; but the high culture which belongs to man has been slowly developed, and there is plainly a wider separation between the mental power of the lowest zoöphyte and the highest ape, than between the most intellectual ape and the least intellectual man. Physically and mentally, the man-like ape and the ape-like man sustain to each other a near relationship; while between the mammal and the mollusk there exists the greatest possible dissimilarity. Articulate language, it is true, acting upon the brain, and in turn being acted upon to the improvement of both, belongs only to man; yet animals are not devoid of expedients for expressing feeling and emotion. It has been observed that no brute ever fashioned a tool for a special purpose; but some animals crack nuts with a stone, and an accidentally splintered flint naturally suggests itself as the first instrument of primeval man. The chief difficulty lies in the high state of moral and intellectual power which may be attained by man; yet this same progressive principle is likewise found in brutes. Nor need we blush for our origin. The nations now most civilized were once barbarians. Our ancestors were savages, who, with tangled hair, and glaring eyes, and blood-besmeared hands, devoured man and beast alike. Surely a respectable gorilla lineage stands no unfavorable comparison. Between the first and the last of these three rallying points, a whole continent of debatable land is spread, stretching from the most conservative orthodoxy to the most scientific liberalism. Numberless arguments may be advanced to sustain any given position; and not unfrequently the same analogies are brought forward to prove propositions directly oppugnant. As has been observed, each school ranks among its followers the ablest men of science of the day. These men do not differ in minor particulars only, meeting in general upon one broad, common platform; on the contrary, they find themselves unable to agree as touching any one thing, except that man is, and that he is surrounded by those climatic influences best suited to his organization. Any one of these theories, if substantiated, is the death-blow of the others. The first denies any diversity of species in creation and all immutability of race; the second denies a unity of species and the possibility of change in race; the third denies all special acts of creation and, like the first, all immutability of race. [Sidenote: PLANTS AND ANIMALS.] The question respecting the origin of animals and plants has likewise undergone a similar flux of beliefs, but with different result. Whatever the conclusions may be with regard to the origin of man, naturalists of the present day very generally agree, that there was no one universal centre of propagation for plants and animals; but that the same conditions of soil, moisture, heat, and geographical situation, always produce a similarity of species; or, what is equivalent, that there were many primary centres, each originating species, which spread out from these centres and covered the earth. This doctrine was held by early naturalists to be irreconcilable with the Scripture account of the creation, and was therefore denounced as heretical. Linnæus and his contemporaries drew up a pleasing picture, assigning the birth-place of all forms of life to one particular fertile spot, situated in a genial climate, and so diversified with lofty mountains and declivities, as to present all the various temperatures requisite for the sustenance of the different species of animal and vegetable life. The most exuberant types of flora and fauna are found within the tropical regions, decreasing in richness and profusion towards either pole; while man in his greatest perfection occupies the temperate zone, degenerating in harmony of features, in physical symmetry, and in intellectual vigor in either direction. Within this temperate zone is placed the hypothetical cradle of the human race, varying in locality according to religion and tradition. The Caucasians are referred for their origin to Mount Caucasus, the Mongolians to Mount Altai, and the Africans to Mount Atlas. Three primordial centres of population have been assigned to the three sons of Noah,--Arabia, the Semitic; India, the Japetic; and Egypt, the Hamitic centre. Thibet, and the mountains surrounding the Gobi desert, have been designated as the point from which a general distribution was made; while the sacred writings mention four rich and beautiful valleys, two of which are watered by the Tigris and Euphrates, as the birth-place of man. It was formerly believed that in the beginning, the primeval ocean covered the remaining portion of the globe, and that from this central spot the waters receded, thereby extending the limits of terrestrial life. Admitting the unity of origin, conjecture points with apparent reason to the regions of Armenia and of Iran, in western Asia, as the cradle of the human race. Departing from this geographical centre, in the directions of the extremities of the continent, the race at first degenerated in proportion to distance. Civilization was for many ages confined within these central limits, until by slow degrees, paths were marked out to the eastward and to the westward, terminating the one upon the eastern coast of Asia, and the other upon the American shores of the Pacific. [Sidenote: PRIMORDIAL CENTERS.] Concerning the distribution of plants and animals, but one general opinion is now sustained with any degree of reason. The beautifully varied systems of vegetation with which the habitable earth is clothed, springing up in rich, spontaneous abundance; the botanical centres of corresponding latitudes producing resemblance in genera without identity of species; their inability to cross high mountains or wide seas, or to pass through inhospitable zones, or in any way to spread far from the original centre,--all show conclusively the impossibility that such a multitude of animal and vegetable tribes, with characters so diverse, could have derived their origin from the same locality, and disappearing entirely from their original birth-place, sprung forth in some remote part of the globe. Linnæus, and many others of his time, held that all telluric tribes, in common with mankind, sprang from a single pair, and descended from the stock which was preserved by Noah. Subsequently this opinion was modified, giving to each species an origin in some certain spot to which it was particularly adapted by nature; and it was supposed that from these primary centres, through secondary causes, there was a general diffusion throughout the surrounding regions. A comparison of the entomology of the old world and the new, shows that the genera and species of insects are for the most part peculiar to the localities in which they are found. Birds and marine animals, although unrestricted in their movements, seldom wander far from specific centres. With regard to wild beasts, and the larger animals, insurmountable difficulties present themselves; so that we may infer that the systems of animal life are indigenous to the great zoölogical provinces where they are found. On the other hand, the harmony which exists between the organism of man and the methods by which nature meets his requirements, tends conclusively to show that the world in its variety was made for man, and that man is made for any portion of the earth in which he may be found. Whencesoever he comes, or howsoever he reaches his dwelling-place, he always finds it prepared for him. On the icy banks of the Arctic Ocean, where mercury freezes and the ground never softens, the Eskimo, wrapped in furs, and burrowing in the earth, revels in grease and train-oil, sustains vitality by eating raw flesh and whale-fat; while the naked inter-tropical man luxuriates in life under a burning sun, where ether boils and reptiles shrivel upon the hot stone over which they attempt to crawl. The watery fruit and shading vegetation would be as useless to the one, as the heating food and animal clothing would be to the other. The capability of man to endure all climates, his omnivorous habits, and his powers of locomotion, enable him to roam at will over the earth. He was endowed with intelligence wherewith to invent methods of migration and means of protection from unfavorable climatic influence, and with capabilities for existing in almost any part of the world; so that, in the economy of nature the necessity did not exist with regard to man for that diversity of creation which was deemed requisite in the case of plants and animals. The classification of man into species or races, so as to be able to designate by his organization the family to which he belongs, as well as the question of his origin, has been the subject of great diversity of opinion from the fact that the various forms so graduate into each other, that it is impossible to determine which is species and which variety. Attempts have indeed been made at divisions of men into classes according to their primeval and permanent physiological structure, but what uniformity can be expected from such a classification among naturalists who cannot so much as agree what is primeval and what permanent? The tests applied by ethnologists for distinguishing the race to which an individual belongs, are the color of the skin, the size and shape of the skull,--determined generally by the facial angle,--the texture of the hair, and the character of the features. The structure of language, also, has an important bearing upon the affinity of races; and is, with some ethnologists, the primary criterion in the classification of species. The facial angle is determined by a line drawn from the forehead to the front of the upper jaw, intersected by a horizontal line passing over the middle of the ear. The facial angle of a European is estimated at 85°, of a Negro at 75°, and of the ape at 60°. Representations of an adult Troglodyte measure 35°, and of a Satyr 30°. Some writers classify according to one or several of these tests, others consider them all in arriving at their conclusions. [Sidenote: SPECIFIC CLASSIFICATIONS.] Thus, Virey divides the human family into two parts: those with a facial angle of from eighty-five to ninety degrees,--embracing the Caucasian, Mongolian, and American; and those with a facial angle of from seventy-five to eighty-two degrees,--including the Malay, Negro, and Hottentot. Cuvier and Jaquinot make three classes, placing the Malay and American among the subdivisions of the Mongolian. Kant makes four divisions under four colors: white, black, copper, and olive. Linnæus also makes four: European, whitish; American, coppery; Asiatic, tawny; and African, black. Buffon makes five divisions and Blumenbach five. Blumenbach's classification is based upon cranial admeasurements, complexion, and texture of the hair. His divisions are Caucasian or Aryan, Mongolian, Ethiopian, Malay, and American. Lesson makes six divisions according to colors: white, dusky, orange, yellow, red, and black. Bory de St Vincent arranges fifteen stocks under three classes which are differenced by hair: European straight hair, American straight hair, and crisped or curly hair. In like manner Prof. Zeune designates his divisions under three types of crania for the eastern hemisphere, and three for the western, namely, high skulls, broad skulls, and long skulls. Hunter classifies the human family under seven species; Agassiz makes eight; Pickering, eleven; Desmoulins, sixteen; and Crawford, sixty-three. Dr Latham, considered by many the chief exponent of the science of ethnology in England, classifies the different races under three primary divisions, namely: Mongolidæ, Atlantidæ, and Japetidæ. Prichard makes three principal types of cranial conformation, which he denominates respectively, the civilized races, the nomadic or wandering races, and the savage or hunting races. Agassiz designates the races of men according to the zoölogical provinces which they respectively occupy. Thus the Arctic realm is inhabited by Hyperboreans, the Asiatic by Mongols, the European by white men, the American by American Indians, the African by black races, and the East Indian, Australian and Polynesian by their respective peoples. Now when we consider the wide differences between naturalists, not only as to what constitutes race and species,--if there be variety of species in the human family,--but also in the assignment of peoples and individuals to their respective categories under the direction of the given tests; when we see the human race classified under from one to sixty-three distinct species, according to individual opinions; and when we see that the several tests which govern classification are by no means satisfactory, and that those who have made this subject the study of their lives, cannot agree as touching the fundamental characteristics of such classification--we cannot but conclude, either that there are no absolute lines of separation between the various members of the human family, or that thus far the touchstone by which such separation is to be made remains undiscovered. [Sidenote: ALL TESTS FALLACIOUS.] The color of the human skin, for example, is no certain guide in classification. Microscopists have ascertained that the normal colorations of the skin are not the results of organic differences in race; that complexions are not permanent physical characters, but are subject to change. Climate is a cause of physical differences, and frequently in a single tribe may be found shades of color extending through all the various transitions from black to white. In one people, part occupying a cold mountainous region, and part a heated lowland, a marked difference in color is always perceptible. Peculiarities in the texture of the hair are likewise no proof of race. The hair is more sensibly affected by the action of the climate than the skin. Every degree of color and crispation may be found in the European family alone; and even among the frizzled locks of negroes every gradation appears, from crisped to flowing hair. The growth of the beard may be cultivated or retarded according to the caprice of the individual; and in those tribes which are characterized by an absence or thinness of beard, may be found the practice, continued for ages, of carefully plucking out all traces of beard at the age of puberty. No physiological deformities have been discovered which prevent any people from cultivating a beard if such be their pleasure. The conformation of the cranium is often peculiar to habits of rearing the young, and may be modified by accidental or artificial causes. The most eminent scholars now hold the opinion that the size and shape of the skull has far less influence upon the intelligence of the individual than the quality and convolutions of the brain. The structure of language, especially when offered in evidence supplementary to that of physical science, is most important in establishing a relationship between races. But it should be borne in mind that languages are acquired, not inherited; that they are less permanent than living organisms; that they are constantly changing, merging into each other, one dialect dying out and another springing into existence; that in the migrations of nomadic tribes, or in the arrival of new nations, although languages may for a time preserve their severalty, they are at last obliged, from necessity, to yield to the assimilating influences which constantly surround them, and become merged into the dialects of neighboring clans. And on the other hand, a counter influence is exercised upon the absorbing dialect. The dialectic fusion of two communities results in the partial disappearance of both languages, so that a constant assimilation and dissimilation is going on. "The value of language," says Latham, "has been overrated;" and Whitney affirms that "language is no infallible sign of race;" although both of these authors give to language the first place as a test of national affinities. Language is not a physiological characteristic, but an acquisition; and as such should be used with care in the classification of species. Science, during the last half century, has unfolded many important secrets; has tamed impetuous elements, called forth power and life from the hidden recesses of the earth; has aroused the slumbering energies of both mental and material force, changed the currents of thought, emancipated the intellect from religious transcendentalism, and spread out to the broad light of open day a vast sea of truth. Old-time beliefs have had to give place. The débris of one exploded dogma is scarcely cleared away before we are startled with a request for the yielding up of another long and dearly cherished opinion. And in the attempt to read the book of humanity as it comes fresh from the impress of nature, to trace the history of the human race, by means of moral and physical characteristics, backward through all its intricate windings to its source, science has accomplished much; but the attempt to solve the great problem of human existence, by analogous comparisons of man with man, and man with animals, has so far been vain and futile in the extreme. I would not be understood as attempting captiously to decry the noble efforts of learned men to solve the problems of nature. For who can tell what may or may not be found out by inquiry? Any classification, moreover, and any attempt at classification, is better than none; and in drawing attention to the uncertainty of the conclusions arrived at by science, I but reiterate the opinions of the most profound thinkers of the day. It is only shallow and flippant scientists, so called, who arbitrarily force deductions from mere postulates, and with one sweeping assertion strive to annihilate all history and tradition. They attempt dogmatically to set up a reign of intellect in opposition to that of the Author of intellect. Terms of vituperation and contempt with which a certain class of writers interlard their sophisms, as applied to those holding different opinions, are alike an offense against good taste and sound reasoning. Notwithstanding all these failures to establish rules by which mankind may be divided into classes, there yet remains the stubborn fact that differences do exist, as palpable as the difference between daylight and darkness. These differences, however, are so played upon by change, that hitherto the scholar has been unable to transfix those elements which appear to him permanent and characteristic. For, as Draper remarks, "the permanence of organic forms is altogether dependent on the invariability of the material conditions under which they live. Any variation therein, no matter how insignificant it might be, would be forthwith followed by a corresponding variation in form. The present invariability of the world of organization is the direct consequence of the physical equilibrium, and so it will continue as long as the mean temperature, the annual supply of light, the composition of the air, the distribution of water, oceanic and atmospheric currents, and other such agencies, remain unaltered; but if any one of these, or of a hundred other incidents that might be mentioned, should suffer modification, in an instant the fanciful doctrine of the immutability of species would be brought to its true value." [Sidenote: ORIGIN OF THE INDIANS.] The American Indians, their origin and consanguinity, have, from the days of Columbus to the present time proved no less a knotty question. Schoolmen and scientists count their theories by hundreds, each sustaining some pet conjecture, with a logical clearness equaled only by the facility with which he demolishes all the rest. One proves their origin by holy writ; another by the writings of ancient philosophers; another by the sage sayings of the Fathers. One discovers in them Phoenician merchants; another, the ten lost tribes of Israel. They are tracked with equal certainty from Scandinavia, from Ireland, from Iceland, from Greenland, across Bering Strait, across the northern Pacific, the southern Pacific, from the Polynesian Islands, from Australia, from Africa. Venturesome Carthaginians were thrown upon the eastern shore; Japanese junks on the western. The breezes that wafted hither America's primogenitors are still blowing, and the ocean currents by which they came cease not yet to flow. The finely spun webs of logic by which these fancies are maintained would prove amusing, did not the profound earnestness of their respective advocates render them ridiculous. Acosta, who studied the subject for nine years in Peru, concludes that America was the Ophir of Solomon. Aristotle relates that the Carthaginians in a voyage were carried to an unknown island; whereupon Florian, Gomara, Oviedo, and others, are satisfied that the island was Española. "Who are these that fly as a cloud," exclaims Esaias, "or as the doves to their windows?" Scholastic sages answer, Columbus is the _columba_ or dove here prophesied. Alexo Vanegas shows that America was peopled by Carthaginians; Anahuac being but another name for Anak. Besides, both nations practiced picture-writing; both venerated fire and water, wore skins of animals, pierced the ears, ate dogs, drank to excess, telegraphed by means of fires on hills, wore all their finery on going to war, poisoned their arrows, beat drums and shouted in battle. Garcia found a man in Peru who had seen a rock with something very like Greek letters engraved upon it; six hundred years after the apotheosis of Hercules, Coleo made a long voyage; Homer knew of the ocean; the Athenians waged war with the inhabitants of Atlantis; hence the American Indians were Greeks. Lord Kingsborough proves conclusively that these same American Indians were Jews: because their "symbol of innocence" was in the one case a fawn and in the other a lamb; because of the law of Moses, "considered in reference to the custom of sacrificing children, which existed in Mexico and Peru;" because "the fears of tumults of the people, famine, pestilence, and warlike invasions, were exactly the same as those entertained by the Jews if they failed in the performance of any of their ritual observances;" because "the education of children commenced amongst the Mexicans, as with the Jews, at an exceedingly early age;" because "beating with a stick was a very common punishment amongst the Jews," as well as among the Mexicans; because the priesthood of both nations "was hereditary in a certain family;" because both were inclined to pay great respect to lucky or unlucky omens, such as the screeching of the owl, the sneezing of a person in company," etc., and because of a hundred other equally sound and relevant arguments. Analogous reasoning to this of Lord Kingsborough's was that of the Merced Indians of California. Shortly after the discovery of the Yosemite Valley, tidings reached the settlers of Mariposa that certain chiefs had united with intent to drop down from their mountain stronghold and annihilate them. To show the Indians the uselessness of warring upon white men, these chieftains were invited to visit the city of San Francisco, where, from the number and superiority of the people that they would there behold, they should become intimidated, and thereafter maintain peace. But contrary to the most reasonable expectations, no sooner had the dusky delegates returned to their home than a council was called, and the assembled warriors were informed that they need have no fear of these strangers: "For," said the envoys, "the people of the great city of San Francisco are of a different tribe from these white settlers of Mariposa. Their manners, their customs, their language, their dress, are all different. They wear black coats and high hats, and are not able to walk along the smoothest path without the aid of a stick." There are many advocates for an Asiatic origin, both among ancient and modern speculators. Favorable winds and currents, the short distance between islands, traditions, both Chinese and Indian, refer the peopling of America to that quarter. Similarity in color, features, religion, reckoning of time, absence of a heavy beard, and innumerable other comparisons, are drawn by enthusiastic advocates, to support a Mongolian origin. The same arguments, in whole or in part, are used to prove that America was peopled by Egyptians, by Ethiopians, by French, English, Trojans, Frisians, Scythians; and also that different parts were settled by different peoples. The test of language has been applied with equal facility and enthusiasm to Egyptian, Jew, Phoenician, Carthaginian, Spaniard, Chinese, Japanese, and in fact to nearly all the nations of the earth. A complete review of theories and opinions concerning the origin of the Indians, I propose to give in another place; not that intrinsically they are of much value, except as showing the different fancies of different men and times. Fancies, I say, for modern scholars, with the aid of all the new revelations of science, do not appear in their investigations to arrive one whit nearer an indubitable conclusion. It was obvious to the Europeans when they first beheld the natives of America, that these were unlike the intellectual white-skinned race of Europe, the barbarous blacks of Africa, or any nation or people which they had hitherto encountered, yet were strikingly like each other. Into whatsoever part of the newly discovered lands they penetrated, they found a people seemingly one in color, physiognomy, customs, and in mental and social traits. Their vestiges of antiquity and their languages presented a coincidence which was generally observed by early travelers. Hence physical and psychological comparisons are advanced to prove ethnological resemblances among all the peoples of America, and that they meanwhile possess common peculiarities totally distinct from the nations of the old world. Morton and his confrères, the originators of the American homogeneity theory, even go so far as to claim for the American man an origin as indigenous as that of the fauna and flora. They classify all the tribes of America, excepting only the Eskimos who wandered over from Asia, as the American race, and divide it into the American family and the Toltecan family. Blumenbach classifies the Americans as a distinct species. The American Mongolidæ of Dr Latham are divided into Eskimos and American Indians. Dr Morton perceives the same characteristic lineaments in the face of the Fuegian and the Mexican, and in tribes inhabiting the Rocky Mountains, the Mississippi Valley, and Florida. The same osteological structure, swarthy color, straight hair, meagre beard, obliquely cornered eyes, prominent cheek bones, and thick lips are common to them all. Dr Latham describes his American Mongolidæ as exercising upon the world a material rather than a moral influence; giving them meanwhile a color, neither a true white nor a jet black; hair straight and black, rarely light, sometimes curly; eyes sometimes oblique; a broad, flat face and a retreating forehead. Dr Prichard considers the American race, psychologically, as neither superior nor inferior to other primitive races of the world. Bory de St Vincent classifies Americans into five species, including the Eskimos. The Mexicans he considers as cognate with the Malays. Humboldt characterizes the nations of America as one race, by their straight glossy hair, thin beard, swarthy complexion, and cranial formation. Schoolcraft makes four groups; the first extending across the northern end of the continent; the second, tribes living east of the Mississippi; the third, those between the Mississippi and the Rocky Mountains; and the fourth, those west of the Rocky Mountains. All these he subdivides into thirty-seven families; but so far as those on the Pacific Coast are concerned, he might as reasonably have made of them twice or half the number. All writers agree in giving to the nations of America a remote antiquity; all admit that there exists a greater uniformity between them than is to be found in the old world; many deny that all are one race. There is undoubtedly a prevailing uniformity in those physical characteristics which govern classification; but this uniformity goes as far to prove one universal race throughout the world, as it does to prove a race peculiar to America. Traditions, ruins, moral and physical peculiarities, all denote for Americans a remote antiquity. The action of a climate peculiar to America, and of natural surroundings common to all the people of the continent, could not fail to produce in time a similarity of physiological structure. [Sidenote: INDIVIDUALITY OF RACE.] The impression of a New World individuality of race was no doubt strengthened in the eyes of the Conquerors, and in the mind of the train of writers that followed, by the fact, that the newly discovered tribes were more like each other than were any other peoples they had ever before seen; and at the same time very much unlike any nation whatever of the old world. And so any really existing physical distinctions among the American stocks came to be overlooked or undervalued. Darwin, on the authority of Elphinstone, observes that in India, "although a newly arrived European cannot at first distinguish the various native races, yet they soon appear to him entirely dissimilar; and the Hindoo cannot at first perceive any difference between the several European nations." It has been observed by Prof. von Martius that the literary and architectural remains of the civilized tribes of America indicate a higher degree of intellectual elevation than is likely to be found in a nation emerging from barbarism. In their sacerdotal ordinances, privileged orders, regulated despotisms, codes of law, and forms of government are found clear indications of a relapse from civilization to barbarism. Chateaubriand, from the same premises, develops a directly opposite conclusion, and perceives in all this high antiquity and civilization only a praiseworthy evolution from primeval barbarism. Thus arguments drawn from a comparison of parallel traits in the moral, social, or physical condition of man should be received with allowance, for man has much in common not only with man, but with animals. Variations in bodily structure and mental faculties are governed by general laws. The great variety of climate which characterizes America could not fail to produce various habits of life. The half-torpid Hyperborean, the fierce warrior-hunter of the vast interior forests, the sluggish, swarthy native of the tropics, and the intelligent Mexican of the table-land, slowly developing into civilization under the refining influences of arts and letters,--all these indicate variety in the unity of the American race; while the insulation of American nations, and the general characteristics incident to peculiar physical conditions could not fail to produce a unity in their variety. [Sidenote: RACES OF THE PACIFIC.] The races of the Pacific States embrace all the varieties of species known as American under any of the classifications mentioned. Thus, in the five divisions of Blumenbach, the Eskimos of the north would come under the fourth division, which embraces Malays and Polynesians, and which is distinguished by a high square skull, low forehead, short broad nose, and projecting jaws. To his fifth class, the American, which he subdivides into the American family and the Toltecan family, he gives a small skull with a high apex, flat on the occiput, high cheek bones, receding forehead, aquiline nose, large mouth, and tumid lips. Morton, although he makes twenty-two divisions in all, classifies Americans in the same manner. The Polar family he characterises as brown in color, short in stature, of thick, clumsy proportions, with a short neck, large head, flat face, small nose, and eyes disposed to obliquity. He perceives an identity of race among all the other stocks from Mount St Elias to Patagonia; though he designates the semi-civilized tribes of Mexico and Peru as the Toltecan family, and the savage nations as the Appalachian branch of the American family. Dr Prichard makes three divisions of the tribes bordering the Pacific between Mount St Elias and Cape St Lucas: the tribes from the borders of the Eskimos southward to Vancouver Island constitute the first division; the tribes of Oregon and Washington, the second; and the tribes of Upper and Lower California, the third. Pickering assigns the limits of the American, Malay, or Toltecan family to California and western Mexico. He is of the opinion that they crossed from southeastern Asia by way of the islands of the Pacific, and landed upon this continent south of San Francisco, there being no traces of them north of this point; while the Mongolians found their way from northeastern Asia across Bering Strait. The Californians, therefore, he calls Malays; and the inhabitants of Vancouver Island, British Columbia, Washington, and Oregon, he classifies as Mongolians. Californians, in the eyes of this traveler, differ from their northern neighbors in complexion and physiognomy. The only physiological test that Mr Pickering was able to apply in order to distinguish the Polynesian in San Francisco from the native Californian, was that the hair of the former was wavy, while that of the latter was straight. Both have more hair than the Oregonian. The skin of the Malay of the Polynesian Islands, and that of the Californian are alike, soft and very dark. Three other analogous characteristics were discovered by Mr Pickering. Both have an open countenance, one wife, and no tomahawk! On the other hand, the Mongolian from Asia, and the Oregonian are of a lighter complexion, and exhibit the same general resemblances that are seen in the American and Asiatic Eskimos. In general the Toltecan family may be described as of good stature, well proportioned, rather above medium size, of a light copper color; as having long black obliquely pointed eyes, regular white teeth, glossy black hair, thin beard, prominent cheek bones, thick lips, large aquiline nose, and retreating forehead. A gentle expression about the mouth is blended with severity and melancholy in the upper portion of the face. They are brave, cruel in war, sanguinary in religion, and revengeful. They are intelligent; possess minds well adapted to the pursuit of knowledge; and, at the time of the arrival of the Spaniards, were well advanced in history, architecture, mathematics, and astronomy. They constructed aqueducts, extracted metals, carved images in gold, silver, and copper; they could spin, weave, and dye; they could accurately cut precious stones; they cultivated corn and cotton; built large cities, constructing their buildings of stone and lime; made roads and erected stupendous tumuli. Certain ethnological zones have been observed by some, stretching across the continent in various latitudes, broken somewhat by intersecting continental elevations, but following for the most part isothermal lines which, on coming from the east, bend northward as the softer air of the Pacific is entered. Thus the Eskimos nearly surround the pole. Next come the Tinneh, stretching across the continent from the east, somewhat irregularly, but their course marked generally by thermic lines, bending northward after crossing the Rocky Mountains, their southern boundary, touching the Pacific, about the fifty-fifth parallel. The Algonkin family border on the Tinneh, commencing at the mouth of the St Lawrence River, and extending westward to the Rocky Mountains. Natural causes alone prevent the extension of these belts round the entire earth. Indeed, both philologists and physiologists trace lines of affinity across the Pacific, from island to island, from one continent to the other; one line, as we have seen, crossing Bering Strait, another following the Aleutian Archipelago, and a third striking the coast south of San Francisco Bay. [Sidenote: SAVAGE HUMANITY.] It is common for those unaccustomed to look below the surface of things, to regard Indians as scarcely within the category of humanity. Especially is this the case when we, maddened by some treacherous outrage, some diabolic act of cruelty, hastily pronounce them incorrigibly wicked, inhumanly malignant, a nest of vipers, the extermination of which is a righteous act. All of which may be true; but, judged by this standard, has not every nation on earth incurred the death penalty? Human nature is in no wise changed by culture. The European is but a white-washed savage. Civilized venom is no less virulent than savage venom. It ill becomes the full grown man to scoff at the ineffectual attempts of the little child, and to attempt the cure of its faults by killing it. No more is it a mark of benevolent wisdom in those favored by a superior intelligence, with the written records of the past from which to draw experience and learn how best to shape their course for the future, to cry down the untaught man of the wilderness, deny him a place in this world or the next, denounce him as a scourge, an outlaw, and seize upon every light pretext to assist him off the stage from which his doom is so rapidly removing him. We view man in his primitive state from a wrong stand-point at the outset. In place of regarding savages as of one common humanity with ourselves, and the ancestors perhaps of peoples higher in the scale of being, and more intellectual than any the world has yet seen, we place them among the common enemies of mankind, and regard them more in the light of wild animals than of wild men. And let not him who seeks a deeper insight into the mysteries of humanity despise beginnings, things crude and small. The difference between the cultured and the primitive man lies chiefly in the fact that one has a few centuries the start of the other in the race of progress. Before condemning the barbarian, let us first examine his code of ethics. Let us draw our light from his light, reason after his fashion; see in the sky, the earth, the sea, the same fantastic imagery that plays upon his fancy, and adapt our sense of right and wrong to his social surroundings. Just as human nature is able to appreciate divine nature only as divine nature accords with human nature; so the intuitions of lower orders of beings can be comprehended only by bringing into play our lower faculties. Nor can we any more clearly appreciate the conceptions of beings below us than of those above us. The thoughts, reasonings, and instincts of an animal or insect are as much a mystery to the human intellect as are the lofty contemplations of an archangel. [Sidenote: PACIFICATION OF TIERRA FIRME.] Three hundred and thirty-six years were occupied in the discovery of the western border of North America. From the time when, in 1501, the adventurous notary of Triana, Rodrigo de Bastidas, approached the Isthmus of Darien, in search of gold and pearls, till the year 1837, when Messrs Dease and Simpson, by order of the Hudson's Bay Company, completed the survey of the northern extremity, which bounds the Arctic Ocean, the intervening territory was discovered at intervals, and under widely different circumstances. During that time, under various immediate incentives, but with the broad principle of avarice underlying all, such parts of this territory as were conceived to be of sufficient value were seized, and the inhabitants made a prey to the rapacity of the invaders. Thus the purpose of the worthy notary Bastidas, the first Spaniard who visited the continent of North America, was pacific barter with the Indians; and his kind treatment was rewarded by a successful traffic. Next came Columbus, from the opposite direction, sailing southward along the coast of Honduras on his fourth voyage, in 1502. His was the nobler object of discovery. He was striving to get through or round this _tierra firme_ which, standing between himself and his theory, persistently barred his progress westward. He had no time for barter, nor any inclination to plant settlements; he was looking for a strait or passage through or round these outer confines to the more opulent regions of India. But, unsuccessful in his laudable effort, he at length yielded to the clamorous cupidity of his crew. He permitted his brother, the Adelantado, to land and take possession of the country for the king of Spain, and, in the year following, to attempt a settlement at Veragua. [Sidenote: FIRST INTERCOURSE WITH EUROPEANS.] In 1506-8, Juan de Solis with Pinzon continued the search of Columbus, along the coast of Yucatan and Mexico, for a passage through to the southern ocean. The disastrous adventures of Alonzo de Ojeda, Diego de Nicuesa, and Juan de la Cosa, on the Isthmus of Darien, between the years 1507 and 1511, brought into more intimate contact the steel weapons of the chivalrous hidalgos with the naked bodies of the savages. Vasco Nuñez de Balboa, after a toilsome journey across the Isthmus in 1513, was rewarded by the first view of the Pacific Ocean, of which he took possession for the king of Spain on the twenty-fifth of September. The white sails of Córdova Grijalva, and Garay, descried by the natives of Yucatan and Mexico in 1517-19, were quickly followed by Cortés and his keen-scented band of adventurers, who, received by the unsuspecting natives as gods, would have been dismissed by them as fiends had not the invasion culminated in the conquest of Mexico. During the years 1522-24, Cortés made expeditions to Tehuantepec, Panuco, and Central America; Gil Gonzales and Cristobal de Olid invaded Nicaragua and Honduras. Nuño de Guzman in 1530, with a large force, took possession of the entire northern country from the city of Mexico to the northern boundary of Sinaloa; and Cabeza de Vaca crossed the continent from Texas to Sinaloa in the years 1528-36. Journeys to the north were made by Cortés, Ulloa, Coronado, Mendoza, and Cabrillo between the years 1536 and 1542. Hundreds of Roman Catholic missionaries, ready to lay down their lives in their earnest anxiety for the souls of the Indians, spread out into the wilderness in every direction. During the latter part of the sixteenth century had place,--the expedition of Francisco de Ibarra to Sinaloa in 1556, the campaign of Hernando de Bazan against the Indians of Sinaloa in 1570, the adventures of Oxenham in Darien in 1575, the voyage round the world of Sir Francis Drake, touching upon the Northwest Coast in 1579; the expedition of Antonio de Espejo to New Mexico in 1583; Francisco de Gali's return from Macao to Mexico, by way of the Northwest Coast, in 1584; the voyage of Maldonado to the imaginary Straits of Anian in 1588; the expedition of Castaño de Sosa to New Mexico in 1590; the voyage of Juan de Fuca to the Straits of Anian in 1592; the wreck of the 'San Agustin' upon the Northwest Coast in 1595; the voyage of Sebastian Vizcaino towards California in 1596; the discoveries of Juan de Oñate in New Mexico in 1599, and many others. Intercourse with the natives was extended during the seventeenth century by the voyage of Sebastian Vizcaino from Mexico to California in 1602; by the expedition of Francisco de Ortega to Lower California in 1631; by the journey of Thomas Gage from Mexico to Guatemala in 1638; by the voyage round the world of William Dampier in 1679; by the reckless adventures of the Buccaneers from 1680 to 1690; by the expedition of Isidor de Otondo into Lower California in 1683; by the expedition of Father Kino to Sonora and Arizona in 1683; by the expeditions of Kino, Kappus, Mange, Bernal, Carrasco, Salvatierra, and others to Sonora and Arizona in 1694-9; and by the occupation of Lower California by the Jesuits, Salvatierra, Ugarte, Kino, and Piccolo, from 1697 to 1701. Voyages of circumnavigation were made by Dampier in 1703-4; by Rogers in 1708-11; by Shelvocke in 1719-22, and by Anson in 1740-4. Frondac made a voyage from China to California in 1709. The first voyage through Bering Strait is supposed to have been made by Semun Deschneff and his companions in the year 1648, and purports to have explored the Asiatic coast from the river Kolyma to the south of the river Anadir, thus proving the separation of the continents of Asia and America. In 1711, a Russian Cossack, named Popoff, was sent from the fort on the Anadir river to subdue the rebellious Tschuktschi of Tschuktschi Noss, a point of land on the Asiatic coast near to the American continent. He there received from the natives the first intelligence of the proximity of the continent of America and the character of the inhabitants; an account of which will be given in another place. In 1741, Vitus Bering and Alexei Tschirikoff sailed in company, from Petropaulovski, for the opposite coast of America. They parted company during a storm, the latter reaching the coast in latitude fifty-six, and the former landing at Cape St Elias in latitude sixty degrees north. The earliest information concerning the Aleutian Islanders was obtained by the Russians in the year 1745, when Michael Nevodtsikoff sailed from the Kamtchatka river in pursuit of furs. A Russian commercial company, called the Promyschleniki, was formed, and other hunting and trading voyages followed. Lasareff visited six islands of the Andreanovski group in 1761; and the year following was made the discovery of the Alaskan Peninsula, supposed to be an island until after the survey of the coast by Captain Cook. Drusinin made a hunting expedition to Unalaska and the Fox Islands in 1763; and, during the same year, Stephen Glottoff visited the island of Kadiak. Korovin, Solovieff, Synd, Otseredin, Krenitzen, and other Russian fur-hunters spent the years 1762-5 among the Aleutian Islands, capturing sea-otters, seals, and foxes, and exchanging, with the natives, beads and iron utensils, for furs. [Sidenote: OCCUPATION OF CALIFORNIA.] A grand missionary movement, growing out of the religious rivalries of the two great orders of the Catholic Church, led to the original occupation of Upper California by Spaniards. The work of Christianizing Lower California was inaugurated by the Jesuits, under Fathers Salvatierra and Kino, in 1697. When the Jesuits were expelled from Mexico in 1767, their missions were turned over to the Franciscans. This so roused the zeal of the Dominicans that they immediately appealed to Spain, and in 1769 obtained an edict, giving them a due share in the missions of Lower California. The Franciscans, thinking it better to carry their efforts into new fields than to contend for predominance at home, generously offered to cede the whole of Lower California to the Dominicans, and themselves retire to the wild and distant regions of Upper California. This being agreed upon, two expeditions were organized to proceed northward simultaneously, one by water and the other by land. In January, 1769, the ship 'San Carlos,' commanded by Vicente Vila, was dispatched for San Diego, followed by the 'San Antonio,' under Juan Perez, and the 'San José,' which was unfortunately lost. The land expedition was separated into two divisions; the first under Rivera y Moncada departed from Mexico in March, and arrived at San Diego in May; the second under Gaspar de Portolá and Father Junípero Serra reached San Diego in July, 1769. Portolá with his companions immediately set out by land for the Bay of Monterey; but, unwittingly passing it by, they continued northward until barred in their progress by the magnificent Bay of San Francisco. Unable to find the harbor of Monterey, they returned to San Diego in January, 1770. In April, Portolá made a second and more successful attempt, and arrived at Monterey in May. Meanwhile Perez and Junípero Serra accomplished the voyage by sea, sailing in the 'San Carlos.' In 1772, Pedro Fages and Juan Crespi proceeded from Monterey to explore the Bay of San Francisco. They were followed by Rivera y Moncada in 1774, and Palou and Ezeta in 1775; and in 1776, Moraga founded the Mission of Dolores. In 1775, Bodega y Quadra voyaged up the Californian coast to the fifty-eighth parallel. In 1776, Dominguez and Escalante made an expedition from Santa Fé to Monterey. Menonville journeyed to Oajaca in New Spain in 1777. In 1778, Captain Cook, in his third voyage round the world, touched along the Coast from Cape Flattery to Norton Sound; and in 1779, Bodega y Quadra, Maurelle, and Arteaga voyaged up the western coast to Mount St Elias. During the years 1785-8, voyages of circumnavigation were made by Dixon and Portlock, and by La Pérouse, all touching upon the Northwest Coast. French Canadian traders were the first to penetrate the northern interior west of Hudson Bay. Their most distant station was on the Saskatchewan River, two thousand miles from civilization, in the heart of an unknown wilderness inhabited by savage men and beasts. These _coureurs des bois_ or wood-rangers, as they were called, were admirably adapted, by their disposition and superior address, to conciliate the Indians and form settlements among them. Unrestrained, however, by control, they committed excesses which the French government could check only by prohibiting, under penalty of death, any but its authorized agents from trading within its territories. British merchants at New York soon entered into competition with the fur princes of Montreal. But, in 1670, a more formidable opposition arose in the organization of the Hudson's Bay Company, by Prince Rupert and other noblemen, under a charter of Charles II. which granted exclusive right to all the territory drained by rivers flowing into Hudson Bay. Notwithstanding constant feuds with the French merchants regarding territorial limits, the company prospered from the beginning, paying annual dividends of twenty-five and fifty per cent. after many times increasing the capital stock. In 1676, the Canadians formed the _Compagnie du Nord_, in order the more successfully to resist encroachment. Upon the loss of Canada by the French in 1762, hostilities thickened between the companies, and the traffic for a time fell off. In 1784, the famous Northwest Company was formed by Canadian merchants, and the management entrusted to the Frobisher brothers and Simon M'Tavish. The head-quarters of the company were at Montreal, but annual meetings were held, with lordly state, at Fort William, on the shore of Lake Superior. The company consisted of twenty-three partners, and employed over two thousand clerks and servants. It exercised an almost feudal sway over a wide savage domain, and maintained a formidable competition with the Hudson's Bay Company, with which they were for two years in actual war. In 1813, they purchased, from the partners of John Jacob Astor, the settlement of Astoria on the Columbia River. In 1821, they united with the Hudson's Bay Company; and the charter covering the entire region occupied by both was renewed by act of Parliament. In 1762, some merchants of New Orleans organized a company which was commissioned by D'Abadie, director-general of Louisiana, under the name of Pierre Ligueste Laclède, Antoine Maxan, and Company. Their first post occupied the spot upon which the city of St Louis is now situated; and, under the auspices of the brothers Chouteau, they penetrated northwestward beyond the Rocky Mountains. In 1808, the Missouri Fur Company was formed at St Louis, consisting of the Chouteaus and others; and an expedition under Major Henry was sent across the Rocky Mountains, which established the first post on the Columbia River. Between the years 1825 and 1830, the Rocky Mountain Fur Company of St Louis extended their operations over California and Oregon, but at a loss of the lives of nearly one half of their employés. John Jacob Astor embarked in the fur trade at New York in 1784, purchasing at that time in Montreal. In 1808, he obtained a charter for the American Fur Company, which was, in 1811, merged into the Southwest Company. In 1809, Mr Astor conceived the project of establishing a transcontinental line of posts. His purpose was to concentrate the fur trade of the United States, and establish uninterrupted communication between the Pacific and the Atlantic. He made proposals of association to the Northwest Company, which were not only rejected, but an attempt was made by that association to anticipate Mr Astor in his operations, by making a settlement at the mouth of the Columbia River. In 1810, the Pacific Fur Company was founded by Mr Astor, and an expedition dispatched overland by way of St Louis and the Missouri River. At the same time a vessel was sent round Cape Horn to the mouth of the Columbia; but, their adventure in that quarter proving unsuccessful, the company was dissolved, and the operations of Mr Astor were thereafter confined to the territory east of the Rocky Mountains. [Sidenote: THE GREAT NORTHWEST.] Samuel Hearne, an officer of the Hudson's Bay Company, was the first European to reach the Arctic Ocean through the interior of the continent. He descended Coppermine River to its mouth in the year 1771. The Upper Misinipi River was first visited by Joseph Frobisher in 1775. Three years later, one Peter Pond penetrated to within thirty miles of Athabasca Lake, and established a trading post at that point. Four canoe-loads of merchandise were exchanged by him for more fine furs than his canoes could carry. Other adventurous traders soon followed; but not long afterwards the inevitable broils which always attended the early intercourse of Europeans and Indians, rose to such a height that, but for the appearance of that terrible scourge, the small-pox, the traders would have been extirpated. The ravages of this dire disease continued to depopulate the country until 1782, when traders again appeared among the Knisteneaux and Tinneh. The most northern division of the Northwest Company was at that time the Athabascan Lake region, where Alexander Mackenzie was the managing partner. His winter residence was at Fort Chipewyan, on Athabasca Lake. The Indians who traded at his establishment informed him of the existence of a large river flowing to the westward from Slave Lake. Thinking thereby to reach the Pacific Ocean, Mr Mackenzie, in the year 1789, set out upon an expedition to the west; and, descending the noble stream which bears his name, found himself, contrary to his expectations, upon the shores of the Arctic Sea. In 1793, he made a journey to the Pacific, ascending Peace River, and reaching the coast in latitude about fifty-two. The first expedition organized by the British government for the purpose of surveying the northern coast, was sent out under Lieutenants Franklin and Parry in 1819. During the year following, Franklin descended Coppermine River, and subsequently, in 1825, he made a journey down the Mackenzie. In 1808, D. W. Harmon, a partner in the Northwest Company, crossed the Rocky Mountains, at about the fifty-sixth parallel, to Fraser and Stuart Lakes. The accounts of the natives given by these travelers and their companions are essentially the same, and later voyagers have failed to throw much additional light upon the subject. John Meares, in 1788, visited the Straits of Fuca, Nootka Sound, and Cook Inlet; and, during the same year, two ships, sent out by Boston merchants, under Robert Gray and John Kendrick, entered Nootka Sound. Estevan Martinez and Gonzalo Haro, sent from Mexico to look after the interest of Spain in these regions, explored Prince William Sound, and visited Kadiak. During the same year, the Russians established a trading post at Copper River. In 1789, Joseph Billings visited the Aleutian Islands, and the Boston vessels explored the Eastern coast of Queen Charlotte Island. In 1790, Salvador Fidalgo was sent by the Mexican government to Nootka; and Monaldo explored the Straits of Juan de Fuca. In 1791, four ships belonging to Boston merchants, two Spanish ships, one French and several Russian vessels touched upon the Northwest Coast. The Spanish vessels were under the command of Alejandro Malespina; Etienne Marchand was the commander of the French ship. The 'Sutil y Mexicana' entered Nootka Sound in 1792; and during the same year, Vancouver commenced his explorations along the coast above Cape Flattery. In 1803-4, Baron Von Humboldt was making his searching investigations in Mexico; while the captive New Englander, Jewett, was dancing attendance to Maquina, king of the Nootkas. Lewis and Clark traversed the continent in 1805. In 1806, a Mr Fraser set out from Canada, and crossed the Rocky Mountains near the headwaters of the river which bears his name. He descended Fraser River to the lake which he also called after himself. There he built a fort and opened trade with the natives. Kotzebue visited the coast in 1816; and the Russian expedition under Kramchenko, Wasilieff, and Etolin, in 1822. Captain Morrel explored the Californian coast from San Diego to San Francisco in 1825; Captains Beechey and Lütke, the Northwest Coast in 1826; and Sir Edward Belcher in 1837. J. K. Townsend made an excursion west of the Rocky Mountains in 1834. In 1837, Dease and Simpson made an open boat voyage from the Mackenzie River, westward to Point Barrow, the farthest point made by Beechey from the opposite direction, thus reaching the _Ultima Thule_ of northwestern discovery. Sir George Simpson crossed the continent in 1841, Fremont in 1843, and Paul Kane in 1845. Kushevaroff visited the coast in 1838, Laplace in 1839, Commodore Wilkes in 1841, and Captain Kellett in 1849. Following the discovery of gold, the country was deluged by adventurers. In 1853-4, commenced the series of explorations for a Pacific railway. The necessities of the natives were examined, and remnants of disappearing nations were collected upon reservations under government agents. The interior of Alaska was first penetrated by the employés of the Russian-American Fur Company. Malakoff ascended the Yukon in 1838; and, in 1842, Derabin established a fort upon that river. In 1849, W. H. Hooper made a boat expedition from Kotzebue Sound to the Mackenzie River; and, in 1866, William H. Dall and Frederick Whymper ascended the Yukon. I have here given a few only of the original sources whence my information is derived concerning the Indians. A multitude of minor voyages and travels have been performed during the past three and a half centuries, and accounts published by early residents among the natives, the bare enumeration of which I fear would prove wearisome to the reader. Enough, however, has been given to show the immediate causes which led to the discovery and occupation of the several parts of this western coast. The Spanish cavaliers craved from the Indians of the South their lands and their gold. The Spanish missionaries demanded from the Indians of Northern Mexico and California, faith. The French, English, Canadian, and American fur companies sought from the Indians of Oregon and New Caledonia, peltries. The Russians compelled the natives of the Aleutian Islands to hunt sea-animals. The filthy raw-flesh-eating Eskimos, having nothing wherewith to tempt the cupidity of the superior race, retain their primitive purity. [Sidenote: CUPIDITY AND ZEAL.] We observe then three original incentives urging on civilized white men to overspread the domain of the Indian. The first was that thirst for gold, which characterized the fiery hidalgos from Spain in their conquests, and to obtain which no cruelty was too severe nor any sacrifice of human life too great; as though of all the gifts vouchsafed to man, material or divine, one only was worth possessing. The second, following closely in the footsteps of the first, and oftentimes constituting a part of it, was religious enthusiasm; a zealous interest in the souls of the natives and the form in which they worshiped. The third, which occupied the attention of other and more northern Europeans, grew out of a covetous desire for the wild man's clothing; to secure to themselves the peltries of the great hyperborean regions of America. From the south of Europe the Spaniards landed in tropical North America, and exterminated the natives. From the north of Europe the French, English, and Russians crossed over to the northern part of America; and, with a kinder and more refined cruelty, no less effectually succeeded in sweeping them from the face of the earth by the introduction of the poisonous elements of a debased cultivation. Fortunately for the Indians of the north, it was contrary to the interests of white people to kill them in order to obtain the skins of their animals; for, with a few trinkets, they could procure what otherwise would require long and severe labor to obtain. The policy, therefore, of the great fur-trading companies has been to cherish the Indians as their best hunters, to live at peace with them, to heal their ancient feuds, and to withhold from them intoxicating liquors. The condition of their women, who were considered by the natives as little better than beasts, has been changed by their inter-social relations with the servants of the trading companies; and their more barbarous practices discontinued. It was the almost universal custom of the employés of the Hudson's Bay Company to unite to themselves native women; thus, by means of this relationship, the condition of the women has been raised, while the men manifest a kinder feeling towards the white race who thus in a measure become one with them. The efforts of early missionaries to this region were not crowned with that success which attended the Spaniards in their spiritual warfare upon the southern nations, from the fact that no attention was paid to the temporal necessities of the natives. It has long since been demonstrated impossible to reach the heart of a savage through abstract ideas of morality and elevation of character. A religion, in order to find favor in his eyes, must first meet some of his material requirements. If it is good, it will clothe him better and feed him better, for this to him is the chiefest good in life. Intermixtures of civilized with savage peoples are sure to result in the total disappearance of refinement on the one side, or in the extinction of the barbaric race on the other. The downward path is always the easiest. Of all the millions of native Americans who have perished under the withering influences of European civilization, there is not a single instance on record, of a tribe or nation having been reclaimed, ecclesiastically or otherwise, by artifice and argument. Individual savages have been educated with a fair degree of success. But, with a degree of certainty far greater, no sooner is the white man freed from the social restraint of civilized companionship, than he immediately tends towards barbarism; and not infrequently becomes so fascinated with his new life as to prefer it to any other. Social development is inherent: superinduced culture is a failure. Left alone, the nations of America might have unfolded into as bright a civilization as that of Europe. They were already well advanced, and still rapidly advancing towards it, when they were so mercilessly stricken down. But for a stranger to re-create the heart or head of a red man, it were easier to change the color of his skin. [Illustration: NATIVE RACES OF THE PACIFIC STATES HYPERBOREAN GROUP] CHAPTER II. HYPERBOREANS. GENERAL DIVISIONS--HYPERBOREAN NATIONS--ASPECTS OF NATURE--VEGETATION--CLIMATE--ANIMALS--THE ESKIMOS--THEIR COUNTRY--PHYSICAL CHARACTERISTICS--DRESS--DWELLINGS-- FOOD--WEAPONS--BOOTS--SLEDGES--SNOW-SHOES--GOVERNMENT--DOMESTIC AFFAIRS--AMUSEMENTS--DISEASES--BURIAL--THE KONIAGAS, THEIR PHYSICAL AND SOCIAL CONDITION--THE ALEUTS--THE THLINKEETS--THE TINNEH. I shall attempt to describe the physical and mental characteristics of the Native Races of the Pacific States under seven distinctive groups; namely, I. Hyperboreans, being those nations whose territory lies north of the fifty-fifth parallel; II. Columbians, who dwell between the fifty-fifth and forty-second parallels, and whose lands to some extent are drained by the Columbia River and its tributaries; III. Californians, and the Inhabitants of the Great Basin; IV. New Mexicans, including the nations of the Colorado River and northern Mexico; V. Wild Tribes of Mexico; VI. Wild Tribes of Central America; VII. Civilized Nations of Mexico and Central America. It is my purpose, without any attempt at ethnological classification, or further comment concerning races and stocks, plainly to portray such customs and characteristics as were peculiar to each people at the time of its first intercourse with European strangers; leaving scientists to make their own deductions, and draw specific lines between linguistic and physiological families, as they may deem proper. I shall endeavor to picture these nations in their aboriginal condition, as seen by the first invaders, as described by those who beheld them in their savage grandeur, and before they were startled from their lair by the treacherous voice of civilized friendship. Now they are gone,--those dusky denizens of a thousand forests,--melted like hoar-frost before the rising sun of a superior intelligence; and it is only from the earliest records, from the narratives of eye witnesses, many of them rude unlettered men, trappers, sailors, and soldiers, that we are able to know them as they were. Some division of the work into parts, however arbitrary it may be, is indispensable. In dealing with Mythology, and in tracing the tortuous course of Language, boundaries will be dropped and beliefs and tongues will be followed wherever they lead; but in describing Manners and Customs, to avoid confusion, territorial divisions are necessary. [Sidenote: GROUPINGS AND SUBDIVISIONS.] In the groupings which I have adopted, one cluster of nations follows another in geographical succession; the dividing line not being more distinct, perhaps, than that which distinguishes some national divisions, but sufficiently marked, in mental and physical peculiarities, to entitle each group to a separate consideration. The only distinction of race made by naturalists, upon the continents of both North and South America, until a comparatively recent period, was by segregating the first of the above named groups from all other people of both continents, and calling one Mongolians and the other Americans. A more intimate acquaintance with the nations of the North proves conclusively that one of the boldest types of the American Indian proper, the Tinneh, lies within the territory of this first group, conterminous with the Mongolian Eskimos, and crowding them down to a narrow line along the shore of the Arctic Sea. The nations of the second group, although exhibiting multitudinous variations in minor traits, are essentially one people. Between the California Diggers of the third division and the New Mexican Towns-people of the fourth, there is more diversity; and a still greater difference between the savage and civilized nations of the Mexican table-land. Any classification or division of the subject which could be made would be open to criticism. I therefore adopt the most simple practical plan, one which will present the subject most clearly to the general reader, and leave it in the best shape for purposes of theorizing and generalization. In the first or HYPERBOREAN group, to which this chapter is devoted, are five subdivisions, as follows: The _Eskimos_, commonly called Western Eskimos, who skirt the shores of the Arctic Ocean from Mackenzie River to Kotzebue Sound; the _Koniagas_ or Southern Eskimos, who, commencing at Kotzebue Sound, cross the Kaviak Peninsula, border on Bering Sea from Norton Sound southward, and stretch over the Alaskan[1] Peninsula and Koniagan Islands to the mouth of the Atna or Copper River, extending back into the interior about one hundred and fifty miles; the _Aleuts_, or people of the Aleutian Archipelago; the _Thlinkeets_, who inhabit the coast and islands between the rivers Atna and Nass; and the _Tinneh_, or Athabascas, occupying the territory between the above described boundaries and Hudson Bay. Each of these families is divided into nations or tribes, distinguished one from another by slight dialectic or other differences, which tribal divisions will be given in treating of the several nations respectively. Let us first cast a glance over this broad domain, and mark those aspects of nature which exercise so powerful an influence upon the destinies of mankind. Midway between Mount St Elias and the Arctic seaboard rise three mountain chains. One, the Rocky Mountain range, crossing from the Yukon to the Mackenzie River, deflects southward, and taking up its mighty line of march, throws a barrier between the east and the west, which extends throughout the entire length of the continent. Between the Rocky Mountains and the Pacific, interposes another called in Oregon the Cascade Range, and in California the Sierra Nevada; while from the same starting-point, the Alaskan range stretches out to the southwest along the Alaskan Peninsula, and breaks into fragments in the Aleutian Archipelago. Three noble streams, the Mackenzie, the Yukon, and the Kuskoquim, float the boats of the inland Hyperboreans and supply them with food; while from the heated waters of Japan comes a current of the sea, bathing the icy coasts with genial warmth, tempering the air, and imparting gladness to the oily watermen of the coast, to the northernmost limit of their lands. The northern border of this territory is treeless; the southern shore, absorbing more warmth and moisture from the Japan current, is fringed with dense forests; while the interior, interspersed with hills, and lakes, and woods, and grassy plains, during the short summer is clothed in luxuriant vegetation. Notwithstanding the frowning aspect of nature, animal life in the Arctic regions is most abundant. The ocean swarms with every species of fish and sea-mammal; the land abounds in reindeer, moose, musk-oxen; in black, grizzly, and Arctic bears; in wolves, foxes, beavers, mink, ermine, martin, otters, raccoons, and water-fowl. Immense herds of buffalo roam over the bleak grassy plains of the eastern Tinneh, but seldom venture far to the west of the Rocky Mountains. Myriads of birds migrate to and fro between their breeding-places in the interior of Alaska, the open Arctic Sea, and the warmer latitudes of the south. From the Gulf of Mexico, from the islands of the Pacific, from the lakes of California, of Oregon, and of Washington they come, fluttering and feasting, to rear their young during the sparkling Arctic summer-day. [Sidenote: MAN AND NATURE.] The whole occupation of man throughout this region, is a struggle for life. So long as the organism is plentifully supplied with heat-producing food, all is well. Once let the internal fire go down, and all is ill. Unlike the inhabitants of equatorial latitudes, where, Eden-like, the sheltering tree drops food, and the little nourishment essential to life may be obtained by only stretching forth the hand and plucking it, the Hyperborean man must maintain a constant warfare with nature, or die. His daily food depends upon the success of his daily battle with beasts, birds, and fishes, which dispute with him possession of sea and land. Unfortunate in his search for game, or foiled in his attempt at capture, he must fast. The associate of beasts, governed by the same emergencies, preying upon animals as animals prey upon each other, the victim supplying all the necessities of the victor, occupying territory in common, both alike drawing supplies directly from the storehouse of nature,--primitive man derives his very quality from the brute with which he struggles. The idiosyncrasies of the animal fasten upon him, and that upon which he feeds becomes a part of him. Thus, in a nation of hunters inhabiting a rigorous climate, we may look for wiry, keen-scented men, who in their war upon wild beasts put forth strength and endurance in order to overtake and capture the strong; cunning is opposed by superior cunning; a stealthy watchfulness governs every movement, while the intelligence of the man contends with the instincts of the brute. Fishermen, on the other hand, who obtain their food with comparatively little effort, are more sluggish in their natures and less noble in their development. In the icy regions of the north, the animal creation supplies man with food, clothing, and caloric; with all the requisites of an existence under circumstances apparently the most adverse to comfort; and when he digs his dwelling beneath the ground, or walls out the piercing winds with snow, his ultimate is attained. The chief differences in tribes occupying the interior and the seaboard,--the elevated, treeless, grassy plains east of the Rocky Mountains, and the humid islands and shores of the great Northwest,--grow out of necessities arising from their methods of procuring food. Even causes so slight as the sheltering bend of a coast-line; the guarding of a shore by islands; the breaking of a seaboard by inlets and covering of the strand with sea-weed and polyps, requiring only the labor of gathering; or the presence of a bluff coast or windy promontory, whose occupants are obliged to put forth more vigorous action for sustenance--all govern man in his development. Turn now to the most northern division of our most northern group. [Sidenote: THE ESKIMOS.] THE ESKIMOS, Esquimaux, or as they call themselves, _Innuit_, 'the people,' from _inuk_, 'man,'[2] occupy the Arctic seaboard from eastern Greenland along the entire continent of America, and across Bering[3] Strait to the Asiatic shore. Formerly the inhabitants of our whole Hyperborean sea-coast, from the Mackenzie River to Queen Charlotte Island--the interior being entirely unknown--were denominated Eskimos, and were of supposed Asiatic origin.[4] The tribes of southern Alaska were then found to differ essentially from those of the northern coast. Under the name Eskimos, therefore, I include only the Western Eskimos of certain writers, whose southern boundary terminates at Kotzebue Sound.[5] [Sidenote: ESKIMO LAND.] Eskimo-land is thinly peopled, and but little is known of tribal divisions. At the Coppermine River, the Eskimos are called _Naggeuktormutes_, or deer-horns; at the eastern outlet of the Mackenzie, their tribal name is _Kittegarute_; between the Mackenzie River and Barter Reef, they go by the name of _Kangmali Innuit_; at Point Barrow they call themselves _Nuwungmutes_; while on the Nunatok River, in the vicinity of Kotzebue Sound, they are known as _Nunatangmutes_. Their villages, consisting of five or six families each,[6] are scattered along the coast. A village site is usually selected upon some good landing-place, where there is sufficient depth of water to float a whale. Between tribes is left a spot of unoccupied or neutral ground, upon which small parties meet during the summer for purposes of trade.[7] The Eskimos are essentially a peculiar people. Their character and their condition, the one of necessity growing out of the other, are peculiar. First, it is claimed for them that they are the anomalous race of America--the only people of the new world clearly identical with any race of the old. Then they are the most littoral people in the world. The linear extent of their occupancy, all of it a narrow seaboard averaging scarcely one hundred miles in width, is estimated at not less than five thousand miles. Before them is a vast, unknown, icy ocean, upon which they scarcely dare venture beyond sight of land; behind them, hostile mountaineers ever ready to dispute encroachment. Their very mother-earth, upon whose cold bosom they have been borne, age after age through countless generations,[8] is almost impenetrable, thawless ice. Their days and nights, and seasons and years, are not like those of other men. Six months of day succeed six months of night. Three months of sunless winter; three months of nightless summer; six months of glimmering twilight. About the middle of October[9] commences the long night of winter. The earth and sea put on an icy covering; beasts and birds depart for regions sheltered or more congenial; humanity huddles in subterraneous dens; all nature sinks into repose. The little heat left by the retreating sun soon radiates out into the deep blue realms of space; the temperature sinks rapidly to forty or fifty degrees below freezing; the air is hushed, the ocean calm, the sky cloudless. An awful, painful stillness pervades the dreary solitude. Not a sound is heard; the distant din of busy man, and the noiseless hum of the wilderness alike are wanting. Whispers become audible at a considerable distance, and an insupportable sense of loneliness oppresses the inexperienced visitor.[10] Occasionally the aurora borealis flashes out in prismatic coruscations, throwing a brilliant arch from east to west--now in variegated oscillations, graduating through all the various tints of blue, and green, and violet, and crimson; darting, flashing, or streaming in yellow columns, upwards, downwards; now blazing steadily, now in wavy undulations, sometimes up to the very zenith; momentarily lighting up in majestic grandeur the cheerless frozen scenery, but only to fall back with exhausted force, leaving a denser obscurity. Nature's electric lantern, suspended for a time in the frosty vault of heaven;--munificent nature's fire-works; with the polar owl, the polar bear, and the polar man, spectators. In January, the brilliancy of the stars is dimmed perceptibly at noon; in February, a golden tint rests upon the horizon at the same hour; in March, the incipient dawn broadens; in April, the dozing Eskimo rubs his eyes and crawls forth; in May, the snow begins to melt, the impatient grass and flowers arrive as it departs.[11] In June, the summer has fairly come. Under the incessant rays of the never setting sun, the snow speedily disappears, the ice breaks up, the glacial earth softens for a depth of one, two, or three feet; circulation is restored to vegetation,[12] which, during winter, had been stopped,--if we may believe Sir John Richardson, even the largest trees freezing to the heart. Sea, and plain, and rolling steppe lay aside their seamless shroud of white, and a brilliant tint of emerald overspreads the landscape.[13] All Nature, with one resounding cry, leaps up and claps her hands for joy. Flocks of birds, lured from their winter homes, fill the air with their melody; myriads of wild fowls send forth their shrill cries; the moose and the reindeer flock down from the forests;[14] from the resonant sea comes the noise of spouting whales and barking seals; and this so lately dismal, cheerless region, blooms with an exhuberance of life equaled only by the shortness of its duration. And in token of a just appreciation of the Creator's goodness, this animated medley--man, and beasts, and birds, and fishes--rises up, divides, falls to, and ends in eating or in being eaten. [Sidenote: PHYSICAL CHARACTERISTICS.] The physical characteristics of the Eskimos are: a fair complexion, the skin, when free from dirt and paint, being almost white;[15] a medium stature, well proportioned, thick-set, muscular, robust, active,[16] with small and beautifully shaped hands and feet;[17] a pyramidal head;[18] a broad egg-shaped face; high rounded cheek-bones; flat nose; small oblique eyes; large mouth; teeth regular, but well worn;[19] coarse black hair, closely cut upon the crown, leaving a monk-like ring around the edge,[20] and a paucity of beard.[21] The men frequently leave the hair in a natural state. The women of Icy Reef introduce false hair among their own, wearing the whole in two immense bows at the back of the head. At Point Barrow, they separate the hair into two parts or braids, saturating it with train-oil, and binding it into stiff bunches with strips of skin. Their lower extremities are short, so that in a sitting posture they look taller than when standing. [Sidenote: IMPROVEMENTS UPON NATURE.] Were these people satisfied with what nature has done for them, they would be passably good-looking. But with them as with all mankind, no matter how high the degree of intelligence and refinement attained, art must be applied to improve upon nature. The few finishing touches neglected by the Creator, man is ever ready to supply. Arrived at the age of puberty, the great work of improvement begins. Up to this time the skin has been kept saturated in grease and filth, until the natural color is lost, and until the complexion is brought down to the Eskimo standard. Now pigments of various dye are applied, both painted outwardly and pricked into the skin; holes are cut in the face, and plugs or labrets inserted. These operations, however, attended with no little solemnity, are supposed to possess some significance other than that of mere ornament. Upon the occasion of piercing the lip, for instance, a religious feast is given. On the northern coast the women paint the eyebrows and tattoo the chin; while the men only pierce the lower lip under one or both corners of the mouth, and insert in each aperture a double-headed sleeve-button or dumb-bell-shaped labret, of bone, ivory, shell, stone, glass, or wood. The incision when first made is about the size of a quill, but as the aspirant for improved beauty grows older, the size of the orifice is enlarged until it reaches a width of half or three quarters of an inch.[22] In tattooing, the color is applied by drawing a thread under the skin, or pricking it in with a needle. Different tribes, and different ranks of the same tribe, have each their peculiar form of tattooing. The plebeian female of certain bands is permitted to adorn her chin with but one vertical line in the centre, and one parallel to it on either side, while the more fortunate noblesse mark two vertical lines from each corner of the mouth.[23] A feminine cast of features, as is common with other branches of the Mongolian race, prevails in both sexes. Some travelers discover in the faces of the men a characteristic expression of ferociousness, and in those of the women, an extraordinary display of wantonness. A thick coating of filth and a strong odor of train-oil are inseparable from an Eskimo, and the fashion of labrets adds in no wise to his comeliness.[24] [Sidenote: ESKIMO DRESS.] For covering to the body, the Eskimos employ the skin of all the beasts and birds that come within their reach. Skins are prepared in the fur,[25] and cut and sewed with neatness and skill. Even the intestines of seals and whales are used in the manufacture of water-proof overdresses.[26] The costume for both sexes consists of long stockings or drawers, over which are breeches extending from the shoulders to below the knees; and a frock or jacket, somewhat shorter than the breeches with sleeves and hood. This garment is made whole, there being no openings except for the head and arms. The frock of the male is cut at the bottom nearly square, while that of the female reaches a little lower, and terminates before and behind in a point or scollop. The tail of some animal graces the hinder part of the male frock; the woman's has a large hood, in which she carries her infant. Otherwise both sexes dress alike; and as, when stripped of their facial decorations, their physiognomies are alike, they are not unfrequently mistaken one for the other.[27] They have boots of walrus or seal skin, mittens or gloves of deer-skin, and intestine water-proofs covering the entire body. Several kinds of fur frequently enter into the composition of one garment. Thus the body of the frock, generally of reindeer-skin, may be of bird, bear, seal, mink, or squirrel skin; while the hood may be of fox-skin, the lining of hare-skin, the fringe of wolverine-skin, and the gloves of fawn-skin.[28] Two suits are worn during the coldest weather; the inner one with the fur next the skin, the outer suit with the fur outward.[29] Thus, with their stomachs well filled with fat, and their backs covered with furs, they bid defiance to the severest Arctic winter.[30] [Sidenote: DWELLINGS OF THE ESKIMOS.] In architecture, the Eskimo is fully equal to the emergency; building, upon a soil which yields him little or no material, three classes of dwellings. Penetrating the frozen earth, or casting around him a frozen wall, he compels the very elements from which he seeks protection to protect him. For his _yourt_ or winter residence he digs a hole of the required dimensions, to a depth of about six feet.[31] Within this excavation he erects a frame, either of wood or whalebone, lashing his timbers with thongs instead of nailing them. This frame is carried upward to a distance of two or three feet above the ground,[32] when it is covered by a dome-shaped roof of poles or whale-ribs turfed and earthed over.[33] In the centre of the roof is left a hole for the admission of light and the emission of smoke. In absence of fire, a translucent covering of whale-intestine confines the warmth of putrifying filth, and completes the Eskimo's sense of comfort. To gain admittance to this snug retreat, without exposing the inmates to the storms without, another and a smaller hole is dug to the same depth, a short distance from the first. From one to the other, an underground passage-way is then opened, through which entrance is made on hands and knees. The occupants descend by means of a ladder, and over the entrance a shed is erected, to protect it from the snow.[34] Within the entrance is hung a deer-skin door, and anterooms are arranged in which to deposit frozen outer garments before entering the heated room. Around the sides of the dwelling, sleeping-places are marked out; for bedsteads, boards are placed upon logs one or two feet in diameter, and covered with willow branches and skins. A little heap of stones in the centre of the room, under the smoke-hole, forms the fireplace. In the corners of the room are stone lamps, which answer all domestic purposes in the absence of fire-wood.[35] In the better class of buildings, the sides and floor are boarded. Supplies are kept in a store house at a little distance from the dwelling, perched upon four posts, away from the reach of the dogs, and a frame is always erected on which to hang furs and fish. Several years are sometimes occupied in building a hut.[36] Mark how nature supplies this treeless coast with wood. The breaking-up of winter in the mountains of Alaska is indeed a breaking-up. The accumulated masses of ice and snow, when suddenly loosened by the incessant rays of the never-setting sun, bear away all before them. Down from the mountain-sides comes the avalanche, uprooting trees, swelling rivers, hurrying with its burden to the sea. There, casting itself into the warm ocean current, the ice soon disappears, and the driftwood which accompanied it is carried northward and thrown back upon the beach by the October winds. Thus huge forest-trees, taken up bodily, as it were, in the middle of a continent, and carried by the currents to the incredible distance, sometimes, of three thousand miles, are deposited all along the Arctic seaboard, laid at the very door of these people, a people whose store of this world's benefits is none of the most abundant.[37] True, wood is not an absolute necessity with them, as many of their houses in the coldest weather have no fire; only oil-lamps being used for cooking and heating. Whale-ribs supply the place of trees for house and boat timbers, and hides are commonly used for boards. Yet a bountiful supply of wood during their long, cold, dark winter comes in no wise amiss.[38] Their summer tents are made of seal or untanned deer skins with the hair outward, conical or bell-shaped, and without a smoke-hole as no fires are ever kindled within them. The wet or frozen earth is covered with a few coarse skins for a floor.[39] [Sidenote: SNOW HOUSES.] But the most unique system of architecture in America is improvised by the Eskimos during their seal-hunting expeditions upon the ice, when they occupy a veritable crystal palace fit for an Arctic fairy. On the frozen river or sea, a spot is chosen free from irregularities, and a circle of ten or fifteen feet in diameter drawn on the snow. The snow within the circle is then cut into slabs from three to four inches in thickness, their length being the depth of the snow, and these slabs are formed into a wall enclosing the circle and carried up in courses similar to those of brick or stone, terminating in a dome-shaped roof. A wedge-like slab keys the arch; and this principle in architecture may have first been known to the Assyrians, Egyptians, Chinese or Eskimos.[40] Loose snow is then thrown into the crevices, which quickly congeals; an aperture is cut in the side for a door; and if the thin wall is not sufficiently translucent, a piece of ice is fitted into the side for a window. Seats, tables, couches, and even fireplaces are made with frozen snow, and covered with reindeer or seal skin. Out-houses connect with the main room, and frequently a number of dwellings are built contiguously, with a passage from one to another. These houses are comfortable and durable, resisting alike the wind and the thaw until late in the season. Care must be taken that the walls are not so thick as to make them too warm, and so cause a dripping from the interior. A square block of snow serves as a stand for the stone lamp which is their only fire.[41] "The purity of the material," says Sir John Franklin, who saw them build an edifice of this kind at Coppermine River, "of which the house was framed, the elegance of its construction, and the translucency of its walls, which transmitted a very pleasant light, gave it an appearance far superior to a marble building, and one might survey it with feelings somewhat akin to those produced by the contemplation of a Grecian temple, reared by Phidias; both are triumphs of art, inimitable in their kind."[42] Eskimos, fortunately, have not a dainty palate. Everything which sustains life is food for them. Their substantials comprise the flesh of land and marine animals, fish and birds; venison, and whale and seal blubber being chief. Choice dishes, tempting to the appetite, Arctic epicurean dishes, Eskimo nectar and ambrosia, are daintily prepared, hospitably placed before strangers, and eaten and drunk with avidity. Among them are: a bowl of coagulated blood, mashed cranberries with rancid train-oil, whortleberries and walrus-blubber, alternate streaks of putrid black and white whale-fat; venison steeped in seal-oil, raw deer's liver cut in small pieces and mixed with the warm half-digested contents of the animal's stomach; bowls of live maggots, a draught of warm blood from a newly killed animal.[43] Fish are sometimes eaten alive. Meats are kept in seal-skin bags for over a year, decomposing meanwhile, but never becoming too rancid for our Eskimos. Their winter store of oil they secure in seal-skin bags, which are buried in the frozen ground. Charlevoix remarks that they are the only race known who prefer food raw. This, however, is not the case. They prefer their food cooked, but do not object to it raw or rotten. They are no lovers of salt.[44] [Sidenote: MIGRATIONS FOR FOOD.] In mid-winter, while the land is enveloped in darkness, the Eskimo dozes torpidly in his den. Early in September the musk-oxen and reindeer retreat southward, and the fish are confined beneath the frozen covering of the rivers. It is during the short summer, when food is abundant, that they who would not perish must lay up a supply for the winter. When spring opens, and the rivers are cleared of ice, the natives follow the fish, which at that time ascend the streams to spawn, and spear them at the falls and rapids that impede their progress. Small wooden fish are sometimes made and thrown into holes in the ice for a decoy; salmon are taken in a whalebone seine. At this season also reindeer are captured on their way to the coast, whither they resort in the spring to drop their young. Multitudes of geese, ducks, and swans visit the ocean during the same period to breed.[45] August and September are the months for whales. When a whale is discovered rolling on the water, a boat starts out, and from the distance of a few feet a weapon is plunged into its blubbery carcass. The harpoons are so constructed that when this blow is given, the shaft becomes disengaged from the barbed ivory point. To this point a seal-skin buoy or bladder is attached by means of a cord. The blows are repeated; the buoys encumber the monster in diving or swimming, and the ingenious Eskimo is soon able to tow the carcass to the shore. A successful chase secures an abundance of food for the winter.[46] Seals are caught during the winter, and considerable skill is required in taking them. Being a warm-blooded respiratory animal, they are obliged to have air, and in order to obtain it, while the surface of the water is undergoing the freezing process, they keep open a breathing-hole by constantly gnawing away the ice. They produce their young in March, and soon afterward the natives abandon their villages and set out on the ice in pursuit of them. Seals, like whales, are also killed with a harpoon to which is attached a bladder. The seal, when struck, may draw the float under water for a time, but is soon obliged to rise to the surface from exhaustion and for air, when he is again attacked and soon obliged to yield. The Eskimos are no less ingenious in catching wild-fowl, which they accomplish by means of a sling or net made of woven sinews, with ivory balls attached. They also snare birds by means of whalebone nooses, round which fine gravel is scattered as a bait. They manoeuvre reindeer to near the edge of a cliff, and, driving them into the sea, kill them from canoes. They also waylay them at the narrow passes, and capture them in great numbers. They construct large reindeer pounds, and set up two diverging rows of turf so as to represent men; the outer extremities of the line being sometimes two miles apart, and narrowing to a small enclosure. Into this trap the unsuspecting animals are driven, when they are easily speared.[47] [Sidenote: BEAR-HUNTING.] To overcome the formidable polar bear the natives have two strategems. One is by imitating the seal, upon which the bear principally feeds, and thereby enticing it within gunshot. Another is by bending a piece of stiff whalebone, encasing it in a ball of blubber, and freezing the ball, which then holds firm the bent whalebone. Armed with these frozen blubber balls, the natives approach their victim, and, with a discharge of arrows, open the engagement. The bear, smarting with pain, turns upon his tormentors, who, taking to their heels, drop now and then a blubber ball. Bruin, as fond of food as of revenge, pauses for a moment, hastily swallows one, then another, and another. Soon a strange sensation is felt within. The thawing blubber, melted by the heat of the animal's stomach, releases the pent-up whalebone, which, springing into place, plays havoc with the intestines, and brings the bear to a painful and ignominious end. To vegetables, the natives are rather indifferent; berries, acid sorrel leaves, and certain roots, are used as a relish. There is no native intoxicating liquor, but in eating they get gluttonously stupid. Notwithstanding his long, frigid, biting winter, the Eskimo never suffers from the cold so long as he has an abundance of food. As we have seen, a whale or a moose supplies him with food, shelter, and raiment. With an internal fire, fed by his oily and animal food, glowing in his stomach, his blood at fever heat, he burrows comfortably in ice and snow and frozen ground, without necessity for wood or coal.[48] Nor are those passions which are supposed to develop most fully under a milder temperature, wanting in the half-frozen Hyperborean.[49] One of the chief difficulties of the Eskimo during the winter is to obtain water, and the women spend a large portion of their time in melting snow over oil-lamps. In the Arctic regions, eating snow is attended with serious consequences. Ice or snow, touched to the lips or tongue, blisters like caustic. Fire is obtained by striking sparks from iron pyrites with quartz. It is a singular fact that in the coldest climate inhabited by man, fire is less used than anywhere else in the world, equatorial regions perhaps excepted. Caloric for the body is supplied by food and supplemented by furs. Snow houses, from their nature, prohibit the use of fire; but cooking with the Eskimo is a luxury, not a necessity. He well understands how to utilize every part of the animals so essential to his existence. With their skins he clothes himself, makes houses, boats, and oil-bags; their flesh and fat he eats. He even devours the contents of the intestines, and with the skin makes water-proof clothing. Knives, arrow-points, house, boat, and sledge frames, fish-hooks, domestic utensils, ice-chisels, and in fact almost all their implements, are made from the horns and bones of the deer, whale, and seal. Bowstrings are made of the sinews of musk-oxen, and ropes of seal-skin.[50] The Eskimo's arms are not very formidable. Backed by his ingenuity, they nevertheless prove sufficient for practical purposes; and while his neighbor possesses none better, all are on an equal footing in war. Their most powerful as well as most artistic weapon is the bow. It is made of beech or spruce, in three pieces curving in opposite directions and ingeniously bound by twisted sinews, so as to give the greatest possible strength. Richardson affirms that "in the hands of a native hunter it will propel an arrow with sufficient force to pierce the heart of a musk-ox, or break the leg of a reindeer." Arrows, as well as spears, lances, and darts, are of white spruce, and pointed with bone, ivory, flint, and slate.[51] East of the Mackenzie, copper enters largely into the composition of Eskimo utensils.[52] Before the introduction of iron by Europeans, stone hatchets were common.[53] [Sidenote: SLEDGES, SNOW-SHOES, AND BOATS.] The Hyperboreans surpass all American nations in their facilities for locomotion, both upon land and water. In their skin boats, the natives of the Alaskan seaboard from Point Barrow to Mount St Elias, made long voyages, crossing the strait and sea of Bering, and held commercial intercourse with the people of Asia. Sixty miles is an ordinary day's journey for sledges, while Indians on snow-shoes have been known to run down and capture deer. Throughout this entire border, including the Aleutian Islands, boats are made wholly of the skins of seals or sea-lions, excepting the frame of wood or whale-ribs. In the interior, as well as on the coast immediately below Mount St Elias, skin boats disappear, and canoes or wooden boats are used. Two kinds of skin boats are employed by the natives of the Alaskan coast, a large and a small one. The former is called by the natives _oomiak_, and by the Russians _baidar_. This is a large, flat-bottomed, open boat; the skeleton of wood or whale-ribs, fastened with seal-skin thongs or whale's sinews, and covered with oiled seal or sea-lion skins, which are first sewed together and then stretched over the frame. The baidar is usually about thirty feet in length, six feet in extreme breadth, and three feet in depth. It is propelled by oars, and will carry fifteen or twenty persons, but its capacity is greatly increased by lashing inflated seal-skins to the outside. In storms at sea, two or three baidars are sometimes tied together.[54] The small boat is called by the natives _kyak_, and by the Russians _baidarka_. It is constructed of the same material and in the same manner as the baidar, except that it is entirely covered with skins, top as well as bottom, save one hole left in the deck, which is filled by the navigator. After taking his seat, and thereby filling this hole, the occupant puts on a water-proof over-dress, the bottom of which is so secured round the rim of the hole that not a drop of water can penetrate it. This dress is provided with sleeves and a hood. It is securely fastened at the wrists and neck, and when the hood is drawn over the head, the boatman may bid defiance to the water. The baidarka is about sixteen feet in length, and two feet in width at the middle, tapering to a point at either end.[55] It is light and strong, and when skillfully handled is considered very safe. The native of Norton Sound will twirl his kyak completely over, turn an aquatic somersault, and by the aid of his double-bladed paddle come up safely on the other side, without even losing his seat. So highly were these boats esteemed by the Russians, that they were at once universally adopted by them in navigating these waters. They were unable to invent any improvement in either of them, although they made a baidarka with two and three seats, which they employed in addition to the one-seated kyak. The Kadiak baidarka is a little shorter and wider than the Aleutian.[56] Sleds, sledges, dogs, and Arctic land-boats play an important part in Eskimo economy. The Eskimo sled is framed of spruce, birch, or whalebone, strongly bound with thongs, and the runners shod with smooth strips of whale's jaw-bone. This sled is heavy, and fit only for traveling over ice or frozen snow. Indian sleds of the interior are lighter, the runners being of thin flexible boards better adapted to the inequalities of the ground. Sledges, such as are used by the voyagers of Hudson Bay, are of totally different construction. Three boards, each about one foot in width and twelve feet in length, thinned, and curved into a semicircle at one end, are placed side by side and firmly lashed together with thongs. A leathern bag or blanket of the full size of the sled is provided, in which the load is placed and lashed down with strings.[57] Sleds and sledges are drawn by dogs, and they will carry a load of from a quarter to half a ton, or about one hundred pounds to each dog. The dogs of Alaska are scarcely up to the average of Arctic canine nobility.[58] They are of various colors, hairy, short-legged, with large bushy tails curved over the back; they are wolfish, suspicious, yet powerful, sagacious, and docile, patiently performing an incredible amount of ill-requited labor. Dogs are harnessed to the sledge, sometimes by separate thongs at unequal distances, sometimes in pairs to a single line. They are guided by the voice accompanied by a whip, and to the best trained and most sagacious is given the longest tether, that he may act as leader. An eastern dog will carry on his back a weight of thirty pounds. The dogs of the northern coast are larger and stronger than those of the interior. Eskimo dogs are used in hunting reindeer and musk-oxen, as well as in drawing sledges.[59] Those at Cape Prince of Wales appear to be of the same species as those used upon the Asiatic coast for drawing sledges. Snow-shoes, or foot-sledges, are differently made according to the locality. In traveling over soft snow they are indispensable. They consist of an open light wooden frame, made of two smooth pieces of wood each about two inches wide and an inch thick; the inner part sometimes straight, and the outer curved out to about one foot in the widest part. They are from two to six feet in length, some oval and turned up in front, running to a point behind; others flat, and pointed at both ends, the space within the frame being filled with a network of twisted deer-sinews or fine seal-skin.[60] The Hudson Bay snow-shoe is only two and a half feet in length. The Kutchin shoe is smaller than that of the Eskimo. [Sidenote: PROPERTY.] The merchantable wealth of the Eskimos consists of peltries, such as wolf, deer, badger, polar-bear, otter, hare, musk-rat, Arctic-fox, and seal skins; red ochre, plumbago, and iron pyrites; oil, ivory, whalebone; in short, all parts of all species of beasts, birds, and fishes that they can secure and convert into an exchangeable shape.[61] The articles they most covet are tobacco, iron, and beads. They are not particularly given to strong drink. On the shore of Bering Strait the natives have constant commercial intercourse with Asia. They cross easily in their boats, carefully eluding the vigilance of the fur company. They frequently meet at the Gwosdeff Islands, where the Tschuktschi bring tobacco, iron, tame-reindeer skins, and walrus-ivory; the Eskimos giving in exchange wolf and wolverine skins, wooden dishes, seal-skins and other peltries. The Eskimos of the American coast carry on quite an extensive trade with the Indians of the interior,[62] exchanging with them Asiatic merchandise for peltries. They are sharp at bargains, avaricious, totally devoid of conscience in their dealings; will sell their property thrice if possible, and, if caught, laugh it off as a joke. The rights of property are scrupulously respected among themselves, but to steal from strangers, which they practice on every occasion with considerable dexterity, is considered rather a mark of merit than otherwise. A successful thief, when a stranger is the victim, receives the applause of the entire tribe.[63] Captain Kotzebue thus describes the manner of trading with the Russo-Indians of the south and of Asia. "The stranger first comes, and lays some goods on the shore and then retires; the American then comes, looks at the things, puts as many things near them as he thinks proper to give, and then also goes away. Upon this the stranger approaches, and examines what is offered him; if he is satisfied with it, he takes the skins and leaves the goods instead; but if not, then he lets all the things lie, retires a second time, and expects an addition from the buyer." If they cannot agree, each retires with his goods. [Sidenote: SOCIAL ECONOMY.] Their government, if it can be called a government, is patriarchal. Now and then some ancient or able man gains an ascendency in the tribe, and overawes his fellows. Some tribes even acknowledge an hereditary chief, but his authority is nominal. He can neither exact tribute, nor govern the movements of the people. His power seems to be exercised only in treating with other tribes. Slavery in any form is unknown among them. Caste has been mentioned in connection with tattooing, but, as a rule, social distinctions do not exist.[64] [Sidenote: AMUSEMENTS.] The home of the Eskimo is a model of filth and freeness. Coyness is not one of their vices, nor is modesty ranked among their virtues. The latitude of innocency marks all their social relations; they refrain from doing in public nothing that they would do in private. Female chastity is little regarded. The Kutchins, it is said, are jealous, but treat their wives kindly; the New Caledonians are jealous, and treat them cruelly; but the philosophic Eskimos are neither jealous nor unkind. Indeed, so far are they from espionage or meanness in marital affairs, that it is the duty of the hospitable host to place at the disposal of his guest not only the house and its contents, but his wife also.[65] The lot of the women is but little better than slavery. All the work, except the nobler occupations of hunting, fishing, and fighting, falls to them. The lesson of female inferiority is at an early age instilled into the mind of youth. Nevertheless, the Eskimo mother is remarkably affectionate, and fulfills her low destiny with patient kindness. Polygamy is common; every man being entitled to as many wives as he can get and maintain. On the other hand, if women are scarce, the men as easily adapt themselves to circumstances, and two of them marry one woman. Marriages are celebrated as follows: after gaining the consent of the mother, the lover presents a suit of clothes to the lady, who arrays herself therein and thenceforth is his wife.[66] Dancing, accompanied by singing and violent gesticulation, is their chief amusement. In all the nations of the north, every well-regulated village aspiring to any degree of respectability has its public or town house, which among the Eskimos is called the _Casine_ or _Kashim_. It consists of one large subterranean room, better built than the common dwellings, and occupying a central position, where the people congregate on feast-days.[67] This house is also used as a public work-shop, where are manufactured boats, sledges, and snow-shoes. A large portion of the winter is devoted to dancing. Feasting and visiting commence in November. On festive occasions, a dim light and a strong odor are thrown over the scene by means of blubber-lamps. The dancers, who are usually young men, strip themselves to the waist, or even appear _in puris naturalibus_, and go through numberless burlesque imitations of birds and beasts, their gestures being accompanied by tambourine and songs. Sometimes they are fantastically arrayed in seal or deer skin pantaloons, decked with dog or wolf tails behind, and wear feathers or a colored handkerchief on the head. The ancients, seated upon benches which encircle the room, smoke, and smile approbation. The women attend with fish and berries in large wooden bowls; and, upon the opening of the performance, they are at once relieved of their contributions by the actors, who elevate the provisions successively to the four cardinal points and once to the skies above, when all partake of the feast. Then comes another dance. A monotonous refrain, accompanied by the beating of an instrument made of seal-intestines stretched over a circular frame, brings upon the ground one boy after another, until about twenty form a circle. A series of pantomimes then commences, portraying love, jealousy, hatred, and friendship. During intervals in the exercises, presents are distributed to strangers. In their national dance, one girl after another comes in turn to the centre, while the others join hands and dance and sing, not unmusically, about her. The most extravagant motions win the greatest applause.[68] Among other customs of the Eskimo may be mentioned the following. Their salutations are made by rubbing noses together. No matter how oily the skin, nor how rank the odor, he who would avoid offense must submit his nose to the nose of his Hyperborean brother,[69] and his face to the caressing hand of his polar friend. To convey intimations of friendship at a distance, they extend their arms, and rub and pat their breast. Upon the approach of visitors they form a circle, and sit like Turks, smoking their pipes. Men, women, and children are inordinately fond of tobacco. They swallow the smoke and revel in a temporary elysium. They are called brave, simple, kind, intelligent, happy, hospitable, respectful to the aged. They are also called cruel, ungrateful, treacherous, cunning, dolorously complaining, miserable.[70] They are great mimics, and, in order to terrify strangers, they accustom themselves to the most extraordinary contortions of features and body. As a measure of intellectual capacity, it is claimed for them that they divide time into days, lunar months, seasons, and years; that they estimate accurately by the sun or stars the time of day or night; that they can count several hundred and draw maps. They also make rude drawings on bone, representing dances, deer-hunting, animals, and all the various pursuits followed by them from the cradle to the grave. But few diseases are common to them, and a deformed person is scarcely ever seen. Cutaneous eruptions, resulting from their antipathy to water, and ophthalmia, arising from the smoke of their closed huts and the glare of sun-light upon snow and water, constitute their chief disorders.[71] For protection to their eyes in hunting and fishing, they make goggles by cutting a slit in a piece of soft wood, and adjusting it to the face. The Eskimos do not, as a rule, bury their dead; but double the body up, and place it on the side in a plank box, which is elevated three or four feet from the ground, and supported by four posts. The grave-box is often covered with painted figures of birds, fishes, and animals. Sometimes it is wrapped in skins, placed upon an elevated frame, and covered with planks, or trunks of trees, so as to protect it from wild beasts. Upon the frame or in the grave-box are deposited the arms, clothing, and sometimes the domestic utensils of the deceased. Frequent mention is made by travelers of burial places where the bodies lie exposed, with their heads placed towards the north.[72] [Sidenote: THE KONIAGAS.] THE KONIAGAS derive their name from the inhabitants of the island of Kadiak, who, when first discovered, called themselves _Kanagist_.[73] They were confounded by early Russian writers with the Aleuts. English ethnologists sometimes call them Southern Eskimos. From Kadiak they extend along the coast in both directions; northward across the Alaskan Peninsula to Kotzebue Sound, and eastward to Prince William Sound. The Koniagan family is divided into nations as follows: the _Koniagas_ proper, who inhabit the Koniagan Archipelago; the _Chugatshes_,[74] who occupy the islands and shores of Prince William Sound; the _Aglegmutes_, of Bristol Bay; the _Keyataigmutes_, who live upon the river Nushagak and the coast as far as Cape Newenham; the _Agulmutes_, dwelling upon the coast between the Kuskoquim and Kishunak rivers; the _Kuskoquigmutes_,[75] occupying the banks of the river Kuskoquim; the _Magemutes_, in the neighborhood of Cape Romanzoff; the _Kwichpagmutes_, _Kwichluagmutes_, and _Pashtoliks_, on the Kwichpak, Kwickluak, and Pashtolik rivers; the _Chnagmutes_, near Pashtolik Bay; the _Anlygmutes_, of Golovnin Bay, and the _Kaviaks_ and _Malemutes_, of Norton Sound.[76] "All of these people," says Baron von Wrangell, "speak one language and belong to one stock." The most populous district is the Kuskoquim Valley.[77] The small islands in the vicinity of Kadiak were once well peopled; but as the Russians depopulated them, and hunters became scarce, the natives were not allowed to scatter, but were forced to congregate in towns.[78] Schelikoff, the first settler on Kadiak, reported, in that and contiguous isles, thirty thousand natives. Thirty years later, Saritsheff visited the island and found but three thousand. The Chugatshes not long since lived upon the island of Kadiak, but, in consequence of dissensions with their neighbors, they were obliged to emigrate and take up their residence on the main land. They derived their manners originally from the northern nations; but, after having been driven from their ancient possessions, they made raids upon southern nations, carried off their women, and, from the connections thus formed, underwent a marked change. They now resemble the southern rather than the northern tribes. The Kadiaks, Chugatshes, Kuskoquims, and adjacent tribes, according to their own traditions, came from the north, while the Unalaskas believe themselves to have originated in the west. The Kaviaks intermingle to a considerable extent with the Malemutes, and the two are often taken for one people; but their dialects are quite distinct. [Sidenote: LAND OF THE KONIAGAS.] The country of the Koniagas is a rugged wilderness, into many parts of which no white man has ever penetrated. Mountainous forests, glacial cañons, down which flow innumerable torrents, hills interspersed with lakes and marshy plains; ice-clad in winter, covered with luxuriant vegetation in summer. Some sheltered inlets absorb an undue proportion of oceanic warmth. Thus the name Aglegmutes signifies the inhabitants of a warm climate. Travelers report chiefs among the Koniagas seven feet in height, but in general they are of medium stature.[79] Their complexion may be a shade darker than that of the Eskimos of the northern coast, but it is still very light.[80] The Chugatshes are remarkable for their large heads, short necks, broad faces, and small eyes. Holmberg claims for the Koniagas a peculiar formation of the skull; the back, as he says, being not arched but flat. They pierce the septum of the nose and the under lip, and in the apertures wear ornaments of various materials; the most highly prized being of shell or of amber. It is said that at times amber is thrown up in large quantities by the ocean, on the south side of Kadiak, generally after a heavy earthquake, and that at such times it forms an important article of commerce with the natives. The more the female chin is riddled with holes, the greater the respectability. Two ornaments are usually worn, but by very aristocratic ladies as many as six.[81] Their favorite colors in face-painting are red and blue, though black and leaden colors are common.[82] Young Kadiak wives secure the affectionate admiration of their husbands by tattooing the breast and adorning the face with black lines; while the Kuskoquim women sew into their chin two parallel blue lines. The hair is worn long by men as well as women. On state occasions, it is elaborately dressed; first saturated in train-oil, then powdered with red clay or oxide of iron, and finished off with a shower of white feathers. Both sexes wear beads wherever they can find a place for them, round the neck, wrists, and ankles, besides making a multitude of holes for them in the ears, nose, and chin. Into these holes they will also insert buttons, nails, or any European trinket which falls into their possession.[83] [Sidenote: KADIAK AND KUSKOQUIM DRESS.] The aboriginal dress of a wealthy Kadiak was a bird-skin parka, or shirt, fringed at the top and bottom, with long wide sleeves out of which the wearer slipped his arms in an emergency. This garment was neatly sewed with bird-bone needles, and a hundred skins were sometimes used in the making of a single parka. It was worn with the feathers outside during the day, and inside during the night. Round the waist was fastened an embroidered girdle, and over all, in wet weather, was worn an intestine water-proof coat. The Kadiak breeches and stockings were of otter or other skins, and the boots, when any were worn, were of seal-neck leather, with whale-skin soles. The Russians in a measure prohibited the use of furs among the natives, compelling them to purchase woolen goods from the company, and deliver up all their peltries. The parkas and stockings of the Kuskoquims are of reindeer-skin, covered with embroidery, and trimmed with valuable furs. They also make stockings of swamp grass, and cloaks of sturgeon-skin. The Malemute and Kaviak dress is similar to that of the northern Eskimo.[84] The Chugatshes, men, women, and children, dress alike in a close fur frock, or robe, reaching sometimes to the knees, but generally to the ankles. Their feet and legs are commonly bare, notwithstanding the high latitude in which they live; but they sometimes wear skin stockings and mittens. They make a truncated conic hat of straw or wood, in whimsical representation of the head of some fish or bird, and garnished with colors.[85] [Sidenote: DWELLINGS AND FOOD OF THE KONIAGAS.] The Koniagas build two kinds of houses; one a large, winter village residence, called by the Russians _barabara_, and the other a summer hunting-hut, placed usually upon the banks of a stream whence they draw food. Their winter houses are very large, accommodating three or four families each. They are constructed by digging a square space of the required area to a depth of two feet, placing a post, four feet high above the surface of the ground, at every corner, and roofing the space over to constitute a main hall, where eating is done, filth deposited, and boats built. The sides are of planks, and the roof of boards, poles, or whale-ribs, thickly covered with grass. In the roof is a smoke-hole, and on the eastern side a door-hole about three feet square, through which entrance is made on hands and knees, and which is protected by a seal or other skin. Under the opening in the roof, a hole is dug for fire; and round the sides of the room, tomb-like excavations are made, or boards put up, for sleeping-places, where the occupant reposes on his back with his knees drawn up to the chin. Adjoining rooms are sometimes made, with low underground passages leading off from the main hall. The walls are adorned with implements of the chase and bags of winter food; the latter of which, being in every stage of decay, emits an odor most offensive to unhabituated nostrils. The ground is carpeted with straw. When the smoke-hole is covered by an intestine window, the dwellings of the Koniagas are exceedingly warm, and neither fire nor clothing is required.[86] The _kashim_, or public house of the Koniagas, is built like their dwellings, and is capable of accommodating three or four hundred people.[87] Huts are built by earthing over sticks placed in roof-shape; also by erecting a frame of poles, and covering it with bark or skins. The Koniagas will eat any digestible substance in nature except pork; from which fact Kingsborough might have proven incontestably a Jewish origin. I should rather give them swinish affinities, and see in this singularity a hesitancy to feed upon the only animal, except themselves, which eats with equal avidity bear's excrements, carrion birds, maggoty fish, and rotten sea-animals.[88] When a whale is taken, it is literally stripped of everything to the bare bones, and these also are used for building huts and boats.[89] These people can dispose of enormous quantities of food; or, if necessary, they can go a long time without eating.[90] Before the introduction of intoxicating drinks by white men, they made a fermented liquor from the juice of raspberries and blueberries. Tobacco is in general use, but chewing and snuffing are more frequent than smoking. Salmon are very plentiful in the vicinity of Kadiak, and form one of the chief articles of diet. During their periodical ascension of the rivers, they are taken in great quantities by means of a pole pointed with bone or iron. Salmon are also taken in nets made of whale-sinews. Codfish are caught with a bone hook. Whales approach the coast of Kadiak in June, when the inhabitants pursue them in baidarkas. Their whale-lance is about six feet in length, and pointed with a stone upon which is engraved the owner's mark. This point separates from the handle and is left in the whale's flesh, so that when the body is thrown dead upon the beach, the whaler proves his property by his lance-point. Many superstitions are mentioned in connection with the whale-fishery. When a whaler dies, the body is cut into small pieces and distributed among his fellow-craftsmen, each of whom, after rubbing the point of his lance upon it, dries and preserves his piece as a sort of talisman. Or the body is placed in a distant cave, where, before setting out upon a chase, the whalers all congregate, take it out, carry it to a stream, immerse it and then drink of the water. During the season, whalers bear a charmed existence. No one may eat out of the same dish with them, nor even approach them. When the season is over, they hide their weapons in the mountains. In May, the Koniagas set out in two-oared baidarkas for distant islands, in search of sea-otter. As success requires a smooth sea, they can hunt them only during the months of May and June, taking them in the manner following. Fifty or one hundred boats proceed slowly through the water, so closely together that it is impossible for an otter to escape between them. As soon as the animal is discovered, the signal is given, the area within which he must necessarily rise to the surface for air, is surrounded by a dozen boats, and when he appears upon the surface he is filled with arrows. Seals are hunted with spears ten or twelve feet in length, upon the end of which is fastened an inflated bladder, in order to float the animal when dead. [Sidenote: THE KUSKOKWIGMUTES AND MALEMUTES.] The Kuskokwigmutes are less nomadic than their neighbors; being housed in permanent settlements during the winter, although in summer they are obliged to scatter in various directions in quest of food. Every morning before break of day, during the hunting-season, a boy lights the oil-lamps in all the huts of the village, when the women rise and prepare the food. The men, excepting old men and boys, all sleep in the kashim, whither they retire at sunset. In the morning they are aroused by the appearance of the shamán, arrayed in his sacerdotal robes, and beating his sacred drum. After morning worship, the women carry breakfast to their husbands in the kashim. At day-break the men depart for their hunting or fishing, and when they return, immediately repair to the kashim, leaving the women to unload and take care of the products of the day's work. During the hunting-season the men visit their wives only during the night, returning to the kashim before daylight. The Malemutes leave their villages upon the coast regularly in February, and, with their families, resort to the mountains, where they follow the deer until snow melts, and then return to catch water-fowl and herring, and gather eggs upon the cliffs and promontories of the coast and islands. In July is their salmon feast. The fawns of reindeer are caught upon the hills by the women in August, either by chasing them down or by snaring them. Deer are stalked, noosed in snares, or driven into enclosures, where they are easily killed. At Kadiak, hunting begins in February, and in April they visit the smaller islands for sea-otter, seals, sea-lions, and eggs. Their whale and other fisheries commence in June and continue till October, at which time they abandon work and give themselves up to festivities. The seal is highly prized by them for its skin, blubber, and oil. One method of catching seals illustrates their ingenuity. Taking an air-tight seal-skin, they blow it up like a bladder, fasten to it a long line, and, concealing themselves behind the rocks, they throw their imitation seal among the live ones and draw it slowly to the shore. The others follow, and are speared or killed with bow and arrows. Blueberries and huckleberries are gathered in quantities and dried for winter use; they are eaten mixed with seal-oil. The Koniagas are also very fond of raw reindeer-fat. They hunt with guns, and snare grouse, marten, and hares. A small white fish is taken in great quantities from holes in the ice. They are so abundant and so easily caught that the natives break off the barbs from their fish-hooks in order to facilitate their operations. The white polar bear does not wander south of the sixty-fifth parallel, and is only found near Bering Strait. Some were found on St Matthew Island, in Bering Sea, but were supposed to have been conveyed thither upon floating ice. The natives approach the grizzly bear with great caution. When a lair is discovered, the opening is measured, and a timber barricade constructed, with an aperture through which the bear may put his head. The Indians then quietly approach and secure their timbers against the opening of the den with stones, and throw a fire-brand into the den to arouse the animal, who thereupon puts his head out through the hole and meets with a reception which brings him to an untimely end.[91] [Sidenote: WAR, IMPLEMENTS, AND GOVERNMENT.] In former times, the Koniagas went to war behind a huge wooden shield a foot thick and twelve feet in width. It was made of three thicknesses of larch-wood, bound together with willows, and with it they covered thirty or forty lancers.[92] They poisoned their arrow and lance points with a preparation of aconite, by drying and pulverizing the root, mixing the powder with water, and, when it fermented, applying it to their weapons.[93] They made arrow-points of copper, obtaining a supply from the Kenai of Copper River;[94] and the wood was as finely finished as if turned in a lathe. The boats of the Koniagas are similar to those of the north, except that the bow and stem are not alike, the one turning up to a point and the other cut off square.[95] Needles made of birds' bones, and thread from whale-sinews, in the hands of a Kadiak woman, produced work, "many specimens of which," says Lisiansky, "would do credit to our best seamstresses."[96] They produced fire by revolving with a bow-string a hard dry stick upon a soft dry board, one end of the stick being held in a mouth-piece of bone or ivory. Their implements were few--a stone adze, a shell or flint knife, a polishing stone, and a handled tooth.[97] Yet they excel in carving, and in working walrus-teeth and whalebone, the former being supplied them mostly by the Aglegmutes of the Alaskan Peninsula. The tools used in these manufactures were of stone, and the polishing tools of shell. Traces of the stone age are found in lamps, hammers and cutting instruments, wedges and hatchets. Carving is done by the men, while the women are no less skillful in sewing, basket-making, crocheting, and knitting. The women tan, and make clothing and boat-covers from skins and intestines.[98] The Agulmutes are skilled in the carving of wood and ivory; the Kuskoquims excel in wood and stone carving. They make in this manner domestic utensils and vases, with grotesque representations of men, animals, and birds, in relief. Authority is exercised only by heads of households, but chiefs may, by superior ability, acquire much influence.[99] Before they became broken up and demoralized by contact with civilization, there was a marked division of communities into castes; an hereditary nobility and commonalty. In the former was embodied all authority; but the rule of American chieftains is nowhere of a very arbitrary character. Slavery existed to a limited extent, the thralls being mostly women and children. Their male prisoners of war, they either killed immediately or reserved to torture for the edification and improvement of their children.[100] Upon the arrival of the Russians, the slaves then held by the natives, thinking to better their condition, left their barbaric masters and placed themselves under the protection of the new comers. The Russians accepted the trust, and set them to work. The poor creatures, unable to perform the imposed tasks, succumbed; and, as their numbers were diminished by ill treatment, their places were supplied by such of the inhabitants as had been guilty of some misdemeanor; and singularly enough, misdemeanors happened to be about in proportion to the demand for slaves.[101] [Sidenote: MORALITY OF THE KONIAGAS.] The domestic manners of the Koniagas are of the lowest order. In filth they out-do, if possible, their neighbors of the north.[102] Thrown together in little bands under one roof, they have no idea of morality, and the marriage relation sits so loosely as hardly to excite jealousy in its abuse. Female chastity is deemed a thing of value only as men hold property in it. A young unmarried woman may live uncensured in the freest intercourse with the men; though, as soon as she belongs to one man, it is her duty to be true to him. Sodomy is common; the Kaviaks practice polygamy and incest; the Kadiaks cohabit promiscuously, brothers and sisters, parents and children.[103] The Malemutes are content with one wife, but they have no marriage ceremony, and can put her away at pleasure. They prize boy babies, but frequently kill the girls, taking them out into the wilderness, stuffing grass into their mouth and abandoning them; yet children are highly esteemed, and the barren woman is a reproach among her people. Such persons even go so far as to make a doll or image of the offspring which they so greatly desire, and fondle it as if it were a real child.[104] Two husbands are also allowed to one woman; one the chief or principal husband, and the other a deputy, who acts as husband and master of the house during the absence of the true lord; and who, upon the latter's return, not only yields to him his place, but becomes in the meantime his servant. But the most repugnant of all their practices is that of male concubinage. A Kadiak mother will select her handsomest and most promising boy, and dress and rear him as a girl, teaching him only domestic duties, keeping him at woman's work, associating him only with women and girls, in order to render his effeminacy complete. Arriving at the age of ten or fifteen years, he is married to some wealthy man, who regards such a companion as a great acquisition. These male wives are called _achnutschik_ or _schopans_.[105] [Sidenote: KONIAGAN SWEAT-HOUSES.] A most cruel superstition is enforced upon maidens at the age of puberty; the victim being confined for six months in a hut built for the purpose, apart from the others, and so small that the poor inmate cannot straighten her back while upon her knees. During the six months following, she is allowed a room a little larger, but is still permitted no intercourse with any one. Daughters of principal men obtain the right of access to the kashim by undergoing a ceremonial yielding up of their virginity to the shamán.[106] Marriage ceremonies are few, and marriage engagements peculiar. The consent of the father of the intended bride being obtained, the aspirant for nuptial honors brings wood and builds a fire in the bath-room; after which, he and the father take a bath together. The relatives meanwhile congregate, a feast is held, presents are made, the bridegroom takes the name of the bride's father, the couple are escorted to a heated vapor-bath and there left together. Although extremely filthy in their persons and habits, all Indians attach great importance to their sweat-baths. This peculiar institution extends through most of the nations of our territory, from Alaska to Mexico, with wonderful uniformity. Frequently one of the side subterranean apartments which open off from the main hall, is devoted to the purposes of a sweat-house. Into one of these caverns a Kadiak will enter stripped. Steam is generated by throwing water upon heated stones. After sweltering for a time in the confined and heated atmosphere, and while yet in a profuse perspiration, the bather rushes out and plunges into the nearest stream or into the sea, frequently having to break the ice before being able to finish his bath. Sometimes all the occupants of the house join in a bath. They then clear the floor of the main room from obstructions, and build a hot fire under the smoke-hole. When the fire is reduced to coals, a covering is placed over the smoke-hole, and the bathers proceed to wash themselves in a certain liquid, which is carefully saved for this and other cleansing purposes, and also for tanning. The alkali of the fluid combines with the grease upon their persons, and thus a lather is formed which removes dirt as effectually as soap would. They then wash in water, wrap themselves in deer-skins, and repose upon shelves until the lassitude occasioned by perspiration passes away. Festivals of various kinds are held; as, when one village is desirous of extending hospitality to another village, or when an individual becomes ambitious of popularity, a feast is given. A ceremonial banquet takes place a year after the death of a relative; or an entertainment may be announced as a reparation for an injury done to one's neighbor. At some of these feasts only men dance, and at others the women join. Upon these occasions, presents are exchanged, and the festivities sometimes continue for several days. The men appear upon the scene nearly or quite naked, with painted faces, and the hair fantastically decorated with feathers, dancing to the music of the tambourine, sometimes accompanied by sham fights and warlike songs. Their faces are marked or fantastically painted, and they hold a knife or lance in one hand and a rattle in the other. The women dance by simply hopping forward and backward upon their toes.[107] A visitor, upon entering a dwelling, is presented with a cup of cold water; afterward, fish or flesh is set before him, and it is expected that he will leave nothing uneaten. The more he eats, the greater the honor to the host; and, if it be impossible to eat all that is given him, he must take away with him whatever remains. After eating, he is conducted to a hot bath and regaled with a drink of melted fat. Sagoskin assisted at a ceremony which is celebrated annually about the first of January at all the villages on the coast. It is called the festival of the immersion of the bladders in the sea. More than a hundred bladders, taken only from animals which have been killed with arrows, and decorated with fantastic paintings, are hung upon a cord stretched horizontally along the wall of the kashim. Four birds carved from wood, a screech-owl with the head of a man, a sea-gull, and two partridges, are so disposed that they can be moved by strings artfully arranged; the owl flutters his wings and moves his head; the gull strikes the boards with his beak as if he were catching fish, and the partridges commence to peck each other. Lastly, a stake enveloped in straw is placed in the centre of the fire-place. Men and women dance before these effigies in honor of _Jug-jak_, the spirit of the sea. Every time the dancing ceases, one of the assistants lights some straw, burning it like incense before the birds and the bladders. The principal ceremony of the feast consists, as its name indicates, in the immersion of the bladders in the sea. It was impossible to discover the origin of this custom; the only answer given to questions was, that their ancestors had done so before them. [Sidenote: SUPERSTITIONS OF THE KONIAGAS.] The shamán, or medicine-man of the Koniagas, is the spiritual and temporal doctor of the tribe; wizard, sorcerer, priest, or physician, as necessity demands. In the execution of his offices, the shamán has several assistants, male and female, sages and disciples; the first in rank being called _kaseks_, whose duty it is to superintend festivals and teach the children to dance. When a person falls sick, some evil spirit is supposed to have taken possession of him, and it is the business of the shamán to exorcise that spirit, to combat and drive it out of the man. To this end, armed with a magic tambourine, he places himself near the patient and mutters his incantations. A female assistant accompanies him with groans and growls. Should this prove ineffectual, the shamán approaches the bed and throws himself upon the person of the sufferer; then, seizing the demon, he struggles with it, overpowers and casts it out, while the assistants cry, "He is gone! he is gone!" If the patient recovers, the physician is paid, otherwise he receives nothing.[108] Colds, consumption, rheumatism, itch, boils, ulcers, syphilis, are among their most common diseases. Blood-letting is commonly resorted to as a curative, and except in extreme cases the shamán is not called. The Koniagas bleed one another by piercing the arm with a needle, and then cutting away the flesh above the needle with a flint or copper instrument. Beaver's oil is said to relieve their rheumatism. "The Kadiak people," says Lisiansky, "seem more attached to their dead than to their living." In token of their grief, surviving friends cut the hair, blacken the face with soot, and the ancient custom was to remain in mourning for a year. No work may be done for twenty days, but after the fifth day the mourner may bathe. Immediately after death, the body is arrayed in its best apparel, or wrapped with moss in seal or sea-lion skins, and placed in the kashim, or left in the house in which the person died, where it remains for a time in state. The body, with the arms and implements of the deceased, is then buried. It was not unfrequent in former times to sacrifice a slave upon such an occasion. The grave is covered over with blocks of wood and large stones.[109] A mother, upon the death of a child, retires for a time from the camp; a husband or wife withdraws and joins another tribe.[110] The character of the Koniagas may be drawn as peaceable, industrious, serviceable to Europeans, adapted to labor and commerce rather than to war and hunting. They are not more superstitious than civilized nations; and their immorality, though to a stranger most rank, is not to them of that socially criminal sort which loves darkness and brings down the avenger. In their own eyes, their abhorrent practices are as sinless as the ordinary, openly conducted avocations of any community are to the members thereof. [Sidenote: THE ALEUTS.] THE ALEUTS are the inhabitants of the Aleutian Archipelago. The origin of the word is unknown;[111] the original name being _Kagataya Koung'ns_, or 'men of the east,' indicating an American origin.[112] The nation consists of two tribes speaking different dialects; the _Unalaskans_, occupying the south-western portion of the Alaskan Peninsula, the Shumagin Islands, and the Fox Islands; and the _Atkhas_, inhabiting the Andreanovski, Rat, and Near Islands. Migrations and intermixtures with the Russians have, however, nearly obliterated original distinctions. The earliest information concerning the Aleutian Islanders was obtained by Michael Nevodtsikoff, who sailed from Kamchatka in 1745. Other Russian voyagers immediately followed, attracted thither in search of sea-animal skins, which at that time were very plentiful.[113] Tribute was levied upon the islanders by the Russians, and a system of cruelty commenced which soon reduced the natives from ten thousand to but little more than one thousand. The Aleuts, to Langsdorff, "appear to be a sort of middle race between the mongrel Tartars and the North Americans." John Ledyard, who visited Unalaska with Captain Cook, saw "two different kinds of people; the one we knew to be the aborigines of America, while we supposed the others to have come from the opposite coasts of Asia."[114] Their features are strongly marked, and those who saw them as they originally existed, were impressed with the intelligent and benevolent expression of their faces.[115] They have an abundance of lank hair, which they cut with flints--the men from the crown, and the women in front.[116] Both sexes undergo the usual face-painting and ornamentations. They extend their nostrils by means of a bow-cylinder. The men wear a bone about the size of a quill in the nose, and the women insert pieces of bone in the under lip.[117] Their legs are bowed, from spending so much of their time in boats; they frequently sitting in them fifteen or twenty hours at a time. Their figure is awkward and uncouth, yet robust, active, capable of carrying heavy burdens and undergoing great fatigue.[118] [Sidenote: ALEUTIAN HAT AND HABITATION.] The hat of the Aleut is the most peculiar part of his dress. It consists of a helmet-shaped crown of wood or leather, with an exceedingly long brim in front, so as to protect the eyes from the sun's reflection upon the water and snow. Upon the apex is a small carving, down the back part hang the beards of sea-lions, while carved strips of bone and paint ornament the whole. This hat also serves as a shield against arrows. The Fox Islanders have caps of bird-skin, on which are left the bright-colored feathers, wings, and tail.[119] As a rule, the men adopt bird-skin clothing, and the women furs, the latter highly ornamented with beads and fringes.[120] The habitations of the Fox Islanders are called _Ullaa_, and consist of immense holes from one to three hundred feet in length, and from twenty to thirty feet wide. They are covered with poles and earthed over, leaving several openings at the top through which descent is made by ladders. The interior is partitioned by stakes, and three hundred people sometimes occupy one of these places in common. They have no fire-place, since lamps hollowed from flat stones answer every purpose for cooking and light.[121] A boat turned bottom upward is the summer house of the Aleut.[122] Raw seal and sea-otter, whale and sea-lion blubber, fish, roots, and berries are staple articles of food among the Aleuts. To procure vegetable food is too much trouble. A dead, half-putrefied whale washed ashore is always the occasion of great rejoicing. From all parts the people congregate upon the shore, lay in their winter supplies, and stuff themselves until not a morsel remains. November is their best hunting-season. Whale-fishing is confined to certain families, and the spirit of the craft descends from father to son. Birds are caught in a net attached to the end of a pole; sea-otter are shot with arrows; spears, bone hooks, and nets are used in fishing.[123] After the advent of the Russians, the natives were not allowed to kill fur-animals without accounting to them therefor.[124] Their weapons are darts with single and double barbs, which they throw from boards; barbed, bone-pointed lances; spears, harpoons, and arrows, with bone or stone points. At their side is carried a sharp stone knife ten or twelve inches long, and for armor they wear a coat of plaited rushes, which covers the whole body.[125] An Aleut bear-trap consists of a board two feet square and two inches thick, planted with barbed spikes, placed in bruin's path and covered with dust. The unsuspecting victim steps firmly upon the smooth surface offered, when his foot sinks into the dust. Maddened with pain, he puts forward another foot to assist in pulling the first away, when that too is caught. Soon all four of the feet are firmly spiked to the board; the beast rolls over on his back, and his career is soon brought to an end. [Sidenote: CUSTOMS OF THE ALEUTS.] Notwithstanding their peaceful character, the occupants of the several islands were almost constantly at war. Blood, the only atonement for offense, must be washed out by blood, and the line of vengeance becomes endless. At the time of discovery, the Unimak Islanders held the supremacy. The fabrications of the Aleuts comprise household utensils of stone, bone, and wood; missiles of war and the chase; mats and baskets of grass and the roots of trees, neat and strong; bird-beak rattles, tambourines or drums, wooden hats and carved figures. From the wing-bone of the sea-gull, the women make their needles; from sinews, they make thread and cord.[126] To obtain glue for mending or manufacturing purposes, they strike the nose until it bleeds.[127] To kindle a fire, they make use of sulphur, in which their volcanic islands abound, and the process is very curious. First they prepare some dry grass to catch the fire; then they take two pieces of quartz, and, holding them over the grass, rub them well with native sulphur. A few feathers are scattered over the grass to catch the particles of sulphur, and, when all is ready, holding the stones over the grass, they strike them together; a flash is produced by the concussion, the sulphur ignites, and the straw blazes up.[128] The Aleuts have no marriage ceremony. Every man takes as many women to wife as he can support, or rather as he can get to support him. Presents are made to the relatives of the bride, and when she ceases to possess attractions or value in the eyes of her proprietor, she is sent back to her friends. Wives are exchanged by the men, and rich women are permitted to indulge in two husbands. Male concubinage obtains throughout the Aleutian Islands, but not to the same extent as among the Koniagas.[129] Mothers plunge their crying babies under water in order to quiet them. This remedy performed in winter amid broken ice, is very effectual.[130] Every island, and, in the larger islands, every village, has its _toyon_, or chief, who decides differences, is exempt from work, is allowed a servant to row his boat, but in other respects possesses no power. The office is elective.[131] The Aleuts are fond of dancing and given to hospitality. The stranger guest, as he approaches the village, is met by dancing men and dancing women, who conduct him to the house of the host, where food is given him. After supper, the dancing, now performed by naked men, continues until all are exhausted, when the hospitalities of the dwelling are placed at the disposal of the guest, and all retire.[132] A religious festival used to be held in December, at which all the women of the village assembled by moonlight, and danced naked with masked faces, the men being excluded under penalty of death. The men and women of a village bathe together, in aboriginal innocency, unconscious of impropriety. They are fond of pantomimic performances; of representing in dances their myths and their legends; of acting out a chase, one assuming the part of hunter, another of a bird or beast trying to escape the snare, now succeeding, now failing--the piece ending in the transformation of a captive bird into a lovely woman, who falls exhausted into the arms of the hunter. The dead are clothed and masked, and either placed in the cleft of a rock, or swung in a boat or cradle from a pole in the open air. They seem to guard the body as much as possible from contact with the ground.[133] [Sidenote: CHARACTER OF THE ALEUTS.] In their nature and disposition, these islanders are sluggish but strong. Their sluggishness gives to their character a gentleness and obsequiousness often remarked by travelers; while their inherent strength, when roused by brutal passions, drives them on to the greatest enormities. They are capable of enduring great fatigue, and, when roused to action by necessity, they will perform an incredible amount of work, suffering the severest cold or heat or hunger with the most stoical calmness. They are very quiet in their demeanor; sometimes sitting in companies within their dens, or on their house-tops gazing at the sea for hours, without speaking a word. It is said that formerly they were much more gay and cheerful, but that an acquaintance with civilization has been productive of the usual misfortune and misery.[134] It does not appear that the Russians were behind the Spaniards in their barbarous treatment of the natives.[135] Notwithstanding their interest lay in preserving life, and holding the natives in a state of serfdom as fishers and hunters, the poor people were soon swept away. Father Innocentius Veniaminoff, a Russian missionary who labored among the islanders long and faithfully, gives them the highest character for probity and propriety. Among other things, he affirms that during a residence of ten years in Unalaska, there did not occur a single fight among the natives. Proselytes were made by the Russians with the same facility as by the Spaniards. Tribute was levied by the Russians upon all the islanders, but, for three years after their conversion, neophytes were exempt; a cheap release from hateful servitude, thought the poor Aleut; and a polity which brought into the folds of the church pagan multitudes. [Sidenote: THE THLINKEETS.] THE THLINKEETS, as they call themselves, or _Kolosches_, as they are designated by the Russians, inhabit the coast and islands from Mount St Elias to the river Nass. The name Thlinkeet signifies 'man,' or 'human being.' Kolosch,[136] or more properly _Kaluga_, is the Aleutian word for 'dish,' and was given to this people by Aleutian seal-hunters whom the Russians employed during their first occupation of the Island of the Sitkas. Perceiving a resemblance in the shape of the Thlinkeet lip-ornament, to the wooden vessels of their own country, they applied to this nation the name Kaluga, whence the Kolosches of the Russians. Holmberg carries their boundaries down to the Columbia River; and Wrangell perceives a likeness, real or imaginary, to the Aztecs.[137] Indeed the differences between the Thlinkeets and the inhabitants of New Caledonia, Washington, and Oregon, are so slight that the whole might without impropriety be called one people. The Thlinkeets have, however, some peculiarities not found elsewhere; they are a nation distinct from the Tinneh upon their eastern border, and I therefore treat of them separately. The three families of nations already considered, namely, the Eskimos, the Koniagas, and the Aleuts, are all designated by most writers as Eskimos. Some even include the Thlinkeets, notwithstanding their physical and philological differences, which, as well as their traditions, are as broadly marked as those of nations that these same ethnologists separate into distinct families. Nomadic nations, occupying lands by a precarious tenure, with ever-changing boundaries, engaged in perpetual hostilities with conterminous tribes that frequently annihilate or absorb an entire community, so graduate into one another that the dividing line is often with difficulty determined. Thus the Thlinkeets, now almost universally held to be North American Indians proper, and distinct from the Eskimos, possess, perhaps, as many affinities to their neighbors on the north, as to those upon the south and east. The conclusion is obvious. The native races of America, by their geographical position and the climatic influences which govern them, are of necessity to a certain degree similar; while a separation into isolated communities which are acted upon by local causes, results in national or tribal distinctions. Thus the human race in America, like the human race throughout the world, is uniform in its variety, and varied in its unity. The Thlinkeet family, commencing at the north, comprises the _Ugalenzes_,[138] on the shore of the continent between Mount St Elias and Copper River; the _Yakutats_, of Bering Bay; the _Chilkats_, at Lynn Canal; the _Hoodnids_, at Cross Sound; the _Hoodsinoos_, of Chatham Strait; and, following down the coast and islands, the _Takoos_, the _Auks_, the _Kakas_, the _Sitkas_,[139] the _Stikines_,[140] and the _Tungass_. The Sitkas on Baranoff Island[141] are the dominant tribe. Descending from the north into more genial climes, the physical type changes, and the form assumes more graceful proportions. With the expansion of nature and a freer play of physical powers, the mind expands, native character becomes intensified, instinct keener, savage nature more savage, the nobler qualities become more noble; cruelty is more cruel, torture is elevated into an art, stoicism is cultivated,[142] human sacrifice and human slavery begin, and the oppression and degradation of woman is systematized. "If an original American race is accepted," says Holmberg, "the Thlinkeets must be classed with them." They claim to have migrated from the interior of the continent, opposite Queen Charlotte Island. The Ugalenzes spend their winters at a small bay east from Kadiak, and their summers near the mouth of Copper River, where they take fish in great quantities. Their country also abounds in beaver. The Chilkats make two annual trading excursions into the interior. The Tacully tribes, the Sicannis and Nehannes, with whom the Chilkats exchange European goods for furs, will allow no white man to ascend their streams. [Sidenote: THLINKEET PECULIARITIES.] Naturally, the Thlinkeets are a fine race; the men better formed than the boatmen of the north;[143] the women modest, fair, and handsome;[144] but the latter have gone far out of their way to spoil the handiwork of nature. Not content with daubing the head and body with filthy coloring mixtures; with adorning the neck with copper-wire collars, and the face with grotesque wooden masks; with scarring their limbs and breast with keen-edged instruments; with piercing the nose and ears, and filling the apertures with bones, shells, sticks, pieces of copper, nails, or attaching to them heavy pendants, which drag down the organs and pull the features out of place;[145] they appear to have taxed their inventive powers to the utmost, and with a success unsurpassed by any nation in the world, to produce a model of hideous beauty. [Sidenote: THLINKEET LIP-ORNAMENT.] This success is achieved in their wooden lip-ornament, the crowning glory of the Thlinkeet matron, described by a multitude of eye-witnesses; and the ceremony of its introduction may be not inappropriately termed, the baptism of the block. At the age of puberty,--some say during infancy or childhood,--in the under lip of all free-born female Thlinkeets,[146] a slit is made parallel with the mouth, and about half an inch below it.[147] If the incision is made during infancy, it is only a small hole, into which a needle of copper, a bone, or a stick is inserted, the size being increased as the child grows. If the baptism is deferred until the period when the maiden merges into womanhood, the operation is necessarily upon a larger scale, and consequently more painful.[148] When the incision is made, a copper wire, or a piece of shell or wood, is introduced, which keeps the wound open and the aperture extended; and by enlarging the object and keeping up a continuous but painful strain, an artificial opening in the face is made of the required dimensions. On attaining the age of maturity, this wire or other incumbrance is removed and a block of wood inserted. This block is oval or elliptical in shape, concaved or hollowed dish-like on the sides, and grooved like the wheel of a pulley on the edge in order to keep it in place.[149] The dimensions of the block are from two to six inches in length, from one to four inches in width, and about half an inch thick round the edge, and highly polished.[150] Old age has little terror in the eyes of a Thlinkeet belle, for larger lip-blocks are introduced as years advance, and each enlargement adds to the lady's social status, if not to her facial charms. When the block is withdrawn, the lip drops down upon the chin like a piece of leather, displaying the teeth, and presenting altogether a ghastly spectacle.[151] This custom is evidently associated in their minds with womanly modesty, for when La Pérouse asked them to remove their block, some refused; those who complied manifesting the same embarrassment shown by a European woman who uncovers her bosom. The Yakutats alone of all the Thlinkeet nation have never adopted this fashion. [Sidenote: DRESS OF THE THLINKEETS.] Their dress, which is made from wolf, deer, bear, or other skin, extends from the shoulder to the knee, and consists of a mantle, or cape, with sleeves, which reaches down to the waist, and to which the women attach a skirt, or gown, and the men a belt and apron. A white blanket is made from the wool of the wild sheep, embroidered with figures, and fringed with furs, all of native work. This garment is most highly prized by the men. They wear it thrown over the shoulder so as to cover the whole body. Vancouver thus describes the dress of a chief at Lynn Canal. His "external robe was a very fine large garment, that reached from his neck down to his heels, made of wool from the mountain sheep, neatly variegated with several colors, and edged and otherwise decorated with little tufts or frogs of woolen yarn, dyed of various colors. His head-dress was made of wood, much resembling in its shape a crown, adorned with bright copper and brass plates, from whence hung a number of tails or streamers, composed of wool and fur, wrought together, dyed of various colors, and each terminating in a whole ermine skin. The whole exhibited a magnificent appearance, and indicated a taste for dress and ornament that we had not supposed the natives of these regions to possess." The men make a wooden mask, which rests on a neckpiece, very ingeniously carved, and painted in colors, so as to represent the head of some bird or beast or mythological being. This was formerly worn in battle, probably, as La Pérouse suggests, in order to strike terror into the hearts of enemies, but is now used only on festive occasions.[152] A small hat of roots and bark, woven in the shape of a truncated cone, ornamented with painted figures and pictures of animals, is worn by both sexes.[153] Ordinarily, however, the men wear nothing on the head; their thick hair, greased and covered with ochre and birds' down, forming a sufficient covering. The hat is designed especially for rainy weather, as a protection to the elaborately dressed hair.[154] Besides their every-day dress, they have a fantastic costume for tribal holidays. For their winter habitations, a little back from the ocean, the Thlinkeets build substantial houses of plank or logs, sometimes of sufficient strength to serve as a fortress. They are six or eight feet in height, the base in the form of a square or parallelogram, the roof of poles placed at an angle of forty-five degrees and covered with bark. The entrance is by a small side door. The fire, which is usually kept burning night and day, occupies the centre of the room; over it is a smoke-hole of unusual size, and round the sides of the room are apartments or dens which are used as store-houses, sweat-houses, and private family rooms. The main room is very public and very filthy.[155] Summer huts are light portable buildings, thrown up during hunting excursions in the interior, or on the sea-beach in the fishing-season. A frame is made of stakes driven into the ground, supporting a roof, and the whole covered with bark, or with green or dry branches, and skins or bark over all. The door is closed by bark or a curtain of skins. Each hut is the rendezvous for a small colony, frequently covering twenty or thirty persons, all under the direction of one chief.[156] [Sidenote: FOOD OF THE THLINKEETS.] The food of the Thlinkeets is derived principally from the ocean, and consists of fish, mussels, sea-weeds, and in fact whatever is left upon the beach by the ebbing tide--which at Sitka rises and falls eighteen feet twice a day--or can be caught by artificial means. Holmberg says that all but the Yakutats hate whale as the Jews hate pork. Roots, grasses, berries, and snails are among their summer luxuries. They chew a certain plant as some chew tobacco, mixing with it lime to give it a stronger effect,[157] and drink whale-oil as a European drinks beer. Preferring their food cooked, they put it in a tight wicker basket, pouring in water, and throwing in heated stones, until the food is boiled.[158] For winter, they dry large quantities of herring, roes, and the flesh of animals. For catching fish, they stake the rivers, and also use a hook and line; one fisherman casting from his canoe ten or fifteen lines, with bladders for floats. For herring, they fasten to the end of a pole four or five pointed bones, and with this instrument strike into a shoal, spearing a fish on every point. They sometimes make the same instrument in the shape of a rake, and transfix the fish with the teeth. The Sitkas catch halibut with large, wooden, bone-pointed hooks.[159] The arms of the Thlinkeets denote a more warlike people than any we have hitherto encountered. Bows and arrows; hatchets of flint, and of a hard green stone which cuts wood so smoothly that no marks of notches are left; great lances, six or eight varas in length, if Bodega y Quadra may be trusted, hardened in the fire or pointed with copper, or later with iron; a large, broad, double-ended dagger, or knife,--are their principal weapons. The knife is their chief implement and constant companion. The handle is nearer one end than the other, so that it has a long blade and a short blade, the latter being one quarter the length of the former. The handle is covered with leather, and a strap fastens it to the hand when fighting. Both blades have leathern sheaths, one of which is suspended from the neck by a strap.[160] [Sidenote: THE THLINKEETS IN WAR.] They also encase almost the entire body in a wooden and leathern armor. Their helmets have curiously carved vizors, with grotesque representations of beings natural or supernatural, which, when brilliantly or dismally painted, and presented with proper yells, and brandishings of their ever-glittering knives, are supposed to strike terror into the heart of their enemies. They make a breast-plate of wood, and an arrow-proof coat of thin flexible strips, bound with strings like a woman's stays.[161] When a Thlinkeet arms for war, he paints his face and powders his hair a brilliant red. He then ornaments his head with white eagle-feathers, a token of stern, vindictive determination. During war they pitch their camp in strong positions, and place the women on guard. Trial by combat is frequently resorted to, not only to determine private disputes, but to settle quarrels between petty tribes. In the latter case, each side chooses a champion, the warriors place themselves in battle array, the combatants armed with their favorite weapon, the dagger, and well armored, step forth and engage in fight; while the people on either side engage in song and dance during the combat. Wrangell and Laplace assert that brave warriors killed in battle are devoured by the conquerors, in the belief that the bravery of the victim thereby enters into the nature of the partaker.[162] Coming from the north, the Thlinkeets are the first people of the coast who use wooden boats. They are made from a single trunk; the smaller ones about fifteen feet long, to carry from ten to twelve persons; and the larger ones, or war canoes, from fifty to seventy feet long; these will carry forty or fifty persons. They have from two and a half to three feet beam; are sharp fore and aft, and have the bow and stern raised, the former rather more than the latter. Being very light and well modeled, they can be handled with ease and celerity. Their paddles are about four feet in length, with crutch-like handles and wide, shovel-shaped blades. Boats as well as paddles are ornamented with painted figures, and the family coat-of-arms. Bodega y Quadra, in contradiction to all other authorities, describes these canoes as being built in three parts; with one hollowed piece, which forms the bottom and reaches well up the sides, and with two side planks. Having hollowed the trunk of a tree to the required depth, the Thlinkeet builders fill it with water, which they heat with hot stones to soften the wood, and in this state bend it to the desired shape. When they land, they draw their boats up on the beach, out of reach of the tide, and take great care in preserving them.[163] [Sidenote: INDUSTRIES OF THE THLINKEETS.] The Thlinkeets manifest no less ingenuity in the manufacture of domestic and other implements than in their arms. Rope they make from sea-weed, water-tight baskets and mats from withes and grass; and pipes, bowls, and figures from a dark clay. They excel in the working of stone and copper, making necklaces, bracelets, and rings; they can also forge iron. They spin thread, use the needle, and make blankets from the white native wool. They exhibit considerable skill in carving and painting, ornamenting the fronts of their houses with heraldic symbols, and allegorical and historical figures; while in front of the principal dwellings, and on their canoes, are carved parts representing the human face, the heads of crows, eagles, sea-lions, and bears.[164] La Pérouse asserts that, except in agriculture, which was not entirely unknown to them, the Thlinkeets were farther advanced in industry than the South Sea Islanders. Trade is carried on between Europeans and the interior Indians, in which no little skill is manifested. Every article which they purchase undergoes the closest scrutiny, and every slight defect, which they are sure to discover, sends down the price. In their commercial intercourse they exhibit the utmost decorum, and conduct their negotiations with the most becoming dignity. Nevertheless, for iron and beads they willingly part with anything in their possession, even their children. In the voyage of Bodega y Quadra, several young Thlinkeets thus became the property of the Spaniards, as the author piously remarks, for purposes of conversion. Sea-otter skins circulate in place of money.[165] The office of chief is elective, and the extent of power wielded depends upon the ability of the ruler. In some this authority is nominal; others become great despots.[166] Slavery was practiced to a considerable extent; and not only all prisoners of war were slaves, but a regular slave-trade was carried on with the south. When first known to the Russians, according to Holmberg, most of their slaves were Flatheads from Oregon. Slaves are not allowed to hold property or to marry, and when old and worthless they are killed. Kotzebue says that a rich man "purchases male and female slaves, who must labor and fish for him, and strengthen his force when he is engaged in warfare. The slaves are prisoners of war, and their descendants; the master's power over them is unlimited, and he even puts them to death without scruple. When the master dies, two slaves are murdered on his grave that he may not want attendance in the other world; these are chosen long before the event occurs, but meet the destiny that awaits them very philosophically." Simpson estimates the slaves to be one third of the entire population. Interior tribes enslave their prisoners of war, but, unlike the coast tribes, they have no hereditary slavery, nor systematic traffic in slaves. [Sidenote: CASTE AND CLANSHIP.] With the superior activity and intelligence of the Thlinkeets, social castes begin to appear. Besides an hereditary nobility, from which class all chiefs are chosen, the whole nation is separated into two great divisions or clans, one of which is called the Wolf, and the other the Raven. Upon their houses, boats, robes, shields, and wherever else they can find a place for it, they paint or carve their crest, an heraldic device of the beast or the bird designating the clan to which the owner belongs. The Raven trunk is again divided into sub-clans, called the Frog, the Goose, the Sea-Lion, the Owl, and the Salmon. The Wolf family comprises the Bear, Eagle, Dolphin, Shark, and Alca. In this clanship some singular social features present themselves. People are at once thrust widely apart, and yet drawn together. Tribes of the same clan may not war on each other, but at the same time members of the same clan may not marry with each other. Thus the young Wolf warrior must seek his mate among the Ravens, and, while celebrating his nuptials one day, he may be called upon the next to fight his father-in-law over some hereditary feud. Obviously this singular social fancy tends greatly to keep the various tribes of the nation at peace.[167] Although the Thlinkeet women impose upon themselves the most painful and rigorous social laws, there are few savage nations in which the sex have greater influence or command greater respect. Whether it be the superiority of their intellects, their success in rendering their hideous charms available, or the cruel penances imposed upon womanhood, the truth is that not only old men, but old women, are respected. In fact, a remarkably old and ugly crone is accounted almost above nature--a sorceress. One cause of this is that they are much more modest and chaste than their northern sisters.[168] As a rule, a man has but one wife; more, however, being allowable. A chief of the Nass tribe is said to have had forty. A young girl arrived at the age of maturity is deemed unclean; and everything she comes in contact with, or looks upon, even the clear sky or pure water, is thereby rendered unpropitious to man. She is therefore thrust from the society of her fellows, and confined in a dark den as a being unfit for the sun to shine upon. There she is kept sometimes for a whole year. Langsdorff suggests that it may be during this period of confinement that the foundation of her influence is laid; that in modest reserve, and meditation, her character is strengthened, and she comes forth cleansed in mind as well as body. This infamous ordeal, coming at a most critical period, and in connection with the baptism of the block, cannot fail to exert a powerful influence upon her character. It is a singular idea that they have of uncleanness. During all this time, according to Holmberg, only the girl's mother approaches her, and that only to place food within her reach. There she lies, wallowing in her filth, scarcely able to move. It is almost incredible that human beings can bring themselves so to distort nature. To this singular custom, as well as to that of the block, female slaves do not conform. After the girl's immurement is over, if her parents are wealthy, her old clothing is destroyed, she is washed and dressed anew, and a grand feast given in honor of the occasion.[169] The natural sufferings of mothers during confinement are also aggravated by custom. At this time they too are considered unclean, and must withdraw into the forest or fields, away from all others, and take care of themselves and their offspring. After the birth of a child, the mother is locked up in a shed for ten days. A marriage ceremony consists in the assembling of friends and distribution of presents. A newly married pair must fast for two days thereafter, in order to insure domestic felicity. After the expiration of that time they are permitted to partake of a little food, when a second two days' fast is added, after which they are allowed to come together for the first time; but the mysteries of wedlock are not fully unfolded to them until four weeks after marriage. Very little is said by travelers regarding the bath-houses of the Thlinkeets, but I do not infer that they used them less than their neighbors. In fact, notwithstanding their filth, purgations and purifications are commenced at an early age. As soon as an infant is born, and before it has tasted food, whatever is in the stomach must be squeezed out. Mothers nurse their children from one to two and a half years. When the child is able to leave its cradle, it is bathed in the ocean every day without regard to season, and this custom is kept up by both sexes through life. Those that survive the first year of filth, and the succeeding years of applied ice water and exposure, are very justly held to be well toughened. The Thlinkeet child is frequently given two names, one from the father's side and one from the mother's; and when a son becomes more famous than his father, the latter drops his own name, and is known only as the father of his son. Their habits of life are regular. In summer, at early dawn they put out to sea in their boats, or seek for food upon the beach, returning before noon for their first meal. A second one is taken just before night. The work is not unequally divided between the sexes, and the division is based upon the economical principles of civilized communities. The men rarely conclude a bargain without consulting their wives. Marchand draws a revolting picture of their treatment of infants. The little bodies are so excoriated by fermented filth, and so scarred by their cradle, that they carry the marks to the grave. No wonder that when they grow up they are insensible to pain. Nor are the mothers especially given to personal cleanliness and decorum.[170] Music, as well as the arts, is cultivated by the Thlinkeets, and, if we may believe Marchand, ranks with them as a social institution. "At fixed times," he says, "evening and morning, they sing in chorus, every one takes part in the concert, and from the pensive air which they assume while singing, one would imagine that the song has some deep interest for them." The men do the dancing, while the women, who are rather given to fatness and flaccidity, accompany them with song and tambourine.[171] Their principal gambling game is played with thirty small sticks, of various colors, and called by divers names, as the crab, the whale, and the duck. The player shuffles together all the sticks, then counting out seven, he hides them under a bunch of moss, keeping the remainder covered at the same time. The game is to guess in which pile is the whale, and the crab, and the duck. During the progress of the game, they present a perfect picture of melancholic stoicism.[172] The Thlinkeets burn their dead. An exception is made when the deceased is a shamán or a slave; the body of the former is preserved, after having been wrapped in furs, in a large wooden sarcophagus; and the latter is thrown out into the ocean or anywhere, like a beast. The ashes of the burned Thlinkeet are carefully collected in a box covered with hieroglyphic figures, and placed upon four posts. The head of a warrior killed in battle is cut off before the body is burned, and placed in a box supported by two poles over the box that holds his ashes.[173] Some tribes preserve the bodies of those who die during the winter, until forced to get rid of them by the warmer weather of spring. Their grandest feasts are for the dead. Besides the funeral ceremony, which is the occasion of a festival, they hold an annual 'elevation of the dead,' at which times they erect monuments to the memory of their departed. The shamáns possess some knowledge of the medicinal properties of herbs, but the healing of the body does not constitute so important a part of their vocation as do their dealings with supernatural powers. [Sidenote: THLINKEET CHARACTER.] To sum up the character of the Thlinkeets, they may be called bold, brave, shrewd, intelligent, industrious, lovers of art and music, respectful to women and the aged; yet extremely cruel, scalping and maiming their prisoners out of pure wantonness, thievish, lying, and inveterate gamblers. In short they possess most of the virtues and vices incident to savagism. [Sidenote: THE TINNEH.] THE TINNEH, the fifth and last division of our Hyperborean group, occupy the 'Great Lone Land,' between Hudson Bay and the conterminous nations already described; a land greater than the whole of the United States, and more 'lone,' excepting absolute deserts, than any part of America. White men there are scarcely any; wild men and wild beasts there are few; few dense forests, and little vegetation, although the grassy savannahs sustain droves of deer, buffalo, and other animals. The Tinneh are, next to the Eskimos, the most northern people of the continent. They inhabit the unexplored regions of Central Alaska, and thence extend eastward, their area widening towards the south to the shores of Hudson Bay. Within their domain, from the north-west to the south-east, may be drawn a straight line measuring over four thousand miles in length. The Tinneh,[174] may be divided into four great families of nations; namely, the _Chepewyans_, or Athabascas, living between Hudson Bay and the Rocky Mountains; the _Tacullies_, or Carriers, of New Caledonia or North-western British America; the _Kutchins_, occupying both banks of the upper Yukon and its tributaries, from near its mouth to the Mackenzie River; and the _Kenai_, inhabiting the interior from the lower Yukon to Copper River. The Chepewyan family is composed of the Northern Indians, so called by the fur-hunters at Fort Churchill as lying along the shores of Hudson Bay, directly to their north; the Copper Indians, on Coppermine River; the Horn Mountain and Beaver Indians, farther to the west; the Strong-bows, Dog-ribs, Hares, Red-knives, Sheep, Sarsis, Brush-wood, Nagailer, and Rocky-Mountain Indians, of the Mackenzie River and Rocky Mountains.[175] The Tacully[176] nation is divided into a multitude of petty tribes, to which different travelers give different names according to fancy. Among them the most important are the Talkotins and Chilkotins, Nateotetains and Sicannis, of the upper branches of Fraser River and vicinity. It is sufficient for our purpose, however, to treat them as one nation. The Kutchins,[177] a large and powerful nation, are composed of the following tribes. Commencing at the Mackenzie River, near its mouth, and extending westward across the mountains to and down the Yukon; the Loucheux or Quarrellers, of the Mackenzie River; the Vanta Kutchin, Natche Kutchin, and Yukuth Kutchin, of Porcupine River and neighborhood; the Tutchone Kutchin, Han Kutchin, Kutcha Kutchin, Gens de Bouleau, Gens de Milieu, Tenan Kutchin, Nuclukayettes, and Newicarguts, of the Yukon River. Their strip of territory is from one hundred to one hundred and fifty miles in width, lying immediately south of the Eskimos, and extending westward from the Mackenzie River about eight hundred miles.[178] The Kenai[179] nation includes the Ingaliks, of the Lower Yukon; the Koltchanes, of the Kuskoquim River; and to the south-eastward, the Kenais, of the Kenai Peninsula, and the Atnas, of Copper River.[180] Thus we see that the Tinneh are essentially an inland people, barred out from the frozen ocean by a thin strip of Eskimo land, and barely touching the Pacific at Cook Inlet. Philologists, however, find dialectic resemblances, imaginary or real, between them and the Umpquas[181] and Apaches.[182] [Sidenote: THE CHEPEWYANS.] The name Chepewyan signifies 'pointed coat,' and derives its origin from the parka, coat, or outer garment, so universally common throughout this region. It is made of several skins differently dressed and ornamented in different localities, but always cut with the skirt pointed before and behind. The Chepewyans believe that their ancestors migrated from the east, and therefore those of them who are born nearest their eastern boundary, are held in the greatest estimation. The Dog-ribs alone refer their origin to the west. The Chepewyans are physically characterized by a long full face,[183] tall slim figure;[184] in complexion they are darker than coast tribes,[185] and have small piercing black eyes,[186] flowing hair,[187] and tattooed cheeks and forehead.[188] Altogether they are pronounced an inferior race.[189] Into the composition of their garments enter beaver, moose, and deer-skin, dressed with and without the hair, sewed with sinews and ornamented with claws, horns, teeth, and feathers.[190] [Sidenote: THE NORTHERN INDIANS.] The Northern Indian man is master of his household.[191] He marries without ceremony, and divorces his wife at his pleasure.[192] A man of forty buys or fights for a spouse of twelve,[193] and when tired of her whips her and sends her away. Girls on arriving at the age of womanhood must retire from the village and live for a time apart.[194] The Chepewyans inhabit huts of brush and portable skin tents. They derive their origin from a dog. At one time they were so strongly imbued with respect for their canine ancestry that they entirely ceased to employ dogs in drawing their sledges, greatly to the hardship of the women upon whom this laborious task fell. Their food consists mostly of fish and reindeer, the latter being easily taken in snares. Much of their land is barren, but with sufficient vegetation to support numerous herds of reindeer, and fish abound in their lakes and streams. Their hunting grounds are held by clans, and descend by inheritance from one generation to another, which has a salutary effect upon the preservation of game. Indian law requires the successful hunter to share the spoils of the chase with all present. When game is abundant, their tent-fires never die, but are surrounded during all hours of the day and night by young and old cooking their food.[195] Superabundance of food, merchandise, or anything which they wish to preserve without the trouble of carrying it about with them while on hunting or foraging expeditions, is _cached_, as they term it; from the French, _cacher_, to conceal. Canadian fur-hunters often resorted to this artifice, but the practice was common among the natives before the advent of Europeans. A sudden necessity often arises in Indian countries for the traveler to relieve himself from burdens. This is done by digging a hole in the earth and depositing the load therein, so artfully covering it as to escape detection by the wily savages. Goods may be cached in a cave, or in the branches of a tree, or in the hollow of a log. The camp-fire is frequently built over the spot where stores have been deposited, in order that the disturbance of the surface may not be detected. Their weapons[196] and their utensils[197] are of the most primitive kind--stone and bone being used in place of metal. Their dances, which are always performed in the night, are not original, but are borrowed from the Southern and Dog-rib Indians. They consist in raising the feet alternately in quick succession, as high as possible without moving the body, to the sound of a drum or rattle.[198] They never bury their dead, but leave the bodies where they fall, to be devoured by the birds and beasts of prey.[199] Their religion consists chiefly in songs and speeches to these birds and beasts and to imaginary beings, for assistance in performing cures of the sick.[200] Old age is treated with disrespect and neglect, one half of both sexes dying before their time for want of care. The Northern Indians are frequently at war with the Eskimos and Southern Indians, for whom they at all times entertain the most inveterate hatred. The Copper Indians, bordering on the southern boundary of the Eskimos at the Coppermine River, were originally the occupants of the territory south of Great Slave Lake. The Dog-ribs, or Slavés as they are called by neighboring nations, are indolent, fond of amusement, but mild and hospitable. They are so debased, as savages, that the men do the laborious work, while the women employ themselves in household affairs and ornamental needlework. Young married men have been known to exhibit specimens of their wives' needle-work with pride. From their further advancement in civilization, and the tradition which they hold of having migrated from the westward, were it not that their language differs from that of contiguous tribes only in accent, they might naturally be considered of different origin. Bands of Dog-ribs meeting after a long absence greet each other with a dance, which frequently continues for two or three days. First clearing a spot of ground, they take an arrow in the right hand and a bow in the left, and turning their backs each band to the other, they approach dancing, and when close together they feign to perceive each other's presence for the first time; the bow and arrow are instantly transferred from one hand to the other, in token of their non-intention to use them against friends. They are very improvident, and frequently are driven to cannibalism and suicide.[201] [Sidenote: HARES, DOG-RIBS, AND TACULLIES.] The Hare Indians, who speak a dialect of the Tinneh scarcely to be distinguished from that of the Dog-ribs, are looked upon by their neighbors as great conjurers. The Hare and Sheep Indians look upon their women as inferior beings. From childhood they are inured to every description of drudgery, and though not treated with special cruelty, they are placed at the lowest point in the scale of humanity. The characteristic stoicism of the red race is not manifested by these tribes. Socialism is practiced to a considerable extent. The hunter is allowed only the tongue and ribs of the animal he kills, the remainder being divided among the members of the tribe. The Hares and Dog-ribs do not cut the finger-nails of female children until four years of age, in order that they may not prove lazy; the infant is not allowed food until four days after birth, in order to accustom it to fasting in the next world. The Sheep Indians are reported as being cannibals. The Red-knives formerly hunted reindeer and musk-oxen at the northern end of Great Bear Lake, but they were finally driven eastward by the Dog-ribs. Laws and government are unknown to the Chepewyans.[202] [Sidenote: THE TACULLIES, OR CARRIERS.] The Tacullies, or, as they were denominated by the fur-traders, 'Carriers,' are the chief tribe of New Caledonia, or North-western British America. They call themselves Tacullies, or 'men who go upon water,' as their travels from one village to another are mostly accomplished in canoes. This, with their sobriquet of 'Carriers,' clearly indicates their ruling habitudes. The men are more finely formed than the women, the latter being short, thick, and disproportionately large in their lower limbs. In their persons they are slovenly; in their dispositions, lively and contented. As they are able to procure food[203] with but little labor, they are naturally indolent, but appear to be able and willing to work when occasion requires it. Their relations with white people have been for the most part amicable; they are seldom quarrelsome, though not lacking bravery. The people are called after the name of the village in which they dwell. Their primitive costume consists of hare, musk-rat, badger, and beaver skins, sometimes cut into strips an inch broad, and woven or interlaced. The nose is perforated by both sexes, the men suspending therefrom a brass, copper, or shell ornament, the women a wooden one, tipped with a bead at either end.[204] Their avarice lies in the direction of hiaqua shells, which find their way up from the sea-coast through other tribes. In 1810, these beads were the circulating medium of the country, and twenty of them would buy a good beaver-skin. Their paint is made of vermilion obtained from the traders, or of a pulverized red stone mixed with grease. They are greatly addicted to gambling, and do not appear at all dejected by ill fortune, spending days and nights in the winter season at their games, frequently gambling away every rag of clothing and every trinket in their possession. They also stake parts of a garment or other article, and if losers, cut off a piece of coat-sleeve or a foot of gun-barrel. Native cooking vessels are made of bark, or of the roots or fibres of trees, woven so as to hold water, in which are placed heated stones for the purpose of cooking food.[205] Polygamy is practiced, but not generally. The Tacullies are fond of their wives, performing the most of the household drudgery in order to relieve them, and consequently they are very jealous of them. But to their unmarried daughters, strange as it may seem, they allow every liberty without censure or shame. The reason which they give for this strange custom is, that the purity of their wives is thereby better preserved.[206] During a portion of every year the Tacullies dwell in villages, conveniently situated for catching and drying salmon. In April they visit the lakes and take small fish; and after these fail, they return to their villages and subsist upon the fish they have dried, and upon herbs and berries. From August to October, salmon are plentiful again. Beaver are caught in nets made from strips of cariboo-skins, and also in cypress and steel traps. They are also sometimes shot with guns or with bows and arrows. Smaller game they take in various kinds of traps. The civil polity of the Tacullies is of a very primitive character. Any person may become a _miuty_ or chief who will occasionally provide a village feast. A malefactor may find protection from the avenger in the dwelling of a chief, so long as he is permitted to remain there, or even afterwards if he has upon his back any one of the chief's garments. Disputes are usually adjusted by some old man of the tribe. The boundaries of the territories belonging to the different villages are designated by mountains, rivers, or other natural objects, and the rights of towns, as well as of individuals, are most generally respected; but broils are constantly occasioned by murders, abduction of women, and other causes, between these separate societies.[207] When seriously ill, the Carriers deem it an indispensable condition to their recovery that every secret crime should be confessed to the magician. Murder, of any but a member of the same village, is not considered a heinous offense. They at first believed reading and writing to be the exercise of magic art. The Carriers know little of medicinal herbs. Their priest or magician is also the doctor, but before commencing his operations in the sick room, he must receive a fee, which, if his efforts prove unsuccessful, he is obliged to restore. The curative process consists in singing a melancholy strain over the invalid, in which all around join. This mitigates pain, and often restores health. Their winter tenements are frequently made by opening a spot of earth to the depth of two feet, across which a ridge-pole is placed, supported at either end by posts; poles are then laid from the sides of the excavation to the ridge-pole and covered with hay. A hole is left in the top for purposes of entrance and exit, and also in order to allow the escape of smoke.[208] Slavery is common with them; all who can afford it keeping slaves. They use them as beasts of burden, and treat them most inhumanly. The country of the Sicannis in the Rocky Mountains is sterile, yielding the occupants a scanty supply of food and clothing. They are nevertheless devotedly attached to their bleak land, and will fight for their rude homes with the most patriotic ardor. [Sidenote: NEHANNES AND TALKOTINS.] The Nehannes usually pass the summer in the vicinity of the sea-coast, and scour the interior during the winter for furs, which they obtain from inland tribes by barter or plunder, and dispose of to the European traders. It is not a little remarkable that this warlike and turbulent horde was at one time governed by a woman. Fame gives her a fair complexion, with regular features, and great intelligence. Her influence over her fiery people, it is said, was perfect; while her warriors, the terror and scourge of the surrounding country, quailed before her eye. Her word was law, and was obeyed with marvelous alacrity. Through her influence the condition of the women of her tribe was greatly raised. Great ceremonies, cruelty, and superstition attend burning the dead, which custom obtains throughout this region,[209] and, as usual in savagism, woman is the sufferer. When the father of a household dies, the entire family, or, if a chief, the tribe, are summoned to present themselves.[210] Time must be given to those most distant to reach the village before the ceremony begins.[211] The Talkotin wife, when all is ready, is compelled to ascend the funeral pile, throw herself upon her husband's body and there remain until nearly suffocated, when she is permitted to descend. Still she must keep her place near the burning corpse, keep it in a proper position, tend the fire, and if through pain or faintness she fails in the performance of her duties, she is held up and pressed forward by others; her cries meanwhile are drowned in wild songs, accompanied by the beating of drums.[212] When the funeral pile of a Tacully is fired, the wives of the deceased, if there are more than one, are placed at the head and foot of the body. Their duty there is to publicly demonstrate their affection for the departed; which they do by resting their head upon the dead bosom, by striking in frenzied love the body, nursing and battling the fire meanwhile. And there they remain until the hair is burned from their head, until, suffocated and almost senseless, they stagger off to a little distance; then recovering, attack the corpse with new vigor, striking it first with one hand and then with the other, until the form of the beloved is reduced to ashes. Finally these ashes are gathered up, placed in sacks, and distributed one sack to each wife, whose duty it is to carry upon her person the remains of the departed for the space of two years. During this period of mourning the women are clothed in rags, kept in a kind of slavery, and not allowed to marry. Not unfrequently these poor creatures avoid their term of servitude by suicide. At the expiration of the time, a feast is given them, and they are again free. Structures are erected as repositories for the ashes of their dead,[213] in which the bag or box containing the remains is placed. These grave-houses are of split boards about one inch in thickness, six feet high, and decorated with painted representations of various heavenly and earthly objects. The Indians of the Rocky Mountains burn with the deceased all his effects, and even those of his nearest relatives, so that it not unfrequently happens that a family is reduced to absolute starvation in the dead of winter, when it is impossible to procure food. The motive assigned to this custom is, that there may be nothing left to bring the dead to remembrance. A singular custom prevails among the Nateotetain women, which is to cut off one joint of a finger upon the death of a near relative. In consequence of this practice some old women may be seen with two joints off every finger on both hands. The men bear their sorrows more stoically, being content in such cases with shaving the head and cutting their flesh with flints.[214] [Sidenote: KUTCHIN CHARACTERISTICS.] The Kutchins are the flower of the Tinneh family. They are very numerous, numbering about twenty-two tribes. They are a more noble and manly people than either the Eskimos upon the north or the contiguous Tinneh tribes upon their own southern boundary. The finest specimens dwell on the Yukon River. The women tattoo the chin with a black pigment, and the men draw a black stripe down the forehead and nose, frequently crossing the forehead and cheeks with red lines, and streaking the chin alternately with red and black. Their features are more regular than those of their neighbors, more expressive of boldness, frankness, and candor; their foreheads higher, and their complexions lighter. The Tenan Kutchin of the Tananah River, one of the largest tribes of the Yukon Valley, are somewhat wilder and more ferocious in their appearance. The boys are precocious, and the girls marry at fifteen.[215] The Kutchins of Peel River, as observed by Mr Isbister, "are an athletic and fine-looking race; considerable above the average stature, most of them being upwards of six feet in height and remarkably well proportioned." Their clothing is made from the skins of reindeer, dressed with the hair on; their coat cut after the fashion of the Eskimos, with skirts peaked before and behind, and elaborately trimmed with beads and dyed porcupine-quills. The Kutchins, in common with the Eskimos, are distinguished by a similarity in the costume of the sexes. Men and women wear the same description of breeches. Some of the men have a long flap attached to their deer-skin shirts, shaped like a beaver's tail, and reaching nearly to the ground.[216] Of the coat, Mr Whymper says: "If the reader will imagine a man dressed in two swallow-tailed coats, one of them worn as usual, the other covering his stomach and buttoned behind, he will get some idea of this garment." Across the shoulders and breast they wear a broad band of beads, with narrower bands round the forehead and ankles, and along the seams of their leggins. They are great traders; beads are their wealth, used in the place of money, and the rich among them literally load themselves with necklaces and strings of various patterns.[217] The nose and ears are adorned with shells.[218] The hair is worn in a long cue, ornamented with feathers, and bound with strings of beads and shells at the head, with flowing ends, and so saturated with grease and birds' down as to swell it sometimes to the thickness of the neck. They pay considerable attention to personal cleanliness. The Kutchins construct both permanent underground dwellings and the temporary summer-hut or tent.[219] [Sidenote: FOOD OF THE KUTCHINS.] On the Yukon, the greatest scarcity of food is in the spring. The winter's stores are exhausted, and the bright rays of the sun upon the melting snow almost blind the eyes of the deer-hunter. The most plentiful supply of game is in August, September, and October, after which the forming of ice on the rivers prevents fishing until December, when the winter traps are set. The reindeer are in good condition in August, and geese are plentiful. Salmon ascend the river in June, and are taken in great quantities until about the first of September; fish are dried or smoked without salt, for winter use. Fur-hunting begins in October; and in December, trade opens with the Eskimos, with whom furs are exchanged for oil and seal-skins. The Kutchin of the Yukon are unacquainted with nets, but catch their fish by means of weirs or stakes planted across rivers and narrow lakes, having openings for wicker baskets, by which they intercept the fish. They hunt reindeer in the mountains and take moose-deer in snares.[220] Both Kutchins and Eskimos are very jealous regarding their boundaries; but the incessant warfare which is maintained between the littoral and interior people of the northern coast near the Mackenzie river, is not maintained by the north-western tribes. One of either people, however, if found hunting out of his own territory, is very liable to be shot. Some Kutchin tribes permit the Eskimos to take the meat of the game which they kill, provided they leave the skin at the nearest village.[221] The Kutchins of the Yukon River manufacture cups and pots from clay, and ornament them with crosses, dots, and lines; moulding them by hand after various patterns, first drying them in the sun and then baking them. The Eskimo lamp is also sometimes made of clay. The Tinneh make paint of pulverized colored stones or of earth, mixed with glue. The glue is made from buffalo feet and applied by a moose-hair brush. In the manufacture of their boats the Kutchins of the Yukon use bark as a substitute for the seal-skins of the coast. They first make a light frame of willow or birch, from eight to sixteen feet in length. Then with fine spruce-fir roots they sew together strips of birch bark, cover the frame, and calk the seams with spruce gum. They are propelled by single paddles or poles. Those of the Mackenzie River are after the same pattern.[222] In absence of law, murder and all other crimes are compounded for.[223] A man to be well married must be either rich or strong. A good hunter, who can accumulate beads, and a good wrestler, who can win brides by force, may have from two to five wives. The women perform all domestic duties, and eat after the husband is satisfied, but the men paddle the boats, and have even been known to carry their wives ashore so that they might not wet their feet. The women carry their infants in a sort of bark saddle, fastened to their back; they bandage their feet in order to keep them small.[224] Kutchin amusements are wrestling, leaping, dancing, and singing. They are great talkers, and etiquette forbids any interruption to the narrative of a new comer.[225] [Sidenote: THE TENAN KUTCHIN.] The Tenan Kutchin, 'people of the mountains,' inhabiting the country south of Fort Yukon which is drained by the river Tananah, are a wild, ungovernable horde, their territory never yet having been invaded by white people. The river upon which they dwell is supposed to take its rise near the upper Yukon. They allow no women in their deer-hunting expeditions. They smear their leggins and hair with red ochre and grease. The men part their hair in the middle and separate it into locks, which, when properly dressed, look like rolls of red mud about the size of a finger; one bunch of locks is secured in a mass which falls down the neck, by a band of dentalium shells, and two smaller rolls hang down either side of the face. After being soaked in grease and tied, the head is powdered with finely cut swan's down, which adheres to the greasy hair. The women wear few ornaments, perform more than the ordinary amount of drudgery, and are treated more like dogs than human beings. Chastity is scarcely known among them. The Kutcha Kutchin, 'people of the lowland,' are cleaner and better mannered. The Kutchins have a singular system of totems. The whole nation is divided into three castes, called respectively _Chitcheah_, _Tengratsey_, and _Natsahi_, each occupying a distinct territory. Two persons of the same caste are not allowed to marry; but a man of one caste must marry a woman of another. The mother gives caste to the children, so that as the fathers die off the caste of the country constantly changes. This system operates strongly against war between tribes; as in war, it is caste against caste, and not tribe against tribe. As the father is never of the same caste as the son, who receives caste from his mother, there can never be intertribal war without ranging fathers and sons against each other. When a child is named, the father drops his former name and substitutes that of the child, so that the father receives his name from the child, and not the child from the father. They have scarcely any government; their chiefs are elected on account of wealth or ability, and their authority is very limited.[226] Their custom is to burn the dead, and enclose the ashes in a box placed upon posts; some tribes enclose the body in an elevated box without burning.[227] [Sidenote: THE KENAI.] The Kenai are a fine, manly race, in which Baer distinguishes characteristics decidedly American, and clearly distinct from the Asiatic Eskimos. One of the most powerful Kenai tribes is the Unakatanas, who dwell upon the Koyukuk River, and plant their villages along the banks of the lower Yukon for a distance of one hundred and fifty miles. They are bold and ferocious, dominative even to the giving of fashion in dress. That part of the Yukon which runs through their territory abounds with moose, which during the summer frequent the water in order to avoid the mosquitos, and as the animals are clumsy swimmers, the Indians easily capture them. Their women occupy a very inferior position, being obliged to do more drudgery and embellish their dress with fewer ornaments than those of the upper tribes. The men wear a heavy fringe of beads or shells upon their dress, equal sometimes to two hundred marten-skins in value. At Nuklukahyet, where the Tananah River joins the Yukon, is a neutral trading-ground to which all the surrounding tribes resort in the spring for traffic. Skins are their moneyed currency, the beaver-skin being the standard; one 'made' beaver-skin represents two marten-skins. The Ingaliks inhabiting the Yukon near its mouth call themselves _Kaeyah Khatana_. Their dialect is totally distinct from the Malemutes, their neighbors on the west, but shows an affinity with that of the Unakatanas to their east. Tobacco they both smoke and snuff. The smoke they swallow; snuff is drawn into the nostrils through a wooden tube. They manufacture snuff from leaf tobacco by means of a wooden mortar and pestle, and carry bone or wooden snuff-boxes. They are described by travelers as a timid, sensitive people, and remarkably honest. Ingalik women are delivered kneeling, and without pain, being seldom detained from their household duties for more than an hour. The infant is washed, greased, and fed, and is seldom weaned under two or three years. The women live longer than the men; some of them reaching sixty, while the men rarely attain more than forty-five years. The Koltschanes, whose name in the dialect of the Kenai signifies 'guest,' and in that of the Atnas of Copper River, 'stranger,' have been charged with great cruelty, and even cannibalism, but without special foundation. Wrangell believes the Koltschanes, Atnas, and Kolosches to be one people. The Kenai, of the Kenaian peninsula, upon recovery from dangerous illness, give a feast to those who expressed sympathy during the affliction. If a bounteous provision is made upon these occasions, a chieftainship may be obtained thereby; and although the power thus acquired does not descend to one's heir, he may be conditionally recognized as chief. Injuries are avenged by the nearest relative, but if a murder is committed by a member of another clan, all the allied families rise to avenge the wrong. When a person dies, the whole community assemble and mourn. The nearest kinsman, arrayed in his best apparel, with blackened face, his nose and head decked with eagle's feathers, leads the ceremony. All sit round a fire and howl, while the master of the lamentation recounts the notable deeds of the departed, amidst the ringing of bells, and violent stampings, and contortions of his body. The clothing is then distributed to the relatives, the body is burned, the bones collected and interred, and at the expiration of a year a feast is held to the memory of the deceased, after which it is not lawful for a relative to mention his name. The lover, if his suit is accepted, must perform a year's service for his bride. The wooing is in this wise: early some morning he enters the abode of the fair one's father, and without speaking a word proceeds to bring water, prepare food, and to heat the bath-room. In reply to the question why he performs these services, he answers that he desires the daughter for a wife. At the expiration of the year, without further ceremony, he takes her home, with a gift; but if she is not well treated by her husband, she may return to her father, and take with her the dowry. The wealthy may have several wives, but the property of each wife is distinct. They are nomadic in their inclinations and traverse the interior to a considerable distance in pursuit of game. The Atnas are a small tribe inhabiting the Atna or Copper River. They understand the art of working copper, and have commercial relations with surrounding tribes. In the spring, before the breaking up of ice upon the lakes and rivers, they hunt reindeer, driving them into angle-shaped wicker-work corrals, where they are killed. In the autumn another general hunt takes place, when deer are driven into lakes, and pursued and killed in boats. Their food and clothing depend entirely upon their success in these forays, as they are unable to obtain fish in sufficient quantities for their sustenance; and when unsuccessful in the chase, whole families die of starvation. Those who can afford it, keep slaves, buying them from the Koltschanes. They burn their dead, then carefully collect the ashes in a new reindeer-skin, enclose the skin in a box, and place the box on posts or in a tree. Every year they celebrate a feast in commemoration of their dead. Baer asserts that the Atnas divide the year into fifteen months, which are designated only by their numbers; ten of them belong to autumn and winter, and five to spring and summer. [Sidenote: TINNEH CHARACTER.] The Tinneh character, if we may accept the assertions of various travelers, visiting different parts under widely different circumstances, presents a multitude of phases. Thus it is said of the Chepewyans by Mackenzie, that they are "sober, timorous, and vagrant, with a selfish disposition which has sometimes created suspicions of their integrity. They are also of a quarrelous disposition, and are continually making complaints which they express by a constant repetition of the word _edmy_, 'it is hard,' in a whiny and plaintive tone of voice. So indolent that numbers perish every year from famine. Suicide is not uncommon among them." Hearne asserts that they are morose and covetous; that they have no gratitude; are great beggars; are insolent, if any respect is shown them; that they cheat on all opportunities; yet they are mild, rarely get drunk; and "never proceed to violence beyond bad language;" that they steal on every opportunity from the whites, but very rarely from each other; and although regarding all property, including wives, as belonging to the strongest, yet they only wrestle, and rarely murder. Of the same people Sir John Franklin says, that they are naturally indolent, selfish, and great beggars. "I never saw men," he writes, "who either received or bestowed a gift with such bad grace." The Dog-ribs are "of a mild, hospitable, but rather indolent disposition," fond of dancing and singing. According to the same traveler the Copper Indians are superior, in personal character, to any other Chepewyans. "Their delicate and humane attentions to us," he remarks, "in a period of great distress, are indelibly engraven on our memories." Simpson says that it is a general rule among the traders not to believe the first story of an Indian. Although sometimes bearing suffering with fortitude, the least sickness makes them say, "I am going to die," and the improvidence of the Indian character is greatly aggravated by the custom of destroying all the property of deceased relatives. Sir John Richardson accuses the Hare Indians of timidity, standing in great fear of the Eskimos, and being always in want of food. They are practical socialists, 'great liars,' but 'strictly honest.' Hospitality is not a virtue with them. According to Richardson, neither the Eskimos, Dog-ribs, nor Hare Indians, feel the least shame in being detected in falsehood, and invariably practice it if they think that they can thereby gain any of their petty ends. Even in their familiar intercourse with each other, the Indians seldom tell the truth in the first instance, and if they succeed in exciting admiration or astonishment, their invention runs on without check. From the manner of the speaker, rather than by his words, is his truth or falsehood inferred, and often a very long interrogation is necessary to elicit the real fact. The comfort, and not unfrequently even the lives of parties of the timid Hare Indians are sacrificed by this miserable propensity. The Hare and Dog-rib women are certainly at the bottom of the scale of humanity in North America. Ross thinks that they are "tolerably honest; not bloodthirsty, nor cruel;" "confirmed liars, far from being chaste." According to Harmon, one of the earliest and most observing travelers among them, the Tacullies "are a quiet, inoffensive people," and "perhaps the most honest on the face of the earth." They "are unusually talkative," and "take great delight in singing or humming or whistling a dull air." "Murder is not considered as a crime of great magnitude." He considers the Sicannis the bravest of the Tacully tribes. But the Kutchins bear off the palm for honesty. Says Whymper: "Finding the loads too great for our dogs, we raised an erection of poles, and deposited some bags thereon. I may here say, once for all, that our men often left goods, consisting of tea, flour, molasses, bacon, and all kinds of miscellaneous articles, scattered in this way over the country, and that they remained untouched by the Indians, who frequently traveled past them." Simpson testifies of the Loucheux that "a bloody intent with them lurks not under a smile." Murray reports the Kutchins treacherous; Richardson did not find them so. Jones declares that "they differ entirely from the Tinneh tribes of the Mackenzie, being generous, honest, hospitable, proud, high-spirited, and quick to revenge an injury." TRIBAL BOUNDARIES. Accurately to draw partition lines between primitive nations is impossible. Migrating with the seasons, constantly at war, driving and being driven far past the limits of hereditary boundaries, extirpating and being extirpated, overwhelming, intermingling; like a human sea, swelling and surging in its wild struggle with the winds of fate, they come and go, here to-day, yonder to-morrow. A traveler passing over the country finds it inhabited by certain tribes; another coming after finds all changed. One writer gives certain names to certain nations; another changes the name, or gives to the nation a totally different locality. An approximation, however, can be made sufficiently correct for practical purposes; and to arrive at this, I will give at the end of each chapter all the authorities at my command; that from the statements of all, whether conflicting or otherwise, the truth may be very nearly arrived at. All nations, north of the fifty-fifth parallel, as before mentioned, I call Hyperboreans. To the Eskimos, I give the Arctic sea-board from the Coppermine River to Kotzebue Sound. Late travelers make a distinction between the Malemutes and Kaveaks of Norton Sound and the Eskimos. Whymper calls the former 'a race of tall and stout people, but in other respect, much resembling the Esquimaux.' _Alaska_, p. 159. Sir John Richardson, in his _Journal_, vol. i., p. 341, places them on the 'western coast, by Cook's Sound and Tchugatz Bay, nearly to Mount St. Elias;' but in his _Polar Regions_, p. 299, he terminates them at Kotzebue Sound. Early writers give them the widest scope. 'Die südlichsten sind in Amerika, auf der Küste Labrador, wo nach Charlevoix dieser Völkerstamm den Namen Esquimaux bey den in der Nähe wohnenden Abenaki führte, und auch an der benachbarten Ostseite von Neu-Fundland, ferner westlich noch unter der Halbinsel Alaska.' _Vater_, _Mithridates_, vol. iii., pt. iii., p. 425. Dr Latham, in his _Varieties of Man_, treats the inhabitants of the Aleutian Islands as Eskimos, and in _Native Races of the Russian Empire_, p. 289, he gives them 'the whole of the coast of the Arctic Ocean, and the coast from Behring Strait to Cook Inlet.' Prichard, _Researches_, vol. v., p. 371, requires more complete evidence before he can conclude that the Aleuts are not Eskimos. Being entirely unacquainted with the great Kutchin family in the Yukon Valley, he makes the Carriers of New Caledonia conterminous with the Eskimos. The boundary lines between the Eskimos and the interior Indian tribes 'are generally formed by the summit of the watershed between the small rivers which empty into the sea and those which fall into the Yukon.' _Dall's Alaska_, p. 144. Malte-Brun, _Précis de la Géographie_, vol. v., p. 317, goes to the other extreme. 'Les Esquimaux,' he declares, 'habitent depuis le golfe Welcome jusqu'au fleuve Mackenzie, et probablement jusqu'au détroit de Bering; ils s'étendent au sud jusqu'au lac de l'Esclave.' Ludewig, _Aboriginal Languages_, p. 69, divides them into 'Eskimo proper, on the shores of Labrador, and the Western Eskimos.' Gallatin sweepingly asserts that 'they are the sole native inhabitants of the shores of all the seas, bays, inlets, and islands of America, north of the sixtieth degree of north latitude.' _Am. Antiq. Soc. Transact._, vol. ii., p. 9. The Western Eskimos, says Beechey, 'inhabit the north-west coast of America, from 60° 34´ N. to 71° 24´ N.' _Voy._, vol. ii., p. 299. 'Along the entire coast of America.' _Armstrong's Nar._, p. 191. [Sidenote: ESKIMOS AND KONIAGAS.] The tribal subdivisions of the Eskimos are as follows:--At Coppermine River they are known by the name of _Naggeuktoomutes_, 'deer-horns.' At the eastern outlet of the Mackenzie they are called _Kittear_. Between the Mackenzie River and Barter Reef they call themselves _Kangmali-Innuin_. The tribal name at Point Barrow is _Nuwangmeun_. 'The _Nuna-tangmë-un_ inhabit the country traversed by the Nunatok, a river which falls into Kotzebue Sound.' _Richardson's Pol. Reg._, p. 300. From Cape Lisburn to Icy Cape the tribal appellation is _Kitegues_. 'Deutsche Karten zeigen uns noch im Nord-west-Ende des russischen Nordamerika's, in dieser so anders gewandten Küstenlinie, nördlich vom Kotzebue-Sund: im westlichen Theile des Küstenlandes, das sie West-Georgien nennen, vom Cap Lisburn bis über das Eiscap; hinlaufend das Volk der Kiteguen.' _Buschmann_, _Spuren der Aztek. Sprache_, p. 713. 'The tribes appear to be separated from each other by a neutral ground, across which small parties venture in the summer for barter.' The _Tuski_, _Tschuktschi_, or _Tchutski_, of the easternmost point of Asia, have also been referred to the opposite coast of America for their habitation. The Tschuktchi 'occupy the north-western coast of Russian Asia, and the opposite shores of north-western America.' _Ludewig_, _Ab. Lang._, p. 191. THE KONIAGAN nation occupies the shores of Bering Sea, from Kotzebue Sound to the Island of Kadiak, including a part of the Alaskan Peninsula, and the Koniagan and Chugatschen Islands. The _Koniagas_ proper inhabit Kadiak, and the contiguous islands. _Buschmann_, _Spuren der Aztek. Sprache_, p. 676. 'The Konægi are inhabitants of the Isle of Kodiak.' _Prichard's Researches_, vol. v., p. 371. 'Die eigentlichen Konjagen oder Bewohner der Insel Kadjak.' _Holmberg_, _Ethn. Skiz._, p. 4. 'Zu den letztern rechnet man die Aleuten von Kadjack, deren Sprache von allen Küstenbewohnern von der Tschugatschen-Bay, bis an die Berings-Strasse und selbst weiter noch die herrschende ist.' _Baer_, _Stat. u. Ethn._, p. 58. 'From Iliamna Lake to the 159th degree of west longitude.' _Dall's Alaska_, p. 401. 'La côte qui s'étend depuis le golfe Kamischezkaja jusqu'au Nouveau-Cornouaille, est habitée par cinq peuplades qui forment autant de grandes divisions territoriales dans les colonies de la Russie Américaine. Leurs noms sont: Koniagi, Kenayzi, Tschugatschi, Ugalachmiuti et Koliugi.' _Humboldt_, _Pol._, tom. i., p. 347. The _Chugatsches_ inhabit the islands and shores of Prince William Sound. 'Die Tchugatschen bewohnen die grössten Inseln der Bai Tschugatsk, wie Zukli, Chtagaluk u. a. und ziehen sich an der Südküste der Halbinsel Kenai nach Westen bis zur Einfahrt in den Kenaischen Meerbusen.' _Holmberg_, _Ethn. Skiz._, p. 4. 'Die Tschugatschen sind Ankömmlinge von der Insel Kadjack, die während innerer Zwistigkeiten von dort vertrieben, sich zu ihren jetzigen Wohnsitzen an den Ufern von Prince William's Sound und gegen Westen bis zum Eingange von Cook's Inlet hingewendet haben.' _Baer_, _Stat. u. Ethn._, p. 116. 'Les Tschugatschi occupent le pays qui s'étend depuis l'extrémité septentrionale de l'entrée de Cook jusqu'à l'est de la baie du prince Guillaume (golfe Tschugatskaja.)' _Humboldt_, _Pol._, tom. i., p. 348. According to Latham, _Native Races_, p. 290, they are the most southern members of the family. The Tschugazzi 'live between the Ugalyachmutzi and the Kenaizi.' _Prichard's Researches_, vol. v., p. 371. 'Occupy the shores and islands of Chugach Gulf, and the southwest coasts of the peninsula of Kenai.' _Dall's Alaska_, p. 401. Tschugatschi, 'Prince William Sound, and Cook's Inlet.' _Ludewig_, _Ab. Lang._, p. 191. Tchugatchih, 'claim as their hereditary possessions the coast lying between Bristol Bay and Beering's Straits.' _Richardson's Jour._, vol. i., p. 364. The _Aglegmutes_ occupy the shores of Bristol Bay from the river Nushagak along the western coast of the Alaskan Peninsula, to latitude 56°. 'Die Aglegmjuten, von der Mündung des Flusses Nuschagakh bis zum 57° oder 56° an der Westküste der Halbinsel Aljaska; haben also die Ufer der Bristol-Bai inne.' _Holmberg_, _Ethn. Skiz._, p. 4. Dall calls them Oglemutes, and says that they inhabit 'the north coast of Aliaska from the 159th degree of west longitude to the head of Bristol Bay, and along the north shore of that Bay to Point Etolin.' _Alaska_, p. 405. Die Agolegmüten, an den Ausmündungen der Flüsse Nuschagack und Nackneck, ungefähr 500 an der Zahl.' _Baer_, _Stat. u. Ethn._, p. 121. The _Kijataigmutes_ dwell upon the banks of the river Nushagak and along the coast westward to Cape Newenham. 'Die Kijataigmjuten wohnen an den Ufern des Flusses Nuschagakh, sowie seines Nebenflusses Iligajakh.' _Holmberg_, _Ethn. Skiz._, p. 5. Dall says that they call themselves Nushergagmut, and 'inhabit the coast near the mouth of the Nushergak River, and westward to Cape Newenham.' _Alaska_, p. 405. 'Die Kijaten oder Kijataigmüten an den Flüssen Nuschagack und Ilgajack.' _Baer_, _Stat. u. Ethn._, p. 121. 'Am Fl. Nuschagak.' _Buschmann_, _Spuren der Aztek. Sprache_, p. 760. The _Agulmutes_ inhabit the coast between the rivers Kuskoquim and Kishunak. 'Die Aguljmjuten haben sowohl den Küstenstrich als das Innere des Landes zwischen den Mündungen des Kuskokwim und des Kishunakh inne.' _Holmberg_, _Ethn. Skiz._, p. 5. 'This tribe extends from near Cape Avinoff nearly to Cape Romanzoff.' _Dall's Alaska_, p. 406. 'Den Agulmüten, am Flusse Kwichlüwack.' _Baer_, _Stat. u. Ethn._, p. 122. 'An der Kwickpak-Münd.' _Buschmann_, _Spuren der Aztek. Sprache_, p. 719. The _Kuskoquigmutes_ occupy the banks of Kuskoquim River and Bay. 'Die Kuskokwigmjuten bewohnen die Ufer des Flusses Kuskokwim von seiner Mündung bis zur Ansiedelung Kwygyschpainagmjut in der Nähe der Odinotschka Kalmakow.' _Holmberg_, _Ethn. Skiz._, p. 5. The Kuskwogmuts 'inhabit both shores of Kuskoquim Bay, and some little distance up that river.' _Dall's Alaska_, p. 405. 'Die Kuskokwimer an dem Flusse Kuskokwim und andern kleinen Zuflüssen desselben und an den Ufern der südlich von diesem Flusse gelegenen Seen.' _Baer_, _Stat. u. Ethn._, p. 122. 'Between the rivers Nushagak, Ilgajak, Chulitna, and Kuskokwina, on the sea-shore.' _Ludewig_, _Ab. Lang._, p. 98. The _Magemutes_ live between the rivers Kishunak and Kipunaiak. 'Die Magmjuten oder Magagmjuten, zwischen den Flüssen Kiskunakh und Kipunajakh.' _Holmberg_, _Ethn. Skiz._, p. 5. 'These inhabit the vicinity of Cape Romanzoff and reach nearly to the Yukon-mouth.' _Dall's Alaska_, p. 407. 'Magimuten, am Flusse Kyschunack.' _Baer_, _Stat. u. Ethn._, p. 122. 'Im S des Norton Busens.' _Buschmann_, _Spuren der Aztek. Sprache_, p. 766. The _Kwichpagmutes_, or inhabitants of the large river, dwell upon the Kwichpak River, from the coast range to the Uallik. 'Die Kwichpagmjuten, haben ihre Ansiedelungen am Kwickpakh vom Küstengebirge an bis zum Nebenflusse Uallik.' _Holmberg_, _Ethn. Skiz._, p. 5. 'Kuwichpackmüten, am Flusse Kuwichpack.' _Baer_, _Stat. u. Ethn._, p. 122. 'Tlagga Silla, or little dogs, nearer to the mouth of the Yukon, and probably conterminous with the Eskimo Kwichpak-meut.' _Latham's Nat. Races_, p. 293. On Whymper's map are the _Primoski_, near the delta of the Yukon. The _Kwichluagmutes_ dwell upon the banks of the Kwichluak or Crooked River, an arm of the Kwichpak. 'Die Kwichljuagmjuten an den Ufern eines Mündungsarmes des Kwichpakh, der Kwichljuakh.' _Holmberg_, _Ethn. Skiz._, p. 5. 'Inhabit the Kwikhpak Slough.' _Dall's Alaska_, p. 407. The _Pashtoliks_ dwell upon the river Pashtolik. 'Die Paschtoligmjuten, an den Ufern des Pastolflusses.' _Holmberg_, _Ethn. Skiz._, p. 6. 'Paschtoligmüten, am Flusse Paschtol.' _Baer_, _Stat. u. Ethn._, p. 122. Whymper places them immediately north of the delta of the Yukon. The _Chnagmutes_ occupy the coast and islands south of the Unalaklik River to Pashtolik Bay. 'Die Tschnagmjuten, an den Ufern der Meerbusen Pastol und Schachtolik zwischen den Flüssen Pastol an Unalaklik.' _Holmberg_, _Ethn. Skiz._, p. 6. 'Den Tschnagmüten, gegen Norden von den Paschtuligmüten und gegen Westen bis zum Kap Rodney.' _Baer_, _Stat. u. Ethn._, p. 122. 'Am. sdl. Norton-Busen.' _Buschmann_, _Spuren der Aztek. Sprache_, p. 805. The _Anlygmutes_ inhabit the shores of Golovnin Bay and the southern coast of the Kaviak peninsula. 'Die Anlygmjuten, an den Ufern der Bai Golownin nördlich vom Nortonsunde.' _Holmberg_, _Ethn. Skiz._, p. 6. 'Anlygmüten, an der Golowninschen Bai.' _Baer_, _Stat. u. Ethn._, p. 122. 'Ndl. vom Norton-Sund.' _Buschmann_, _Spuren der Aztek. Sprache_, p. 722. The _Kaviaks_ inhabit the western portion of the Kaviak peninsula. 'Adjacent to Port Clarence and Behring Strait.' _Whymper's Alaska_, p. 167. 'Between Kotzebue and Norton Sounds.' _Dall's Alaska_, p. 137. The _Malemutes_ inhabit the coast at the mouth of the Unalaklik River, and northward along the shores of Norton Sound across the neck of the Kaviak Peninsula at Kotzebue Sound. 'Die Maleigmjuten bewohnen die Küste des Nortonsundes vom Flusse Unalaklik an und gehen durch das Innere des Landes hinauf bis zum Kotzebuesunde.' _Holmberg_, _Ethn. Skiz._, p. 6. 'From Norton Sound and Bay north of Shaktolik, and the neck of the Kaviak Peninsula to Selawik Lake.' _Dall's Alaska_, p. 407. 'Den Malimüten, nahe an den Ufern des Golfes Schaktulack oder Schaktol.' _Baer_, _Stat. u. Ethn._, p. 122. The Malemutes 'extend from the island of St. Michael to Golovin Sound.' _Whymper's Alaska_, p. 167. 'Ndl. am Norton-Busen bis zum Kotzebue Sund.' _Buschmann_, _Spuren der Aztek. Sprache_, p. 766. [Sidenote: THE ALEUTS.] THE ALEUTS inhabit the islands of the Aleutian archipelago, and part of the peninsula of Alaska and the Island of Kadiak. They are divided into the _Atkahs_, who inhabit the western islands, and the _Unalaskans_ or eastern division. The tribal divisions inhabiting the various islands are as follows; namely, on the Alaskan peninsula, three tribes to which the Russians have given names--_Morshewskoje_, _Bjeljkowskoje_, and _Pawlowskoje_; on the island of Unga, the _Ugnasiks_; on the island of Unimak, the _Sesaguks_; the _Tigaldas_ on Tigalda Island; the _Avatanaks_ on Avatanak Island; on the Island of Akun, three tribes, which the Russians call _Arteljnowskoje_, _Rjätscheschnoje_, and _Seredkinskoje_; the _Akutans_ on the Akutan Island; the _Unalgas_ on the Unalga Island; the _Sidanaks_ on Spirkin Island; on the island of Unalashka, the _Ililluluk_, the _Nguyuk_, and seven tribes called by the Russians _Natykinskoje_, _Pestnjakow-swoje_, _Wesselowskoje_, _Makuschinskoja_, _Koschhiginskoje_, _Tuscon-skoje_, and _Kalechinskoje_; and on the island of Umnak the _Tuliks_. Latham, _Nat. Races_, p. 291, assigns them to the Aleutian Isles. 'Die Unalaschkaer oder Fuchs-Aleuten bewohnen die Gruppe der Fuchsinseln, den südwestlichen Theil der Halbinsel Aljaska, und die Inselgruppe Schumaginsk. Die Atchaer oder Andrejanowschen Aleuten bewohnen die Andrejanowschen, die Ratten, und die Nahen-Inseln der Aleuten-Kette.' _Holmberg_, _Ethn. Skiz._, pp. 7, 8. Inhabit 'the islands between Alyaska and Kamschatka.' _Ludewig_, _Ab. Lang._, p. 4. [Sidenote: THE THLINKEETS.] THE THLINKEETS, or Kolosches, occupy the islands and shores between Copper River and the river Nass. 'Die eigentlichen Thlinkithen (Bewohner des Archipels von den Parallelen des Flusses Nass bis zum St. Elias-berge).' _Holmberg_, _Ethn. Skiz._, p. 4. 'The Kalosh Indians seen at Sitka inhabit the coast between the Stekine and Chilcat Rivers.' _Whymper's Alaska_, p. 100. 'Kaloches et Kiganis. Côtes et îles de l'Amérique Russe.' _Mofras_, _Explor._, tom. ii., p. 335. The 'Koloshians live upon the islands and coast from the latitude 50° 40´ to the mouth of the Atna or Copper River.' _Ind. Aff. Rept._, 1869, p. 562. 'From about 60° to 45° N. Lat., reaching therefore across the Russian frontier as far as the Columbia River.' _Müller's Chips_, vol. i., p. 334. 'At Sitka Bay and Norfolk Sound.' _Ludewig_, _Ab. Lang._, p. 96. 'Between Jacootat or Behring's Bay, to the 57th degree of north latitude.' _Lisiansky's Voy._, p. 242. 'Die Völker eines grossen Theils der Nordwest-Küste von America.' _Vater_, _Mithridates_, vol. iii., pt. iii., p. 218. 'Les Koliugi habitent le pays montueux du Nouveau-Norfolk, et la partie septentrionale du Nouveau-Cornouaille.' _Humboldt_, _Pol._, tom. i., p. 349. The _Ugalenzes_ or Ugalukmutes, the northernmost Thlinkeet tribe, inhabit the coast from both banks of the mouth of Copper River, nearly to Mount St Elias. 'About Mount Elias.' _Latham's Nat. Races_, p. 292. Adjacent to Behring Bay. _Prichard's Researches_, vol. v., p. 370. 'Die Ugalenzen, die im Winter eine Bucht des Festlandes, der kleinen Insel Kajak gegenüber, bewohnen, zum Sommer aber ihre Wohnungsplätze an dem rechten Ufer des Kupferflusses bei dessen Mündung aufschlagen.' _Holmberg_, _Ethn. Skiz._, p. 4. 'Das Vorgebirge St. Elias, kann als die Gränzscheide der Wohnsitze der See-Koloschen gegen Nordwest angesehen werden.' _Baer_, _Stat. u. Ethn._, p. 96. 'Les Ugalachmiuti s'étendent depuis le golfe du Prince Guillaume, jusqu'à la baie de Jakutat.' _Humboldt_, _Pol._, tom. i., p. 348. 'Ugalenzen oder Ugaljachmjuten. An der russ. Küste ndwstl. vom St. Elias Berg.' _Buschmann_, _Spuren der Aztek. Sprache_, p. 807. 'West of Cape St. Elias and near the island of Kadjak.' _Ludewig_, _Ab. Lang._, p. 194. The _Yakutats_ 'occupy the coast from Mount Fairweather to Mount St. Elias.' _Dall's Alaska_, p. 428. At 'Behring Bay.' _Ind. Aff. Rept._, 1869, p. 575. The _Chilkat_ come next, and live on Lynn Canal and the Chilkat River. 'At Chilkaht Inlet.' 'At the head of Chatham Straits.' _Ind. Aff. Rept._, 1869, pp. 535, 575. 'Am Lynn's-Canal, in russ. Nordamerika.' _Buschmann_, _Spuren der Aztek. Sprache_, p. 736. 'On Lynn's Canal.' _Schoolcraft's Archives_, vol. v., p. 489. A little to the northward of the Stakine-Koan. _Dunn's Oregon_, p. 288. The _Hoonids_ inhabit the eastern banks of Cross Sound. 'For a distance of sixty miles.' 'At Cross Sound reside the Whinegas.' 'The Hunnas or Hooneaks, who are scattered along the main land from Lynn Canal to Cape Spencer.' _Ind. Aff. Rept._, 1869, pp. 535, 562, 575. The Huna Cow tribe is situated on Cross Sound. _Schoolcraft's Archives_, vol. v., p. 489. The _Hoodsinoos_ 'live near the head of Chatham Strait.' 'On Admiralty Island.' 'Rat tribes on Kyro and Kespriano Islands.' _Ind. Aff. Rept._, 1869, pp. 335, 562, 575. 'Hootsinoo at Hoodsinoo or Hood Bay.' _Schoolcraft's Archives_, vol. v., p. 489. 'Hoodsunhoo at Hood Bay.' _Gallatin_, in _Am. Antiq. Soc. Transact._, vol. ii., p. 302. 'Hoodsunhoo at Hood Bay.' 'Eclikimo in Chatham's Strait.' _Ludewig_, _Ab. Lang._, p. 175. The _Takoos_ dwell 'at the head of Takoo Inlet on the Takoo River. The Sundowns and Takos who live on the mainland from Port Houghton to the Tako River.' _Ind. Aff. Rept._, 1869, pp. 536, 562. Tako and Samdan, Tako River. _Schoolcraft's Arch._, vol. v., p. 489. The _Auks Indians_ are at the mouth of the Takoo River and on Admiralty Island. 'North of entrance Tako River.' _Schoolcraft's Arch._, p. 489. 'The Ark and Kake on Prince Frederick's Sound.' _Am. Antiq. Soc. Transact._, vol. ii., p. 302. The _Kakas_ inhabit the shores of Frederick Sound and Kuprianoff Island. 'The Kakus, or Kakes, who live on Kuprinoff Island, having their principal settlement near the northwestern side.' _Ind. Aff. Rept._, 1869, p. 562. 'The Ark and Kake on Prince Frederick's Sound.' _Am. Antiq. Soc. Transact._, vol. ii., p. 302. The _Sitkas_ occupy Baranoff Island. 'They are divided into tribes or clans, of which one is called Coquontans.' _Buschmann_, _Pima Spr. u. d. Spr. der Koloschen_, p. 377. 'The tribe of the Wolf are called Coquontans.' _Lisiansky's Voy._, p. 242. 'The Sitka-Koan,' or the people of Sitka. 'This includes the inhabitants of Sitka Bay, near New Archangel, and the neighboring islands.' _Dall's Alaska_, p. 412. Simpson calls the people of Sitka 'Sitkaguouays.' _Overland Jour._, vol. i., p. 226. 'The Sitkas or Indians on Baronoff Island.' _Ind. Aff. Rept._, 1869, pp. 535, 562. The _Stikeen Indians_ inhabit the country drained by the Stikeen River. 'Do not penetrate far into the interior.' _Dall's Alaska_, p. 411. The Stikein tribe 'live at the top of Clarence's Straits, which run upwards of a hundred miles inland.' _Dunn's Oregon_, p. 288. 'At Stephens Passage.' 'The Stikeens who live on the Stackine River and the islands near its mouth.' _Ind. Aff. Rept._, 1869, p. 562. 'Stikeen Indians, Stikeen River, Sicknaahutty, Taeeteetan, Kaaskquatee, Kookatee, Naaneeaaghee, Talquatee, Kicksatee, Kaadgettee.' _Schoolcraft's Arch._, vol. v., p. 489. The Secatquonays occupy the main land about the mouths of the Stikeen River, and also the neighboring islands. _Simpson's Overland Jour._, vol. i., p. 210. The _Tungass_, 'live on Tongas Island, and on the north side of Portland Channel.' _Ind. Aff. Rept._, 1869, p. 562. Southern entrance Clarence Strait. _Schoolcraft's Arch._, vol. v., p. 489. The Tongarses or Tun Ghaase 'are a small tribe, inhabiting the S.E. corner of Prince of Wales's Archipelago.' _Scouler_, in _Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour._, vol. xi., p. 218. 'Tungass, an der sdlst. russ. Küste.' _Buschmann_, _Spuren der Aztek. Sprache_, p. 806. 'Tunghase Indians of the south-eastern part of Prince of Wales's Archipelago.' _Ludewig_, _Ab. Lang._, p. 192. Tongas Indians, lat. 54° 46´ N. and long. 130° 35´ W. _Dall's Alaska_, p. 251. [Sidenote: THE TINNEH.] THE TINNEH occupy the vast interior north of the fifty-fifth parallel, and west from Hudson Bay, approaching the Arctic and Pacific Coasts to within from fifty to one hundred and fifty miles: at Prince William Sound, they even touch the seashore. Mackenzie, _Voy._, p. cxvii., gives boundaries upon the basis of which Gallatin, _Am. Antiq. Soc. Transact._, vol. ii., p. 9, draws a line from the Mississippi to within one hundred miles of the Pacific at 52° 30´, and allots them the northern interior to Eskimos lands. 'Extend across the continent.' _Richardson's Jour._, vol. ii., p. 2. 'Von der nördlichen Hudsonsbai aus fast die ganze Breite des Continents durchläuft--im Norden und Nordwesten den 65ten Grad u. beinahe die Gestade des Polarmeers erreicht.' _Buschmann_, _Athapask. Sprachst._, p. 313. The Athabascan area touches Hudson's Bay on the one side, the Pacific on the other.' _Latham's Comp. Phil._, p. 388. 'Occupies the whole of the northern limits of North America, together with the Eskimos.' _Ludewig_, _Ab. Lang._, p. 14. The _Chipewyans_, or Athabascas proper, Mackenzie, _Voy._, p. cxvi., places between N. latitude 60° and 65°, and W. longitude 100° and 110°. 'Between the Athabasca and Great Slave Lakes and Churchill River.' _Franklin's Nar._, vol. i., p. 241. 'Frequent the Elk and Slave Rivers, and the country westward to Hay River.' _Richardson's Jour._, vol. ii., p. 5. The Northern Indians occupy the territory immediately north of Fort Churchill, on the Western shore of Hudson Bay. 'From the fifty-ninth to the sixty-eighth degree of North latitude, and from East to West is upward of five hundred miles wide.' _Hearne's Jour._, p. 326; _Martin's Brit. Col._, vol. iii., p. 524. The _Copper Indians_ occupy the territory on both sides of the Coppermine River south of the Eskimo lands, which border on the ocean at the mouth of the river. They are called by the Athabascas _Tantsawhot-Dinneh_. _Franklin's Nar._, vol. ii., 76; _Gallatin_, in _Am. Antiq. Soc. Transact._, vol. ii., p. 19. The _Horn Mountain Indians_ 'inhabit the country betwixt Great Bear Lake and the west end of Great Slave Lake.' _Franklin's Nar._, vol. ii., p. 82. The _Beaver Indians_ 'inhabit the lower part of Peace River.' _Harmon's Jour._, p. 309. On Mackenzie's map they are situated between Slave and Martin Lakes. 'Between the Peace River and the West branch of the Mackenzie.' _Richardson's Jour._, vol. ii., p. 6. Edchawtawhoot-dinneh, Strong-bow, Beaver or Thick-wood Indians, who frequent the Rivière aux Liards, or south branch of the Mackenzie River, _Franklin's Nar._, vol. ii., p. 85. The _Thlingcha-dinneh_, or Dog-ribs, 'inhabit the country to the westward of the Copper Indians, as far as Mackenzie's River.' _Franklin's Nar._, vol. ii., p. 80. _Gallatin_, in _Am. Antiq. Soc. Transact._, vol. ii., p. 19. 'East from Martin Lake to the Coppermine River.' _Richardson's Jour._, vol. ii., p. 3. 'At Fort Confidence, north of Great Bear Lake.' _Simpson's Nar._, p. 200. 'Between Martin's Lake and the Coppermine River.' _Ludewig_, _Ab. Lang._, p. 66. The _Kawcho-dinneh_, or Hare Indians, are 'immediately to the northward of the Dog-ribs on the north side of Bear Lake River.' _Franklin's Nar._, vol. ii., p. 83. They 'inhabit the banks of the Mackenzie, from Slave Lake downwards.' _Richardson's Jour._, vol. ii., p. 3. Between Bear Lake and Fort Good Hope, _Simpson's Nar._, p. 98. On Mackenzie River, below Great Slave Lake, extending towards the Great Bear Lake. _Gallatin_, in _Am. Antiq. Soc. Transact._, vol. ii., p. 19. 'To the eastward of the Dog-ribs are the Red-knives, named by their southern neighbors, the _Tantsaut-'dtinnè_ (Birch-rind people). They inhabit a stripe of country running northwards from Great Slave Lake, and in breadth from the Great Fish River to the Coppermine.' _Richardson's Jour._, vol. ii., p. 4. The _Ambawtawhoot Tinneh_, or Sheep Indians, 'inhabit the Rocky Mountains near the sources of the Dawhoot-dinneh River which flows into Mackenzie's.' _Franklin's Nar._, vol. ii., p. 84. Further down the Mackenzie, near the 65° parallel. _Richardson's Jour._, vol. ii., p. 7. The _Sarsis_, _Circees_, _Ciriés_, _Sarsi_, _Sorsi_, _Sussees_, _Sursees_, or _Surcis_, 'live near the Rocky Mountains between the sources of the Athabasca and Saskatchewan Rivers; are said to be likewise of the Tinné stock.' _Richardson's Jour._, vol. ii., p. 6. 'Near the sources of one of the branches of the Saskachawan.' _Gallatin_, in _Am. Antiq. Soc. Transact._, vol. ii., p. 19. The _Tsillawdawhoot Tinneh_, or Brush-wood Indians, inhabit the upper branches of the Rivière aux Liards. _Franklin's Nar._, vol. ii., p. 87. On the River aux Liards (Poplar River), _Gallatin_, in _Am. Antiq. Soc. Transact._, vol. ii., p. 19. The _Nagailer_, or Chin Indians, on Mackenzie's map, latitude 52° 30´ longitude 122° to 125°, 'inhabit the country about 52° 30´ N. L. to the southward of the Takalli, and thence extend south along Fraser's River towards the Straits of Fuca.' _Prichard's Researches_, vol. v., p. 427. The _Slouacuss Tinneh_ on Mackenzie's are next north-west from the Nagailer. Vater places them at 52° 4´. 'Noch näher der Küste um den 52° 4´ wohnten die Slua-cuss-dinais d. i. Rothfisch-Männer.' _Vater_, _Mithridates_, vol. iii., pt. iii., p. 421. On the upper part of Frazers River. _Cox's Adven._, p. 323. The _Rocky Mountain Indians_ are a small tribe situated to the south-west of the Sheep Indians. _Franklin's Nar._, vol. ii., p. 85. 'On the Unjigah or Peace River.' _Gallatin_, in _Am. Antiq. Soc. Transact._, vol. ii., p. 19. On the upper tributaries of Peace River. _Mackenzie's Voy._, p. 163. The _Tacullies_, or Carriers, inhabit New Caledonia from latitude 52° 30´ to latitude 56°. 'A general name given to the native tribes of New-Caledonia.' _Morse's Report_, p. 371. 'All the natives of the Upper Fraser are called by the Hudson Bay Company, and indeed generally, "Porteurs," or Carriers.' _Mayne's B. C._, p. 298. 'Tokalis, Le Nord de la Nouvelle Calédonie.' _Mofras, Explor._, tom. ii., p. 335. 'Northern part of New Caledonia.' _Pickering's Races_, in _U. S. Ex. Ex._, vol. ix., p. 33. 'On the sources of Fraser's River.' _Ludewig_, _Ab. Lang._, p. 178. 'Unter den Völkern des Tinné-Stammes, welche das Land westlich von den Rocky Mountains bewohnen, nehmen die Takuli (Wasservolk) oder Carriers den grössten Theil von Neu-Caledonien ein.' _Buschmann_, _Athapask. Sprachst._, p. 152. 'Greater part of New Caledonia.' _Richardson's Jour._, vol. ii., p. 31. 'Latitude of Queen Charlotte's Island.' _Prichard's Researches_, vol. v., p. 427. 'From latitude 52° 30´, where it borders on the country of the Shoushaps, to latitude 56°, including Simpson's River.' _Hale's Ethnog._, in _U. S. Ex. Ex._, vol. vi., p. 202. 'South of the Sicannis and Straits Lake.' _Harmon's Jour._, p. 196. They 'are divided into eleven clans, or minor tribes, whose names are--beginning at the south--as follows: the Tautin, or Talkotin; the Tsilkotin or Chilcotin; the Naskotin; the Thetliotin; the Tsatsnotin; the Nulaautin; the Ntshaautin; the Natliautin; the Nikozliautin; the Tatshiautin; and the Babine Indians.' _Hale's Ethnog._, in _U. S. Ex. Ex._, vol. vi., p. 202. 'The principal tribes in the country north of the Columbia regions, are the Chilcotins and the Talcotins.' _Greenhow's Hist. Ogn._, p. 30. The Talcotins 'occupy the territory above Fort Alexandria on Frazer River.' _Hazlitt's B. C._, p. 79. 'Spend much of their time at Bellhoula, in the Bentinck Inlet.' _Mayne's B. C._, p. 299. The Calkobins 'inhabit New Caledonia, west of the mountains.' _De Smet's Letters and Sketches_, p. 157. The Nateotetains inhabit the country lying directly west from Stuart Lake on either bank of the Nateotetain River. _Harmon's Jour._, p. 218. The Naskootains lie along Frazer River from Frazer Lake. _Id._, p. 245. The _Sicannis_ dwell in the Rocky Mountains between the Beaver Indians on the east, and the Tacullies and Atnas on the west and south. _Id._, p. 190. They live east of the Tacullies in the Rocky Mountain. _Hale's Ethnog._, in _U. S. Ex. Ex._, vol. vi., p. 202. 'On the Rocky Mountains near the Rapid Indians and West of them.' _Morse's Report_, p. 371. The _Kutchins_ are a large nation, extending from the Mackenzie River westward along the Yukon Valley to near the mouth of the river, with the Eskimos on one side and the Koltshanes on the other. Buschmann, _Spuren der Aztek. Sprache_, p. 713, places them on the sixty-fifth parallel of latitude, and from 130° to 150° of longitude west from Greenwich. 'Das Volk wohnt am Flusse Yukon oder Kwichpak und über ihm; es dehnt sich nach Richardson's Karte auf dem 65ten Parallelkreise aus vom 130-150° W. L. v. Gr., und gehört daher zur Hälfte dem britischen und zur Hälfte dem russischen Nordamerika an.' They are located 'immediately to the northward of the Hare Indians on both banks of Mackenzie's River.' _Franklin's Nar._, vol. ii., p. 83. Gallatin, _Am. Antiq. Soc. Transact._, vol. ii., p. 83, places their northern boundary in latitude 67° 27´. To the west of the Mackenzie the Loucheux interpose between the Esquimaux 'and the Tinné, and spread westward until they come into the neighborhood of the coast tribes of Beering's Sea.' _Richardson's Jour._, vol. i., p. 377. 'The Kutchin may be said to inhabit the territory extending from the Mackenzie, at the mouth of Peel's River, lat. 68°, long. 134°, to Norton's sound, living principally upon the banks of the Youcon and Porcupine Rivers, though several of the tribes are situated far inland, many days' journey from either river.' _Jones_, in _Smithsonian Rept._, 1866, p. 320. 'They commence somewhere about the 65th degree of north latitude, and stretch westward from the Mackenzie to Behring's straits.' 'They are divided into many petty tribes, each having its own chief, as the Tatlit-Kutchin (Peel River Indians), Ta-Kuth-Kutchin (Lapiene's House Indians), Kutch-a-Kutchin (Youcan Indians), Touchon-ta-Kutchin (Wooded-country Indians), and many others.' _Kirby_, in _Smithsonian Rept._, 1864, pp. 417, 418. The Degothi-Kutchin, or Loucheux, Quarrellers, inhabit the west bank of the Mackenzie between the Hare Indians and Eskimos. The Loucheux are on the Mackenzie between the Arctic circle and the sea. _Simpson's Nar._, p. 103. The Vanta-Kutchin occupy 'the banks of the Porcupine, and the country to the north of it.' 'Vanta-kutshi (people of the lakes), I only find that they belong to the Porcupine River.' _Latham's Nat. Races_, p. 294. They 'inhabit the territory north of the head-waters of the Porcupine, somewhat below Lapierre's House.' _Dall's Alaska_, p. 430. The Natche-Kutchin, or Gens de Large, dwell to the 'north of the Porcupine River.' 'These extend on the north bank to the mouth of the Porcupine.' _Dall's Alaska_, pp. 109, 430. 'Neyetse-Kutshi, (people of the open country), I only find that they belong to the Porcupine river.' _Latham's Nat. Races_, p. 294. Whymper's map calls them Rat Indians. 'The Na-tsik-Kut-chin inhabit the high ridge of land between the Yukon and the Arctic Sea.' _Hardisty_, in _Dall's Alaska_, p. 197. The Kukuth-Kutchin 'occupy the country south of the head-waters of the Porcupine.' _Dall's Alaska_, p. 430. The Tutchone Kutchin, Gens de Foux, or crow people, dwell upon both sides of the Yukon about Fort Selkirk, above the Han Kutchin. _Id._, pp. 109, 429. 'Tathzey-Kutshi, or people of the ramparts, the Gens du Fou of the French Canadians, are spread from the upper parts of the Peel and Porcupine Rivers, within the British territory, to the river of the Mountain-men, in the Russian. The upper Yukon is therefore their occupancy. They fall into four bands: _a_, the Tratsè-kutshi, or people of the fork of the river; _b_, the Kutsha-kutshi; _c_, the Zèkà-thaka (Ziunka-kutshi), people on this side, (or middle people); and, _d_, the Tanna-kutshi, or people of the bluffs.' _Latham's Nat. Races_, p. 293. The Han-Kutchin, An-Kutchin Gens de Bois, or wood people, inhabit the Yukon above Porcupine River. _Whymper's Alaska_, p. 254. They are found on the Yukon next below the Crows, and above Fort Yukon. _Dall's Alaska_, p. 109. 'Han-Kutchi residing at the sources of the Yukon.' _Richardson's Jour._, vol. i., p. 396. 'The Artez-Kutshi, or the tough (hard) people. The sixty-second parallel cuts through their country; so that they lie between the head-waters of the Yukon and the Pacific.' _Latham's Nat. Races_, p. 293. See also _Richardson's Jour._, vol. i., p. 397. The Kutcha-Kutchins, or Kot-à-Kutchin, 'are found in the country near the junction of the Porcupine and the Yukon.' _Dall's Alaska_, p. 431. The Tenan-Kutchin, or Tananahs, Gens de Buttes, or people of the mountains, occupy an unexplored domain south-west of Fort Yukon. Their country is drained by the Tananah River. _Dall's Alaska_, p. 108. They are placed on Whymper's map about twenty miles south of the Yukon, in longitude 151° west from Greenwich. On Whymper's map are placed: the Birch Indians, or Gens de Bouleau on the south bank of the Yukon at its junction with Porcupine River; the Gens de Milieu, on the north bank of the Yukon, in longitude 150°; the Nuclukayettes on both banks in longitude 152°; and the Newicarguts, on the south bank between longitude 153° and 155°. The _Kenais_ occupy the peninsula of Kenai and the surrounding country. _Ind. Aff. Rept._, 1869, p. 562. 'An den Ufern und den Umgebungen von Cook's Inlet und um die Seen Iliamna und Kisshick.' _Baer_, _Stat. u. Ethn._, p. 103. The Unakatana Yunakakhotanas, live 'on the Yukon between Koyukuk and Nuklukahyet.' _Dall's Alaska_, p. 53. 'Junakachotana, ein Stamm, welcher auf dem Flusse Jun-a-ka wohnt.' _Sagoskin_, in _Denkschr. der russ. geo. Gesell._, p. 324. 'Die Junnakachotana, am Flusse Jukchana oder Junna (so wird der obere Lauf des Kwichpakh genannt) zwischen den Nebenflüssen Nulato und Junnaka, so wie am untern Laufe des letztgenannten Flusses.' _Holmberg_, _Ethn. Skiz._, p. 6. 'Die Junnachotana bewohnen den obern Lauf des Jukchana oder Junna von der Mündung des Junnaka.' _Holmberg_, _Ethn. Skiz._, p. 6. 'Die Jugelnuten haben ihre Ansiedelungen am Kwichpakh, am Tschageljuk und an der Mündung des Innoka. Die Inkalichljuaten, am obern Laufe des Innoka. Die Thljegonchotana am Flusse Thljegon, der nach der Vereinigung mit dem Tatschegno den Innoka bildet.' _Holmberg_, _Ethn. Skiz._, pp. 6, 7. 'They extend virtually from the confluence of the Co-Yukuk River to Nuchukayette at the junction of the Tanana with the Yukon.' 'They also inhabit the banks of the Co-yukuk and other interior rivers.' _Whymper's Alaska_, p. 204. The _Ingaliks_ inhabit the Yukon from Nulato south to below the Anvic River. See _Whymper's Map_. 'The tribe extends from the edge of the wooded district near the sea to and across the Yukon below Nulato, on the Yukon and its affluents to the head of the delta, and across the portage to the Kuskoquim River and its branches.' _Dall's Alaska_, p. 28. 'Die Inkiliken, am untern Laufe des Junna südlich von Nulato.' _Holmberg_, _Ethn. Skiz._, p. 6. 'An dem ganzen Ittege wohnt der Stamm der Inkiliken, welcher zu dem Volk der Ttynai gehört.' _Sagoskin_, in _Denkschr. der russ. geo. Gesell._, p. 341. 'An den Flüssen Kwichpack, Kuskokwim und anderen ihnen zuströmenden Flüssen.' _Baer_, _Stat. u. Ethn._, p. 120. 'The Ingaliks living on the north side of the Yukon between it and the Kaiyuh Mountains (known as Takaitsky to the Russians), bear the name of Kaiyuhkatana or "lowland people," and the other branches of Ingaliks have similar names, while preserving their general tribal name.' _Dall's Alaska_, p. 53. On Whymper's map they are called T'kitskes and are situated east of the Yukon in latitude 64° north. The _Koltschanes_ occupy the territory inland between the sources of the Kuskoquim and Copper Rivers. 'They extend as far inland as the watershed between the Copper-river and the Yukon.' _Latham's Nat. Races_, p. 292. 'Die Galzanen oder Koltschanen (d. h. Fremdlinge, in der Sprache der Athnaer) bewohnen das Innere des Landes zwischen den Quellflüssen des Kuskokwim bis zu den nördlichen Zuflüssen des Athna oder Kupferstromes.' _Holmberg_, _Ethn. Skiz._, p. 7. 'Diejenigen Stämme, welche die nördlichen und östlichen, dem Atna zuströmenden Flüsse und Flüsschen bewohnen, eben so die noch weiter, jenseits der Gebirge lebenden, werden von den Atnaern Koltschanen, d. h. Fremdlinge, genannt.' _Baer_, _Stat. u. Ethn._, p. 101. 'North of the river Atna.' _Ludewig_, _Ab. Lang._, p. 96. The Nehannes occupy the territory midway between Mount St. Elias and the Mackenzie River, from Fort Selkirk and the Stakine River. 'According to Mr. Isbister, range the country between the Russian settlements on the Stikine River and the Rocky Mountains.' _Latham's Nat. Races_, p. 295. The Nohhannies live 'upon the upper branches of the Rivière aux Liards.' _Franklin's Nar._, vol. ii., p. 87. They 'inhabit the angle between that branch and the great bend of the trunk of the river, and are neighbours of the Beaver Indians.' _Richardson's Jour._, vol. ii., p. 6. The region which includes the Lewis, or Tahco, and Pelly Rivers, with the valley of the Chilkaht River, is occupied by tribes known to the Hudson Bay voyageurs as Nehannees. Those on the Pelly and Macmillan rivers call themselves Affats-tena. Some of them near Liard's River call themselves Daho-tena or Acheto-tena, and others are called Sicannees by the voyageurs. Those near Francis Lake are known as Mauvais Monde, or Slavé Indians. About Fort Selkirk they have been called Gens des Foux. The _Kenai_ proper, or Kenai-tena, or Thnaina, inhabit the peninsula of Kenai, the shores of Cook Inlet, and thence westerly across the Chigmit Mountains, nearly to the Kuskoquim River. They 'inhabit the country near Cook's Inlet, and both shores of the Inlet as far south as Chugachik Bay.' _Dall's Alaska_, p. 430. 'Die eigentlichen Thnaina bewohnen die Halbinsel Kenai und ziehen sich von da westlich über das Tschigmit-Gebirge zum Mantaschtano oder Tchalchukh, einem südlichen Nebenflusse des Kuskokwim.' _Holmberg_, _Ethn. Skiz._, p. 7. 'Dieses--an den Ufern und den Umgebungen von Cook's Inlet und um die Seen Iliamna und Kisshick lebende Volk gehört zu dem selben Stamme wie die Galzanen oder Koltschanen, Atnaer, und Koloschen.' _Baer_, _Stat. u. Ethn._, p. 103. 'Les _Kenayzi_ habitent la côte occidentale de l'entrée de Cook ou du golfe Kenayskaja.' _Humboldt_, _Pol._, tom. i., p. 348. 'The Indians of Cook's Inlet and adjacent waters are called "Kanisky." They are settled along the shore of the inlet and on the east shore of the peninsula.' 'East of Cook's Inlet, in Prince William's Sound, there are but few Indians, they are called "Nuchusk."' _Ind. Aff. Rept._, 1869, p. 575. The _Atnas_ occupy the Atna or Copper River from near its mouth to near its source. 'At the mouth of the Copper River.' _Latham's Comp. Phil._, vol. viii., p. 392. 'Die Athnaer, am Athna oder Kupferflusse.' _Holmberg_, _Ethn. Skiz._, p. 7. 'On the upper part of the Atna or Copper River are a little-known tribe of the above name [viz., Ah-tena]. They have been called Atnaer and Kolshina by the Russians, and Yellow Knife or Nehaunee by the English.' _Dall's Alaska_, p. 429. 'Diese kleine, jetzt ungefähr aus 60 Familien bestehende, Völkerschaft wohnt an den Ufern des Flusses Atna und nennt sich Atnaer.' _Baer_, _Stat. u. Ethn._, p. 97. FOOTNOTES: [1] Of late, custom gives to the main land of Russian America, the name _Alaska_; to the peninsula, _Aliaska_; and to a large island of the Aleutian Archipelago, _Unalashka_. The word of which the present name Alaska is a corruption, is first encountered in the narrative of Betsevin, who, in 1761, wintered on the peninsula, supposing it to be an island. The author of _Neue Nachrichten von denen neuentdekten Insuln_, writes, page 53, 'womit man nach der abgelegensten Insul _Aläksu_ oder _Alachschak_ über gieng.' Again, at page 57, in giving a description of the animals on the supposed island he calls it 'auf der Insul _Aläsku_.' 'This,' says Coxe, _Russian Discoveries_, p. 72, 'is probably the same island which is laid down in Krenitzin's chart under the name of _Alaxa_.' _Unalaschka_ is given by the author of _Neue Nachrichten_, p. 74, in his narrative of the voyage of Drusinin, who hunted on that island in 1763. At page 115 he again mentions the 'grosse Insul _Aläksu_.' On page 125, in Glottoff's log-book, 1764, is the entry: 'Den 28sten May der Wind Ostsüdost; man kam an die Insul _Alaska_ oder _Aläksu_.' Still following the author of _Neue Nachrichten_, we have on page 166, in an account of the voyages of Otseredin and Popoff, who hunted upon the Aleutian Islands in 1769, mention of a report by the natives 'that beyond Unimak is said to be a large land _Aläschka_, the extent of which the islanders do not know.' On Cook's Atlas, voyage 1778, the peninsula is called _Alaska_, and the island _Oonalaska_, La Pérouse, in his atlas, map No. 15, 1786, calls the peninsula _Alaska_, and the island _Ounalaska_. The Spaniards, in the _Atlas para el Viage de las goletas Sutil y Mexicana_, 1792, write _Alasca_ for the peninsula, and for the island _Unalaska_. Sauer, in his account of Billings' expedition, 1790, calls the main land _Alaska_, the peninsula _Alyaska_, and the island _Oonalashka_. Wrangell, in _Baer's Statistische und ethnographische Nachrichten_, p. 123, writes for the peninsula _Alaska_ and for the island _Unalaschka_. Holmberg, _Ethnographische Skizzen_, p. 78, calls the island _Unalaschka_ and the peninsula _Aljaska_. Dall, _Alaska_, p. 529, says that the peninsula or main land was called by the natives _Alayeksa_, and the island _Nagun-alayeksa_, 'or the land near Alayeksa.' Thus we have, from which to choose, the orthography of the earliest voyagers to this coast--Russian, English, French, Spanish, German, and American. The simple word _Alaksu_, after undergoing many contortions, some authors writing it differently on different pages of the same book, has at length become _Alaska_, as applied to the main land; _Aliaska_ for the peninsula, and _Unalashka_ as the name of the island. As these names are all corruptions from some one original word, whatever that may be, I see no reason for giving the error three different forms. I therefore write Alaska for the mainland and peninsula and Unalaska for the island. [2] The name is said, by Charlevoix 'to be derived from the language of the Abenaqui, a tribe of Algonquins in Canada, who border upon them and call them "Esquimantsic."' 'L'origine de leur nom n'est pas certain. Toutefois il y a bien de l'apparence qu'il vient du mot Abenaqui, _esquimantsic_ qui veut dire "mangeur de viande cruë."' See _Prichard's Physical History of Mankind_, vol. v., pp. 367, 373. 'French writers call them Eskimaux.' 'English authors, in adopting this term, have most generally written it "Esquimaux," but Dr. Latham, and other recent ethnologists, write it "Eskimos," after the Danish orthography.' _Richardson's Polar Regions_, p. 298. 'Probably of Canadian origin, and the word, which in French orthography is written Esquimaux, was probably originally _Ceux qui miaux_ (_miaulent_).' _Richardson's Journal_, vol. i., p. 340. 'Said to be a corruption of _Eskimantik_, _i. e._ raw-fish-eaters, a nickname given them by their former neighbors, the Mohicans.' _Seemann's Voyage of the Herald_, vol. ii., p. 49. Eskimo is derived from a word indicating sorcerer or Shamán. 'The northern Tinneh use the word _Uskeemi_.' _Dall's Alaska_, pp. 144, 531. 'Their own national designation is "Keralit."' _Morton's Crania Americana_, p. 52. They 'call themselves "Innuit," which signifies "man."' _Armstrong's Narrative_, p. 191. [3] It is not without reluctance that I change a word from the commonly accepted orthography. Names of places, though originating in error, when once established, it is better to leave unchanged. Indian names, coming to us through Russian, German, French, or Spanish writers, should be presented in English by such letters as will best produce the original Indian pronunciation. European personal names, however, no matter how long, nor how commonly they may have been erroneously used, should be immediately corrected. Every man who can spell is supposed to be able to give the correct orthography of his own name, and his spelling should in every instance be followed, when it can be ascertained. Veit Bering, anglicè Vitus Behring, was of a Danish family, several members of which were well known in literature before his own time. In Danish writings, as well as among the biographies of Russian admirals, where may be found a fac-simile of his autograph, the name is spelled _Bering_. It is so given by Humboldt, and by the _Dictionnaire de la Conversation_. The author of the _Neue Nachrichten von denen neuentdekten Insuln_, one of the oldest printed works on Russian discoveries in America; as well as Müller, who was the companion of Bering for many years; and Buschmann,--all write _Bering_. Baer remarks: 'Ich schreibe ferner Bering, obgleich es jetzt fast allgemein geworden ist, Behring zu schreiben, und auch die Engländer und Franzosen sich der letztern Schreibart bequemt haben. Bering war ein Däne und seine Familie war lange vor ihm in der Literatur-Geschichte bekannt. Sie hat ihren Namen auf die von mir angenommene Weise drucken lassen. Derselben Schreibart bediente sich auch der Historiograph Müller, der längere Zeit unter seinen Befehlen gedient hatte, und Pallas.' _Statistische und ethnographische Nachrichten_, p. 328. There is no doubt that the famous navigator wrote his name _Bering_, and that the letter 'h' was subsequently inserted to give the Danish sound to the letter 'e.' To accomplish the same purpose, perhaps, Coxe, Langsdorff, Beechey, and others write _Beering_. [4] 'Die Kadjacker im Gegentheil nähern sich mehr den Amerikanischen Stämmen und gleichen in ihrem Aeussern gar nicht den Eskimos oder den Asiatischen Völkern, wahrscheinlich haben sie durch die Vermischung mit den Stämmen Amerika's ihre ursprüngliche Asiatische äussere Gestalt und Gesichtsbildung verloren und nur die Sprache beibehalten.' _Baer_, _Stat. u. Ethn. Nachr._, p. 124. 'Ils ressemblent beaucoup aux indigènes des îles Curiles, dépendantes du Japon.' _Laplace_, _Circumnavigation de l'Artémise_, vol. vi., p. 45. [5] 'The tribes crowded together on the shores of Beering's Sea within a comparatively small extent of coast-line, exhibit a greater variety, both in personal appearance and dialect, than that which exists between the Western Eskimos and their distant countrymen in Labrador; and ethnologists have found some difficulty in classifying them properly.' _Richardson's Jour._, vol. i., p. 363. [6] For authorities, see TRIBAL BOUNDARIES, at the end of this chapter. [7] _Collinson_, in _London Geographical Society Journal_, vol. xxv., p. 201. [8] 'Im nordwestlichsten Theile von Amerika fand Franklin den Boden, Mitte August, schon in einer Tiefe von 16 Zoll gefroren. Richardson sah an einem östlicheren Punkte der Küste, in 71° 12´ Breite, die Eisschicht im Julius aufgethaut bis 3 Fuss unter der krautbedeckten Oberfläche.' _Humboldt_, _Kosmos_, tom. iv., p. 47. [9] _Silliman's Journal_, vol. xvi., p. 130. _Seemann's Voy. Herald_, vol. ii., p. 13. _Armstrong's Nar._, p. 289. [10] 'Characteristic of the Arctic regions.' _Silliman's Jour._, vol. xvi., p. 143. [11] At Kotzebue Sound, in July, Choris writes: 'Le sol était émaillé de fleurs de couleurs variées, dans tous les endroits où la neige venait de fondre.' _Voyage Pittoresque_, pt. ii., p. 8. [12] 'In der Einöde der Inseln von Neu-Sibirien finden grosse Heerden von Rennthieren und zahllose Lemminge noch hinlängliche Nahrung.' _Humboldt_, _Kosmos_, vol. iv., p. 42. [13] 'Thermometer rises as high as 61° Fahr. With a sun shining throughout the twenty-four hours the growth of plants is rapid in the extreme.' _Seemann's Voy. Herald_, vol. ii., p. 15. [14] 'During the period of incubation of the aquatic birds, every hole and projecting crag on the sides of this rock is occupied by them. Its shores resound with the chorus of thousands of the feathery tribe.' _Beechey's Voy._, vol. i., p. 349. [15] 'Their complexion, if divested of its usual covering of dirt, can hardly be called dark.' _Seemann's Voy. Herald_, vol. ii., p. 51. 'In comparison with other Americans, of a white complexion.' _McCulloh's Aboriginal History of America_, p. 20. 'White Complexion, not Copper coloured.' _Dobbs' Hudson's Bay_, p. 50. 'Almost as white as Europeans.' _Kalm's Travels_, vol. ii., p. 263. 'Not darker than that of a Portuguese.' _Lyon's Journal_, p. 224. 'Scarcely a shade darker than a deep brunette.' _Parry's 3rd Voyage_, p. 493. 'Their complexion is light.' _Dall's Alaska_, p. 381. 'Eye-witnesses agree in their superior lightness of complexion over the Chinooks.' _Pickering's Races of Man_, _U. S. Ex. Ex._, vol. ix., p. 28. At Coppermine River they are 'of a dirty copper color; some of the women, however, are more fair and ruddy.' _Hearne's Travels_, p. 166. 'Considerably fairer than the Indian tribes.' _Simpson's Nar._, p. 110. At Cape Bathurst 'The complexion is swarthy, chiefly, I think, from exposure and the accumulation of dirt.' _Armstrong's Nar._, p. 192. 'Shew little of the copper-colour of the Red Indians.' _Richardson's Pol. Reg._, p. 303. 'From exposure to weather they become dark after manhood.' _Richardson's Nar._, vol. i., p. 343. [16] 'Both sexes are well proportioned, stout, muscular, and active.' _Seemann's Voy. Herald_, vol. ii., p. 50. 'A stout, well-looking people.' _Simpson's Nar._, pp. 110, 114. 'Below the mean of the Caucasian race.' _Dr. Hayes_, in _Historic. Magazine_, vol. i., p. 6. 'They are thick set, have a decided tendency to obesity, and are seldom more than five feet in height.' _Figuier's Human Race_, p. 211. At Kotzebue Sound, 'tallest man was five feet nine inches; tallest woman, five feet four inches.' _Beechey's Voy._, vol. i., p. 360. 'Average height was five feet four and a half inches.' At the mouth of the Mackenzie they are of 'middle stature, strong and muscular.' _Armstrong's Nar._, pp. 149, 192. 'Low, broad-set, not well made, nor strong.' _Hearne's Trav._, p. 166. 'The men were in general stout.' _Franklin's Nar._, vol. i., p. 29. 'Of a middle size, robust make, and healthy appearance.' _Kotzebue's Voy._, vol. i., p. 209. 'Men vary in height from about five feet to five feet ten inches.' _Richardson's Pol. Reg._, p. 304. 'Women were generally short.' 'Their figure inclines to squat.' _Hooper's Tuski_, p. 224. [17] 'Tous les individus qui appartiennent à la famille des Eskimaux, se distinguent par la petitesse de leurs pieds et de leurs mains, et la grosseur énorme de leurs têtes.' _De Pauw_, _Recherches Phil._, tom. i., p. 262. 'The hands and feet are delicately small and well formed.' _Richardson's Pol. Reg._, p. 304. 'Small and beautifully made.' _Seemann's Voy. Herald_, vol. ii., p. 50. At Point Barrow, 'their hands, notwithstanding the great amount of manual labour to which they are subject, were beautifully small and well-formed, a description equally applicable to their feet.' _Armstrong's Nar._, p. 101. [18] 'The head is of good size, rather flat superiorly, but very fully developed posteriorly, evidencing a preponderance of the animal passions; the forehead was, for the most part, low and receding; in a few it was somewhat vertical, but narrow.' _Armstrong's Nar._, p. 193. Their cranial characteristics 'are the strongly developed coronary ridge, the obliquity of the zygoma, and its greater capacity compared with the Indian cranium. The former is essentially pyramidal, while the latter more nearly approaches a cubic shape.' _Dall's Alaska_, p. 376. 'Greatest breadth of the face is just below the eyes, the forehead tapers upwards, ending narrowly, but not acutely, and in like manner the chin is a blunt cone.' _Richardson's Pol. Reg._, p. 302. Dr Gall, whose observations on the same skulls presented him for phrenological observation are published by M. Louis Choris, thus comments upon the head of a female Eskimo from Kotzebue Sound: 'L'organe de l'instinct de la propagation se trouve extrêmement développé pour une tête de femme.' He finds the musical and intellectual organs poorly developed; while vanity and love of children are well displayed. 'En général,' sagely concluded the doctor, 'cette tête femme présentait une organization aussi heureuse que celle de la plupart des femmes d'Europe.' _Voy. Pitt._, pt. ii., p. 16. [19] 'Large fat round faces, high cheek bones, small hazel eyes, eyebrows slanting like the Chinese, and wide mouths.' _Beechey's Voy._, vol. i., p. 345. 'Broad, flat faces, high cheekbones.' _Dr Hayes_, in _Hist. Mag._, vol. i., p. 6. Their 'teeth are regular, but, from the nature of their food, and from their practice of preparing hides by chewing, are worn down almost to the gums at an early age.' _Seemann's Voy. Herald_, vol. ii., p. 51. At Hudson Strait, broad, flat, pleasing face; small and generally sore eyes; given to bleeding at the nose. _Franklin's Nar._, vol. i., p. 29. 'Small eyes and very high cheek bones.' _Kotzebue's Voy._, vol. i., p. 209. 'La face platte, la bouche ronde, le nez petit sans être écrasé, le blanc de l'oeil jaunâtre, l'iris noir et peu brillant.' _De Pauw_, _Recherches Phil._, tom. i., p. 262. They have 'small, wild-looking eyes, large and very foul teeth, the hair generally black, but sometimes fair, and always in extreme disorder.' _Brownell's Ind. Races_, p. 467. 'As contrasted with the other native American races, their eyes are remarkable, being narrow and more or less oblique.' _Richardson's Nar._, vol. i., p. 343. Expression of face intelligent and good-natured. Both sexes have mostly round, flat faces, with Mongolian cast. _Hooper's Tuski_, p. 223. [20] 'Allowed to hang down in a club to the shoulder.' _Richardson's Pol. Reg._, p. 305. Hair cut 'close round the crown of the head, and thereby, leaving a bushy ring round the lower part of it.' _Beechey's Voy._, vol. i., p. 345. 'Their hair is straight, black, and coarse.' _Seemann's Voy. Herald_, vol. ii., p. 51. A fierce expression characterized them on the Mackenzie River, which 'was increased by the long disheveled hair flowing about their shoulders.' _Armstrong's Nar._, p. 149. At Kotzebue Sound 'their hair was done up in large plaits on each side of the head.' _Beechey's Voy._, vol. i., p. 360. At Camden Bay, lofty top-knots; at Point Barrow, none. At Coppermine River the hair is worn short, unshaven on the crown, and bound with strips of deer-skin. _Simpson's Nar._, pp. 121, 157. Some of the men have bare crowns, but the majority wear the hair flowing naturally. The women cut the hair short in front, level with the eyebrows. At Humphrey Point it is twisted with some false hair into two immense bows on the back of the head. _Hooper's Tuski_, p. 225. 'Their hair hangs down long, but is cut quite short on the crown of the head.' _Kotzebue's Voy._, vol. i., p. 210. Hair cut like 'that of a Capuchin friar.' _Seemann's Voy. Herald_, vol. ii., p. 51. [21] Crantz says the Greenlanders root it out. 'The old men had a few gray hairs on their chins, but the young ones, though grown up, were beardless.' _Beechey's Voy._, vol. i., p. 332. 'The possession of a beard is very rare, but a slight moustache is not infrequent.' _Seemann's Voy. Herald_, vol. ii., p. 51. 'As the men grow old, they have more hair on the face than Red Indians.' _Richardson's Nar._, vol. i., p. 343. 'Generally an absence of beard and whiskers.' _Armstrong's Nar._, p. 193. 'Beard is universally wanting.' _Kotzebue's Voy._, vol. i., p. 252. 'The young men have little beard, but some of the old ones have a tolerable shew of long gray hairs on the upper lip and chin.' _Richardson's Pol. Reg._, p. 303. 'All have beards.' _Bell's Geography_, vol. v., p. 294. Kirby affirms that in Alaska 'many of them have a profusion of whiskers and beard.' _Smithsonian Report_, 1864, p. 416. [22] 'The lip is perforated for the labret as the boy approaches manhood, and is considered an important era in his life.' _Armstrong's Nar._, p. 194. 'Some wore but one, others one on each side of the mouth.' _Hooper's Tuski_, p. 224. 'Lip ornaments, with the males, appear to correspond with the tattooing of the chins of the females.' _Beechey's Voy._, vol. i., p. 384. [23] 'The women tattoo their faces in blue lines produced by making stitches with a fine needle and thread, smeared with lampblack.' _Richardson's Pol. Reg._, p. 305. Between Kotzebue Sound and Icy Cape, 'all the women were tattooed upon the chin with three small lines.' They blacken 'the edges of the eyelids with plumbago, rubbed up with a little saliva upon a piece of slate.' _Beechey's Voy._, vol. i., p. 360. At Point Barrow, the women have on the chin 'a vertical line about half an inch broad in the centre, extending from the lip, with a parallel but narrower one on either side of it, a little apart. Some had two vertical lines protruding from either angle of the mouth; which is a mark of their high position in the tribe.' _Armstrong's Nar._, pp. 101, 149. On Bering Isle, men as well as women tattoo. 'Plusieurs hommes avaient le visage tatoué.' _Choris_, _Voy. Pitt._, pt. ii., p. 5. [24] 'Give a particularly disgusting look when the bones are taken out, as the saliva continually runs over the chin.' _Kotzebue's Voy._, vol. i., p. 227. At Camden, labrets were made of large blue beads, glued to pieces of ivory. None worn at Coppermine River. _Simpson's Nar._, pp. 119, 347. 'Many of them also transfix the septum of the nose with a dentalium shell or ivory needle.' _Richardson's Nar._, vol. i., p. 355. [25] 'These natives almost universally use a very unpleasant liquid for cleansing purposes. They tan and soften the seal-skin used for boot-soles with it.' _Whymper's Alaska_, p. 161. 'Females occasionally wash their hair and faces with their own urine, the odour of which is agreeable to both sexes, and they are well accustomed to it, as this liquor is kept in tubs in the porches of their huts for use in dressing the deer and seal skins.' _Richardson's Pol. Reg._, p. 304. 'Show much skill in the preparation of whale, seal, and deer-skins.' _Richardson's Nar._, vol. i., p. 357. They have a great antipathy to water. 'Occasionally they wash their bodies with a certain animal fluid, but even this process is seldom gone through.' _Seemann's Voy. Herald_, vol. ii., p. 62. [26] 'During the summer, when on whaling or sealing excursions, a coat of the gut of the whale, and boots of seal or walrus hide, are used as water-proof coverings.' _Seemann's Voy. Herald_, vol. ii., p. 53. At Point Barrow they wear 'Kamleikas or water-proof shirts, made of the entrails of seals.' _Simpson's Nar._, p. 156. Women wear close-fitting breeches of seal-skin. _Hooper's Tuski_, p. 224. 'They are on the whole as good as the best oil-skins in England.' _Beechey's Voy._, vol. i., p. 340. [27] The dress of the two sexes is much alike, the outer shirt or jacket having a pointed skirt before and behind, those of the female being merely a little longer. 'Pretty much the same for both sexes.' _Figuier's Human Race_, p. 214. [28] 'They have besides this a jacket made of eider drakes' skins sewed together, which, put on underneath their other dress, is a tolerable protection against a distant arrow, and is worn in times of hostility.' _Beechey's Voy._, vol. i., p. 340. Messrs Dease and Simpson found those of Point Barrow 'well clothed in seal and reindeer skins.' _Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour._, vol. viii., p. 221. 'The finest dresses are made of the skins of unborn deer.' _Richardson's Pol. Reg._, p. 306. 'The half-developed skin of a fawn that has never lived, obtained by driving the doe till her offspring is prematurely born.' _Whymper's Alaska_, p. 160. Eskimo women pay much regard to their toilet. _Richardson's Nar._, vol. i., p. 355. [29] Their dress consists of two suits. _Seemann's Voy. Herald_, vol. ii., p. 52. 'Reindeer skin--the fur next the body.' _Armstrong's Nar._, p. 149. 'Two women, dressed like men, looked frightfully with their tattooed faces.' _Kotzebue's Voy._, vol. i., p. 191. Seal-skin jackets, bear-skin trowsers, and white-fox skin caps, is the male costume at Hudson Strait. The female dress is the same, with the addition of a hood for carrying children. _Franklin's Nar._, vol. i., p. 29. At Camden Bay, reindeer-skin jackets and water-proof boots. _Simpson's Nar._, p. 119. At Coppermine River, 'women's boots which are not stiffened out with whalebone, and the tails of their jackets are not over one foot long.' _Hearne's Travels_, p. 166. Deer-skin, hair outside, ornamented with white fur. _Kirby_, in _Smithsonian Rept._, 1864, p. 416. The indoor dress of the eastern Eskimo is of reindeer-skin, with the fur inside. 'When they go out, another entire suit with the fur outside is put over all, and a pair of watertight sealskin moccasins, with similar mittens for their hands.' _Silliman's Journal_, vol. xvi., p. 146. The frock at Coppermine River has a tail something like a dress-coat. _Simpson's Nar._, p. 350. [30] 'Some of them are even half-naked, as a summer heat, even of 10° is insupportable to them.' _Kotzebue's Voy._, vol. i., p. 205. [31] 'Down to the frozen subsoil.' _Richardson's Pol. Reg._, p. 310. 'Some are wholly above ground, others have their roof scarcely raised above it.' _Beechey's Voy._, vol. ii., p. 301. [32] 'Formed of stakes placed upright in the ground about six feet high, either circular or oval in form, from which others inclined so as to form a sloping roof.' _Armstrong's Nar._, p. 149. 'Half underground, with the entrance more or less so.' _Dall's Alaska_, p. 13. 'They are more than half underground,' and are 'about twenty feet square and eight feet deep.' _Seemann's Voy. Herald_, vol. ii., p. 57. [33] 'The whole building is covered with earth to the thickness of a foot or more, and in a few years it becomes overgrown with grass, looking from a short distance like a small tumulus.' _Richardson's Pol. Reg._, p. 310. [34] A smaller drift-wood house is sometimes built with a side-door. 'Light and air are admitted by a low door at one end.' _Richardson's Nar._, vol. i., p. 245. [35] 'The fire in the centre is never lit merely for the sake of warmth, as the lamps are sufficient for that purpose.' _Seemann's Voy. Herald_, vol. ii., p. 58. 'They have no fire-places; but a stone placed in the centre serves for a support to the lamp, by which the little cooking that is required is performed.' _Richardson's Nar._, vol. i., p. 348. [36] 'On trouva plusieurs huttes construites en bois, moitié dans la terre, moitié en dehors.' _Choris_, _Voy. Pitt._, pt. ii., p. 6. At Beaufort Bay are wooden huts. _Simpson's Nar._, p. 177. At Toker Point, 'built of drift-wood and sods of turf or mud.' _Hooper's Tuski_, p. 343. At Cape Krusenstern the houses 'appeared like little round hills, with fences of whale-bone.' _Kotzebue's Voy._, vol. i., p. 237. 'They construct yourts or winter residences upon those parts of the shore which are adapted to their convenience, such as the mouths of rivers, the entrances of inlets, or jutting points of land, but always upon low ground.' _Beechey's Voy._, vol. ii., p. 300. [37] 'I was surprised at the vast quantity of driftwood accumulated on its shore, several acres being thickly covered with it, and many pieces at least sixty feet in length.' _Armstrong's Nar._, p. 104. [38] 'Eastern Esquimaux never seem to think of fire as a means of imparting warmth.' _Simpson's Nar._, p. 346. [39] Their houses are 'moveable tents, constructed of poles and skins.' _Brownell's Ind. Races_, p. 469. 'Neither wind nor watertight.' _Beechey's Voy._, vol. i., p. 361. At Cape Smythe, Hooper saw seven Eskimo tents of seal skin. _Tuski_, p. 216. 'We entered a small tent of morse-skins, made in the form of a canoe.' _Kotzebue's Voy._, vol. i., p. 226. At Coppermine River their tents in summer are of deer-skin with the hair on, and circular. _Hearne's Travels_, p. 167. At St Lawrence Island, Kotzebue saw no settled dwellings, 'only several small tents built of the ribs of whales, and covered with the skin of the morse.' _Voyage_, vol. i., pp. 190-191. [40] 'In parallelograms, and so adjusted as to form a rotunda, with an arched roof.' _Silliman's Jour._, vol. xvi., p. 146. _Parry's Voy._, vol. v., p. 200. _Franklin's Nar._, vol. ii., p. 44. [41] 'These houses are durable, the wind has little effect on them, and they resist the thaw until the sun acquires very considerable power.' _Richardson's Nar._, vol. i., p. 350. [42] The snow houses are called by the natives _igloo_, and the underground huts _yourts_, or _yurts_, and their tents _topeks_. Winter residence, 'iglut.' _Richardson's Pol. Reg._, p. 310. Beechey, describing the same kind of buildings, calls them 'yourts.' _Voy._, vol. i., p. 366. Tent of skins, tie-poo-eet; topak; toopek. Tent, too-pote. _Ibid._, vol. ii., p. 381. 'Yourts.' _Seemann's Voy. Herald_, vol. ii., p. 59. Tent, topek. Dall says Richardson is wrong, and that igloo or iglu is the name of ice houses. _Alaska_, p. 532. House, iglo. Tent, tuppek. _Richardson's Jour._, vol. ii., p. 378. Snow house, eegloo. _Franklin's Nar._, vol. ii., p. 47. [43] They are so fond of the warm blood of dying animals that they invented an instrument to secure it. See _Beechey's Voy._, vol. i., p. 344. 'Whale-blubber, their great delicacy, is sickening and dangerous to a European stomach.' _Kotzebue's Voy._, vol. i., p. 192. [44] Hearne says that the natives on the Arctic coast of British America are so disgustingly filthy that when they have bleeding at the nose they lick up their own blood. _Travels_, p. 161. 'Salt always appeared an abomination.' 'They seldom cook their food, the frost apparently acting as a substitute for fire.' _Collinson_, in _Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour._, vol. xxv., p. 201. At Kotzebue Sound they 'seem to subsist entirely on the flesh of marine animals, which they, for the most part, eat raw.' _Kotzebue's Voy._, vol. i., p. 239. [45] 'During the two summer months they hunt and live on swans, geese, and ducks.' _Richardson's Nar._, vol. i., p. 346. [46] 'Secures winter feasts and abundance of oil for the lamps of a whole village, and there is great rejoicing.' _Richardson's Pol. Reg._, p. 313. 'The capture of the seal and walrus is effected in the same manner. Salmon and other fish are caught in nets.' _Seemann's Voy. Herald_, vol. ii., p. 61. 'Six small perforated ivory balls attached separately to cords of sinew three feet long.' _Dease & Simpson_, in _Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour._, vol. viii., 222. [47] Near Smith River, a low piece of ground, two miles broad at the beach, was found enclosed by double rows of turf set up to represent men, narrowing towards a lake, into which reindeer were driven and killed. _Simpson's Nar._, p. 135. [48] 'Ce qu'il y a encore de frappant dans la complexion de ces barbares, c'est l'extrême chaleur de leur estomac et de leur sang; ils échauffent tellement, par leur haleine ardente, les huttes où ils assemblent en hiver, que les Européans, s'y sentent étouffés, comme dans une étuve dont la chaleur est trop graduée: aussi ne font-ils jamais de feu dans leur habitation en aucune saison, et ils ignorent l'usage des cheminées, sous le climat le plus froid du globe.' _De Pauw_, _Recherches Phil._, tom. i., p. 261. [49] 'The voluptuousness and Polygamy of the North American Indians, under a temperature of almost perpetual winter, is far greater than that of the most sensual tropical nations.' _Martin's British Colonies_, vol. iii., p. 524. [50] 'The seal is perhaps their most useful animal, not merely furnishing oil and blubber, but the skin used for their canoes, thongs, nets, lassoes, and boot soles.' _Whymper's Alaska_, p. 161. [51] They have 'two sorts of bows; arrows pointed with iron, flint, and bone, or blunt for birds; a dart with throwing-board for seals; a spear headed with iron or copper, the handle about six feet long; and formidable iron knives, equally adapted for throwing, cutting, or stabbing.' _Simpson's Nar._, p. 123. They ascended the Mackenzie in former times as far as the Ramparts, to obtain flinty slate for lance and arrow points. _Richardson's Jour._, vol. i., p. 213. At St. Lawrence Island, they are armed with a knife two feet long. _Kotzebue's Voy._, vol. i., pp. 193, 211. One weapon was 'a walrus tooth fixed to the end of a wooden staff.' _Beechey's Voy._, vol. i., p. 343. [52] At the Coppermine River, arrows are pointed with slate or copper; hatchets also are made of a thick lump of copper. _Hearne's Travels_, pp. 161-9. [53] 'The old ivory knives and flint axes are now superseded, the Russians having introduced the common European sheath-knife and hatchet. The board for throwing darts is in use, and is similar to that of the Polynesians.' _Seemann's Voy. Herald_, vol. ii., p. 53. [54] The 'baydare is a large open boat, quite flat, made of sea-lions' skins,' and is used also for a tent. At Lantscheff Island it was 'a large and probably leathern boat, with black sails.' _Kotzebue's Voy._, vol. i., pp. 202, 216. 'The kaiyaks are impelled by a double-bladed paddle, used with or without a central rest, and the umiaks with oars.' Can 'propel their kaiyaks at the rate of seven miles an hour.' _Richardson's Jour._, vol. i., pp. 238, 358. At Hudson Strait they have canoes of seal-skin, like those of Greenland. _Franklin's Nar._, vol. i., p. 29. Not a drop of water can penetrate the opening into the canoe. _Müller's Voy._, p. 46. The kyak is like an English wager-boat. They are 'much stronger than their lightness would lead one to suppose.' _Hooper's Tuski_, pp. 226, 228. _Oomiaks_ or family canoes of skin; float in six inches of water. _Simpson's Nar._, p. 148. 'With these boats they make long voyages, frequently visiting St. Lawrence Island.' _Dall's Alaska_, p. 380. 'Frame work of wood--when this cannot be procured whalebone is substituted.' _Armstrong's Nar._, p. 98. Mackenzie saw boats put together with whalebone; 'sewed in some parts, and tied in others.' _Voyages_, p. 67. They also use a sail. 'On découvrit au loin, dans la baie, un bateau qui allait à la voile; elle était en cuir.' _Choris_, _Voy. Pitt._, pt. ii., p. 6. They 'are the best means yet discovered by mankind to go from place to place.' _Langsdorff's Voy._, pt. ii., p. 43. 'It is wonderful what long voyages they make in these slight boats.' _Campbell's Voy._, p. 114. 'The skin, when soaked with water, is translucent; and a stranger placing his foot upon the flat yielding surface at the bottom of the boat fancies it a frail security.' _Beechey's Voy._, vol. i., p. 346. [55] The 'kajak is shaped like a weaver's shuttle.' _Richardson's Pol. Reg._, p. 308. 'The paddle is in the hands of an Eskimo, what the balancing pole is to a tight-rope dancer.' _Seemann's Voy. Herald_, vol. ii., p. 56. [56] 'The Koltshanen construct birch-bark canoes; but on the coast skin boats or baidars, like the Eskimo kaiyaks and umiaks, are employed.' _Richardson's Jour._, vol. i., p. 405. If by accident a hole should be made, it is stopped with a piece of the flesh of the sea-dog, or fat of the whale, which they always carry with them. _Langsdorff's Voy._, pt. ii., p. 43. They strike 'the water with a quick, regular motion, first on one side, and then on the other.' _Cook's Third Voy._, vol. ii., p. 516. 'Wiegen nie über 30 Pfund, und haben ein dünnes mit Leder überzognes Gerippe.' _Neue Nachrichten_, p. 152. 'The Aleutians put to sea with them in all weathers.' _Kotzebue's New Voy._, vol. ii., p. 40. At the Shumagin Islands they 'are generally about twelve feet in length, sharp at each end, and about twenty inches broad.' _Meares' Voy._, p. x. They are as transparent as oiled paper. At Unalaska they are so light that they can be carried in one hand. _Sauer_, _Billings' Ex._, p. 157, 159. [57] 'They average twelve feet in length, two feet six inches in height, two feet broad, and have the fore part turned up in a gentle curve.' 'The floor resembles a grating without cross-bars, and is almost a foot from the level of the snow.' _Seemann's Voy. Herald_, vol. ii., p. 56. At Saritscheff Island 'I particularly remarked two very neat sledges made of morse and whalebones.' _Kotzebue's Voy._, vol. i., p. 201. 'To make the runners glide smoothly, a coating of ice is given to them.' _Richardson's Pol. Reg._, p. 309. At Norton Sound Captain Cook found sledges ten feet long and twenty inches in width. A rail-work on each side, and shod with bone; 'neatly put together; some with wooden pins, but mostly with thongs or lashings of whale-bone.' _Third Voy._, vol. ii., p. 442, 443. Mackenzie describes the sledges of British America, _Voyages_, pp. 67, 68. [58] 'About the size of those of Newfoundland, with shorter legs.' _Dall's Alaska_, p. 25. 'Neither plentiful nor of a good class.' _Whymper's Alaska_, p. 171. [59] The dog will hunt bear and reindeer, but is afraid of its near relative, the wolf. _Brownell's Ind. Races_, p. 474. [60] 'An average length is four and a half feet.' _Whymper's Alaska_, p. 183. 'The Innuit snowshoe is small and nearly flat,' 'seldom over thirty inches long.' 'They are always rights and lefts.' Ingalik larger; Kutchin same style; Hudson Bay, thirty inches in length. _Dall's Alaska_, pp. 190, 191. 'They are from two to three feet long, a foot broad, and slightly turned up in front.' _Seemann's Voy. Herald_, vol. ii., p. 60. [61] 'Blue beads, cutlery, tobacco, and buttons, were the articles in request.' _Beechey's Voy._, vol. i., p. 352. At Hudson Strait they have a custom of licking with the tongue each article purchased, as a finish to the bargain. _Franklin's Nar._, vol. i., 27. 'Articles of Russian manufacture find their way from tribe to tribe along the American coast, eastward to Repulse Bay.' _Richardson's Pol. Reg._, p. 317. [62] Are very anxious to barter arrows, seal-skin boots, and ivory ornaments for tobacco, beads, and particularly for iron. _Hooper's Tuski_, p. 217. Some of their implements at Coppermine River are: stone kettles, wooden dishes, scoops and spoons made of buffalo or musk-ox horns. _Hearne's Travels_, p. 168. At Point Barrow were ivory implements with carved figures of sea-animals, ivory dishes, and a 'fine whalebone net.' Also 'knives and other implements, formed of native copper' at Coppermine River. _Simpson's Nar._, pp. 147, 156, 261. At Point Barrow they 'have unquestionably an indirect trade with the Russians.' _Simpson's Nar._, 161. [63] 'They are very expert traders, haggle obstinately, always consult together, and are infinitely happy when they fancy they have cheated anybody.' _Kotzebue's Voy._, vol. i., p. 211. 'A thieving, cunning race.' _Armstrong's Nar._, p. 110. They respect each other's property, 'but they steal without scruple from strangers.' _Richardson's Jour._, vol. i., p. 352. [64] 'They have a chief (Nalegak) in name, but do not recognize his authority.' _Dr Hayes_, in _Hist. Mag._, vol. i., p. 6. Government, 'a combination of the monarchical and republican;' 'every one is on a perfect level with the rest.' _Seemann's Voy. Herald_, vol. ii., p. 59, 60. 'Chiefs are respected principally as senior men.' _Franklin's Nar._, vol. ii., p. 41. At Kotzebue Sound, a robust young man was taken to be chief, as all his commands were punctually obeyed. _Kotzebue's Voy._, vol. i., p. 235. Quarrels 'are settled by boxing, the parties sitting down and striking blows alternately, until one of them gives in.' _Richardson's Pol. Reg._, p. 326. Every man governs his own family. _Brownell's Ind. Races_, p. 475. They 'have a strong respect for their territorial rights, and maintain them with firmness.' _Richardson's Jour._, vol. i., p. 351. [65] They are 'horribly filthy in person and habits.' _Hooper's Tuski_, p. 224. 'A husband will readily traffic with the virtue of a wife for purposes of gain.' _Armstrong's Nar._, p. 195. 'More than once a wife was proffered by her husband.' _Richardson's Jour._, vol. i., p. 356. As against the above testimony, Seemann affirms: 'After the marriage ceremony has been performed infidelity is rare.' _Voy. Herald_, vol. ii., p. 66. 'These people are in the habit of collecting certain fluids for the purposes of tanning; and that, judging from what took place in the tent, in the most open manner, in the presence of all the family.' _Beechey's Voy._, vol. i., p. 407. [66] 'Two men sometimes marry the same woman.' _Seemann's Voy. Herald_, vol. ii., p. 66. 'As soon as a girl is born, the young lad who wishes to have her for a wife goes to her father's tent, and proffers himself. If accepted, a promise is given which is considered binding, and the girl is delivered to her betrothed husband at the proper age.' _Franklin's Nar._, vol. ii., p. 41. Women 'carry their infants between their reindeer-skin jackets and their naked backs.' _Simpson's Nar._, p. 121. 'All the drudgery falls upon the women; even the boys would transfer their loads to their sisters.' _Collinson_, in _Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour._, vol. xxv., p. 201. [67] The '_Kashim_ is generally built by the joint labour of the community.' _Richardson's Pol. Reg._, p. 311. [68] 'Their dance is of the rudest kind, and consists merely in violent motion of the arms and legs.' _Seemann's Voy. Herald_, vol. ii., p. 63. They make 'the most comical motions with the whole body, without stirring from their place.' _Kotzebue's Voy._, vol. i., p. 192. Their song consisted of the words: 'Hi, Yangah yangah; ha ha, yangah--with variety only in the inflection of voice.' _Hooper's Tuski_, p. 225. When heated by the dance, even the women were stripped to their breeches. _Simpson's Nar._, p. 158. 'An old man, all but naked, jumped into the ring, and was beginning some indecent gesticulations, when his appearance not meeting with our approbation he withdrew.' _Beechey's Voy._, vol. i., p. 396. [69] 'C'était la plus grande marque d'amitié qu'ils pouvaient nous donner.' _Choris_, _Voy. Pitt._, pt. ii., p. 5. 'They came up to me one after the other--each of them embraced me, rubbed his nose hard against mine, and ended his caresses by spitting in his hands and wiping them several times over my face.' _Kotzebue's Voy._, vol. i., pp. 192, 195. [70] 'Their personal bravery is conspicuous, and they are the only nation on the North American Continent who oppose their enemies face to face in open fight.' _Richardson's Jour._, vol. i., p. 244. 'Simple, kind people; very poor, very filthy, and to us looking exceedingly wretched.' _McClure's Dis. N. W. Passage_, in _Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour._, vol. xxiv., p. 242. 'More bold and crafty than the Indians; but they use their women much better.' _Bell's Geog._, vol. v., p. 294. [71] 'Their diseases are few.' _Seemann's Voy. Herald_, vol. ii., p. 67. 'Diseases are quite as prevalent among them as among civilized people.' _Dall's Alaska_, p. 195. 'Ophthalmia was very general with them.' _Beechey's Voy._, vol. i., p. 345. 'There is seldom any mortality except amongst the old people and very young children.' _Armstrong's Nar._, p. 197. [72] At Point Barrow, bodies were found in great numbers scattered over the ground in their ordinary seal-skin dress; a few covered with pieces of wood, the heads all turned north-east towards the extremity of the point. _Simpson's Nar._, p. 155. 'They lay their dead on the ground, with their heads all turned to the north.' 'The bodies lay exposed in the most horrible and disgusting manner.' _Dease and Simpson_, in _Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour._, vol. viii., p. 221, 222. 'Their position with regard to the points of the compass is not taken into consideration.' _Seemann's Voy. Herald_, vol. ii., p. 67. 'There are many more graves than present inhabitants of the village, and the story is that the whole coast was once much more densely populated.' _Dall's Alaska_, p. 19. Hooper, on coming to a burial place not far from Point Barrow, 'conjectured that the corpses had been buried in an upright position, with their heads at or above the surface.' _Tuski_, p. 221. [73] Kadiak 'is a derivative, according to some authors, from the Russian _Kadia_, a large tub; more probably, however, it is a corruption of Kaniag, the ancient Innuit name.' _Dall's Alaska_, p. 532. Holmberg thinks that the word Kadiak arose from _Kikchtak_, which in the language of the Koniagas means a large island. 'Der Name Kadjak ist offenbar eine Verdrehung von Kikchtak, welches Wort in der Sprache der Konjagen "grosse Insel" bedeutet und daher auch als Benennung der grössten Insel dieser Gruppe diente.' _Ethnographische Skizzen über die Völker des Russischen Amerika_, p. 75. 'A la division _Koniagi_ appartient la partie la plus septentrionale de l'Alaska, et l'île de Kodiak, que les Russes appellent vulgairement _Kichtak_, quoique, dans la langue des naturels, le mot Kightak ne désigne en général qu'une île.' _Humboldt_, _Essai Pol._, tom. i., p. 347. Coxe affirms that the natives 'call themselves Kanagist.' _Russian Dis._, p. 135. And Sauer says, 'the natives call themselves _Soo-oo-it_.' _Billings' Ex._, p. 175. 'Man verstand von ihnen, das sie sich selbst Kanagist nennen.' _Neue Nachr._, p. 114. [74] _Tschugatsches_, _Tschugatsi_ or _Tschgatzi_. Latham, _Native Races_, p. 290, says the name is Athabascan, and signifies 'men of the sea.' [75] _Kuskoquigmutes_, _Kuskokwimen_, _Kuskokwigmjuten_, _Kusckockwagemuten_, _Kuschkukchwakmüten_, or _Kaskutchewak_. [76] The termination _mute_, _mut_, _meut_, _muten_, or _mjuten_, signifies people or village. It is added to the tribal name sometimes as a substantive as well as in an adjective sense. [77] 'Herr Wassiljew schätzt ihre Zahl auf mindestens 7000 Seelen beiderlei Geschlechts und jeglichen Alters.' _Baer_, _Stat. u. Ethn._, p. 127. [78] 'Es waren wohl einst alle diese Inseln bewohnt.' _Holmberg_, _Ethn. Skiz._, p. 76. [79] The Malemutes are 'a race of tall and stout people.' _Whymper's Alaska_, p. 159. 'Die Kuskokwimer sind, mittlerer Statur, schlank, rüstig und oft mit grosser Stärke begabt.' _Baer_, _Stat. u. Ethn._, p. 135. _Dixon's Voy._, p. 186. 'Bisweilen fallen sogar riesige Gestalten auf, wie ich z. B. einen Häuptling in der igatschen Bucht zu sehen Gelegenheit hatte, dessen Länge 6¾ Fuss betrug.' _Holmberg_, _Ethn. Skiz._, p. 80. The chief at Prince William Sound was a man of low stature, 'with a long beard, and seemed about sixty years of age.' _Portlock's Voy._, p. 237. A strong, raw-boned race. _Meares' Voy._, p. 32. At Cook's Inlet they seemed to be of the same nation as those of Pr. Wm. Sd., but entirely different from those at Nootka, in persons and language. _Cook's Third Voy._, vol. ii., p. 400. They are of 'middle size and well proportioned.' _Dixon's Voy._, p. 68. 'They emigrated in recent times from the Island of Kadyak, and they claim, as their hereditary possessions, the coast lying between Bristol Bay and Beering's Straits.' _Richardson's Nar._, vol. i., p. 364. 'Die Tschugatschen sind Ankömmlinge von der Insel Kadjack, die während innerer Zwistigkeiten von dort vertrieben.' _Baer_, _Stat. u. Ethn._, p. 116. [80] Achkugmjuten, 'Bewohner der warmen Gegend.' _Holmberg_, _Ethn. Skiz._, p. 5. 'Copper complexion.' _Lisiansky's Voy._, p. 194. [81] 'They bore their under lip, where they hang fine bones of beasts and birds.' _Staehlin's North. Arch._, p. 33. 'Setzen sich auch--Zähne von Vögeln oder Thierknochen in künstliche Oeffnungen der Unterlippe und unter der Nase ein.' _Neue Nachr._, p. 113. [82] The people of Kadiak, according to Langsdorff, are similar to those of Unalaska, the men being a little taller. They differ from the Fox Islanders. _Voy._, pt. ii., p. 62. 'Die Insulaner waren hier von den Einwohnern, der vorhin entdeckten übrigen Fuchsinsuln, in Kleidung und Sprache ziemlich verschieden.' _Neue Nachr._, p. 113. 'Ils ressemblent beaucoup aux indigènes des îles Curiles, dépendantes du Japon.' _Laplace_, _Circumnav._, vol. vi., p. 45. [83] 'They wore strings of beads suspended from apertures in the lower lip.' _Lisiansky's Voy._, p. 195. 'Their ears are full of holes, from which hang pendants of bone or shell.' _Meares' Voy._, p. xxxii. 'Elles portent des perles ordinairement en verre bleu, suspendues au-dessous du nez à un fil passé dans la cloison nasale.' _D'Orbigny_, _Voy._, p. 573. 'Upon the whole, I have nowhere seen savages who take more pains than these people do to ornament, or rather to disfigure their persons.' At Prince William Sound they are so fond of ornament 'that they stick any thing in their perforated lip; one man appearing with two of our iron nails projecting from it like prongs; and another endeavouring to put a large brass button into it.' _Cook's Third Voy._, vol. ii., p. 370. They slit the under lip, and have ornaments of glass beads and muscle-shells in nostrils and ears; tattoo chin and neck. _Langsdorff's Voy._, vol. ii., p. 63. 'Die Frauen machen Einschnitte in die Lippen. Der Nasenknorpel ist ebenfalls durchstochen.' _Baer_, _Stat. u. Ethn._, p. 135. [84] The Kadiaks dress like the Aleuts, but their principal garment they call _Konägen_; _Langsdorff's Voy._, pt. ii., p. 63. Like the Unalaskas, the neck being more exposed, fewer ornamentations. _Sauer_, _Billings' Voy._, p. 177. 'Consists wholly of the skins of animals and birds.' _Portlock's Voy._, p. 249. A coat peculiar to Norton Sound appeared 'to be made of reeds sewed very closely together.' _Dixon's Voy._, p. 191. 'Nähen ihre _Parken_ (Winter-Kleider) aus Vögelhäuten und ihre _Kamleien_ (Sommer-Kleider) aus den Gedärmen von Wallfischen und Robben.' _Baer_, _Stat. u. Ethn._, p. 117. At Norton Sound 'principally of deer-skins.' _Cook's Third Voy._, vol. ii., p. 484. 'Ihre Kleider sind aus schwarzen und andern Fuchsbälgen, Biber, Vogelhäuten, auch jungen Rennthier and Jewraschkenfellen, alles mit Sehnen genäht.' _Neue Nachr._, p. 113. 'The dress of both sexes consists of parkas and camleykas, both of which nearly resemble in form a carter's frock.' _Lisiansky's Voy._, p. 194. [85] 'Una tunica entera de pieles que les abriga bastantemente.' _Bodega y Quadra_, _Nav._, MS. p. 66. 'By the use of such a girdle, it should seem that they sometimes go naked.' _Cook's Third Voy._, vol. ii., p. 437. [86] 'Plastered over with mud, which gives it an appearance not very unlike a dung hill.' _Lisiansky's Voy._, p. 214. Sea-dog skin closes the opening. _Langsdorff's Voy._, pt. ii., p. 62. The Kuskoquims have 'huttes qu'ils appellent barabores pour l'été.' _D'Orbigny_, _Voy._, p. 574. 'Mit Erde und Gras bedeckt, so dass man mit Recht die Wohnungen der Konjagen Erdhütten nennen kann.' _Holmberg_, _Ethn. Skiz._, p. 97. 'A door fronting the east.' _Sauer_, _Billings' Voy._, p. 175. At Norton Sound 'they consist simply of a sloping roof, without any side-walls.' _Cook's Third Voy._, vol. ii., p. 484. Build temporary huts of sticks and bark. _Portlock's Voy._, p. 253. [87] 'In dem Kashim versammelt sich die männliche Bevölkerung des ganzen Dorfes zur Berathschlagung über wichtige Angelegenheiten, über Krieg und Frieden, etc.' _Baer_, _Stat. u. Ethn._, p. 129. [88] 'Le poisson est la principale nourriture.' _D'Orbigny_, _Voy._, p. 574. 'Berries mixed with rancid whale oil.' 'The fat of the whale is the prime delicacy.' _Lisiansky's Voy._, pp. 178, 195. 'Meistentheils nähren sie sich mit rohen und trocknen Fischen, die sie theils in der See mit knöchernen Angelhaken, theils in den Bächen mit Sacknetzen, die sie aus Sehnen flechten, einfangen.' _Neue Nachr._, p. 114. They generally eat their food raw, but sometimes they boil it in water heated with hot stones. _Meares' Voy._, p. xxxv. The method of catching wild geese, is to chase and knock them down immediately after they have shed their large wing-feathers; at which time they are not able to fly. _Portlock's Voy._, p. 265. [89] 'Ich hatte auf der Insel Afognak Gelegenheit dem Zerschneiden eines Wallfisches zuzusehen und versichere, dass nach Verlauf von kaum 2 Stunden nur die blanken Knochen auf dem Ufer lagen.' _Holmberg_, _Ethn. Skiz._, p. 91. [90] The Kadiaks 'pass their time in hunting, festivals, and abstinence. The first takes place in the summer; the second begins in the month of December, and continues as long as any provisions remain; and then follows the period of famine, which lasts till the re-appearance of fish in the rivers. During the period last mentioned, many have nothing but shell-fish to subsist on, and some die for want.' _Lisiansky's Voy._, pp. 209, 210. [91] 'Wild animals which they hunt, and especially wild sheep, the flesh of which is excellent.' _Lisiansky's Voy._, p. 188. They eat the larger sort of fern-root baked, and a substance which seemed the inner bark of the pine. _Cook's Third Voy._, vol. ii., p. 374. 'Die Eingebornen essen diese Wurzeln (Lagat) roh und gekocht; aus der Wurzel, nachdem sie in Mehl verwandelt ist, bäckt man, mit einer geringen Beimischung von Weizenmehl, süssliche, dünne Kuchen.' _Sagoskin_, _Tagebuch_, in _Denkschr. d. russ. Geog. Gesell._, p. 343. [92] 'Ihre hölzernen Schilde nennen sie Kujaki.' _Neue Nachr._, p. 114. [93] 'Selecting the roots of such plants as grow alone, these roots are dried and pounded, or grated.' _Sauer_, _Billings' Ex._, p. 178. [94] 'Die Pfeilspitzen sind aus Eisen oder Kupfer, ersteres erhalten sie von den Kenayern, letzteres von den Tutnen.' _Baer_, _Stat. u. Ethn._, p. 118. 'De pedernal en forma de arpon, cortado con tanta delicadeza como pudiera hacerlo el mas hábil lapidario.' _Bodega y Quadra_, _Nav._, MS. p. 66. [95] At Prince William Sound Cook found the canoes not of wood, as at Nootka. At Bristol Bay they were of skin, but broader. _Third Voy._, vol. ii., pp. 371, 437. 'Die kadjakschen Baidarken unterscheiden sich in der Form ein wenig von denen der andern Bewohner der amerikanischen Küste, von denen der Aleuten aber namentlich darin, dass sie kürzer und breiter sind.' _Holmberg_, _Ethn. Skiz._, p. 99. At Prince William Sound, 'formada la canoa en esqueleto la forran por fuera con pieles de animales.' _Bodega y Quadra_, _Nav._, MS. p. 65. 'Qu'on se figure une nacelle de quatre mètres de long et de soixante centimètres de large tout au plus.' _Laplace_, _Circumnav._, vol. vi., p. 48. 'These canoes were covered with skins, the same as we had seen last season in Cook's River. _Dixon's Voy._, p. 147. 'Safer at sea in bad weather than European boats.' _Lisiansky's Voy._, p. 211. [96] Their whale-sinew thread was as fine as silk. _Lisiansky's Voy._, p. 207. [97] The only tool seen was a stone adze. _Cook's Third Voy._, vol. ii., p. 373. [98] 'Their sewing, plaiting of sinews, and small work on their little bags may be put in competition with the most delicate manufactures found in any part of the known world.' _Cook's Third Voy._, vol. ii., pp. 373, 374. 'If we may judge by these figures, the inhabitants of Cadiack must have lost much of their skill in carving, their old productions of this kind being greatly superior.' _Lisiansky_, p. 178. The Ingalik's household furniture is made 'von gebogenem Holz sehr zierlich gearbeitet und mittelst Erdfarben roth, grün und blau angestrichen. Zum Kochen der Speisen bedienen sie sich irdener, ausgebrannter Geschirre.' _Baer_, _Stat. u. Ethn._, p. 121. [99] 'Tis most probable they are divided into clans or tribes.' _Dixon's Voy._, p. 67. 'They have a King, whose name was Sheenoway.' _Meares' Voy._, p. xxvii. 'They always keep together in families, and are under the direction of toyons or chiefs.' _Lisiansky's Voy._, p. 151. [100] Female slaves are sold from one tribe to another. _Sauer, Billings' Voy._, p. 175. [101] 'Zugleich verschwand auch ihre Benennung; man nannte sie ferner Kajuren, ein Wort aus Kamtschatka hieher übergesiedelt, welches Tagelöhner oder Arbeiter bedeutet.' _Holmberg_, _Ethn. Skiz._, p. 79. [102] 'They will not go a step out of the way for the most necessary purposes of nature; and vessels are placed at their very doors for the reception of the urinous fluid, which are resorted to alike by both sexes.' _Lisiansky's Voy._, p. 214. [103] 'Not only do brothers and sisters cohabit with each other, but even parents and children.' _Langsdorff's Voy._, pt. ii., p. 64. [104] 'Images dressed in different forms.' _Lisiansky's Voy._, p. 178. 'The most favoured of women is she who has the greatest number of children.' _Sauer_, _Billings' Voy._, p. 176. [105] 'Der Vater oder die Mutter bestimmen den Sohn schon in seiner frühsten Kindheit zum Achnutschik, wenn er ihnen mädchenhaft erscheint.' _Holmberg_, _Ethn. Skiz._, p. 121. 'Male concubines are much more frequent here than at Oonalashka.' _Langsdorff's Voy._, pt. ii., p. 64. They 'are happy to see them taken by the chiefs, to gratify their unnatural desires. Such youths are dressed like women, and taught all their domestic duties.' _Sauer_, _Billings' Ex._, p. 176. 'Ces peuples sont très adonnés aux plaisirs des sens et même à un vice infame.' _Choris_, _Voy. Pitt._, pt. vii., p. 8. 'Of all the customs of these islanders, the most disgusting is that of men, called _schoopans_, living with men, and supplying the place of women.' _Lisiansky's Voy._, p. 199. This shameful custom applies to the Thlinkeets as well. 'Quelques personnes de l'Equipage du Solide ont rapporté qu'il ne leur est pas possible de douter que les Tchinkîtânéens ne soient souillés de ce vice honteux que la Théogonie immorale des Grecs avoit divinisé.' _Marchand_, _Voy. aut. du Monde_, tom. ii., p. 97. [106] 'Der Schamane hat seiner Obliegenheit gemäss oder aus besonderem Wohlwollen sie der Jungferschaft beraubt und sie wäre unwürdig vor der Versammlung zu erscheinen, wenn sie ihre erste Liebe irgend einem Anderen und nicht dem Schamanen gezollt hätte.' _Baer_, _Stat. u. Ethn._, p. 133. [107] 'Their dances are proper tournaments.' _Sauer_, _Billings' Ex._, p. 176. They are much addicted to public dances, especially during winter. _Whymper's Alaska_, p. 165. 'Masks of the most hideous figures are worn.' _Lisiansky's Voy._, p. 210. 'Use a sort of rattle composed of a number of the beaks of the sea-parrot, strung upon a wooden cross,'--sounds like castanets. _Langsdorff's Voy._, pt. ii., p. 64. 'Die Tänzer erscheinen, eben so, mit Wurfspiessen oder Messern in den Händen, welche sie über dem Kopfe schwingen.' _Baer_, _Stat. u. Ethn._, p. 118. [108] 'Les sorciers et chamans jouissent d'une grande faveur dans cette région glacée de l'Amérique.' _D'Orbigny_, _Voy._, p. 574. 'Schamanen und alte Weiber kennen verschiedene Heilmittel.' _Baer_, _Stat. u. Ethn._, p. 135. 'Next in rank to the shamans are the kaseks, or sages, whose office is to teach children the different dances, and superintend the public amusements and shows, of which they have the supreme control.' _Lisiansky's Voy._, p. 208. [109] 'The dead body of a chief is embalmed with moss, and buried.' _Sauer_, _Billings' Ex._, p. 177. [110] 'In one of the small buildings, or kennels, as they may very properly be called, was a woman who had retired into it in consequence of the death of her son.' _Lisiansky's Voy._, p. 184. [111] 'The word Aleutian seems to be derived from the interrogative particle _allix_, which struck strangers in the language of that people.' _Kotzebue's Voy._, vol. iii., p. 312. The Unalaskas and 'the people of Oomnak, call themselves _Cowghalingen_.' 'The natives of Alaska and all the adjacent islands they call _Kagataiakung'n_.' _Sauer_, _Billings' Ex._, p. 154. 'The inhabitants of Unalashka are called _Kogholaghi_; those of Akutan, and further east to Unimak, _Kighigusi_; and those of Unimak and Alaxa, _Kataghayekiki_. They cannot tell whence these appellations are derived; and now begin to call themselves by the general name of _Aleyut_, given to them by the Russians, and borrowed from some of the Kurile Islands.' _Coxe's Russ. Dis._, p. 219. [112] Yet, says D'Orbigny, _Voyage_, p. 577: 'Si on interroge les Aléoutiens sur leur origine, ils disent que leurs ancêtres ont habité un grand pays vers l'ouest, et que de là ils sont avancés de proche en proche sur les îles désertes jusqu'au continent américain.' [113] Trapesnikoff took from an unknown island in 1753, 1920 sea-otter skins. Durneff returned to Kamchatka in 1754, with 3,000 skins. In 1752 one crew touched at Bering Island and took 1,222 Arctic foxes, and 2,500 sea-bears. Cholodiloff, in 1753, took from one island 1,600 otter-skins. Tolstych in one voyage took 1,780 sea-otter, 720 blue foxes, and 840 sea-bears. _Coxe's Russ. Dis._, pp. 43, 44, 49, 51, 53. [114] _Sparks_, _Life of Ledyard_, p. 79. [115] A great deal of character. _Langsdorff's Voy._, pt. ii., p. 32. [116] 'Rather low of stature, but plump and well shaped; with rather short necks; swarthy chubby faces; black eyes; small beards, and long, straight, black hair; which the men wear loose behind, and cut before, but the women tie up in a bunch.' _Cook's Third Voy._, vol. ii., p. 510. 'Von Gesicht sind sie platt und weiss, von guter Statur, durchgängig mit schwarzen Haaren.' _Neue Nachr._, p. 150. 'Low in stature, broad in the visage.' _Campbell's Voy._, p. 112. Hair 'strong and wiry;' scanty beard, but thick on the upper lip. _Sauer_, _Billings' Ex._, p. 154. [117] 'Les femmes aléoutes portaient aux mains et aux pieds des chapelets de pierres de couleur et préférablement d'ambre.' _D'Orbigny_, _Voy._, p. 579. 'None are so highly esteemed as a sort of long muscle, commonly called sea-teeth, the _dentalium entalis_ of Linnæus.' _Langsdorff's Voy._, pt. ii., p. 40. 'Women have the chin punctured in fine lines rayed from the centre of the lip and covering the whole chin.' They wear bracelets of black seal-skin around the wrists and ankles, and go barefoot. _Sauer_, _Billings' Ex._, p. 155. 'Im Nasen-Knorpel und der Unterlippe machen beide Geschlechter Löcher und setzen Knochen ein, welches ihr liebster Schmuck ist. Sie stechen sich auch bunte Figuren im Gesicht aus.' _Neue Nachr._, p. 169. 'They bore the upper lip of the young children of both sexes, under the nostrils, where they hang several sorts of stones, and whitened fish-bones, or the bones of other animals.' _Staehlin's North Arch._, p. 37. [118] 'Leur conformation est robuste et leur permet de supporter des travaux et des fatigues de toute sorte.' _D'Orbigny_, _Voy._, p. 577. [119] At Shumagin Island, their caps were of sea-lion skins. _Müller's Voy._, p. 46. On the front are one or two small images of bone. _Cook's Third Voy._, vol. ii., p. 510. A wooden hat, 'which in front comes out before the eyes like a sort of umbrella, and is rounded off behind.' _Langsdorff's Voy._, pt. ii., p. 38. 'Einige haben gemeine Mützen von einem bunten Vogelfell, woran sie etwas von den Flügeln und dem Schwanz sitzen lassen;--sind vorn mit einem Brettchen wie ein Schirm versehn und mit Bärten von Seebären--geschmücket.' _Neue Nachr._, pp. 151, 152. [120] On a feather garment, 'a person is sometimes employed a whole year.' 'The women for the most part go bare-footed.' _Langsdorff's Voy._, pt. ii., pp. 36, 39. 'Seams covered with thin slips of skin, very elegantly embroidered with white deer's hair, goat's hair, and the sinews of sea animals, dyed of different colours.' _Sauer_, _Billings' Ex._, p. 156. 'Ihr Pelzkleid wird über den Kopf angezogen, und ist hinten und vorn ganz zu. Die Männer tragen es aus Vogelhäuten; die Weiber hingegen von Bibern und jungen Seebären.' _Neue Nachr._, p. 152. 'Boots and breeches in one piece.' _Campbell's Voy._, p. 113. [121] 'Round the sides and ends of the huts, the families (for several are lodged together) have their separate apartments, where they sleep, and sit at work; not upon benches, but in a kind of concave trench, which is dug all around the inside of the house, and covered with mats.' _Cook's Third Voy._, vol. ii., p. 512. 'When they have stood for sometime, they become overgrown with grass, so that a village has the appearance of an European churchyard full of graves.' _Langsdorff's Voy._, p. 32. 'In den Jurten wird niemals Feuer angelegt und doch ist es gemeiniglich sehr warm darinnen, so dass beide Geschlechter ganz nakkend sitzen.' _Neue Nachr._, p. 150. [122] 'A bidarka or boat is turned up sideways, and at the distance of four or five feet, two sticks, one opposite to the head and the other to the stern, are driven into the ground, on the tops of which a cross stick is fastened. The oars are then laid along from the boat to the cross stick, and covered with seal skins, which are always at hand for the purpose.' _Lisiansky's Voy._, p. 152. [123] 'Among the greatest delicacies of Oonalashka are the webbed feet of a seal, which are tied in a bladder, buried in the ground, and remain there till they are changed into a stinking jelly.' _Kotzebue's Voy._, vol. ii., p. 165. Almost everything is eaten raw. _Cook's Third Voy._, vol. ii., p. 520. The sea-dog is caught with nets, killed when asleep, or enticed on shore by a false cap made to resemble a seal's head. _Lisiansky's Voy._, p. 205. [124] 'L'Aléoute peut tuer les phoques et les oiseaux, sans être obligé d'en rendre compte à la compagnie.' _Choris_, _Voy. Pitt._, pt. vii., p. 4. [125] 'Die Spitze selbst wird theils aus Obsidian oder Lavaglas, theils auch aus Trachyt verfertigt.' _Kittlitz_, _Reise_, vol. i., p. 268. Spear-handles are feathered, the points of sharpened flint. _Neue Nachr._, p. 102, 'Arrows are thrown from a narrow and pointed board, twenty inches long, which is held by the thumb and three fingers. They are thrown straight from the shoulder with astonishing velocity.' _Lisiansky's Voy._, p. 205. 'Les armes défensives consistaient en une cotte de joncs tressés qui leur couvrait tout le corps.' _D'Orbigny_, _Voy._, p. 579. 'No such thing as an offensive, or even defensive weapon was seen amongst the natives of Oonalashka.' Probably they had been disarmed by the Russians. _Cook's Third Voy._, vol. ii., p. 515. 'Wherever any one has fixed his habitation, nobody else dares to hunt or fish.' _Staehlin's Nor. Arch._, p. 37. For birds they point their darts with three light bones, spread and barbed. _Sauer_, _Billings' Ex._, p. 157. 'Indeed, there is a neatness and perfection in most of their work, that shews they neither want ingenuity nor perseverance.' _Cook's Third Voy._, vol. ii., p. 514. [126] They make 'baskets called ishcats, in which the Aleutians keep all their valuables.' _Lisiansky's Voy._, p. 181. 'Thread they make of the sinews of the seal, and of all sizes, from the fineness of a hair to the strength of a moderate cord, both twisted and plaited.' _Sauer_, _Billings' Ex._, p. 157. Of the teeth of sea-dogs they carve little figures of men, fish, sea-otters, sea-dogs, sea-cows, birds, and other objects. _Langsdorff's Voy._, pt. ii., p. 46. [127] 'Wollen sie etwas an ihren Pfeilen oder sonst eine Kleinigkeit leimen, so schlagen sie sich an die Nase und bestreichen es mit ihrem Blute.' _Neue Nachr._, p. 173. [128] _Sauer_, _Billings' Ex._, p. 159; _Campbell's Voy._, p. 59. [129] 'Comme les femmes coûtaient cher en présents de fiançailles, la plupart des Aléoutes n'en avaient qu'une ou deux.' _D'Orbigny_, _Voy._, p. 579. Purchase as many girls for wives as they can support. _Sauer_, _Billings' Ex._, p. 160. 'Objects of unnatural affection.' _Id._, p. 160. 'Their beards are carefully plucked out as soon as they begin to appear, and their chins tattooed like those of the women.' _Langsdorff's Voy._, pt. ii., p. 48. 'The Russians told us, that they never had any connections with their women, because they were not Christians. Our people were not so scrupulous; and some of them had reason to repent that the females of Oonalashka encouraged their addresses without any reserve; for their health suffered by a distemper that is not unknown here.' _Cook's Third Voy._, vol. ii., p. 521. [130] 'It often happens that a mother plunges her noisy child into water, even in winter, and keeps it there till it leaves off crying.' _Lisiansky's Voy._, p. 202. 'Schreyt das Kind, so trägt es die Mutter, es sey Winter oder Sommer nakkend nach der See, und hält es so lange im Wasser bis es still wird.' _Neue Nachr._, p. 168. [131] 'Have their own chiefs in each island.' _Cook's Third Voy._, vol. ii., p. 510. 'Generally is conferred on him who is the most remarkable for his personal qualities.' _Coxe's Russ. Dis._, p. 219. [132] Those of the inhabitants who have two wives give their guests one, or a slave. _Neue Nachr._, p. 171. 'In the spring holidays, they wear masks, neatly carved and fancifully ornamented.' _Sauer_, _Billings' Ex._, p. 160. [133] 'On avait soin de le disposer de manière à ce qu'il ne touchât pas la terre.' _D'Orbigny_, _Voy._, p. 579. 'Embalm the bodies of the men with dried moss and grass.' _Sauer_, _Billings' Ex._, p. 161. Slaves sometimes slaughtered. _Langsdorff's Voy._, pt. ii., p. 48. 'Bury their dead on the summits of hills.' _Cook's Third Voy._, vol. ii., p. 521. 'When a man dies in the hut belonging to his wife, she retires into a dark hole, where she remains forty days. The husband pays the same compliment to his favorite wife upon her death.' _Coxe's Russ. Dis._, p. 218. 'Die Todten werden begraben, und man giebt dem Mann seinen Kahn, Pfeile und Kleider mit ins Grab.' 'Die Todten umwinden sie mit Riemen und hängen sie in einer Art hölzerner Wiege an einen auf zwey Gabelen ruhenden Querstock in der Luft auf.' _Neue Nachr._, pp. 101, 154. [134] 'Naturellement silencieux.' _D'Orbigny_, _Voy._, p. 578. 'Sie verrichten auch die Nothdurft und das Ehegeschäft ohne alle Scheu.' _Neue. Nachr._, p. 150. 'A stupid silence reigns among them.' 'I am persuaded that the simplicity of their character exceeds that of any other people.' _Lisiansky's Voy._, pp. 182, 183. 'Kind-hearted and obliging, submissive and careful; but if roused to anger, they become rash and unthinking, even malevolent, and indifferent to all danger.' _Langsdorff's Voy._, pt. ii., p. 32. 'To all appearance, they are the most peaceable, inoffensive people, I ever met with. And, as to honesty, they might serve as a pattern to the most civilized nation upon earth.' _Cook_, vol. ii., p. 509. [135] 'To hunt was their task; to be drowned, or starved, or exhausted, was their reward.' _Simpson's Jour._, vol. ii., p. 229. 'They are harmless, wretched slaves,' whose race will soon be extinct. _Kotzebue's Voy._, vol. iii., p. 315. The Russian hunters 'used not unfrequently to place the men close together, and try through how many the ball of their rifle-barrelled musket would pass.' _Sauer_, _Billings' Ex. App._, p. 56. 'Of a thousand men, who formerly lived in this spot, scarcely more than forty remained.' _Langsdorff's Voy._, pt. ii., p. 235. 'La variole, la syphilis, voire même le choléra depuis quelques années, en emportent une effrayante quantité.' _Laplace_, _Circumnav._, vol. ii., p. 51. [136] _Kaluga_, _Kaljush_, _Koljush_, _Kalusch_, _Kolush_, _Kolosch_, _Kolosh_, _Kolosches_. Marchand calls them Tchinkîtâné. _Voyage aut. du Monde_, tom. ii., p. 3. [137] See _Holmberg_, _Ethn. Skiz._, pp. 15, 16. [138] _Ugalachmiuti_, _Ugaljachmjuten_, _Ugalyachmutzi_, _Ugalukmutes_, _Ugalenzi_, _Ugalenzen_, _Ugalenzes_. [139] They 'call themselves G-tinkit, or S-chinkit, or also S-chitcha-chon, that is, inhabitants of Sitki or Sitcha.' _Langsdorff's Voy._, pt. ii., 128. [140] The orthographic varieties of this word are endless. _Stickeen_, _Stekin_, _Stakhin_, _Stachin_, _Stikin_, _Stachine_, _Stikeen_, _Stikine_, _Stychine_, are among those before me at the moment. [141] At the end of this chapter, under Tribal Boundaries, the location of these tribes is given definitely. [142] A Thlinkeet boy, 'when under the whip, continued his derision, without once exhibiting the slightest appearance of suffering.' _Lisiansky's Voy._, p. 242. [143] 'Leur corps est ramassé, mais assez bien proportionné.' _Marchand_, _Voy._, tom. ii., p. 46. 'Very fierce.' _Portlock's Voy._, p. 291. 'Limbs straight and well shaped.' _Dixon's Voy._, p. 171. 'Stolze gerade Haltung.' _Holmberg_, _Ethn. Skiz._, p. 16. 'Active and clever.' _Lisiansky's Voy._, p. 237. 'Bigote á manera de los Chinos.' _Perez_, _Nav._, MS. p. 14. 'Limbs ill-proportioned.' _Kotzebue's New Voy._, vol. ii., p. 49. 'Très supérieurs en courage et en intelligence.' _La Pérouse_, _Voy._, tom. iv., p. 54. [144] The women 'are pleasing and their carriage modest.' _Portlock's Voy._, p. 291. When washed, white and fresh. _Dixon's Voy._, p. 171. 'Dunkle Hautfarbe.' _Holmberg_, _Ethn. Skiz._, p. 16. 'Eran de color blanco y habia muchos con ojos azules.' _Perez_, _Nav._, MS. p. 14. As fair as many Europeans. _Langsdorff's Voy._, pt. ii., p. 112. 'Muchos de ellos de un blanco regular.' _Bodega y Quadra_, _Nav._, MS. p. 43. [145] 'Leur chevelure, dure, épaisse, mêlée, couverte d'ocre, de duvet d'oiseaux et de toutes les ordures que la négligence et le temps y ont accumulées, contribue encore à rendre leur aspect hideux.' _Marchand_, _Voy._, tom. ii., p. 46. 'A more hideous set of beings, in the form of men and women, I had never before seen.' _Cleveland's Voy._, p. 91. The men painted 'a black circle extending from the forehead to the mouth, and a red chin, which gave the face altogether the appearance of a mask.' _Lisiansky's Voy._, p. 146. Pourraient même passer pour jolies, sans l'horrible habitude qu'elles ont adoptée.' _Laplace_, _Circumnav._, tom. vi., p. 87. 'That person seems to be reckoned the greatest beau amongst them, whose face is one entire piece of smut and grease.' _Dixon's Voy._, p. 68. 'Ils se font des cicatrices sur les bras et sur la poitrine.' _La Pérouse_, _Voy._, tom. ii., p. 223. 'Um aus dem Gesichte diese fette Farbenmasse abzuwaschen, gebrauchen sie ihren eignen Urin, und dieser verursacht bei ihnen den widerlichen Geruch, der den sich ihm nahenden Fremdling fast zum Erbrechen bringt.' _Holmberg_, _Ethn. Skiz._, p. 20. [146] Meares, _Voyages_, p. xxxi., states that at Prince William Sound, 'the men have universally a slit in their under lip, between the projecting part of the lip and the chin, which is cut parallel with their mouths, and has the appearance of another mouth.' Worn only by women. _Dixon's Voy._, p. 172. [147] 'About three tenths of an inch below the upper part of the under lip.' _Vancouver's Voy._, vol. ii., p. 280. 'In the centre of the under-lip.' _Langsdorff's Voy._, pt. ii., p. 115. 'Fendue au ras des gencives.' _La Pérouse_, _Voy._, tom. ii., p. 224. 'In the thick part near the mouth.' _Dixon's Voy._, p. 187. 'When the first person having this incision was seen by one of the seamen, who called out, that the man had two mouths.' _Cook's Third Voy._, vol. ii., p. 369. 'In their early infancy, a small incision is made in the center of the under lip, and a piece of brass or copper wire is placed in, and left in the wound. This corrodes the lacerated parts, and by consuming the flesh gradually increases the orifice, until it is sufficiently large to admit the wooden appendage.' _Vancouver's Voy._, vol. ii., p. 408. 'Les femmes de Tchinkîtâné ont cru devoir ajouter à leur beauté naturelle, par l'emploi d'un ornement labial, aussi bizarre qu'incommode.' _Marchand_, _Voy._, tom. ii., p. 48. [148] 'Simply perforated, and a piece of copper wire introduced.' _Dixon's Voy._, p. 187. 'Les jeunes filles n'ont qu'une aiguille dans la lèvre inférieure.' _La Pérouse_, _Voy._, tom. ii., p. 226. 'On y prépare les petites filles aussitôt qu'elles sont nées.' _Id._, tom. iv., p. 54. 'At first a thick wire.' _Langsdorff's Voy._, pt. ii., p. 115. When almost marriageable. _Kotzebue's New Voy._, vol. ii., p. 51. 'The children have them bored at about two years of age, when a piece of copper-wire is put through the hole; this they wear till the age of about thirteen or fourteen years, when it is taken out, and the wooden ornament introduced.' _Portlock's Voy._, p. 289. 'Said to denote maturity.' _Whymper's Alaska_, p. 100. 'Se percer la lèvre inférieure des l'enfance.' 'D'agrandir peu à peu cette ouverture au point de pouvoir jeune fille y introduire une coquille, et femme mariée une énorme tasse de bois.' _Laplace_, _Circumnav._, tom. vi., p. 87. 'Never takes place during their infancy.' _Dixon's Voy._, p. 187. 'When the event takes place that implies womanhood.' _Lisiansky's Voy._, p. 243. 'Wenn zum ersten Mal beim Mädchen sich Spuren der Mannbarkeit zeigen, wird ihre Unterlippe durchstochen und in diese Oeffnung eine Knochenspitze, gegenwärtig doch häufiger ein Silberstift gelegt.' _Holmberg_, _Ethn. Skiz._, p. 21. 'Pues les pareció que solo lo tenian los casados.' _Perez_, _Nav._, MS. p. 15. [149] 'Concave on both sides.' _Vancouver's Voy._, vol. ii., p. 280. 'So lange sie unverheirathet ist, trägt sie diesen; erhält sie aber einen Mann, so presst man einen grösseren Schmuck von Holz oder Knochen in die Oeffnung, welcher nach innen, d. h. zur Zahnseite etwas trogförmig ausgehöhlt ist.' _Holmberg_, _Ethn. Skiz._, p. 21. 'Une espèce d'écuelle de bois sans anses qui appuie contre les gencives.' _La Pérouse_, _Voy._, tom. ii., p. 224. Pieces of shell resembling teeth. _Meares' Voy._, p. xxxi. [150] 'As large as a large saucer.' _Portlock's Voy._, p. 289. 'From one corner of the mouth to the other.' _Vancouver's Voy._, vol. ii., p. 280. 'Frequently increased to three, or even four inches in length, and nearly as wide.' _Dixon's Voy._, p. 187. 'A communément un demi-pouce d'épaisseur, deux de diamètre, et trois pouces de long.' _La Pérouse_, _Voy._, tom. iv., p. 54. 'At least seven inches in circumference.' _Meares' Voy._, p. xxxviii. 'Mit den Jahren wird der Schmuck vergrössert, so dass er bei einem alten Weibe über 2 Zoll breit angetroffen wird.' _Holmberg_, _Ethn. Skiz._, p. 21. From two to five inches long, and from one and a half to three inches broad. Ladies of distinction increase the size. 'I have even seen ladies of very high rank with this ornament, full five inches long and three broad.' Mr Dwolf affirms that he saw 'an old woman, the wife of a chief, whose lip ornament was so large, that by a peculiar motion of her under-lip she could almost conceal her whole face with it.' 'Horrible in its appearance to us Europeans.' _Langsdorff's Voy._, pt. ii., p. 115. 'Es una abertura como de media pulgada debaxo del labio inferior, que representa segunda boca, donde colocan una especie de roldana elíptica de pino, cuyo diámetro mayor es de dos pulgadas, quatro lineas, y el menor de una pulgada.' _Sutil y Mexicana_, _Viage_, p. 126. [151] 'Une énorme tasse de bois, destinée à recevoir la salive qui s'en échappe constamment.' _Laplace_, _Circumnav._, tom. vi., p. 87. 'L'effet de cet ornement est de rabattre, par le poids de sa partie saillante la lèvre inférieure sur le menton, de développer les charmes d'une grande bouche béante, qui prend la forme de celle d'un four, et de mettre à découvert une rangée de dents jaunes et sales.' _Marchand_, _Voy._, tom. ii., p. 49. 'She is obliged to be constantly on the watch, lest it should fall out, which would cover her with confusion.' _Lisiansky's Voy._, p. 244. 'The weight of this trencher or ornament weighs the lip down so as to cover the whole of the chin, leaving all the lower teeth and gum quite naked.' _Portlock's Voy._, p. 289. 'L'usage le plus révoltant qui existe peut-être sur la terre.' _La Pérouse_, _Voy._, tom. ii., p. 226. 'Always in proportion to a person's wealth.' 'Distorts every feature in the lower part of the face.' _Dixon's Voy._, p. 68, 172. 'In running the lip flaps up and down so as to knock sometimes against the chin and sometimes against the nose. Upon the continent the kaluga is worn still larger; and the female who can cover her whole face with her under-lip passes for the most perfect beauty,' 'The lips of the women held out like a trough, and always filled with saliva stained with tobacco-juice, of which they are immoderately fond, is the most abominably revolting part of the spectacle.' _Kotzebue's New Voy._, vol. ii., p. 52. 'Dadurch entsteht eine im selbigen Maasse ausgedehnte Lippe, die höchst widerlich aussieht, um so mehr, da sich nun mehr der Mund nicht schliessen kann, sondern unaufhörlich einen braunen Tabaksspeichel von sich gibt.' _Holmberg_, _Ethn. Skiz._, p. 21. 'So distorts the face as to take from it almost the resemblance to the human; yet the privilege of wearing this ornament is not extended to the female slaves, who are prisoners taken in war.' _Cleveland's Voy._, p. 91. 'Look as if they had large flat wooden spoons growing in the flesh.' _Langsdorff's Voy._, pt. ii., p. 115. 'The sight is hideous. Our men used jocosely to say, this lower lip would make a good slab to lay their trousers on to be scrubbed.' _Dunn's Oregon_, p. 277. 'On ne connaît point d'explication plausible de cette mutilation, qui, chez les Indiens, passe pour un signe de noblesse.' _Mofras_, _Explor._, tom. ii., p. 336. [152] 'Die Männertracht unterscheidet sich in Nichts von der Weiber; sie besteht nämlich aus einem bis zu den Knieen gehenden Hemde.' _Holmberg_, _Ethn. Skiz._, p. 18. Some of their blankets 'are so curiously worked on one side with the fur of the sea-otter, that they appear as if lined with it.' 'Some dress themselves in short pantaloons.' _Lisiansky's Voy._, p. 238. 'Las mugeres visten honestamente una especie de túnica interior de piel sobada.' _Sutil y Mexicana_, _Viage_, p. cxvii. 'Se vestian las mugeres tunicas de pieles ajustadas al cuerpo con brazaletes de cobre o hierro.' _Perez_, _Nav._, MS. p. 15. 'Usual clothing consists of a little apron.' _Kotzebue's New Voy._, vol. ii., p. 49. 'Their feet are always bare.' _Langsdorff's Voy._, pt. ii., p. 114. [153] 'Usan sombreros de la corteza interior del pino en forma de cono truncado.' _Sutil y Mexicana_, _Viage_, p. cxvii. Their wooden masks 'are so thick, that a musket-ball, fired at a moderate distance, can hardly penetrate them.' _Lisiansky's Voy._, p. 150. [154] Pluck out their beard. _Langsdorff's Voy._, pt. ii., p. 112. 'Ils ont de la barbe, moins à la vérité que les Européens, mais assez cependant pour qu'il soit impossible d'en douter.' _La Pérouse_, _Voy._, tom. ii., p. 229. 'The women in general are hair-dressers for their husbands.' _Portlock's Voy._, p. 290. [155] 'Der Eingang, ziemlich hoch von der Erde, besteht aus einem kleinen runden Loche.' _Holmberg_, _Ethn. Skiz._, p. 25. 'Ils se construisent des maisons de bois ou de terre pour l'hiver.' _Laplace_, _Circumnav._, vol. vi., p. 87. 'The barabaras of the Sitcan people are of a square form, and spacious. The sides are of planks; and the roof resembles that of a Russian house.' _Lisiansky's Voy._, p. 239. 'Habitan estos Indios en chozas ó rancherías de tablas muy desabrigadas.' _Sutil y Mexicana_, _Viage_, p. cxvi. At Sitka the roof 'rests upon ten or twelve thick posts driven into the ground, and the sides of the house are composed of broad thick planks fastened to the same posts.' _Langsdorff's Voy._, pt. ii., p. 129. 'Dans l'intérieur des terres, des habitations bien construites, spacieuses et commodes.' _Marchand_, _Voy._, tom. ii., p. 74. 'Shanties on a large scale.' _Whymper's Alaska_, p. 100. 'Their huts are made of a few boards, which they take away with them when they go to their winter quarters. It is very surprising to see how well they will shape their boards with the shocking tools they employ; some of them being full 10 feet long, 2½ feet broad, and not more than an inch thick.' _Portlock's Voy._, p. 292. 'High, large, and roomy, built of wood, with the hearth in the middle, and the sides divided into as many compartments as there are families living under the roof.' _Richardson's Jour._, vol. i., p. 410. 'Lebt in Schoppen aus Balken gebaut, wo an den Seiten für jede Familie besondere Plätze abgetheilt sind, in der Mitte aber Feuer für alle zusammen angemacht wird. So pflegen gemeiniglich 2 bis 6 Familien eine einzige Scheune einzunehmen.' _Baer's Ethn. u. Stat._, p. 97. [156] 'Vingt-cinq pieds de long sur quinze à vingt pieds de large.' _La Pérouse_, _Voy._, tom. ii., p. 220. 'Roof in the whole with the bark of trees.' _Kotzebue's New Voy._, vol. ii., p. 53. 'Las casas en que estos habitan en las playas son de poca consideracion y ninguna subsistencia.' _Bodega y Quadra_, _Nav._, MS. p. 49. 'A few poles stuck in the ground, without order or regularity.' _Dixon's Voy._, p. 172. 'Gebäude besteht aus langen, sorgfältig behauenen Brettern, die kartenhausartig über einander gestellt, an zahlreichen in die Erde gesteckten Stangen befestigt, recht eigentlich ein hölzernes Zelt bilden. Es hat die Form einer länglichen Barake mit zwei Giebeln.' _Kittlitz_, _Reise_, vol. i., pp. 220, 221. [157] All kinds of fish; 'such as salmon, mussels, and various other shell-fish, sea-otters, seals and porpoises; the blubber of the porpoise, they are remarkably fond of, and indeed the flesh of any animal that comes in their way.' _Portlock's Voy._, p. 290. 'Vom Meere, an dessen Ufern sie sich stets ansiedeln, erhalten sie ihre hauptsächlichste Nahrung; einige Wurzeln, Gräser u. Beeren gehören nur zu den Leckerbissen des Sommers.' _Holmberg_, _Ethn. Skiz._, p. 22. Cakes made of bark of spruce-fir, mixed with roots, berries, and train-oil. For salt they use sea-water. Never eat whale-fat. _Langsdorff's Voy._, pt. ii., p. 131. At Sitka, summer food consists of berries, fresh fish, and flesh of amphibious animals. Winter food, of dried salmon, train-oil, and the spawn of fish, especially herrings. _Lisiansky's Voy._, p. 239. 'Sus alimentos se reducen á pescado cocido ó asado ya fresco ó ya seco, varias hierbas y raizes.' _Bodega y Quadra_, _Nav._, MS. p. 50. They chew 'a plant which appears to be a species of tobacco.' _Dixon's Voy._, p. 175. 'Sont couverts de vermine; ils font une chasse assidue à ces animaux dévorans, mais pour les dévorer eux-mêmes.' _Marchand_, _Voy._, tom. ii., p. 52. 'Tägliche Nahrung der Einwohner--sind hauptsächtlich Fische, doch häufig auch Mollusken und Echinodermen.' _Kittlitz_, _Reise_, vol. i., p. 222. [158] 'Le poisson frais ou fumé, les oeufs séchés de poisson.' _Marchand_, _Voy._, tom. ii., p. 62. 'Is sometimes cooked upon red-hot stones, but more commonly eaten raw.' _Kotzebue's New Voy._, vol. ii., p. 53. 'Not so expert in hunting as the Aleutians. Their principal mode is that of shooting the sea animals as they lie asleep.' _Lisiansky's Voy._, p. 242. They boil their victuals in wooden vessels, by constantly putting red-hot stones into the water. _Portlock's Voy._, p. 291. 'Das Kochen geschieht jetzt in eisernen Kesseln, vor der Bekanntschaft mit den Russen aber wurden dazu aus Wurzeln geflochtene Körbe angewandt.' _Holmberg_, _Ethn. Skiz._, p. 23. [159] To their fishing lines, bladders are fastened, 'which float upon the surface of the water, so that one person can attend to fourteen or fifteen lines.' _Langsdorff's Voy._, pt. ii., p. 134. 'Ils pêchent, comme nous, en barrant les rivières, ou à la ligne.' _La Pérouse_, _Voy._, tom. ii., p. 232. 'For taking the spawn, they use the branches of the pine-tree, to which it easily adheres, and on which it is afterwards dried. It is then put into baskets, or holes purposely dug in the ground, till wanted.' _Lisiansky's Voy._, p. 239. 'Su comun alimento es el salmon, y es ingenioso el método que tienen de pescarle.' _Sutil y Mexicana_, _Viage_, p. cxvii. 'Their lines are very strong, being made of the sinews or intestines of animals.' _Dixon's Voy._, p. 174. 'Die Riesenbutte, die in Sitcha bisweilen ein Gewicht von 10 bis 12 Pud erreicht, wird aus der Tiefe mit grossen hölzernen Angeln, die mit Widerhaken aus Eisen oder Knochen versehen sind, herausgezogen. Die Angelschnur besteht aus an einander geknüpften Fucusstängeln.' _Holmberg_, _Ethn. Skiz._, p. 32. [160] 'Bows and arrows were formerly their only weapons; now, besides their muskets, they have daggers, and knives half a yard long.' _Kotzebue's New Voy._, vol. ii., p. 55. Their weapons were bows, arrows, and spears. _Dixon's Voy._, p. 67. 'Leur lances dont l'ancienne forme n'est pas connue, est à présent composée de deux pièces: de la hampe, longue de quinze ou dix-huit pieds, et du fer qui ne le cède en rien à celui de la hallebarde de parade dont étoit armé un Suisse de paroisse.' _Marchand_, _Voy._, tom. ii., p. 68. Knives, some two feet long, shaped almost like a dagger, with a ridge in the middle. Worn in skin sheaths hung by a thong to the neck under their robe, probably used only as weapons. _Cook's Third Voy._, vol. ii., p. 373. 'Las armas ofensivas que generalmente usan son las flechas, lanzas de seis y ocho varas de largo con lenguetas de fierro.' _Bodega y Quadra_, _Nav._, MS. p. 46. 'The daggers used in battle are made to stab with either end, having three, four or five inches above the hand tapered to a sharp point; but the upper part of those used in the Sound and River is excurvated.' _Portlock's Voy._, p. 261. 'Principally bows and arrows.' _Langsdorff's Voy._, pt. ii., p. 131. 'Sus armas se reducen al arco, la flecha y el puñal que traen siempre consigo.' _Sutil y Mexicana_, _Viage_, p. cxvii. 'Comme nous examinions très attentivement tous ces poignards, ils nous firent signe qu'ils n'en faisaient usage que contre les ours et les autres bêtes des forêts.' _La Pérouse_, _Voy._, tom. ii., p. 172. 'Der Dolch ist sehr breit und hat zwei geschliffene Blätter auf jeder Seite des Griffes, das obere jedoch nur ein Viertel von der Länge des unteren.' 'Beide Blätter oder Klingen sind mit ledernen Scheiden versehen.' _Holmberg_, _Ethn. Skiz._, p. 28. [161] 'A kind of jacket, or coat of mail, made of thin laths, bound together with sinews, which makes it quite flexible, though so close as not to admit an arrow or dart.' _Cook's Third Voy._, vol. ii., p. 372. 'Für den Krieg besitzen die Kaloschen auch von Holz gearbeitete Schutzwaffen: Brustharnische, Sturmhauben und seltsam geschnitzte Visire, mit grellen Farben bemalte Fratzengesichter darstellen.' _Kittlitz_, _Reise_, vol. i., p. 216. [162] 'They never attack their enemies openly.' _Kotzebue's New Voy._, vol. ii., p. 55. 'Les guerriers tués ou faits prisonniers à la guerre, passent également sous la dent de leurs vainqueurs qui, en dévorant une proie aussi distinguée, croient y puiser de nouvelles forces, une nouvelle énergie.' _Laplace_, _Circumnav._, tom. vi., p. 155. [163] 'Bien hechas de una pieza con su falca sobre las bordas.' _Perez_, _Nav._, MS. p. 17. 'On n'est pas moins étonné de leur stabilité: malgré la légèreté et le peu de largeur de la coque, elles n'ont pas besoin d'être soutenues par des balanciers, et jamais on ne les accouple.' _Marchand_, _Voy._, tom. ii., p. 72. 'Las regulares canoas de que se sirven son de pino, y no tienen mas capacidad que la que basta para contener una familia, sin embargo que las hay sumamente grandes.' _Bodega y Quadra_, _Nav._, MS. p. 48. 'Rudely excavated and reduced to no particular shape, but each end has the resemblance of a butcher's tray.' _Dixon's Voy._, p. 173. 'Their canoes are much inferior to those of the lower coast, while their skin "baidarkes" (kyacks) are not equal to those of Norton Sound and the northern coast.' _Whymper's Alaska_, p. 101. At Cook's Inlet, 'their canoes are sheathed with the bark of trees.' _Lisiansky's Voy._, p. 188. These canoes 'were made from a solid tree, and many of them appeared to be from 50 to 70 feet in length, but very narrow, being no broader than the tree itself.' _Meares' Voy._, p. xxxviii. 'Their boat was the body of a large pine tree, neatly excavated, and tapered away towards the ends, until they came to a point, and the fore-part somewhat higher than the after-part; indeed, the whole was finished in a neat and very exact manner.' _Portlock's Voy._, p. 259. [164] 'Ont fait beaucoup plus de progrès dans les arts que dans la morale.' _La Pérouse_, _Voy._, tom. ii., p. 233. Thlinkeet women make baskets of bark of trees, and grass, that will hold water. _Langsdorff's Voy._, pt. ii., p. 132. They have tolerable ideas of carving, most utensils having sculptures, representing some animal. _Portlock's Voy._, p. 294. 'Ces peintures, ces sculptures, telles qu'elles sont, on en voit sur tous leurs meubles.' _Marchand_, _Voy._, tom. ii., p. 71. 'De la vivacidad de su genio y del afecto al cambio se debe inferir son bastantemente laboriosos.' _Bodega y Quadra_, _Nav._, MS. p. 48. 'Tienen lana blanca cuya especie ignoraron.' _Perez_, _Nav._, MS. p. 16. 'Masks very ingeniously cut in wood, and painted with different colors.' A rattle, 'very well finished, both as to sculpture and painting.' 'One might suppose these productions the work of a people greatly advanced in civilization.' _Lisiansky's Voy._, pp. 150, 241. 'Found some square patches of ground in a state of cultivation, producing a plant that appeared to be a species of tobacco.' _Vancouver's Voy._, vol. iii., p. 256. [165] 'The skins of the sea-otters form their principal wealth, and are a substitute for money.' _Kotzebue's New Voy._, vol. ii., p. 54. 'In one place they discovered a considerable hoard of woolen cloth, and as much dried fish as would have loaded 150 bidarkas.' _Lisiansky's Voy._, p. 160. [166] 'Le Gouvernement des Tchinkitânéens paroîtroit donc se rapprocher du Gouvernement patriarchal.' _Marchand_, _Voy._, tom. ii., p. 83. 'De su gobierno pensamos cuando mas, oiendo el modo de someterse á algunos viejos, seria oligárhico.' _Bodega y Quadra_, _Nav._, MS. p. 50. 'Though the toyons have power over their subjects, it is a very limited power, unless when an individual of extraordinary abilities starts up, who is sure to rule despotically.' _Lisiansky's Voy._, p. 243. 'Chaque famille semble vivre d'une manière isolée et avoir un régime particulier.' _La Pérouse_, _Voy._, tom. iv., p. 61. 'Ces Conseils composés des vieillards.' _Laplace_, _Circumnav._, tom. vi., p. 155. [167] Tribes are distinguished by the color and character of their paint. _Kotzebue's New Voy._, vol. ii., p. 51. They 'are divided into tribes; the principal of which assume to themselves titles of distinction, from the names of the animals they prefer; as the tribe of the bear, of the eagle, etc. The tribe of the wolf are called _Coquontans_, and have many privileges over the other tribes.' _Lisiansky's Voy._, pp. 238, 242. [168] 'The women possess a predominant influence, and acknowledged superiority over the other sex.' _Meares' Voy._, p. 323. 'Parmi eux les femmes jouissent d'une certaine considération.' _Laplace_, _Circumnav._, tom. vi., p. 87. They treat their wives and children with much affection and tenderness, and the women keep the treasures. _Portlock's Voy._, p. 290. The Kalush 'finds his filthy countrywomen, with their lip-troughs, so charming, that they often awaken in him the most vehement passion.' _Kotzebue's New Voy._, vol. ii., p. 56. 'It is certain that industry, reserve, modesty, and conjugal fidelity, are the general characteristics of the female sex among these people.' _Langsdorff's Voy._, pt. ii., p. 133. 'Quoiqu'elles vivent sous la domination d'hommes très-féroces, je n'ai pas vu qu'elles en fussent traitées d'une manière aussi barbare que le prétendent la plupart des voyageurs.' _La Pérouse_, _Voy._, tom. iv., p. 61. [169] 'Weddings are celebrated merely by a feast, given to the relatives of the bride.' _Kotzebue's New Voy._, vol. ii., p. 57. [170] 'Ils ne s'écartent jamais de deux pas pour aucun besoin; ils ne cherchent dans ces occasions ni l'ombre ni le mystère; ils continuent la conversation qu'ils ont commencée, comme s'ils n'avaient pas un instant à perdre; et lorsque c'est pendant le repas, ils reprennent leur place, dont ils n'ont jamais été éloignés d'une toise.' _La Pérouse_, _Voy._, tom. ii., p. 221. [171] 'Ont un goût décidé pour le chant.' _Marchand_, _Voy._, tom. ii., p. 75. 'The women sit upon the ground at a distance of some paces from the dancers, and sing a not inharmonious melody, which supplies the place of music.' _Langsdorff's Voy._, pt. ii., p. 114. 'They dance and sing continually.' _Lisiansky's Voy._, p. 240. Besides the tambourine, Captain Belcher saw a castanet and 'a new musical instrument, composed of three hoops, with a cross in the centre, the circumference being closely strung with the beaks of the Alca arctica.' _Voy._, vol. i., p. 103. [172] They lose at this game all their possessions, and even their wives and children, who then become the property of the winner.' _Kotzebue's New Voy._, vol. ii., p. 62. 'Ce jeu les rend tristes et sérieux.' _La Pérouse_, _Voy._, tom. ii., p. 235. [173] Upon one tomb, 'formaba una figura grande y horrorosa que tenia entre sus garras una caxa.' _Sutil y Mexicana_, _Viage_, p. cxviii. 'The box is frequently decorated with two or three rows of small shells.' _Dixon's Voy._, p. 176. 'The dead are burned, and their ashes preserved in small wooden boxes, in buildings appropriated to that purpose.' _Kotzebue's New Voy._, vol. ii., p. 57. 'Nos voyageurs rencontrèrent aussi un morai qui leur prouva que ces Indiens étaient dans l'usage de brûler les morts et d'en conserver la tête.' _La Pérouse_, _Voy._, tom. ii., p. 205. 'On the death of a toyon, or other distinguished person, one of his slaves is deprived of life, and burned with him.' _Lisiansky's Voy._, p. 241. [174] Called by Gallatin, in _Am. Antiq. Soc. Transact._, vol. ii., p. 17, _Athapasca_, the name 'first given to the central part of the country they inhabit.' Sir John Richardson, _Jour._, vol. ii., p. 1, calls them 'Tinnè, or 'Dtinnè, Athabascans or Chepewyans.' 'They style themselves generally Dinneh men, or Indians.' _Franklin's Nar._, vol. i., p. 241. [175] _Richardson's Jour._, vol. ii., pp. 1-33. [176] 'Les Indiens de la côte ou de la Nouvelle Calédonie, les Tokalis, les Chargeurs (Carriers) les Schouchouaps, les Atnas, appartiennent tous à la nation des Chipeouaïans dont la langue est en usage dans le nord du Continent jusqu'à la baie d'Hudson et à la Mer Polaire.' _Mofras_, _Explor._, tom. ii., p. 337. [177] Are 'known under the names of _Loucheux_, _Digothi_, and _Kutshin_.' _Latham's Nat. Races_, p. 292. 'They are called Deguthee Dinees, or the _Quarrellers_.' _Mackenzie's Voy._, p. 51. 'On Peel's River they name themselves _Kutchin_, the final _n_ being nasal and faintly pronounced.' _Richardson's Jour._, vol. i., p. 378. They are also called _Tykothee-dinneh_, Loucheux or Quarrellers. _Franklin's Nar._, vol. ii., p. 83. 'The Loucheux proper is spoken by the Indians of Peel's River. All the tribes inhabiting the valley of the Youkon understand one another.' _Hardisty_, in _Smithsonian Rept._, 1866, p. 311. [178] Gallatin, in _Am. Antiq. Soc. Transact._, vol. ii., p. 17, erroneously ruled the Loucheux out of his Athabasca nation. 'Im äussersten Nordosten hat uns Gallatin aufmerksam gemacht auf das Volk der Loucheux, Zänker-Indianer oder Digothi: an der Mündung des Mackenzie-Flusses, nach Einigen zu dessen beiden Seiten (westliche und östliche): dessen Sprache er nach den Reisenden für fremd den athapaskischen hielt: worüber sich die neuen Nachrichten noch widersprechen.' _Buschmann_, _Spuren der Aztek. Sprache_, p. 713. Franklin, _Nar._, vol. ii., p. 83, allies the Loucheux to the Eskimos. [179] Tnai, 'man;' Tnaina Ttynai, Thnaina, Kinai, Kenai, Kenaize. [180] See notes on Boundaries at the end of this chapter. [181] Besides the 'Umkwa,' being outlying members of the Athabaskan stock,' there are the 'Navahoe, the Jecorilla, the Panalero, along with the Apatsh of New Mexico, California, and Sonora. To these add the Hoopah of California, which is also Athabaskan.' _Latham's Comp. Phil._, p. 393. [182] William W. Turner was the first to assert positively that the Apaches spoke a language which belongs to the Athabascan family. _Buschmann_, _Spuren der Aztek. Sprache_, p. 316. [183] Face 'oval.' _Franklin's Nar._, vol. ii., p. 180. 'Broad faces, projecting cheek-bones, and wide nostrils.' _Id._, vol. i., p. 242. Foreheads low, chin long. _Martin's Brit. Col._, vol. iii., p. 524. An exact compound between the Usquemows and Western Indians. _Barrow's Geog. Hudson Bay_, p. 33. [184] Generally more than medium size. _Hearne's Trav._, p. 305. 'Well proportioned, and about the middle size.' _Martin's Brit. Col._, vol. iii., p. 524. 'Long-bodied, with short, stout limbs.' _Ross_, in _Smithsonian Rept._, 1866, p. 304. [185] 'Dingy copper.' _Martin's Brit. Col._, vol. iii., p. 526. 'Swarthy.' _Mackenzie's Voy._, p. cxix. Dingy brown, copper cast. _Hearne's Trav._, p. 305. 'Very fresh and red.' _Franklin's Nar._, vol. ii., p. 180. 'Dirty yellowish ochre tinge.' _Ross_, in _Smithsonian Rept._, 1866, p. 304. [186] 'Small, fine eyes and teeth.' _Franklin's Nar._, vol. i., 242. [187] 'Hair lank, but not always of a dingy black. Men in general extract their beard, though some of them are seen to prefer a bushy, black beard, to a smooth chin.' _Mackenzie's Voy._, p. cxix. Beard in the aged 'between two and three inches long, and perfectly white.' _Franklin's Nar._, vol. ii., p. 180. 'Black, strait, and coarse.' _Martin's Brit. Col._, vol. iii., p. 524. 'Neither sex have any hair under their armpits, and very little on any other part of the body, particularly the women; but on the place where Nature plants the hair, I never knew them attempt to eradicate it.' _Hearne's Trav._, p. 306. [188] Tattooing appears to be universal among the Kutchins. _Kirby_, in _Smithsonian Rept._, 1864, p. 419. The Chepewyans tattooed 'by entering an awl or needle under the skin, and, on drawing it out again, immediately rubbing powdered charcoal into the wound.' _Hearne's Trav._, p. 306. 'Both sexes have blue or black bars, or from one to four straight lines on their cheeks or forehead, to distinguish the tribe to which they belong.' _Mackenzie's Voy._, p. cxx. [189] Women 'destitute of real beauty.' _Hearne's Trav._, p. 89. 'Very inferior aspect.' _Richardson's Jour._, vol. ii., p. 8. Women nasty. _Mackenzie's Voy._, p. 126. 'Positively hideous.' _Ross_, in _Smithsonian Rept._, 1866, p. 304. [190] A Deer-Horn Mountaineer's dress 'consisted of a shirt, or jacket with a hood, wide breeches, reaching only to the knee, and tight leggins sewed to the shoes, all of deer's skins.' _Franklin's Nar._, vol. ii., p. 180. The cap consists of the skin of a deer's head. _Mackenzie's Voy._, p. cxxii. [191] As witness this speech of a noble chief: 'Women were made for labor; one of them can carry, or haul, as much as two men can do. They also pitch our tents, make and mend our clothing, keep us warm at night; and, in fact, there is no such thing as traveling any considerable distance, in this country without their assistance.' _Hearne's Trav._, p. 55. [192] An Indian desiring another one's wife, fights with her husband, principally by pulling hair. If victorious, he pays a number of skins to the husband. _Hooper's Tuski_, p. 303. [193] 'Continence in an unmarried female is scarcely considered a virtue.' 'Their dispositions are not amatory.' 'I have heard among them of two sons keeping their mother as a common wife, of another wedded to his daughter, and of several married to their sisters. _Ross_, in _Smithsonian Rept._, 1866, p. 310. Women carry their children on the back next the skin, and suckle them until another is born. They do not suspend their ordinary occupations for child-birth. _Mackenzie's Voy._, p. cxxii. 'A temporary interchange of wives is not uncommon; and the offer of their persons is considered as a necessary part of the hospitality due to strangers.' _Id._, p. xcvi. Women are 'rather the slaves than the companions of the men.' _Bell's Geog._, vol. v., p. 293. [194] They are harsh towards their wives, except when enceinte. They are accused of abandoning the aged and sick, but only one case came to his knowledge. _Franklin's Nar._, vol. i., pp. 250, 251. [195] Beeatee, prepared from deer only, 'is a kind of haggis, made with the blood, a good quantity of fat shred small, some of the tenderest of the flesh, together with the heart and lungs cut, or more commonly cut into small shivers; all of which is put into the stomach, and roasted.' _Hearne's Trav._, p. 144. 'Not remarkable for their activity as hunters, owing to the ease with which they snare deer and spear fish.' _Mackenzie's Voy._, p. cxxiii. The Deer-Horn Mountaineers 'repair to the sea in spring and kill seals; as the season advances, they hunt deer and musk oxen at some distance from the coast. They approach the deer either by crawling, or by leading these animals by ranges of turf towards the spot where the archer can conceal himself.' Do not use nets, but the hook and line. _Franklin's Nar._, vol. ii., p. 181. 'Nets made of lines of twisted willow-bark, or thin strips of deer-hide.' _Richardson's Jour._, vol. ii., p. 25. Curdled blood, a favorite dish. _Simpson's Nar._, p. 324. [196] The weapons of the Chepewyans are bows and arrows; stone and bone axes and knives. _Harmon's Jour._, p. 183. The bows of the Deer-Horns 'are formed of three pieces of fir, the centre piece alone bent, the other two lying in the same straight line with the bowstring; the pieces are neatly tied together with sinew. _Franklin's Nar._, vol. ii., p. 180. In preparing for an attack, each Coppermine Indian paints his shield with figures of Sun, Moon, or some animal or imaginary beings, each portraying whatever character he most relies upon. _Hearne's Trav._, p. 148. In some parts hunting grounds descend by inheritance, and the right of property is rigidly enforced. _Simpson's Nar._, p. 75. [197] 'Their cooking utensils are made of pot-stone, and they form very neat dishes of fir.' _Franklin's Nar._, vol. ii., p. 181. Make fishing-lines and nets of green deer-thongs. _Mackenzie's Voy._, p. cxxvi. [198] 'They are great mimics.' _Richardson's Jour._, vol. ii., p. 13. Men dance naked; women dressed. A crowd stand in a straight line, and shuffle from right to left without moving the feet from the ground. _Hearne's Trav._, p. 335. 'The men occasionally howl in imitation of some animal.' _Mackenzie's Voy._, p. 35. [199] 'They manifest no common respect to the memory of their departed friends, by a long period of mourning, cutting off their hair, and never making use of the property of the deceased.' _Mackenzie's Voy._, p. cxxviii. The death of leading men is attributed to conjuring. They never bury the dead, but leave them, where they die, for wild beasts to devour. _Hearne's Trav._, p. 341. The Chepewyans bury their dead. When mourning for relatives they gash their bodies with knives. _Richardson's Jour._, vol. ii., pp. 21, 22. [200] 'The Northern Indians seldom attain a great age, though they have few diseases.' _Martin's Brit. Col._, vol. iii., p. 525. For inward complaints, the doctors blow zealously into the rectum, or adjacent parts. _Hearne's Trav._, p. 189. The conjurer shuts himself up for days with the patient, without food, and sings over him. _Franklin's Nar._, vol. ii., p. 41. Medicine-men or conjurers are at the same time doctors. _Hooper's Tuski_, pp. 317, 318. 'The Kutchins practice blood-letting _ad libitum_.' _Jones_, _Smithsonian Rept._, 1866, p. 325. 'Their principal maladies are rheumatic pains, the flux, and consumption.' _Mackenzie's Voy._, p. cxxiv. [201] According to the report of the Dog-ribs, the Mountain Indians are cannibals, casting lots for victims in time of scarcity. _Simpson's Nar._, p. 188. 'Instances of suicide, by hanging, frequently occur among the women.' _Harmon's Jour._, p. 198. During times of starvation, which occur quite frequently, the Slavé Indians eat their families. _Hooper's Tuski_, p. 303. 'These people take their names, in the first instance, from their dogs. A young man is the father of a certain dog, but when he is married, and has a son, he styles himself the father of the boy. The women have a habit of reproving the dogs very tenderly when they observe them fighting. "Are you not ashamed," say they, "to quarrel with your little brother?"' _Franklin's Nar._, vol. ii., pp. 85, 86. 'Whether circumcision be practiced among them, I cannot pretend to say, but the appearance of it was general among those whom I saw.' _Mackenzie's Voy._, p. 36. Dog-rib Indians, sometimes also called Slavés, 'a name properly meaning 'strangers.' _Gallatin_, in _Am. Arch. Soc. Trans._, vol. ii., p. 19. [202] 'Order is maintained in the tribe solely by public opinion.' _Richardson's Jour._, vol. ii., p. 26. The chiefs are now totally without power. _Franklin's Nar._, vol. i., p. 247. 'They are influenced, more or less, by certain principles which conduce to their general benefit.' _Mackenzie's Voy._, p. cxxv. [203] 'Many consider a broth, made by means of the dung of the cariboo and the hare, to be a dainty dish.' _Harmon's Jour._, p. 324. They 'are lazy, dirty, and sensual,' and extremely uncivilized. 'Their habits and persons are equally disgusting.' _Domenech's Deserts_, vol. ii., p. 62. 'They are a tall, well formed, good-looking race.' _Nicolay's Ogn. Ter._, p. 154. 'An utter contempt of cleanliness prevailed on all hands, and it was revolting to witness their voracious endeavors to surpass each other in the gluttonous contest.' _Ind. Life_, p. 156. [204] The women 'run a wooden pin through their noses.' _Harmon's Jour._, p. 287. At their burial ceremonies they smear the face 'with a composition of fish-oil and charcoal.' When conjuring, the chief and his companions 'wore a kind of coronet formed of the inverted claws of the grizzly bear.' _Ind. Life_, pp. 127, 158. [205] The Tacullies have 'wooden dishes, and other vessels of the rind of the birch and pine trees.' 'Have also other vessels made of small roots or fibres of the cedar or pine tree, closely laced together, which serve them as buckets to put water in.' _Harmon's Jour._, p. 292. [206] 'In the summer season both sexes bathe often; and this is the only time, when the married people wash themselves.' The Tacullies are very fond and very jealous of their wives, 'but to their daughters, they allow every liberty, for the purpose, as they say, of keeping the young men from intercourse with the married women.' _Harmon's Jour._, pp. 289, 292, 293. A father, whose daughter had dishonored him, killed her and himself. _Ind. Life_, 184. [207] 'The people of every village have a certain extent of country, which they consider their own, and in which they may hunt and fish; but they may not transcend these bounds, without purchasing the privilege of those who claim the land. Mountains and rivers serve them as boundaries.' _Harmon's Jour._, p. 298. [208] Mackenzie, _Voy._, p. 238, found on Fraser River, about latitude 55°, a deserted house, 30 by 20, with three doors, 3 by 3½ feet; three fire-places, and beds on either side; behind the beds was a narrow space, like a manger, somewhat elevated, for keeping fish. 'Their houses are well formed of logs of small trees, buttressed up internally, frequently above seventy feet long and fifteen high, but, unlike those of the coast, the roof is of bark; their winter habitations are smaller, and often covered over with grass and earth; some even dwell in excavations of the ground, which have only an aperture at the top, and serves alike for door and chimney.' _Nicolay's Ogn. Ter._, p. 154. [209] 'Quelques peuplades du nord, telles que les Sikanis, enterrent leurs morts.' _Mofras_, _Explor._, tom. ii., p. 339. 'The Sicaunies bury, while the Tacullies, burn their dead.' _Harmon's Jour._, p. 196. They 'and the Chimmesyans on the coast, and other tribes speaking their language, burn the dead.' _Lord's Nat._, vol. ii., p. 236. See also _Dunn's Oregon_, pp. 79, 80; _Ind. Life_, pp. 128, 136; _Domenech's Deserts_, vol. ii., pp. 362, 363. [210] They fire guns as a warning to their friends not to invade their sorrow. _Mackenzie's Voy._, p. 139. [211] 'In the winter season, the Carriers often keep their dead in their huts during five or six months, before they will allow them to be burned.' _Harmon's Jour._, p. 249. [212] 'She must frequently put her hands through the flames and lay them upon his bosom, to show her continued devotion.' _Parker's Explor. Tour_, p. 239. They have a custom of mourning over the grave of the dead; their expressions of grief are generally exceedingly vociferous. _Ind. Life_, pp. 185, 186. [213] 'On the end of a pole stuck in front of the lodge.' _Lord's Nat._, vol. ii., p. 237. [214] Women cut off a joint of one of their fingers. Men only cut off their hair close to their heads, but also frequently cut and scratch their faces and arms. _Harmon's Jour._, p. 182. With some sharp instrument they 'force back the flesh beyond the first joint, which they immediately amputate.' _Mackenzie's Voy._, p. 148. [215] 'The men are completely destitute of beard, and both men and women, are intensely ugly.' _Jones_, in _Smithsonian Rept._, 1866, p. 320. 'They reminded me of the ideal North American Indian I had read of but never seen.' _Whymper's Alaska_, p. 239. Distinguished from all other tribes for the frankness and candor of their demeanor, and bold countenances. _Simpson's Nar._, p. 100. 'Males are of the average hight of Europeans, and well-formed, with regular features, high foreheads, and lighter complexions than those of the other red Indians. The women resemble the men.' _Richardson's Jour._, vol. i., p. 379. [216] 'Tunic or shirt reaching to the knees, and very much ornamented with beads, and Hyaqua shells from the Columbia.' _Kirby_, in _Smithsonian Rept._, 1864, p. 418. The Tenan Kutchins are 'gay with painted faces, feathers in their long hair, patches of red clay at the back of their head.' _Whymper's Alaska_, p. 239. Jackets like the Eskimos. _Richardson's Jour._, vol. i., p. 221. 'Both sexes wear breeches.' _Simpson's Nar._, p. 103. [217] 'The Kutch-a-Kutchin, are essentially traders.' _Kirby_, in _Smithsonian Rept._, 1864, p. 418. Appear to care more for useful than ornamental articles. _Whymper's Alaska_, p. 213. 'Dentalium and arenicola shells are transmitted from the west coast in traffic, and are greatly valued.' _Richardson's Jour._, vol. i., p. 391. [218] Some wear 'wampum (a kind of long, hollow shell) through the septum of the nose.' _Hooper's Tuski_, p. 270. They pierce the nose and insert shells, which are obtained from the Eskimos at a high price. _Franklin's Nar._, vol. ii., p. 84. [219] The Loucheux live in huts 'formed of green branches. In winter their dwellings are partly under ground. The spoils of the moose and reindeer furnish them with meat, clothing, and tents.' _Simpson's Nar._, pp. 103, 191. The Co-Yukon winter dwellings are made under ground, and roofed over with earth, having a hole for the smoke to escape by, in the same manner as those of the Malemutes and Ingaliks. _Whymper's Alaska_, pp. 175, 205. Their movable huts are constructed of deer-skin, 'dressed with the hair on, and sewed together, forming two large rolls, which are stretched over a frame of bent poles,' with a side door and smoke-hole at the top. _Jones_, in _Smithsonian Rept._, 1866, p. 321. [220] The Loucheux are 'great gormandizers, and will devour solid fat, or even drink grease, to surfeiting.' _Hooper's Tuski_, p. 271. 'The bears are not often eaten in summer, as their flesh is not good at that time.' _Jones_, in _Smithsonian Rept._, 1866, p. 321. Some of their reindeer-pounds are over one hundred years old and are hereditary in the family. _Richardson's Jour._, vol. i., p. 394. 'The mode of fishing through the ice practiced by the Russians is much in vogue with them.' _Whymper's Alaska_, p. 211. [221] The Kutchins 'have no knowledge of scalping.' 'When a man kills his enemy, he cuts all his joints.' _Jones_, in _Smithsonian Rept._, 1866, 327. The Loucheux of Peel River and the Eskimos are constantly at war. _Hooper's Tuski_, p. 273. [222] 'At Peace River the bark is taken off the tree the whole length of the intended canoe, which is commonly about eighteen feet, and is sewed with watupe at both ends.' _Mackenzie's Voy._, p. 207. When the Kutchins discover a leak, 'they go ashore, light a small fire, warm the gum, of which they always carry a supply, turn the canoe bottom upward, and rub the healing balm in a semi-fluid state into the seam until it is again water-tight.' _Whymper's Alaska_, p. 225. The Tacullies 'make canoes which are clumsily wrought, of the aspin tree, as well as of the bark of the spruce fir.' _Harmon's Jour._, p. 291. Rafts are employed on the Mackenzie. _Simpson's Nar._, p. 185. 'In shape the Northern Indian canoe bears some resemblance to a weaver's shuttle; covered over with birch bark.' _Hearne's Jour._, pp. 97, 98. 'Kanots aus Birkenrinde, auf denen sie die Flüsse u. Seen befahren.' _Baer_, _Stat. u. Ethn._, p. 112. The Kutchin canoe 'is flat-bottomed, is about nine feet long and one broad, and the sides nearly straight up and down like a wall.' _Jones_, in _Smithsonian Rept._, 1866, p. 323. [223] As for instance for a life, the fine is forty beaver-skins, and may be paid in guns at twenty skins each; blankets, equal to ten skins each; powder, one skin a measure; bullets, eighteen for a skin; worsted belts, two skins each. _Hooper's Tuski_, p. 272. 'For theft, little or no punishment is inflicted; for adultery, the woman only is punished'--sometimes by beating, sometimes by death. _Jones_, in _Smithsonian Rept._, 1866, p. 325. [224] Kutchin 'female chastity is prized, but is nearly unknown.' _Jones_, in _Smithsonian Rept._, 1866, p. 325. Loucheux mothers had originally a custom of casting away their female children, but now it is only done by the Mountain Indians, _Simpson's Nar._, p. 187. The Kutchin 'women are much fewer in number and live a much shorter time than the men.' _Kirby_, in _Smithsonian Rept._, 1864, p. 418. The old people 'are not ill-used, but simply neglected.' _Whymper's Alaska_, p. 229. The children are carried in small chairs made of birch bark. _Id._, p. 232. 'In a seat of birch bark.' _Richardson's Jour._, vol. i., p. 384. [225] The Loucheux dances 'abound in extravagant gestures, and demand violent exertion.' _Simpson's Nar._, p. 100. See _Hardisty_, in _Smithsonian Rept._, 1866, p. 313. 'Singing is much practiced, but it is, though varied, of a very hum-drum nature.' _Hooper's Tuski_, p. 318. 'At the festivals held on the meeting of friendly tribes, leaping and wrestling are practised.' _Richardson's Jour._, vol. i., p. 395. [226] 'Irrespective of tribe, they are divided into three classes, termed respectively, Chit-sa, Nate-sa, and Tanges-at-sa, faintly representing the aristocracy, the middle classes, and the poorer orders of civilized nations, the former being the most wealthy and the latter the poorest.' _Kirby_, in _Smithsonian Rept._, 1864, p. 418. [227] On Peel River 'they bury their dead on stages.' On the Yukon they burn and suspend the ashes in bags from the top of a painted pole. _Kirby_, in _Smithsonian Rept._, 1864, p. 419. They of the Yukon 'do not inter the dead, but put them in oblong boxes, raised on posts.' _Whymper's Alaska_, pp. 207, 211. [Illustration: NATIVE RACES of the PACIFIC STATES COLUMBIAN GROUP] CHAPTER III. COLUMBIANS. HABITAT OF THE COLUMBIAN GROUP--PHYSICAL GEOGRAPHY--SOURCES OF FOOD-SUPPLY--INFLUENCE OF FOOD AND CLIMATE--FOUR EXTREME CLASSES--HAIDAHS--THEIR HOME--PHYSICAL PECULIARITIES-- CLOTHING--SHELTER--SUSTENANCE--IMPLEMENTS--MANUFACTURES-- ARTS--PROPERTY--LAWS--SLAVERY--WOMEN--CUSTOMS--MEDICINE-- DEATH--THE NOOTKAS--THE SOUND NATIONS--THE CHINOOKS--THE SHUSHWAPS--THE SALISH--THE SAHAPTINS--TRIBAL BOUNDARIES. The term COLUMBIANS, or, as Scouler[228] and others have called them, _Nootka-Columbians_, is, in the absence of a native word, sufficiently characteristic to distinguish the aboriginal nations of north-western America between the forty-third and fifty-fifth parallels, from those of the other great divisions of this work. The Columbia River, which suggests the name of this group, and Nootka Sound on the western shore of Vancouver Island, were originally the chief centres of European settlement on the North-west Coast; and at an early period these names were compounded to designate the natives of the Anglo-American possessions on the Pacific, which lay between the discoveries of the Russians on the north and those of the Spaniards on the south. As a simple name is always preferable to a complex one, and as no more pertinent name suggests itself than that of the great river which, with its tributaries, drains a large portion of this territory, I drop 'Nootka' and retain only the word 'Columbian.'[229] These nations have also been broadly denominated Flatheads, from a custom practiced more or less by many of their tribes, of compressing the cranium during infancy;[230] although the only Indians in the whole area, tribally known as Flatheads, are those of the Salish family, who do not flatten the head at all. [Sidenote: COLUMBIAN FAMILIES.] In describing the Columbian nations it is necessary, as in the other divisions, to subdivide the group; arbitrarily this may have been done in some instances, but as naturally as possible in all. Thus the people of Queen Charlotte Islands, and the adjacent coast for about a hundred miles inland, extending from 55° to 52° of north latitude, are called _Haidahs_ from the predominant tribe of the islands. The occupants of Vancouver Island and the opposite main, with its labyrinth of inlets from 52° to 49°, I term _Nootkas_. The _Sound Indians_ inhabit the region drained by streams flowing into Puget Sound, and the adjacent shores of the strait and ocean; the _Chinooks_ occupy the banks of the Columbia from the Dalles to the sea, extending along the coast northward to Gray Harbor, and southward nearly to the Californian line. The interior of British Columbia, between the Cascade and Rocky Mountains, and south of the territory occupied by the Hyperborean Carriers, is peopled by the _Shushwaps_, the _Kootenais_, and the _Okanagans_. Between 49° and 47°, extending west from the Cascade to the Rocky Mountains, chiefly on the Columbia and Clarke Fork, is the _Salish_ or Flathead family. The nations dwelling south of 47° and east of the Cascade range, on the Columbia, the lower Snake, and their tributary streams, may be called _Sahaptins_, from the name of the Nez Percé tribes.[231] The great _Shoshone_ family, extending south-east from the upper waters of the Columbia, and spreading out over nearly the whole of the Great Basin, although partially included in the Columbian limits, will be omitted in this, and included in the Californian Group, which follows. These divisions, as before stated, are geographic rather than ethnographic.[232] Many attempts have been made by practical ethnologists, to draw partition lines between these peoples according to race, all of which have proved signal failures, the best approximation to a scientific division being that of philologists, the results of whose researches are given in the third volume of this series; but neither the latter division, nor that into coast and inland tribes--in many respects the most natural and clearly defined of all[233]--is adapted to my present purpose. In treating of the Columbians, I shall first take up the coast families, going from north to south, and afterward follow the same order with those east of the mountains. [Sidenote: HOME OF THE COLUMBIANS.] No little partiality was displayed by the Great Spirit of the Columbians in the apportionment of their dwelling-place. The Cascade Mountains, running from north to south throughout their whole territory, make of it two distinct climatic divisions, both highly but unequally favored by nature. On the coast side--a strip which may be called one hundred and fifty miles wide and one thousand miles long--excessive cold is unknown, and the earth, warmed by Asiatic currents and watered by numerous mountain streams, is thickly wooded; noble forests are well stocked with game; a fertile soil yields a great variety of succulent roots and edible berries, which latter means of subsistence were lightly appreciated by the indolent inhabitants, by reason of the still more abundant and accessible food-supply afforded by the fish of ocean, channel, and stream. The sources of material for clothing were also bountiful far beyond the needs of the people. Passing the Cascade barrier, the climate and the face of the country change. Here we have a succession of plains or table-lands, rarely degenerating into deserts, with a good supply of grass and roots; though generally without timber, except along the streams, until the heavily wooded western spurs of the Rocky Mountains are reached. The air having lost much of its moisture, affords but a scanty supply of rain, the warming and equalizing influence of the ocean stream is no longer felt, and the extremes of heat and cold are undergone according to latitude and season. Yet are the dwellers in this land blessed above many other aboriginal peoples, in that game is plenty, and roots and insects are at hand in case the season's hunt prove unsuccessful. Ethnologically, no well-defined line can be drawn to divide the people occupying these two widely different regions. Diverse as they certainly are in form, character, and customs, their environment, the climate, and their methods of seeking food may well be supposed to have made them so. Not only do the pursuit of game in the interior and the taking of fish on the coast, develop clearly marked general peculiarities of character and life in the two divisions, but the same causes produce grades more or less distinct in each division. West of the Cascade range, the highest position is held by the tribes who in their canoes pursue the whale upon the ocean, and in the effort to capture Leviathan become themselves great and daring as compared with the lowest order who live upon shell-fish and whatever nutritious substances may be cast by the tide upon the beach. Likewise in the interior, the extremes are found in the deer, bear, elk, and buffalo hunters, especially when horses are employed, and in the root and insect eaters of the plains. Between these four extreme classes may be traced many intermediate grades of physical and intellectual development, due to necessity and the abilities exercised in the pursuit of game. The Columbians hitherto have been brought in much closer contact with the whites than the Hyperboreans, and the results of the association are known to all. The cruel treacheries and massacres by which nations have been thinned, and flickering remnants of once powerful tribes gathered on government reservations or reduced to a handful of beggars, dependent for a livelihood on charity, theft, or the wages of prostitution, form an unwritten chapter in the history of this region. That this process of duplicity was unnecessary as well as infamous, I shall not attempt to show, as the discussion of Indian policy forms no part of my present purpose. Whatever the cause, whether from an inhuman civilized policy, or the decrees of fate, it is evident that the Columbians, in common with all the aborigines of America, are doomed to extermination. Civilization and savagism will not coalesce, any more than light and darkness; and although it may be necessary that these things come, yet are those by whom they are unrighteously accomplished none the less culpable. Once more let it be understood that the time of which this volume speaks, was when the respective peoples were first known to Europeans. It was when, throughout this region of the Columbia, nature's wild magnificence was yet fresh; primeval forests unprofaned; lakes, and rivers, and rolling plains unswept; it was when countless villages dotted the luxuriant valleys; when from the warrior's camp-fire the curling smoke never ceased to ascend, nor the sounds of song and dance to be heard; when bands of gaily dressed savages roamed over every hill-side; when humanity unrestrained vied with bird and beast in the exercise of liberty absolute. This is no history; alas! they have none; it is but a sun-picture, and to be taken correctly must be taken quickly. Nor need we pause to look back through the dark vista of unwritten history, and speculate, who and what they are, nor for how many thousands of years they have been coming and going, counting the winters, the moons, and the sleeps; chasing the wild game, basking in the sunshine, pursuing and being pursued, killing and being killed. All knowledge regarding them lies buried in an eternity of the past, as all knowledge of their successors remains folded in an eternity of the future. We came upon them unawares, unbidden, and while we gazed they melted away. The infectious air of civilization penetrated to the remotest corner of their solitudes. Their ignorant and credulous nature, unable to cope with the intellect of a superior race, absorbed only its vices, yielding up its own simplicity and nobleness for the white man's diseases and death. [Sidenote: HAIDAH NATIONS.] In the HAIDAH family I include the nations occupying the coast and islands from the southern extremity of Prince of Wales Archipelago to the Bentinck Arms in about 52°. Their territory is bounded on the north and east by the Thlinkeet and Carrier nations of the Hyperboreans, and on the south by the Nootka family of the Columbians. Its chief nations, whose boundaries however can rarely be fixed with precision, are the _Massets_, the _Skiddegats_, and the _Cumshawas_, of Queen Charlotte Islands; the _Kaiganies_, of Prince of Wales Archipelago; the _Chimsyans_, about Fort Simpson, and on Chatham Sound; the _Nass_ and the _Skeenas_, on the rivers of the same names; the _Sebassas_, on Pitt Archipelago and the shores of Gardner Channel; and the Millbank Sound Indians, including the _Hailtzas_ and the _Bellacoolas_, the most southern of this family. These nations, the orthography of whose names is far from uniform among different writers, are still farther subdivided into numerous indefinite tribes, as specified at the end of this chapter. The Haidah territory, stretching on the mainland three hundred miles in length, and in width somewhat over one hundred miles from the sea to the lofty Chilkoten Plain, is traversed throughout its length by the northern extension of the Cascade Range. In places its spurs and broken foot-hills touch the shore, and the very heart of the range is penetrated by innumerable inlets and channels, into which pour short rapid streams from interior hill and plain. The country, though hilly, is fertile and covered by an abundant growth of large, straight pines, cedars, and other forest trees. The forest abounds with game, the waters with fish. The climate is less severe than in the middle United States; and notwithstanding the high latitude of their home, the Haidahs have received no small share of nature's gifts. Little has been explored, however, beyond the actual coast, and information concerning this nation, coming from a few sources only, is less complete than in the case of the more southern Nootkas. [Sidenote: PHYSICAL PECULIARITIES OF THE HAIDAHS.] Favorable natural conditions have produced in the Haidahs a tall, comely, and well-formed race, not inferior to any in North-western America;[234] the northern nations of the family being generally superior to the southern,[235] and having physical if not linguistic affinities with their Thlinkeet neighbors, rather than with the Nootkas. Their faces are broad, with high cheek bones;[236] the eyes small, generally black, though brown and gray with a reddish tinge have been observed among them.[237] The few who have seen their faces free from paint pronounce their complexion light,[238] and instances of Albino characteristics are sometimes found.[239] The hair is not uniformly coarse and black, but often soft in texture, and of varying shades of brown, worn by some of the tribes cut close to the head.[240] The beard is usually plucked out with great care, but moustaches are raised sometimes as strong as those of Europeans;[241] indeed there seems to be little authority for the old belief that the North-western American Indians were destitute of hair except on the head.[242] Dr Scouler, comparing Chimsyan skulls with those of the Chinooks, who are among the best known of the north-western nations, finds that in a natural state both have broad, high cheek-bones, with a receding forehead, but the Chimsyan skull, between the parietal and temporal bones, is broader than that of the Chinook, its vertex being remarkably flat.[243] Swollen and deformed legs are common from constantly doubling them under the body while sitting in the canoe. The teeth are frequently worn down to the gums by eating sanded salmon.[244] [Sidenote: HAIDAH DRESS AND ORNAMENT.] The Haidahs have no methods of distortion peculiar to themselves, by which they seek to improve their fine physique; but the custom of flattening the head in infancy obtains in some of the southern nations of this family, as the Hailtzas and Bellacoolas,[245] and the Thlinkeet lip-piece, already sufficiently described, is in use throughout a larger part of the whole territory. It was observed by Simpson as far south as Millbank Sound, where it was highly useful as well as ornamental, affording a firm hold for the fair fingers of the sex in their drunken fights. These ornaments, made of either wood, bone, or metal, are worn particularly large in Queen Charlotte Islands, where they seem to be not a mark of rank, but to be worn in common by all the women.[246] Besides the regular lip-piece, ornaments, various in shape and material, of shell, bone, wood, or metal, are worn stuck in the lips, nose, and ears, apparently according to the caprice or taste of the wearer, the skin being sometimes, though more rarely, tattooed to correspond.[247] Both for ornament and as a protection against the weather, the skin is covered with a thick coat of paint, a black polish being a full dress uniform. Figures of birds and beasts, and a coat of grease are added in preparation for a feast, with fine down of duck or goose--a stylish coat of tar and feathers--sprinkled over the body as an extra attraction.[248] When the severity of the weather makes additional protection desirable, a blanket, formerly woven by themselves from dog's hair, and stained in varied colors, but now mostly procured from Europeans, is thrown loosely over the shoulders. Chiefs, especially in times of feasting, wear richer robes of skins.[249] The styles of dress and ornament adopted around the forts from contact with the whites need not be described. Among the more unusual articles that have been noticed by travelers are, "a large hat, resembling the top of a small parasol, made of the twisted fibres of the roots of trees, with an aperture in the inside, at the broader end" for the head, worn by a Sebassa chief; and at Millbank Sound, "masks set with seals' whiskers and feathers, which expand like a fan," with secret springs to open the mouth and eyes.[250] Mackenzie and Vancouver, who were among the earliest visitors to this region, found fringed robes of bark-fibre, ornamented with fur and colored threads. A circular mat, with an opening in the centre for the head, was worn as a protection from the rain; and war garments consisted of several thicknesses of the strongest hides procurable, sometimes strengthened by strips of wood on the inside.[251] [Sidenote: HAIDAH HOUSES.] The Haidahs use as temporary dwellings, in their frequent summer excursions for war and the hunt, simple lodges of poles, covered, among the poorer classes by cedar mats, and among the rich by skins. Their permanent villages are usually built in strong natural positions, guarded by precipices, sometimes on rocks detached from the main land, but connected with it by a narrow platform. Their town houses are built of light logs, or of thick split planks, usually of sufficient size to accommodate a large number of families. Poole mentions a house on Queen Charlotte Islands, which formed a cube of fifty feet, ten feet of its height being dug in the ground, and which accommodated seven hundred Indians. The buildings are often, however, raised above the ground on a platform supported by posts, sometimes carved into human or other figures. Some of these raised buildings seen by the earlier visitors were twenty-five or thirty feet from the ground, solidly and neatly constructed, an inclined log with notches serving as a ladder. These houses were found only in the southern part of the Haidah territory. The fronts were generally painted with figures of men and animals. There were no windows or chimney; the floors were spread with cedar mats, on which the occupants slept in a circle round a central fire, whose smoke in its exit took its choice between the hole which served as a door and the wall-cracks. On the south-eastern boundary of this territory, Mackenzie found in the villages large buildings of similar but more careful construction, and with more elaborately carved posts, but they were not dwellings, being used probably for religious purposes.[252] [Sidenote: FOOD OF THE HAIDAHS.] Although game is plentiful, the Haidahs are not a race of hunters, but derive their food chiefly from the innumerable multitude of fish and sea animals, which, each variety in its season, fill the coast waters. Most of the coast tribes, and all who live inland, kill the deer and other animals, particularly since the introduction of firearms, but it is generally the skin and not the flesh that is sought. Some tribes about the Bentinck channels, at the time of Mackenzie's visit, would not taste flesh except from the sea, from superstitious motives. Birds that burrow in the sand-banks are enticed out by the glare of torches, and knocked down in large numbers with clubs. They are roasted without plucking or cleaning, the entrails being left in to improve the flavor. Potatoes, and small quantities of carrots and other vegetables, are now cultivated throughout this territory, the crop being repeated until the soil is exhausted, when a new place is cleared. Wild parsnips are abundant on the banks of lakes and streams, and their tender tops, roasted, furnish a palatable food; berries and bulbs abound, and the inner tegument of some varieties of the pine and hemlock is dried in cakes and eaten with salmon-oil. The varieties of fish sent by nature to the deep inlets and streams for the Haidah's food, are very numerous; their standard reliance for regular supplies being the salmon, herring, eulachon or candle-fish, round-fish, and halibut. Salmon are speared; dipped up in scoop-nets; entangled in drag-nets managed between two canoes and forced by poles to the bottom; intercepted in their pursuit of smaller fish by gill-nets with coarse meshes, made of cords of native hemp, stretched across the entrance of the smaller inlets; and are caught in large wicker baskets, placed at openings in weirs and embankments which are built across the rivers. The salmon fishery differs little in different parts of the Northwest. The candle-fish, so fat that in frying they melt almost completely into oil, and need only the insertion of a pith or bark wick to furnish an excellent lamp, are impaled on the sharp teeth of a rake, or comb. The handle of the rake is from six to eight feet long, and it is swept through the water by the Haidahs in their canoes by moonlight. Herring in immense numbers are taken in April by similar rakes, as well as by dip-nets, a large part of the whole take being used for oil. Seals are speared in the water or shot while on the rocks, and their flesh is esteemed a great delicacy. Clams, cockles, and shell-fish are captured by squaws, such an employment being beneath manly dignity. Fish, when caught, are delivered to the women, whose duty it is to prepare them for winter use by drying. No salt is used, but the fish are dried in the sun, or smoke-dried by being hung from the top of dwellings, then wrapped in bark, or packed in rude baskets or chests, and stowed on high scaffolds out of the reach of dogs and children. Salmon are opened, and the entrails, head, and back-bone removed before drying. During the process of drying, sand is blown over the fish, and the teeth of the eater are often worn down by it nearly even with the gums. The spawn of salmon and herring is greatly esteemed, and besides that obtained from the fish caught, much is collected on pine boughs, which are stuck in the mud until loaded with the eggs. This native caviare is dried for preservation, and is eaten prepared in various ways; pounded between two stones, and beaten with water into a creamy consistency; or boiled with sorrel and different berries, and moulded into cakes about twelve inches square and one inch thick by means of wooden frames. After a sufficient supply of solid food for the winter is secured, oil, the great heat-producing element of all northern tribes, is extracted from the additional catch, by boiling the fish in wooden vessels, and skimming the grease from the water or squeezing it from the refuse. The arms and breast of the women are the natural press in which the mass, wrapped in mats, is hugged; the hollow stalks of an abundant sea-weed furnish natural bottles in which the oil is preserved for use as a sauce, and into which nearly everything is dipped before eating. When the stock of food is secured, it is rarely infringed upon until the winter sets in, but then such is the Indian appetite--ten pounds of flour in the pancake-form at a meal being nothing for the stomach of a Haidah, according to Poole--that whole tribes frequently suffer from hunger before spring.[253] The Haidah weapons are spears from four to sixteen feet long, some with a movable head or barb, which comes off when the seal or whale is struck; bows and arrows; hatchets of bone, horn, or iron, with which their planks are made; and daggers. Both spears and arrows are frequently pointed with iron, which, whether it found its way across the continent from the Hudson-Bay settlements, down the coast from the Russians, or was obtained from wrecked vessels, was certainly used in British Columbia for various purposes before the coming of the whites. Bows are made of cedar, with sinew glued along one side. Poole states that before the introduction of fire-arms, the Queen Charlotte Islanders had no weapon but a club. Brave as the Haidah warrior is admitted to be, open fair fight is unknown to him, and in true Indian style he resorts to night attacks, superior numbers, and treachery, to defeat his foe. Cutting off the head as a trophy is practiced instead of scalping, but though unmercifully cruel to all sexes and ages in the heat of battle, prolonged torture of captives seems to be unknown. Treaties of peace are arranged by delegations from the hostile tribes, following set forms, and the ceremonies terminate with a many days' feast.[254] Nets are made of native wild hemp and of cedar-bark fibre; hooks, of two pieces of wood or bone fastened together at an obtuse angle; boxes, troughs, and household dishes, of wood; ladles and spoons, of wood, horn, and bone. Candle-fish, with a wick of bark or pith, serve as lamps; drinking vessels and pipes are carved with great skill from stone. The Haidahs are noted for their skill in the construction of their various implements, particularly for sculptures in stone and ivory, in which they excel all the other tribes of Northern America.[255] [Sidenote: HAIDAH MANUFACTURES.] The cedar-fibre and wild hemp were prepared for use by the women by beating on the rocks; they were then spun with a rude distaff and spindle, and woven on a frame into the material for blankets, robes, and mats, or twisted by the men into strong and even cord, between the hand and thigh. Strips of otter-skin, bird-feathers, and other materials, were also woven into the blankets. Dogs of a peculiar breed, now nearly extinct, were shorn each year, furnishing a long white hair, which, mixed with fine hemp and cedar, made the best cloth. By dyeing the materials, regular colored patterns were produced, each tribe having had, it is said, a peculiar pattern by which its matting could be distinguished. Since the coming of Europeans, blankets of native manufacture have almost entirely disappeared. The Bellacoolas made very neat baskets, called _zeilusqua_, as well as hats and water-tight vessels, all of fine cedar-roots. Each chief about Fort Simpson kept an artisan, whose business it was to repair canoes, make masks, etc.[256] The Haidah canoes are dug out of cedar logs, and are sometimes sixty feet long, six and a half wide, and four and a half deep, accommodating one hundred men. The prow and stern are raised, and often gracefully curved like a swan's neck, with a monster's head at the extremity. Boats of the better class have their exteriors carved and painted, with the gunwale inlaid in some cases with otter-teeth. Each canoe is made of a single log, except the raised extremities of the larger boats. They are impelled rapidly and safely over the often rough waters of the coast inlets, by shovel-shaped paddles, and when on shore, are piled up and covered with mats for protection against the rays of the sun. Since the coming of Europeans, sails have been added to the native boats, and other foreign features imitated.[257] [Sidenote: TRADE AND GOVERNMENT.] Rank and power depend greatly upon wealth, which consists of implements, wives, and slaves. Admission to alliance with medicine-men, whose influence is greatest in the tribe, can only be gained by sacrifice of private property. Before the disappearance of sea-otters from the Haidah waters, the skins of that animal formed the chief element of their trade and wealth; now the potatoes cultivated in some parts, and the various manufactures of Queen Charlotte Islands, supply their slight necessities. There is great rivalry among the islanders in supplying the tribes on the main with potatoes, fleets of forty or fifty canoes engaging each year in the trade from Queen Charlotte Islands. Fort Simpson is the great commercial rendezvous of the surrounding nations, who assemble from all directions in September, to hold a fair, dispose of their goods, visit friends, fight enemies, feast, and dance. Thus continue trade and merry-making for several weeks. Large fleets of canoes from the north also visit Victoria each spring for trading purposes.[258] Very little can be said of the government of the Haidahs in distinction from that of the other nations of the Northwest Coast. Among nearly all of them rank is nominally hereditary, for the most part by the female line, but really depends to a great extent on wealth and ability in war. Females often possess the right of chieftainship. In early intercourse with whites the chief traded for the whole tribe, subject, however, to the approval of the several families, each of which seemed to form a kind of subordinate government by itself. In some parts the power of the chief seems absolute, and is wantonly exercised in the commission of the most cruel acts according to his pleasure. The extensive embankments and weirs found by Mackenzie, although their construction must have required the association of all the labor of the tribe, were completely under the chief's control, and no one could fish without his permission. The people seemed all equal, but strangers must obey the natives or leave the village. Crimes have no punishment by law; murder is settled for with relatives of the victim, by death or by the payment of a large sum; and sometimes general or notorious offenders, especially medicine-men, are put to death by an agreement among leading men.[259] Slavery is universal, and as the life of the slave is of no value to the owner except as property, they are treated with extreme cruelty. Slaves the northern tribes purchase, kidnap, or capture in war from their southern neighbors, who obtain them by like means from each other, the course of the slave traffic being generally from south to north, and from the coast inland.[260] Polygamy is everywhere practiced, and the number of wives is regulated only by wealth, girls being bought of parents at any price which may be agreed upon, and returned, and the price recovered, when after a proper trial they are not satisfactory. The transfer of the presents or price to the bride's parents is among some tribes accompanied by slight ceremonies nowhere fully described. The marriage ceremonies at Millbank Sound are performed on a platform over the water, supported by canoes. While jealousy is not entirely unknown, chastity appears to be so, as women who can earn the greatest number of blankets win great admiration for themselves and high position for their husbands. Abortion and infanticide are not uncommon. Twin births are unusual, and the number of children is not large, although the age of bearing extends to forty or forty-six years. Women, except in the season of preparing the winter supply of fish, are occupied in household affairs and the care of children, for whom they are not without some affection, and whom they nurse often to the age of two or three years. Many families live together in one house, with droves of filthy dogs and children, all sleeping on mats round a central fire.[261] [Sidenote: HAIDAH GAMBLERS.] The Haidahs, like all Indians, are inveterate gamblers, the favorite game on Queen Charlotte Islands being odd and even, played with small round sticks, in which the game is won when one player has all the bunch of forty or fifty sticks originally belonging to his opponent. Farther south, and inland, some of the sticks are painted with red rings, and the player's skill or luck consists in naming the number and marks of sticks previously wrapped by his antagonist in grass. All have become fond of whisky since the coming of whites, but seem to have had no intoxicating drink before. At their annual trading fairs, and on other occasions, they are fond of visiting and entertaining friends with ceremonious interchange of presents, a suitable return being expected for each gift. At these reception feasts, men and women are seated on benches along opposite walls; at wedding feasts both sexes dance and sing together. In dancing, the body, head, and arms are thrown into various attitudes to keep time with the music, very little use being made of the legs. On Queen Charlotte Islands the women dance at feasts, while the men in a circle beat time with sticks, the only instruments, except a kind of tambourine. For their dances they deck themselves in their best array, including plenty of birds' down, which they delight to communicate to their partners in bowing, and which they also blow into the air at regular intervals, through a painted tube. Their songs are a simple and monotonous chant, with which they accompany most of their dances and ceremonies, though Mackenzie heard among them some soft, plaintive tones, not unlike church music. The chiefs in winter give a partly theatrical, partly religious entertainment, in which, after preparation behind a curtain, dressed in rich apparel and wearing masks, they appear on a stage and imitate different spirits for the instruction of the hearers, who meanwhile keep up their songs.[262] After the salmon season, feasting and conjuring are in order. The chief, whose greatest authority is in his character of conjurer, or _tzeetzaiak_ as he is termed in the Hailtzuk tongue, pretends at this time to live alone in the forest, fasting or eating grass, and while there is known as _taamish_. When he returns, clad in bear-robe, chaplet, and red-bark collar, the crowd flies at his approach, except a few brave spirits, who boldly present their naked arms, from which he bites and swallows large mouthfuls. This, skillfully done, adds to the reputation of both biter and bitten, and is perhaps all the foundation that exists for the report that these people are cannibals; although Mr Duncan, speaking of the Chimsyans in a locality not definitely fixed, testifies to the tearing to pieces and actual devouring of the body of a murdered slave by naked bands of cannibal medicine-men. Only certain parties of the initiated practice this barbarism, others confining their tearing ceremony to the bodies of dogs.[263] [Sidenote: MAGICIANS AND MEDICINE-MEN.] None of these horrible orgies are practiced by the Queen Charlotte Islanders. The performances of the Haidah magicians, so far as they may differ from those of the Nootkas have not been clearly described by travelers. The magicians of Chatham Sound keep infernal spirits shut up in a box away from the vulgar gaze, and possess great power by reason of the implicit belief on the part of the people, in their ability to charm away life. The doctor, however, is not beyond the reach of a kinsman's revenge, and is sometimes murdered.[264] With their ceremonies and superstitions there seems to be mixed very little religion, as all their many fears have reference to the present life. Certain owls and squirrels are regarded with reverence, and used as charms; salmon must not be cut across the grain, or the living fish will leave the river; the mysterious operations with astronomical and other European instruments about their rivers caused great fear that the fisheries would be ruined; fogs are conjured away without the slightest suspicion of the sun's agency.[265] European navigators they welcome by paddling their boats several times round the ship, making long speeches, scattering birds' down, and singing.[266] Ordinary presents, like tobacco or trinkets, are gladly received, but a written testimonial is most highly prized by the Haidahs, who regard writing as a great and valuable mystery. They have absolutely no methods of recording events. Although living so constantly on the water, I find no mention of their skill in swimming, while Poole states expressly that they have no knowledge of that art.[267] Very slight accounts are extant of the peculiar methods of curing diseases practiced by the Haidahs. Their chief reliance, as in the case of all Indian tribes, is on the incantations and conjurings of their sorcerers, who claim supernatural powers of seeing, hearing, and extracting disease, and are paid liberally when successful. Bark, herbs, and various decoctions are used in slight sickness, but in serious cases little reliance is placed on them. To the bites of the sorcerer-chiefs on the main, eagle-down is applied to stop the bleeding, after which a pine-gum plaster or sallal-bark is applied. On Queen Charlotte Islands, in a case of internal uneasiness, large quantities of sea-water are swallowed, shaken up, and ejected through the mouth for the purpose, as the natives say, of 'washing themselves inside out.'[268] [Sidenote: HAIDAH BURIALS.] Death is ascribed to the ill will and malign influence of an enemy, and one suspected of causing the death of a prominent individual, must make ready to die. As a rule, the bodies of the dead are burned, though exceptions are noted in nearly every part of the territory. In the disposal of the ashes and larger bones which remain unburned, there seems to be no fixed usage. Encased in boxes, baskets, or canoes, or wrapped in mats or bark, they are buried in or deposited on the ground, placed in a tree, on a platform, or hung from a pole. Articles of property are frequently deposited with the ashes, but not uniformly. Slaves' bodies are simply thrown into the river or the sea. Mourning for the dead consists usually of cutting the hair and blackening anew the face and neck for several months. Among the Kaiganies, guests at the burning of the bodies are wont to lacerate themselves with knives and stones. A tribe visited by Mackenzie, kept their graves free from shrubbery, a woman clearing that of her husband each time she passed. The Nass Indians paddle a dead chief, gaily dressed, round the coast villages.[269] The Haidahs, compared with other North American Indians, may be called an intelligent, honest, and brave race, although not slow under European treatment to become drunkards, gamblers, and thieves. Acts of unprovoked cruelty or treachery are rare; missionaries have been somewhat successful in the vicinity of Fort Simpson, finding in intoxicating liquors their chief obstacle.[270] [Sidenote: THE NOOTKAS.] THE NOOTKAS, the second division of the Columbian group, are immediately south of the Haidah country; occupying Vancouver Island, and the coast of the main land, between the fifty-second and the forty-ninth parallels. The word _nootka_ is not found in any native dialect of the present day. Captain Cook, to whom we are indebted for the term, probably misunderstood the name given by the natives to the region of Nootka Sound.[271]The first European settlement in this region was on the Sound, which thus became the central point of early English and Spanish intercourse with the Northwest Coast; but it was soon abandoned, and no mission or trading post has since taken its place, so that no tribes of this family have been less known in later times than those on the west coast of Vancouver Island. The chief tribes of the Nootka family, or those on whose tribal existence, if not on the orthography of their names authors to some extent agree, are as follows.[272] The _Nitinats_, _Clayoquots_, and _Nootkas_, on the sounds of the same names along the west coast of Vancouver Island; the _Quackolls_ and _Newittees_,[273] in the north; the _Cowichins_, _Ucletas_, and _Comux_, on the east coast of Vancouver and on the opposite main; the _Saukaulutuchs_[274], in the interior of the island; the _Clallums_,[275] _Sokes_, and _Patcheena_, on the south end; and the _Kwantlums_ and _Teets_,[276] on the lower Fraser River. These tribes differ but little in physical peculiarities, or manners and customs, but by their numerous dialects they have been classed in nations. No comprehensive or satisfactory names have, however, been applied to them as national divisions.[277] Between the Nootka family and its fish-eating neighbors on the north and south, the line of distinction is not clearly marked, but the contrast is greater with the interior hunting tribes on the east. Since their first intercourse with whites, the Nootkas have constantly decreased in numbers, and this not only in those parts where they have been brought into contact with traders and miners, but on the west coast, where they have retained in a measure their primitive state. The savage fades before the superior race, and immediate intercourse is not necessary to produce in native races those 'baleful influences of civilization,' which like a pestilence are wafted from afar, as on the wings of the wind.[278] [Sidenote: NOOTKA PHYSIQUE.] The Nootkas are of less than medium height, smaller than the Haidahs, but rather strongly built; usually plump, but rarely corpulent;[279] their legs, like those of all the coast tribes, short, small, and frequently deformed, with large feet and ankles;[280] the face broad, round, and full, with the usual prominent cheek-bone, a low forehead, flat nose, wide nostrils, small black eyes, round thickish-lipped mouth, tolerably even well-set teeth; the whole forming a countenance rather dull and expressionless, but frequently pleasant.[281] The Nootka complexion, so far as grease and paint have allowed travelers to observe it, is decidedly light, but apparently a shade darker than that of the Haidah family.[282] The hair, worn long, is as a rule black or dark brown, coarse, and straight, though instances are not wanting where all these qualities are reversed.[283] The beard is carefully plucked out by the young men, and this operation, repeated for generations, has rendered the beard naturally thin. Old men often allow it to grow on the chin and upper lip. [Sidenote: NOOTKA HAIR AND BEARD.] To cut the hair short is to the Nootka a disgrace. Worn at full length, evened at the ends, and sometimes cut straight across the forehead, it is either allowed to hang loosely from under a band of cloth or fillet of bark, or is tied in a knot on the crown. On full-dress occasions the top-knot is secured with a green bough, and after being well saturated with whale-grease, the hair is powdered plentifully with white feathers, which are regarded as the crowning ornament for manly dignity in all these regions. Both sexes, but particularly the women, take great pains with the hair, carefully combing and plaiting their long tresses, fashioning tasteful head-dresses of bark-fibre, decked with beads and shells, attaching leaden weights to the braids to keep them straight. The bruised root of a certain plant is thought by the Ahts to promote the growth of the hair.[284] The custom of flattening the head is practiced by the Nootkas, in common with the Sound and Chinook families, but is not universal, nor is so much importance attached to it as elsewhere; although all seem to admire a flattened forehead as a sign of noble birth, even among tribes that do not make this deformity a sign of freedom. Among the Quatsinos and Quackolls of the north, the head, besides being flattened, is elongated into a conical sugar-loaf shape, pointed at the top. The flattening process begins immediately after birth, and is continued until the child can walk. It is effected by compressing the head with tight bandages, usually attached to the log cradle, the forehead being first fitted with a soft pad, a fold of soft bark, a mould of hard wood, or a flat stone. Observers generally agree that little or no harm is done to the brain by this infliction, the traces of which to a great extent disappear later in life. Many tribes, including the Aht nations, are said to have abandoned the custom since they have been brought into contact with the whites.[285] [Sidenote: NOOTKA FACE-PAINTING.] The body is kept constantly anointed with a reddish clayey earth, mixed in train oil, and consequently little affected by their frequent baths. In war and mourning the whole body is blackened; on feast days the head, limbs, and body are painted in fantastic figures with various colors, apparently according to individual fancy, although the chiefs monopolize the fancy figures, the common people being restricted to plain colors. Solid grease is sometimes applied in a thick coating, and carved or moulded in _alto-rilievo_ into ridges and figures afterwards decorated with red paint, while shining sand or grains of mica are sprinkled over grease and paint to impart a glittering appearance. The women are either less fond of paint than the men, or else are debarred by their lords from the free use of it; among the Ahts, at least of late, the women abandon ornamental paint after the age of twenty-five. In their dances, as in war, masks carved from cedar to represent an endless variety of monstrous faces, painted in bright colors, with mouth and eyes movable by strings, are attached to their heads, giving them a grotesquely ferocious aspect.[286] The nose and ears are regularly pierced in childhood, with from one to as many holes as the feature will hold, and from the punctures are suspended bones, shells, rings, beads, or in fact any ornament obtainable. The lip is sometimes, though more rarely, punctured. Bracelets and anklets of any available material are also commonly worn.[287] The aboriginal dress of the Nootkas is a square blanket, of a coarse yellow material resembling straw matting, made by the women from cypress bark, with a mixture of dog's hair. This blanket had usually a border of fur; it sometimes had arm-holes, but was ordinarily thrown over the shoulders, and confined at the waist by a belt. Chiefs wore it painted in variegated colors or unpainted, but the common people wore a coarser material painted uniformly red. Women wore the garment longer and fastened under the chin, binding an additional strip of cloth closely about the middle, and showing much modesty about disclosing the person, while the men often went entirely naked. Besides the blanket, garments of many kinds of skin were in use, particularly by the chiefs on public days. In war, a heavy skin dress was worn as a protection against arrows. The Nootkas usually went bareheaded, but sometimes wore a conical hat plaited of rushes, bark, or flax. European blankets have replaced those of native manufacture, and many Indians about the settlements have adopted also the shirt and breeches.[288] [Sidenote: DWELLINGS OF THE NOOTKAS.] The Nootkas choose strong positions for their towns and encampments. At Desolation Sound, Vancouver found a village built on a detached rock with perpendicular sides, only accessible by planks resting on the branches of a tree, and protected on the sea side by a projecting platform resting on timbers fixed in the crevices of the precipice. The Nimkish tribe, according to Lord, build their homes on a table-land overhanging the sea, and reached by ascending a vertical cliff on a bark-rope ladder. Each tribe has several villages in favorable locations for fishing at different seasons. The houses, when more than one is needed for a tribe, are placed with regularity along streets; they vary in size according to the need or wealth of the occupants, and are held in common under the direction of the chief. They are constructed in the manner following. A row of large posts, from ten to fifteen feet high, often grotesquely carved, supports an immense ridge-pole, sometimes two and a half feet thick and one hundred feet long. Similar but smaller beams, on shorter posts, are placed on either side of the central row, distant from it fifteen, twenty, or twenty-five feet, according to the dimensions required. This frame is then covered with split cedar planks, about two inches thick, and from three to eight feet wide. The side planks are tied together with bark, and supported by slender posts in couples just far enough apart to receive the thickness of the plank. A house like this, forty by one hundred feet, accommodates many families, each of which has its allotted space, sometimes partitioned off like a double row of stalls, with a wide passage in the middle. In the centre of each stall is a circle of stones for a fire-place, and round the walls are raised couches covered with mats. In rainy weather, cracks in the roof and sides are covered with mats. No smoke or window holes are left, and when smoke becomes troublesome a roof-plank is removed. The entrance is at one end. These dwellings furnish, according to Nootka ideas, a comfortable shelter, except when a high wind threatens to unroof them, and then the occupants go out and sit on the roof to keep it in place. Frequently the outside is painted in grotesque figures of various colors. Only the frame is permanent; matting, planks, and all utensils are several times each year packed up and conveyed in canoes to another locality where a frame belonging to the tribe awaits covering. The odor arising from fish-entrails and other filth, which they take no pains to remove, appears to be inoffensive, but the Nootkas are often driven by mosquitos to sleep on a stage over the water.[289] [Sidenote: FOOD OF THE NOOTKAS.] The Nootkas, like the Haidahs, live almost wholly on the products of the sea, and are naturally expert fishermen. Salmon, the great staple, are taken in August and September, from sea, inlet, and river, by nets, spears, pots or baskets, and even by hooks. Hooks consist of sharp barbed bones bound to straight pieces of hard wood; sea-wrack, maple-bark, and whale-sinew furnish lines, which in salmon-fishing are short and attached to the paddles. The salmon-spear is a forked pole, some fifteen feet long, the detachable head having prongs pointed with fish-bone or iron, and the fish in deep water is sometimes attracted within its reach by a wooden decoy, forced down by a long pole, and then detached and allowed to ascend rapidly to the surface. Spearing is carried on mostly by torch-light. A light-colored stone pavement is sometimes laid upon the bottom of the stream, which renders the fish visible in their passage over it. Nets are made of nettles or of wild flax, found along Fraser River. They are small in size, and used as dip-nets, or sunk between two canoes and lifted as the fish pass over. A pot or basket fifteen to twenty feet long, three to five feet in diameter at one end, and tapering to a point at the other, is made of pine splinters one or two inches apart, with twig-hoops; and placed, large end up stream, at the foot of a fall or at an opening in an embankment. The salmon are driven down the fall with poles, and entering the basket are taken out by a door in the small end. This basket is sometimes enclosed in another one, similar but of uniform diameter, and closed at one end. Fences of stakes across the river oblige the salmon to enter the open mouth in their passage up, and passing readily through an opening left in the point of the inner basket, they find themselves entrapped. In March, herring appear on the coast in great numbers, and in April and May they enter the inlets and streams, where they are taken with a dip-net, or more commonly by the fish-rake--a pole armed with many sharp bones or nails. Early in the season they can be taken only by torch-light. Halibut abound from March to June, and are caught with hooks and long lines, generally at some distance from shore. For all other fish, European hooks were early adopted, but the halibut, at least among the Ahts, must still be taken with the native hook. Many other varieties of fish, caught by similar methods, are used as food, but those named supply the bulk of the Nootka's provision. In May or June, whales appear and are attacked in canoes by the chief, with the select few from each tribe who alone have the right to hunt this monarch of the sea. The head of their harpoon is made of two barbed bones and pointed with muscle-shell; it is fastened to a whale-sinew line of a few feet in length, and this short line to a very long bark rope, at one end of which are seal-skin air-bags and bladders, to keep it afloat. The point is also fastened to a shaft from ten to twenty-five feet in length, from which it is easily detached. With many of these buoys in tow the whale cannot dive, and becomes an easy prey. Whale-blubber and oil are great delicacies, the former being preferred half putrid, while the oil with that of smaller denizens of the sea preserved in bladders, is esteemed a delicious sauce, and eaten with almost everything. Sea-otters and seals are also speared, the former with a weapon more barbed and firmly attached to the handle, as they are fierce fighters; but when found asleep on the rocks, they are shot with arrows. Seals are often attracted within arrow-shot by natives disguised as seals in wooden masks. Clams and other shell-fish, which are collected in great numbers by the women, are cooked, strung on cypress-bark cords, and hung in the houses to dry for winter use. Fish are preserved by drying only, the use of salt being unknown. Salmon, after losing their heads and tails, which are eaten in the fishing season, are split open and the back-bone taken out before drying; smaller fry are sometimes dried as they come from their element; but halibut and cod are cut up and receive a partial drying in the sun. The spawn of all fish, but particularly of salmon and herring, is carefully preserved by stowing it away in baskets, where it ferments. Bear, deer, and other land animals, as well as wild fowl, are sometimes taken for food, by means of rude traps, nets, and covers, successful only when game is abundant, for the Nootkas are but indifferent hunters. In the time of Jewitt, three peculiarities were observable in the Nootka use of animal food, particularly bear-meat. When a bear was killed, it was dressed in a bonnet, decked with fine down, and solemnly invited to eat in the chief's presence, before being eaten; after partaking of bruin's flesh, which was appreciated as a rarity, the Nootka could not taste fresh fish for two months; and while fish to be palatable must be putrid, meat when tainted was no longer fit for food. The Nootka cuisine furnished food in four styles; namely, boiled--the mode par excellence, applicable to every variety of food, and effected, as by the Haidahs, by hot stones in wooden vessels; steamed--of rarer use, applied mostly to heads, tails, and fins, by pouring water over them on a bed of hot stones, and covering the whole tightly with mats; roasted--rarely, in the case of some smaller fish and clams; and raw--fish-spawn and most other kinds of food, when conveniences for cooking were not at hand. Some varieties of sea-weed and lichens, as well as the camass, and other roots, were regularly laid up for winter, while berries, everywhere abundant, were eaten in great quantities in their season, and at least one variety preserved by pressing in bunches. In eating, they sit in groups of five or six, with their legs doubled under them round a large wooden tray, and dip out the food nearly always boiled to a brothy consistency, with their fingers or clam-shells, paying little or no attention to cleanliness. Chiefs and slaves have trays apart, and the principal meal, according to Cook, was about noon. Feasting is the favorite way of entertaining friends, so long as food is plentiful; and by a curious custom, of the portion allotted them, guests must carry away what they cannot eat. Water in aboriginal days was the only Nootka drink; it is also used now when whisky is not to be had.[290] [Sidenote: NOOTKA BATTLES AND BOATS.] Lances and arrows, pointed with shell, slate, flint, or bone, and clubs and daggers of wood and bone, were the weapons with which they met their foes; but firearms and metallic daggers, and tomahawks, have long since displaced them, as they have to a less degree the original hunting and fishing implements.[291] The Nootka tribes were always at war with each other, hereditary quarrels being handed down for generations. According to their idea, loss of life in battle can be forgotten only when an equal number of the hostile tribe are killed. Their military tactics consist of stratagem and surprise in attack, and watchfulness in defense. Before engaging in war, some weeks are spent in preparation, which consists mainly of abstinence from women, bathing, scrubbing the skin with briers till it bleeds, and finally painting the whole body jet-black. All prisoners not suitable for slaves are butchered or beheaded. In an attack the effort is always made to steal into the adversary's camp at night and kill men enough to decide the victory before the alarm can be given. When they fail in this, the battle is seldom long continued, for actual hand-to-hand fighting is not to the Nootka taste. On the rare occasions when it is considered desirable to make overtures of peace, an ambassador is sent with an ornamented pipe, and with this emblem his person is safe. Smoking a pipe together by hostile chiefs also solemnizes a treaty.[292] Nootka boats are dug out each from a single pine-tree, and are made of all sizes from ten to fifty feet long, the largest accommodating forty or fifty men. Selecting a proper tree in the forest, the aboriginal Nootka fells it with a sort of chisel of flint or elk-horn, three by six inches, fastened in a wooden handle, and struck by a smooth stone mallet. Then the log is split with wooden wedges, and the better piece being selected, it is hollowed out with the aforesaid chisel, a mussel-shell adze, and a bird's-bone gimlet worked between the two hands. Sometimes, but not always, fire is used as an assistant. The exterior is fashioned with the same tools. The boat is widest in the middle, tapers toward each end, and is strengthened by light cross-pieces extending from side to side, which, being inserted after the boat is soaked in hot water, modify and improve the original form. The bow is long and pointed, the stern square-cut or slightly rounded; both ends are raised higher than the middle by separate pieces of wood painted with figures of birds or beasts, the head on the bow and the tail on the stern. The inside is painted red; the outside, slightly burned, is rubbed smooth and black, and for the whale fishery is ornamented along the gunwales with a row of small shells or seal-teeth, but for purposes of war it is painted with figures in white. Paddles are neatly made of hard wood, about five and a half feet long with a leaf-shaped blade of two feet, sharp at the end, and used as a weapon in canoe-fighting. A cross-piece is sometimes added to the handle like the top of a crutch.[293] In addition to the implements already named are chests and boxes, buckets, cups and eating-troughs, all of wood, either dug out or pinned together; baskets of twigs and bags of matting; all neatly made, and many of the articles painted or carved, or ornamented with shell work. As among the Haidahs, the dried _eulachon_ is often used as a lamp.[294] The matting and coarser kinds of cloth are made of rushes and of pine or cedar bark, which after being soaked is beaten on a plank with a grooved instrument of wood or bone until the fibres are separated. The threads are twisted into cords between the hand and thigh; these cords, hung to a horizontal beam and knotted with finer thread at regular intervals, form the cloth. Thread of the same bark is used with a sharpened twig for a needle. Intercourse with Europeans has modified their manufactures, and checked the development of their native ingenuity.[295] [Sidenote: PROPERTY OF THE NOOTKAS.] Captain Cook found among the Ahts very "strict notions of their having a right to the exclusive property of everything that their country produces," so that they claimed pay for even wood, water, and grass. The limits of tribal property are very clearly defined, but individuals rarely claim any property in land. Houses belong to the men who combine to build them. Private wealth consists of boats and implements for obtaining food, domestic utensils, slaves, and blankets, the latter being generally the standard by which wealth or price is computed. Food is not regarded as common property, yet any man may help himself to his neighbor's store when needy. The accumulation of property beyond the necessities of life is considered desirable only for the purpose of distributing it in presents on great feast-days, and thereby acquiring a reputation for wealth and liberality; and as these feasts occur frequently, an unsuccessful man may often take a fresh start in the race. Instead of being given away, canoes and blankets are often destroyed, which proves that the motive in this disposal of property is not to favor friends, but merely to appear indifferent to wealth. It is certainly a most remarkable custom, and one that exerts a great influence on the whole people. Gifts play an important part in procuring a wife, and a division of property accompanies a divorce. To enter the ranks of the medicine-men or magicians, or to attain rank of any kind, property must be sacrificed; and a man who receives an insult or suffers any affliction must tear up the requisite quantity of blankets and shirts, if he would retain his honor.[296] Trade in all their productions was carried on briskly between the different Nootka tribes before the coming of the whites. They manifest much shrewdness in their exchanges; even their system of presents is a species of trade, the full value of each gift being confidently expected in a return present on the next festive occasion. In their intertribal commerce, a band holding a strong position where trade by canoes between different parts may be stopped, do not fail to offer and enforce the acceptance of their services as middlemen, thereby greatly increasing market prices.[297] The system of numeration, sufficiently extensive for the largest numbers, is decimal, the numbers to ten having names which are in some instances compounds but not multiples of smaller numbers. The fingers are used to aid in counting. The year is divided into months with some reference to the moon, but chiefly by the fish-seasons, ripening of berries, migrations of birds, and other periodical events, for which the months are named, as: 'when the herrings spawn,' etc. The unit of measure is the span, the fingers representing its fractional parts.[298] The Nootkas display considerable taste in ornamenting with sculpture and paintings their implements and houses, their chief efforts being made on the posts of the latter, and the wooden masks which they wear in war and some of their dances; but all implements may be more or less carved and adorned according to the artist's fancy. They sometimes paint fishing and hunting scenes, but generally their models exist only in imagination, and their works consequently assume unintelligible forms. There seems to be no evidence that their carved images and complicated paintings are in any sense intended as idols or hieroglyphics. A rude system of heraldry prevails among them, by which some animal is adopted as a family crest, and its figure is painted or embroidered on canoes, paddles, or blankets.[299] [Sidenote: NOOTKA ART AND GOVERNMENT.] To the Nootka system of government the terms patriarchal, hereditary, and feudal have been applied. There is no confederation, each tribe being independent of all the rest, except as powerful tribes are naturally dominant over the weak. In each tribe the head chief's rank is hereditary by the male line; his grandeur is displayed on great occasions, when, decked in all his finery, he is the central figure. At the frequently recurring feasts of state he occupies the seat of honor; presides at all councils of the tribe, and is respected and highly honored by all; but has no real authority over any but his slaves. Between the chief, or king, and the people is a nobility, in number about one fourth of the whole tribe, composed of several grades, the highest being partially hereditary, but also, as are all the lower grades, obtainable by feats of valor or great liberality. All chieftains must be confirmed by the tribe, and some of them appointed by the king; each man's rank is clearly defined in the tribe, and corresponding privileges strictly insisted on. There are chiefs who have full authority in warlike expeditions. Harpooners also form a privileged class, whose rank is handed down from father to son. This somewhat complicated system of government nevertheless sits lightly, since the people are neither taxed nor subjected to any laws, nor interfered with in their actions. Still, long-continued custom serves as law and marks out the few duties and privileges of the Nootka citizen. Stealing is not common except from strangers; and offenses requiring punishment are usually avenged--or pardoned in consideration of certain blankets received--by the injured parties and their friends, the chiefs seeming to have little or nothing to do in the matter.[300] [Sidenote: NOOTKA SLAVERY AND MARRIAGE.] Slavery is practiced by all the tribes, and the slave-trade forms an important part of their commerce. Slaves are about the only property that must not be sacrificed to acquire the ever-desired reputation for liberality. Only rich men--according to some authorities only the nobles--may hold slaves. War and kidnapping supply the slave-market, and no captive, whatever his rank in his own tribe, can escape this fate, except by a heavy ransom offered soon after he is taken, and before his whereabouts becomes unknown to his friends. Children of slaves, whose fathers are never known, are forever slaves. The power of the owner is arbitrary and unlimited over the actions and life of the slave, but a cruel exercise of his power seems of rare occurrence, and, save the hard labor required, the material condition of the slave is but little worse than that of the common free people, since he is sheltered by the same roof and partakes of the same food as his master. Socially the slave is despised; his hair is cut short, and his very name becomes a term of reproach. Female slaves are prostituted for hire, especially in the vicinity of white settlements. A runaway slave is generally seized and resold by the first tribe he meets.[301] [Sidenote: THE NOOTKA FAMILY.] The Nootka may have as many wives as he can buy, but as prices are high, polygamy is practically restricted to the chiefs, who are careful not to form alliances with families beneath them in rank. Especially particular as to rank are the chiefs in choosing their first wife, always preferring the daughters of noble families of another tribe. Courtship consists in an offer of presents by the lover to the girl's father, accompanied generally by lengthy speeches of friends on both sides, extolling the value of the man and his gift, and the attractions of the bride. After the bargain is concluded, a period of feasting follows if the parties are rich, but this is not necessary as a part of the marriage ceremony. Betrothals are often made by parents while the parties are yet children, mutual deposits of blankets and other property being made as securities for the fulfillment of the contract, which is rarely broken. Girls marry at an average age of sixteen. The common Nootka obtains his one bride from his own rank also by a present of blankets, much more humble than that of his rich neighbor, and is assisted in his overtures by perhaps a single friend instead of being followed by the whole tribe. Courtship among this class is not altogether without the attentions which render it so charming in civilized life; as when the fond girl lovingly caresses and searches her lover's head, always giving him the fattest of her discoveries. Wives are not ill treated, and although somewhat overworked, the division of labor is not so oppressive as among many Indian tribes. Men build houses, make boats and implements, hunt and fish; women prepare the fish and game for winter use, cook, manufacture cloth and clothing, and increase the stock of food by gathering berries and shell-fish; and most of this work among the richer class is done by slaves. Wives are consulted in matters of trade, and in fact seem to be nearly on terms of equality with their husbands, except that they are excluded from some public feasts and ceremonies. There is much reason to suppose that before the advent of the whites, the Nootka wife was comparatively faithful to her lord, that chastity was regarded as a desirable female quality, and offenses against it severely punished. The females so freely brought on board the vessels of early voyagers and offered to the men, were perhaps slaves, who are everywhere prostituted for gain, so that the fathers of their children are never known. Women rarely have more than two or three children, and cease bearing at about twenty-five, frequently preventing the increase of their family by abortions. Pregnancy and childbirth affect them but little. The male child is named at birth, but his name is afterwards frequently changed. He is suckled by the mother until three or four years old, and at an early age begins to learn the arts of fishing by which he is to live. Children are not quarrelsome among themselves, and are regarded by both parents with some show of affection and pride. Girls at puberty are closely confined for several days, and given a little water but no food; they are kept particularly from the sun or fire, to see either of which at this period would be a lasting disgrace. At such times feasts are given by the parents. Divorces or separations may be had at will by either party, but a strict division of property and return of betrothal presents is expected, the woman being allowed not only the property she brought her husband, and articles manufactured by her in wedlock, but a certain proportion of the common wealth. Such property as belongs to the father and is not distributed in gifts during his life, or destroyed at his death, is inherited by the eldest son.[302] From the middle of November to the middle of January, is the Nootka season of mirth and festivity, when nearly the whole time is occupied with public and private gaiety. Their evenings are privately passed by the family group within doors in conversation, singing, joking, boasting of past exploits, personal and tribal, and teasing the women until bed-time, when one by one they retire to rest in the same blankets worn during the day.[303] Swimming and trials of strength by hooking together the little fingers, or scuffling for a prize, seem to be the only out-door amusements indulged in by adults, while the children shoot arrows and hurl spears at grass figures of birds and fishes, and prepare themselves for future conflicts by cutting off the heads of imaginary enemies modeled in mud.[304] To gambling the Nootkas are passionately addicted, but their games are remarkably few and uniform. Small bits of wood compose their entire paraphernalia, sometimes used like dice, when the game depends on the side turned up; or passed rapidly from hand to hand, when the gamester attempts to name the hand containing the trump stick; or again concealed in dust spread over a blanket and moved about by one player that the rest may guess its location. In playing they always form a circle seated on the ground, and the women rarely if ever join the game.[305] They indulge in smoking, the only pipes of their own manufacture being of plain cedar, filled now with tobacco by those who can afford it, but in which they formerly smoked, as it is supposed, the leaves of a native plant--still mixed with tobacco to lessen its intoxicating properties. The pipe is passed round after a meal, but seems to be less used in serious ceremonies than among eastern Indian nations.[306] [Sidenote: NOOTKA AMUSEMENTS.] But the Nootka amusement par excellence is that of feasts, given by the richer classes and chiefs nearly every evening during 'the season.' Male and female heralds are employed ceremoniously to invite the guests, the house having been first cleared of its partitions, and its floor spread with mats.[307] As in countries more civilized, the common people go early to secure the best seats, their allotted place being near the door. The élite come later, after being repeatedly sent for; on arrival they are announced by name, and assigned a place according to rank. In one corner of the hall the fish and whale-blubber are boiled by the wives of the chiefs, who serve it to the guests in pieces larger or smaller, according to their rank. What can not be eaten must be carried home. Their drink ordinarily is pure water, but occasionally berries of a peculiar kind, preserved in cakes, are stirred in until a froth is formed which swells the body of the drinker nearly to bursting.[308] Eating is followed by conversation and speech-making, oratory being an art highly prized, in which, with their fine voices, they become skillful. Finally, the floor is cleared for dancing. In the dances in which the crowd participate, the dancers, with faces painted in black and vermilion, form a circle round a few leaders who give the step, which consists chiefly in jumping with both feet from the ground, brandishing weapons or bunches of feathers, or sometimes simply bending the body without moving the feet. As to the participation of women in these dances, authorities do not agree.[309] In a sort of conversational dance all pass briskly round the room to the sound of music, praising in exclamations the building and all within it, while another dance requires many to climb upon the roof and there continue their motions. Their special or character dances are many, and in them they show much dramatic talent. A curtain is stretched across a corner of the room to conceal the preparations, and the actors, fantastically dressed, represent personal combats, hunting scenes, or the actions of different animals. In the seal-dance naked men jump into the water and then crawl out and over the floors, imitating the motions of the seal. Indecent performances are mentioned by some visitors. Sometimes in these dances men drop suddenly as if dead, and are at last revived by the doctors, who also give dramatic or magic performances at their houses; or they illuminate a wax moon out on the water, and make the natives believe they are communing with the man in the moon. To tell just where amusement ceases and solemnity begins in these dances is impossible.[310] Birds' down forms an important item in the decoration at dances, especially at the reception of strangers. All dances, as well as other ceremonies, are accompanied by continual music, instrumental and vocal. The instruments are: boxes and benches struck with sticks; a plank hollowed out on the under side and beaten with drum-sticks about a foot long; a rattle made of dried seal-skin in the form of a fish, with pebbles; a whistle of deer-bone about an inch long with one hole, which like the rattle can only be used by chiefs; and a bunch of muscle-shells, to be shaken like castanets.[311] Their songs are monotonous chants, extending over but few notes, varied by occasional howls and whoops in some of the more spirited melodies, pleasant or otherwise, according to the taste of the hearer.[312] Certain of their feasts are given periodically by the head chiefs, which distant tribes attend, and during which take place the distributions of property already mentioned. Whenever a gift is offered, etiquette requires the recipient to snatch it rudely from the donor with a stern and surly look.[313] [Sidenote: MISCELLANEOUS CUSTOMS.] Among the miscellaneous customs noticed by the different authorities already quoted, may be mentioned the following. Daily bathing in the sea is practiced, the vapor-bath not being used. Children are rolled in the snow by their mothers to make them hardy. Camps and other property are moved from place to place by piling them on a plank platform built across the canoes. Whymper saw Indians near Bute Inlet carrying burdens on the back by a strap across the forehead. In a fight they rarely strike but close and depend on pulling hair and scratching; a chance blow must be made up by a present. Invitations to eat must not be declined, no matter how often repeated. Out of doors there is no native gesture of salutation, but in the houses a guest is motioned politely to a couch; guests are held sacred, and great ceremonies are performed at the reception of strangers; all important events are announced by heralds. Friends sometimes saunter along hand in hand. A secret society, independent of tribe, family, or crest, is supposed by Sproat to exist among them, but its purposes are unknown. In a palaver with whites the orator holds a long white pole in his hand, which he sticks occasionally into the ground by way of emphasis. An animal chosen as a crest must not be shot or ill-treated in the presence of any wearing its figure; boys recite portions of their elders' speeches as declamations; names are changed many times during life, at the will of the individual or of the tribe. [Sidenote: CUSTOMS AND CANNIBALISM.] In sorcery, witchcraft, prophecy, dreams, evil spirits, and the transmigration of souls, the Nootkas are firm believers, and these beliefs enable the numerous sorcerers of different grades to acquire great power in the tribes by their strange ridiculous ceremonies. Most of their tricks are transparent, being deceptions worked by the aid of confederates to keep up their power; but, as in all religions, the votary must have some faith in the efficacy of their incantations. The sorcerer, before giving a special demonstration, retires apart to meditate. After spending some time alone in the forests and mountains, fasting and lacerating the flesh, he appears suddenly before the tribe, emaciated, wild with excitement, clad in a strange costume, grotesquely painted, and wearing a hideous mask. The scenes that ensue are indescribable, but the aim seems to be to commit all the wild freaks that a maniac's imagination may devise, accompanied by the most unearthly yells which can terrorize the heart. Live dogs and dead human bodies are seized and torn by their teeth; but, at least in later times, they seem not to attack the living, and their performances are somewhat less horrible and bloody than the wild orgies of the northern tribes. The sorcerer is thought to have more influence with bad spirits than with good, and is always resorted to in the case of any serious misfortune. New members of the fraternity are initiated into the mysteries by similar ceremonies. Old women are not without their traditional mysterious powers in matters of prophecy and witchcraft; and all chiefs in times of perplexity practice fasting and laceration. Dreams are believed to be the visits of spirits or of the wandering soul of some living party, and the unfortunate Nootka boy or girl whose blubber-loaded stomach causes uneasy dreams, must be properly hacked, scorched, smothered, and otherwise tormented until the evil spirit is appeased.[314] Whether or not these people were cannibals, is a disputed question, but there seems to be little doubt that slaves have been sacrificed and eaten as a part of their devilish rites.[315] The Nootkas are generally a long-lived race, and from the beginning to the failing of manhood undergo little change in appearance. Jewitt states that during his captivity of three years at Nootka Sound, only five natural deaths occurred, and the people suffered scarcely any disease except the colic. Sproat mentions as the commonest diseases; bilious complaints, dysentery, a consumption which almost always follows syphilis, fevers, and among the aged, ophthalmia. Accidental injuries, as cuts, bruises, sprains, and broken limbs, are treated with considerable success by means of simple salves or gums, cold water, pine-bark bandages, and wooden splints. Natural pains and maladies are invariably ascribed to the absence or other irregular conduct of the soul, or to the influence of evil spirits, and all treatment is directed to the recall of the former and to the appeasing of the latter. Still, so long as the ailment is slight, simple means are resorted to, and the patient is kindly cared for by the women; as when headache, colic, or rheumatism is treated by the application of hot or cold water, hot ashes, friction, or the swallowing of cold teas made from various roots and leaves. Nearly every disease has a specific for its cure. Oregon grape and other herbs cure syphilis; wasp-nest powder is a tonic, and blackberries an astringent; hemlock bark forms a plaster, and dog-wood bark is a strengthener; an infusion of young pine cones or the inside scrapings of a human skull prevent too rapid family increase, while certain plants facilitate abortion. When a sickness becomes serious, the sorcerer or medicine-man is called in and incantations begin, more or less noisy according to the amount of the prospective fee and the number of relatives and friends who join in the uproar. A very poor wretch is permitted to die in comparative quiet. In difficult cases the doctor, wrought up to the highest state of excitement, claims to see and hear the soul, and to judge of the patient's prospects by its position and movements. The sick man shows little fortitude, and abandons himself helplessly to the doctor's ridiculous measures. Failing in a cure, the physician gets no pay, but if successful, does not fail to make a large demand. Both the old and the helplessly sick are frequently abandoned by the Ahts to die without aid in the forest.[316] [Sidenote: NOOTKA BURIAL.] After death the Nootka's body is promptly put away; a slave's body is unceremoniously thrown into the water; that of a freeman, is placed in a crouching posture, their favorite one during life, in a deep wooden box, or in a canoe, and suspended from the branches of a tree, deposited on the ground with a covering of sticks and stones, or, more rarely, buried. Common people are usually left on the surface; the nobility are suspended from trees at heights differing, as some authorities say, according to rank. The practice of burning the dead seems also to have been followed in some parts of this region. Each tribe has a burying-ground chosen on some hill-side or small island. With chiefs, blankets, skins, and other property in large amounts are buried, hung up about the grave, or burned during the funeral ceremonies, which are not complicated except for the highest officials. The coffins are often ornamented with carvings or paintings of the deceased man's crest, or with rows of shells. When a death occurs, the women of the tribe make a general howl, and keep it up at intervals for many days or months; the men, after a little speech-making, keep silent. The family and friends, with blackened faces and hair cut short, follow the body to its last resting-place with music and other manifestations of sorrow, generally terminating in a feast. There is great reluctance to explain their funeral usages to strangers; death being regarded by this people with great superstition and dread, not from solicitude for the welfare of the dead, but from a belief in the power of departed spirits to do much harm to the living.[317] [Sidenote: CHARACTER OF THE NOOTKAS.] The Nootka character presents all the inconsistencies observable among other American aborigines, since there is hardly a good or bad trait that has not by some observer been ascribed to them. Their idiosyncrasies as a race are perhaps best given by Sproat as "want of observation, a great deficiency of foresight, extreme fickleness in their passions and purposes, habitual suspicion, and a love of power and display; added to which may be noticed their ingratitude and revengeful disposition, their readiness for war, and revolting indifference to human suffering." These qualities, judged by civilized standards censurable, to the Nootka are praiseworthy, while contrary qualities are to be avoided. By a strict application, therefore, of 'put yourself in his place' principles, to which most 'good Indians' owe their reputation, Nootka character must not be too harshly condemned. They are not, so far as physical actions are concerned, a remarkably lazy people, but their minds, although intelligent when aroused, are averse to effort and quickly fatigued; nor can they comprehend the advantage of continued effort for any future good which is at all remote. What little foresight they have, has much in common with the instinct of beasts. Ordinarily, they are quiet and well behaved, especially the higher classes, but when once roused to anger, they rage, bite, spit and kick without the slightest attempt at self-possession. A serious offense against an individual, although nominally pardoned in consideration of presents, can really never be completely atoned for except by blood; hence private, family, and tribal feuds continue from generation to generation. Women are not immodest, but the men have no shame. Stealing is recognized as a fault, and the practice as between members of the same tribe is rare, but skillful pilfering from strangers, if not officially sanctioned, is extensively carried on and much admired; still any property confided in trust to a Nootka is said to be faithfully returned. To his wife he is kind and just; to his children affectionate. Efforts for their conversion to foreign religions have been in the highest degree unsuccessful.[318] [Sidenote: THE SOUND INDIANS.] THE SOUND INDIANS, by which term I find it convenient to designate the nations about Puget Sound, constitute the third family of the Columbian group. In this division I include all the natives of that part of Washington which lies to the west of the Cascade Range, except a strip from twenty-five to forty miles wide along the north bank of the Columbia. The north-eastern section of this territory, including the San Juan group, Whidbey Island, and the region tributary to Bellingham Bay, is the home of the _Nooksak_, _Lummi_, _Samish_ and _Skagit_ nations, whose neighbors and constant harassers on the north are the fierce Kwantlums and Cowichins of the Nootka family about the mouth of the Fraser. The central section, comprising the shores and islands of Admiralty Inlet, Hood Canal, and Puget Sound proper, is occupied by numerous tribes with variously spelled names, mostly terminating in _mish_, which names, with all their orthographic diversity, have been given generally to the streams on whose banks the different nations dwelt. All these tribes may be termed the _Nisqually_ nation, taking the name from the most numerous and best-known of the tribes located about the head of the sound. The _Clallams_ inhabit the eastern portion of the peninsula between the sound and the Pacific. The western extremity of the same peninsula, terminating at Cape Flattery, is occupied by the _Classets_ or _Makahs_; while the _Chehalis_ and _Cowlitz_ nations are found on the Chehalis River, Gray Harbor, and the upper Cowlitz. Excepting a few bands on the headwaters of streams that rise in the vicinity of Mount Baker, the Sound family belongs to the coast fish-eating tribes rather than to the hunters of the interior. Indeed, this family has so few marked peculiarities, possessing apparently no trait or custom not found as well among the Nootkas or Chinooks, that it may be described in comparatively few words. When first known to Europeans they seem to have been far less numerous than might have been expected from the extraordinary fertility and climatic advantages of their country; and since they have been in contact with the whites, their numbers have been reduced,--chiefly through the agency of small-pox and ague,--even more rapidly than the nations farther to the north-west.[319] These natives of Washington are short and thick-set, with strong limbs, but bow-legged; they have broad faces, eyes fine but wide apart; noses prominent, both of Roman and aquiline type; color, a light copper, perhaps a shade darker than that of the Nootkas, but capable of transmitting a flush; the hair usually black and almost universally worn long.[320] All the tribes flatten the head more or less, but none carry the practice to such an extent as their neighbors on the south, unless it be the Cowlitz nation, which might indeed as correctly be classed with the Chinooks. By most of the Sound natives tattooing is not practiced, and they seem somewhat less addicted to a constant use of paint than the Nootkas; yet on festive occasions a plentiful and hideous application is made of charcoal or colored earth pulverized in grease, and the women appreciate the charms imparted to the face by the use of vermilion clay. The nose, particularly at Cape Flattery, is the grand centre of facial ornamentation. Perforating is extravagantly practiced, and pendant trinkets of every form and substance are worn, those of bone or shell preferred, and, if we may credit Wilkes, by some of the women these ornaments are actually kept clean. [Sidenote: SOUND DRESS AND DWELLINGS.] The native garment, when the weather makes nakedness uncomfortable, is a blanket of dog's hair, sometimes mixed with birds' down and bark-fibre, thrown about the shoulders. Some few fasten this about the neck with a wooden pin. The women are more careful in covering the person with the blanket than are the men, and generally wear under it a bark apron hanging from the waist in front. A cone-shaped, water-proof hat, woven from colored grasses, is sometimes worn on the head.[321] Temporary hunting-huts in summer are merely cross-sticks covered with coarse mats made by laying bulrushes side by side, and knotting them at intervals with cord or grass. The poorer individuals or tribes dwell permanently in similar huts, improved by the addition of a few slabs; while the rich and powerful build substantial houses, of planks split from trees by means of bone wedges, much like the Nootka dwellings in plan, and nearly as large. These houses sometimes measure over one hundred feet in length, and are divided into rooms or pens, each house accommodating many families. There are several fire-places in each dwelling; raised benches extend round the sides, and the walls are often lined with matting.[322] [Sidenote: FOOD OF THE SOUND INDIANS.] In spring time they abandon their regular dwellings and resort in small companies to the various sources of food-supply. Fish is their chief dependence, though game is taken in much larger quantities than by the Nootkas; some of the more inland Sound tribes subsisting almost entirely by the chase and by root-digging. Nearly all the varieties of fish which support the northern tribes are also abundant here, and are taken substantially by the same methods, namely, by the net, hook, spear, and rake; but fisheries seem to be carried on somewhat less systematically, and I find no account of the extensive and complicated embankments and traps mentioned by travelers in British Columbia. To the salmon, sturgeon, herring, rock-cod, and candle-fish, abundant in the inlets of the sound, the Classets, by venturing out to sea, add a supply of whale-blubber and otter-meat, obtained with spears, lines, and floats. At certain points on the shore tall poles are erected, across which nets are spread; and against these nets large numbers of wild fowl, dazzled by torch-lights at night, dash themselves and fall stunned to the ground, where the natives stand ready to gather in the feathery harvest. Vancouver noticed many of these poles in different localities, but could not divine their use. Deer and elk in the forests are also hunted by night, and brought within arrow-shot by the spell of torches. For preservation, fish are dried in the sun or dried and smoked by the domestic hearth, and sometimes pounded fine, as are roots of various kinds; clams are dried on strings and hung up in the houses, or occasionally worn round the neck, ministering to the native love of ornament until the stronger instinct of hunger impairs the beauty of the necklace. In the better class of houses, supplies are neatly stored in baskets at the sides. The people are extremely improvident, and, notwithstanding their abundant natural supplies in ocean, stream, and forest, are often in great want. Boiling in wooden vessels by means of hot stones is the ordinary method of cooking. A visitor to the Nooksaks thus describes their method of steaming elk-meat: "They first dig a hole in the ground, then build a wood fire, placing stones on the top of it. As it burns, the stones become hot and fall down. Moss and leaves are then placed on the top of the hot stones, the meat on these, and another layer of moss and leaves laid over it. Water is poured on, which is speedily converted into steam. This is retained by mats carefully placed over the heap. When left in this way for a night, the meat is found tender and well cooked in the morning." Fowls were cooked in the same manner by the Queniults.[323] I find no mention of other weapons, offensive or defensive, than spears, and bows and arrows. The arrows and spears were usually pointed with bone; the bows were of yew, and though short, were of great power. Vancouver describes a superior bow used at Puget Sound. It was from two and a half to three feet long, made from a naturally curved piece of yew, whose concave side became the convex of the bow, and to the whole length of this side a strip of elastic hide or serpent-skin was attached so firmly by a kind of cement as to become almost a part of the wood. This lining added greatly to the strength of the bow, and was not affected by moisture. The bow-string was made of sinew.[324] The tribes were continually at war with each other, and with northern nations, generally losing many of their people in battle. Sticking the heads of the slain enemy on poles in front of their dwellings, is a common way of demonstrating their joy over a victory. The Indians at Port Discovery spoke to Wilkes of scalping among their warlike exploits, but according to Kane the Classets do not practice that usage.[325] Vancouver, finding sepulchres at Penn Cove, in which were large quantities of human bones but no limb-bones of adults, suspected that the latter were used by the Indians for pointing their arrows, and in the manufacture of other implements.[326] [Sidenote: MANUFACTURES OF PUGET SOUND.] The Sound manufactures include only the weapons and utensils used by the natives. Their articles were made with the simplest tools of bone or shell. Blankets were made of dog's hair,--large numbers of dogs being raised for the purpose,--the wool of mountain sheep, or wild goats, found on the mountain slopes, the down of wild-fowl, cedar bark-fibre, ravellings of foreign blankets, or more commonly of a mixture of several of these materials. The fibre is twisted into yarn between the hand and thigh, and the strands arranged in perpendicular frames for weaving purposes. Willow and other twigs supply material for baskets of various forms, often neatly made and colored. Oil, both for domestic use and for barter, is extracted by boiling, except in the case of the candle-fish, when hanging in the hot sun suffices; it is preserved in bladders and skin-bottles.[327] Canoes are made by the Sound Indians in the same manner as by the Nootkas already described; being always dug out, formerly by fire, from a single cedar trunk, and the form improved afterwards by stretching when soaked in hot water. Of the most elegant proportions, they are modeled by the builder with no guide but the eye, and with most imperfect tools; three months' work is sufficient to produce a medium-sized boat. The form varies among different nations according as the canoe is intended for ocean, sound, or river navigation; being found with bow or stern, or both, in various forms, pointed, round, shovel-nosed, raised or level. The raised stern, head-piece, and stern-post are usually formed of separate pieces. Like the Nootkas, they char and polish the outside and paint the interior with red. The largest and finest specimen seen by Mr. Swan was forty-six feet long and six feet wide, and crossed the bar into Shoalwater Bay with thirty Queniult Indians from the north. The paddle used in deep water has a crutch-like handle and a sharp-pointed blade.[328] [Sidenote: TRADE AND GOVERNMENT OF THE SOUND INDIANS.] In their barter between the different tribes, and in estimating their wealth, the blanket is generally the unit of value, and the _hiaqua_, a long white shell obtained off Cape Flattery at a considerable depth, is also extensively used for money, its value increasing with its length. A kind of annual fair for trading purposes and festivities is held by the tribes of Puget Sound at Bajada Point, and here and in their other feasts they are fond of showing their wealth and liberality by disposing of their surplus property in gifts.[329] The system of government seems to be of the simplest nature, each individual being entirely independent and master of his own actions. There is a nominal chief in each tribe, who sometimes acquires great influence and privileges by his wealth or personal prowess, but he has no authority, and only directs the movements of his band in warlike incursions. I find no evidence of hereditary rank or caste except as wealth is sometimes inherited.[330] Slaves are held by all the tribes, and are treated very much like their dogs, being looked upon as property, and not within the category of humanity. For a master to kill half a dozen slaves is no wrong or cruelty; it only tends to illustrate the owner's noble disposition in so freely sacrificing his property. Slaves are obtained by war and kidnapping, and are sold in large numbers to northern tribes. According to Sproat, the Classets, a rich and powerful tribe, encourage the slave-hunting incursions of the Nootkas against their weaker neighbors.[331] Wives are bought by presents, and some performances or ceremonies, representative of hunting or fishing scenes, not particularly described by any visitor, take place at the wedding. Women have all the work to do except hunting and fishing, while their lords spend their time in idleness and gambling. Still the females are not ill-treated; they acquire great influence in the tribe, and are always consulted in matters of trade before a bargain is closed. They are not overburdened with modesty, nor are husbands noted for jealousy. Hiring out their women, chiefly however slaves, for prostitution, has been a prominent source of tribal revenue since the country was partially settled by whites. Women are not prolific, three or four being ordinarily the limit of their offspring. Infants, properly bound up with the necessary apparatus for head-flattening, are tied to their cradle or to a piece of bark, and hung by a cord to the end of a springy pole kept in motion by a string attached to the mother's great toe. Affection for children is by no means rare, but in few tribes can they resist the temptation to sell or gamble them away.[332] [Sidenote: AMUSEMENTS OF THE SOUND INDIANS.] Feasting, gambling, and smoking are the favorite amusements; all their property, slaves, children, and even their own freedom in some cases are risked in their games. Several plants are used as substitutes for tobacco when that article is not obtainable. If any important differences exist between their ceremonies, dances, songs and feasts, and those of Vancouver Island, such variations have not been recorded. In fact, many authors describe the manners and customs of 'North-west America' as if occupied by one people.[333] There is no evidence of cannibalism; indeed, during Vancouver's visit at Puget Sound, some meat offered to the natives was refused, because it was suspected to be human flesh. Since their acquaintance with the whites they have acquired a habit of assuming great names, as Duke of York, or Jenny Lind, and highly prize scraps of paper with writing purporting to substantiate their claims to such distinctions. Their superstitions are many, and they are continually on the watch in all the commonest acts of life against the swarm of evil influences, from which they may escape only by the greatest care.[334] [Sidenote: CHARACTER OF THE SOUND INDIANS.] Disorders of the throat and lungs, rheumatism and intermittent fevers, are among the most prevalent forms of disease, and in their methods of cure, as usual, the absurd ceremonies, exorcisms, and gesticulations of the medicine-men play the principal part; but hot and cold baths are also often resorted to without regard to the nature or stage of the malady.[335] The bodies of such as succumb to their diseases, or to the means employed for cure, are disposed of in different ways according to locality, tribe, rank, or age. Skeletons are found by travelers buried in the ground or deposited in a sitting posture on its surface; in canoes or in boxes supported by posts, or, more commonly, suspended from the branches of trees. Corpses are wrapped in cloth or matting, and more or less richly decorated according to the wealth of the deceased. Several bodies are often put in one canoe or box, and the bodies of young children are found suspended in baskets. Property and implements, the latter always broken, are deposited with or near the remains, and these last resting-places of their people are religiously cared for and guarded from intrusion by all the tribes.[336] All the peculiarities and inconsistencies of the Nootka character perhaps have been noted by travelers among the Indians of the Sound, but none of these peculiarities are so clearly marked in the latter people. In their character, as in other respects, they have little individuality, and both their virtues and vices are but faint reflections of the same qualities in the great families north and south of their territory. The Cape Flattery tribes are at once the most intelligent, bold, and treacherous of all, while some of the tribes east and north-east of the Sound proper have perhaps the best reputation. Since the partial settlement of their territory by the whites, the natives here as elsewhere have lost many of their original characteristics, chiefly the better ones. The remnants now for the most part are collected on government reservations, or live in the vicinity of towns, by begging and prostitution. Some tribes, especially in the region of Bellingham Bay, have been nominally converted to Christianity, have abandoned polygamy, slavery, head-flattening, gambling, and superstitious ceremonies, and pay considerable attention to a somewhat mixed version of church doctrine and ceremonies.[337] THE CHINOOKS constitute the fourth division of the Columbian group. Originally the name was restricted to a tribe on the north bank of the Columbia between Gray Bay and the ocean; afterwards, from a similarity in language and customs, it was applied to all the bands on both sides of the river, from its mouth to the Dalles.[338] It is employed in this work to designate all the Oregon tribes west of the Cascade Range, southward to the Rogue River or Umpqua Mountains. This family lies between the Sound Indians on the north and the Californian group on the south, including in addition to the tribes of the Columbia, those of the Willamette Valley and the Coast. All closely resemble each other in manners and customs, having also a general resemblance to the northern families already described, springing from their methods of obtaining food; and although probably without linguistic affinities, except along the Columbia River, they may be consistently treated as one family--the last of the great coast or fish-eating divisions of the Columbian group. Among the prominent tribes, or nations of the Chinook family may be mentioned the following: the _Watlalas_ or upper Chinooks, including the bands on the Columbia from the Cascades to the Cowlitz, and on the lower Willamette; the lower Chinooks from the Cowlitz to the Pacific comprising the _Wakiakums_ and _Chinooks_ on the north bank, and the _Cathlamets_ and _Clatsops_ on the south; the _Calapooyas_ occupying the Valley of the Willamette, and the _Clackamas_ on one of its chief tributaries of the same name; with the _Killamooks_ and _Umpquas_ who live between the Coast Range[339] and the ocean. With respect to the present condition of these nations, authorities agree in speaking of them as a squalid and poverty-stricken race, once numerous and powerful, now few and weak. Their country has been settled by whites much more thickly than regions farther north, and they have rapidly disappeared before the influx of strangers. Whole tribes have been exterminated by war and disease, and in the few miserable remnants collected on reservations or straggling about the Oregon towns, no trace is apparent of the independent, easy-living bands of the remote past.[340] It is however to be noted that at no time since this region has been known to Europeans has the Indian population been at all in proportion to the supporting capacity of the land, while yet in a state of nature, with its fertile soil and well-stocked streams and forests. [Sidenote: CHINOOK PHYSIQUE.] In physique the Chinook can not be said to differ materially from the Nootka. In stature the men rarely exceed five feet six inches, and the women five feet. Both sexes are thick-set, but as a rule loosely built, although in this respect they had doubtless degenerated when described by most travelers. Their legs are bowed and otherwise deformed by a constant squatting position in and out of their canoes. Trained by constant exposure with slight clothing, they endure cold and hunger better than the white man, but to continued muscular exertion they soon succumb. Physically they improve in proportion to their distance from the Columbia and its fisheries; the Calapooyas on the upper Willamette, according to early visitors, presenting the finest specimens.[341] Descending from the north along the coast, Hyperboreans, Columbians, and Californians gradually assume a more dusky hue as we proceed southward. The complexion of the Chinooks may be called a trifle darker than the natives of the Sound, and of Vancouver; though nothing is more difficult than from the vague expressions of travelers to determine shades of color.[342] Points of resemblance have been noted by many observers between the Chinook and Mongolian physiognomy, consisting chiefly in the eyes turned obliquely upward at the outer corner. The face is broad and round, the nose flat and fat, with large nostrils, the mouth wide and thick-lipped, teeth irregular and much worn, eyes black, dull and expressionless; the hair generally black and worn long, and the beard carefully plucked out; nevertheless, their features are often regular.[343] [Sidenote: HEAD-FLATTENING PHENOMENON.] It is about the mouth of the Columbia that the custom of flattening the head seems to have originated. Radiating from this centre in all directions, and becoming less universal and important as the distance is increased, the usage terminates on the south with the nations which I have attached to the Chinook family, is rarely found east of the Cascade Range, but extends, as we have seen, northward through all the coast families, although it is far from being held in the same esteem in the far north as in its apparently original centre. The origin of this deformity is unknown. All we can do is to refer it to that strange infatuation incident to humanity which lies at the root of fashion and ornamentation, and which even in these later times civilization is not able to eradicate. As Alphonso the Wise regretted not having been present at the creation--for then he would have had the world to suit him--so different ages and nations strive in various ways to remodel and improve the human form. Thus the Chinese lady compresses the feet, the European the waist, and the Chinook the head. Slaves are not allowed to indulge in this extravagance, and as this class are generally of foreign tribes or families, the work of ethnologists in classifying skulls obtained by travelers, and thereby founding theories of race is somewhat complicated; but the difficulty is lessened by the fact that slaves receive no regular burial, and hence all skulls belonging to bodies from native cemeteries are known to be Chinook.[344] The Chinook ideal of facial beauty is a straight line from the end of the nose to the crown of the head. The flattening of the skull is effected by binding the infant to its cradle immediately after birth, and keeping it there from three months to a year. The simplest form of cradle is a piece of board or plank on which the child is laid upon its back with the head slightly raised by a block of wood. Another piece of wood, or bark, or leather, is then placed over the forehead and tied to the plank with strings which are tightened more and more each day until the skull is shaped to the required pattern. Space is left for lateral expansion; and under ordinary circumstances the child's head is not allowed to leave its position until the process is complete. The body and limbs are also bound to the cradle, but more loosely, by bandages, which are sometimes removed for cleansing purposes. Moss or soft bark is generally introduced between the skin and the wood, and in some tribes comfortable pads, cushions, or rabbit-skins are employed. The piece of wood which rests upon the forehead is in some cases attached to the cradle by leather hinges, and instances are mentioned where the pressure is created by a spring. A trough or canoe-shaped cradle, dug out from a log, often takes the place of the simple board, and among the rich this is elaborately worked, and ornamented with figures and shells. The child while undergoing this process, with its small black eyes jammed half out of their sockets, presents a revolting picture. Strangely enough, however, the little prisoner seems to feel scarcely any pain, and travelers almost universally state that no perceptible injury is done to the health or brain. As years advance the head partially but not altogether resumes its natural form, and among aged persons the effects are not very noticeable. As elsewhere, the personal appearance of the women is of more importance than that of the men, therefore the female child is subjected more rigorously and longer to the compressing process, than her brothers. Failure properly to mould the cranium of her offspring gives to the Chinook matron the reputation of a lazy and undutiful mother, and subjects the neglected children to the ridicule of their young companions;[345] so despotic is fashion. A practice which renders the Chinook more hideous than the compression of his skull is that of piercing or slitting the cartilage of the nose and ears, and inserting therein long strings of beads or hiaqua shells, the latter being prized above all other ornaments. Tattooing seems to have been practiced, but not extensively, taking usually the form of lines of dots pricked into the arms, legs, and cheeks with pulverized charcoal. Imitation tattooing, with the bright-colored juices of different berries, was a favorite pastime with the women, and neither sex could resist the charms of salmon-grease and red clay. In later times, however, according to Swan, the custom of greasing and daubing the body has been to a great extent abandoned. Great pains is taken in dressing the hair, which is combed, parted in the middle, and usually allowed to hang in long tresses down the back, but often tied up in a queue by the women and girls, or braided so as to hang in two tails tied with strings.[346] [Sidenote: CHINOOK DRESS.] For dress, skins were much more commonly used in this region than among other coast families; particularly the skins of the smaller animals, as the rabbit and woodrat. These skins, dressed and often painted, were sewed together so as to form a robe or blanket similar in form and use to the more northern blanket of wool, which, as well as a similar garment of goose-skin with the feathers on, was also made and worn by the Chinooks, though not in common use among them. They prefer to go naked when the weather permits. Skins of larger animals, as the deer and elk, are also used for clothing, and of the latter is made a kind of arrow-proof armor for war; another coat of mail being made of sticks bound together. Females almost universally wear a skirt of cedar bark-fibre, fastened about the waist and hanging to the knees. This garment is woven for a few inches at the top, but the rest is simply a hanging fringe, not very effectually concealing the person. A substitute for this petticoat in some tribes is a square piece of leather attached to a belt in front; and in others a long strip of deer-skin passed between the thighs and wound about the waist. A fringed garment, like that described, is also sometimes worn about the shoulders; in cold weather a fur robe is wrapped about the body from the hips to the armpits, forming a close and warm vest; and over all is sometimes thrown a cape, or fur blanket, like that of the men, varying in quality and value with the wealth of the wearer. The best are made of strips of sea-otter skin, woven with grass or cedar bark, so that the fur shows on both sides. Chiefs and men of wealth wear rich robes of otter and other valuable furs. The conical hat woven of grass and bark, and painted in black and white checks or with rude figures, with or without a brim, and fastened under the chin, is the only covering for the head.[347] [Sidenote: DWELLINGS OF THE CHINOOKS.] The Chinooks moved about less for the purpose of obtaining a supply of food, than many others, even of the coast families, yet the accumulation of filth or--a much stronger motive--of fleas, generally forced them to take down their winter dwellings each spring, preserving the materials for re-erection on the same or another spot. The best houses were built of cedar planks attached by bark-fibre cords to a frame, which consisted of four corner, and two central posts and a ridge pole. The planks of the sides and ends were sometimes perpendicular, but oftener laid horizontally, overlapping here in clapboard fashion as on the roof. In some localities the roof and even the whole structure was of cedar bark. These dwellings closely resembled those farther north, but were somewhat inferior in size, twenty-five to seventy-five feet long, and fifteen to twenty-five feet wide, being the ordinary dimensions. On the Columbia they were only four or five feet high at the eaves, but an equal depth was excavated in the ground, while on the Willamette the structure was built on the surface. The door was only just large enough to admit the body, and it was a favorite fancy of the natives to make it represent the mouth of an immense head painted round it. Windows there were none, nor chimney; one or more fireplaces were sunk in the floor, and the smoke escaped by the cracks, a plank in the roof being sometimes moved for the purpose. Mats were spread on the floor and raised berths were placed on the sides, sometimes in several tiers. Partitions of plank or matting separated the apartments of the several families. Smaller temporary huts, and the permanent homes of the poorer Indians were built in various forms, of sticks, covered with bark, rushes, or skins. The interior and exterior of all dwellings were in a state of chronic filth.[348] [Sidenote: FISHERIES OF THE CHINOOKS.] The salmon fisheries of the Columbia are now famous throughout the world. Once every year innumerable multitudes of these noble fish enter the river from the ocean to deposit their spawn. Impelled by instinct, they struggle to reach the extreme limits of the stream, working their way in blind desperation to the very sources of every little branch, overcoming seeming impossibilities, and only to fulfill their destiny and die; for if they escape human enemies, they either kill themselves in their mad efforts to leap impassable falls, or if their efforts are crowned with success, they are supposed never to return to the ocean. This fishery has always been the chief and an inexhaustible source of food for the Chinooks, who, although skillful fishermen, have not been obliged to invent a great variety of methods or implements for the capture of the salmon, which rarely if ever have failed them. Certain ceremonies must, however, be observed with the first fish taken; his meat must be cut only with the grain, and the hearts of all caught must be burned or eaten, and on no account be thrown into the water or be devoured by a dog. With these precautions there is no reason to suppose that the Chinook would ever lack a supply of fish. The salmon begin to run in April, but remain several weeks in the warmer waters near the mouth, and are there taken while in their best condition, by the Chinook tribe proper, with a straight net of bark or roots, sometimes five hundred feet long and fifteen feet deep, with floats and sinkers. One end of the net is carried out into the river at high water, and drawn in by the natives on the shore, who with a mallet quiet the fish and prevent them from jumping over the net and escaping. Farther up, especially at the Cascades and at the falls of the Willamette, salmon are speared by natives standing on the rocks or on planks placed for the purpose; scooped up in small dip-nets; or taken with a large unbaited hook attached by a socket and short line to a long pole. There is some account of artificial channels of rocks at these places, but such expedients were generally not needed, since, beside those caught by the Chinooks, such numbers were cast on the rocks by their own efforts to leap the falls, that the air for months was infected by the decaying mass; and many of these in a palatable state of decay were gathered by the natives for food. Hooks, spears, and nets were sometimes rubbed with the juice of certain plants supposed to be attractive to the fish. Once taken, the salmon were cleaned by the women, dried in the sun and smoked in the lodges; then they were sometimes powdered fine between two stones, before packing in skins or mats for winter use. The heads were always eaten as favorite portions during the fishing season. Next to the salmon the sturgeon was ranked as a source of food. This fish, weighing from two hundred to five hundred pounds, was taken by a baited hook, sunk about twenty feet, and allowed to float down the current; when hooked, the sturgeon rises suddenly and is dispatched by a spear, lifted into the canoe by a gaff-hook, or towed ashore. The Chinooks do not attack the whale, but when one is accidentally cast upon the shore, more or less decayed, a season of feasting ensues and the native heart is glad. Many smaller varieties of fish are taken by net, spear, hook, or rake, but no methods are employed meriting special description. Wild fowl are snared or shot; elk and deer are shot with arrows or taken in a carefully covered pit, dug in their favorite haunts. As to the methods of taking rabbits and woodrats, whose skins are said to have been so extensively used for clothing, I find no information. Nuts, berries, wild fruits and roots are all used as food, and to some extent preserved for winter. The Wapato, a bulbous root, compared by some to the potatoe and turnip, was the aboriginal staple, and was gathered by women wading in shallow ponds, and separating the root with their toes.[349] Boiling in wooden kettles by means of hot stones, was the usual manner of cooking, but roasting on sticks stuck in the sand near the fire was also common. Clam-shells and a few rude platters and spoons of wood were in use, but the fingers, with the hair for a napkin, were found much more convenient table ware.[350] In all their personal habits the Chinooks are disgustingly filthy, although said to be fond of baths for health and pleasure. The Clatsops, as reported by one visitor, form a partial exception to this rule, as they occasionally wash the hands and face.[351] [Sidenote: WEAPONS OF THE CHINOOKS.] Their chief weapons are bows and arrows, the former of which is made of cedar, or occasionally, as it is said, of horn and bone; its elasticity is increased by a covering of sinew glued on. The arrow-head is of bone, flint, or copper, and the shaft consists of a short piece of some hard wood, and a longer one of a lighter material. The bows are from two and a half to four feet long; five styles, differing in form and curve, are pictured by Schoolcraft. Another weapon in common use was a double-edged wooden broad-sword, or sharp club, two and a half or three feet long; spears, tomahawks, and scalping knives are mentioned by many travelers, but not described, and it is doubtful if either were ever used by these aborigines.[352] I have already spoken of their thick arrow-proof elk-skin armor, and of a coat of short sticks bound together with grass; a bark helmet is also employed of sufficient strength to ward off arrows and light blows. Ross states that they also carry a circular elk-skin shield about eighteen inches in diameter. Although by no means a blood-thirsty race, the Chinook tribes were frequently involved in quarrels, resulting, it is said, from the abduction of women more frequently than from other causes. They, like almost all other American tribes, make a free use of war paint, laying it on grotesquely and in bright colors; but unlike most other nations, they never resorted to treachery, surprise, night attacks, or massacre of women and children. Fighting was generally done upon the water. When efforts to settle amicably their differences, always the first expedient, failed, a party of warriors, covered from head to foot with armor, and armed with bows, arrows, and bludgeons, was paddled by women to the enemies' village, where diplomatic efforts for peace were renewed. If still unsuccessful, the women were removed from danger, and the battle commenced, or, if the hour was late, fighting was postponed till the next morning. As their armor was arrow-proof and as they rarely came near enough for hand-to-hand conflict, the battles were of short duration and accompanied by little bloodshed; the fall of a few warriors decided the victory, the victors gained their point in the original dispute, the vanquished paid some damages, and the affair ended.[353] [Sidenote: IMPLEMENTS, MANUFACTURES, BOATS.] Troughs dug out of one piece of cedar, and woven baskets served this people for dishes, and were used for every purpose. The best baskets were of silk grass or fine fibre, of a conical form, woven in colors so closely as to hold liquids, and with a capacity of from one to six gallons. Coarser baskets were made of roots and rushes, rude spoons of ash-wood, and circular mats did duty as plates. Wapato diggers used a curved stick with handle of horn; fish-hooks and spears were made of wood and bone in a variety of forms; the wing-bone of the crane supplied a needle. With regard to their original cutting instruments, by which trees were felled for canoes or for planks which were split off by wedges, there is much uncertainty; since nearly all authorities state that before their intercourse with Europeans, chisels made of 'old files,' were employed, and driven by an oblong stone or a spruce-knot mallet. Pipe-bowls were of hard wood fitted to an elder stem, but the best ones, of stone elegantly carved, were of Haidah manufacture and obtained from the north.[354] To kindle a fire the Chinook twirls rapidly between the palms a cedar stick, the point of which is pressed into a small hollow in a flat piece of the same material, the sparks falling on finely-frayed bark. Sticks are commonly carried for the purpose, improving with use. Besides woven baskets, matting is the chief article of Chinook manufacture. It is made by the women by placing side by side common bulrushes or flags about three feet long, tying the ends, and passing strings of twisted rushes through the whole length, sometimes twenty or thirty feet, about four inches apart, by means of a bone needle.[355] Chinook boats do not differ essentially, either in material, form, or method of manufacture, from those already described as in use among the Sound family. Always dug out of a single log of the common white cedar, they vary in length from ten to fifty feet, and in form according to the waters they are intended to navigate or the freight they are to carry. In these canoes lightness, strength, and elegance combine to make them perfect models of water-craft. Lewis and Clarke describe four forms in use in this region, and their description of boats, as of most other matters connected with this people, has been taken with or without credit by nearly all who have treated of the subject. I cannot do better than to give their account of the largest and best boats used by the Killamooks and other tribes on the coast outside the river. "The sides are secured by cross-bars, or round sticks, two or three inches in thickness, which are inserted through holes just below the gunwale, and made fast with cords. The upper edge of the gunwale itself is about five-eighths of an inch thick, and four or five in breadth, and folds outwards, so as to form a kind of rim, which prevents the water from beating into the boat. The bow and stern are about the same height, and each provided with a comb, reaching to the bottom of the boat. At each end, also, are pedestals, formed of the same solid piece, on which are placed strange grotesque figures of men or animals, rising sometimes to the height of five feet, and composed of small pieces of wood, firmly united, with great ingenuity, by inlaying and mortising, without a spike of any kind. The paddle is usually from four feet and a half to five feet in length; the handle being thick for one-third of its length, when it widens, and is hollowed and thinned on each side of the centre, which forms a sort of rib. When they embark, one Indian sits in the stern, and steers with a paddle, the others kneel in pairs in the bottom of the canoe, and sitting on their heels, paddle over the gunwale next to them. In this way they ride with perfect safety the highest waves, and venture without the least concern in seas where other boats or seamen could not live an instant." The women are as expert as the men in the management of canoes.[356] [Sidenote: CHINOOK PROPERTY AND TRADE.] The Chinooks were always a commercial rather than a warlike people, and are excelled by none in their shrewdness at bargaining. Before the arrival of the Europeans they repaired annually to the region of the Cascades and Dalles, where they met the tribes of the interior, with whom they exchanged their few articles of trade--fish, oil, shells, and Wapato--for the skins, roots, and grasses of their eastern neighbors. The coming of ships to the coast gave the Chinooks the advantage in this trade, since they controlled the traffic in beads, trinkets and weapons; they found also in the strangers ready buyers of the skins obtained from the interior in exchange for these articles. Their original currency or standard of value was the hiaqua shell from the northern coast, whose value was in proportion to its length, a fathom string of forty shells being worth nearly double a string of fifty to the fathom. Since the white men came, beaver-skins and blankets have been added to their currency. Individuals were protected in their rights to personal property, such as slaves, canoes, and implements, but they had no idea of personal property in lands, the title to which rested in the tribe for purposes of fishing and the chase.[357] In decorative art this family cannot be said to hold a high place compared with more northern nations, their only superior work being the modeling of their canoes, and the weaving of ornamental baskets. In carving they are far inferior to the Haidahs; the Cathlamets, according to Lewis and Clarke, being somewhat superior to the others, or at least more fond of the art. Their attempts at painting are exceedingly rude.[358] Little can be said of their system of government except that it was eminently successful in producing peaceful and well regulated communities. Each band or village was usually a sovereignty, nominally ruled by a chief, either hereditary or selected for his wealth and popularity, who exerted over his tribe influence rather than authority, but who was rarely opposed in his measures. Sometimes a league existed, more or less permanent, for warlike expeditions. Slight offenses against usage--the tribal common law--were expiated by the payment of an amount of property satisfactory to the party offended. Theft was an offense, but the return of the article stolen removed every trace of dishonor. Serious crimes, as the robbery of a burial-place, were sometimes punished with death by the people, but no special authorities or processes seem to have been employed, either for detection or punishment.[359] Slavery, common to all the coast families, is also practiced by the Chinooks, but there is less difference here perhaps than elsewhere between the condition of the slaves and the free. Obtained from without the limits of the family, towards the south or east, by war, or more commonly by trade, the slaves are obliged to perform all the drudgery for their masters, and their children must remain in their parents' condition, their round heads serving as a distinguishing mark from freemen. But the amount of the work connected with the Chinook household is never great, and so long as the slaves are well and strong, they are liberally fed and well treated. True, many instances are known of slaves murdered by the whim of a cruel and rich master, and it was not very uncommon to kill slaves on the occasion of the death of prominent persons, but wives and friends are also known to have been sacrificed on similar occasions. No burial rights are accorded to slaves, and no care taken of them in serious illness; when unable to work they are left to die, and their bodies cast into the sea or forest as food for fish or beast. It was not a rare occurrence for a freeman to voluntarily subject himself to servitude in payment of a gambling-debt; nor for a slave to be adopted into the tribe, and the privilege of head-flattening accorded to his offspring.[360] [Sidenote: MARITAL RELATIONS OF THE CHINOOKS.] Not only were the Chinooks a peaceable people in their tribal intercourse, but eminently so in their family relations. The young men when they married brought their wives to their father's home, and thus several generations lived amicably in their large dwellings until forced to separate by numbers, the chief authority being exercised not by the oldest but by the most active and useful member of the household. Overtures for marriage were made by friends of the would-be bridegroom, who offered a certain price, and if accepted by the maiden's parents, the wedding ceremony was celebrated simply by an interchange and exhibition of presents with the congratulations of invited guests. A man might take as many wives as he could buy and support, and all lived together without jealousy; but practically few, and those among the rich and powerful, indulged in the luxury of more than one wife. It has been noticed that there was often great disparity in the ages of bride and groom, for, say the Chinooks, a very young or very aged couple lack either the experience or the activity necessary for fighting the battles of life. Divorce or separation is easily accomplished, but is not of frequent occurrence. A husband can repudiate his wife for infidelity, or any cause of dissatisfaction, and she can marry again. Some cases are known of infidelity punished with death. Barrenness is common, the birth of twins rare, and families do not usually exceed two children. Childbirth, as elsewhere among aboriginals, is accompanied with but little inconvenience, and children are often nursed until three or five years old. They are carried about on the mother's back until able to walk; at first in the head-flattening cradle, and later in wicker baskets. Unmarried women have not the slightest idea of chastity, and freely bestow their favors in return for a kindness, or for a very small consideration in property paid to themselves or parents. When married, all this is changed--female virtue acquires a marketable value, the possessorship being lodged in the man and not in the woman. Rarely are wives unfaithful to their husbands; but the chastity of the wife is the recognized property of the husband, who sells it whenever he pleases. Although attaching no honor to chastity, the Chinook woman feels something like shame at becoming the mother of an illegitimate child, and it is supposed to be partly from this instinct, that infanticide and abortion are of frequent occurrence. At her first menstruation a girl must perform a certain penance, much less severe, however, than among the northern nations. In some tribes she must bathe frequently for a moon, and rub the body with rotten hemlock, carefully abstaining from all fish and berries which are in season, and remaining closely in the house during a south wind. Did she partake of the forbidden food, the fish would leave the streams and the berries drop from the bushes; or did she go out in a south wind, the thunder-bird would come and shake his wings. All thunder-storms are thus caused. Both young children and the old and infirm are kindly treated. Work is equally divided between the sexes; the women prepare the food which the men provide; they also manufacture baskets and matting; they are nearly as skillful as the men with the canoe, and are consulted on all important matters. Their condition is by no means a hard one. It is among tribes that live by the chase or by other means in which women can be of little service, that we find the sex most oppressed and cruelly treated.[361] [Sidenote: CHINOOK FEASTS AND FESTIVITIES.] Like all Indians, the Chinooks are fond of feasting, but their feasts are simply the coming together of men and women during the fishing season with the determination to eat as much as possible, and this meeting is devoid of those complicated ceremonies of invitation, reception, and social etiquette, observed farther north; nor has any traveler noticed the distribution of property as a feature of these festivals. Fantastically dressed and gaudily decked with paint, they are wont to jump about on certain occasions in a hopping, jolting kind of dance, accompanied by songs, beating of sticks, clapping of hands, and occasional yells, the women usually dancing in a separate set. As few visitors mention their dances, it is probable that dancing was less prevalent than with others. Their songs were often soft and pleasing, differing in style for various occasions, the words extemporized, the tunes being often sung with meaningless sounds, like our tra-la-la. Swan gives examples of the music used under different circumstances. Smoking was universal, the leaves of the bear-berry being employed, mixed in later times with tobacco obtained from the whites. Smoke is swallowed and retained in the stomach and lungs until partial intoxication ensues. No intoxicating drink was known to them before the whites came, and after their coming for a little time they looked on strong drink with suspicion, and were averse to its use. They are sometimes sober even now, when no whisky is at hand. But the favorite amusement of all the Chinook nations is gambling, which occupies the larger part of their time when not engaged in sleeping, eating, or absolutely necessary work. In their games they risk all their property, their wives and children, and in many instances their own freedom, losing all with composure, and nearly always accompanying the game with a song. Two persons, or two parties large or small, play one against the other; a banking game is also in vogue, in which one individual plays against all comers. A favorite method is to pass rapidly from hand to hand two small sticks, one of which is marked, the opponent meanwhile guessing at the hand containing the marked stick. The sticks sometimes take the form of discs of the size of a silver dollar, each player having ten; these are wrapped in a mass of fine bark-fibre, shuffled and separated in two portions; the winner naming the bunch containing the marked or trump piece. Differently marked sticks may also be shuffled or tossed in the air, and the lucky player correctly names the relative position in which they shall fall. A favorite game of females, called _ahikia_, is played with beaver-teeth, having figured sides, which are thrown like dice; the issue depends on the combinations of figures which are turned up. In all these games the players squat upon mats; sticks are used as counters; and an essential point for a successful gambler is to make as much noise as possible, in order to confuse the judgment of opponents. In still another game the players attempt to roll small pieces of wood between two pins set up a few inches apart, at a distance of ten feet, into a hole in the floor just beyond. The only sports of an athletic nature are shooting at targets with arrows and spears, and a game of ball in which two goals are placed a mile apart, and each party--sometimes a whole tribe--endeavors to force the ball past the other's goal, as in foot-ball, except that the ball is thrown with a stick, to one end of which is fixed a small hoop or ring.[362] Children's sports are described only by Swan, and as rag babies and imitated Catholic baptisms were the favorite pastimes mentioned, they may be supposed not altogether aboriginal. [Sidenote: CUSTOMS AND SUPERSTITIONS.] Personal names with the Chinooks are hereditary, but in many cases they either have no meaning or their original signification is soon forgotten. They are averse to telling their true name to strangers, for fear, as they sometimes say, that it may be stolen; the truth is, however, that with them the name assumes a personality; it is the shadow or spirit, or other self, of the flesh and blood person, and between the name and the individual there is a mysterious connection, and injury cannot be done to one without affecting the other; therefore, to give one's name to a friend is a high mark of Chinook favor. No account is kept of age. They are believers in sorcery and secret influences, and not without fear of their medicine-men or conjurers, but, except perhaps in their quality of physicians, the latter do not exert the influence which is theirs farther north; their ceremonies and tricks are consequently fewer and less ridiculous. Inventions of the whites not understood by the natives are looked on with great superstition. It was, for instance, very difficult at first to persuade them to risk their lives before a photographic apparatus, and this for the reason before mentioned; they fancied that their spirit thus passed into the keeping of others, who could torment it at pleasure.[363] Consumption, liver complaint and ophthalmia are the most prevalent Chinook maladies; to which, since the whites came, fever and ague have been added, and have killed eighty or ninety per cent. of the whole people, utterly exterminating some tribes. The cause of this excessive mortality is supposed to be the native method of treatment, which allays a raging fever by plunging the patient in the river or sea. On the Columbia this alleviating plunge is preceded by violent perspiration in a vapor bath; consequently the treatment has been much more fatal there than on the coast where the vapor bath is not in use. For slight ills and pains, especially for external injuries, the Chinooks employ simple remedies obtained from various plants and trees. Many of these remedies have been found to be of actual value, while others are evidently quack nostrums, as when the ashes of the hair of particular animals are considered essential ingredients of certain ointments. Fasting and bathing serve to relieve many slight internal complaints. Strangely enough, they never suffer from diseases of the digestive organs, notwithstanding the greasy compounds used as food. When illness becomes serious or refuses to yield to simple treatment, the conclusion is that either the spirits of the dead are striving to remove the spirit of the sick person from the troubles of earth to a happier existence, or certain evil spirits prefer this world and the patient's body for their dwelling-place. Then the doctor is summoned. Medical celebrities are numerous, each with his favorite method of treatment, but all agree that singing, beating of sticks, indeed a noise, however made, accompanied by mysterious passes and motions, with violent pressure and kneading of the body are indispensable. The patient frequently survives the treatment. Several observers believe that mesmeric influences are exerted, sometimes with benefit, by the doctors in their mummeries.[364] [Sidenote: CHINOOK BURIAL RITES.] When the Chinook dies, relatives are careful to speak in whispers, and indulge in no loud manifestations of grief so long as the body remains in the house. The body is prepared for final disposition by wrapping it in blankets, together with ornaments and other property of a valuable but not bulky nature. For a burial place an elevated but retired spot near the river bank or on an island is almost always selected, but the methods of disposing of the dead in these cemeteries differ somewhat among the various tribes. In the region about the mouth of the Columbia, the body with its wrappings is placed in the best canoe of the deceased, which is washed for the purpose, covered with additional blankets, mats, and property, again covered, when the deceased is of the richer class, by another inverted canoe, the whole bound together with matting and cords, and deposited usually on a plank platform five or six feet high, but sometimes suspended from the branches of trees, or even left on the surface of the ground. The more bulky articles of property, such as utensils, and weapons, are deposited about or hung from the platform, being previously spoiled for use that they may not tempt desecrators among the whites or foreign tribes; or, it may be that the sacrifice or death of the implements is necessary before the spirits of the implements can accompany the spirit of the owner. For the same purpose, and to allow the water to pass off, holes are bored in the bottom of the canoe, the head of the corpse being raised a little higher than the feet. Some travelers have observed a uniformity in the position of the canoe, the head pointing towards the east, or down the current of the stream. After about a year, the bones are sometimes taken out and buried, but the canoe and platform are never removed. Chiefs' canoes are often repainted. Farther up both the Columbia and Willamette Rivers, excavations of little depth are often made, in which bodies are deposited on horizontal boards and covered over with a slightly inclining roof of heavy planks or poles. In these vaults several tiers of corpses are often placed one above another. At the Cascades, depositories of the dead have been noticed in the form of a roofed inclosure of planks, eight feet long, six feet wide, and five feet high, with a door in one end, and the whole exterior painted. The Calapooyas also buried their dead in regular graves, over which was erected a wooden head-board. Desecration of burial places is a great crime with the Chinook; he also attaches great importance to having his bones rest in his tribal cemetery wherever he may die. For a long time after a death, relatives repair daily at sunrise and sunset to the vicinity of the grave to sing songs of mourning and praise. Until the bones are finally disposed of, the name of the deceased must not be spoken, and for several years it is spoken only with great reluctance. Near relatives often change their name under the impression that spirits will be attracted back to earth if they hear familiar names often repeated. Chiefs are supposed to die through the evil influence of another person, and the suspected, though a dear friend, was formerly often sacrificed. The dead bodies of slaves are never touched save by other slaves.[365] [Sidenote: CHINOOK CHARACTER.] There is little difference of opinion concerning the character of the Chinooks. All agree that they are intelligent and very acute in trade; some travelers have found them at different points harmless and inoffensive; and in a few instances honesty has been detected. So much for their good qualities. As to the bad, there is unanimity nearly as great that they are thieves and liars, and for the rest each observer applies to them a selection of such adjectives as lazy, superstitious, cowardly, inquisitive, intrusive, libidinous, treacherous, turbulent, hypocritical, fickle, etc. The Clatsops, with some authors, have the reputation of being the most honest and moral; for the lowest position in the scale all the rest might present a claim. It should however be said in their favor that they are devotedly attached to their homes, and treat kindly both their young children and aged parents; also that not a few of their bad traits originated with or have been aggravated by contact with civilization.[366] THE INLAND FAMILIES, constituting the fifth and last division of the Columbians, inhabit the region between the Cascade Range and the eastern limit of what I term the Pacific States, from 52° 30´ to 45° of north latitude. These bounds are tolerably distinct; though that on the south, separating the eastern portions of the Columbian and Californian groups, is irregular and marked by no great river, mountain chain, or other prominent physical feature. These inland natives of the Northwest occupy, in person, character, and customs, as well as in the location of their home, an intermediate position between the coast people already described--to whom they are pronounced superior in most respects--and the Rocky Mountain or eastern tribes. Travelers crossing the Rocky Mountains into this territory from the east, or entering it from the Pacific by way of the Columbia or Fraser, note contrasts on passing the limits, sufficient to justify me in regarding its inhabitants as one people for the purposes aimed at in this volume.[367] Instead, therefore, of treating each family separately, as has been done with the coast divisions of the group, I deem it more convenient, as well as less monotonous to the reader, to avoid repetition by describing the manners and customs of all the people within these limits together, taking care to note such variations as may be found to exist. The division into families and nations, made according to principles already sufficiently explained, is as follows, beginning again at the north: [Sidenote: THE SHUSHWAPS.] THE SHUSHWAPS, our first family division, live between 52° 30´ and 49° in the interior of British Columbia, occupying the valleys of the Fraser, Thompson, and Upper Columbia rivers with their tributary streams and lakes. They are bounded on the west by the Nootkas and on the north by the Carriers, from both of which families they seem to be distinct. As national divisions of this family may be mentioned the Shushwaps proper, or _Atnahs_,[368] who occupy the whole northern portion of the territory; the _Okanagans_,[369] in the valley of the lake and river of the same name; and the _Kootenais_,[370] who inhabit the triangle bounded by the Upper Columbia, the Rocky Mountains, and the 49th parallel, living chiefly on Flatbow river and lake. All three nations might probably be joined with quite as much reason to the Salish family farther south, as indeed has usually been done with the Okanagans; while the Kootenais are by some considered distinct from any of their adjoining nations. THE SALISH FAMILY dwells south of the Shushwaps, between 49° and 47°, altogether on the Columbia and its tributaries. Its nations, more clearly defined than in most other families, are the _Flatheads_,[371] or Salish proper, between the Bitter Root and Rocky Mountains on Flathead and Clarke rivers; the _Pend d'Oreilles_,[372] who dwell about the lake of the same name and on Clarke River, for fifty to seventy-five miles above and below the lake; the _Coeurs d'Alêne_,[373] south of the Pend d'Oreilles, on Coeur d'Alêne Lake and the streams falling into it; the _Colvilles_,[374] a term which may be used to designate the variously named bands about Kettle Falls, and northward along the Columbia to the Arrow Lakes; the _Spokanes_,[375] on the Spokane River and plateau along the Columbia below Kettle Falls, nearly to the mouth of the Okanagan; and the _Pisquouse_,[376] on the west bank of the Columbia between the Okanagan and Priest Rapids. [Sidenote: THE SAHAPTIN FAMILY.] THE SAHAPTIN FAMILY, the last of the Columbian group, is immediately south of the Salish, between the Cascade and Bitter Root mountains, reaching southward, in general terms, to the forty-fifth parallel, but very irregularly bounded by the Shoshone tribes of the Californian group. Of its nations, the _Nez Percés_,[377] or Sahaptins proper, dwell on the Clearwater and its branches, and on the Snake about the forks; the _Palouse_[378] occupy the region north of the Snake about the mouth of the Palouse; the south banks of the Columbia and Snake near their confluence, and the banks of the lower Walla Walla are occupied by the _Walla Wallas_;[379] the _Yakimas_ and _Kliketats_[380] inhabit the region north of the Dalles, between the Cascade Range and the Columbia, the former in the valley of the Yakima, the latter in the mountains about Mt. Adams. Both nations extend in some bands across into the territory of the Sound family. The natives of Oregon east of the Cascade Range, who have not usually been included in the Sahaptin family, I will divide somewhat arbitrarily into the _Wascos_, extending from the mountains eastward to John Day River, and the _Cayuse_,[381] from this river across the Blue Mountains to the Grande Ronde. [Sidenote: PHYSIQUE OF THE INLAND TRIBES.] The inland Columbians are of medium stature, usually from five feet seven to five feet ten inches, but sometimes reaching a height of six feet; spare in flesh, but muscular and symmetrical; with well-formed limbs, the legs not being deformed as among the Chinooks by constant sitting in the canoe; feet and hands are in many tribes small and well made. In bodily strength they are inferior to whites, but superior, as might be expected from their habits, to the more indolent fish-eaters on the Pacific. The women, though never corpulent, are more inclined to rotundity than the men. The Nez Percés and Cayuses are considered the best specimens, while in the north the Kootenais seem to be superior to the other Shushwap nations. The Salish are assigned by Wilkes and Hale an intermediate place in physical attributes between the coast and mountain tribes, being in stature and proportion superior to the Chinooks, but inferior to the Nez Percés.[382] Inland, a higher order of face is observed than on the coast. The cheek-bones are still high, the forehead is rather low, the face long, the eyes black, rarely oblique, the nose prominent and frequently aquiline, the lips thin, the teeth white and regular but generally much worn. The general expression of the features is stern, often melancholy, but not as a rule harsh or repulsive. Dignified, fine-looking men, and handsome young women have been remarked in nearly all the tribes, but here again the Sahaptins bear off the palm. The complexion is not darker than on the coast, but has more of a coppery hue. The hair is black, generally coarse, and worn long. The beard is very thin, and its growth is carefully prevented by plucking.[383] [Sidenote: HEAD-FLATTENING IN THE INTERIOR.] The custom of head-flattening, apparently of seaboard origin and growth, extends, nevertheless, across the Cascade barrier, and is practiced to a greater or less extent by all the tribes of the Sahaptin family. Among them all, however, with the exception perhaps of the Kliketats, the deformity consists only of a very slight compression of the forehead, which nearly or quite disappears at maturity. The practice also extends inland up the valley of the Fraser, and is found at least in nearly all the more western tribes of the Shushwaps. The Salish family do not flatten the skull.[384] Other methods of deforming the person, such as tattooing and perforating the features are as a rule not employed; the Yakimas and Kliketats, however, with some other lower Columbia tribes, pierce or cut away the septum of the nose,[385] and the Nez Percés probably derived their name from a similar custom formerly practiced by them. Paint, however, is used by all inland as well as coast tribes on occasions when decoration is desired, but applied in less profusion by the latter. The favorite color is vermilion, applied as a rule only to the face and hair.[386] Elaborate hair-dressing is not common, and both sexes usually wear the hair in the same style, soaked in grease, often painted, and hanging in a natural state, or in braids, plaits, or queues, over the shoulders. Some of the southern tribes cut the hair across the forehead, while others farther north tie it up in knots on the back of the head.[387] The coast dress--robes or blankets of bark-fibre or small skins--is also used for some distance inland on the banks of the Columbia and Fraser, as among the Nicoutamuch, Kliketats, and Wascos; but the distinctive inland dress is of dressed skin of deer, antelope, or mountain sheep; made into a rude frock, or shirt, with loose sleeves; leggins reaching half-way up the thigh, and either bound to the leg or attached by strings to a belt about the waist; moccasins, and rarely a cap. Men's frocks descend half-way to the knees; women's nearly to the ankles. Over this dress, or to conceal the want of some part of it, a buffalo or elk robe is worn, especially in winter. All garments are profusely and often tastefully decorated with leather fringes, feathers, shells, and porcupine quills; beads, trinkets and various bright-colored cloths having been added to Indian ornamentation since the whites came. A new suit of this native skin clothing is not without beauty, but by most tribes the suit is worn without change till nearly ready to drop off, and becomes disgustingly filthy. Some tribes clean and whiten their clothing occasionally with white earth, or pipe-clay. The buffalo and most of the other large skins are obtained from the country east of the mountains.[388] [Sidenote: INLAND DWELLINGS.] The inland dwelling is a frame of poles, covered with rush matting, or with the skins of the buffalo or elk. As a rule the richest tribes and individuals use skins, although many of the finest Sahaptin houses are covered with mats only. Notwithstanding these nations are rich in horses, I find no mention that horse-hides are ever employed for this or any other purpose. The form of the lodge is that of a tent, conical or oblong, and usually sharp at the top, where an open space is left for light and air to enter, and smoke to escape. Their internal condition presents a marked contrast with that of the Chinook and Nootka habitations, since they are by many interior tribes kept free from vermin and filth. Their light material and the frequency with which their location is changed contributes to this result. The lodges are pitched by the women, who acquire great skill and celerity in the work. Holes are left along the sides for entrance, and within, a floor of sticks is laid, or more frequently the ground is spread with mats, and skins serve for beds. Dwellings are often built sufficiently large to accommodate many families, each of which in such case has its own fireplace on a central longitudinal line, a definite space being allotted for its goods, but no dividing partitions are ever used. The dwellings are arranged in small villages generally located in winter on the banks of small streams a little away from the main rivers. For a short distance up the Columbia, houses similar to those of the Chinooks are built of split cedar and bark. The Walla Wallas, living in summer in the ordinary mat lodge, often construct for winter a subterranean abode by digging a circular hole ten or twelve feet deep, roofing it with poles or split cedar covered with grass and mud, leaving a small opening at the top for exit and entrance by means of a notched-log ladder. The Atnahs on Fraser River spend the winter in similar structures, a simple slant roof of mats or bark sufficing for shade and shelter in summer. The Okanagans construct their lodges over an excavation in the ground several feet deep, and like many other nations, cover their matting in winter with grass and earth.[389] [Sidenote: FOOD OF THE INLAND NATIONS.] The inland families eat fish and game, with roots and fruit; no nation subsists without all these supplies; but the proportion of each consumed varies greatly according to locality. Some tribes divide their forces regularly into bands, of men to fish and hunt, of women to cure fish and flesh, and to gather roots and berries. I have spoken of the coast tribes as a fish-eating, and the interior tribes as a hunting people, attributing in great degree their differences of person and character to their food, or rather to their methods of obtaining it; yet fish constitutes an important element of inland subsistence as well. Few tribes live altogether without salmon, the great staple of the Northwest; since those dwelling on streams inaccessible to the salmon by reason of intervening falls, obtain their supply by annual migrations to the fishing-grounds, or by trade with other nations. The principal salmon fisheries of the Columbia are at the Dalles, the falls ten miles above, and at Kettle Falls. Other productive stations are on the Powder, Snake, Yakima, Okanagan, and Clarke rivers. On the Fraser, which has no falls in its lower course, fishing is carried on all along the banks of the river instead of at regular stations, as on the Columbia. Nets, weirs, hooks, spears, and all the implements and methods by which fish are taken and cured have been sufficiently described in treating of the coast region; in the interior I find no important variations except in the basket method in use at the Chaudières or Kettle Falls by the Quiarlpi tribe. Here an immense willow basket, often ten feet in diameter and twelve feet deep, is suspended at the falls from strong timbers fixed in crevices of the rocks, and above this is a frame so attached that the salmon in attempting to leap the fall strike the sticks of the frame and are thrown back into the basket, in the largest of which naked men armed with clubs await them. Five thousand pounds of salmon have thus been taken in a day by means of a single basket. During the fishing-season the Salmon Chief has full authority; his basket is the largest, and must be located a month before others are allowed to fish. The small nets used in the same region have also the peculiarity of a stick which keeps the mouth open when the net is empty, but is removed by the weight of the fish. Besides the salmon, sturgeon are extensively taken in the Fraser, and in the Arrow Lakes, while trout and other varieties of small fish abound in most of the streams. The fishing-season is the summer, between June and September, varying a month or more according to locality. This is also the season of trade and festivity, when tribes from all directions assemble to exchange commodities, gamble, dance, and in later times to drink and fight.[390] [Sidenote: HUNTING BY SHUSHWAPS, SALISH, AND SAHAPTINS.] The larger varieties of game are hunted by the natives on horseback wherever the nature of the country will permit. Buffalo are now never found west of the Rocky Mountains, and there are but few localities where large game has ever been abundant, at least since the country became known to white men. Consequently the Flatheads, Nez Percés, and Kootenais, the distinctively hunting nations, as well as bands from nearly every other tribe, cross the mountains once or twice each year, penetrating to the buffalo-plains between the Yellowstone and the Missouri, in the territory of hostile nations. The bow and arrow was the weapon with which buffalo and all other game were shot. No peculiar cunning seems to have been necessary to the native hunter of buffalo; he had only to ride into the immense herds on his well-trained horse, and select the fattest animals for his arrows. Various devices are mentioned as being practiced in the chase of deer, elk, and mountain sheep; such as driving them by a circle of fire on the prairie towards the concealed hunters, or approaching within arrow-shot by skillful manipulations of a decoy animal; or the frightened deer are driven into an ambush by converging lines of bright-colored rags so placed in the bushes as to represent men. Kane states that about the Arrow Lakes hunting dogs are trained to follow the deer and to bring back the game to their masters even from very long distances. Deer are also pursued in the winter on snow-shoes, and in deep snow often knocked down with clubs. Bear and beaver are trapped in some places; and, especially about the northern lakes and marshes, wild fowl are very abundant, and help materially to eke out the supply of native food.[391] [Sidenote: FOOD AND ITS PREPARATION.] Their natural improvidence, or an occasional unlucky hunting or fishing season, often reduces them to want, and in such case the resort is to roots, berries, and mosses, several varieties of which are also gathered and laid up as a part of their regular winter supplies. Chief among the roots are the camass, a sweet, onion-like bulb, which grows in moist prairies, the couse, which flourishes in more sterile and rocky spots, and the bitter-root, which names a valley and mountain range. To obtain these roots the natives make regular migrations, as for game or fish. The varieties of roots and berries used for food are very numerous; and none seem to grow in the country which to the native taste are unpalatable or injurious, though many are both to the European.[392] Towards obtaining food the men hunt and fish; all the other work of digging roots, picking berries, as well as dressing, preserving, and cooking all kinds of food is done by the women, with some exceptions among the Nez Percés and Pend d'Oreilles. Buffalo-meat is jerked by cutting in thin pieces and drying in the sun and over smouldering fires on scaffolds of poles. Fish is sun-dried on scaffolds, and by some tribes on the lower Columbia is also pulverized between two stones and packed in baskets lined with fish-skin. Here, as on the coast, the heads and offal only are eaten during the fishing-season. The Walla Wallas are said usually to eat fish without cooking. Roots, mosses, and such berries as are preserved, are usually kept in cakes, which for eating are moistened, mixed in various proportions and cooked, or eaten without preparation. To make the cakes simply drying, pulverizing, moistening, and sun-drying usually suffice; but camas and pine-moss are baked or fermented for several days in an underground kiln by means of hot stones, coming out in the form of a dark gluey paste of the proper consistency for moulding. Many of these powdered roots may be preserved for years without injury. Boiling by means of hot stones and roasting on sharp sticks fixed in the ground near the fire, are the universal methods of cooking. No mention is made of peculiar customs in eating; to eat often and much is the aim; the style of serving is a secondary consideration.[393] Life with all these nations is but a struggle for food, and the poorer tribes are often reduced nearly to starvation; yet they never are known to kill dogs or horses for food. About the missions and on the reservations cattle have been introduced and the soil is cultivated by the natives to considerable extent.[394] [Sidenote: PERSONAL HABITS IN THE INTERIOR.] In their personal habits, as well as the care of their lodges, the Cayuses, Nez Percés, and Kootenais, are mentioned as neat and cleanly; the rest, though filthy, are still somewhat superior to the dwellers on the coast. The Flatheads wash themselves daily, but their dishes and utensils never. De Smet represents the Pend d'Oreille women as untidy even for savages.[395] Guns, knives and tomahawks have generally taken the place of such native weapons as these natives may have used against their foes originally. Only the bow and arrow have survived intercourse with white men, and no other native weapon is described, except one peculiar to the Okanagans,--a kind of Indian slung-shot. This is a small cylindrical ruler of hard wood, covered with raw hide, which at one end forms a small bag and holds a round stone as large as a goose-egg; the other end of the weapon is tied to the wrist. Arrow-shafts are of hard wood, carefully straightened by rolling between two blocks, fitted by means of sinews with stone or flint heads at one end, and pinnated with feathers at the other. The most elastic woods are chosen for the bow, and its force is augmented by tendons glued to its back.[396] [Sidenote: THE INLAND NATIONS AT WAR.] The inland families cannot be called a warlike race. Resort to arms for the settlement of their intertribal disputes seems to have been very rare. Yet all are brave warriors when fighting becomes necessary for defense or vengeance against a foreign foe; notably so the Cayuses, Nez Percés, Flatheads and Kootenais. The two former waged both aggressive and defensive warfare against the Snakes of the south; while the latter joined their arms against their common foes, the eastern Blackfeet, who, though their inferiors in bravery, nearly exterminated the Flathead nation by superiority in numbers, and by being the first to obtain the white man's weapons. Departure on a warlike expedition is always preceded by ceremonious preparation, including councils of the wise, great, and old; smoking the pipe, harangues by the chiefs, dances, and a general review, or display of equestrian feats and the manoeuvres of battle. The warriors are always mounted; in many tribes white or speckled war-horses are selected, and both rider and steed are gaily painted, and decked with feathers, trinkets, and bright-colored cloths. The war-party in most nations is under the command of a chief periodically elected by the tribe, who has no authority whatever in peace, but who keeps his soldiers in the strictest discipline in time of war. Stealthy approach and an unexpected attack in the early morning constitute their favorite tactics. They rush on the enemy like a whirlwind, with terrific yells, discharge their guns or arrows, and retire to prepare for another attack. The number slain is rarely large; the fall of a few men, or the loss of a chief decides the victory. When a man falls, a rush is made for his scalp, which is defended by his party, and a fierce hand-to-hand conflict ensues, generally terminating the battle. After the fight, or before it when either party lacks confidence in the result, a peace is made by smoking the pipe, with the most solemn protestations of goodwill, and promises which neither party has the slightest intention of fulfilling. The dead having been scalped, and prisoners bound and taken up behind the victors, the party starts homeward. Torture of the prisoners, chiefly perpetrated by the women, follows the arrival. By the Flatheads and northern nations captives are generally killed by their sufferings; among the Sahaptins some survive and are made slaves. In the Flathead torture of the Blackfeet are practiced all the fiendish acts of cruelty that native cunning can devise, all of which are borne with the traditional stoicism and taunts of the North American Indian. The Nez Percé system is a little less cruel in order to save life for future slavery. Day after day, at a stated hour, the captives are brought out and made to hold the scalps of their dead friends aloft on poles while the scalp-dance is performed about them, the female participators meanwhile exerting all their devilish ingenuity in tormenting their victims.[397] The native saddle consists of a rude wooden frame, under and over which is thrown a buffalo-robe, and which is bound to the horse by a very narrow thong of hide in place of the Mexican _cincha_. A raw-hide crupper is used; a deer-skin pad sometimes takes the place of the upper robe, or the robe and pad are used without the wooden frame. Stirrups are made by binding three straight pieces of wood or bone together in triangular form, and sometimes covering all with raw-hide put on wet; or one straight piece is suspended from a forked thong, and often the simple thong passing round the foot suffices. The bridle is a rope of horse-hair or of skin, made fast with a half hitch round the animal's lower jaw. The same rope usually serves for bridle and lariat. Sharp bones, at least in later times, are used for spurs. Wood is split for the few native uses by elk-horn wedges driven by bottle-shaped stone mallets. Baskets and vessels for holding water and cooking are woven of willow, bark, and grasses. Rushes, growing in all swampy localities are cut of uniform length, laid parallel and tied together for matting. Rude bowls and spoons are sometimes dug out of horn or wood, but the fingers, with pieces of bark and small mats are the ordinary table furniture. Skins are dressed by spreading, scraping off the flesh, and for some purposes the hair, with a sharp piece of bone, stone, or iron attached to a short handle, and used like an adze. The skin is then smeared with the animal's brains, and rubbed or pounded by a very tedious process till it becomes soft and white, some hides being previously smoked and bleached with white clay.[398] [Sidenote: PREPARATION OF SKINS. RIVER-BOATS.] On the lower Columbia the Wascos, Kliketats, Walla Wallas, and other tribes use dug-out boats like those of the coast, except that little skill or labor is expended on their construction or ornamentation; the only requisite being supporting capacity, as is natural in a country where canoes play but a small part in the work of procuring food. Farther in the interior the mountain tribes of the Sahaptin family, as the Cayuses and Nez Percés, make no boats, but use rude rafts or purchase an occasional canoe from their neighbors, for the rare cases when it becomes necessary to transport property across an unfordable stream. The Flatheads sew up their lodge-skins into a temporary boat for the same purpose. On the Fraser the Nootka dug-out is in use. But on the northern lakes and rivers of the interior, the Pend d'Oreille, Flatbow, Arrow, and Okanagan, northward to the Tacully territory, the natives manufacture and navigate bark canoes. Both birch and pine are employed, by stretching it over a cedar hoop-work frame, sewing the ends with fine roots, and gumming the seams and knots. The form is very peculiar; the stem and stern are pointed, but the points are on a level with the bottom of the boat, and the slope or curve is upward towards the centre. Travelers describe them as carrying a heavy load, but easily capsized unless when very skillfully managed.[399] [Sidenote: HORSES, PROPERTY, AND TRADE.] Horses constitute the native wealth, and poor indeed is the family which has not for each member, young and old, an animal to ride, as well as others sufficient to transport all the household goods, and to trade for the few foreign articles needed. The Nez Percés, Cayuses and Walla Wallas have more and better stock than other nations, individuals often possessing bands of from one thousand to three thousand. The Kootenais are the most northern equestrian tribes mentioned. How the natives originally obtained horses is unknown, although there are some slight traditions in support of the natural supposition that they were first introduced from the south by way of the Shoshones. The latter are one people with the Comanches, by whom horses were obtained during the Spanish expeditions to New Mexico in the sixteenth century. The horses of the natives are of small size, probably degenerated from a superior stock, but hardy and surefooted; sustaining hunger and hard usage better than those of the whites, but inferior to them in form, action, and endurance. All colors are met with, spotted and mixed colors being especially prized.[400] The different articles of food, skins and grasses for clothing and lodges and implements, shells and trinkets for ornamentation and currency are also bartered between the nations, and the annual summer gatherings on the rivers serve as fairs for the display and exchange of commodities; some tribes even visit the coast for purposes of trade. Smoking the pipe often precedes and follows a trade, and some peculiar commercial customs prevail, as for instance when a horse dies soon after purchase, the price may be reclaimed. The rights of property are jealously defended, but in the Salish nations, according to Hale, on the death of a father his relatives seize the most valuable property with very little attention to the rights of children too young to look out for their own interests.[401] Indeed, I have heard of deeds of similar import in white races. In decorative art the inland natives must be pronounced inferior to those of the coast, perhaps only because they have less time to devote to such unproductive labor. Sculpture and painting are rare and exceedingly rude. On the coast the passion for ornamentation finds vent in carving and otherwise decorating the canoe, house, and implements; in the interior it expends itself on the caparison of the horse, or in bead and fringe work on garments. Systems of numeration are simple, progressing by fours, fives, or tens, according to the different languages, and is sufficiently extensive to include large numbers; but the native rarely has occasion to count beyond a few hundreds, commonly using his fingers as an aid to his numeration. Years are reckoned by winters, divided by moons into months, and these months named from the ripening of some plant, the occurrence of a fishing or hunting season, or some other periodicity in their lives, or by the temperature. Among the Salish the day is divided according to the position of the sun into nine parts. De Smet states that maps are made on bark or skins by which to direct their course on distant excursions, and that they are guided at night by the polar star.[402] [Sidenote: CHIEFS AND THEIR AUTHORITY.] War chiefs are elected for their bravery and past success, having full authority in all expeditions, marching at the head of their forces, and, especially among the Flatheads, maintaining the strictest discipline, even to the extent of inflicting flagellation on insubordinates. With the war their power ceases, yet they make no effort by partiality during office to insure re-election, and submit without complaint to a successor. Except by the war chiefs no real authority is exercised. The regular chieftainship is hereditary so far as any system is observed, but chiefs who have raised themselves to their position by their merits are mentioned among nearly all the nations. The leaders are always men of commanding influence and often of great intelligence. They take the lead in haranguing at the councils of wise men, which meet to smoke and deliberate on matters of public moment. These councils decide the amount of fine necessary to atone for murder, theft, and the few crimes known to the native code; a fine, the chief's reprimand, and rarely flogging, probably not of native origin, are the only punishments; and the criminal seldom attempts to escape. As the more warlike nations have especial chiefs with real power in time of war, so the fishing tribes, some of them, grant great authority to a 'salmon chief' during the fishing-season. But the regular inland chiefs never collect taxes nor presume to interfere with the rights or actions of individuals or families.[403] Prisoners of war, not killed by torture, are made slaves, but they are few in number, and their children are adopted into the victorious tribe. Hereditary slavery and the slave-trade are unknown. The Shushwaps are said to have no slaves.[404] [Sidenote: FAMILY RELATIONS.] In choosing a helpmate, or helpmates, for his bed and board, the inland native makes capacity for work the standard of female excellence, and having made a selection buys a wife from her parents by the payment of an amount of property, generally horses, which among the southern nations must be equaled by the girl's parents. Often a betrothal is made by parents while both parties are yet children, and such a contract, guaranteed by an interchange of presents, is rarely broken. To give away a wife without a price is in the highest degree disgraceful to her family. Besides payment of the price, generally made for the suitor by his friends, courtship in some nations includes certain visits to the bride before marriage; and the Spokane suitor must consult both the chief and the young lady, as well as her parents; indeed the latter may herself propose if she wishes. Runaway matches are not unknown, but by the Nez Percés the woman is in such cases considered a prostitute, and the bride's parents may seize upon the man's property. Many tribes seem to require no marriage ceremony, but in others an assemblage of friends for smoking and feasting is called for on such occasions; and among the Flatheads more complicated ceremonies are mentioned, of which long lectures to the couple, baths, change of clothing, torch-light processions, and dancing form a part. In the married state the wife must do all the heavy work and drudgery, but is not otherwise ill treated, and in most tribes her rights are equally respected with those of the husband. [Sidenote: WOMEN AND CHILDREN.] When there are several wives each occupies a separate lodge, or at least has a separate fire. Among the Spokanes a man marrying out of his own tribe joins that of his wife, because she can work better in a country to which she is accustomed; and in the same nation all household goods are considered as the wife's property. The man who marries the eldest daughter is entitled to all the rest, and parents make no objection to his turning off one in another's favor. Either party may dissolve the marriage at will, but property must be equitably divided, the children going with the mother. Discarded wives are often reinstated. If a Kliketat wife die soon after marriage, the husband may reclaim her price; the Nez Percé may not marry for a year after her death, but he is careful to avoid the inconvenience of this regulation by marrying just before that event. The Salish widow must remain a widow for about two years, and then must marry agreeably to her mother-in-law's taste or forfeit her husband's property.[405] The women make faithful, obedient wives and affectionate mothers. Incontinence in either girls or married women is extremely rare, and prostitution almost unknown, being severely punished, especially among the Nez Percés. In this respect the inland tribes present a marked contrast to their coast neighbors.[406] At the first appearance of the menses the woman must retire from the sight of all, especially men, for a period varying from ten days to a month, and on each subsequent occasion for two or three days, and must be purified by repeated ablutions before she may resume her place in the household. Also at the time of her confinement she is deemed unclean, and must remain for a few weeks in a separate lodge, attended generally by an old woman. The inland woman is not prolific, and abortions are not uncommon, which may probably be attributed in great measure to her life of labor and exposure. Children are not weaned till between one and two years of age; sometimes not until they abandon the breast of their own accord or are supplanted by a new arrival; yet though subsisting on the mother's milk alone, and exposed with slight clothing to all extremes of weather, they are healthy and robust, being carried about in a rude cradle on the mother's back, or mounted on colts and strapped to the saddle that they may not fall off when asleep. After being weaned the child is named after some animal, but the name is changed frequently later in life.[407] Although children and old people are as a rule kindly cared for, yet so great the straits to which the tribes are reduced by circumstances, that both are sometimes abandoned if not put to death.[408] [Sidenote: GAMES IN THE INTERIOR.] The annual summer gathering on the river banks for fishing and trade, and, among the mountain nations, the return from a successful raid in the enemy's country, are the favorite periods for native diversions.[409] To gambling they are no less passionately addicted in the interior than on the coast,[410] but even in this universal Indian vice, their preference for horse-racing, the noblest form of gaming, raises them above their stick-shuffling brethren of the Pacific. On the speed of his horse the native stakes all he owns, and is discouraged only when his animal is lost, and with it the opportunity to make up past losses in another race. Foot-racing and target-shooting, in which men, women and children participate, also afford them indulgence in their gambling propensities and at the same time develop their bodies by exercise, and perfect their skill in the use of their native weapon.[411] The Colvilles have a game, _alkollock_, played with spears. A wooden ring some three inches in diameter is rolled over a level space between two slight stick barriers about forty feet apart; when the ring strikes the barrier the spear is hurled so that the ring will fall over its head; and the number scored by the throw depends on which of six colored beads, attached to the hoop's inner circumference, falls over the spear's head.[412] The almost universal Columbian game of guessing which hand contains a small polished bit of bone or wood is also a favorite here, and indeed the only game of the kind mentioned; it is played, to the accompaniment of songs and drumming, by parties sitting in a circle on mats, the shuffler's hands being often wrapped in fur, the better to deceive the players.[413] All are excessively fond of dancing and singing; but their songs and dances, practiced on all possible occasions, have not been, if indeed they can be, described. They seem merely a succession of sounds and motions without any fixed system. Pounding on rude drums of hide accompanies the songs, which are sung without words, and in which some listeners have detected a certain savage melody. Scalp-dances are performed by women hideously painted, who execute their diabolical antics in the centre of a circle formed by the rest of the tribe who furnish music to the dancers.[414] All are habitual smokers, always inhaling the smoke instead of puffing it out after the manner of more civilized devotees of the weed. To obtain tobacco the native will part with almost any other property, but no mention is made of any substitute used in this region before the white man came. Besides his constant use of the pipe as an amusement or habit, the inland native employs it regularly to clear his brain for the transaction of important business. Without the pipe no war is declared, no peace officially ratified; in all promises and contracts it serves as the native pledge of honor; with ceremonial whiffs to the cardinal points the wise men open and close the deliberations of their councils; a commercial smoke clinches a bargain, as it also opens negotiations of trade.[415] [Sidenote: TREATMENT OF HORSES.] The use of the horse has doubtless been a most powerful agent in molding inland customs; and yet the introduction of the horse must have been of comparatively recent date. What were the customs and character of these people, even when America was first discovered by the Spaniards, must ever be unknown. It is by no means certain that the possession of the horse has materially bettered their condition. Indeed, by facilitating the capture of buffalo, previously taken perhaps by stratagem, by introducing a medium with which at least the wealthy may always purchase supplies, as well as by rendering practicable long migrations for food and trade, the horse may have contributed somewhat to their present spirit of improvidence. The horses feed in large droves, each marked with some sign of ownership, generally by clipping the ears, and when required for use are taken by the lariat, in the use of which all the natives have some skill, though far inferior to the Mexican _vaqueros_. The method of breaking and training horses is a quick and an effectual one. It consists of catching and tying the animal; then buffalo-skins and other objects are thrown at and upon the trembling beast, until all its fear is frightened out of it. When willing to be handled, horses are treated with great kindness, but when refractory, the harshest measures are adopted. They are well trained to the saddle, and accustomed to be mounted from either side. They are never shod and never taught to trot. The natives are skillful riders, so far as the ability to keep their seat at great speed over a rough country is concerned, but they never ride gracefully, and rarely if ever perform the wonderful feats of horsemanship so often attributed to the western Indians. A loose girth is used under which to insert the knees when riding a wild horse. They are hard riders, and horses in use always have sore backs and mouths. Women ride astride, and quite as well as the men; children also learn to ride about as early as to walk.[416] Each nation has its superstitions; by each individual is recognized the influence of unseen powers, exercised usually through the medium of his medicine animal chosen early in life. The peculiar customs arising from this belief in the supernatural are not very numerous or complicated, and belong rather to the religion of these people treated elsewhere. The Pend d'Oreille, on approaching manhood, was sent by his father to a high mountain and obliged to remain until he dreamed of some animal, bird, or fish, thereafter to be his medicine, whose claw, tooth, or feather was worn as a charm. The howling of the medicine-wolf and some other beasts forebodes calamity, but by the Okanagans the white-wolf skin is held as an emblem of royalty, and its possession protects the horses of the tribe from evil-minded wolves. A ram's horns left in the trunk of a tree where they were fixed by the misdirected zeal of their owner in attacking a native, were much venerated by the Flatheads, and gave them power over all animals so long as they made frequent offerings at the foot of the tree. The Nez Percés had a peculiar custom of overcoming the _mawish_ or spirit of fatigue, and thereby acquiring remarkable powers of endurance. The ceremony is performed annually from the age of eighteen to forty, lasts each time from three to seven days, and consists of thrusting willow sticks down the throat into the stomach, a succession of hot and cold baths, and abstinence from food. Medicine-men acquire or renew their wonderful powers by retiring to the mountains to confer with the wolf. They are then invulnerable; a bullet fired at them flattens on their breast. To allowing their portraits to be taken, or to the operations of strange apparatus they have the same aversion that has been noted on the coast.[417] Steam baths are universally used, not for motives of cleanliness, but sometimes for medical purposes, and chiefly in their superstitious ceremonies of purification. The bath-house is a hole dug in the ground from three to eight feet deep, and sometimes fifteen feet in diameter, in some locality where wood and water are at hand, often in the river bank. It is also built above ground of willow branches covered with grass and earth. Only a small hole is left for entrance, and this is closed up after the bather enters. Stones are heated by a fire in the bath itself, or are thrown in after being heated outside. In this oven, heated to a suffocating temperature, the naked native revels for a long time in the steam and mud, meanwhile singing, howling, praying, and finally rushes out dripping with perspiration, to plunge into the nearest stream.[418] Every lodge is surrounded by a pack of worthless coyote-looking curs. These are sometimes made to carry small burdens on their backs when the tribe is moving; otherwise no use is made of them, as they are never eaten, and, with perhaps the exception of a breed owned by the Okanagans, are never trained to hunt. I give in a note a few miscellaneous customs noticed by travelers.[419] [Sidenote: MEDICAL PRACTICE.] These natives of the interior are a healthy but not a very long-lived race. Ophthalmia, of which the sand, smoke of the lodges, and reflection of the sun's rays on the lakes are suggested as the causes, is more or less prevalent throughout the territory; scrofulous complaints and skin-eruptions are of frequent occurrence, especially in the Sahaptin family. Other diseases are comparatively rare, excepting of course epidemic disorders like small-pox and measles contracted from the whites, which have caused great havoc in nearly all the tribes. Hot and cold baths are the favorite native remedy for all their ills, but other simple specifics, barks, herbs, and gums are employed as well. Indeed, so efficacious is their treatment, or rather, perhaps, so powerful with them is nature in resisting disease, that when the locality or cause of irregularity is manifest, as in the case of wounds, fractures, or snake-bites, remarkable cures are ascribed to these people. But here as elsewhere, the sickness becoming at all serious or mysterious, medical treatment proper is altogether abandoned, and the patient committed to the magic powers of the medicine-man. In his power either to cause or cure disease at will implicit confidence is felt, and failure to heal indicates no lack of skill; consequently the doctor is responsible for his patient's recovery, and in case of death is liable to, and often does, answer with his life, so that a natural death among the medical fraternity is extremely rare. His only chance of escape is to persuade relatives of the dead that his ill success is attributable to the evil influence of a rival physician, who is the one to die; or in some cases a heavy ransom soothes the grief of mourning friends and avengers. One motive of the Cayuses in the massacre of the Whitman family is supposed to have been the missionary's failure to cure the measles in the tribe. He had done his best to relieve the sick, and his power to effect in all cases a complete cure was unquestioned by the natives. The methods by which the medicine-man practices his art are very uniform in all the nations. The patient is stretched on his back in the centre of a large lodge, and his friends few or many sit about him in a circle, each provided with sticks wherewith to drum. The sorcerer, often grotesquely painted, enters the ring, chants a song, and proceeds to force the evil spirit from the sick man by pressing both clenched fists with all his might in the pit of his stomach, kneading and pounding also other parts of the body, blowing occasionally through his own fingers, and sucking blood from the part supposed to be affected. The spectators pound with their sticks, and all, including doctor, and often the patient in spite of himself, keep up a continual song or yell. There is, however, some method in this madness, and when the routine is completed it is again begun, and thus repeated for several hours each day until the case is decided. In many nations the doctor finally extracts the spirit, in the form of a small bone or other object, from the patient's body or mouth by some trick of legerdemain, and this once effected, he assures the surrounding friends that the tormentor having been thus removed, recovery must soon follow.[420] Grief at the death of a relative is manifested by cutting the hair and smearing the face with black. The women also howl at intervals for a period of weeks or even months; but the men on ordinary occasions rarely make open demonstrations of sorrow, though they sometimes shed tears at the death of a son. Several instances of suicide in mourning are recorded; a Walla Walla chieftain caused himself to be buried alive in the grave with the last of his five sons. The death of a wife or daughter is deemed of comparatively little consequence. In case of a tribal disaster, as the death of a prominent chief, or the killing of a band of warriors by a hostile tribe, all indulge in the most frantic demonstrations, tearing the hair, lacerating the flesh with flints, often inflicting serious injury. The sacrifice of human life, generally that of a slave, was practiced, but apparently nowhere as a regular part of the funeral rites. Among the Flatheads the bravest of the men and women ceremonially bewail the loss of a warrior by cutting out pieces of their own flesh and casting them with roots and other articles into the fire. A long time passes before a dead person's name is willingly spoken in the tribe. The corpse is commonly disposed of by wrapping in ordinary clothing and burying in the ground without a coffin. The northern tribes sometimes suspended the body in a canoe from a tree, while those in the south formerly piled their dead in wooden sheds or sepulchres above ground. The Okanagans often bound the body upright to the trunk of a tree. Property was in all cases sacrificed; horses usually, and slaves sometimes, killed on the grave. The more valuable articles of wealth were deposited with the body; the rest suspended on poles over and about the grave or left on the surface of the ground; always previously damaged in such manner as not to tempt the sacrilegious thief, for their places of burial are held most sacred. Mounds of stones surmounted with crosses indicate in later times the conversion of the natives to a foreign religion.[421] [Sidenote: INLAND MORALITY.] In character and in morals,[422] as well as in physique, the inland native is almost unanimously pronounced superior to the dweller on the coast. The excitement of the chase, of war, and of athletic sports ennobles the mind as it develops the body; and although probably not by nature less indolent than their western neighbors, yet are these natives of the interior driven by circumstances to habits of industry, and have much less leisure time for the cultivation of the lower forms of vice. As a race, and compared with the average American aborigines, they are honest, intelligent, and pure in morals. Travelers are liable to form their estimate of national character from a view, perhaps unfair and prejudiced, of the actions of a few individuals encountered; consequently qualities the best and the worst have been given by some to each of the nations now under consideration. For the best reputation the Nez Percés, Flatheads and Kootenais have always been rivals; their good qualities have been praised by all, priest, trader and tourist. Honest, just, and often charitable; ordinarily cold and reserved, but on occasions social and almost gay; quick-tempered and revengeful under what they consider injustice, but readily appeased by kind treatment; cruel only to captive enemies, stoical in the endurance of torture; devotedly attached to home and family; these natives probably come as near as it is permitted to flesh-and-blood savages to the traditional noble red man of the forest, sometimes met in romance. It is the pride and boast of the Flathead that his tribe has never shed the blood of a white man. Yet none, whatever their tribe, could altogether resist the temptation to steal horses from their neighbors of a different tribe, or in former times, to pilfer small articles, wonderful to the savage eye, introduced by Europeans. Many have been nominally converted by the zealous labors of the Jesuit fathers, or Protestant missionaries; and several nations have greatly improved, in material condition as well as in character, under their change of faith. As Mr Alexander Ross remarks, "there is less crime in an Indian camp of five hundred souls than there is in a civilized village of but half that number. Let the lawyer or moralist point out the cause." TRIBAL BOUNDARIES. The Columbian Group comprises the tribes inhabiting the territory immediately south of that of the Hyperboreans, extending from the fifty-fifth to the forty-third parallel of north latitude. [Sidenote: THE HAIDAH FAMILY.] In the HAIDAH FAMILY, I include all the coast and island nations of British Columbia, from 55° to 52°, and extending inland about one hundred miles to the borders of the Chilcoten Plain, the _Haidah nation_ proper having their home on the Queen Charlotte Islands. 'The Haidah tribes of the Northern Family inhabit Queen Charlotte's Island.' 'The Massettes, Skittegás, Cumshawás, and other (Haidah) tribes inhabiting the eastern shores of Queen Charlotte's Island.' _Scouler_, in _Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour._, vol. xi., p. 219. 'The principal tribes upon it (Q. Char. Isl.) are the Sketigets, Massets, and Comshewars.' _Dunn's Oregon_, p. 292. 'Tribal names of the principal tribes inhabiting the islands:--Klue, Skiddan, Ninstence or Cape St. James, Skidagate, Skidagatees, Gold-Harbour, Cumshewas, and four others.... Hydah is the generic name for the whole.' _Poole's Q. Char. Isl._, p. 309. 'The Cumshewar, Massit, Skittageets, Keesarn, and Kigarnee, are mentioned as living on the island.' _Ludewig_, _Ab. Lang._, p. 157. The following bands, viz.: Lulanna, (or Sulanna), Nightan, Massetta, (or Mosette), Necoon, Aseguang, (or Asequang), Skittdegates, Cumshawas, Skeedans, Queeah, Cloo, Kishawin, Kowwelth, (or Kawwelth), and Too, compose the Queen Charlotte Island Indians, 'beginning at N. island, north end, and passing round by the eastward.' _Schoolcraft's Arch._, vol. v., p. 489; and _Kane's Wand._, end of vol. 'The Hydah nation which is divided into numerous tribes inhabiting the island and the mainland opposite.' _Reed's Nar._ 'Queen Charlotte's Island and Prince of Wales Archipelago are the country of the Haidahs; ... including the Kygany, Massett, Skittegetts, Hanega, Cumshewas, and other septs.' _Anderson_, in _Hist. Mag._, vol. vii., p. 74. 'Les Indiens Koumchaouas, Haïdas, Massettes, et Skidegats, de l'île de la Reine Charlotte.' _Mofras_, _Explor._, tom. ii., p. 337. My Haidah Family is called by Warre and Vavasour _Quacott_, who with the Newette and twenty-seven other tribes live, 'from Lat. 54° to Lat. 50°, including Queen Charlotte's Island; North end of Vancouver's Island, Millbank Sound and Island, and the Main shore.' _Martin's Hudson's Bay_, p. 80. The Massets and thirteen other tribes besides the Quacott tribes occupy Queen Charlotte Islands. _Warre and Vavasour_, in _Martin's Hud. Bay_, p. 80. The Ninstence tribe inhabits 'the southernmost portions of Moresby Island.' _Poole's Q. Char. Isl._, pp. 122, 314-15. The Crosswer Indians live on Skiddegate Channel. _Downie_, in _B. Col. Papers_, vol. iii., p. 72. The _Kaiganies_ inhabit the southern part of the Prince of Wales Archipelago, and the northern part of Queen Charlotte Island. The Kygargeys or Kygarneys are divided by Schoolcraft and Kane into the Youahnoe, Clictass (or Clictars), Quiahanles, Houaguan, (or Wonagan), Shouagan, (or Showgan), Chatcheenie, (or Chalchuni). _Archives_, vol. v., p. 489; _Wanderings_, end of vol. The Kygáni 'have their head-quarters on Queen Charlotte's Archipelago, but there are a few villages on the extreme southern part of Prince of Wales Archipelago.' _Dall's Alaska_, p. 411. A colony of the Hydahs 'have settled at the southern extremity of Prince of Wales's Archipelago, and in the Northern Island.' _Scouler_, in _Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour._, vol. xi., p. 219. 'Die Kaigàni (Kigarnies, Kigarnee, Kygànies der Engländer) bewohnen den südlichen Theil der Inseln (Archipels) des Prinzen von Wales.' _Radloff_, _Sprache der Kaiganen_, in _Mélanges Russes_, tom. iii., livrais. v., p. 569. 'The Kegarnie tribe, also in the Russian territory, live on an immense island, called North Island.' _Dunn's Oregon_, p. 287. The Hydahs of the south-eastern Alexander Archipelago include 'the Kassaaus, the Chatcheenees, and the Kaiganees.' _Bendel's Alex. Arch._, p. 28. 'Called Kaiganies and Kliavakans; the former being near Kaigan Harbor, and the latter near the Gulf of Kliavakan scattered along the shore from Cordova to Tonvel's Bay.' _Halleck and Scott_, in _Ind. Aff. Rept._, 1869, p. 562-4. 'A branch of this tribe, the Kyganies (Kigarnies) live in the southern part of the Archipel of the Prince of Wales.' _Ludewig_, _Ab. Lang._, p. 80. 'To the west and south of Prince of Wales Island is an off-shoot of the Hydah,' Indians, called Anega or Hennegas. _Mahony_, in _Ind. Aff. Rept._, 1869, p. 575. The _Chimsyans_ inhabit the coast and islands about Fort Simpson. Ten tribes of Chymsyans at 'Chatham Sound, Portland Canal, Port Essington, and the neighbouring Islands.' _Warre and Vavasour_, in _Martin's Hudson's Bay_, p. 80. 'The Chimsians or Fort Simpson Indians.' _Tolmie_, in _Lord's Nat._, vol. ii., p. 231. 'Indians inhabiting the coast and river mouth known by the name of Chyniseyans.' _Ind. Life_, p. 93. The Tsimsheeans live 'in the Fort Simpson section on the main land.' _Poole's Q. Char. Isl._, p. 257. Chimpsains, 'living on Chimpsain Peninsula.' _Scott_, in _Ind. Aff. Rept._, 1869, p. 553. The Chimmesyans inhabit 'the coast of the main land from 55° 30´ N., down to 53° 30´ N.' _Scouler_, in _Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour._, vol. xi., p. 202; _Ludewig_, _Ab. Lang._, p. 40. The Chimseeans 'occupy the country from Douglas' Canal to Nass River.' _Simpson's Overland Journ._, vol. i., p. 206. Divided into the following bands; Kispachalaidy, Kitlan (or Ketlane), Keeches (or Keechis), Keenathtoix, Kitwillcoits, Kitchaclaith, Kelutsah (or Ketutsah), Kenchen Kieg, Ketandou, Ketwilkcipa, who inhabit 'Chatham's Sound, from Portland Canal to Port Essington (into which Skeena River discharges) both main land and the neighboring islands.' _Schoolcraft's Arch._, vol. v., p. 487; _Kane's Wand._, end of vol. The Chymsyan connection 'extending from Milbank Sound to Observatory Inlet, including the Sebassas, Neecelowes, Nass, and other offsets.' _Anderson_, in _Hist. Mag._, vol. vii. p. 74. Mr. Duncan divides the natives speaking the Tsimshean language into four parts at Fort Simpson, Nass River, Skeena River, and the islands of Milbank Sound. _Mayne's B. C._, p. 250. The Keethratlah live 'near Fort Simpson.' _Id._, p. 279. The _Nass_ nation lives on the banks of the Nass River, but the name is often applied to all the mainland tribes of what I term the Haidah Family. The nation consists of the Kithateen, Kitahon, Ketoonokshelk, Kinawalax (or Kinaroalax), located in that order from the mouth upward. _Schoolcraft's Arch._, vol. v., p. 487; _Kane's Wand._, end of vol. Four tribes, 'Nass River on the Main land.' _Warre and Vavasour_, in _Martin's Hudson's Bay_, p. 80. 'On Observatory Inlet, lat. 55°.' _Bryant_, in _Am. Antiq. Soc. Transact._, vol. ii., p. 302. Adjoin the Sebassa tribe. _Cornwallis' N. El Dorado_, p. 107. About Fort Simpson. _Dunn's Oregon_, p. 279. The Hailtsa, Haeeltzuk, Billechoola, and Chimmesyans are Nass tribes. _Ludewig_, _Ab. Lang._, p. 130. See _Buschmann_, _Brit. Nordamer._, pp. 398-400. 'There is a tribe of about 200 souls now living on a westerly branch of the Naas near Stikeen River; they are called "Lackweips" and formerly lived on Portland Channel.' _Scott_, in _Ind. Aff. Rept._, 1869, p. 563. The _Skeenas_ are on the river of the same name, 'at the mouth of the Skeena River.' _Warre and Vavasour_, in _Martin's Hudson's Bay_, p. 80. They are the 'Kitsalas, Kitswingahs, Kitsiguchs, Kitspayuchs, Hagulgets, Kitsagas, and Kitswinscolds.' _Scott_, in _Ind. Aff. Rept._, 1869, p. 563. Keechumakarlo (or Keechumakailo) situated 'on the lower part of the Skeena River.' _Schoolcraft's Arch._, vol. v., p. 487; _Kane's Wand._, end of vol. The Kitswinscolds live 'between the Nass and the Skeena.' _Scott_, in _Ind. Aff. Rept._, 1869, p. 563. The Kitatels live 'on the islands in Ogden's Channel, about sixty miles below Fort Simpson.' _Id._ The _Sebassas_ occupy the shores of Gardner Channel and the opposite islands. Inhabit Banks Island. _Simpson's Overland Journ._, vol. i., p. 206. The Labassas in five tribes are situated on 'Gardner's Canal, Canal de Principe, Canal de la Reida.' _Warre and Vavasour_, in _Martin's Hudson's Bay_, p. 80. Keekheatla (or Keetheatla), on Canal de Principe; Kilcatah, at the entrance of Gardner Canal; Kittamaat (or Kittamuat), on the north arm of Gardner Canal; Kitlope on the south arm; Neeslous on Canal de la Reido (Reina). _Schoolcraft's Arch._, vol. v., p. 487; _Kane's Wand._, end of vol. 'In the neighbourhood of Seal Harbour dwell the Sebassa tribe.' _Cornwallis' N. El Dorado_, p. 106. 'The Shebasha, a powerful tribe inhabiting the numerous islands of Pitt's Archipelago.' _Bryant_, in _Am. Antiq. Soc. Transact._, vol. ii., p. 302. The _Millbank Sound_ tribes are the Onieletoch, Weitletoch (or Weetletoch), and Kokwaiytoch, on Millbank Sound; Eesteytoch, on Cascade Canal; Kuimuchquitoch, on Dean Canal; Bellahoola, at entrance of Salmon River of Mackenzie; Guashilla, on River Canal; Nalalsemoch, at Smith Inlet, and Weekemoch on Calvert Island. _Schoolcraft's Arch._, vol. v., pp. 487-8; _Kane's Wand._, end of vol. 'The Millbank Indians on Millbank Sound.' _Bryant_, in _Am. Antiq. Soc. Transact._, vol. ii., p. 302. The _Bellacoolas_ live about the mouth of Salmon River. '"Bentick's Arms"--inhabited by a tribe of Indians--the Bellaghchoolas. Their village is near Salmon River.' _Dunn's Oregon_, p. 267. The Billechoolas live on Salmon River in latitude 53° 30´. _Buschmann_, _Brit. Nordamer._, p. 384. The Bellahoolas 'on the banks of the Salmon river.' _Lord's Nat._, vol. ii., p. 258. 'The Indians at Milbank Sound called Belbellahs.' _Dunn's Oregon_, p. 271. 'Spread along the margins of the numerous canals or inlets with which this part of the coast abounds.' _Scouler_, in _Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour._, vol. xi., p. 224. 'In the neighbourhood of the Fort (McLoughlin) was a village of about five hundred Ballabollas.' _Simpson's Overland Journ._, vol. i., p. 202. The _Hailtzas_, Hailtzuks, or Haeelzuks 'dwell to the south of the Billechoola, and inhabit both the mainland and the northern entrance of Vancouver's Island from latitude 53° 30´ N. to 50° 30´ N.' _Scouler_, in _Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour._, vol. xi., p. 224. 'The Hailtsa commencing in about latitude 51° N., and extending through the ramifications of Fitzhugh and Milbank Sounds.' _Anderson_, in _Hist. Mag._, vol. vii., p. 74. 'An diesem Sunde (Milbank) wohnen die Hailtsa-Indianer.' _Buschmann_, _Brit. Nordamer._, p. 383; _Tolmie_, in _Lord's Nat._, vol. ii., p. 230. [Sidenote: THE NOOTKA FAMILY.] THE NOOTKA FAMILY dwells south of the Haidah, occupying the coast of British Columbia, from Bentinck Arms to the mouth of the Fraser, and the whole of Vancouver Island. By other authors the name has been employed to designate a tribe at Nootka Sound, or applied to nearly all the Coast tribes of the Columbian Group. 'The native population of Vancouver Island ... is chiefly composed of the following tribes:--North and East coasts (in order in which they stand from North to South)--Quackolls, Newittees, Comuxes, Yukletas, Suanaimuchs, Cowitchins, Sanetchs, other smaller tribes;--South Coast (... from East to West)--Tsomass, Tsclallums, Sokes, Patcheena, Sennatuch;--West Coast ... (from South to North)--Nitteenats, Chadukutl, Oiatuch, Toquatux, Schissatuch, Upatsesatuch, Cojuklesatuch, Uqluxlatuch, Clayoquots, Nootkas, Nespods, Koskeemos, other small tribes.' _Grant_, in _Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour._, vol. xxvii., p. 293. 'In Barclay Sound: Pacheenett, Nittinat, Ohiat, Ouchuchlisit, Opecluset, Shechart, Toquart, Ucletah, Tsomass;--Clayoquot Sound: Clayoquot, Kilsamat, Ahouset, Mannawousut, Ishquat;--Nootka Sound: Matchclats, Moachet, Neuchallet, Ehateset.' _Mayne's B. C._, p. 251. 'About Queen Charlotte Sound;--Naweetee, Quacolth, Queehavuacolt (or Queehaquacoll), Marmalillacalla, Clowetsus (or Clawetsus), Murtilpar (or Martilpar), Nimkish, Wewarkka, Wewarkkum, Clallueis (or Clalluiis), Cumquekis, Laekquelibla, Clehuse (or Clehure), Soiitinu (or Soiilenu), Quicksutinut (or Quicksulinut), Aquamish, Clelikitte, Narkocktau, Quainu, Exenimuth, (or Cexeninuth), Tenuckttau, Oiclela.' _Schoolcraft's Arch._, vol. v., p. 488; _Kane's Wand._, end of vol. On the seaboard, south of Nitinaht Sound, and on the Nitinaht River, the Pacheenaht and Nitinaht tribes; on Barclay, otherwise Nitinaht Sound, the Ohyaht, Howchuklisaht, Opechisaht, Seshaht, Youclulaht, and Toquaht tribes; on Klahohquaht Sound, the Klahohquaht, Killsmaht, Ahousaht and Manohsaht tribes; on Nootkah Sound, the Hishquayaht, Muchlaht, Moouchat (the so-called Nootkahs), Ayhuttisaht and Noochahlaht; north of Nootkah Sound, the Kyohquaht, Chaykisaht, and Klahosaht tribes. _Sproat's Scenes_, p. 308. Alphabetical list of languages on Vancouver Island: Ahowzarts, Aitizzarts, Aytcharts, Cayuquets, Eshquates (or Esquiates), Klahars, Klaizzarts, Klaooquates (or Tlaoquatch), Michlaïts, Mowatchits, Neuchadlits, Neuwitties, Newchemass, (Nuchimas), Savinnars, Schoomadits, Suthsetts, Tlaoquatch, Wicananish. _Buschmann_, _Brit. Nordamer._, p. 349. 'Among those from the north were the Aitizzarts, Schoomadits, Neuwitties, Savinnars, Ahowzarts, Mowatchits, Suthsetts, Neuchadlits, Michlaits, and Cayuquets; the most of whom were considered as tributary to Nootka. From the South the Aytcharts, and Esquiates also tributary, with the Klaooquates and the Wickanninish, a large and powerful tribe, about two hundred miles distant.' _Jewitt's Nar._, pp. 36-7. 'Tribes situated between Nanaimo and Fort Rupert, on the north of Vancouver Island, and the mainland Indians between the same points ... are divided into several tribes, the Nanoose, Comoux, Nimpkish, Quawguult, &c., on the Island; and the Squawmisht, Sechelt, Clahoose, Ucletah, Mamalilaculla, &c., on the coast, and among the small islands off it.' _Mayne's B. C._, p. 243. List of tribes on Vancouver Island: 'Songes, Sanetch, Kawitchin, Uchulta, Nimkis, Quaquiolts, Neweetg, Quacktoe, Nootka, Nitinat, Klayquoit, Soke.' _Findlay's Directory_, pp. 391-2. The proper name of the Vancouver Island Tribes is Yucuatl. _Ludewig_, _Ab. Lang._, p. 135. The Nootka Territory 'extends to the Northward as far as Cape Saint James, in the latitude of 52° 20´ N. ... and to the Southward to the Islands ... of the Wicananish.' _Meares' Voy._, p. 228. 'The Cawitchans, Ucaltas, and Coquilths, who are I believe of the same family, occupy the shores of the Gulf of Georgia and Johnston's Straits.' _Anderson_, in _Hist. Mag._, vol. vii., p. 74. 'Twenty-four tribes speaking the Challam and Cowaitzchim languages, from latitude 50° along the Coast South to Whitby Island in latitude 48°; part of Vancouver's Island, and the mouth of Franc's River.' Also on the Strait of Juan de Fuca and Vancouver Islands, the Sanetch, three tribes; Hallams, eleven tribes; Sinahomish; Skatcat; Cowitchici, seven tribes; Soke; Cowitciher, three tribes. _Warre and Vavasour_, in _Martin's Hudson's Bay_, p. 81; also in _Hazlitt's B. C._, pp. 66-7. Five tribes at Fort Rupert;--Quakars, Qualquilths, Kumcutes, Wanlish, Lockqualillas. _Lord's Nat._, vol. i., p. 165. 'The Chicklezats and Ahazats, inhabiting districts in close proximity on the west coast of Vancouver.' _Barrett-Lennard's Trav._, p. 41. 'North of the district occupied by the Ucletahs come the Nimkish, Mamalilacula, Matelpy and two or three other smaller tribes. The Mamalilaculas live on the mainland.' _Mayne's B. C._, p. 249. The population of Vancouver Island 'is divided into twelve tribes; of these the Kawitchen, Quaquidts and Nootka are the largest.' _Cornwallis' N. El Dorado_, p. 30. 'Ouakichs, Grande île de Quadra et Van Couver.' _Mofras_, _Explor._, tom. ii., p. 335. [Sidenote: NATIONS INHABITING VANCOUVER ISLAND.] In naming the following tribes and nations I will begin at the north and follow the west coast of the island southward, then the east coast and main land northward to the starting-point. The _Uclenus_ inhabit Scott Island. _Schoolcraft's Arch._, vol. v., p. 488; _Kane's Wand._, end of vol. The _Quanes_ dwell at Cape Scott. _Id._ The _Quactoe_ are found in the 'woody part N.W. coast of the island.' _Findlay's Directory_, p. 391. The _Koskiemos_ and _Quatsinos_ live on 'the two Sounds bearing those names.' _Mayne's B. C._, p. 251. Kuskema, and Quatsinu, 'outside Vancouver's Island south of C. Scott.' _Schoolcraft's Arch._, vol. v., p. 488; _Kane's Wand._, end of vol. The _Kycucut_, 'north of Nootka Sound, is the largest tribe of the West coast.' _Mayne's B. C._, p. 251. The _Aitizzarts_ are 'a people living about thirty or forty miles to the Northward' of Nootka Sound. _Jewitt's Nar._, pp. 63, 77. The _Ahts_ live on the west coast of the island. 'The localities inhabited by the Aht tribes are, chiefly, the three large Sounds on the west coast of Vancouver Island, called Nitinaht (or Barclay) Klahohquaht, and Nootkah.' _Sproat's Scenes_, p. 10. The _Chicklezahts_ and _Ahazats_ inhabit districts in close proximity on the west coast of Vancouver. _Barrett-Lennard's Trav._, p. 41. The _Clayoquots_, or Klahohquahts, live at Clayoquot Sound, and the Moouchats at Nootka Sound. _Sproat's Scenes_, pp. 22, 25. North of the Wickininish. _Jewitt's Nar._, p. 76. The _Toquahts_ are a people 'whose village is in a dreary, remote part of Nitinaht (or Barclay) Sound.' _Sproat's Scenes_, p. 104. The _Seshats_ live at Alberni, Barclay Sound. _Sproat's Scenes_, p. 3. The _Pacheenas_, or 'Pacheenetts, which I have included in Barclay Sound, also inhabit Port San Juan.' _Mayne's B. C._, p. 251. The _Tlaoquatch_ occupy the south-western part of Vancouver. 'Den Südwesten der Quadra- und Vancouver-Insel nehmen die Tlaoquatch ein, deren Sprache mit der vom Nutka-Sunde verwandt ist.' _Buschmann_, _Brit. Nordamer._, p. 372. Tlaoquatch, or Tloquatch, on 'the south-western coast of Vancouver's Island.' _Ludewig_, _Ab. Lang._, p. 188. The _Sokes_ dwell 'between Victoria and Barclay Sound.' _Mayne's B. C._, p. 251. 'East point of San Juan to the Songes territory.' _Findlay's Directory_, p. 392. The _Wickinninish_ live about two hundred miles south of Nootka. _Jewitt's Nar._, p. 76. The _Songhies_ are 'a tribe collected at and around Victoria.' _Mayne's B. C._, p. 243. 'The Songhish tribe, resident near Victoria.' _Macfie's Vanc. Isl._, p. 430. Songes, 'S.E. part of the island.' _Findlay's Directory_, p. 391. The _Sanetch_ dwell 'sixty miles N.W. of Mount Douglas.' _Findlay's Directory_, p. 391. The _Cowichins_ live 'in the harbour and valley of Cowitchen, about 40 miles north of Victoria.' _Mayne's B. C._, p. 243. 'Cowichin river, which falls into that (Haro) canal about 20 miles N. of Cowichin Head, and derives its name from the tribe of Indians which inhabits the neighbouring country.' _Douglas_, in _Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour._, vol. xxiv., p. 246. Kawitchin, 'country N.W. of Sanetch territory to the entrance of Johnson's Straits.' _Findlay's Directory_, p. 391. 'North of Fraser's River, and on the opposite shores of Vancouver's Island.' _Scouler_, in _Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour._, vol. xi., p. 224. 'North of Fraser's River, on the north-west coast.' _Ludewig_, _Ab. Lang._, p. 91. The _Comux_, or Komux, 'live on the east coast between the Kowitchan and the Quoquoulth tribes.' _Sproat's Scenes_, p. 311. Comoux, south of Johnston Straits. _Schoolcraft's Arch._, vol. v., p. 488; _Kane's Wand._, end of vol. The Comoux 'extend as far as Cape Mudge.' _Mayne's B. C._, p. 243. The _Kwantlums_ dwell about the mouth of the Fraser. 'At and about the entrance of the Fraser River is the Kuantlun tribe: they live in villages which extend along the banks of the river as far as Langley.' _Mayne's B. C._, pp. 243, 295. The _Teets_ live on the lower Frazer River. 'From the falls (of the Fraser) downward to the seacoast, the banks of the river are inhabited by several branches of the Haitlin or Teet tribe.' _Anderson_, in _Hist. Mag._, vol. vii., p. 73. 'Extending from Langley to Yale, are the Smess, Chillwayhook, Pallalts, and Teates.... The Smess Indians occupy the Smess River and lake, and the Chillwayhooks the river and lake of that name.' _Mayne's B. C._, p. 295. Teate Indians. See _Bancroft's Map of Pac. States_. The _Nanaimos_ are 'gathered about the mouth of the Fraser.' _Mayne's B. C._, p. 243.--Chiefly on a river named the Nanaimo, which falls into Wentuhuysen Inlet. _Douglas_, in _Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour._, vol. xxiv., p. 247. The _Squawmishts_ 'live in Howe Sound.' _Mayne's B. C._, p. 243. The _Sechelts_ live on Jervis Inlet. _Mayne's B. C._, pp. 243-4. The _Clahoose_, or Klahous, 'live in Desolation Sound.' _Mayne's B. C._, pp. 243-4. The _Nanoose_ 'inhabit the harbour and district of that name, which lies 50 miles north of Nanaimo.' _Mayne's B. C._, p. 243. The _Tacultas_, or Tahcultahs, live at Point Mudge on Valdes Island. _Lord's Nat._, vol. i., p. 155. The _Ucletas_ are found 'at and beyond Cape Mudge.' 'They hold possession of the country on both sides of Johnstone Straits until met 20 or 30 miles south of Fort Rupert by the Nimpkish and Mamalilacullas.' _Mayne's B. C._, p. 244. Yougletats--'Une partie campe sur l'ile Vancouver elle-même, le reste habite sur le continent, au nord de la Rivière Fraser.' _De Smet_, _Miss. de l'Orégon_, p. 340. Yongletats, both on Vancouver Island, and on the mainland above the Fraser River. _Bolduc_, in _Nouvelles Annales des Voy._, 1845, tom. cviii., pp. 366-7. The _Nimkish_ are 'at the mouth of the Nimpkish river, about 15 miles below Fort Rupert.' _Mayne's B. C._, p. 249; _Lord's Nat._, vol. i., p. 158. The _Necultas_ and _Queehanicultas_ dwell at the entrance of Johnston Straits. _Schoolcraft's Arch._, vol. v., p. 488; _Kane's Wand._, end of vol. The _Quackolls_ and 'two smaller tribes, live at Fort Rupert.' _Mayne's B. C._, pp. 244, 249. 'On the north-east side of Vancouver's Island, are to be found the Coquilths.' _Cornwallis' N. El Dorado_, p. 98. Coquilths, a numerous tribe living at the north-east end. _Dunn's Oregon_, p. 239. The Cogwell Indians live around Fort Rupert. _Barrett-Lennard's Trav._, p. 68. The _Newittees_ 'east of Cape Scott ... meet the Quawguults at Fort Rupert.' _Mayne's B. C._, p. 251. Neweetg, 'at N.W. entrance of Johnson's Straits.' _Findlay's Directory_, p. 391. 'At the northern extremity of the island the Newette tribe.' _Cornwallis' N. El Dorado_, p. 98. Newchemass came to Nootka 'from a great way to the Northward, and from some distance inland.' _Jewitt's Nar._, p. 77. The _Saukaulutucks_ inhabit the interior of the northern end of Vancouver Island. _Lord's Nat._, vol. i., p. 158. 'At the back of Barclay Sound, ... about two days' journey into the interior, live the only inland tribe.... They are called the Upatse Satuch, and consist only of four families.' _Grant_, in _Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour._, vol. xxvii., p. 287. [Sidenote: THE SOUND FAMILY.] THE SOUND FAMILY includes all the tribes about Puget Sound and Admiralty Inlet, occupying all of Washington west of the Cascade Range, except a narrow strip along the north bank of the Columbia. In locating the nations of this family I begin with the extreme north-east, follow the eastern shores of the sound southward, the western shores northward, and the coast of the Pacific southward to Gray Harbor. List of tribes between Olympia and Nawaukum River. 'Staktamish, Squaks'namish, Sehehwamish, Squalliamish, Puyallupamish, S'homamish, Suquamish, Sinahomish, Snoqualmook, Sinaahmish, Nooklummi.' _Tolmie_, in _Ind. Aff. Rept._, 1854, p. 251; _Stevens_, in _Pac. R. R. Rept._, vol. i., p. 434. A canadian trapper found the following tribes between Fort Nisqually and Fraser River; 'Sukwámes, Sunahúmes, Tshikátstat, Puiále, and Kawítshin.' _Hale's Ethnog._, in _U. S. Ex. Ex._, vol. vi., pp. 220-1. Cheenales, west; Cowlitz, south; and Nisqually, east of Puget Sound. _Schoolcraft's Arch._, vol. iii., p. 200, map. The _Shimiahmoos_ occupy the 'coast towards Frazer's river.' 'Between Lummi Point and Frazer's River.' _Stevens_, in _Ind. Aff. Rept._, 1854, pp. 247, 250. 'Most northern tribe on the American side of the line.' _Gibbs_, in _Pac. R. R. Rept._, vol. i., p. 433; _Schoolcraft's Arch._, vol. v., p. 491. The _Lummis_ 'are divided into three bands--a band for each mouth of the Lummi River.' _Fitzhugh_, in _Ind. Aff. Rept._, 1857, p. 327. 'On the northern shore of Bellingham Bay.' _Stevens_, in _Ind. Aff. Rept._, 1854, p. 244. 'Lummi river, and peninsula.' _Id._, p. 250. 'On a river emptying into the northern part of Bellingham bay and on the peninsula.' _Id._, p. 247, and in _Pac. R. R. Rept._, vol. i., p. 433. The _Nooksaks_ are 'on the south fork of the Lummi River.' _Stevens_, in _Ind. Aff. Rept._, 1851, p. 250. Nooksâhk, 'on the main fork of the river.' _Id._, p. 247. Nooksáhk, 'above the Lummi, on the main fork of the river.' _Gibbs_, in _Pac. R. R. Rept._, vol. i., p. 433. 'South fork Lummi river.' _Id._, p. 435. Nootsaks 'occupy the territory from the base of Mount Baker down to within five miles of the mouth of the Lummi.' _Coleman_, in _Harper's Mag._, vol. xxxix., p. 799. Neuksacks 'principally around the foot of Mount Baker.' _Fitzhugh_, in _Ind. Aff. Rept._, 1857, p. 328. The Neukwers and Siamanas, or Stick Indians 'live on lakes back of Whatcom and Siamana lakes and their tributaries.' _Id._, p. 329. Three tribes at Bellingham Bay, Neuksack, Samish, and Lummis, with some Neukwers and Siamanas who live in the back country. _Id._, p. 326. Neuksacks, a tribe inhabiting a country drained by the river of the same name ... taking the name Lummi before emptying into the Gulf of Georgia. _Simmons_, in _Ind. Aff. Rept._, 1860, p. 188. Nooklummie, 'around Bellingham's bay.' _Am. Quar. Register_, vol. iii., p. 389; _Schoolcraft's Arch._, vol. v., p. 714. The _Samish_ live on Samish River and southern part of Bellingham Bay. _Stevens_, in _Ind. Aff. Rept._, 1854, pp. 247, 250. 'They have several islands which they claim as their inheritance, together with a large scope of the main land.' _Fitzhugh_, in _Ind. Aff. Rept._, 1857, p. 327. The _Skagits_ 'live on the main around the mouth of Skagit river, and own the central parts of Whidby's island, their principal ground being the neighborhood of Penn's cove.' _Stevens_, in _Pac. R. R. Rept._, vol. i., p. 433, and in _Ind. Aff. Rept._, 1854, p. 246. Whidby's Island 'is in the possession of the Sachet tribe.' _Thornton's Ogn. and Cal._, vol. i., p. 300. The Sachets inhabit Whidby's Island. _Wilkes' Nar._, in _U. S. Ex. Ex._, vol. iv., p. 510. Sachets, 'about Possession Sound.' _Nicolay's Ogn. Ter._, p. 143. Skadjets, 'on both sides of the Skadjet river, and on the north end of Whidby's Island.' _Schoolcraft's Arch._, vol. v., p. 701; _Am. Quar. Register_, vol. iii., p. 388. The Skagit, 'on Skagit river, and Penn's cove,' the N'quachamish, Smalèhhu, Miskaiwhu, Sakuméhu, on the branches of the same river. _Stevens_, in _Ind. Aff. Rept._, 1854, p. 250; _Pac. R. R. Rept._, vol. i., p. 435. Sockamuke, 'headwaters of Skagit River,' Neutubvig, 'north end of Whidby's Island, and county between Skagit's river and Bellingham's bay.' Cowewachin, Noothum, Miemissouks, north to Frazer River. _Schoolcraft's Arch._, vol. iv., p. 598. The _Kikiallis_ occupy the banks of 'Kikiallis river and Whitby's island.' _Stevens_, in _Ind. Aff. Rept._, 1854, pp. 246, 250. The _Skeysehamish_ dwell in the 'country along the Skeysehamish river and the north branch of the Sinahemish.' _Schoolcraft's Arch._, vol. v., p. 701; _Am. Quar. Register_, vol. iii., p. 388. The _Snohomish_ reside on 'the southern end of Whidby's island, and the country on and near the mouth of the Sinahomish river.' _Stevens_, in _Pac. R. R. Rept._, vol. i., pp. 432, 435. The Sinahemish 'live on the Sinahemish river (falling into Possession Sound).' _Schoolcraft's Arch._, vol. v., p. 701; _Am. Quar. Register_, vol. iii., p. 388. 'Sinahoumez (en 12 tribus) de la rivière Fraser à la baie de Puget.' _Mofras_, _Explor._, tom. ii., p. 335. 'N'quutlmamish, Skywhamish, Sktahlejum, upper branches, north side, Sinahomish river.' _Stevens_, in _Ind. Aff. Rept._, 1854, pp. 245, 250. Neewamish, 'Neewamish river, bay and vicinity;' Sahmamish, 'on a lake between Neewamish and Snohomish river;' Snohomish, 'South end of Whitney's Island, Snohomish river, bay and vicinity;' Skeawamish, 'north fork of the Snohomish river, called Skeawamish river;' Skuckstanajumps, 'Skuckstanajumps river, a branch of Skeawamish river;' Stillaquamish, 'Stillaquamish river and vicinity;' Kickuallis, 'mouth of Kickuallis river and vicinity.' _Schoolcraft's Arch._, vol. iv., p. 598. Stoluchwámish, on Stoluchwámish river, also called Steilaquamish. _Stevens_, in _Pac. R. R. Rept._, vol. i., pp. 432, 435, also in _Ind. Aff. Rept._, 1854, pp. 246, 250. Squinámish, Swodámish, Sinaahmish, 'north end of Whitby's island, canoe passage, and Sinamish river.' _Id._, pp. 247, 250. 'Southern end of Whidby's island and Sinahomish river.' _Stevens_, in _Pac. R. R. Rept._, vol. i., pp. 432-3. The _Snoqualmooks_ 'reside on the south fork, north side of the Sinahomish river.' _Stevens_, in _Pac. R. R. Rept._, vol. i., p. 436, and in _Ind. Aff. Rept._, 1854, p. 250. Snoqualimich, 'Snoqualimich river and the south branch of the Sinahemish.' _Harley_, in _Schoolcraft's Arch._, vol. v., p. 701; _Am. Quar. Register_, vol. iii., p. 388. The _Dwamish_ are 'living on and claiming the lands on the D'Wamish river.' _Paige_, in _Ind. Aff. Rept._, 1857, p. 329. Dwamish River and Lake, White and Green Rivers. _Schoolcraft's Arch._, vol. v., p. 491. On D'wamish lake etc. ... reside the Samamish and S'Ketehlmish tribes. 'The D'wamish tribe have their home on Lake Fork, D'Wamish river.' _Stevens_, in _Pac. R. R. Rept._, vol. i., pp. 432, 436. Dwamish, 'Lake Fork, Dwamish River;' Samamish, S'Ketéhlmish, 'Dwamish Lake;' Smelkámiah, 'Head of White River;' Skopeáhmish, 'Head of Green River;' Stkámish, 'main White River.' _Stevens_, in _Ind. Aff. Rept._, 1854, p. 250. The _Skopeahmish_ have their home at the 'head of Green river.' _Stevens_, in _Pac. R. R. Rept._, vol. i., p. 436. The Sekamish band 'on the main White river;' the Smulkamish tribe 'at the head of White river.' _Ib._ The _Seattles_, a tribe of the Snowhomish nation, occupied as their principal settlement, 'a slight eminence near the head of what is now known as Port Madison Bay.' _Overland Monthly_, 1870, vol. iv., p. 297. The _Suquamish_ 'claim all the land lying on the west side of the Sound, between Apple Tree cove on the north, and Gig harbor on the south.' _Paige_, in _Ind. Aff. Rept._, 1857, p. 329. Soquamish, 'country about Port Orchard and neighbourhood, and the west side of Widby's Island.' _Harley_, in _Schoolcraft's Arch._, vol. v., p. 700; _Am. Quar. Register_, vol. iii., p. 388. 'Peninsula between Hood's canal and Admiralty inlet.' _Stevens_, in _Ind. Aff. Rept._, 1854, p. 250, and in _Pac. R. R. Rept._, vol. i., p. 435. Snoquamish, 'Port Orchard, Elliott's Bay, and their vicinity.' _Schoolcraft's Arch._, vol. v., p. 598. Shomamish, 'on Vashon's Island.' _Ib._ 'Vashon's Island.' _Stevens_, in _Ind. Aff. Rept._, 1854, p. 250. S'slomamish, 'Vaston's island.' _Stevens_, in _Pac. R. R. Rept._, vol. i., p. 435. 'The Indians frequenting this port (Orchard) call themselves the Jeachtac tribe.' _Wilkes' Nar._, in _U. S. Ex. Ex._, vol. iv., p. 510. The _Puyallupamish_ live 'at the mouth of Puyallup river;' T'quaquamish, 'at the heads of Puyallup river.' _Stevens_, in _Ind. Aff. Rept._, 1854, p. 250, and in _Pac. R. R. Rept._, vol. i., p. 435. Squallyamish and Pugallipamish, 'in the country about Nesqually, Pugallipi, and Sinnomish rivers.' _Harley_, in _Schoolcraft's Arch._, vol. v., p. 701; _Am. Quar. Register_, vol. iii., p. 388. Puallipawmish or Pualliss, 'on Pualliss river, bay, and vicinity.' _Schoolcraft's Arch._, vol. iv., p. 598. Puyyallapamish, 'Puyallop River.' _Schoolcraft's Arch._, vol. v., p. 491. The _Nisquallies_, or Skwall, 'inhabit the shores of Puget's Sound.' _Hale's Ethnog._, in _U. S. Ex. Ex._, vol. vi., p. 211. 'Nesquallis, de la baie de Puget à la pointe Martinez.' _Mofras_, _Explor._, tom. ii., p. 335. Nasqually tribes, 'Nasqually River and Puget's Sound.' _Warre and Vavasour_, in _Martin's Hudson Bay_, p. 81. Squallyamish, 'at Puget Sound.' _Ludewig_, _Ab. Lang._, p. 177. The Squalliahmish are composed of six bands, and have their residence on Nisqually River and vicinity. _Stevens_, in _Pac. R. R. Rept._, vol. i., p. 435. Squallyamish or Nisqually, Nisqually River and vicinity. _Schoolcraft's Arch._, vol. iv., p. 598. Fort Nisqually is frequented by the 'Squallies, the Clallams, the Paaylaps, the Scatchetts, the Checaylis,' and other tribes. _Simpson's Overland Journey_, vol. i., p. 181. The _Steilacoomish_ dwell on 'Stalacom Creek;' Loquamish, 'Hood's Reef.' _Schoolcraft's Arch._, vol. v., p. 491. Stitcheosawmish, 'Budd's inlet and South bay,' in the vicinity of Olympia. _Id._, vol. iv., p. 598. Steilacoomamish, 'Steilacoom creek and vicinity.' _Stevens_, in _Ind. Aff. Rept._, 1854, p. 250, and in _Pac. R. R. Rept._, vol. i., p. 435. The _Sawamish_ have their residence on 'Totten's inlet.' _Stevens_, in _Pac. R. R. Rept._, vol. i., p. 435. Sayhaymamish, 'Totten inlet.' _Schoolcraft's Arch._, vol. iv., p. 598. 'Srootlemamish, Quackenamish at Case's inlet.' _Ib._ Quáks'namish, 'Case's inlet;' S'Hotlemamish, 'Carr's inlet;' Sahéhwamish, 'Hammersly's inlet;' Sawámish, 'Totten's inlet;' Squaiaitl, 'Eld's inlet;' Stéhchasámish, 'Budd's inlet;' Noosehchatl, 'South bay.' _Stevens_, in _Ind. Aff. Rept._, 1854, p. 250. The _Skokomish_ live at the upper end of Hood Canal. _Schoolcraft's Arch._, vol. iv., p. 598; _Stevens_, in _Ind. Aff. Rept._, 1854, pp. 244, 250. Töanhooch and Shokomish on Hood's Canal. _Schoolcraft's Arch._, vol. v., p. 491. Tuanoh and Skokomish 'reside along the shores of Hood's Canal.' _Am. Quar. Register_, vol. iii., p. 388. Toankooch, 'western shore of Hood's canal. They are a branch of the Nisqually nation.' _Stevens_, in _Ind. Aff. Rept._, 1854, p. 244; _Gibbs_, in _Pac. R. R. Rept._, vol. i., p. 431. Tuanooch, 'mouth of Hood's Canal.' _Schoolcraft's Arch._, vol. iv., p. 598. 'The region at the head of Puget Sound is inhabited by a tribe called the Toandos.' _Wilkes' Nar._, in _U. S. Ex. Ex._, vol. v., p. 140. Homamish, Hotlimamish, Squahsinawmish, Sayhaywamish, Stitchassamish, 'reside in the country from the Narrows along the western shore of Puget's Sound to New Market.' _Mitchell and Harley_, in _Am. Quar. Register_, vol. iii., p. 388. The _Noosdalums_, or Nusdalums, 'dwell on Hood's Channel.' _Ludewig_, _Ab. Lang._, p. 135. 'Die Noosdalum, wohnen am Hood's-Canal;' _Buschmann_, _Brit. Nordamer._, p. 373. 'Noostlalums, consist of eleven tribes or septs living about the entrance of Hood's canal, Dungeness, Port Discovery, and the coast to the westward.' _Am. Quar. Register_, vol. iii., p. 388; _Schoolcraft's Arch._, vol. v., p. 700. The _Chimakum_, or Chinakum, 'territory seems to have embraced the shore from Port Townsend to Port Ludlow.' _Stevens_, in _Ind. Aff. Rept._, 1854, pp. 242-244. 'On Port Townsend Bay.' _Id._, in _Pac. R. R. Rept._, vol. i., pp. 431, 435; _Schoolcraft's Arch._, vol. iv., p. 598. The _Clallams_, or Clalams, are 'about Port Discovery.' _Nicolay's Ogn. Ter._, p. 143. 'Their country stretches along the whole southern shore of the Straits to between Port Discovery and Port Townsend.' _Gibbs_, in _Pac. R. R. Rept._, vol. i., p. 429; _Stevens_, in _Ind. Aff. Rept._, 1854, pp. 242, 244. Southern shore of the Straits of Fuca east of the Classets. _Hale's Ethnog._, in _U. S. Ex. Ex._, vol. vi., p. 220. At Port Discovery. _Wilkes' Nar._, in _U. S. Ex. Ex._, vol. iv., p. 319. Sklallum, 'between Los Angelos and Port Townsend.' _Schoolcraft's Arch._, vol. iv., p. 598. Sklallams, 'at Cape Flattery.' _Id._, vol. v., p. 491. 'Scattered along the strait and around the bays and bights of Admiralty Inlet, upon a shoreline of more than a hundred miles.' _Scammon_, in _Overland Monthly_, 1871, vol. vii., p. 278. 'S'Klallams, Chemakum, Toanhooch, Skokomish, and bands of the same, taking names from their villages, ... and all residing on the shores of the straits of Fuca and Hood's Canal.' _Webster_, in _Ind. Aff. Rept._, 1862, p. 407. Kahtai, Kaquaith, and Stehllum, at Port Townsend, Port Discovery, and New Dungeness. _Schoolcraft's Arch._, vol. v., p. 491; _Stevens_, in _Ind. Aff. Rept._, 1854, p. 249. Stentlums at New Dungeness. _Id._, in _Pac. R. R. Rept._, vol. i., p. 435. [Sidenote: INDIANS OF THE COAST OF WASHINGTON.] The _Makahs_, or _Classets_, dwell about Cape Flattery. Macaw, 'Cape Flattery to Neah Bay.' _Schoolcraft's Arch._, vol. iv., p. 598. Pistchin, 'Neah Bay to Los Angelos Point.' _Ib._ 'Country about Cape Flattery, and the coast for some distance to the southward, and eastward to the boundary of the Halam or Noostlalum lands.' _Id._, vol. v., p. 700; _Stevens_, in _Ind. Aff. Rept._, 1854, pp. 241, 249; _Hale_, in _Id._, 1862, p. 390; _Stevens_, in _Pac. R. R. Rept._, vol. i., pp. 429, 435. 'At Neah Bay or Waadda, and its vicinity.' _Simmons_, in _Ind. Aff. Rept._, 1858, p. 231. Tatouche, a tribe of the Classets. _Wilkes' Nar._, in _U. S. Ex. Ex._, vol. iv., p. 516. Classets 'reside on the south side of the Straits of Fuca.' _Hale's Ethnog._, in _U. S. Ex. Ex._, vol. vi., p. 220; _Mitchell and Harley_, in _Am. Quar. Register_, vol. iii., p. 388. Tatouche or Classets, 'between the Columbia and the strait of Fuca.' _Nicolay's Ogn. Ter._, p. 143. 'Clatset tribe.' _Cornwallis' N. El Dorado_, p. 97. 'Classets, on the Strait of Fuca.' _Greenhow's Hist. Ogn._, p. 30; _Stevens' Address_, p. 10. Makahs, 'inhabiting a wild broken peninsula circumscribed by the river Wyatch, the waters of the Strait and the Pacific.' _Scammon_, in _Overland Monthly_, 1871, vol. vii., p. 277. Klaizzarts, 'living nearly three hundred miles to the South' of Nootka Sound. _Jewitt's Nar._, p. 75. The Elkwhahts have a village on the strait. _Sproat's Scenes_, p. 153. List of tribes between Columbia River and Cape Flattery on the Coast; Calasthocle, Chillates, Chiltz, Clamoctomichs, Killaxthocles, Pailsh, Potoashs, Quieetsos, Quinnechart, Quiniülts. _Morse's Rept._, p. 371. The _Quillehute_ and _Queniult_, or Quenaielt, 'occupy the sea-coast between Ozelt or old Cape Flattery, on the north, and Quinaielt river on the south.' _Simmons_, in _Ind. Aff. Rept._, 1860, p. 195. Quinaielt, Quillehuté, Queets, and Hoh, live on the Quinaielt river and ocean. _Smith_, in _Ind. Aff. Rept._, 1870, p. 21. The Queniult live 'at Point Grenville.' _Swan's N. W. Coast_, p. 210. 'On the banks of a river of the same name.' _Id._, p. 78. The Wilapahs 'on the Wilapah River.' _Id._, p. 211. The Copalis 'on the Copalis River, eighteen miles north of Gray's Harbor.' _Id._, p. 210. Quinaitle, north of Gray's Harbor. _Stevens_, in _Ind. Aff. Rept._, 1854, p. 249. Quinaik, 'coast from Gray's harbor northward.' _Stevens_, in _Pac. R. R. Rept._, vol. i., p. 435. Ehihalis, Quinailee, Grey's Harbor and north. _Schoolcraft's Arch._, vol. v., p. 490. South of the Classets along the coast come the Quinnechants, Calasthortes, Chillates, Quinults, Pailsk, etc. _Lewis and Clarke's Trav._, p. 428. The Kaliouches and Konnichtchates, spoken of as dwelling on Destruction Island and the neighboring main. _Tarakanov_, in _Nouvelles Annales des Voy._, 1823, tom. xx., p. 336, et seq. The _Chehalis_, or Chickeeles, 'inhabit the country around Gray's Harbour.' _Wilkes' Nar._, in _U. S. Ex. Ex._, vol. v., p. 140. On the Chehalis river. _Nesmith_, in _Ind. Aff. Rept._, 1867, p. 8. Frequent also Shoalwater Bay. _Stevens_, in _Ind. Aff. Rept._, 1854, pp. 240, 249. On the Cowelits. 'Among the Tsihailish are included the Kwaiantl and Kwenaiwitl ... who live near the coast, thirty or forty miles south of Cape Flattery.' _Hale's Ethnog._, in _U. S. Ex. Ex._, vol. vi., pp. 211-12. 'In the vicinity of the mouth of the Columbia.' _Catlin's N. Am. Ind._, vol. ii., p. 113. 'Chekilis, et Quinayat. Près du havre de Gray et la rivière Chekilis.' _Mofras_, _Explor._, tom. ii., p. 335; _Swan's N. W. Coast_, p. 210; _Stevens_, in _Pac. R. R. Rept._, vol. i., p. 435; _Starling_, in _Schoolcraft's Arch._, vol. iv., p. 599. 'A quarante milles au nord, (from the Columbia) le long de la côte, habitent les Tchéilichs.' _Stuart_, in _Nouvelles Annales des Voy._, 1821, tom. x., p. 90. The Whiskkah and Wynooche tribes on the northern branches of the Chihailis. _Stevens_, in _Ind. Aff. Rept._, 1854, p. 240. Sachals 'reside about the lake of the same name, and along the river Chickeeles.' _Wilkes' Nar._, in _U. S. Ex. Ex._, vol. v., p. 140. The _Cowlitz_ live on the upper Cowlitz River. Occupy the middle of the peninsula which lies west of Puget Sound and north of the Columbia. _Hale's Ethnog._, in _U. S. Ex. Ex._, vol. vi., p. 211. On the Cowlitz River. The Taitinapams have their abode at the base of the mountains on the Cowlitz. _Stevens_, in _Pac. R. R. Rept._, vol. i., p. 435; and in _Ind. Aff. Rept._, 1854, pp. 240, 249; _Schoolcraft's Arch._, vol. iv., p. 599, vol. v., p. 490. Cowlitsick, 'on Columbia river, 62 miles from its mouth.' _Morse's Rept._, p. 368. There are three small tribes in the vicinity of the Cowlitz Farm, 'the Cowlitz, the Checaylis and the Squally.' _Simpson's Overland Journ._, vol. i., p. 179. The Staktomish live 'between Nisqually and Cowlitz and the head waters of Chehaylis river.' _Am. Quar. Register_, vol. iii., p. 389; _Harley_, in _Schoolcraft's Arch._, vol. v., p. 701. [Sidenote: THE CHINOOK FAMILY.] THE CHINOOK FAMILY includes, according to my division, all the tribes of Oregon west of the Cascade Range, together with those on the north bank of the Columbia river. The name has usually been applied only to the tribes of the Columbia Valley up to the Dalles, and belonged originally to a small tribe on the north bank near the mouth. 'The nation, or rather family, to which the generic name of Chinook has attached, formerly inhabited both banks of the Columbia River, from its mouth to the Grand Dalles, a distance of about a hundred and seventy miles.' 'On the north side of the river, first the Chinooks proper (Tchi-nuk), whose territory extended from Cape Disappointment up the Columbia to the neighborhood of Gray's _Bay_ (not Gray's _Harbor_, which is on the Pacific), and back to the northern vicinity of Shoalwater Bay, where they interlocked with the Chihalis of the coast.' _Gibbs' Chinook Vocab._, pp. iii., iv. The name Watlalas or Upper Chinooks 'properly belongs to the Indians at the Cascades,' but is applied to all 'from the Multnoma Island to the Falls of the Columbia.' _Hale's Ethnog._, in _U. S. Ex. Ex._, vol. vi., pp. 214-5. 'The principal tribes or bands were the Wakaíkam (known as the Wahkyekum), the Katlámat (Cathlamet), the Tshinuk (Chinook), and the Tlatsap (Clatsop).' _Ib._ 'The natives, who dwell about the lower parts of the Columbia, may be divided into four tribes--the Clotsops, who reside around Point Adams, on the south side; ... the Chinooks; Waakiacums; and the Cathlamets; who live on the north side of the river, and around Baker's Bay and other inlets.' _Dunn's Oregon_, p. 114. The tribes may be classed: 'Chinooks, Clatsops, Cathlamux, Wakicums, Wacalamus, Cattleputles, Clatscanias, Killimux, Moltnomas, Chickelis.' _Ross' Adven._, p. 87. Tribes on north bank of the Columbia from mouth; Chilts, Chinnook, Cathlamah, Wahkiakume, Skillute, Quathlapotle. _Lewis and Clarke's Map._ 'All the natives inhabiting the southern shore of the Straits (of Fuca), and the deeply indented territory as far as and including the tide-waters of the Columbia, may be comprehended under the general term of Chinooks.' _Pickering's Races_, in _U. S. Ex. Ex._, vol. ix., p. 25. 'The Chenook nation resides along upon the Columbia river, from the Cascades to its confluence with the ocean.' _Parker's Explor. Tour_, p. 261. 'Inhabiting the lower parts of the Columbia.' _Catlin's N. Am. Ind._, vol. ii., p. 110. 'Hauts-Tchinouks, près des cascades du Rio Colombia. Tchinouks d'en bas, des Cascades jusqu'à la mer, Bas-Tchinouks.' _Mofras_, _Explor._, tom. ii., pp. 335, 350-1. 'On the right bank of the Columbia.' _Ludewig_, _Ab. Lang._, p. 40. The Cheenooks and Kelussuyas, 4 tribes, live at 'Pillar Rock, Oak Point, the Dallas, the Cascades, Cheate River, Takama River, on the Columbia.' 'Cheenooks, Clatsops and several tribes near the entrance of the Columbia River.' _Warre and Vavasour_, in _Martin's Hud. B._, p. 81. Upper and Lower Chinooks on the Columbia River, Lower Chinooks at Shoalwater Bay. _Schoolcraft's Arch._, vol. v., p. 490. Chinooks, 'north of the Columbia.' _Id._, p. 492. 'Upper Chinooks, five bands, Columbia River, above the Cowlitz. Lower Chinooks, Columbia River below the Cowlitz, and four other bands on Shoalwater Bay.' _Stevens_, in _Id._, p. 703. 'Mouth of Columbia river, north side, including some 50 miles interior.' _Emmons_, in _Id._, vol. iii., p. 201. The Chinnooks 'reside chiefly along the banks of a river, to which we gave the same name; and which, running parallel to the sea coast ... empties itself into Haley's Bay.' _Lewis and Clarke's Trav._, p. 425, and map; _Irving's Astoria_, p. 335. 'To the south of the mouth of the Columbia.' _Domenech's Deserts_, vol. ii., p. 15. 'Chenooks on the Columbia.' _Swan's N. W. Coast_, p. 210. North side of the Columbia. _Morse's Report_, p. 368; _Greenhow's Hist. Ogn._, p. 286. Tshinuk south of the Columbia at mouth. Watlala on both sides of the river from the Willamette to Dalles. They properly belong to the Indians at the Cascades. _Hale's Ethnog._, in _U. S. Ex. Ex._, vol. vi., pp. 214-5, and map, p. 197. Banks of the Columbia from Dalles to the mouth. _Farnham's Trav._, p. 85. The upper Chinooks were the Shalala and Echeloots of Lewis and Clarke. _Gibbs_, in _Pac. R. R. Rept._, vol. i., p. 417. In the vicinity of the mouth of the Columbia, there are, besides the Chinooks, the Klickatacks, Cheehaylas, Naas, and many other tribes. _Catlin's N. Am. Ind._, vol. ii., p. 113. 'The Flathead Indians are met with on the banks of the Columbia River, from its mouth eastward to the Cascades, a distance of about 150 miles; they extend up the Walhamette River's mouth about thirty or forty miles, and through the district between the Walhamette and Fort Astoria.' _Kane's Wand._, p. 173. 'The Flatheads are a very numerous people, inhabiting the shores of the Columbia River, and a vast tract of country lying to the south of it.' _Catlin's N. Am. Ind._, vol. ii., p. 108. 'The Cathlascon tribes, which inhabit the Columbia River.' _Scouler_, in _Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour._, vol. xi., p. 225. Cathlascos on the Columbia River, S. side 220 miles from its mouth. _Morse's Rept._, p. 368. Shoalwater Bay Indians: Whilapah on Whilapah river; Necomanchee, or Nickomin, on Nickomin river, flowing into the east side of the bay; Quelaptonlilt, at the mouth of Whilapah river; Wharhoots, at the present site of Bruceport; Querqueltin, at the mouth of a creek; Palux, on Copalux or Palux river; Marhoo, Nasal, on the Peninsula. _Swan's N. W. Coast_, p. 211. 'Karweewee, or Artsmilsh, the name of the Shoalwater Bay tribes.' _Id._, p. 210. Along the coast north of the Columbia are the Chinnooks, Killaxthockle, Chilts, Clamoitomish, Potoashees, etc. _Lewis and Clarke's Trav._, p. 428. Quillequeoquas at Shoalwater Bay. Map in _Schoolcraft's Arch._, vol. iii., p. 200. Kwalhioqua, north of the Columbia near the mouth. _Hale's Ethnog._, in _U. S. Ex. Ex._, vol. vi., p. 204, and map, p. 197. Klatskanai, 'on the upper waters of the Nehalem, a stream running into the Pacific, on those of Young's River, and one bearing their own name, which enters the Columbia at Oak Point.' _Gibbs' Chinook Vocab._, p. iv. Willopahs, 'on the Willopah River, and the head of the Chihalis.' _Ib._ The _Chilts_ inhabit the 'coast to the northward of Cape Disappointment.' _Cox's Adven._, vol. i., p. 302. 'North of the mouth of the Columbia and Chealis rivers.' _Parker's Explor. Tour_, p. 261, and map. 'On the sea-coast near Point Lewis.' _Lewis and Clarke's Trav._, p. 401. Miscellaneous bands on the Columbia; Aleis, on the north side of the Colombia. _Gass' Jour._, p. 285. Cathlacumups 'on the main shore S.W. of Wappatoo Isl.' _Morse's Rept._, p. 371. Cathlakamaps, 'at the mouth of the Wallaumut.' _Id._, p. 368. Cathlanamenamens, 'On the island in the mouth of the Wallaumut.' _Id._, p. 368. Cathlanaquiahs, 'On the S.W. side of Wappatoo Isl.' _Id._, p. 371. Cathlapootle, eighty miles from mouth of the Columbia opposite the mouth of the Willamette. _Id._, p. 368. Calhlathlas, 'at the rapids, S. side.' _Id._, p. 368. Clahclellah, 'below the rapids.' _Morse's Rept._, p. 370. Clannarminnamuns, 'S.W. side of Wappatoo Isl.' _Id._, p. 371. Clanimatas, 'S.W. side of Wappatoo Isl.' _Ib._ Clockstar, 'S.E. side of Wappattoo Isl.' _Ib._ Cooniacs, 'of Oak Point (Kahnyak or Kukhnyak, the Kreluits of Franchère and Skilloots of Lewis and Clarke).' _Gibbs' Chinook Vocab._, p. iv. Hellwits, 'S. side 39 miles from mouth.' _Morse's Rept._, p. 368. Katlagakya, 'from the Cascades to Vancouver.' _Framboise_, in _Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour._, vol. xi., p. 255. Katlaminimim, on Multnomah Island. _Ib._ Katlaportl, river of same name, and right bank of Columbia for five miles above its mouth. _Ib._ Ketlakaniaks, at Oak Point, formerly united with Kolnit. _Ib._ Klakalama, between Kathlaportle and Towalitch rivers. _Ib._ Mamnit, 'Multnomah Isl.' _Ib._ Nechakoke, 'S. side, near Quicksand river, opposite Diamond Isl.' _Morse's Rept._, p. 370. Neerchokioon, south side above the Wallaumut river. _Ib._ Shalala at the grand rapids down to the Willamet. _Ib._ Quathlapotle, between the Cowlits and Chahwahnahinooks (Cathlapootle?) river. _Lewis and Clarke's Map._ Seamysty, 'at the mouth of the Towalitch River.' _Framboise_, in _Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour._, vol. xi., p. 255. Shoto, W. side back of a pond and nearly opposite the entrance of the Willamut. _Morse's Rept._, p. 370. Skillutes, 'about junction of Cowlitz.' _Lewis and Clarke's Map._ Skiloots on the Columbia on each side, from the lower part of the Columbia Valley as low as Sturgeon Island, and on both sides of the Coweliskee River. _Morse's Rept._, p. 371. Smockshop. _Id._, p. 370. Trile Kalets, near Fort Vancouver. _Warre and Vavasour_, in _Martin's Hud. B._, p. 81. Wahclellah, 'below all the rapids.' _Morse's Rept._, p. 370. Wakamass, 'Deer's Isle to the lower branch of the Wallamat.' _Framboise_, in _Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour._, vol. xi., p. 255. Wyampams, at the narrows. _Ross' Adven._, pp. 117-19. Tchilouits on the Columbia, south bank, below the Cowlitz. _Stuart_, in _Nouvelles Annales des Voy._, 1821, tom. x., p. 112. Cathlâkaheckits and Cathlathlalas in vicinity of the Cascades. _Id._, tom. xii., 1821, p. 23. The _Clatsops_ live on Point Adams. _Hines' Voy._, p. 88. 'South side of the (Columbia) river at its mouth.' _Greenhow's Hist. Ogn._, pp. 30, 286. 'Southern shore of the bay at the mouth of the Columbia, and along the seacoast on both sides of Point Adams.' _Morton's Crania_, p. 211; _Lewis and Clarke's Trav._, pp. 401, 426, and map. 12 miles from mouth, south side. _Morse's Rept._, p. 368. 'South side of the river.' _Gass' Jour._, p. 244. 'From near Tillamook Head to Point Adams and up the river to Tongue Point.' _Gibbs' Chinook Vocab._, p. iv. Klakhelnk, 'on Clatsop Point, commonly called Clatsops.' _Framboise_, in _Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour._, vol. xi., p. 255; _Schoolcraft's Arch._, vol. iii., p. 201, vol. v., p. 492. [Sidenote: COAST TRIBES OF OREGON.] The _Wakiakum_, or 'Wakaikum, live on the right bank of the Columbia; on a small stream, called Cadet River.' _Framboise_, in _Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour._, vol. xi., p. 255. Wakiakums (Wakáiakum) 'towards Oak Point.' _Gibbs' Chinook Vocab._, p. iv. Wahkiacums, adjoining the Cathlamahs on the south-east and the Skilloots on the north-west. _Lewis and Clarke's Map._ Waakicums, thirty miles from the mouth of the Columbia, north side. _Morse's Rept._, p. 368. The _Cathlamets_ extend from Tongue Point to Puget's Island. _Gibbs' Chinook Vocab._, p. iv. 'Opposite the lower village of the Wahkiacums.' _Irving's Astoria_, p. 336. '30 miles from the mouth of Columbia.' _Morse's Rept._, p. 368. 'On a river of same name.' _Framboise_, in _Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour._, vol. xi., p. 255; _Lewis and Clarke's Map._ 'Along the coast south of the Columbia river are the Clatsops, Killamucks, Lucktons, Kahunkle, Lickawis, Youkone, Necketo, Ulseah, Youitts, Shiastuckle, Killawats, Cookoose, Shalalahs, Luckasos, Hannakalals.' _Lewis and Clarke's Trav._, pp. 427-8. 'Along the coast S. of Columbia river, and speak the Killamucks language,' Youicone, Neekeetoos, Ulseahs, Youitts, Sheastukles, Killawats, Cookkoooose, Shallalah, Luckkarso, Hannakallal. _Morse's Rept._, p. 371. Náélim, 'on a river on the sea-coast, 30 miles S. of Clatsop Point,' and the following tribes proceeding southward. Nikaas, Kowai, Neselitch, Tacóón, Aleya, Sayonstla, Kiliwatsal, Kaons, Godamyou (!), Stotonia, at the mouth of Coquin river. _Framboise_, in _Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour._, vol. xi., pp. 255-6. The _Killamooks_ dwell along the coast southward from the mouth of the Columbia. 'Near the mouth of the Columbia.' _Parker's Explor. Tour_, p. 262. Callimix, '40 miles S. of Columbia.' _Morse's Rept._, p. 368. Killamucks, 'along the S.E. coast for many miles.' _Id._, p. 371. Tillamooks, 'along the coast from Umpqua River to the Neachesna, a distance of one hundred and twenty miles.' _Palmer_, in _Ind. Aff. Rept._, 1854, pp. 256, 259. Kilamukes, 'south and east of mouth of the Columbia, extending to the coast.' _Emmons_, in _Schoolcraft's Arch._, vol. iii., p. 201. Nsietshawus, or Killamuks, 'on the sea-coast south of the Columbia.' _Hale's Ethnog._, in _U. S. Ex. Ex._, vol. vi., p. 211, and map, p. 197. 'Between the river Columbia and the Umpqua.' _Warre and Vavasour_, in _Martin's Hud. B._, p. 81. 'Country about Cape Lookout.' _Palmer's Jour._, p. 105. 'On comprend sous le nom général de Killimous, les Indiens du sud du Rio Colombia, tels que les Nahelems, les Nikas, les Kaouais, les Alsiias, les Umquas, les Toutounis et les Sastés. Ces deux dernières peuplades se sont jusqu'à présent montrées hostiles aux caravanes des blancs.' _Mofras_, _Explor._, tom. ii., pp. 335, 357. Killamucks, next to the Clatsops. _Lewis and Clarke's Trav._, p. 426. 'Callemeux nation.' _Gass' Jour._, p. 260. Callemax on the coast forty leagues south of the Columbia. _Stuart_, in _Nouvelles Annales des Voy._, tom. x., p. 90. The Lucktons are found 'adjoining the Killamucks, and in a direction S.S.E.' _Lewis and Clarke's Trav._, p. 427. The Jakon, or Yakones, dwell south of the Killamooks on the coast. _Hale's Ethnog._, in _U. S. Ex. Ex._, vol. vi., p. 218, and map, p. 197. The Tlatskanai are farther inland than the Killamooks. _Id._, p. 204. The _Umpquas_ live 'on a river of that name.' _Framboise_, in _Lond. Geog. Soc. Jour._, vol. ii., p. 256. 'In a valley of the same name. They are divided into six tribes; the Sconta, Chalula, Palakahu, Quattamya, and Chastà.' _Parker's Explor. Tour_, p. 262. Umbaquâs. _Id._, p. 262. 'Umpquas (3 tribus) sur la rivière de ce nom, et de la rivière aux Vaches.' _Mofras_, _Explor._, tom. ii., p. 335. 'The Umkwa inhabit the upper part of the river of that name, having the Kalapuya on the north, the Lutuami (Clamets), on the east, and the Sainstkla between them and the sea.' _Hale's Ethnog._, in _U. S. Ex. Ex._, vol. vi., p. 204, and map, p. 197. Two hundred and twenty-five miles south of the Columbia. _Hines' Voy._, p. 94. 'The country of the Umpquas is bounded east by the Cascade mountains, west by the Umpqua mountains and the ocean, north by the Calipooia mountains and south by Grave Creek and Rogue River mountains.' _Palmer_, in _Ind. Aff. Rept._, 1854, p. 255; _Emmons_, in _Schoolcraft's Arch._, vol. iii., p. 201, vol. v., p. 492. The Saiustkla reside 'upon a small stream which falls into the sea just south of the Umqua River.' _Hale's Ethnog._, in _U. S. Ex. Ex._, vol. vi., p. 221, map, p. 197. Sinselaw, 'on the banks of the Sinselaw river.' _Harvey_, in _Ind. Aff. Rept._, 1863, p. 80. Sayousla, 'near the mouth of Sayousla bay.' _Brooks_, in _Id._, 1862, p. 299. Saliutla, 'at the mouth of the Umbaquâ river.' _Parker's Explor. Tour_, p. 262. The Katlawotsetts include the Siuslaw and Alsea bands on Siuslaw River; the Scottsburg, Lower Umpqua, and Kowes Bay bands on Umpqua River. _Drew_, in _Ind. Aff. Rept._, 1857, p. 359. Kiliwatshat, 'at the mouth of the Umpqua.' _Hale's Ethnog._, in _U. S. Ex. Ex._, vol. vi., p. 221. The Alseas, or Alseyas, live on Alsea Bay. _Brooks_, in _Ind. Aff. Rept._, 1862, p. 299; _Harvey_, in _Id._, 1863, p. 80. Chocreleatan, 'at the forks of the Coquille river.' Quahtomahs, between Coquille River and Port Orford. Nasomah, 'near the mouth of the Coquille River.' _Parrish_, in _Ind. Aff. Rept._, 1854, p. 287. [Sidenote: NATIVES OF THE WILLAMETTE VALLEY.] Willamette Valley Nations: 'The nations who inhabit this fertile neighbourhood are very numerous. The Wappatoo inlet extends three hundred yards wide, for ten or twelve miles to the south, as far as the hills near which it receives the waters of a small creek, whose sources are not far from those of the Killamuck river. On that creek resides the Clackstar nation, a numerous people of twelve hundred souls, who subsist on fish and wappatoo, and who trade by means of the Killamuck river, with the nation of that name on the sea-coast. Lower down the inlet, towards the Columbia, is the tribe called Cathlacumup. On the sluice which connects the inlet with the Multnomah, are the tribes Cathlanahquiah and Cathlacomatup; and on Wappatoo island, the tribes of Clannahminamun and Clahnaquah. Immediately opposite, near the Towahnahiooks, are the Quathlapotles, and higher up, on the side of the Columbia, the Shotos. All these tribes, as well as the Cathlahaws, who live somewhat lower on the river, and have an old village on Deer island, may be considered as parts of the great Multnomah nation, which has its principal residence on Wappatoo island, near the mouth of the large river to which they give their name. Forty miles above its junction with the Columbia, it receives the waters of the Clackamos, a river which may be traced through a woody and fertile country to its sources in Mount Jefferson, almost to the foot of which it is navigable for canoes. A nation of the same name resides in eleven villages along its borders: they live chiefly on fish and roots, which abound in the Clackamos and along its banks, though they sometimes descend to the Columbia to gather wappatoo, where they cannot be distinguished by dress or manners, or language, from the tribes of Multnomahs. Two days' journey from the Columbia, or about twenty miles beyond the entrance of the Clackamos, are the falls of the Multnomah. At this place are the permanent residences of the Cushooks and Chaheowahs, two tribes who are attracted to that place by the fish, and by the convenience of trading across the mountains and down Killamuck river, with the nation of Killamucks, from whom they procure train oil. These falls were occasioned by the passage of a high range of mountains; beyond which the country stretches into a vast level plain, wholly destitute of timber. As far as the Indians, with whom we conversed, had ever penetrated that country, it was inhabited by a nation called Calahpoewah, a very numerous people, whose villages, nearly forty in number, are scattered along each side of the Multnomah, which furnish them with their chief subsistence, fish, and the roots along its banks.' _Lewis and Clarke's Trav._, pp. 507-8. Calapooyas, Moolallels, and Clackamas in the Willamette Valley. _Schoolcraft's Arch._, vol. iii., p. 200, map. Cathlakamaps at the mouth of the Ouallamat; Cathlapoutles opposite; Cathlanaminimins on an island a little higher up; Mathlanobes on the upper part of the same island; Cathlapouyeas just above the falls; the Cathlacklas on an eastern branch farther up; and still higher the Chochonis. _Stuart_, in _Nouvelles Annales des Voy._, 1821, tom. x., pp. 115, 117. The Cathlathlas live '60 miles from the mouth of the Wallaumut.' _Morse's Rept._, p. 368. The Cloughewallhah are 'a little below the falls.' _Parker's Explor. Tour_, p. 177. The Katlawewalla live 'at the falls of the Wallamat.' _Framboise_, in _Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour._, vol. xi., p. 256. The Leeshtelosh occupy the 'headwaters of the Multnomah.' _Hunter's Captivity_, p. 73. The Multnomahs (or Mathlanobs) dwell 'at upper end of the island in the mouth of the Wallaumut.' _Morse's Rept._, p. 368. The Nemalquinner lands are 'N.E. side of the Wallaumut river, 3 miles above its mouth.' _Morse's Rept._, p. 370. The Newaskees extend eastward of the headwaters of the Multnomah, on a large lake. _Hunter's Captivity_, p. 73. The Yamkallies dwell 'towards the sources of the Wallamut River.' _Scouler_, in _Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour._, vol. xi., p. 225. The _Calapooyas_ live in the upper Willamette Valley. Callipooya, 'Willamette Valley.' _Schoolcraft's Arch._, vol. v., p. 492, vol. iii., p. 201. Kalapuya, 'above the falls.' _Hale's Ethnog._, in _U. S. Ex. Ex._, vol. vi., p. 217. Callawpohyeaas, Willamette tribes sixteen in number. _Ross' Fur Hunters_, vol. i., p. 108. Calapooah, seventeen tribes on the Willamette and its branches. _Parker's Explor. Tour_, p. 261. Callappohyeaass nation consists of Wacomeapp, Nawmooit, Chillychandize, Shookany, Coupé, Shehees, Longtonguebuff, Lamalle, and Pecyou tribes. _Ross' Adven._, pp. 236-6. Kalapooyahs, 'on the shores of the Oregon.' _Morton's Crania_, p. 213. 'Willamat Plains.' _Scouler_, in _Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour._, vol. xi., p. 225. Kalapuyas, 'above the falls of the Columbia.' _Domenech's Deserts_, vol. ii., p. 36. '50 miles from the mouth of the Wallaumut, W. side.' _Morse's Rept._, p. 368. Vule Puyas, Valley of the Willamette. _Warre and Vavasour_, in _Martin's Hud. B._, p. 81. The _Clackamas_ are on the 'Clackama River.' _Schoolcraft's Arch._, vol. v., p. 492. 'Clakemas et Kaoulis, sur le Ouallamet et la rivière Kaoulis.' _Mofras_, _Explor._, tom. ii., p. 335. 'Valley of the Clakamus and the Willamuta Falls.' _Warre and Vavasour_, in _Martin's Hud. B._, p. 81. Klackamas, 'three miles below the falls.' _Hines' Voy._, p. 144. Clackamis. _Palmer's Jour._, p. 84. Clarkamees. _Morse's Rept._, p. 372. Clackamus. _Lewis and Clarke's Map._ The _Mollales_ are found in 'Willamettee Valley.' _Schoolcraft's Arch._, vol. v., p. 492. 'At the mouth of the Wallamet, and the Wapatoo Islands.' _Tucker's Oregon_, p. 71. 'Upon the west side of the Willamette and opposite Oregon City.' _Palmer's Jour._, p. 84. [Sidenote: THE SHUSHWAP FAMILY.] THE SHUSHWAP FAMILY comprises all the inland tribes of British Columbia, south of lat. 52° 30´. The _Atnahs_, Strangers, Niccoutamuch, or Shushwaps proper, inhabit the Fraser and Thompson valleys. 'At Spuzzum ... a race very different both in habits and language is found. These are the Nicoutamuch, or Nicoutameens, a branch of a widely-extended tribe. They, with their cognate septs, the Atnaks, or Shuswapmuch, occupy the Frazer River from Spuzzum to the frontier of that part of the country called by the Hudson Bay Company New Caledonia, which is within a few miles of Fort Alexandria.' _Mayne's B. C._, p. 296. 'Shushwaps of the Rocky Mountains inhabit the country in the neighbourhood of Jasper House, and as far as Tête Jaune Cache on the western slope. They are a branch of the great Shushwap nation who dwell near the Shushwap Lake and grand fork of the Thompson River in British Columbia.' Thompson River and Lake Kamloops. _Milton and Cheadle's Northw. Pass._, pp. 241, 335. 'On the Pacific side, but near the Rocky Mountains, are the Shoushwaps who, inhabiting the upper part of Frazer's River, and the north fork of the Columbia.' _Blakiston_, in _Palliser's Explor._, p. 44. 'The Shooshaps live below the Sinpauelish Indians.' _Parker's Explor. Tour_, p. 313. 'The Shushwaps possess the country bordering on the lower part of Frazer's River, and its branches.' _Hale's Ethnog._, in _U. S. Ex. Ex._, vol. vi., p. 205. The Atnahs or Soushwap, 'live in the country on the Fraser's and Thompson's Rivers.' 'They were termed by Mackenzie the Chin tribe.' (See p. 251, note 141 of this vol.) _Prichard's Researches_, vol. v., p. 427; _Buschmann_, _Brit. Nordamer._, p. 320. Shooshaps, south of the Sinpavelist. _De Smet_, _Voy._, pp. 50-1. 'The Atnah, or Chin Indian country extends about one hundred miles,' from Fort Alexander. _Cox's Adven._, vol. ii., p. 361. Shooshewaps inhabit the region of the north bend of the Columbia, in 52°. Atnahs, in the region of the Fraser and Thompson rivers. _Macdonald's Lecture on B. C._, p. 10; _Hector_, in _Palliser's Explor._, p. 27. 'The Shewhapmuch (Atnahs of Mackenzie) ... occupy the banks of Thompson's River; and along Frazer's River from the Rapid village, twenty miles below Alexandria, to the confluence of these two streams. Thence to near the falls the tribe bears the name of Nicutemuch.' _Anderson_, in _Hist. Mag._, vol. vii., p. 76. 'The Stta Llimuh, natives of Anderson Lake, speak a dialect of the Sheswap language.' Skowhomish, in the same vicinity. _McKay_, in _B. C. Papers_, vol. ii., p. 32. 'The Loquilt Indians have their home in the winter on Lake Anderson, and the surrounding district, whence they descend to the coast in Jervis Inlet in the summer.' _Mayne's B. C._, p. 299. The Kamloops dwell about one hundred and fifty miles north-west of Okanagan. _Cox's Adven._, vol. ii., p. 156. The Clunsus are east of Fraser River, between Yale and latitude 50°; Skowtous, on the fiftieth parallel south of Lake Kamloops and west of Lake Okanagan; Sockatcheenum, east of Fraser and north of 51°. _Bancroft's Map of Pac. States._ The _Kootenais_ live in the space bounded by the Columbia River, Rocky Mountains, and Clarke River. The Kitunaha, Coutanies, or Flatbows, 'wander in the rugged and mountainous tract enclosed between the two northern forks of the Columbia. The Flat-bow River and Lake also belong to them.' _Hale's Ethnog._, in _U. S. Ex. Ex._, vol. vi., pp. 204-5, map, p. 297. 'Inhabit the country extending along the foot of the Rocky mountains, north of the Flatheads, for a very considerable distance, and are about equally in American and in British territory.' _Gibbs_, in _Pac. R. R. Rept._, vol. i., p. 416. Kootoonais, 'on McGillivray's River, the Flat Bow Lake, etc.' _Warre and Vavasour_, in _Martin's Hud. B._, p. 82. Kootonais, on 'or about the fiftieth parallel at Fort Kootonie, east of Fort Colville.' _Simpson's Overland Journ._, vol. i., p. 138. 'Between the Rocky Mountains, the Upper Columbia and its tributary the Killuspeha or Pend'oreille, and watered by an intermediate stream called the Kootanais River is an angular piece of country peopled by a small, isolated tribe bearing the same name as the last-mentioned river, on the banks of which they principally live.' _Mayne's B. C._, p. 297. The lands of the Cottonois 'lie immediately north of those of the Flatheads.' _Irving's Bonneville's Adven._, p. 70. Kutanàe, Kútani, Kitunaha, Kutneha, Coutanies, Flatbows, 'near the sources of the Mary River, west of the Rocky Mountains.' _Ludewig_, _Ab. Lang._, p. 98. 'Inhabit a section of country to the north of the Ponderas, along M'Gillivray's river.' _Parker's Explor. Tour_, p. 312. 'Koutanies ou Arcs-Plats, Près du fort et du lac de ce nom.' _Mofras_, _Explor._, tom. ii., p. 335. 'In the Kootanie Valley.' _Lord's Nat._, vol. ii., p. 178. Kootonays, south of the Shushwaps. _Palliser's Explor._, p. 44. 'Great longitudinal valley' of the Kootanie river. _Hector_, in _Id._, p. 27. 'The Tobacco Plains form the country of the Kootanies.' _Blakiston_, in _Id._, p. 73. 'About the northern branches of the Columbia.' _Greenhow's Hist. Ogn._, p. 30. Kootanais, 'angle between the Saeliss lands and the eastern heads of the Columbia.' _Anderson_, in _Hist. Mag._, vol. vii., p. 79. About the river of the same name, between the Columbia and Rocky Mountains. _Nicolay's Ogn. Ter._, p. 143. A band called Sinatcheggs on the upper Arrow Lake. _Ross' Fur Hunters_, vol. ii., p. 190. The Kootenais were perhaps the Tushepaws of Lewis and Clarke. The _Tushepaws_ are 'a numerous people of four hundred and fifty tents, residing on the heads of the Missouri and Columbia rivers, and some of them lower down the latter river.' _Lewis and Clarke's Trav._, p. 321, and map; _Bulfinch's Ogn._, p. 134. 'On a N. fork of Clarke's River.' _Morse's Rept._, p. 372. Ootlashoots, Micksucksealton (Pend d'Oreilles?), Hohilpos (Flatheads?), branches of the Tushepaws. _Id._, and _Lewis and Clarke's Map_. The Tushepaw nation might as correctly be included in the Salish family or omitted altogether. According to _Gibbs_, in _Pac. R. R. Rept._, vol. i., p. 417, they were the Kootenais. The _Okanagans_, or Okinakanes, 'comprise the bands lying on the river of that name, as far north as the foot of the great lake. They are six in number, viz: the Tekunratum at the mouth; Konekonep, on the creek of that name; Kluckhaitkwee, at the falls; Kinakanes, near the forks; and Milaketkun, on the west fork. With them may be classed the N'Pockle, or Sans Puelles, on the Columbia river, though these are also claimed by the Spokanes. The two bands on the forks are more nearly connected with the Schwogelpi than with the ones first named.' _Stevens_, in _Ind. Aff. Rept._, 1854, p. 237, and in _Pac. R. R. Rept._, vol. i., p. 412. Oakinackens, Priests' Rapids, northward over 500 miles, and 100 miles in width, to the Shewhaps, branching out into 12 tribes, as follows, beginning with the south: 'Skamoynumachs, Kewaughtchenunaughs, Pisscows, Incomecanétook, Tsillane, Intiétook, Battlelemuleemauch, or Meatwho, Inspellum, Sinpohellechach, Sinwhoyelppetook, Samilkanuigh and Oakinacken, which is nearly in the centre.' _Ross' Adven._, pp. 289-90. 'On both sides the Okanagan River from its mouth up to British Columbia, including the Sennelkameen River.' _Ross_, in _Ind. Aff. Rept._, 1870, p. 22. 'Près du fort de ce nom.' _Mofras_, _Explor._, tom. ii., p. 335. 'On the Okanagan and Piscour Rivers.' _Warre and Vavasour_, in _Martin's Hud. B._, p. 82. 'Composed of several small bands living along the Okinakane river, from its confluence with the Columbia to Lake Okinakane.... A majority of the tribe live north of the boundary line.' _Paige_, in _Ind. Aff. Rept._, 1865, p. 99. 'Columbia Valley.' _Schoolcraft's Arch._, vol. iv., p. 490. North-east and west of the Shoopshaps. _De Smet_, _Voy._, p. 51. Junction of the Okanagan and Columbia. _Parker's Map._ 'Upper part of Fraser's River and its tributaries.' _Scouler_, in _Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour._, vol. xi., p. 225. Principal family called Conconulps about 9 miles up stream of the same name. _Ross' Adven._, pp. 289-90. The Similkameen live on S. river, and 'are a portion of the Okanagan tribe.' _Palmer_, in _B. Col. Papers_, vol. iii., p. 85. The Okanagans, called Catsanim by Lewis and Clarke. _Gibbs_, in _Pac. R. R. Rept._, vol. i., p. 417. Cutsahnim, on the Columbia above the Sokulks, and on the northern branches of the Taptul. _Morse's Rept._, p. 372. [Sidenote: THE SALISH FAMILY.] THE SALISH FAMILY includes all the inland tribes between 49° and 47°. The Salish, Saalis, Selish, or Flatheads, 'inhabit the country about the upper part of the Columbia and its tributary streams, the Flathead, Spokan, and Okanagan Rivers. The name includes several independent tribes or bands, of which the most important are the Salish proper, the Kullespelm, the Soayalpi, the Tsakaitsitlin, and the Okinakan.' _Hale's Ethnog._, in _U. S. Ex. Ex._, vol. vi., p. 205. 'The Saeliss or Shewhapmuch race, whose limits may be defined by the Rocky Mountains eastward; on the west the line of Frazer's river from below Alexandria to Kequeloose, near the Falls, in about latitude 49° 50´; northward by the Carrier offset of the Chippewyans; and south by the Sahaptins or Nez Percés of Oregon.' _Anderson_, in _Hist. Mag._, vol. vii., p. 73. 'From Thompson's River other septs of this race--the Shuswaps, Skowtous, Okanagans, Spokans, Skoielpoi (of Colville), Pend'oreilles, and Coeurs d'Aleines--occupy the country as far as the Flathead Passes of the Rocky Mountains, where the Saelies or Flatheads form the eastern portion of the race.' _Mayne's B. C._, pp. 296-7. 'About the northern branches of the Columbia.' _Greenhow's Hist. Ogn._, p. 30; _Domenech's Deserts_, vol. ii., p. 55. Tribes mentioned in _Lewis and Clarke's Trav._, and map: Tushepaw (Kootenai), Hopilpo (Flathead), Micksucksealtom (Pend d'Oreilles), Wheelpo, (Chualpays), Sarlisto and Sketsomish (Spokanes), Hehighenimmo (Sans Poils), according to _Gibbs_, in _Pac. R. R. Rept._, vol. i., p. 417. See _Morse's Rept._, p. 372; _Domenech's Deserts_, vol. ii., p. 55. 'Between the two great branches of the Columbia and the Rocky Mountains are only five petty tribes: the Kootanais and Selish, or Flatheads, at the foot of the mountains, and the Pointed Hearts, Pend d'Oreilles, and Spokanes lower down.' _Ross' Fur Hunters_, vol. ii., p. 190. 'Divided into several tribes, the most important of which are the Selishes, the Kullespelms, the Soayalpis, the Tsakaïtsitlins, and the Okinakans.' _Domenech's Deserts_, vol. ii., pp. 55-6. The _Flatheads_, or Salish proper, reside on the river, valley, and lake of the same name. 'Inhabit St. Mary's or the Flathead Valley and the neighborhood of the lake of the same name.' _Stevens_, in _Pac. R. R. Rept._, vol. i., p. 415, and in _Ind. Aff. Rept._, 1854, p. 207. 'Occupying the valleys between the Bitter Root and Rocky mountains.' _Thompson_, in _Ind. Aff. Rept._, 1854, p. 282. 'South of the Flathead Valley on the Bitter Root.' _Sully_, in _Id._, 1870, p. 192. St. Mary's River. _Schoolcraft's Arch._, vol. v., p. 490. 'East and south-east (of the Coeurs d'Alène) and extends to the Rocky Mountains.' _Parker's Explor. Tour_, p. 311, and map. _De Smet_, _Miss. de l'Orégon_, p. 31. Saalis ou faux Têtes-Plates. Sur la rivière de ce nom au pied des Montagnes Rocheuses. _Mofras_, _Explor._, tom. ii., p. 335. 'Along the foot of the mountains.' _Ross' Adven._, p. 213. 'In New Caledonia, W. of the Rocky Mountains.' _Morse's Rept._, p. 371. Bitter Root valley. _Hutchins_, in _Ind. Aff. Rept._, 1863, p. 455, 1865, p. 246; _Nicolay's Ogn. Ter._, p. 153. Hopilpo, of Lewis and Clarke. _Gibbs_, in _Pac. R. R. Rept._, vol. i., p. 417. 'Ils occupent le pays compris entre le Lewis River et la branche nord-ouest ou la Columbia, et borné en arrière par les Monts-Rocailleux.' _Stuart_, in _Nouvelles Annales des Voy._, 1821, tom. xii., p. 43. The _Pend d'Oreilles_ occupy the vicinity of the lake of the same name. 'On the Flathead or Clarke River.' _Warre and Vavasour_, in _Martin's Hud. B._, p. 82. 'At Clark's Fork.' _Schoolcraft's Arch._, vol. v., p. 490. Lower Pend d'Oreilles, 'in the vicinity of the St. Ignatius Mission.' _Paige_, in _Ind. Aff. Rept._, 1865, p. 98. 'The Kalispelms or Pend d'Oreilles of the Lower Lake, inhabit the country north of the Coeur d'Alenes and around the Kalispelm lake.' _Gibbs_, in _Pac. R. R. Rept._, vol. i., p. 415. Calispels, or Calispellum, 'on Fool's Prairie at the head of Colville Valley, and on both sides of the Pend d'Oreille River, from its mouth to the Idaho line, but principally at the Camas Prairie.' _Winans_, in _Ind. Aff. Rept._, 1870, pp. 22, 25, 192. Situated to the east of Fort Colville, adjoining the Kootonais on their eastern border. _Simpson's Overland Journ._, vol. i., p. 146. 'Pend'oreilles ou Kellespem. Au-dessous du fort Colville.' _Mofras_, _Explor._, tom. ii., p. 335. Skatkmlschi, or Pend d'Oreilles of the upper lake. A tribe who, by the consent of the Selish, occupy jointly with them the country of the latter. _Gibbs_, in _Pac. R. R. Rept._, vol. i., p. 415. Kullas-Palus, 'on the Flathead or Clarke River.' _Warre and Vavasour_, in _Martin's Hud. B._, p. 82. Ponderas, 'north of Clarke's river and on a lake which takes its name from the tribe.' _Parker's Explor. Tour_, p. 312 and map; _De Smet_, _Voy._, p. 32. The Pend'oreilles were probably the Micksucksealtom of Lewis and Clarke. _Gibbs_, in _Pac. R. R. Rept._, vol. i., p. 417. Tribes baptized by De Smet: Thlishatkmuche, Stietshoi, Zingomenes, Shaistche, Shuyelpi, Tschilsolomi, Siur Poils, Tinabsoti, Yinkaceous, Yejak-oun, all of same stock. Tribes mentioned by Morse as living in the vicinity of Clarke River: Coopspellar, Lahama, Lartielo, Hihighenimmo, Wheelpo, Skeetsomish. _Rept._, p. 372. The _Coeurs d'Aléne_ 'live about the lake which takes its name from them.' _Hale's Ethnog._, in _U. S. Ex. Ex._, vol. vi., p. 209. East of the Spokanes, at headwaters of the Spokane River. _Parker's Explor. Tour_, p. 310, and map. 'The Skitswish or Coeur d'Alenes, live upon the upper part of the Coeur d'Alene river, above the Spokanes, and around the lake of the same name.' _Gibbs_, in _Pac. R. R. Rept._, vol. i., p. 415. Their mission is on the river ten miles above the lake and thirty miles from the mountains. _Stevens_, in _Ind. Aff. Rept._, 1854, p. 216. Stietshoi, or Coeur d'Alenes on the river, and about the lake. _Schoolcraft's Arch._, vol. iii., p. 200, map, vol. v., p. 490. Pointed Hearts, 'shores of a lake about fifty miles to the eastward of Spokan House.' _Cox's Adven._, vol. ii., p. 150; _Nicolay's Ogn. Ter._, p. 143; _De Smet_, _Miss. de l'Orégon_, p. 31. 'St. Joseph's river.' _Mullan's Rept._, p. 49. The _Colvilles_ include the tribes about Kettle Falls, and the banks of the Columbia up to the Arrow Lakes. 'Colville valley and that of the Columbia river from Kettle Falls to a point thirty miles below.' _Paige_, in _Ind. Aff. Rept._, 1865, p. 98. 'The Colvilles, whose tribal name is Swielpree, are located in the Colville Valley, on the Kettle River, and on both sides of the Columbia River, from Kettle Falls down to the mouth of the Spokane.' _Winans_, in _Id._, 1870, p. 22. Colvilles and Spokanes, 'near Fort Colville.' _Warre and Vavasour_, in _Martin's Hud. B._, p. 82. The Lakes, 'whose tribal name is Senijextee, are located on both sides of the Columbia River, from Kettle Falls north to British Columbia.' _Winans_, in _Ind. Aff. Rept._, 1870, p. 22. 'So named from their place of residence, which is about the Arrow Lakes.' _Parker's Explor. Tour_, p. 312. 'Les sauvages des Lacs ... résident sur le Lac-aux-flèches.' _De Smet_, _Voy._, p. 50. The Chaudières, or Kettle Falls, reside 'about Colville.' _Parker's Explor. Tour_, p. 313. The village of Les Chaudières 'is situated on the north side just below the fall.' _Cox's Advent._, vol. i., p. 358. Chaudières 'live south of the Lake Indians.' _De Smet_, _Voy._, p. 50. 'Fort Colville is the principal ground of the Schwoyelpi or Kettle Falls tribe.' _Gibbs_, in _Pac. R. R. Rept._, vol. i., p. 413. 'The tribe in the vicinity (of Fort Colville) is known as the Chaudière, whose territory reaches as far up as the Columbia Lakes.' _Simpson's Overland Journ._, vol. i., p. 151. 'Gens des Chaudières. Près du lac Schouchouap au-dessous des Dalles.' _Mofras_, _Explor._, tom. ii., p. 335. 'Called in their own language, Chualpays.' _Kane's Wand._, pp. 308-9. 'Called Quiarlpi (Basket People).' _Wilkes' Nar._, in _U. S. Ex. Ex._, vol. iv., p. 472. The Chualpays called Wheelpo by Lewis and Clarke, and by Morse. _Gibbs_, in _Pac. R. R. Rept._, vol. i., p. 417. [Sidenote: THE SPOKANE NATION.] The _Spokanes_ live on the Spokane river and plateau, along the banks of the Columbia from below Kettle Falls, nearly to the Okanagan. 'The Spokihnish, or Spokanes, lie south of the Schrooyelpi, and chiefly upon or near the Spokane river. The name applied by the whites to a number of small bands, is that given by the Coeur d'Alene to the one living at the forks. They are also called Sinkoman, by the Kootonies. These bands are eight in number: the Sinslihhooish, on the great plain above the crossings of the Coeur d'Alene river; the Sintootoolish, on the river above the forks; the Smahoomenaish (Spokehnish), at the forks; the Skaischilt'nish, at the old Chemakane mission; the Skecheramouse, above them on the Colville trail; the Scheeetstish, the Sinpoilschne, and Sinspeelish, on the Columbia river; the last-named band is nearly extinct. The Sinpoilschne (N'pochle, or Sans Puelles) have always been included among the Okinakanes, though, as well as the Sinspeelish below them, they are claimed by the Spokanes. The three bands on the Columbia all speak a different language from the rest.' _Stevens_, in _Ind. Aff. Rept._, 1854, pp. 220, 236; and _Gibbs_, in _Pac. R. R. Rept._, vol. i., pp. 414-15. 'This tribe claim as their territory the country commencing on the large plain at the head of the Slawntehus--the stream entering the Columbia at Fort Colville; thence down the Spokane to the Columbia, down the Columbia half way to Fort Okinakane, and up the Spokane and Coeur d'Alene, to some point between the falls and the lake, on the latter.' _Id._, p. 414. 'Inhabit the country on the Spokane river, from its mouth to the boundary of Idaho.' _Paige_, in _Ind. Aff. Rept._, 1865, p. 99. 'At times on the Spokane, at times on the Spokane plains.' _Mullan's Rept._, pp. 18, 49. 'Principally on the plains.' _Lord's Nat._, vol. ii., p. 157. 'North-east of the Palooses are the Spokein nation.' _Parker's Explor. Tour_, p. 310, and map. 'Au-dessous du fort Okanagam à l'Est.' _Mofras_, _Explor._, tom. ii., p. 335. 'Au nord-ouest des Palooses se trouve la nation des Spokanes.' _De Smet_, _Voy._, p. 31. 'Have a small village at the entrance of their river, but their chief and permanent place of residence is about forty miles higher up ... where the Pointed-heart River joins the Spokan from the south-east.' _Cox's Adven._, vol. ii., p. 147. 'The Spokanes, whose tribal names are Sineequomenach, or Upper, Sintootoo, or Middle Spokamish, and Chekasschee, or Lower Spokanes, living on the Spokane River, from the Idaho line to its mouth.' _Winans_, in _Ind. Aff. Rept._, 1870, p. 23. Spokane, the Sarlilso and Sketsomish of Lewis and Clarke. _Gibbs_, in _Pac. R. R. Rept._, vol. i., p. 417. The _Sans Poils_ (Hairless), or 'Sanpoils, which includes the Nespeelum Indians, are located on the Columbia, from the mouth of the Spokane down to Grand Coulée (on the south of the Columbia), and from a point opposite the mouth of the Spokane down to the mouth of the Okanagan on the north side of the Columbia, including the country drained by the Sanpoil, and Nespeelum Creeks.' _Winans_, in _Ind. Aff. Rept._, 1870, p. 22. Sinpoilish, west of the Columbia between Priest Rapids and Okanagan. _Schoolcraft's Arch._, vol. iii., p. 200, map. Sinpauelish, west of the Kettle Falls Indians. _Parker's Explor. Tour_, p. 313. 'Sinipouals. Près des grands rapides du Rio Colombia.' _Mofras_, _Explor_., tom. ii., p. 335. Sinpavelist, west of the Chaudières. _De Smet_, _Voy._, p. 50. Sinapoils, 'occupy a district on the northern banks of the Columbia, between the Spokan and Oakinagan rivers.' _Cox's Adven._, vol. ii., p. 145. Hehighenimmo of Lewis and Clarke. _Gibbs_, in _Pac. R. R. Rept._, vol. i., p. 417. The _Pisquouse_ inhabit the west bank of the Columbia between the Okanagan and Priest Rapids. Piskwaus, or Piscous; 'name properly belongs to the tribe who live on the small river which falls into the Columbia on the west side, about forty miles below Fort Okanagan. But it is here extended to all the tribes as far down as Priest's Rapids.' The map extends their territory across the Columbia. _Hale's Ethnog._, in _U. S. Ex. Ex._, vol. vi., p. 210, and map, p. 197. Pisquouse, 'immediately north of that of the Yakamas.' 'On the Columbia between the Priest's and Ross Rapids.' _Stevens_, in _Ind. Aff. Rept._, 1854, p. 236; and _Gibbs_, in _Pac. R. R. Rept._, vol. i., p. 412. 'Piscaous. Sur la petite rivière de ce nom à l'Ouest de la Colombie.' _Mofras_, _Explor._, tom. ii., p. 335. The Skamoynumacks live on the banks of the Columbia, at Priest Rapids, near the mouth of the Umatilla. Thirty miles distant up the river are the Kewaughtohenemachs. _Ross' Adven._, pp. 134, 137. 'The Mithouies are located on the west side of the Columbia River, from the mouth of the Okanagan down to the Wonatchee, and includes the country drained by the Mithouie, Lake Chelan, and Enteeatook Rivers.' _Winans_, in _Ind. Aff. Rept._, 1870, p. 23. 'The Isle de Pierres, whose tribal name is Linkinse, are located on the east and south side of the Col. Riv. from Grand Coulée down to Priests' Rapids, which includes the peninsula made by the great bend of the Col.' _Ib._ [Sidenote: SAHAPTIN FAMILY.] THE SAHAPTIN FAMILY is situated immediately south of the Salish. Only six of the eight nations mentioned below have been included in the Family by other authors. 'The country occupied by them extends from the Dalles of the Columbia to the Bitter-Root mountains, lying on both sides of the Columbia and upon the Kooskooskie and Salmon Forks of Lewis' and Snake River, between that of the Selish family on the north, and of the Snakes on the south.' _Gibbs_, in _Pandosy's Gram._, p. vii. 'The first and more northern Indians of the interior may be denominated the Shahaptan Family, and comprehends three tribes; the Shahaptan, or Nez Percés of the Canadians; the Kliketat, a scion from the Shahaptans who now dwell near Mount Rainier, and have advanced toward the falls of the Columbia; and the Okanagan, who inhabit the upper part of Fraser's River and its tributaries.' _Scouler_, in _Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour._, vol. xi., p. 225. Hale's map, in _U. S. Ex. Ex._, vol. vi., p. 197, divides the territory among the Nez Percés, Walla-Wallas, Waiilaptu, and Molele. 'The Indians in this district (of the Dalles) are Dog River, Wascos, Tyicks, Des Chutes, John Day, Utilla, Cayuses, Walla-Walla, Nez Percés, Mountain Snakes and Bannacks.' _Dennison_, in _Ind. Aff. Rept._, 1859, p. 435. 'The different tribes attached to Fort Nez Percés, and who formerly went by that cognomen, are the Shamooinaugh, Skamnaminaugh, E'yackimah, Ispipewhumaugh, and Inaspetsum. These tribes inhabit the main north branch above the Forks. On the south branch are the Palletto Pallas, Shawhaapten or Nez Percés proper, Pawluch, and Cosispa tribes. On the main Columbia, beginning at the Dallas, are the Necootimeigh, Wisscopam, Wisswhams, Wayyampas, Lowhim, Sawpaw, and Youmatalla bands.' _Ross' Fur Hunters_, vol. i., p. 185-6. Cathlakahikits, at the rapids of Columbia river, N. side; Chippanchickchicks, 'N. side of Columbia river, in the long narrows, a little below the falls.' Hellwits, 'at the falls of Columbia river;' Ithkyemamits, 'on Columbia river, N. side near Chippanchickchicks'; Yehah, 'above the rapids.' _Morse's Rept._, pp. 368-70. The _Nez Percés_ 'possess the country on each side of the Lewis or Snake River, from the Peloose to the Wapticacoes, about a hundred miles--together with the tributary streams, extending, on the east, to the foot of the Rocky Mountains.' _Hale's Ethnog._, in _U. S. Ex. Ex._, vol. vi., p. 212; _Schoolcraft's Arch._, vol. iv., p. 551. 'On both sides of the Kooskooskia and north fork of Snake river.' _Gibbs_, in _Pac. R. R. Rept._, vol. i., p. 416; and _Stevens_, in _Ind. Aff. Rept._, 1854, p. 217. 'A few bands of the Nez Percés Indians occupy the Salmon river and the Clearwater.' _Thompson_, in _Id._, p. 282. 'The Nez Percés country is bounded west by the Palouse river and the Tucannon; on the north by the range of mountains between Clear Water and the Coeur d'Alene; east by the Bitter Root mountains; on the south they are bounded near the line dividing the two Territories.' _Craig_, in _Id._, 1857, p. 353. The Buffalo, a tribe of the Nez Perces, winter in the Bitter Root Valley. _Owen_, in _Id._, 1859, p. 424. 'Upper waters and mountainous parts of the Columbia.' _Catlin's N. Am. Ind._, vol. ii., p. 108. 'Country lying along Lewis river and its tributaries from the eastern base of the Blue Mountains to the Columbia.' _Palmer's Jour._, p. 55. Nez Percés or Sahaptins, 'on the banks of the Lewis Fork or Serpent River.' _Domenech's Deserts_, vol. ii., p. 54. 'Chohoptins, or Nez-Percés, ... on the banks of Lewis River.' _Cox's Adven._, vol. ii., p. 143. 'Rove through the regions of the Lewis branch.' _Greenhow's Hist. Ogn._, p. 30. 'The Lower Nez Percés range upon the Wayleeway, Immahah, Yenghies, and other of the streams west of the mountains.' _Irving's Bonneville's Adven._, p. 301. Some Flatheads live along the Clearwater River down to below its junction with the Snake. _Gass' Jour._, p. 212. Country 'drained by the Kooskooskie, westward from the Blackfoot country, and across the Rocky Mountains.' _Brownell's Ind. Races_, p. 533. 'Près du fort de ce nom, à la junction des deux branches du fleuve.' _Mofras_, _Explor._, tom. ii., p. 335. Junction of Snake and Clearwater. _Parker's Explor. Tour_, _Map_. Chopunnish. _Lewis and Clarke's Trav._, p. 331, and map. Copunnish. _Bulfinch's Oregon_, p. 144. 'The Nez-Percés are divided into two classes, the Nez-Percés proper, who inhabit the mountains, and the Polonches, who inhabit the plain country about the mouth of the Snake River.' _Gairdner_, in _Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour._, vol. xi., p. 256. Chopunnish, 'on Lewis river below the entrance of the Kooskooskee, on both sides.' 'On the Kooskooskee river below the forks, and on Cotter's creek.' Bands of the Chopunnish; Pelloatpallah, Kimmooenim, Yeletpoo, Willewah, Soyennom. _Morse's Rept._, p. 369. The _Palouse_, or 'the Palus, usually written Paloose, live between the Columbia and the Snake.' _Gibbs_, in _Pandosy's Gram._, p. vi. 'The Peloose tribe has a stream called after it which empties into Lewis River.' _Hale's Ethnog._, in _U. S. Ex. Ex._, vol. vi., p. 213. Upon the Peloose River. 'Entrance of Great Snake River and surrounding country.' _Tolmie_, in _Lord's Nat._, vol. ii., pp. 105, 245. 'Properly a part of the Nez Percés. Their residence is along the Nez Percé river and up the Pavilion.' _Parker's Explor. Tour_, p. 310. In three bands; at the mouth of the Pelouse River; on the north bank of Snake River, thirty miles below the Pelouse; and at the mouth of the Snake River. _Stevens_, in _Ind. Aff. Rept._, 1854, pp. 222-3, and in _Pac. R. R. Rept._, vol. i., pp. 150-1. Palouse, or Pelouse, 'reside on the banks of the Palouse and Snake rivers.' _Mullan's Rept._, pp. 18, 49. 'La tribu Paloose appartient à la nation des Nez-Percés ... elle habite les bords des deux rivières des Nez-percés et du Pavilion.' _De Smet_, _Voy._, p. 31. Selloatpallah, north of the Snake, near its confluence with the Columbia. _Lewis and Clarke's Map._ Same as the Sewatpalla. _Gibbs_, in _Pac. R. R. Rept._, vol. i., p. 417. The _Walla-Wallas_ 'occupy the country south of the Columbia and about the river of that name.' _Gibbs_, in _Pandosy's Gram._, p. vii. 'A number of bands living usually on the south side of the Columbia, and on the Snake river to a little east of the Peluse.' _Gibbs_, in _Pac. R. R. Rept._, vol. i., p. 402. 'Are on a small stream which falls into the Columbia near Fort Nez-percés.' _Hale's Ethnog._, in _U. S. Ex. Ex._, vol. vi., p. 213. 'Inhabit the country about the river of the same name, and range some distance below along the Columbia.' _Parker's Explor. Tour_, p. 310. 'Upon the banks of the Columbia, below the mouth of the Lewis Fork are found the Walla-wallas.' _Brownell's Ind. Races_, p. 535. 'Oualla-Oualla, au-dessus du fort des Nez Percés.' _Mofras_, _Explor._, tom. ii., p. 335. 'Under this term are embraced a number of bands living usually on the south side of the Columbia, and on the Snake river, to a little east of the Pelouse; as also the Klikatats and Yakamas, north of the former.' _Stevens_, in _Ind. Aff. Rept._, 1854, p. 223. 'On both sides of the Columbia river between Snake river and Hudson Bay fort, Walla-Walla.' _Dennison_, in _Ind. Aff. Rept._, 1857, p. 374. Walla Wallapum. _Tolmie_, in _Lord's Nat._, vol. ii., pp. 244-7. 'Les Walla-walla habitent, sur la rivière du même nom, l'un des tributaires de la Colombie, et leur pays s'étend aussi le long de ce fleuve.' _De Smet_, _Voy._, p. 30. Wollaw Wollah. South side of the Snake, at junction with the Columbia. _Lewis and Clarke's Map._ Wollaolla and Wollawalla, 'on both sides of Col., as low as the Muscleshell rapid, and in winter pass over to the Taptul river.' _Morse's Rept._, pp. 369-70. 'Country south of the Columbia and about the river of that name.' _Gibbs_, in _Pandosy's Gram._, p. vii. Walawaltz nation about the junction of the Snake and Columbia. On Walla Walle River. _Gass' Jour._, pp. 294-8. 'On both banks of the Columbia, from the Blue Mountains to the Dalles.' _Farnham's Trav._, p. 151. Wallah Wallah. _Cox's Adven._, vol. ii., p. 142. 'About the river of that name.' _Nicolay's Ogn. Ter._, pp. 143, 151. Wallawallahs, 'reside along the lower part of the Walla Walla, the low bottom of the Umatilla and the Columbia, from the mouth of Lewis River for one hundred miles south.' _Palmer's Jour._, pp. 58, 124. 'On the borders of the Wallahwallah and Columbia.' _Domenech's Deserts_, vol. ii., p. 64; _Stuart_, in _Nouvelles Annales des Voy._, 1821, tom. xii., p. 35. The Sciatogas and Toustchipas live on Canoe River (Tukanon?), and the Euotalla (Touchet?), the Akaïtchis 'sur le Big-river,' (Columbia). _Hunt_, in _Nouvelles Annales des Voy._, 1821, tom. x., pp. 74-8. The Sciatogas 'possède le pays borné au sud-est par la Grande-Plaine; au nord, par le Lewis-River; à l'ouest par la Columbia; au sud par l'Oualamat.' _Id._, 1821, tom. xii., p. 42. [Sidenote: THE CAYUSES AND WASCOS.] The _Cayuses_ extend from John Day River eastward to Grande Ronde Valley. The Cayuse, Cailloux, Waiilatpu, 'country south of the Sahaptin and Wallawalla. Their head-quarters are on the upper part of Wallawalla River.' _Hale's Ethnog._, in _U. S. Ex. Ex._, vol. vi., p. 214, map, p. 197. 'The country belonging to the Cayuse is to the south of and between the Nez Perces and Walla-Wallas, extending from the Des Chutes, or Wanwanwi, to the eastern side of the Blue mountains.' _Stevens_, in _Ind. Aff. Rept._, 1854, p. 218; _Gibbs_, in _Pac. R. R. Rept._, vol. i., p. 416. 'On the west side of the Blue mountains and south of the Columbia river.' _Thompson_, in _Ind. Aff. Rept._, 1854, p. 282. 'Occupy a portion of the Walla-Walla valley.' _Dennison_, in _Id._, 1857, p. 374; _Cain_, in _Id._, 1859, pp. 413-14. 'À l'ouest des Nez-perces sont les Kayuses.' _De Smet_, _Voy._, p. 30. The Kayouse dwell upon the Utalla or Emnutilly River. _Townsend's Nar._, p. 122. 'West of the Nez Percés.' _Parker's Explor. Tour_, p. 309, and map. 'Rove through the regions of the Lewis branch.' _Greenhow's Hist. Ogn._, p. 30. 'Kayouses. Près du grand détour de la Colombie.' _Mofras_, _Explor._, tom. ii., p. 335. Waiilatpu, Molele, called also Willetpoos, Cayuse, 'western Oregon, south of the Columbia river.' _Ludewig_, _Ab. Lang._, p. 199; _Gibbs_, in _Pac. R. R. Rept._, vol. i., p. 417. Caäguas 'inhabit the country bordering on Wallawalla river and its tributaries, the Blue mountains and Grand round.' _Palmer's Jour._, pp. 54-6. Wyeilat or Kyoose, country to the south of Walla Walla. _Tolmie_, in _Lord's Nat._, vol. ii., pp. 244-5. The Skyuses 'dwell about the waters of the Wayleeway and the adjacent country.' _Irving's Bonneville's Adven._, p. 388. The Willewah 'reside on the Willewah river, which falls into the Lewis river on the S.W. side, below the forks.' _Morse's Rept._, p. 369. In Grande Ronde Valley. _Lewis and Clarke's Map_; _Gibbs_, in _Pac. R. R. Rept._, vol. i., p. 417. The Umatillas 'live near the junction of the Umatilla and Columbia rivers.' _Lord's Nat._, vol. ii., p. 97. Umatallow River and country extending thence westward to Dalles. _Tolmie_, in _Id._, p. 245. 'The Utillas occupy the country along the river bearing that name.' _Dennison_, in _Ind. Aff. Rept._, 1857, p. 374. The Wahowpum live 'on the N. branch of the Columbia, in different bands from the Pishquitpahs; as low as the river Lapage; the different bands of this nation winter on the waters of Taptul and Cataract rivers.' _Morse's Rept._, p. 370; _Lewis and Clarke's Map._ On John Day's River. _Gibbs_, in _Pac. R. R. Rept._, vol. i., p. 417. The _Wascos_ include all the tribes between the Cascade Range and John Day River, south of the Columbia. 'They are known by the name of Wasco Indians, and they call their country around the Dallas, Wascopam. They claim the country extending from the cascades up to the falls of the Columbia, the distance of about fifty miles.' _Hines' Voy._, p. 159. 'The Wascos occupy a small tract of country near to and adjoining the Dalles.' _Dennison_, in _Ind. Aff. Rept._, 1857, p. 372. On both sides of the Columbia about the Dalles are the Wascopams. _Map_, in _Schoolcraft's Arch._, vol. iii., p. 200. Eneshur, Echeloots, Chillukkitequaw and Sinacshop occupy the territory, on _Lewis and Clarke's Map_; _Morse's Rept._, p. 370. The Tchipantchicktchick, Cathlassis, Ilttekaïmamits, and Tchelouits about the Dalles. _Stuart_, in _Nouvelles Annales des Voy._, 1821, tom. xii., p. 26; _Gibbs_, in _Pac. R. R. Rept._, vol. i., p. 417. 'The residence of the Molele is (or was) in the broken and wooded country about Mounts Hood and Vancouver.' _Hale's Ethnog._, in _U. S. Ex. Ex._, vol. vi., p. 214. The Mollales have their home in the Willamette Valley. _Schoolcraft's Arch._, vol. v., p. 492. 'The Tairtla, usually called Taigh, belong ... to the environs of the Des-Chutes River.' _Gibbs_, in _Pandosy's Gram._, p. vii. 'The Des Chutes ... formerly occupied that section of country between the Dalles and the Tyich river.' _Dennison_, in _Ind. Aff. Rept._, 1857, p. 373. 'The Tyichs ... formerly occupied the Tyich valley and the country in its vicinity, which lies about 30 miles south of Fort Dalles.' _Ib._ 'The John Day Rivers occupy the country in the immediate vicinity of the river bearing that name.' _Ib._ 'The Dog River, or Cascade Indians reside on a small stream called Dog river, which empties into the Columbia river, about half way between the Cascades and Dalles.' _Id._, p. 371. The Cascades dwell 'on the river of that name.' _Nicolay's Ogn. Ter._, p. 143. The _Yakimas_ occupy the valley of the Yakima River and its branches. 'The upper Yakimas occupy the country upon the Wenass and main branch of the Yakima, above the forks; the Lower upon the Yakima and its tributaries, below the forks and along the Columbia from the mouth of the Yakima to a point three miles below the Dalles.' _Robie_, in _Ind. Aff. Rept._, 1857, p. 350. Three bands, Wishhams, Clickahut, and Skien, along the Columbia. _Id._, p. 352. 'The Pshwanwappam bands, usually called Yakamas, inhabit the Yakama River.' _Gibbs_, in _Pandosy's Gram._, p. vii. Lewis and Clarke's Chanwappan, Shaltattos, Squamaross, Skaddals, and Chimnahpum, on the Yakima River. _Gibbs_, in _Pac. R. R. Rept._, vol. i., p. 417. The Yakimas 'are divided into two principal bands, each made up of a number of villages, and very closely connected; one owning the country on the Nahchess and Lower Yakima, the other are upon the Wenass and main branch above the forks.' _Id._, p. 407. Yackamans, northern banks of the Columbia and on the Yackamans river. _Cox's Adven._, vol. ii., p. 143. On the Yakima. _Hale's Ethnog._, _U. S. Ex. Ex._, vol. vi., p. 213. 'South of the Long Rapids, to the confluence of Lewis' river with the Columbia, are the Yookoomans.' _Parker's Explor. Tour_, p. 313. Pishwanwapum (Yakima), in Yakimaw or Eyakema Valley. _Tolmie_, in _Lord's Nat._, vol. ii., pp. 244-7. Called Stobshaddat by the Sound Indians. _Id._, p. 245. The Chimnapums are 'on the N.W. side of Col. river, both above and below the entrance of Lewis' r. and the Taptul r.' _Morse's Rept._, p. 370; _Lewis and Clarke's Map._ The 'Chunnapuns and Chanwappans are between the Cascade Range and the north branch of the Columbia.' _Nicolay's Ogn. Ter._, p. 143. The Pisquitpahs, 'on the Muscleshell rapids, and on the N. side of the Columbia, to the commencement of the high country; this nation winter on the waters of the Taptul and Cataract rivers.' _Morse's Rept._, p. 370. The Sokulks dwell north of the confluence of the Snake and Columbia. _Lewis and Clarke's Trav._, p. 351, and map; _Morse's Rept._, p. 369. At Priest Rapids. _Gibbs_, in _Pac. R. R. Rept._, vol. i., p. 417. [Sidenote: THE KLIKETATS.] The _Kliketats_ live in the mountainous country north of the Cascades, on both sides of the Cascade Range, and south of the Yakimas. Klikatats 'inhabit, properly, the valleys lying between Mounts St. Helens and Adams, but they have spread over districts belonging to other tribes, and a band of them is now located as far south as the Umpqua.' _Gibbs_, in _Pac. R. R. Rept._, vol. i., p. 403. 'Roilroilpam is the Klikatat country, situated in the Cascade mountains north of the Columbia and west of the Yakamas.' _Gibbs_, in _Pandosy's Gram._, p. vii. 'Wander in the wooded country about Mount St. Helens.' _Hale's Ethnog._, in _U. S. Ex. Ex._, vol. vi., p. 213. 'In the vicinity of the mouth of the Columbia.' _Catlin's N. Am. Ind._, vol. ii., p. 113. Klikatats. 'Au-dessus du fort des Nez-Percés.' _Mofras_, _Explor._, tom. ii., p. 335. 'The Kliketat, a scion from the Sahaptans, who now dwell near Mount Rainier and have advanced towards the falls of the Columbia.' _Scouler_, in _Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour._, vol. xi., p. 225. On _Lewis and Clarke's Map_ the Kliketat territory is occupied by the Chanwappan, Shallatos, Squamaros, Skaddals, Shahalas. Also in _Morse's Rept._, p. 372. Whulwhypum, or Kliketat, 'in the wooded and prairie country between Vancouver and the Dalles.' _Tolmie_, in _Lord's Nat._, vol. ii., p. 245. The Weyehhoo live on the north side of the Columbia, near Chusattes River. (Kliketat.) _Gass' Jour._, p. 288. FOOTNOTES: [228] The _Nootka-Columbians_ comprehend 'the tribes inhabiting Quadra and Vancouver's Island, and the adjacent inlets of the mainland, down to the Columbia River, and perhaps as far S. as Umpqua River and the northern part of New California.' _Scouler_, in _Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour._, vol. xi., p. 221. [229] Gilbert Malcolm Sproat, a close observer and clear writer, thinks 'this word Nootkah--no word at all--together with an imaginary word, Columbian, denoting a supposed original North American race--is absurdly used to denote all the tribes which inhabit the Rocky Mountains and the western coast of North America, from California inclusively to the regions inhabited by the Esquimaux. In this great tract there are more tribes, differing totally in language and customs, than in any other portion of the American continent; and surely a better general name for them could be found than this meaningless and misapplied term _Nootkah Columbian_.' _Sproat's Scenes_, p. 315. Yet Mr Sproat suggests no other name. It is quite possible that Cook, _Voy. to the Pacific_, vol. ii., p. 288, misunderstood the native name of Nootka Sound. It is easy to criticise any name which might be adopted, and even if it were practicable or desirable to change all meaningless and misapplied geographical names, the same or greater objections might be raised against others, which necessity would require a writer to invent. [230] _Kane's Wand._, p. 173; _Macfie's Vanc. Isl._, p. 441; _Catlin's N. Am. Ind._, vol. ii., p. 108; the name being given to the people between the region of the Columbia and 53° 30´. [231] The name _Nez Percés_, 'pierced noses,' is usually pronounced as if English, _Nez Pér-ces_. [232] For particulars and authorities see TRIBAL BOUNDARIES at end of this chapter. [233] 'The Indian tribes of the North-western Coast may be divided into two groups, the Insular and the Inland, or those who inhabit the islands and adjacent shores of the mainland, and subsist almost entirely by fishing; and those who live in the interior and are partly hunters. This division is perhaps arbitrary, or at least imperfect, as there are several tribes whose affinities with either group are obscure.' _Scouler_, in _Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour._, vol. xi., p. 217. See _Stevens_, in _Pac. R. R. Rept._, vol. i., pp. 147-8, and _Mayne's B. C._, p. 242. 'The best division is into coast and inland tribes.' _Lord's Nat._, vol. ii., p. 226. [234] 'By far the best looking, most intelligent and energetic people on the N. W. Coast.' _Scouler_, in _Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour._, vol. xi., p. 218. Also ranked by Prichard as the finest specimens physically on the coast. _Researches_, vol. v., p. 433. The Nass people 'were peculiarly comely, strong, and well grown.' _Simpson's Overland Journ._, vol. i., p. 207. 'Would be handsome, or at least comely,' were it not for the paint. 'Some of the women have exceedingly handsome faces, and very symmetrical figures.' 'Impressed by the manly beauty and bodily proportions of my islanders.' _Poole's Queen Charlotte Isl._, pp. 310, 314. Mackenzie found the coast people 'more corpulent and of better appearance than the inhabitants of the interior.' _Voy._, pp. 322-3; see pp. 370-1. 'The stature (at Burke's Canal) ... was much more stout and robust than that of the Indians further south. The prominence of their countenances and the regularity of their features, resembled the northern Europeans.' _Vancouver's Voy._ vol. ii., p. 262. A chief of 'gigantic person, a stately air, a noble mien, a manly port, and all the characteristics of external dignity, with a symmetrical figure, and a perfect order of European contour.' _Dunn's Oregon_, pp. 279, 251, 283, 285. Mayne says, 'their countenances are decidedly plainer' than the southern Indians. _B. C._, p. 250. 'A tall, well-formed people.' _Bendel's Alex. Arch._, p. 29. 'No finer men ... can be found on the American Continent.' _Sproat's Scenes_, p. 23. In 55°, 'Son bien corpulentos.' _Crespi_, in _Doc. Hist. Mex._, s. iv., vol. vi., p. 646. 'The best looking Indians we had ever met.' 'Much taller, and in every way superior to the Puget Sound tribes. The women are stouter than the men, but not so good-looking.' _Reed's Nar._ [235] The Sebassas are 'more active and enterprising than the Millbank tribes.' _Dunn's Oregon_, p. 273. The Haeeltzuk are 'comparatively effeminate in their appearance.' _Scouler_, in _Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour._, vol. xi., p. 223. The Kyganies 'consider themselves more civilised than the other tribes, whom they regard with feelings of contempt.' _Id._, p. 219. The Chimsyans 'are much more active and cleanly than the tribes to the south.' _Id._, p. 220. 'I have, as a rule, remarked that the physical attributes of those tribes coming from the north, are superior to those of the dwellers in the south.' _Barrett-Lennard's Trav._, p. 40. [236] _Mackenzie's Voy._, pp. 370-1, 322-3; _Vancouver's Voy._, vol. ii., pp. 262, 320; _Hale's Ethnog._, in _U. S. Ex. Ex._, vol. vi., p. 197. 'Regular, and often fine features.' _Bendel's Alex. Arch._, p. 29. [237] _Mackenzie's Voy._, pp. 309-10, 322-3, 370-1; _Lord's Nat._, vol. i., p. 229. 'Opening of the eye long and narrow.' _Hale's Ethnog._, in _U. S. Ex. Ex._, vol. vi., p. 197. [238] 'Had it not been for the filth, oil, and paint, with which, from their earliest infancy, they are besmeared from head to foot, there is great reason to believe that their colour would have differed but little from such of the labouring Europeans, as are constantly exposed to the inclemency and alterations of the weather.' _Vancouver's Voy._, vol. ii., p. 262. 'Between the olive and the copper.' _Mackenzie's Voy._, pp. 370-1. 'Their complexion, when they are washed free from paint, is as white as that of the people of the S. of Europe.' _Scouler_, in _Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour._, vol. xi., p. 218. Skin 'nearly as white as ours.' _Poole's Q. Char. Isl._, pp. 314-5. 'Of a remarkable light color.' _Bendel's Alex. Arch._, p. 29. 'Fairer in complexion than the Vancouverians.' 'Their young women's skins are as clear and white as those of Englishwomen.' _Sproat's Scenes_, pp. 23-4. 'Fair in complexion, sometimes with ruddy cheeks.' _Hale's Ethnog._, in _U. S. Ex. Ex._, vol. vi., p. 197. 'De buen semblante, color blanco y bermejos.' _Crespi_, in _Doc. Hist. Mex._, s. iv., vol. vi., p. 646. [239] Tolmie mentions several instances of the kind, and states that 'amongst the Hydah or Queen Charlotte Island tribes, exist a family of coarse, red-haired, light-brown eyed, square-built people, short-sighted, and of fair complexion.' _Lord's Nat._, vol. ii., pp. 229-30. [240] _Mackenzie's Voy._, pp. 322-3, 371; _Vancouver's Voy._, vol. ii., p. 370; _Dunn's Oregon_, p. 283; _Poole's Q. Char. Isl._, p. 315. [241] _Scouler_, in _Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour._, vol. xi., p. 218; _Poole's Q. Char. Isl._, p. 74. 'What is very unusual among the aborigines of America, they have thick beards, which appear early in life.' _Hale's Ethnog._, in _U. S. Ex. Ex._, vol. vi., p. 197. [242] 'After the age of puberty, their bodies, in their natural state, are covered in the same manner as those of the Europeans. The men, indeed, esteem a beard very unbecoming, and take great pains to get rid of it, nor is there any ever to be perceived on their faces, except when they grow old, and become inattentive to their appearance. Every crinous efflorescence on the other parts of the body is held unseemly by them, and both sexes employ much time in their extirpation. The Nawdowessies, and the remote nations, pluck them out with bent pieces of hard wood, formed into a kind of nippers; whilst those who have communication with Europeans procure from them wire, which they twist into a screw or worm; applying this to the part, they press the rings together, and with a sudden twitch draw out all the hairs that are inclosed between them.' _Carver's Trav._, p. 225. [243] _Scouler_, in _Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour._, vol. xi., p. 220. [244] _Mackenzie's Voy._, pp. 370-1; _Lord's Nat._, vol. ii., p. 226; _Dunn's Oregon_, p. 287. [245] _Lord's Nat._, vol. ii., p. 232; _Scouler_, in _Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour._, vol. xi., pp. 218, 220, 223. 'The most northern of these Flat-head tribes is the Hautzuk.' _Schoolcraft's Arch._, vol. ii., p. 325. [246] _Simpson's Overland Journ._, vol. i., pp. 204, 233. 'This wooden ornament seems to be wore by all the sex indiscriminately, whereas at Norfolk Sound it is confined to those of superior rank.' _Dixon's Voy._, pp. 225, 208, with a cut. A piece of brass or copper is first put in, and 'this corrodes the lacerated parts, and by consuming the flesh gradually increases the orifice.' _Vancouver's Voy._, vol. ii., pp. 279-80, 408. _Scouler_, in _Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour._, vol. xi., p. 218; _Dunn's Oregon_, pp. 276, 279; _Crespi_, in _Doc. Hist. Mex._, s. iv., vol. vi., p. 651; _Cornwallis' New El Dorado_, p. 106; _Catlin's N. Am. Ind._, vol. ii., p. 113, with plate. [247] _Mayne's B. C._, pp. 281-2; _Poole's Q. Char. Isl._, pp. 75, 311; _Barrett-Lennard's Trav._, pp. 45-6; _Dunn's Oregon_, pp. 279, 285. [248] _Poole's Q. Char. Isl._, pp. 82, 106, 310, 322-3; _Mayne's B. C._, pp. 282, 283; _Dunn's Oregon_, p. 251. [249] _Mayne's B. C._, p. 282; _Dunn's Oregon_, pp. 251, 276, 291; _Parker's Explor. Tour_, p. 263; _Poole's Q. Char. Isl._, p. 310. 'The men habitually go naked, but when they go off on a journey they wear a blanket.' _Reed's Nar._ 'Cuero de nutrias y lobo marino ... sombreros de junco bien tejidos con la copa puntiaguda.' _Crespi_, in _Doc. Hist. Mex._, s. iv., vol. vi., p. 646. [250] _Dunn's Oregon_, pp. 253, 276-7; _Catlin's N. Am. Ind._, vol. ii., p. 113. [251] At Salmon River, 52° 58´, 'their dress consists of a single robe tied over the shoulders, falling down behind, to the heels, and before, a little below the knees, with a deep fringe round the bottom. It is generally made of the bark of the cedar tree, which they prepare as fine as hemp; though some of these garments are interwoven with strips of the sea-otter skin, which give them the appearance of a fur on one side. Others have stripes of red and yellow threads fancifully introduced towards the borders.' Clothing is laid aside whenever convenient. 'The women wear a close fringe hanging down before them about two feet in length, and half as wide. When they sit down they draw this between their thighs.' _Mackenzie's Voy._, pp. 322-3, 371; _Vancouver's Voy._, vol. ii., pp. 280, 339. [252] A house 'erected on a platform, ... raised and supported near thirty feet from the ground by perpendicular spars of a very large size; the whole occupying a space of about thirty-five by fifteen (yards), was covered in by a roof of boards lying nearly horizontal, and parallel to the platform; it seemed to be divided into three different houses, or rather apartments, each having a separate access formed by a long tree in an inclined position from the platform to the ground, with notches cut in it by way of steps, about a foot and a half asunder.' _Vancouver's Voy._, vol. ii., p. 274. See also pp. 137, 267-8, 272, 284. 'Their summer and winter residences are built of split plank, similar to those of the Chenooks.' _Parker's Explor. Tour_, p. 263. 'Ils habitent dans des loges de soixante pieds de long, construites avec des troncs de sapin et recouvertes d'écorces d'arbres.' _Mofras_, _Explor._, tom. ii., p. 337. 'Their houses are neatly constructed, standing in a row; having large images, cut out of wood, resembling idols. The dwellings have all painted fronts, showing imitations of men and animals. Attached to their houses most of them have large potatoe gardens.' _Dunn's Oregon_, pp. 293-4. See also, pp. 251-2, 273-4, 290; _Lord's Nat._, vol. i., p. 89; vol. ii., pp. 253, 255, with cuts on p. 255 and frontispiece. 'Near the house of the chief I observed several oblong squares, of about twenty feet by eight. They were made of thick cedar boards, which were joined with so much neatness, that I at first thought they were one piece. They were painted with hieroglyphics, and figures of different animals,' probably for purposes of devotion, as was 'a large building in the middle of the village.... The ground-plot was fifty feet by forty-five; each end is formed by four stout posts, fixed perpendicularly in the ground. The corner ones are plain, and support a beam of the whole length, having three intermediate props on each side, but of a larger size, and eight or nine feet in height. The two centre posts, at each end, are two and a half feet in diameter, and carved into human figures, supporting two ridge poles on their heads, twelve feet from the ground. The figures at the upper part of this square represent two persons, with their hands upon their knees, as if they supported the weight with pain and difficulty: the others opposite to them stand at their ease, with their hands resting on their hips.... Posts, poles, and figures, were painted red and black, but the sculpture of these people is superior to their painting.' _Mackenzie's Voy._, p. 331. See also pp. 307, 318, 328-30, 339, 345; _Poole's Q. Char. Isl._, pp. 111, 113-4; _Reed's Nar._; _Marchand_, _Voy._, tom. ii., pp. 127-31. [253] On food of the Haidahs and the methods of procuring it, see _Lord's Nat._, vol. i., pp. 41, 152; _Mackenzie's Voy._, pp. 306, 313-14, 319-21, 327, 333, 339, 369-70; _Poole's Q. Char. Isl._, pp. 148, 284-5, 315-16; _Vancouver's Voy._, vol. ii., p. 273; _Dunn's Oregon_, pp. 251, 267, 274, 290-1; _Mofras_, _Explor._, tom. ii., p. 337; _Pemberton's Vancouver Island_, p. 23; _Parker's Explor. Tour_, p. 263; _Reed's Nar._ [254] _Vancouver's Voy._, vol. ii., p. 339; _Poole's Q. Char. Isl._, p. 316; _Mackenzie's Voy._, p. 372-3. 'Once I saw a party of Kaiganys of about two hundred men returning from war. The paddles of the warriors killed in the fight were lashed upright in their various seats, so that from a long distance the number of the fallen could be ascertained; and on each mast of the canoes--and some of them had three--was stuck the head of a slain foe.' _Bendel's Alex. Arch._, p. 30. [255] The Kaiganies 'are noted for the beauty and size of their cedar canoes, and their skill in carving. Most of the stone pipes, inlaid with fragments of Haliotis or pearl shells, so common in ethnological collections, are their handiwork. The slate quarry from which the stone is obtained is situated on Queen Charlotte's Island.' _Dall's Alaska_, p. 411. The Chimsyans 'make figures in stone dressed like Englishmen; plates and other utensils of civilization, ornamented pipe stems and heads, models of houses, stone flutes, adorned with well-carved figures of animals. Their imitative skill is as noticeable as their dexterity in carving.' _Sproat's Scenes_, p. 317. The supporting posts of their probable temples were carved into human figures, and all painted red and black, 'but the sculpture of these people (52° 40´) is superior to their painting.' _Mackenzie's Voy._, pp. 330-1; see pp. 333-4. 'One man (near Fort Simpson) known as the Arrowsmith of the north-east coast, had gone far beyond his compeers, having prepared very accurate charts of most parts of the adjacent shores.' _Simpson's Overland Journ._, vol. i., p. 207. 'The Indians of the Northern Family are remarkable for their ingenuity and mechanical dexterity in the construction of their canoes, houses, and different warlike or fishing implements. They construct drinking-vessels, tobacco-pipes, &c., from a soft argillaceous stone, and these articles are remarkable for the symmetry of their form, and the exceedingly elaborate and intricate figures which are carved upon them. With respect to carving and a faculty for imitation, the Queen Charlotte's Islanders are equal to the most ingenious of the Polynesian Tribes.' _Scouler_, in _Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour._, vol. xi., p. 218. 'Like the Chinese, they imitate literally anything that is given them to do; so that if you give them a cracked gun-stock to copy, and do not warn them, they will in their manufacture repeat the blemish. Many of their slate-carvings are very good indeed, and their designs most curious.' _Mayne's B. C._, p. 278. See also, _Dunn's Oregon_, p. 293; _Mofras_, _Explor._, tom. ii., p. 337, and plate p. 387. The Skidagates 'showed me beautifully wrought articles of their own design and make, and amongst them some flutes manufactured from an unctuous blue slate.... The two ends were inlaid with lead, giving the idea of a fine silver mounting. Two of the keys perfectly represented frogs in a sitting posture, the eyes being picked out with burnished lead.... It would have done credit to a European modeller.' _Poole's Q. Char. Isl._, p. 258. 'Their talent for carving has made them famous far beyond their own country.' _Bendel's Alex. Arch._, p. 29. A square wooden box, holding one or two bushels, is made from three pieces, the sides being from one piece so mitred as to bend at the corners without breaking. 'During their performance of this character of labor, (carving, etc.) their superstitions will not allow any spectator of the operator's work.' _Reed's Nar._; _Ind. Life_, p. 96. 'Of a very fine and hard slate they make cups, plates, pipes, little images, and various ornaments, wrought with surprising elegance and taste.' _Hale's Ethnog._, in _U. S. Ex. Ex._, vol. vi., p. 197. 'Ils peignent aussi avec le même goût.' _Rossi_, _Souvenirs_, p. 298; _Anderson_, in _Hist. Mag._, vol. vii., pp. 74-5. [256] _Mackenzie's Voy._, p. 338; _Lord's Nat._, vol. i., p. 63; vol. ii., pp. 215-17, 254, 258; _Dunn's Oregon_, pp. 251, 253, 291, 293. 'They boil the cedar root until it becomes pliable to be worked by the hand and beaten with sticks, when they pick the fibres apart into threads. The warp is of a different material--sinew of the whale, or dried kelp-thread.' _Reed's Nar._ 'Petatito de vara en cuadro bien vistoso, tejido de palma fina de dos colores blanco y negro que tejido en cuadritos.' _Crespi_, in _Doc. Hist. Mex._, s. iv., vol. vi., pp. 647, 650-1. [257] _Poole's Q. Char. Isl._, p. 269, and cuts on pp. 121, 291; _Mackenzie's Voy._, p. 335; _Simpson's Overland Journ._, vol. i., p. 204; _Vancouver's Voy._, vol. ii., p. 303; _Sutil y Mexicana_, _Viage_, p. cxxv; _Lord's Nat._, vol. i., p. 174; _Reed's Nar._; _Catlin's N. Am. Ind._, vol. ii., p. 113, with plate. The Bellabellahs 'promised to construct a steam-ship on the model of ours.... Some time after this rude steamer appeared. She was from 20 to 30 feet long, all in one piece--a large tree hollowed out--resembling the model of our steamer. She was black, with painted ports; decked over; and had paddles painted red, and Indians under cover, to turn them round. The steersman was not seen. She was floated triumphantly, and went at the rate of three miles an hour. They thought they had nearly come up to the point of external structure; but then the enginery baffled them; and this they thought they could imitate in time, by perseverance, and the helping illumination of the Great Spirit.' _Dunn's Oregon_, p. 272. See also, p. 291. 'A canoe easily distanced the champion boat of the American Navy, belonging to the man-of-war _Saranac_.' _Bendel's Alex. Arch._, p. 29. [258] _Scouler_, in _Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour._, vol. xi., p. 219; _Macfie's B. C._, pp. 429, 437, 458; _Simpson's Overland Journ._, vol. i., p. 206; _Lord's Nat._, vol. i., p. 174; _Anderson_, in _Hist. Mag._, vol. vii., p. 74; _Dunn's Oregon_, pp. 279, 281-3, 292; _Sutil y Mexicana_, _Viage_, p. cxxv. [259] _Mackenzie's Voy._, pp. 374-5; _Tolmie and Anderson_, in _Lord's Nat._, vol. ii., pp. 240-2, 235; _Macfie's B. C._, p. 429; _Simpson's Overland Journ._, vol. i., p. 205; _Dixon's Voy._, p. 227. 'There exists among them a regular aristocracy.' 'The chiefs are always of unquestionable birth, and generally count among their ancestors men who were famous in battle and council.' 'The chief is regarded with all the reverence and respect which his rank, his birth, and his wealth can claim,' but 'his power is by no means unlimited.' _Bendel's Alex. Arch._, p. 30. [260] _Dunn's Oregon_, pp. 273-4, 283; _Parker's Explor. Tour_, p. 263; _Bendel's Alex. Arch._, p. 30; _Kane's Wand._, p. 220. [261] 'Polygamy is universal, regulated simply by the facilities for subsistence.' _Anderson_, in _Lord's Nat._, vol. ii., p. 235. See pp. 231-5, and vol. i., pp. 89-90. The women 'cohabit almost promiscuously with their own tribe though rarely with other tribes.' Poole, spending the night with a chief, was given the place of honor, under the same blanket with the chief's daughter--and her father. _Poole's Q. Char. Isl._, pp. 312-15, 115-16, 155. 'The Indians are in general very jealous of their women.' _Dixon's Voy._, p. 225-6. 'Tous les individus d'une famille couchent pêle-mêle sur le sol plancheyé de l'habitation.' _Marchand_, _Voy._, tom. ii., p. 144. 'Soon after I had retired ... the chief paid me a visit to insist on my going to his bed-companion, and taking my place himself.' _Mackenzie's Voy._, p. 331. See pp. 300, 371-2. _Parker's Explor. Tour_, p. 263. 'On the weddingday they have a public feast, at which they dance and sing.' _Dunn's Oregon_, pp. 252-3, 289-90. 'According to a custom of the Bellabollahs, the widow of the deceased is transferred to his brother's harem.' _Simpson's Overland Journ._, vol. i., p. 203-4. 'The temporary present of a wife is one of the greatest honours that can be shown there to a guest.' _Sproat's Scenes_, p. 95. [262] 'The Queen Charlotte Islanders surpass any people that I ever saw in passionate addiction' to gambling. _Poole's Q. Char. Isl._, p. 318-20. See pp. 186-87, 232-33. _Mackenzie's Voy._, pp. 288, 311. The Sebassas are great gamblers, and 'resemble the Chinooks in their games.' _Dunn's Oregon_, pp. 25-7, 252-9, 281-3, 293. 'The Indian mode of dancing bears a strange resemblance to that in use among the Chinese.' _Poole's Q. Char. Isl._, p. 82. _Lord's Nat._, vol. ii., p. 258; _Parker's Explor. Tour_, p. 263; _Ind. Life_, p. 63. [263] _Scouler_, in _Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour._, vol. xi., p. 223; _Duncan_, in _Mayne's B. C._, pp. 285-8, and in _Macfie's Vanc. Isl._, pp. 434-7; _White's Oregon_, p. 246; _Simpson's Overland Journ._, vol. i., p. 205; _Hutchings' Cal. Mag._, Nov. 1860, pp. 222-8; _Ind. Life_, p. 68; _Reed's Nar._; _Anderson_, in _Hist. Mag._, vol. vii., p. 79. [264] The Indians of Millbank Sound became exasperated against me, 'and they gave me the name of "_Schloapes_," i. e., "_stingy_:" and when near them, if I should spit, they would run and try to take up the spittle in something; for, according as they afterwards informed me, they intended to give it to their doctor or magician; and he would charm my life away.' _Dunn's Oregon_, pp. 246-7. See pp. 279-80; _Poole's Q. Char. Isl._, pp. 320-1. [265] _Lord's Nat._, vol. ii., pp. 32-4, 53-4; _Dunn's Oregon_, pp. 367, 274-5. [266] _Vancouver's Voy._, vol. ii., pp. 385-9. [267] _Poole's Q. Char. Isl._, pp. 109-10, 116; _Anderson_, in _Lord's Nat._, vol. ii., p. 242. [268] At about 52° 40´, between the Fraser River and the Pacific, Mackenzie observed the treatment of a man with a bad ulcer on his back. They blew on him and whistled, pressed their fingers on his stomach, put their fists into his mouth, and spouted water into his face. Then he was carried into the woods, laid down in a clear spot, and a fire was built against his back while the doctor scarified the ulcer with a blunt instrument. _Voy._, pp. 331-33; _Dunn's Oregon_, pp. 258, 284; _Poole's Q. Char. Isl._, pp. 316-18; _Duncan_, in _Mayne's B. C._, 289-91; _Reed's Nar._, in _Olympia Wash. Stand._, _May 16, 1868_. [269] At Boca de Quadra, Vancouver found 'a box about three feet square, and a foot and a half deep, in which were the remains of a human skeleton, which appeared from the confused situation of the bones, either to have been cut to pieces, or thrust with great violence into this small space.' ... 'I was inclined to suppose that this mode of depositing their dead is practised only in respect to certain persons of their society.' _Voy._, vol. ii., p. 351. At Cape Northumberland, in 54° 45´, 'was a kind of vault formed partly by the natural cavity of the rocks, and partly by the rude artists of the country. It was lined with boards, and contained some fragments of warlike implements, lying near a square box covered with mats and very curiously corded down.' _Id._, p. 370; _Cornwallis' New El Dorado_, pp. 106-7. On Queen Charlotte Islands, 'Ces monumens sont de deux espèces: les premiers et les plus simples ne sont composés que d'un seul pilier d'environ dix pieds d'élévation et d'un pied de diamètre, sur le sommet duquel sont fixées des planches formant un plateau; et dans quelques-uns ce plateau est supporté par deux piliers. Le corps, déposé sur cette plate-forme, est recouvert de mousse et de grosses pierres' ... 'Les mausolées de la seconde espèce sont plus composés: quatre poteaux plantés en terre, et élevés de deux pieds seulement au-dessus du sol portent un sarcophage travaillé avec art, et hermétiquement clos.' _Marchand_, _Voy._, tom. ii., pp. 135-6. 'According to another account it appeared that they actually bury their dead; and when another of the family dies, the remains of the person who was last interred, are taken from the grave and burned.' _Mackenzie's Voy._, p. 308. See also pp. 374, 295-98; _Simpson's Overland Journ._, vol. i., pp. 203-4; _Dunn's Oregon_, pp. 272, 276, 280; _Mayne's B. C._, pp. 272, 293; _Lord's Nat._, vol. ii., p. 235; _Macfie's Vanc. Isl._, pp. 440-41; _Dall's Alaska_, p. 417. [270] On the coast, at 52° 12´, Vancouver found them 'civil, good-humoured and friendly.' At Cascade Canal, about 52° 24´, 'in traffic they proved themselves to be keen traders, but acted with the strictest honesty;' at Point Hopkins 'they all behaved very civilly and honestly;' while further north, at Observatory Inlet, 'in their countenances was expressed a degree of savage ferocity infinitely surpassing any thing of the sort I had before observed,' presents being scornfully rejected. _Voy._, vol. ii., pp. 281, 269, 303, 337. The Kitswinscolds on Skeena River 'are represented as a very superior race, industrious, sober, cleanly, and peaceable.' _Ind. Aff. Rept._, 1869, p. 533. The Chimsyans are fiercer and more uncivilized than the Indians of the South. _Sproat's Scenes_, p. 317. 'Finer and fiercer men than the Indians of the South.' _Mayne's B. C._, p. 250. 'They appear to be of a friendly disposition, but they are subject to sudden gusts of passion, which are as quickly composed; and the transition is instantaneous, from violent irritation to the most tranquil demeanor. Of the many tribes ... whom I have seen, these appear to be the most susceptible of civilization.' _Mackenzie's Voy._, p. 375, 322. At Stewart's Lake the natives, whenever there is any advantage to be gained are just as readily tempted to betray each other as to deceive the colonists. _Macfie's Vanc. Isl._, pp. 466-68, 458-59; _Lord's Nat._, vol. i., p. 174. A Kygarnie chief being asked to go to America or England, refused to go where even chiefs were slaves--that is, had duties to perform--while he at home was served by slaves and wives. The Sebassas 'are more active and enterprising than the Milbank tribes, but the greatest thieves and robbers on the coast.' _Dunn's Oregon_, p. 287, 273. 'All these visitors of Fort Simpson are turbulent and fierce. Their broils, which are invariably attended with bloodshed, generally arise from the most trivial causes.' _Simpson's Overland Journ._, vol. i., p. 206. The Kygarnies 'are very cleanly, fierce and daring.' The islanders, 'when they visit the mainland, they are bold and treacherous, and always ready for mischief.' _Scouler_, in _Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour._, vol. xi., p. 219. The Kygarnies 'are a very fierce, treacherous race, and have not been improved by the rum and fire-arms sold to them.' _Dall's Alaska_, p. 411. Queen Charlotte Islanders look upon white men as superior beings, but conceal the conviction. The Skidagates are the most intelligent race upon the islands. Wonderfully acute in reading character, yet clumsy in their own dissimulation.... 'Not revengeful or blood-thirsty, except when smarting under injury or seeking to avert an imaginary wrong.' ... 'I never met with a really brave man among them.' The Acoltas have 'given more trouble to the Colonial Government than any other along the coast.' _Poole's Q. Char. Isl._, pp. 83, 151-2, 185-6, 208, 214, 233, 235, 245, 257, 271-72, 289, 309, 320-21. 'Of a cruel and treacherous disposition.' _Hale's Ethnog._, in _U. S. Ex. Ex._, vol. vi., p. 197. They will stand up and fight Englishmen with their fists. _Sproat's Scenes_, p. 23. Intellectually superior to the Puget Sound tribes. _Reed's Nar._ 'Mansos y de buena indole.' _Crespi_, in _Doc. Hist. Mex._, s. iv., vol. vi., p. 646. On Skeena River, 'the worst I have seen in all my travels.' _Downie_, in _B. C. Papers_, vol. iii., p. 73. 'As rogues, where all are rogues,' preëminence is awarded them. _Anderson_, in _Hist. Mag._, vol. vii., pp. 74-5. [271] 'On my arrival at this inlet, I had honoured it with the name of King George's Sound; but I afterward found, that it is called Nootka by the natives.' _Cook's Voy. to Pac._, vol. ii., p. 288. 'No Aht Indian of the present day ever heard of such a name as Nootkah, though most of them recognize the other words in Cook's account of their language.' _Sproat's Scenes_, p. 315. Sproat conjectures that the name may have come from _Noochee! Noochee!_ the Aht word for mountain. A large proportion of geographical names originate in like manner through accident. [272] For full particulars see TRIBAL BOUNDARIES at end of this chapter. [273] 'The Newatees, mentioned in many books, are not known on the west coast. Probably the Klah-oh-quahts are meant.' _Sproat's Scenes_, p. 314. [274] There are no Indians in the interior. _Fitzwilliam's Evidence_, in _Hud. B. Co., Rept. Spec. Com._, 1857, p. 115. [275] The same name is also applied to one of the _Sound_ nations across the strait in Washington. [276] The Teets or Haitlins are called by the Tacullies, '_Sa-Chinco_' strangers. _Anderson_, in _Hist. Mag._, vol. vii., pp. 73-4. [277] Sproat's division into nations, 'almost as distinct as the nations of Europe' is into the Quoquoulth (Quackoll) or Fort Rupert, in the north and north-east; the Kowitchan, or Thongeith, on the east and south; Aht on the west coast; and Komux, a distinct tribe also on the east of Vancouver. 'These tribes of the Ahts are not confederated; and I have no other warrant for calling them a nation than the fact of their occupying adjacent territories, and having the same superstitions and language.' _Sproat's Scenes_, pp. 18-19, 311. Mayne makes by language four nations; the first including the Cowitchen in the harbor and valley of the same name north of Victoria, with the Nanaimo and Kwantlum Indians about the mouth of the Fraser River, and the Songhies; the second comprising the Comoux, Nanoose, Nimpkish, Quawguult, etc., on Vancouver, and the Squawmisht, Sechelt, Clahoose, Ucle-tah, Mama-lil-a-culla, etc., on the main, and islands, between Nanaimo and Fort Rupert; the third and fourth groups include the twenty-four west-coast tribes who speak two distinct languages, not named. _Mayne's Vanc. Isl._, pp. 243-51. Grant's division gives four languages on Vancouver, viz., the Quackoll, from Clayoquot Sound north to C. Scott, and thence S. to Johnson's Strait; the Cowitchin, from Johnson's Strait to Sanetch Arm; the Tsclallum, or Clellum, from Sanetch to Soke, and on the opposite American shore; and the Macaw, from Patcheena to Clayoquot Sound. 'These four principal languages ... are totally distinct from each other, both in sound, formation, and modes of expression.' _Grant_, in _Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour._, vol. xxvii., p. 295. Scouler attempts no division into nations or languages. _Lond. Geo. Soc., Jour._, vol. xi., pp. 221, 224. Mofras singularly designates them as one nation of 20,000 souls, under the name of _Ouakich_. _Mofras_, _Explor._, tom. ii., p. 343. Recent investigations have shown a somewhat different relationship of these languages, which I shall give more particularly in a subsequent volume. [278] See _Sproat's Scenes_, pp. 272-86, on the 'effects upon savages of intercourse with civilized men.' 'Hitherto, (1856) in Vancouver Island, the tribes who have principally been in intercourse with the white man, have found it for their interest to keep up that intercourse in amity for the purposes of trade, and the white adventurers have been so few in number, that they have not at all interfered with the ordinary pursuits of the natives.' _Grant_, in _Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour._, vol. xxvii., p. 303. [279] 'Muy robustos y bien apersonados.' 'De mediana estatura, excepto los Xefes cuya corpulencia se hace notar.' _Sutil y Mexicana_, _Viage_, pp. 55, 124. 'The young princess was of low stature, very plump.' _Vancouver's Voy._, vol. i., p. 395. Macquilla, the chief was five feet eight inches, with square shoulders and muscular limbs; his son was five feet nine inches. _Belcher's Voy._, vol. i., pp. 110-12. The seaboard tribes have 'not much physical strength.' _Poole's Q. Char. Isl._, p. 73. 'La gente dicen ser muy robusta.' _Perez_, _Rel. del Viage, MS._, p. 20. 'Leur taille est moyenne.' _Mofras_, _Explor._, tom. ii., p. 343. 'In general, robust and well proportioned.' _Meares' Voy._, p. 249. Under the common stature, pretty full and plump, but not muscular--never corpulent, old people lean--short neck and clumsy body; women nearly the same size as the men. _Cook's Voy. to Pac._, vol. ii., pp. 301-3. 'Of smaller stature than the Northern Tribes; they are usually fatter and more muscular.' _Scouler_, in _Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour._, vol. xi., p. 221. In the north, among the Clayoquots and Quackolls, men are often met of five feet ten inches and over; on the south coast the stature varies from five feet three inches to five feet six inches. _Grant_, in _Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour._, vol. xxvii., p. 297. 'The men are in general from about five feet six to five feet eight inches in height; remarkably straight, of a good form, robust and strong.' Only one dwarf was seen. _Jewitt's Nar._, pp. 60-61. The Klah-oh-quahts are 'as a tribe physically the finest. Individuals may be found in all the tribes who reach a height of five feet eleven inches, and a weight of 180 pounds, without much flesh on their bodies.' Extreme average height: men, five feet six inches, women, five feet one-fourth inch. 'Many of the men have well-shaped forms and limbs. None are corpulent.' 'The men generally have well-set, strong frames, and, if they had pluck and skill, could probably hold their own in a grapple with Englishmen of the same stature.' _Sproat's Scenes_, pp. 22-3. 'Rather above the middle stature, copper-colored and of an athletic make.' _Spark's Life of Ledyard_, p. 71; _Prichard's Researches_, vol. v., p. 442. 'Spare muscular forms.' _Barrett-Lennard's Trav._, pp. 44; _Gordon's Hist. and Geog. Mem._, pp. 14-22. [280] Limbs small, crooked, or ill-made; large feet; badly shaped, and projecting ankles from sitting so much on their hams and knees. _Cook's Voy. to Pac._, vol. ii., pp. 301-3. 'Their limbs, though stout and athletic, are crooked and ill-shaped.' _Meares' Voy._, p. 250. 'Ils ont les membres inférieures légèrement arqués, les chevilles très-saillantes, et la pointe des pieds tournée en dedans, difformité qui provient de la manière dont ils sont assis dans leurs canots.' _Mofras_, _Explor._, tom. ii., pp. 343-4. 'Stunted, and move with a lazy waddling gait.' _Macfie's Vanc. Isl._, p. 428. 'Skeleton shanks ... not much physical strength ... bow-legged--defects common to the seaboard tribes.' _Poole's Q. Char. Isl._, pp. 73-4. All the females of the Northwest Coast are very short-limbed. 'Raro es el que no tiene muy salientes los tobillos y las puntas de los pies inclinadas hácia dentro ... y una especie de entumecimiento que se advierte, particularmente en las mugeres.' _Sutil y Mexicana_, _Viage_, pp. 124, 30, 62-3. They have great strength in the fingers. _Sproat's Scenes_ p. 33. Women, short-limbed, and toe in. _Id._, p. 22; _Mayne's B. C._, pp. 282-3. 'The limbs of both sexes are ill-formed, and the toes turned inwards.' 'The legs of the women, especially those of the slaves, are often swollen as if oedematous, so that the leg appears of an uniform thickness from the ankle to the calf,' from wearing a garter. _Scouler_, in _Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour._, vol. xi., p. 221. [281] The different Aht tribes vary in physiognomy somewhat--'faces of the Chinese and Spanish types may be seen.' 'The face of the Ahts is rather broad and flat; the mouth and lips of both men and women are large, though to this there are exceptions, and the cheekbones are broad but not high. The skull is fairly shaped, the eyes small and long, deep set, in colour a lustreless inexpressive black, or very dark hazel, none being blue, grey, or brown.... One occasionally sees an Indian with eyes distinctly Chinese. The nose ... in some instances is remarkably well-shaped.' 'The teeth are regular, but stumpy, and are deficient in enamel at the points,' perhaps from eating sanded salmon. _Sproat's Scenes_, pp. 19, 27. 'Their faces are large and full, their cheeks high and prominent, with small black eyes; their noses are broad and flat; their lips thick, and they have generally very fine teeth, and of the most brilliant whiteness.' _Meares' Voy._, pp. 249-50; _Barrett-Lennard's Trav._, p. 44. 'La fisonomia de estos (Nitinats) era differente de la de los habitantes de Nutka: tenian el cráneo de figura natural, los ojos chicos muy próximos, cargados los párpados.' Many have a languid look, but few a stupid appearance. _Sutil y Mexicana_, _Viage_, pp. 28, 30, 62-3, 124. 'Dull and inexpressive eye.' 'Unprepossessing and stupid countenances.' _Poole's Q. Char. Isl._, pp. 74, 80. The Wickinninish have 'a much less open and pleasing expression of countenance' than the Klaizzarts. The Newchemass 'were the most savage looking and ugly men that I ever saw.' 'The shape of the face is oval; the features are tolerably regular, the lips being thin and the teeth very white and even: their eyes are black but rather small, and the nose pretty well formed, being neither flat nor very prominent.' The women 'are in general very well-looking, and some quite handsome.' _Jewitt's Nar._, pp. 76, 77, 61. 'Features that would have attracted notice for their delicacy and beauty, in those parts of the world where the qualities of the human form are best understood.' _Meares' Voy._, p. 250. Face round and full, sometimes broad, with prominent cheek-bones ... falling in between the temples, the nose flattening at the base, wide nostrils and a rounded point ... forehead low; eyes small, black and languishing; mouth round, with large, round, thickish lips; teeth tolerably equal and well-set, but not very white. Remarkable sameness, a dull phlegmatic want of expression; no pretensions to beauty among the women. _Cook's Voy. to Pac._, vol. ii., pp. 301-2. See portraits of Nootkas in _Belcher's Voy._, vol. i., p. 108; _Cook's Atlas_, pl. 38-9; _Sutil y Mexicana_, _Viage_, _Atlas_; _Whymper's Alaska_, p. 75. 'Long nose, high cheek bones, large ugly mouth, very long eyes, and foreheads villainously low.' 'The women of Vancouver Island have seldom or ever good features; they are almost invariably pug-nosed; they have however, frequently a pleasing expression, and there is no lack of intelligence in their dark hazel eyes.' _Grant_, in _Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour._, vol. xxvii., pp. 297-8. 'Though without any pretensions to beauty, could not be considered as disagreeable.' _Vancouver's Voy._, vol. i., p. 395. 'Have the common facial characteristics of low foreheads, high cheek-bones, aquiline noses, and large mouths.' 'Among some of the tribes pretty women may be seen.' _Mayne's B. C._, p. 277. [282] 'Her skin was clean, and being nearly white,' etc. _Vancouver's Voy._, vol. i., p. 395. 'Reddish brown, like that of a dirty copper kettle.' Some, when washed, have 'almost a florid complexion.' _Grant_, in _Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour._, vol. xxvii., pp. 297, 299. 'Brown, somewhat inclining to a copper cast.' The women are much whiter, 'many of them not being darker than those in some of the Southern parts of Europe.' The Newchemass are much darker than the other tribes. _Jewitt's Nar._, pp. 61, 77. 'Their complexion, though light, has more of a copper hue' than that of the Haidahs. _Scouler_, in _Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour._, vol. xi., p. 221. 'Skin white, with the clear complexion of Europe.' _Meares' Voy._, p. 250. The color hard to tell on account of the paint, but in a few cases 'the whiteness of the skin appeared almost to equal that of Europeans; though rather of that pale effete cast ... of our southern nations.... Their children ... also equalled ours in whiteness.' _Cook's Voy. to Pac._, vol. ii., p. 303. 'Their complexion is a dull brown,' darker than the Haidahs. 'Cook and Meares probably mentioned exceptional cases.' _Sproat's Scenes_, pp. 23-4. 'Tan blancos como el mejor Español.' _Perez_, _Rel. del Viage, MS._, p. 20. 'Por lo que se puede inferir del (color) de los niños, parece menos obscuro que el de los Mexicanos,' but judging by the chiefs' daughters they are wholly white. _Sutil y Mexicana_, _Viage_, p. 125. 'A dark, swarthy copper-coloured figure.' _Lord's Nat._, vol. i., p. 143. They 'have lighter complexions than other aborigines of America.' _Greenhow's Hist. Ogn._, p. 116. 'Sallow complexion, verging towards copper colour.' _Barrett-Lennard's Trav._, pp. 44-6. Copper-coloured. _Spark's Life of Ledyard_, p. 71. [283] 'The hair of the natives is never shaven from the head. It is black or dark brown, without gloss, coarse and lank, but not scanty, worn long.... Slaves wear their hair short. Now and then, but rarely, a light-haired native is seen. There is one woman in the Opechisat tribe at Alberni who had curly, or rather wavy, brown hair. Few grey-haired men can be noticed in any tribe. The men's beards and whiskers are deficient, probably from the old alleged custom, now seldom practiced, of extirpating the hairs with small shells. Several of the Nootkah Sound natives (Moouchahts) have large moustaches and whiskers.' _Sproat's Scenes_, pp. 25-7. 'El cabello es largo lacio y grueso, variando su color entre rubio, obscuro, castaño y negro. La barba sale á los mozos con la misma regularidad que á los de otros paises, y llega á ser en los ancianos tan poblada y larga como la de los Turcos; pero los jóvenes parecen imberbes porque se la arrancan con los dedos, ó mas comunmente con pinzas formadas de pequeñas conchas.' _Sutil y Mexicana_, _Viage_, pp. 124-5, 57. 'Hair of the head is in great abundance, very coarse, and strong; and without a single exception, black, straight and lank.' No beards at all, or a small thin one on the chin, not from a natural defect, but from plucking. Old men often have beards. Eyebrows scanty and narrow. _Cook's Voy. to Pac._, vol. ii., pp. 301-3. 'Neither beard, whisker, nor moustache ever adorns the face of the redskin.' _Lord's Nat._, vol. i., p. 143; _Jewitt's Nar._, pp. 61, 75, 77. Hair 'invariably either black or dark brown.' _Grant_, in _Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour._, vol. xxvii., p. 297; _Meares' Voy._, p. 250; _Mayne's B. C._, pp. 277-8; _Macfie's Vanc. Isl._, p. 442; _Spark's Life of Ledyard_, p. 71. [284] _Cook's Voy. to Pac._, vol. ii., pp. 304-8; _Sutil y Mexicana_, _Viage_, pp. 126-7; _Sproat's Scenes_, pp. 26-7; _Meares' Voy._, p. 254; _Macfie's Vanc. Isl._, p. 442; _Jewitt's Nar._, pp. 21, 23, 62, 65, 77-8; _Grant_, in _Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour._, vol. xxvii., p. 297; _Mayne's B. C._, pp. 277-8; _Barrett-Lennard's Trav._, p. 44. [285] _Mayne's B. C._, pp. 242, 277, with cut of a child with bandaged head, and of a girl with a sugar-loaf head, measuring eighteen inches from the eyes to the summit. _Sproat's Scenes_, pp. 28-30; _Grant_, in _Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour._, vol. xxvii., p. 298; _Scouler_, in _Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour._, vol. xi., p. 222; Meares' Voy., p. 249; _Macfie's Vanc. Isl._, p. 441; _Sutil y Mexicana_, _Viage_, p. 124; _Lord's Nat._, vol. i., p. 171; vol. ii., p. 103, cut of three skulls of flattened, conical, and natural form; _Kane's Wand._, p. 241; _Jewitt's Nar._, p. 76; _Schoolcraft's Arch._, vol. ii., p. 325; _Barrett-Lennard's Trav._, p. 45; _Gordon's Hist. and Geog. Mem._, p. 115. [286] At Valdes Island, 'the faces of some were made intirely white, some red, black, or lead colour.' _Vancouver's Voy._, vol. i., pp. 307, 341. At Nuñez Gaona Bay, 'se pintan de encarnado y negro.' _Sutil y Mexicana_, _Viage_, p. 30. At Nootka Sound, 'Con esta grasa (de ballena) se untan todo el cuerpo, y despues se pintan con una especie de barniz compuesto de la misma grasa ó aceyte, y de almagre en términos que parece este su color natural.' Chiefs only may paint in varied colors, plebeians being restricted to one.' _Id._, pp. 125-7. 'Many of the females painting their faces on all occasions, but the men only at set periods.' Vermilion is obtained by barter. Black, their war and mourning color, is made by themselves. _Macfie's Vanc. Isl._, p. 442. 'Ces Indiens enduisent leur corps d'huile de baleine, et se peignent avec des ocres.' Chiefs only may wear different colors, and figures of animals. _Mofras_, _Explor._, tom. ii., p. 344. 'Rub their bodies constantly with a red paint, of a clayey or coarse ochry substance, mixed with oil.... Their faces are often stained with a black, a brighter red, or a white colour, by way of ornament.... They also strew the brown martial mica upon the paint, which makes it glitter.' _Cook's Voy. to Pac._, vol. ii., p. 305. 'A line of vermilion extends from the centre of the forehead to the tip of the nose, and from this "trunk line" others radiate over and under the eyes and across the cheeks. Between these red lines white and blue streaks alternately fill the interstices. A similar pattern ornaments chest, arms, and back, the frescoing being artistically arranged to give apparent width to the chest.' _Lord's Nat._, vol. i., p. 143. 'They paint the face in hideous designs of black and red (the only colours used), and the parting of the hair is also coloured red.' _Mayne's B. C._, p. 277. 'At great feasts the faces of the women are painted red with vermilion or berry-juice, and the men's faces are blackened with burnt wood. About the age of twenty-five the women cease to use paint.... Some of the young men streak their faces with red, but grown-up men seldom now use paint, unless on particular occasions.... The leader of a war expedition is distinguished by a streaked visage from his black-faced followers.' _Sproat's Scenes_, p. 27-8. The manner of painting is often a matter of whim. 'The most usual method is to paint the eye-brows black, in form of a half moon, and the face red in small squares, with the arms and legs and part of the body red; sometimes one half of the face is painted red in squares, and the other black; at others, dotted with red spots, or red and black instead of squares, with a variety of other devices, such as painting one half of the face and body red, and the other black.' _Jewitt's Nar._, p. 64; _Meares' Voy._, p. 252; _Barrett-Lennard's Trav._, p. 46; _Spark's Life of Ledyard_, p. 71. [287] 'The habit of tattooing the legs and arms is common to all the women of Vancouver's Island; the men do not adopt it.' _Grant_, in _Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour._, vol. xxvii., p. 307. 'No such practice as tattooing exists among these natives.' _Sproat's Scenes_, p. 27. 'The ornament on which they appear to set the most value, is the nose-jewel, if such an appellation may be given to the wooden stick, which some of them employ for this purpose.... I have seen them projecting not less than eight or nine inches beyond the face on each side; this is made fast or secured in its place by little wedges on each side of it.' _Jewitt's Nar._, pp. 65-6, 75; _Mofras_, _Explor._, tom. ii., p. 344. _Cook's Voy. to Pac._, vol. ii., pp. 304-8; _Sutil y Mexicana_, _Viage_, pp. 30, 126-7; _Macfie's Vanc. Isl._, p. 442; _Whymper's Alaska_, pp. 37, 74, with cut of mask. _Mayne's B. C._, p. 268; _Kane's Wand._, pp. 221-2, and illustration of a hair medicine-cap. [288] 'Their cloaks, which are circular capes with a hole in the centre, edged with sea-otter skin, are constructed from the inner bark of the cypress. It turns the rain, is very soft and pliable,' etc. _Belcher's Voy._, vol. i., p. 112. The usual dress of the Newchemass 'is a _kootsuck_ made of wolf skin, with a number of the tails attached to it ... hanging from the top to the bottom; though they sometimes wear a similar mantle of bark cloth, of a much coarser texture than that of Nootka.' _Jewitt's Nar._, pp. 77-8, 21-3, 56-8, 62-6. 'Their common dress is a flaxen garment, or mantle, ornamented on the upper edge by a narrow strip of fur, and at the lower edge, by fringes or tassels. It passes under the left arm, and is tied over the right shoulder, by a string before, and one behind, near its middle.... Over this, which reaches below the knees, is worn a small cloak of the same substance, likewise fringed at the lower part.... Their head is covered with a cap, of the figure of a truncated cone, or like a flower-pot, made of fine matting, having the top frequently ornamented with a round or pointed knob, or bunch of leathern tassels.' _Cook's Voy. to Pac._, vol. ii., pp. 304-8, 270-1, 280. 'The men's dress is a blanket; the women's a strip of cloth, or shift, and blanket. The old costume of the natives was the same as at present, but the material was different.' _Sproat's Scenes_, pp. 25, 315. 'Their clothing generally consists of skins,' but they have two other garments of bark or dog's hair. 'Their garments of all kinds are worn mantlewise, and the borders of them are fringed' with wampum. _Spark's Life of Ledyard_, pp. 71-2; _Colyer_, in _Ind. Aff. Rept._, 1869, p. 533; _Sutil y Mexicana_, _Viage_, pp. 30-1, 38, 56-7, 126-8; _Meares' Voy._, pp. 251-4; _Grant_, in _Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour._, vol. xxvii., p. 297; _Lord's Nat._, vol. i., pp. 143-4; _Mofras_, _Explor._, tom. ii., pp. 344-5; _Whymper's Alaska_, p. 37; _Greenhow's Hist. Ogn._, p. 116; _Macfie's Van. Isl._, pp. 431, 443; _Barrett-Lennard's Trav._, p. 46. See portraits in _Cook's Atlas_, _Belcher's Voy._, _Sutil y Mexicana, Atlas_, and _Whymper's Alaska._ [289] On the east side of Vancouver was a village of thirty-four houses, arranged in regular streets. The house of the leader 'was distinguished by three rafters of stout timber raised above the roof, according to the architecture of Nootka, though much inferior to those I had there seen, in point of size.' Bed-rooms were separated, and more decency observed than at Nootka Sound. _Vancouver's Voy._, vol. i., pp. 346-7, with a view of this village; also pp. 324-5, description of the village on Desolation Sound; p. 338, on Valdes Island; p. 326, view of village on Bute Canal; and vol. iii., pp. 310-11, a peculiarity not noticed by Cook--'immense pieces of timber which are raised, and horizontally placed on wooden pillars, about eighteen inches above the roof of the largest houses in that village; one of which pieces of timber was of a size sufficient to have made a lower mast for a third rate man of war.' See _Cook's Voy. to Pac._, vol. ii., pp. 281, 313-19, and _Atlas_, plate 40. A sort of a duplicate inside building, with shorter posts, furnishes on its roof a stage, where all kinds of property and supplies are stored. _Sproat's Scenes_, pp. 37-43. 'The planks or boards which they make use of for building their houses, and for other uses, they procure of different lengths, as occasion requires, by splitting them out, with hard wooden wedges from pine logs, and afterwards dubbing them down with their chizzels.' _Jewitt's Nar._, pp. 52-4. Grant states that the Nootka houses are palisade inclosures formed of stakes or young fir-trees, some twelve or thirteen feet high, driven into the ground close together, roofed in with slabs of fir or cedar. _Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour._, vol. xxvii., p. 299. The Teets have palisaded enclosures. _Anderson_, in _Hist. Mag._, vol. vii., p. 74. 'The chief resides at the upper end, the proximity of his relatives to him being according to their degree of kindred.' _Macfie's Vanc. Isl._, pp. 443-4; _Dunn's Oregon_, p. 243; _Belcher's Voy._, vol. i., p. 112; _Lord's Nat._, vol. i., pp. 158, 164-5, 167, 320-21; _Seemann's Voy. of Herald_, vol. i., pp. 105-6. The carved pillars are not regarded by the natives as idols in any sense. _Sutil y Mexicana_, _Viage_, pp. 128-9, 102; _Barrett-Lennard's Trav._, pp. 47, 73-4. Some houses eighty by two hundred feet. _Colyer_, in _Ind. Aff. Rept._, 1869, p. 533; _Mayne's B. C._, p. 296; _Gordon's Hist. and Geog. Mem._, pp. 120-1. [290] 'Their heads and their garments swarm with vermin, which, ... we used to see them pick off with great composure, and eat.' _Cook's Voy. to Pac._, vol. ii., p. 305. See also pp. 279-80, 318-24. 'Their mode of living is very simple--their food consisting almost wholly of fish, or fish spawn fresh or dried, the blubber of the whale, seal, or sea-cow, muscles, clams, and berries of various kinds; all of which are eaten with a profusion of train oil.' _Jewitt's Nar._, pp. 58-60, 68-9, 86-8, 94-7, 103. _Sproat's Scenes_, pp. 52-7, 61, 87, 144-9, 216-70. 'The common business of fishing for ordinary sustenance is carried on by slaves, or the lower class of people;--While the more noble occupation of killing the whale and hunting the sea-otter, is followed by none but the chiefs and warriors.' _Meares' Voy._, p. 258. 'They make use of the dried fucus giganteus, anointed with oil, for lines, in taking salmon and sea-otters.' _Belcher's Voy._, vol. i., pp. 112-13. _Sutil y Mexicana_, _Viage_, pp. 17, 26, 45-6, 59-60, 76, 129-30, 134-5; _Grant_, in _Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour._, vol. xxvii., pp. 299-300; _Mayne's B. C._, pp. 252-7; _Macfie's Vanc. Isl._, pp. 165-442; _Simpson's Overland Journ._, vol. i., p. 239; _Pemberton's Vanc. Isl._, pp. 28-32; _Dunn's Oregon_, p. 243; _Mofras_, _Explor._, tom. ii., p. 338. The Sau-kau-lutuck tribe 'are said to live on the edge of a lake, and subsist principally on deer and bear, and such fish as they can take in the lake.' _Lord's Nat._, vol. i., pp. 158-9; _Barrett-Lennard's Trav._, pp. 48, 74-5, 76-7, 85-6, 90-1, 144-50, 197-8; vol. ii., p. 111; _Cornwallis' New El Dorado_, p. 100; _Forbes' Vanc. Isl._, pp. 54-5; _Rattray's Vanc. Isl._, pp. 77-8, 82-3; _Hud. Bay Co., Rept. Spec. Com._, 1857, p. 114. [291] _Sutil y Mexicana_, _Viage_, pp. 57, 63, 78; _Jewitt's Nar._, pp. 78-81; _Vancouver's Voy._, vol. i., p. 307; _Macfie's Vanc. Isl._, p. 443; _Cox's Adven._, vol. i., p. 100. 'The native bow, like the canoe and paddle, is beautifully formed. It is generally made of yew or crab-apple wood, and is three and a half feet long, with about two inches at each end turned sharply backwards from the string. The string is a piece of dried seal-gut, deer-sinew, or twisted bark. The arrows are about thirty inches long, and are made of pine or cedar, tipped with six inches of serrated bone, or with two unbarbed bone or iron prongs. I have never seen an Aht arrow with a barbed head.' _Sproat's Scenes_, p. 82. 'Having now to a great extent discarded the use of the traditional tomahawk and spear. Many of these weapons are, however, still preserved as heirlooms among them.' _Barrett-Lennard's Trav._, p. 42. 'No bows and arrows.' 'Generally fight hand to hand, and not with missiles.' _Fitzwilliam's Evidence_, in _Hud. Bay Co. Rept._, 1857, p. 115. [292] The Ahts 'do not take the scalp of the enemy, but cut off his head, by three dexterous movements of the knife ... and the warrior who has taken most heads is most praised and feared.' _Sproat's Scenes_, pp. 186-202. 'Scalp every one they kill.' _Macfie's Vanc. Isl._, p. 470, 443, 467. One of the Nootka princes assured the Spaniards that the bravest captains ate human flesh before engaging in battle. _Sutil y Mexicana_, _Viage_, p. 130. The Nittinahts consider the heads of enemies slain in battle as _spolia opima_. _Whymper's Alaska_, pp. 54, 78; _Jewitt's Nar._, pp. 120-1; _Lord's Nat._, vol. i., pp. 155-6, 158, 166, 171, vol. ii., p. 251-3. Women keep watch during the night, and tell the exploits of their nation to keep awake. _Meares' Voy._, p. 267. _Vancouver's Voy._, vol. i., p. 396; _Grant_, in _Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour._, vol. xxvii., p. 296; _Mayne's B. C._, p. 270; _Barrett-Lennard's Trav._, pp. 41-2, 129-36. [293] 'They have no seats.... The rowers generally sit on their hams, but sometimes they make use of a kind of small stool.' _Meares' Voy._, pp. 263-4. The larger canoes are used for sleeping and eating, being dry and more comfortable than the houses. _Cook's Voy. to Pac._, vol. ii., pp. 319, 327, and _Atlas_, pl. 41. 'The most skillful canoe-makers among the tribes are the Nitinahts and the Klah-oh-quahts. They make canoes for sale to other tribes.' 'The baling-dish of the canoes, is always of one shape--the shape of the gable-roof of a cottage.' _Sproat's Scenes_, pp. 85, 87-8; _Mayne's B. C._, p. 283, and cut on title-page. Canoes not in use are hauled up on the beach in front of their villages. _Grant_, in _Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour._, vol. xxvii., p. 301. 'They keep time to the stroke of the paddle with their songs.' _Jewitt's Nar._, pp. 69-71, 75; _Sutil y Mexicana_, _Viage_, pp. 39, 133; _Lord's Nat._, vol. i., p. 144; _Vancouver's Voy._, vol. i., p. 338. Their canoes 'are believed to supply the pattern after which clipper ships are built.' _Macfie's Vanc. Isl._, pp. 484, 430. _Barrett-Lennard's Trav._, p. 50. _Colyer_, in _Ind. Aff. Rept._, 1869, p. 533. [294] _Cook's Voy. to Pac._, vol. ii., pp. 271, 308, 316, 326, 329-30. _Sproat's Scenes_, pp. 86-9, 317; _Sutil y Mexicana_, _Viage_, p. 129; _Lord's Nat._, vol. ii., pp. 257-8, which describes a painted and ornamented plate of native copper some one and a half by two and a half feet, kept with great care in a wooden case, also elaborately ornamented. It was the property of the tribe at Fort Rupert, and was highly prized, and only brought out on great occasions, though its use was not discovered. _Macfie's Vanc. Isl._, p. 165. [295] Woolen cloths of all degrees of fineness, made by hand and worked in figures, by a method not known. _Cook's Voy. to Pac._, vol. ii., p. 325. _Sutil y Mexicana_, _Viage_, pp. 46, 136; _Lord's Nat._, vol. ii., p. 254; _Sproat's Scenes_, pp. 88-9; _Jewitt's Nar._, p. 55; _Macfie's Vanc. Isl._, pp. 442, 451, 483-5; _Mofras_, _Explor._, tom. ii., p. 344; _Pemberton's Vanc. Isl._, p. 131; _Cornwallis' New El Dorado_, pp. 99-100. 'The implement used for weaving, (by the Teets) differed in no apparent respect from the rude loom of the days of the Pharaohs.' _Anderson_, in _Hist. Mag._, vol. vii., p. 78. [296] _Sproat's Scenes_, pp. 79-81, 89, 96, 111-13; _Kane's Wand._, pp. 220-1; _Macfie's Vanc. Isl._, pp. 429, 437; _Cook's Voy. to Pac._, vol. ii., p. 284; _Sutil y Mexicana_, _Viage_, p. 147; _Lord's Nat._, vol. i., pp. 165-6; _Mayne's B. C._, 263-5. [297] _Jewitt's Nar._, pp. 78-80; _Sproat's Scenes_, pp. 19, 55, 78-9, 92. Before the adoption of blankets as a currency, they used small shells from the coast bays for coin, and they are still used by some of the more remote tribes. _Grant_, in _Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour._, vol. xxvii., p. 307. 'Their acuteness in barter is remarkable.' _Forbes' Vanc. Isl._, p. 25. [298] The Ahts 'divide the year into thirteen months, or rather moons, and begin with the one that pretty well answers to our November. At the same time, as their names are applied to each actual new moon as it appears, they are not, by half a month and more (sometimes), identical with our calendar months.' _Sproat's Scenes_, pp. 121-4. 'Las personas mas cultas dividen el año en catorce meses, y cada uno de estos en veinte dias, agregando luego algunos dias intercalares al fin de cada mes. El de Julio, que ellos llaman _Satz-tzi-mitl_, y es el primero de su año, á mas de sus veinte dias ordinarios tiene tantos intercalares quantos dura la abundancia de lenguados, atunes, etc.' _Sutil y Mexicana_, _Viage_, pp. 153-4, 148; _Grant_, in _Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour._, vol. xxvii., pp. 295, 304; _Lord's Nat._, vol. ii., pp. 242-4. [299] 'They shew themselves ingenious sculptors. They not only preserve, with great exactness, the general character of their own faces, but finish the more minute parts, with a degree of accuracy in proportion, and neatness in execution.' _Cook's Voy. to Pac._, vol. ii., pp. 326-7, and _Atlas_, pl. 40; _Lord's Nat._, vol. i., pp. 164-5, vol. ii., pp. 257-8, and cut, p. 103; _Macfie's Vanc. Isl._, pp. 444-7, 484; _Mayne's B. C._, cut on p. 271. [300] 'In an Aht tribe of two hundred men, perhaps fifty possess various degrees of acquired or inherited rank; there may be about as many slaves; the remainder are independent members.' Some of the Klah-oh-quahts 'pay annually to their chief certain contributions, consisting of blankets, skins, etc.' 'A chief's "blue blood" avails not in a dispute with one of his own people; he must fight his battle like a common man.' _Sproat's Scenes_, pp. 113-17, 18-20, 226. Cheslakees, a chief on Johnson's Strait, was inferior but not subordinate in authority to Maquinna, the famous king at Nootka Sound, but the chief at Loughborough's Channel claimed to be under Maquinna. _Vancouver's Voy._, vol. i., pp. 346, 331. 'La dignidad de Tays es hereditaria de padres á hijos, y pasa regularmente á estos luego que estan en edad de gobernar, si los padres por ancianidad ú otras causas no pueden seguir mandando.' 'El gobierno de estos naturales puede llamarse Patriarcal; pues el Xefe de la nacion hace á un mismo tiempo los oficios de padre de familia, de Rey y de Sumo Sacerdote.' 'Los nobles gozan de tanta consideracion en Nutka, que ni aun de palabra se atreven los Tayses á reprehenderlos.' 'Todos consideraban á este (Maquinna) como Soberano de las costas, desde la de Buena Esperanza hasta la punta de Arrecifes, con todos los Canales interiores.' To steal, or to know carnally a girl nine years old, is punished with death. _Sutil y Mexicana_, _Viage_, pp. 140, 136, 147, 19, 25. 'There are such men as Chiefs, who are distinguished by the name or title of _Acweek_, and to whom the others are, in some measure, subordinate. But, I should guess, the authority of each of these great men extends no farther than the family to which he belongs.' _Cook's Voy. to Pac._, vol. ii., pp. 333-4. 'La forme de leur gouvernement est toute patriarcale, et la dignité de chef, héréditaire.' _Mofras_, _Explor._, tom. ii., p. 346. Several very populous villages to the northward, included in the territory of Maquilla, the head chief, were entrusted to the government of the principal of his female relations. The whole government formed a political bond of union similar to the feudal system which formerly obtained in Europe. _Meares' Voy._, pp. 228-9. 'The king or head Tyee, is their leader in war, in the management of which he is perfectly absolute. He is also president of their councils, which are almost always regulated by his opinion. But he has no kind of power over the property of his subjects.' _Jewitt's Nar._, pp. 138-9, 47, 69, 73. _Kane's Wand._, pp. 220-1. 'There is no code of laws, nor do the chiefs possess the power or means of maintaining a regular government; but their personal influence is nevertheless very great with their followers.' _Douglas_, in _Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour._, vol. xxiv., p. 246. [301] 'Usually kindly treated, eat of the same food, and live as well as their masters.' 'None but the king and chiefs have slaves.' 'Maquinna had nearly fifty, male and female, in his house.' _Jewitt's Nar._, pp. 73-4. Meares states that slaves are occasionally sacrificed and feasted upon. _Voy._, p. 255. The Newettee tribe nearly exterminated by kidnappers. _Dunn's Oregon_, p. 242. 'An owner might bring half a dozen slaves out of his house and kill them publicly in a row without any notice being taken of the atrocity. But the slave, as a rule, is not harshly treated.' 'Some of the smaller tribes at the north of the Island are practically regarded as slave-breeding tribes, and are attacked periodically by stronger tribes.' The American shore of the strait is also a fruitful source of slaves. _Sproat's Scenes_, pp. 89-92. 'They say that one Flathead slave is worth more than two Roundheads.' _Rept. Ind. Aff._, 1857, p. 327; _Mayne's B. C._, p. 284; _Grant_, in _Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour._, vol. xxvii., p. 296; _Lord's Nat._, vol. i., pp. 154-5, 166; _Kane's Wand._, p. 220; _Sutil y Mexicana_, _Viage_, p. 131; _Macfie's Vanc. Isl._, pp. 431, 442, 470-1. [302] 'The women go to bed first, and are up first in the morning to prepare breakfast,' p. 52. 'The condition of the Aht women is not one of unseemly inferiority,' p. 93. 'Their female relations act as midwives. There is no separate place for lying-in. The child, on being born, is rolled up in a mat among feathers.' 'They suckle one child till another comes,' p. 94. 'A girl who was known to have lost her virtue, lost with it one of her chances of a favourable marriage, and a chief ... would have put his daughter to death for such a lapse,' p. 95. In case of a separation, if the parties belong to different tribes, the children go with the mother, p. 96. 'No traces of the existence of polyandry among the Ahts,' p. 99. The personal modesty of the Aht women when young is much greater than that of the men, p. 315. _Sproat's Scenes_, pp. 28-30, 50-2, 93-102, 160, 264, 315. One of the chiefs said that three was the number of wives permitted: 'como número necesario para no comunicar con la que estuviese en cinta.' 'Muchos de ellos mueren sin casarse.' 'El Tays no puede hacer uso de sus mugeres sin ver enteramente iluminado el disco de la luna.' _Sutil y Mexicana_, _Viage_, pp. 141-6. Women treated with no particular respect in any situation. _Cook's Voy. to Pac._, vol. ii., p. 318. Persons of the same crest are not allowed to marry. 'The child again always takes the crest of the mother.' 'As a rule also, descent is traced from the mother, not from the father.' 'Intrigue with the wives of men of other tribes is one of the commonest causes of quarrel among the Indians.' _Mayne's B. C._, pp. 257-8, 276; _Macfie's Vanc. Isl._, pp. 444-7. The women are 'very reserved and chaste.' _Meares' Voy._, pp. 251, 258, 265, 268; _Kane's Wand._, pp. 239-40. The Indian woman, to sooth her child, makes use of a springy stick fixed obliquely in the ground to which the cradle is attached by a string, forming a convenient baby-jumper. _Lord's Nat._, vol. ii., p. 259; _Pemberton's Vanc. Isl._, p. 131; _Mofras_, _Explor._, tom. ii., pp. 346-7. 'Where there are no slaves in the tribe or family they perform all the drudgery of bringing firewood, water, &c.' _Grant_, in _Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour._, vol. xxvii., pp. 298-9, 304. No intercourse between the newly married pair for a period of ten days, p. 129. 'Perhaps in no part of the world is virtue more prized,' p. 74. _Jewitt's Nar._, pp. 59-60, 74, 127-9; _Cornwallis' New El Dorado_, p. 101. [303] 'When relieved from the presence of strangers, they have much easy and social conversation among themselves.' 'The conversation is frequently coarse and indecent.' _Sproat's Scenes_, pp. 50-1. 'Cantando y baylando al rededor de las hogueras, abandonándose á todos los excesos de la liviandad.' _Sutil y Mexicana_, _Viage_, p. 133. [304] _Sproat's Scenes_, pp. 55-6; _Sutil y Mexicana_, _Viage_, p. 144. [305] _Grant_, in _Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour._, vol. xxvii., p. 299; _Mayne's B. C._, pp. 275-6; _Pemberton's Vanc. Isl._, p. 134; _Macfie's Vanc. Isl._, p. 444; _Barrett-Lennard's Trav._, p. 53. [306] _Sproat's Scenes_, p. 269. But Lord says 'nothing can be done without it.' _Nat._, vol. i., p. 168. [307] The Indian never invites any of the same crest as himself. _Macfie's Vanc. Isl._, 445. 'They are very particular about whom they invite to their feasts, and, on great occasions, men and women feast separately, the women always taking the precedence.' _Duncan_, in _Mayne's B. C._, pp. 263-6; _Sproat's Scenes_, pp. 59-63. [308] _Lord's Nat._, vol. i., pp. 259-60. [309] 'I have never seen an Indian woman dance at a feast, and believe it is seldom if ever done.' _Mayne's B. C._, pp. 267-9. The women generally 'form a separate circle, and chaunt and jump by themselves.' _Grant_, in _Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour._, vol. xxvii., p. 306. 'As a rule, the men and women do not dance together; when the men are dancing the women sing and beat time,' but there is a dance performed by both sexes. _Sproat's Scenes_, pp. 66-7. 'On other occasions a male chief will invite a party of female guests to share his hospitality.' _Macfie's Vanc. Isl._, p. 431. 'Las mugeres baylan desayradisimamente; rara vez se prestan á esta diversion.' _Sutil y Mexicana_, _Viage_, p. 152. [310] 'La decencia obliga á pasar en silencio los bayles obscenos de los Mischîmis (common people), especialmente el del impotente á causa de la edad, y el del pobre que no ha podido casarse.' _Sutil y Mexicana_, _Viage_, pp. 151-2, 18; _Macfie's Vanc. Isl._, pp. 432-7; _Sproat's Scenes_, pp. 65-71; _Mayne's B. C._, pp. 266-7; _Jewitt's Nar._, p. 389; _Grant_, in _Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour._, vol. xxvii., p. 306; _Cornwallis' New El Dorado_, pp. 99-103. [311] _Jewitt's Nar._, pp. 39, 60, 72-3; _Vancouver's Voy._, vol. iii., pp. 307-10; _Cook's Voy. to Pac._, vol. ii., pp. 310-11. [312] Their music is mostly grave and serious, and in exact concert, when sung by great numbers. 'Variations numerous and expressive, and the cadence or melody powerfully soothing.' _Cook's Voy. to Pac._, vol. ii., pp. 310-11, 283. Dislike European music. _Sutil y Mexicana_, _Viage_, pp. 151-2. 'Their tunes are generally soft and plaintive, and though not possessing great variety, are not deficient in harmony.' Jewitt thinks the words of the songs may be borrowed from other tribes. _Jewitt's Nar._, p. 72, and specimen of war song, p. 166. Airs consist of five or six bars, varying slightly, time being beaten in the middle of the bar. 'Melody they have none, there is nothing soft, pleasing, or touching in their airs; they are not, however, without some degree of rude harmony.' _Grant_, in _Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour._, vol. xviii., p. 306. 'A certain beauty of natural expression in many of the native strains, if it were possible to relieve them from the monotony which is their fault.' There are old men, wandering minstrels, who sing war songs and beg. 'It is remarkable how aptly the natives catch and imitate songs heard from settlers or travelers.' _Sproat's Scenes_, pp. 63-5. [313] _Macfie's Vanc. Isl._, pp. 430-1; _Jewitt's Nar._, p. 39. [314] 'I have seen the sorcerers at work a hundred times, but they use so many charms, which appear to me ridiculous,--they sing, howl, and gesticulate in so extravagant a manner, and surround their office with such dread and mystery,--that I am quite unable to describe their performances,' pp. 169-70. 'An unlucky dream will stop a sale, a treaty, a fishing, hunting, or war expedition,' p. 175. _Sproat's Scenes_, pp. 165-75. A chief, offered a piece of tobacco for allowing his portrait to be made, said it was a small reward for risking his life. _Kane's Wand._, p. 240. Shrewd individuals impose on their neighbors by pretending to receive a revelation, telling them where fish or berries are most abundant. Description of initiatory ceremonies of the sorcerers. _Macfie's Vanc. Isl._, pp. 446, 433-7, 451. _Jewitt's Nar._, pp. 98-9. A brave prince goes to a distant lake, jumps from a high rock into the water, and rubs all the skin off his face with pieces of rough bark, amid the applause of his attendants. Description of king's prayers, and ceremonies to bring rain. _Sutil y Mexicana_, _Viage_, pp. 145-6, 37. Candidates are thrown into a state of _mesmerism_ before their initiation. _'Medicus'_, in _Hutchings' Cal. Mag._, vol. v., pp. 227-8; _Barrett-Lennard's Trav._, pp. 51-3; _Californias, Noticias_, pp. 61-85. [315] They brought for sale 'human skulls, and hands not yet quite stripped of the flesh, which they made our people plainly understand they had eaten; and, indeed, some of them had evident marks that they had been upon the fire.' _Cook's Voy. to Pac._, vol. ii., p. 271. Slaves are occasionally sacrificed and feasted upon. _Meares' Voy._, p. 255. 'No todos habian comido la carne humana, ni en todo tiempo, sino solamente los guerreros mas animosos quando se preparaban para salir á campaña.' 'Parece indudable que estos salvages han sido antropófagos.' _Sutil y Mexicana_, _Viage_, p. 130. 'At Nootka Sound, and at the Sandwich Islands, Ledyard witnessed instances of cannibalism. In both places he saw human flesh prepared for food.' _Spark's Life of Ledyard_, p. 74; _Cornwallis' New El Dorado_, pp. 104-6. 'Cannibalism, all-though unknown among the Indians of the Columbia, is practised by the savages on the coast to the northward.' _Cox's Adven._, vol. i., pp. 310-11. The cannibal ceremonies quoted by Macfie and referred to Vancouver Island, probably were intended for the Haidahs farther north. _Vanc. Isl._, p. 434. A slave as late as 1850 was drawn up and down a pole by a hook through the skin and tendons of the back, and afterwards devoured. _Medicus_, in _Hutchings' Cal. Mag._, vol. v., p. 223. 'L'anthropophagie á été longtemps en usage ... et peut-être y existe-t-elle encore.... Le chef Maquina ... tuait un prisonnier à chaque lune nouvelle. Tous les chefs étaient invités à cette horrible fête.' _Mofras_, _Explor._, tom. ii., p. 345. 'It is not improbable that the suspicion that the Nootkans are cannibals may be traced to the practice of some custom analagous to the _Tzeet-tzaiak_ of the Haeel tzuk.' _Scouler_, in _Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour._, vol. xi., pp. 223-4. 'The horrid practice of sacrificing a victim is not annual, but only occurs either once in three years or else at uncertain intervals.' _Sproat's Scenes_, p. 156. [316] 'Rheumatism and paralysis are rare maladies.' Syphilis is probably indigenous. Amputation, blood-letting, and metallic medicine not employed. Medicines to produce love are numerous. 'Young and old of both sexes are exposed when afflicted with lingering disease.' _Sproat's Scenes_, pp. 251-7, 282, 213-4. 'Headache is cured by striking the part affected with small branches of the spruce tree.' Doctors are generally chosen from men who have themselves suffered serious maladies. _Macfie's Vanc. Isl._, pp. 438-40. 'Their cure for rheumatism or similar pains ... is by cutting or scarifying the part affected.' _Jewitt's Nar._, p. 142. They are sea sick on European vessels. _Poole's Q. Char. Isl._, p. 81. Description of ceremonies. _Swan_, in _Mayne's B. C._, pp. 261-3, 304. 'The patient is put to bed, and for the most part starved, lest the food should be consumed by his internal enemy.' 'The warm and steam bath is very frequently employed.' _Medicus_, in _Hutchings' Cal. Mag._, vol. v., pp. 226-8. [317] The custom of burning or burying property is wholly confined to chiefs. 'Night is their time for interring the dead.' Buffoon tricks, with a feast and dance, formed part of the ceremony. _Jewitt's Nar._, pp. 105, 111-2, 136. At Valdes Island, 'we saw two sepulchres built with plank about five feet in height, seven in length, and four in breadth. These boards were curiously perforated at the ends and sides, and the tops covered with loose pieces of plank;' inclosed evidently the relics of many different bodies. _Vancouver's Voy._, vol. i., pp. 338-9. 'The coffin is usually an old canoe, lashed round and round, like an Egyptian mummy-case.' _Lord's Nat._, vol. i., p. 170. 'There is generally some grotesque figure painted on the outside of the box, or roughly sculptured out of wood and placed by the side of it. For some days after death the relatives burn salmon or venison before the tomb.' 'They will never mention the name of a dead man.' _Grant_, in _Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour._, vol. xxvii., pp. 301-3. 'As a rule, the Indians burn their dead, and then bury the ashes.' 'It was at one time not uncommon for Indians to desert forever a lodge in which one of their family had died.' _Mayne's B. C._, pp. 271-2, with cut of graves. For thirty days after the funeral, dirges are chanted at sunrise and sunset. _Macfie's Vanc. Isl._, pp. 447-8. Children frequently, but grown persons never, were found hanging in trees. _Meares' Voy._, p. 268; _Sproat's Scenes_, pp. 258-63. The bodies of chiefs are hung in trees on high mountains, while those of the commons are buried, that their souls may have a shorter journey to their residence in a future life. _Sutil y Mexicana_, _Viage_, pp. 139-40. 'The Indians never inter their dead,' and rarely burn them. _Barrett-Lennard's Trav._, p. 51. [318] 'As light-fingered as any of the Sandwich Islanders. Of a quiet, phlegmatic, and inactive disposition.' 'A docile, courteous, good-natured people ... but quick in resenting what they look upon as an injury; and, like most other passionate people, as soon forgetting it.' Not curious; indolent; generally fair in trade, and would steal only such articles as they wanted for some purpose. _Cook's Voy. to Pac._, vol. ii., pp. 272, 308-12, etc. 'Exceedingly hospitable in their own homes, ... lack neither courage nor intelligence.' _Pemberton's Vanc. Isl._, p. 131. The Kla-iz-zarts 'appear to be more civilized than any of the others.' The Cayuquets are thought to be deficient in courage; and the Kla-os-quates 'are a fierce, bold, and enterprizing people.' _Jewitt's Nar._, pp. 75-7. 'Civil and inoffensive' at Horse Sound. _Vancouver's Voy._, vol. i., p. 307. 'Their moral deformities are as great as their physical ones.' _Domenech's Deserts_, vol. i., p. 88. The Nittinahts given to aggressive war, and consequently 'bear a bad reputation.' _Whymper's Alaska_, p. 74. Not brave, and a slight repulse daunts them. 'Sincere in his friendship, kind to his wife and children, and devotedly loyal to his own tribe,' p. 51. 'In sickness and approaching death, the savage always becomes melancholy,' p. 162. _Sproat's Scenes_, pp. 30, 36, 52, 91, 119-24, 150-66, 187, 216. 'Comux and Yucletah fellows very savage and uncivilized dogs,' and the Nootkas not to be trusted. 'Cruel, bloodthirsty, treacherous and cowardly.' _Grant_, in _Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour._, vol. xxvii., pp. 294, 296, 298, 305, 307. _Mayne's B. C._, p. 246; _Macfie's Vanc. Isl._, pp. 190, 460-1, 472, 477, 484; _Poole's Q. Char. Isl._, pp. 294-6. The Spaniards gave the Nootkas a much better character than voyagers of other nations. _Sutil y Mexicana_, _Viage_, pp. 25, 31-2, 57-9, 63, 99, 107, 133, 149-51, 154-6; _Forbes' Vanc. Isl._, p. 25; _Rattray's Vanc. Isl._, pp. 172-3. The Ucultas 'are a band of lawless pirates and robbers, levying black-mail on all the surrounding tribes.' _Barrett-Lennard's Trav._, p. 43. 'Bold and ferocious, sly and reserved, not easily provoked, but revengeful.' _Spark's Life of Ledyard_, p. 72. The Teets have 'all the vices of the coast tribes' with 'none of the redeeming qualities of the interior nations.' _Anderson_, in _Hist. Mag._, vol. vii., p. 78. [319] 'Those who came within our notice so nearly resembled the people of Nootka, that the best delineation I can offer is a reference to the description of those people' (by Cook), p. 252. At Cape Flattery they closely resembled those of Nootka and spoke the same language, p. 218. At Gray Harbor they seemed to vary in little or no respect 'from those on the sound, and understood the Nootka tongue', p. 83. 'The character and appearance of their several tribes here did not seem to differ in any material respect from each other,' p. 288. Evidence that the country was once much more thickly peopled, p. 254. _Vancouver's Voy._, vol. i., pp. 218, 252, 254, 288; vol. ii., p. 83. The Chehalis come down as far as Shoal-water Bay. A band of Klikatats (Sahaptins) is spoken of near the head of the Cowlitz. 'The Makahs resemble the northwestern Indians far more than their neighbors.' The Lummi are a branch of the Clallams. _Rept. Ind. Aff._, 1854, pp. 240-4. The Lummi 'traditions lead them to believe that they are descendants of a better race than common savages.' The Semianmas 'are intermarried with the north band of the Lummis, and Cowegans, and Quantlums.' The Neuk-wers and Siamanas are called Stick Indians, and in 1852 had never seen a white. 'The Neuk-sacks (Mountain Men) trace from the salt water Indians,' and 'are entirely different from the others.' 'The Loomis appear to be more of a wandering class than the others about Bellingham Bay.' _Id._, 1857, pp. 327-9. 'They can be divided into two classes--the salt-water and the Stick Indians.' _Id._, 1857, p. 224. Of the Nisquallies 'some live in the plains, and others on the banks of the Sound.' The Classets have been less affected than the Chinooks by fever and ague. _Dunn's Oregon_, pp. 231-5. The Clallams speak a kindred language to that of the Ahts. _Sproat's Scenes_, p. 270. 'El gobierno de estos naturales de la entrada y canales de Fuca, la disposicion interior de las habitaciones las manufacturas y vestidos que usan son muy parecidos á los de los habitantes de Nutka.' _Sutil y Mexicana_, _Viage_, p. 111. The Sound Indians live in great dread of the Northern tribes. _Wilkes' Nar._, in _U. S. Ex. Ex._, vol. iv., p. 513. The Makahs deem themselves much superior to the tribes of the interior, because they go out on the ocean. _Scammon_, in _Overland Monthly_, vol. vii., pp. 277-8. The Nooksaks are entirely distinct from the Lummi, and some suppose them to have come from the Clallam country. _Coleman_, in _Harper's Mag._, vol. xxxix., p. 799. _Stevens_, in _Pac. R. R. Rept._, vol. i., p. 428. [320] At Port Discovery they 'seemed capable of enduring great fatigue.' 'Their cheek-bones were high.' 'The oblique eye of the Chinese was not uncommon.' 'Their countenances wore an expression of wildness, and they had, in the opinion of some of us, a melancholy cast of features.' Some of women would with difficulty be distinguished in colour from those of European race. The Classet women 'were much better looking than those of other tribes.' Portrait of a Tatouche chief. _Wilkes' Nar._, in _U. S. Ex. Ex._, vol. iv., pp. 317-8, 320, 517-8. 'All are bow-legged.' 'All of a sad-colored, Caravaggio brown.' 'All have coarse, black hair, and are beardless.' _Winthrop's Canoe and Saddle_, p. 32. 'Tall and stout.' _Maurelle's Jour._, p. 28. Sproat mentions a Clallam slave who 'could see in the dark like a racoon.' _Scenes_, p. 52. The Classet 'cast of countenance is very different from that of the Nootkians ... their complexion in also much fairer and their stature shorter.' _Jewitt's Nar._, p. 75. The Nisqually Indians 'are of very large stature; indeed, the largest I have met with on the continent. The women are particularly large and stout.' _Kane's Wand._, pp. 207, 228, 234. The Nisquallies are by no means a large race, being from five feet five inches to five feet nine inches in height, and weighing from one hundred and thirty to one hundred and eighty pounds. _Anderson_, in _Lord's Nat._, vol. ii., p. 227. 'De rostro hermoso y da gallarda figura.' _Navarrete_, in _Sutil y Mexicana_, _Viage_, p. xciv. The Queniults, 'the finest-looking Indians I had ever seen.' _Swan's N. W. Coast_, pp. 78-9. Neuksacks stronger and more athletic than other tribes. Many of the Lummi 'very fair and have light hair.' _Rept. Ind. Aff._, 1857, p. 328; _Pickering's Races_, in _U. S. Ex. Ex._, vol. ix., p. 23; _Morton's Crania_, p. 215, with plate of Cowlitz skull; _Cornwallis' New El Dorado_, p. 97; _Vancouver's Voy._, vol. i., p. 252; _Murphy and Harned_, _Puget Sound Directory_, pp. 64-71; _Clark's Lights and Shadows_, pp. 214-15, 224-6. [321] 'Less bedaubed with paint and less filthy' than the Nootkas. At Port Discovery 'they wore ornaments, though none were observed in their noses.' At Cape Flattery the nose ornament was straight, instead of crescent-shaped, as among the Nootkas. Vancouver supposed their garments to be composed of dog's hair mixed with the wool of some wild animal, which he did not see. _Vancouver's Voy._, vol. i., pp. 218, 230, 266. At Port Discovery some had small brass bells hung in the rim of the ears, p. 318. Some of the Skagits were tattooed with lines on the arms and face, and fond of brass rings, pp. 511-12. The Classets 'wore small pieces of an iridescent mussel-shell, attached to the cartilage of their nose, which was in some, of the size of a ten cents piece, and triangular in shape. It is generally kept in motion by their breathing,' p. 517. _Wilkes' Nar._, in _U. S. Ex. Ex._, vol. iv., pp. 317-20, 334, 404, 444, 511-2, 517-8. The conical hats and stout bodies 'brought to mind representations of Siberian tribes.' _Pickering's Races_, in _Idem._, vol. ix., p. 23. The Clallams 'wear no clothing in summer.' Faces daubed with red and white mud. Illustration of head-flattening. _Kane's Wand._, pp. 180, 207, 210-11, 224. _Seemann's Voy. Herald_, vol. i., pp. 108-9; _Rossi_, _Souvenirs_, p. 299; _Dunn's Oregon_, pp. 232-3; _San Francisco Bulletin_, _May 24, 1859_; _Ind. Aff. Rept._, 1854, p. 243; _Id._, 1857, p. 329; _Stevens_, in _Pac. R. R. Rept._, vol. i., p. 430. Above Gray Harbor they were dressed with red deer skins. _Navarrete_, in _Sutil y Mexicana_, _Viage_, p. xciv: _Cornwallis' New El Dorado_, p. 97; _Winthrop's Canoe and Saddle_, p. 32-3; _Murphy and Harned_, in _Puget Sd. Direct._, pp. 64-71. [322] The Skagit tribe being exposed to attacks from the north, combine dwellings and fort, and build themselves 'enclosures, four hundred feet long, and capable of containing many families, which are constructed of pickets made of thick planks, about thirty feet high. The pickets are firmly fixed into the ground, the spaces between them being only sufficient to point a musket through.... The interior of the enclosure is divided into lodges,' p. 511. At Port Discovery the lodges were 'no more than a few rudely-cut slabs, covered in part by coarse mats,' p. 319. _Wilkes' Nar._, in _U. S. Ex. Ex._, vol. iv., pp. 319-20, 511, 517. The Clallams also have a fort of pickets one hundred and fifty feet square, roofed over and divided into compartments for families. 'There were about two hundred of the tribe in the fort at the time of my arrival.' 'The lodges are built of cedar like the Chinook lodges, but much larger, some of them being sixty or seventy feet long.' _Kane's Wand._, pp. 210, 219, 227-9. 'Their houses are of considerable size, often fifty to one hundred feet in length, and strongly built.' _Rept. Ind. Aff._, 1854, pp. 242-3. 'The planks forming the roof run the whole length of the building, being guttered to carry off the water, and sloping slightly to one end.' _Stevens_, in _Pac. R. R. Rept._, vol. i., pp. 429-30. Well built lodges of timber and plank on Whidbey Island. _Thornton's Ogn. and Cal._, vol. i., p. 300. At New Dungeness, 'composed of nothing more than a few mats thrown over cross sticks;' and on Puget Sound 'constructed something after the fashion of a soldier's tent, by two cross sticks about five feet high, connected at each end by a ridge-pole from one to the other, over some of which was thrown a coarse kind of mat; over others a few loose branches of trees, shrubs or grass.' _Vancouver's Voy._, vol. i., pp. 225, 262. The Queniults sometimes, but not always, whitewash the interior of their lodges with pipe-clay, and then paint figures of fishes and animals in red and black on the white surface. See description and cuts of exterior and interior of Indian lodge in _Swan's N. W. Coast_, pp. 266-7, 330, 338; _Crane's Top. Mem._, p. 65; _Cornwallis' New El Dorado_, p. 98; _Clark's Lights and Shadows_, p. 225. [323] The Nootsaks, 'like all inland tribes, they subsist principally by the chase.' _Coleman_, in _Harper's Mag._, vol. xxxix., pp. 795, 799, 815; _Ind. Aff. Rept._, 1857, p. 328. Sturgeon abound weighing 400 to 600 pounds, and are taken by the Clallams by means of a spear with a handle seventy to eighty feet long, while lying on the bottom of the river in spawning time. Fish-hooks are made of cedar root with bone barbs. Their only vegetables are the camas, wappatoo, and fern roots. _Kane's Wand._, pp. 213-14, 230-4, 289. At Puget Sound, 'men, women and children were busily engaged like swine, rooting up this beautiful verdant meadow in quest of a species of wild onion, and two other roots, which in appearance and taste greatly resembled the saranne.' _Vancouver's Voy._, vol. i., pp. 225, 234, 262. In fishing for salmon at Port Discovery 'they have two nets, the drawing and casting net, made of a silky grass,' 'or of the fibres of the roots of trees, or of the inner bark of the white cedar.' _Nicolay's Ogn. Ter._, p. 147. 'The line is made either of kelp or the fibre of the cypress, and to it is attached an inflated bladder.' _Seemann's Voy. Herald_, vol. i., p. 109. At Port Townsend, 'leurs provisions, consistaient en poisson séché au soleil ou boucané; ... tout rempli de sable.' _Rossi_, _Souvenirs_, pp. 182-3, 299. The Clallams 'live by fishing and hunting around their homes, and never pursue the whale and seal as do the sea-coast tribes.' _Scammon_, in _Overland Monthly_, vol. vii., p. 278. The Uthlecan or candle-fish is used on Fuca Strait for food as well as candles. _Domenech's Deserts_, vol. ii., p. 241. Lamprey eels are dried for food and light by the Nisquallies and Chehalis. 'Cammass root, ... stored in baskets. It is a kind of sweet squills, and about the size of a small onion. It is extremely abundant on the open prairies, and particularly on those which are overflowed by the small streams.' Cut of salmon fishery, p. 335. 'Hooks are made in an ingenious manner of the yew tree.' 'They are chiefly employed in trailing for fish.' Cut of hooks, pp. 444-5. The Classets make a cut in the nose when a whale is taken. Each seal-skin float has a different pattern painted on it, p. 517. _Wilkes' Nar._, in _U. S. Ex. Ex._, vol. iv., pp. 318-19, 335, 444-5, 517-18. The Chehalis live chiefly on salmon. _Id._, vol. v., p. 140. According to Swan the Puget Sound Indians sometimes wander as far as Shoalwater Bay in Chinook territory, in the spring. The Queniult Indians are fond of large barnacles, not eaten by the Chinooks of Shoalwater Bay. Cut of a sea-otter hunt. The Indians never catch salmon with a _baited_ hook, but always use the hook as a _gaff_. _N. W. Coast_, pp. 59, 87, 92, 163, 264, 271; _Thornton's Ogn. and Cal._, vol. i., pp. 293-4, 301, 388-9; _Ind. Aff. Rept._, 1854, p. 241; _Dunn's Oregon_, pp. 732-5; _Stevens_, in _Pac. R. R. Rept._, vol. i., p. 429. 'They all depend upon fish, berries, and roots for a subsistence, and get their living with great ease.' _Starling_, in _Schoolcraft's Arch._, vol. iv., pp. 600-2. The Makahs live 'by catching cod and halibut on the banks north and east of Cape Flattery.' _Ind. Aff. Rept._ 1858, p. 231. 'When in a state of semi-starvation the beast shows very plainly in them (Stick Indians): they are generally foul feeders, but at such a time they eat anything, and are disgusting in the extreme.' _Id._, 1858, p. 225; _Id._, 1860, p. 195; _Cornwallis' New El Dorado_, p. 97; _Lord's Nat._, vol. i., pp. 102-5; _Hittell_, in _Hesperian_, vol. iii., p. 408; _Winthrop's Canoe and Saddle_, pp. 33-7; _Maurelle's Jour._, p. 28. [324] _Vancouver's Voy._, vol. i., p. 253. At Gray Harbor the bows were somewhat more circular than elsewhere. _Id._, vol. ii., p. 84; _Wilkes' Nar._, in _U. S. Ex. Ex._, vol. iv., p. 319; _Kane's Wand._, pp. 209-10. [325] _Wilkes' Nar._, in _U. S. Ex. Ex._, vol. iv., p. 321; _Kane's Wand._, pp. 231-2; _Vancouver's Voy._, vol. i., p. 234. 'They have been nearly annihilated by the hordes of northern savages that have infested, and do now, even at the present day, infest our own shores' for slaves. They had fire-arms before our tribes, thus gaining an advantage.' _Ind. Aff. Rept._, 1857, p. 327; _Clark's Lights and Shadows_, p. 224. [326] _Vancouver's Voy._, vol. i., p. 287. [327] 'A single thread is wound over rollers at the top and bottom of a square frame, so as to form a continuous woof through which an alternate thread is carried by the hand, and pressed closely together by a sort of wooden comb; by turning the rollers every part of the woof is brought within reach of the weaver; by this means a bag formed, open at each end, which being cut down makes a square blanket.' _Kane's Wand._, pp. 210-11. Cuts showing the loom and process of weaving among the Nootsaks, also house, canoes, and willow baskets. _Coleman_, in _Harper's Mag._, vol. xxxix., pp. 799-800. The Clallams 'have a kind of cur with soft and long white hair, which they shear and mix with a little wool or the ravelings of old blankets.' _Stevens_, in _Pac. R. R. Rept._, vol. i., p. 431. The Makahs have 'blankets and capes made of the inner bark of the cedar, and edged with fur.' _Ind. Aff. Rept._, 1854, pp. 241-2; _Wilkes' Nar._, in _U. S. Ex. Ex._, vol. iv., p. 32. The candle-fish 'furnishes the natives with their best oil, which is extracted by the very simple process of hanging it up, exposed to the sun, which in a few days seems to melt it away.' _Thornton's Ogn. and Cal._, vol. i., p. 388. They 'manufacture some of their blankets from the wool of the wild goat.' _Dunn's Oregon_, p. 231. The Queniults showed 'a blanket manufactured from the wool of mountain sheep, which are to be found on the precipitous slopes of the Olympian Mountains.' _Alta California_, _Feb. 9, 1861_, quoted in _California Farmer_, _July 25, 1862_; _Cornwallis' New El Dorado_, p. 97; _Pickering's Races_, in _U. S. Ex. Ex._, vol. ix., p. 26. [328] 'They present a model of which a white mechanic might well be proud.' Description of method of making, and cuts of Queniult, Clallam, and Cowlitz canoes, and a Queniult paddle. _Swan's N. W. Coast_, pp. 79-82. At Port Orchard they 'exactly corresponded with the canoes of Nootka,' while those of some visitors were 'cut off square at each end,' and like those seen below Cape Orford. At Gray Harbor the war canoes 'had a piece of wood rudely carved, perforated, and placed at each end, three feet above the gunwale; through these holes they are able to discharge their arrows.' _Vancouver's Voy._, vol. i., p. 264; vol. ii., p. 84. The Clallam boats were 'low and straight, and only adapted to the smoother interior waters.' _Scammon_, in _Overland Monthly_, vol. vii., p. 278. Cut showing Nootsak canoes in _Harper's Mag._, vol. xxxix., p. 799. 'The sides are exceedingly thin, seldom exceeding three-fourths of an inch.' To mend the canoe when cracks occur, 'holes are made in the sides, through which withes are passed, and pegged in such a way that the strain will draw it tighter; the withe is then crossed, and the end secured in the same manner. When the tying is finished, the whole is pitched with the gum of the pine.' _Wilkes' Nar._, in _U. S. Ex. Ex._, vol. iv., pp. 320-1. The Clallams have 'a very large canoe of ruder shape and workmanship, being wide and shovel-nosed,' used for the transportation of baggage. _Ind. Aff. Rept._, 1854, p. 243; _Stevens_, in _Pac. R. R. Rept._, vol. i., pp. 430-1; _Seemann's Voy. Herald_, vol. i., p. 108; _Pickering's Races_, in _U. S. Ex. Ex._, vol. ix., pp. 25-6; _Winthrop's Canoe and Saddle_, p. 20; _Clark's Lights and Shadows_, pp. 224-6. [329] _Kane's Wand._, pp. 237-9; _Ind. Aff. Rept._, 1862, p. 409; _Starling_, in _Schoolcraft's Arch._, vol. iv., p. 601; _Pickering's Races_, in _U. S. Ex. Ex._, vol. ix., p. 26. [330] 'Ils obéissent à un chef, qui n'exerce son pouvoir qu'en temps de guerre.' _Rossi_, _Souvenirs_, p. 299. At Gray Harbor 'they appeared to be divided into three different tribes, or parties, each having one or two chiefs.' _Vancouver's Voy._, vol. ii., p. 84. Wilkes met a squaw chief at Nisqually, who 'seemed to exercise more authority than any that had been met with.' 'Little or no distinction of rank seems to exist among them; the authority of the chiefs is no longer recognized.' _Wilkes' Nar._, in _U. S. Ex. Ex._, vol. iv., p. 444; vol. v., p. 131. Yellow-cum had become chief of the Makahs from his own personal prowess. _Kane's Wand._, pp. 237-9; _Ind. Aff. Rept._, 1857, pp. 327-8. [331] _Sproat's Scenes_, p. 92; _Simpson's Overland Journ._, vol. i., pp. 242-3; _Kane's Wand._, pp. 214-15. The Nooksaks 'have no slaves.' _Ind. Aff. Rept._, 1857, pp. 327-8; _Schoolcraft's Arch._, vol. iv., p. 601. It is said 'that the descendants of slaves obtain freedom at the expiration of three centuries.' _Pickering's Races_, in _U. S. Ex. Ex._, vol. ix., p. 28. [332] The Makahs have some marriage ceremonies, 'such as going through the performance of taking the whale, manning a canoe, and throwing the harpoon into the bride's house.' _Ind. Aff. Rept._, p. 242. The Nooksak women 'are very industrious, and do most of the work, and procure the principal part of their sustenance.' _Id._, 1857, p. 327. 'The women have not the slightest pretension to virtue.' _Id._, 1858, p. 225; _Siwash Nuptials_, in _Olympia Washington Standard, July 30, 1870_. In matters of trade the opinion of the women is always called in, and their decision decides the bargain. _Seemann's Voy. Herald_, vol. i., p. 108. 'The whole burden of domestic occupation is thrown upon them.' Cut of the native baby-jumper. _Wilkes' Nar._, in _U. S. Ex. Ex._, vol. iv., pp. 319-20, 361. At Gray Harbor they were not jealous. At Port Discovery they offered their children for sale. _Vancouver's Voy._, vol. i., p. 231; vol. ii., pp. 83-4. 'Rarely having more than three or four' children. _Swan's N. W. Coast_, p. 266; _Clark's Lights and Shadows_, pp. 224-6. [333] _Wilkes' Nar._, in _U. S. Ex. Ex._, vol. iv., pp. 320, 444; _Rossi_, _Souvenirs_, pp. 298-9; _San Francisco Bulletin_, _May 24, 1859._ [334] _Vancouver's Voy._, vol. i., pp. 263, 270. The Lummi 'are a very superstitious tribe, and pretend to have traditions--legends handed down to them by their ancestors.' 'No persuasion or pay will induce them to kill an owl or eat a pheasant.' _Ind. Aff. Rept._, 1857, pp. 327-8; _Kane's Wand._, pp. 216-17, 229. No forms of salutation. _Pickering's Races_, in _U. S. Ex. Ex._, vol. ix., pp. 23-4; _Winthrop's Canoe and Saddle_, pp. 21-2. [335] Among the Skagits 'Dr. Holmes saw an old man in the last stage of consumption, shivering from the effects of a cold bath at the temperature of 40° Fahrenheit. A favourite remedy in pulmonary consumption is to tie a rope tightly around the thorax, so as to force the diaphram to perform respiration without the aid of the thoracic muscles.' _Wilkes' Nar._, in _U. S. Ex. Ex._, vol. iv., p. 512. Among the Clallams, to cure a girl of a disease of the side, after stripping the patient naked, the medicine-man, throwing off his blanket, 'commenced singing and gesticulating in the most violent manner, whilst the others kept time by beating with little sticks on hollow wooden bowls and drums, singing continually. After exercising himself in this manner for about half an hour, until the perspiration ran down his body, he darted suddenly upon the young woman, catching hold of her side with his teeth and shaking her for a few minutes, while the patient seemed to suffer great agony. He then relinquished his hold, and cried out that he had got it, at the same time holding his hands to his mouth; after which he plunged them in the water and pretended to hold down with great difficulty the disease which he had extracted.' _Kane's Wand._, pp. 225-6. Small-pox seemed very prevalent by which many had lost the sight of one eye. _Vancouver's Voy._, vol. i., p. 242. To cure a cold in the face the Queniults burned certain herbs to a cinder and mixing them with grease, anointed the face. _Swan's N. W. Coast_, p. 265. Among the Nooksaks mortality has not increased with civilization. 'As yet the only causes of any amount are consumption and the old diseases.' _Ind. Aff. Rept._, 1857, p. 327. At Neah Bay, 'a scrofulous affection pervades the whole tribe.' The old, sick and maimed are abandoned by their friends to die. _Id._, 1872, p. 350. [336] Slaves have no right to burial. _Kane's Wand._, p. 215. At a Queniult burial place 'the different colored blankets and calicoes hung round gave the place an appearance of clothes hung out to dry on a washing day.' _Swan's N. W. Coast_, p. 267. At Port Orchard bodies were 'wrapped firmly in matting, beneath which was a white blanket, closely fastened round the body, and under this a covering of blue cotton.' At Port Discovery bodies 'are wrapped in mats and placed upon the ground in a sitting posture, and surrounded with stakes and pieces of plank to protect them.' On the Cowlitz the burial canoes are painted with figures, and gifts are not deposited till several months after the funeral. _Wilkes' Nar._, in _U. S. Ex. Ex._, vol. iv., pp. 323, 347-8, 509-10. Among the Nisquallies bodies of relatives are sometimes disinterred at different places, washed, re-wrapped and buried again in one grave. _Lord's Nat._, vol. ii., pp. 238-9. 'Ornés de rubans de diverses couleurs, de dents de poissons, de chapelets et d'autres brimborions du goût des sauvages.' _Rossi_, _Souvenirs_, pp. 74-5. On Penn Cove, in a deserted village, were found 'several sepulchres formed exactly like a centry box. Some of them were open, and contained the skeletons of many young children tied up in baskets.' _Vancouver's Voy._, vol. i., pp. 254-6, 287; _Ind. Aff. Rept._, 1854, p. 242; _Stevens_, in _Pac. R. R. Rept._, vol. i., p. 429. A correspondent describes a flathead mummy from Puget Sound preserved in San Francisco. 'The eye-balls are still round under the lid; the teeth, the muscles, and tendons perfect, the veins injected with some preserving liquid, the bowels, stomach and liver dried up, but not decayed, all perfectly preserved. The very blanket that entwines him, made of some threads of bark and saturated with a pitchy substance, is entire.' _Schoolcraft's Arch._, vol. v., p. 693; _Pickering's Races_, in _U. S. Ex. Ex._, vol. ix., p. 32. [337] 'Their native bashfulness renders all squaws peculiarly sensitive to any public notice or ridicule.' Probably the laziest people in the world. The mails are intrusted with safety to Indian carriers, who are perfectly safe from interference on the part of any Indian they may meet. _Kane's Wand._, p. 209-16, 227-8, 234, 247-8. 'La mémoire locale et personelle du sauvage est admirable; il n'oublie jamais un endroit ni une personne.' Nature seems to have given him memory to supply the want of intelligence. 'Much inclined to vengeance. Those having means may avert vengeance by payments.' _Rossi_, _Souvenirs_, pp. 113, 295-9. 'Perfectly indifferent to exposure; decency has no meaning in their language.' Although always begging, they refuse to accept any article not in good condition, calling it _Peeshaaak_, a term of contempt. _Seemann's Voy. Herald_, vol. i., pp. 108-9. Murder of a Spanish boat's crew in latitude 47° 20´. _Maurelle's Jour._, pp. 29, 31. 'Cheerful and well disposed' at Port Orchard. At Strait of Fuca 'little more elevated in their moral qualities than the Fuegians.' At Nisqually, 'addicted to stealing.' 'Vicious and exceedingly lazy, sleeping all day.' The Skagits are catholics, and are more advanced than others in civilization. _Wilkes' Nar._, in _U. S. Ex. Ex._, vol. iv., pp. 317, 444, 510-11, 517. Both at Gray Harbor and Puget Sound they were uniformly civil and friendly, fair and honest in trade. Each tribe claimed that 'the others were bad people and that the party questioned were the only good Indians in the harbor.' _Vancouver's Voy._, vol. i., p. 256; vol. ii., pp. 83-4. 'The Clallam tribe has always had a bad character, which their intercourse with shipping, and the introduction of whiskey, has by no means improved.' _Ind. Aff. Rept._, 1854, p. 243. 'The superior courage of the Makahs, as well as their treachery, will make them more difficult of management than most other tribes.' _Stevens_, in _Pac. R. R. Rept._, vol. i., p. 429. The Lummis and other tribes at Bellingham Bay have already abandoned their ancient barbarous habits, and have adopted those of civilization. _Coleman_, in _Harper's Mag._, vol. xxxix., pp. 795-7; _Simpson's Overland Journ._, vol. i., pp. 240-2. 'The instincts of these people are of a very degraded character. They are filthy, cowardly, lazy, treacherous, drunken, avaricious, and much given to thieving. The women have not the slightest pretension to virtue.' The Makahs 'are the most independent Indians in my district--they and the Quilleyutes, their near neighbors.' _Ind. Aff. Rept._, 1858, pp. 225, 231; _Id._, 1862, p. 390; _Id._, 1870, p. 20; _Schoolcraft's Arch._, vol. iv., p. 601; _Winthrop's Canoe and Saddle_, p. 58; _Cram's Top. Mem._, p. 65. [338] Perhaps the Cascades might more properly be named as the boundary, since the region of the Dalles, from the earliest records, has been the rendezvous for fishing, trading, and gambling purposes, of tribes from every part of the surrounding country, rather than the home of any particular nation. [339] For details see TRIBAL BOUNDARIES at the end of this chapter. The Chinooks, Clatsops, Wakiakums and Cathlamets, 'resembling each other in person, dress, language, and manners.' The Chinooks and Wakiakums were originally one tribe, and Wakiakum was the name of the chief who seceded with his adherents. _Irving's Astoria_, pp. 335-6. 'They may be regarded as the distinctive type of the tribes to the north of the Oregon, for it is in them that the peculiarities of the population of these regions are seen in the most striking manner.' _Domenech's Deserts_, vol. ii., pp. 15-6, 36. All the tribes about the mouth of the Columbia 'appear to be descended from the same stock ... and resemble one another in language, dress, and habits.' _Ross' Adven._, pp. 87-8. The Cathleyacheyachs at the Cascades differ but little from the Chinooks. _Id._, p. 111. Scouler calls the Columbia tribes _Cathlascons_, and considers them 'intimately related to the Kalapooiah Family.' _Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour._, vol. xi., p. 225. The Willamette tribes 'differ very little in their habits and modes of life, from those on the Columbia River.' _Hunter's Cap._, p. 72. Mofras makes _Killimous_ a general name for all Indians south of the Columbia. _Explor._, tom. ii., p. 357; _Dunn's Oregon_, pp. 114-18; _Cox's Adven._, vol. ii., p. 133. The Nechecolees on the Willamette claimed an affinity with the Eloots at the Narrows of the Columbia. The Killamucks 'resemble in almost every particular the Clatsops and Chinnooks. _Lewis and Clarke's Trav._, pp. 427, 504. 'Of the Coast Indians that I have seen there seems to be so little difference in their style of living that a description of one family will answer for the whole.' _Swan's N. W. Coast_, pp. 153-4. 'All the natives inhabiting the southern shore of the Straits, and the deeply indented territory as far and including the tide-waters of the Columbia, may be comprehended under the general term of Chinooks.' _Pickering's Races_, in _U. S. Ex. Ex._, vol. ix., p. 25. [340] 'The race of the Chenooks is nearly run. From a large and powerful tribe ... they have dwindled down to about a hundred individuals, ... and these are a depraved, licentious, drunken set.' _Swan's N. W. Coast_, pp. 108-10. The Willopahs 'may be considered as extinct, a few women only remaining.' _Stevens_, in _Pac. R. R. Rept._, vol. i., p. 428; _Mofras_, _Explor._, tom. ii., p. 351; _Ind. Aff. Rept._, 1854, pp. 239-40; _Lord's Nat._, vol. i., p. 354; vol. ii., p. 217; _De Smet_, _Missions de l'Orégon_, pp. 163-4; _Kane's Wand._, pp. 173-6, 196-7; _Irving's Astoria_, pp. 335-6; _Fitzgerald's Hud. B. Co._, pp. 170-2; _Hines' Oregon_, pp. 103-19, 236; _Thornton's Ogn. and Cal._, vol. ii., pp. 52-3; _Domenech's Deserts_, vol. ii., p. 36; _Palmer's Jour._, pp. 84, 87; _Parker's Explor. Tour_, pp. 191-2. 'In the Wallamette valley, their favorite country, ... there are but few remnants left, and they are dispirited and broken-hearted.' _Robertson's Oregon_, p. 130. [341] 'The personal appearance of the Chinooks differs so much from that of the aboriginal tribes of the United States, that it was difficult at first to recognize the affinity.' _Pickering's Races_, in _U. S. Ex. Ex._, vol. ix., p. 27. 'There are no two nations in Europe so dissimilar as the tribes to the north and those to the south of the Columbia.' _Domenech's Deserts_, vol. i., p. 88; vol. ii., p. 36. 'Thick set limbs,' north; 'slight,' south. _Id._, vol. i., p. 88; vol. ii., p. 16. 'Very inferior in muscular power.' _Id._, vol. ii., pp. 15-16. 'Among the ugliest of their race. They are below the middle size, with squat, clumsy forms.' _Hale's Ethnog._, in _U. S. Ex. Ex._, vol. vi., pp. 198, 216. The men from five feet to five feet six inches high, with well-shaped limbs; the women six to eight inches shorter, with bandy legs, thick ankles, broad, flat feet, loose hanging breasts. _Cox's Adven._, vol. i., pp. 303-4. 'A diminutive race, generally below five feet five inches, with crooked legs and thick ankles.' 'Broad, flat feet.' _Irving's Astoria_, pp. 87, 336. 'But not deficient in strength or activity.' _Nicolay's Oregon_, p. 145. Men 'stout, muscular and strong, but not tall;' women 'of the middle size, but very stout and flabby, with short necks and shapeless limbs.' _Ross' Adven._, pp. 89-93. At Cape Orford none exceed five feet six inches; 'tolerably well limbed, though slender in their persons.' _Vancouver's Voy._, vol. i., p. 204. The Willamette tribes were somewhat larger and better shaped than those of the Columbia and the coast. _Lewis and Clarke's Trav._, pp. 425, 436-7, 504, 508. _Hunter's Cap._, pp. 70-73; _Hines' Voy._, pp. 88, 91. 'Persons of the men generally are rather symmetrical; their stature is low, with light sinewy limbs, and remarkably small, delicate hands. The women are usually more rotund, and, in some instances, even approach obesity.' _Townsend's Nar._, p. 178. 'Many not even five feet.' _Franchère's Nar._, pp. 240-1. Can endure cold, but not fatigue; sharp sight and hearing, but obtuse smell and taste. 'The women are uncouth, and from a combination of causes appear old at an early age. _Parker's Explor. Tour_, pp. 244-5. 'The Indians north of the Columbia are, for the most part good-looking, robust men, some of them having fine, symmetrical, forms. They have been represented as diminutive, with crooked legs and uncouth features. This is not correct; but, as a general rule, the direct reverse is the truth.' _Swan's N. W. Coast_, p. 154; _Dunn's Oregon_, pp. 122-3. [342] The following terms applied to Chinook complexion are taken from the authors quoted in the preceding note: 'Copper-colored brown;' 'light copper color;' 'light olive;' 'fair complexion.' 'Not dark' when young. 'Rough tanned skins.' 'Dingy copper.' 'Fairer' than eastern Indians. Fairer on the coast than on the Columbia. Half-breeds partake of the swarthy hue of their mothers. [343] 'The Cheenook cranium, even when not flattened, is long and narrow, compressed laterally, keel-shaped, like the skull of the Esquimaux.' Broad and high cheek-bones, with a receding forehead.' _Scouler_, in _Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour._, vol. xi., p. 220. 'Skulls ... totally devoid of any peculiar development.' Nose flat, nostrils distended, short irregular teeth; eyes black, piercing and treacherous. _Cox's Adven._, vol. i., pp. 115, 303. 'Broad faces, low foreheads, lank black hair, wide mouths.' 'Flat noses, and eyes turned obliquely upward at the outer corner.' _Hale's Ethnog._, in _U. S. Ex. Ex._, vol. vi., pp. 198, 216. 'Faces are round, with small, but animated eyes. Their noses are broad and flat at the top, and fleshy at the end, with large nostrils.' _Irving's Astoria_, p. 336. Portraits of two Calapooya Indians. _Pickering's Races_, in _U. S. Ex. Ex._, vol. ix., p. 14. South of the Columbia they have 'long faces, thin lips,' but the Calapooyas in Willamette Valley have 'broad faces, low foreheads,' and the Chinooks have 'a wide face, flat nose, and eyes turned obliquely outwards.' _Domenech's Deserts_, vol. i., p. 88; vol. ii., pp. 15-16. 'Dull phlegmatic want of expression' common to all adults. _Nicolay's Ogn. Ter._, p. 145. Women 'well-featured,' with 'light hair, and prominent eyes.' _Ross' Adven._, pp. 89-93. 'Their features rather partook of the general European character.' Hair long and black, clean and neatly combed. _Vancouver's Voy._, vol. i., p. 204. 'Women have, in general, handsome faces.' 'There are rare instances of high aquiline noses; the eyes are generally black,' but sometimes 'of a dark yellowish brown, with a black pupil.' _Lewis and Clarke's Trav._, pp. 425, 436-7. The men carefully eradicate every vestige of a beard. _Dunn's Oregon_, p. 124. 'The features of many are regular, though often devoid of expression.' _Townsend's Nar._, p. 178. 'Pluck out the beard at its first appearance.' _Kane's Wand._, p. 181. Portrait of chief, p. 174. 'A few of the old men only suffer a tuft to grow upon their chins.' _Franchère's Nar._, p. 240. One of the Clatsops 'had the reddest hair I ever saw, and a fair skin, much freckled.' _Gass' Jour._, p. 244; _Lord's Nat._, vol. i., p. 75. For descriptions and plates of Chinook skulls see _Morton's Crania_, pp. 202-13; pl. 42-7, 49, 50, and _Schoolcraft's Arch._, vol. ii., pp. 318-34. [344] 'Practiced by at least ten or twelve distinct tribes of the lower country.' _Townsend's Nar._, pp. 175-6. 'On the coast it is limited to a space of about one hundred and seventy miles, extending between Cape Flattery and Cape Look-out. Inland, it extends up the Columbia to the first rapids, or one hundred and forty miles, and is checked at the falls on the Wallamette.' _Belcher's Voy._, vol. i., p. 307. The custom 'prevails among all the nations we have seen west of the Rocky Mountains,' but 'diminishes in receding eastward.' _Lewis and Clarke's Trav._, p. 437. 'The Indians at the Dalles do not distort the head.' _Kane's Wand._, pp. 263, 180-2. 'The Chinooks are the most distinguished for their attachment to this singular usage.' _Hale's Ethnog._, in _U. S. Ex. Ex._, vol. vi., p. 198. The tribes from the Columbia River to Millbank Sound flatten the forehead, also the Yakimas and Klikitats of the interior. _Tolmie_, in _Lord's Nat._, vol. ii., pp. 231-2, 249. 'The practice prevails, generally, from the mouth of the Columbia to the Dalles, about one hundred and eighty miles, and from the Straits of Fuca on the north, to Coos Bay.... Northward of the Straits it diminishes gradually to a mere slight compression, finally confined to women, and abandoned entirely north of Milbank Sound. So east of the Cascade Mountains, it dies out in like manner.' _Gibbs_, in _Nott and Gliddon's Indig. Races_, p. 337. 'None but such as are of noble birth are allowed to flatten their skulls.' _Gray's Hist. Ogn._, p. 197. [345] All authors who mention the Chinooks have something to say of this custom; the following give some description of the process and its effects, containing, however, no points not included in that given above. _Dunn's Oregon_, pp. 122-3, 128-30; _Ross' Adven._, pp. 99-100; _Swan's N. W. Coast_, pp. 167-8, with cut; _Chamber's Jour._, vol. x., pp. 111-2; _Belcher's Voy._, vol. i., pp. 307-11, with cuts; _Townsend's Nar._, pp. 175-6; _Hale's Ethnog._, in _U. S. Ex. Ex._, vol. vi., p. 216; _Nicolay's Ogn. Ter._, p. 150; _Domenech's Deserts_, vol. ii., p. 294; _Irving's Astoria_, p. 89; _Cox's Adven._, vol. i., p. 302; _Catlin's N. Am. Ind._, vol. ii., pp. 110-11, with plate. Females remain longer than the boys. _Lewis and Clarke's Trav._, pp. 476, 437. 'Not so great a deformity as is generally supposed.' _Parker's Explor. Tour_, pp. 142-3, 251-2. 'Looking with contempt even upon the white for having round heads.' _Kane's Wand._, p. 181, 204, cut. 'As a general thing the tribes that have followed the practice of flattening the skull are inferior in intellect, less stirring and enterprising in their habits, and far more degraded in their morals than other tribes.' _Gray's Hist. Ogn._, p. 197. Mr. Gray is the only authority I have seen for this injurious effect, except Domenech, who pronounces the flat-heads more subject to apoplexy than others. _Deserts_, vol. ii., p. 87; _Gass' Jour._, pp. 224-5; _Brownell's Ind. Races_, pp. 335-7; _Morton's Crania Am._, pp. 203-13, cut of cradle and of skulls; _Mofras_, _Explor._, tom. ii., pp. 349-50, _Atlas_, pl. 26; _Foster's Pre-Hist. Races_, pp. 294-5, 328, with cut; _Sutil y Mexicana_, _Viage_ p. 124; _Wilson_, in _Smithsonian Rept._, 1862, p. 287. [346] The Multnomah women's hair 'is most commonly braided into two tresses falling over each ear in front of the body.' _Lewis and Clarke's Trav._, pp. 508-9, 416, 425-6, 437-8. The Clackamas 'tattoo themselves below the mouth, which gives a light blue appearance to the countenance.' _Kane's Wand._, pp. 241, 184-5, 256. At Cape Orford 'they seemed to prefer the comforts of cleanliness to the painting of their bodies.' _Vancouver's Voy._, vol. i., p. 204. On the Columbia 'in the decoration of their persons they surpassed all the other tribes with paints of different colours, feathers and other ornaments.' _Id._, vol. ii., p. 77. 'Ils mettent toute leur vanité dans leurs colliers et leurs pendants d'oreilles.' _De Smet_, _Miss. de l'Orégon_, p. 45. 'Some of these girls I have seen with the whole rim of their ears bored full of holes, into each of which would be inserted a string of these shells that reached to the floor, and the whole weighing so heavy that to save their ears from being pulled off they were obliged to wear a band across the top of the head.' 'I never have seen either men or women put oil or grease of any kind on their bodies.' _Swan's N. W. Coast_, pp. 112, 158-9. See _Dunn's Oregon_, pp. 115, 123-4; _Cox's Adven._, pp. 111-12; _Pickering's Races_, in _U. S. Ex. Ex._, vol. ix., p. 25; _Irving's Astoria_, pp. 336-8; _Domenech's Deserts_, vol. ii., p. 354; _Franchère's Nar._, p. 244. [347] 'These robes are in general, composed of the skins of a small animal, which we have supposed to be the brown mungo.' 'Sometimes they have a blanket woven with the fingers, from the wool of their native sheep.' Every part of the body but the back and shoulders is exposed to view. The Nechecolies had 'larger and longer robes, which are generally of deer skin dressed in the hair.' _Lewis and Clarke's Trav._, pp. 392, 425-6, 438, 504-9, 522. 'I have often seen them going about, half naked, when the thermometer ranged between 30° and 40°, and their children barefooted and barelegged in the snow.' 'The lower Indians do not dress as well, nor with as good taste, as the upper.' _Parker's Explor. Tour_, pp. 244-5. The fringed skirt 'is still used by old women, and by all the females when they are at work in the water, and is called by them their _siwash coat_.' _Swan's N. W. Coast_, pp. 154-5. _Ross' Adven._, pp. 89-93; _Dunn's Oregon_, pp. 123-4; _Domenech's Deserts_, vol. ii., pp. 15-16, 281-2, 288; _Townsend's Nar._, p. 178; _Kane's Wand._, pp. 184-5; _Franchère's Nar._, pp. 242-4. The conical cap reminded Pickering of the Siberian tribes. _Races_, in _U. S. Ex. Ex._, vol. ix., pp. 25, 39; _Cox's Adven._, vol. i., pp. 111-12, 126-7; _Hines' Voy._, p. 107. Collars of bears' claws, for the men, and elks' tusks for the women and children. _Irving's Astoria_, pp. 336-8; _Gass' Jour._, pp. 232, 239-40, 242-4, 267, 274, 278, 282. [348] 'Their houses seemed to be more comfortable than those at Nootka, the roof having a greater inclination, and the planking being thatched over with the bark of trees. The entrance is through a hole, in a broad plank, covered in such a manner as to resemble the face of a man, the mouth serving the purpose of a door-way. The fire-place is sunk into the earth, and confined from spreading above by a wooden frame.' _Vancouver's Voy._, vol. ii., p. 77. Emmons, in _Schoolcraft's Archives_, vol. iii., p. 206, speaks of a palisade enclosure ten or fifteen feet high, with a covered way to the river. 'The Indian huts on the banks of the Columbia are, for the most part, constructed of the bark of trees, pine branches, and brambles, which are sometimes covered with skins or rags.' _Domenech's Deserts_, vol. ii., p. 260. But 'the Chinooks build their houses of thick and broad planks,' etc. _Id._ Lewis and Clarke saw a house in the Willamette Valley two hundred and twenty-six feet long, divided into two ranges of large apartments separated by a narrow alley four feet wide. _Travels_, pp. 502-4, 509, 431-2, 415-16, 409, 392. The door is a piece of board 'which hangs loose by a string, like a sort of pendulum,' and is self-closing. _Swan's N. W. Coast_, pp. 110-11. 'The tribes near the coast remove less frequently than those of the interior.' _California, Past, Present and Future_, p. 136. 'I never saw more than four fires, or above eighty persons--slaves and all--in the largest house.' _Ross' Adven._, pp. 98-9; _Palmer's Jour._, pp. 86, 108; _Irving's Astoria_, p. 322; _Nicolay's Ogn._, pp. 144, 148-9; _Cox's Adven._, vol. i., p. 327, from _Lewis and Clarke_; _Dunn's Oregon_, pp. 135-7, from _Lewis and Clarke_; _Parker's Explor. Tour_, pp. 144-5, 178-9, 245; _Franchère's Nar._, pp. 247-8; _Lord's Nat._, vol. i., p. 65; _Townsend's Nar._, p. 181; _Kane's Wand._, pp. 187-8; _Hale's Ethnog._, in _U. S. Ex. Ex._, vol. vi., pp. 204, 216-17; _Strickland's Hist. Missions_, pp. 136-9. [349] 'In the summer they resort to the principal rivers and the sea coast, ... retiring to the smaller rivers of the interior during the cold season.' _Warre and Vavasour_, in _Martin's Hud. Bay_, p. 83. All small fish are driven into the small coves or shallow waters, 'when a number of Indians in canoes continue splashing the water; while others sink branches of pine. The fish are then taken easily out with scoops or wicker baskets.' _Thornton's Ogn. and Cal._, vol. i., pp. 389, 288-9, 384-6, 390-1. Fish 'are not eaten till they become soft from keeping, when they are mashed with water.' In the Willamette Valley they raised corn, beans, and squashes. _Hunter's Cap._, pp. 70-2. A 'sturgeon, though weighing upwards of three hundred pounds, is, by the single effort of one Indian, jerked into the boat'! _Dunn's Oregon_, pp. 135, 114-15, 134, 137-9. The Umpquas, to cook salmon, 'all provided themselves with sticks about three feet long, pointed at one end and split at the other. They then apportioned the salmon, each one taking a large piece, and filling it with splinters to prevent its falling to pieces when cooking, which they fastened with great care, into the forked end of the stick; ... then placing themselves around the fire so as to describe a circle, they stuck the pointed end of the stick into the ground, a short distance from the fire, inclining the top towards the flames, so as to bring the salmon in contact with the heat, thus forming a kind of pyramid of salmon over the whole fire.' _Hines' Voy._, p. 102; _Id. Ogn._, p. 305. 'There are some articles of food which are mashed by the teeth before being boiled or roasted; this mastication is performed by the women.' _Domenech's Deserts_, vol. ii., pp. 314, 316, 240-2. 'The salmon in this country are never caught with a (baited) hook.' _Wilkes' Hist. Ogn._, p. 107. 'Turbot and flounders are caught (at Shoalwater Bay) while wading in the water, by means of the feet.' _Swan's N. W. Coast_, pp. 38, 83, 103-8, 140, 163-6, with cuts. On food, see _Ross' Adven._, vol. i., pp. 94-5, 97, 112-3; _Lord's Nat._, vol. i., pp. 68-9, 181-3; _Lewis and Clarke's Trav._, pp. 409-15, 422, 425, 430-1, 445, 506; _Wells_, in _Harper's Mag._, vol. xiii., pp. 605-7, with cuts; _Nicolay's Ogn._, pp. 144, 147-8; _Palmer's Jour._, pp. 84, 105; _Parker's Explor. Tour_, p. 244; _Irving's Astoria_, pp. 86, 335; _Cox's Adven._, vol. i., p. 329-32; vol. ii., pp. 128-31; _Catlin's N. Am. Ind._, vol. ii., p. 113; _Abbott_, in _Pac. R. R. Rept._, vol. vi., p. 89; _Ind. Life_, p. 165; _Pickering's Races_, in _U. S. Ex. Ex._, vol. ix., p. 26; _Kane's Wand._, pp. 185-9; _Franchère's Nar._, pp. 235-7; _Gass' Jour._, pp. 224, 230-1, 282-3; _Fédix_, _L'Orégon_, pp. 44-5; _Stanley's Portraits_, pp. 59-62. [350] For description of the various roots and berries used by the Chinooks as food, see _Lewis and Clarke's Trav._, pp. 450-5. [351] The Multnomahs 'are very fond of cold, hot, and vapour baths, which are used at all seasons, and for the purpose of health as well as pleasure. They, however, add a species of bath peculiar to themselves, by washing the whole body with urine every morning.' _Lewis and Clarke's Trav._, pp. 509, 409. Eat insects from each other's head, for the animals bite them, and they claim the right to bite back. _Kane's Wand._, pp. 183-4. [352] _Cox's Adven._, vol. i., pp. 323-4; vol. ii., p. 13; _Irving's Astoria_, pp. 324, 338; _Ross' Adven._, p. 90; _Kane's Wand._, p. 189; _Catlin's N. Am. Ind._, vol. ii., p. 113, pl. 210½; _Dunn's Oregon_, pp. 124-5; _Lewis and Clarke's Trav._, pp. 429-31, 509; _Hines' Ogn._, p. 110; _Franchère's Nar._, p. 253; _Emmons_, in _Schoolcraft's Arch._, vol. iii., pp. 206-7, 215-16, 468. [353] 'When the conflict is postponed till the next day, ... they keep up frightful cries all night long, and, when they are sufficiently near to understand each other, defy one another by menaces, railleries, and sarcasms, like the heroes of Homer and Virgil.' _Franchère's Nar._, pp. 251-4; _Cox's Adven._, vol. i., pp. 322-3; _Dunn's Oregon_, p. 124; _Irving's Astoria_, pp. 340-1; _Ross' Fur Hunters_, vol. i., pp. 88, 105-8; _Domenech's Deserts_, vol. ii., p. 354; _Stanley's Portraits_, pp. 61-2; _Foster's Pre-Hist. Races_, p. 232. [354] Pickering makes 'the substitution of the water-proof basket, for the square wooden bucket of the straits' the chief difference between this and the Sound Family. _Races_, in _U. S. Ex. Ex._, vol. ix., p. 25; _Emmons_, in _Schoolcraft's Arch._, vol. iii., p. 206; _Vancouver's Voy._, vol. ii., p. 77; _Ross' Adven._, p. 92; _Domenech's Deserts_, vol. ii., pp. 241, 260; _Franchère's Nar._, pp. 248-9; _Lewis and Clarke's Trav._, pp. 432-5; _Cox's Adven._, vol. i., pp. 329-32; _Dunn's Oregon_, pp. 138-9; _Catlin's N. Am. Ind._, vol. ii., p. 113, pl. 210½, showing cradle, ladles, Wapato diggers, _Pautomaugons_, or war clubs and pipes. _Parker's Explor. Tour_, pp. 248-9; _Kane's Wand._, pp. 184-5, 188-9. [355] _Swan's N. W. Coast_, pp. 161-3; _Parker's Explor. Tour_, p. 253. [356] _Lewis and Clarke's Trav._, pp. 433-5. 'Hollowed out of the cedar by fire, and smoothed off with stone axes.' _Kane's Wand._, p. 189. At Cape Orford 'their shape much resembled that of a butcher's tray.' _Vancouver's Voy._, vol. i., p. 204. 'A human face or a white-headed eagle, as large as life, carved on the prow, and raised high in front.' _Ross' Adven._, pp. 97-8. 'In landing they put the canoe round, so as to strike the beach stern on.' _Franchère's Nar._, p. 246. 'The larger canoes on the Columbia are sometimes propelled by short oars.' _Emmons_, in _Schoolcraft's Arch._, vol. iii., p. 218. 'Finest canoes in the world.' _Wilkes' Hist. Ogn._, p. 107; _Parker's Explor. Tour_, p. 252; _Dunn's Oregon_, pp. 121-2; _Swan's N. W. Coast_, pp. 79-82, with cuts; _Irving's Astoria_, pp. 86, 324; _Cox's Adven._, vol. i., pp. 325-7; _Hale's Ethnog._, in _U. S. Ex. Ex._, vol. vi., p. 217; _Domenech's Deserts_, vol. ii., pp. 276-7; _Brownell's Ind. Races_, pp. 535-7; _Gass' Jour._, p. 279. [357] Dried and pounded salmon, prepared by a method not understood except at the falls, formed a prominent article of commerce, both with coast and interior nations. _Lewis and Clarke's Trav._, pp. 444-7, 413. A fathom of the largest hiaqua shells is worth about ten beaver-skins. A dying man gave his property to his intimate friends 'with a promise on their part to restore them if he recovered.' _Franchère's Nar._, pp. 244-5, 137; _Ross' Adven._, pp. 87-8, 95-6; _Swan's N. W. Coast_, p. 166; _Irving's Astoria_, p. 322; _Dunn's Oregon_, pp. 133-4; _Cox's Adven._, vol. i., p. 333; _Thornton's Ogn. and Cal._, vol. i., p. 392; _Kane's Wand._, p. 185; _Domenech's Deserts_, vol. ii., p. 250; _Gass' Jour._, p. 227; _Morton's Crania Am._, pp. 202-14; _Fédix_, _l'Orégon_, pp. 44-5. [358] Have no idea of drawing maps on the sand. 'Their powers of computation ... are very limited.' _Emmons_, in _Schoolcraft's Arch._, vol. iii., pp. 205, 207; _Lewis and Clarke's Trav._, p. 493; _Ross' Adven._, pp. 88-9, 98; _Kane's Wand._, p. 185. [359] The Willamette tribes, nine in number, were under four principal chiefs. _Ross' Adven._, pp. 235-6, 88, 216. Casanov, a famous chief at Fort Vancouver employed a hired assassin to remove obnoxious persons. _Kane's Wand._, pp. 173-6; _Franchère's Nar._, p. 250; _Irving's Astoria_, pp. 88, 340; _Cox's Adven._, vol. i., pp. 322-3; _Parker's Explor. Tour_, p. 253; _Lewis and Clarke's Trav._, p. 443. [360] 'Live in the same dwelling with their masters, and often intermarry with those who are free.' _Parker's Explor. Tour_, pp. 197, 247. 'Treat them with humanity while their services are useful.' _Franchère's Nar._, p. 241. Treated with great severity. _Kane's Wand._, pp. 181-2; _Lewis and Clarke's Trav._, p. 447; _Ross' Adven._, pp. 92-3; _Irving's Astoria_, p. 88; _Cox's Adven._, vol. i., pp. 305-6; _Dunn's Oregon_, pp. 129-30; _Fitzgerald's Hud. B. Co._, pp. 196-7; _Stanley's Portraits_, pp. 61-2. [361] _Swan's N. W. Coast_, pp. 161, 171; _Emmons_, in _Schoolcraft's Arch._, vol. iii., pp. 211-2. 'In proportion as we approach the rapids from the sea, female impurity becomes less perceptible; beyond this point it entirely ceases.' _Cox's Adven._, vol. ii., pp. 134, 159; vol. i., pp. 366-7, 318; _Wells_, in _Harper's Mag._, vol. xiii., p. 602; _Lewis and Clarke's Trav._, pp. 439-43. Ceremonies of a widow in her endeavors to obtain a new husband. _Wilkes' Nar._, in _U. S. Ex. Ex._, vol. v., p. 124; _Ross' Adven._, pp. 88, 92-3; _Franchère's Nar._, pp. 245, 254-5; _Hunter's Cap._, p. 70; _Hines' Voy._, p. 113; _Domenech's Deserts_, vol. ii., pp. 16, 294-5; _Irving's Astoria_, p. 340; _Dunn's Oregon_, pp. 132-3; _Lord's Nat._, vol. ii., pp. 231-2; _Kane's Wand._, pp. 175-7, 182; _Gass' Jour._, p. 275; _Strickland's Hist. Missions_, pp. 139-40. [362] 'I saw neither musical instruments, nor dancing, among the Oregon tribes.' _Pickering's Races_, in _U. S. Ex. Ex._, vol. ix., p. 43. 'All extravagantly fond of ardent spirits, and are not particular what kind they have, provided it is strong, and gets them drunk quickly.' _Swan's N. W. Coast_, pp. 155-8, 197-202. 'Not addicted to intemperance.' _Franchère's Nar._, p. 242. At gambling 'they will cheat if they can, and pride themselves on their success.' _Kane's Wand._, pp. 190, 196. Seldom cheat, and submit to their losses with resignation. _Cox's Adven._, vol. i., p. 332; _Lewis and Clarke's Trav._, pp. 410, 443-4; _Wells_, in _Harper's Mag._, vol. xiii., p. 601, and cut of dance at Coos Bay; _Wilkes' Nar._, in _U. S. Ex. Ex._, vol. iv., pp. 392-3; vol. v., p. 123; _Vancouver's Voy._, vol. ii., p. 77; _Ross' Fur Hunters_, vol. i., pp. 90-4, 112-13; _Dunn's Oregon_, pp. 114-15, 121, 125-8, 130-1; _Parker's Explor. Tour_, pp. 247-8; _Domenech's Deserts_, vol. ii., p. 242; _Irving's Astoria_, p. 341; _Palmer's Jour._, p. 86. [363] _Tolmie_, in _Lord's Nat._, vol. ii., p. 248; _Gass' Jour._, pp. 232, 275; _Dunn's Oregon_, pp. 123-8; _Kane's Wand._, pp. 205, 255-6; _Swan's N. W. Coast_, p. 267; _Schoolcraft's Arch._, vol. v., p. 654. [364] Doctors, if unsuccessful, are sometimes subjected to rough treatment, but rarely killed, except when they have previously threatened the life of the patient. _Swan's N. W. Coast_, pp. 176-185. At the Dalles an old woman, whose incantations had caused a fatal sickness, was beheaded by a brother of the deceased. _Ind. Life_, pp. 173-4, 142-3. Whole tribes have been almost exterminated by the small-pox. _Stevens_, in _Pac. R. R. Rept._, vol. i., pp. 82, 179. Venereal disease prevalent, and a complete cure is never effected. _Lewis and Clarke's Trav._, pp. 440, 508. Generally succeed in curing venereal disease even in its worst stage. _Ross' Adven._, pp. 96-9. The unsuccessful doctor killed, unless able to buy his life. _Wilkes' Nar._, in _U. S. Ex. Ex._, vol. iv., p. 394. Flatheads more subject to apoplexy than others. _Domenech's Deserts_, vol. i., p. 87; _Cox's Adven._, vol. i., p. 126-7, 307, 312-15, 335, vol. ii., pp. 94-5; _Townsend's Nar._, pp. 158, 178-9; _Franchère's Nar._, p. 250; _Dunn's Oregon_, pp. 115-9, 127; _Thornton's Ogn. and Cal._, vol. ii., p. 53; _Parker's Explor. Tour_, pp. 176, 191-2; _Fitzgerald's Hud. B. Co._, pp. 171-2; _Strickland's Hist. Missions_, pp. 139-40. [365] A chief on the death of his daughter 'had an Indian slave bound hand and foot, and fastened to the body of the deceased, and enclosed the two in another mat, leaving out the head of the living one. The Indian then took the canoe and carried it to a high rock and left it there. Their custom is to let the slave live for three days; then another slave is compelled to strangle the victim by a cord.' _Letter_, in _Schoolcraft's Arch._, vol. ii., p. 71. See also vol. iii., pp. 217-18; vol. vi., pp. 616-23, with plate; vol. v., p. 655. 'The emblem of a squaw's grave is generally a camass-root digger, made of a deer's horns, and fastened on the end of a stick.' _Wilkes' Nar._, in _U. S. Ex. Ex._, vol. v., pp. 233-4, vol. iv., p. 394. 'I believe I saw as many as an hundred canoes at one burying place of the Chinooks.' _Gass' Jour._, p. 274. 'Four stakes, interlaced with twigs and covered with brush,' filled with dead bodies. _Abbott_, in _Pac. R. R. Rept._, vol. vi., p. 88. At Coos Bay, 'formerly the body was burned, and the wife of the corpse killed and interred.' Now the body is sprinkled with sand and ashes, the ankles are bent up and fastened to the neck; relatives shave their heads and put the hair on the body with shells and roots, and the corpse is then buried and trampled on by the whole tribe. _Wells_, in _Harper's Mag._, vol. xiii., p. 602. 'The canoe-coffins were decorated with rude carved work.' _Vancouver's Voy._, vol. ii., p. 54. Strangers are paid to join in the lamentations. _Ross' Adven._, p. 97. Children who die during the head-flattening process are set afloat in their cradles upon the surface of some sacred pool, where the bodies of the old are also placed in their canoes. _Catlin's N. Am. Ind._, vol. ii., p. 111. On burial and mourning see also, _Swan's N. W. Coast_, pp. 72-3, 13, 186-9, with cut of canoe on platform. _Mofras' Explor._, vol. ii., p. 355, and pl. 18 of _Atlas_; _Lewis and Clarke's Trav._, pp. 423, 429, 509; _Kane's Wand._, pp. 176-8, 181, 202-5; _Cox's Adven._, vol. i., pp. 124-5, 335-6, vol. ii., p. 157; _Parker's Explor. Tour_, pp. 144, 151-2; _Thornton's Ogn. and Cal._, vol. i., pp. 281-2, vol. ii., p. 53; _Belcher's Voy._, vol. i., p. 292; _Domenech's Deserts_, vol. i., p. 255; _Dunn's Oregon_, pp. 119-20, 131-2; _Nicolay's Ogn. Ter._, pp. 149-50; _Fremont's Ogn. and Cal._, p. 186; _Irving's Astoria_, p. 99; _Franchère's Nar._, p. 106; _Palmer's Jour._, p. 87; _Ind. Life_, p. 210; _Townsend's Nar._, p. 180. [366] 'The clumsy thief, who is detected, is scoffed at and despised.' _Dunn's Oregon_, pp. 130-1, 114. 'The Kalapuya, like the Umkwa, ... are more regular and quiet' than the inland tribes, 'and more cleanly, honest and moral than the' coast tribes. The Chinooks are a quarrelsome, thievish, and treacherous people. _Hale's Ethnog._, in _U. S. Ex. Ex._, vol. vi., pp. 217, 215, 198, 204. 'A rascally, thieving set.' _Gass' Jour._, p. 304. 'When well treated, kind and hospitable.' _Swan's N. W. Coast_, pp. 215, 110, 152. At Cape Orford 'pleasing and courteous deportment ... scrupulously honest.' _Vancouver's Voy._, vol. i., pp. 204-5. Laziness is probably induced by the ease with which they obtain food. _Kane's Wand._, pp. 181, 185. 'Crafty and intriguing.' Easily irritated, but a trifle will appease him. _Ross' Fur Hunters_, vol. i., p. 61, 70-1, 77, 88, 90-1, 124-5, 235-6. 'They possess in an eminent degree, the qualities opposed to indolence, improvidence, and stupidity: the chiefs above all, are distinguished for their good sense and intelligence. Generally speaking, they have a ready intellect and a tenacious memory.' 'Rarely resist the temptation of stealing' white men's goods. _Franchère's Nar._, pp. 241-2, 261. Loquacious, never gay, knavish, impertinent. _Lewis and Clarke's Trav._, pp. 416, 441-2, 504, 523-4. 'Thorough-bred hypocrites and liars.' 'The Killymucks the most roguish.' Industry, patience, sobriety and ingenuity are their chief virtues; thieving, lying, incontinence, gambling and cruelty may be classed among their vices. _Cox's Adven._, vol. i., pp. 115, 131, 296-7, 302, 304-5, 321, vol. ii., p. 133. At Wishiam 'they were a community of arrant rogues and freebooters.' _Irving's Astoria_, pp. 322, 342. 'Lying is very common; thieving comparatively rare.' _White's Ogn._, p. 207. 'Do not appear to possess a particle of natural good feeling.' _Townsend's Nar._, p. 183. At Coos Bay 'by no means the fierce and warlike race found further to the northward.' _Wells_, in _Harper's Mag._, vol. xiii., p. 601. Umqua and Coose tribes are naturally industrious; the Suislaws the most advanced; the Alcea not so enterprising. _Sykes_, in _Ind. Aff. Rept._, 1860, p. 215. Calapooias, a poor, cowardly, and thievish race. _Miller_, in _Id._, 1857, p. 364; _Nicolay's Ogn. Ter._, p. 151; _Domenech's Deserts_, vol. i., p. 87, vol. ii., pp. 16, 36; _Warre and Vavasour_, in _Martin's Hud. B._, p. 83; _Palmer's Jour._, pp. 84, 105; _Parker's Explor. Tour_, pp. 249-50; _Ind. Life_, pp. 1-4, 210; _Fitzgerald's Vanc. Isl._, p. 196; _Schoolcraft's Arch._, vol. iii., p. 207, etc. [367] 'They all resemble each other in general characteristics.' _Parker's Explor. Tour_, p. 229. Shushwaps and Salish all one race. _Mayne's B. C._, p. 296-7. 'The Indians of the interior are, both physically and morally, vastly superior to the tribes of the coast.' _Id._, p. 242. 'The Kliketat near Mount Rainier, the Walla-Wallas, and the Okanagan ... speak kindred dialects.' _Ludewig_, _Ab. Lang._, p. 170. The best-supported opinion is that the inland were of the same original stock with the lower tribes. _Dunn's Oregon_, p. 316. 'On leaving the verge of the Carrier country, near Alexandria, a marked change is at once perceptible.' _Anderson_, in _Hist. Mag._, vol. vii., p. 77. Inland tribes differ widely from the piscatorial tribes. _Ross' Adven._, p. 127. 'Those residing near the Rocky Mountains ... are and always have been superior races to those living on the lower Columbia.' _Alvord_, in _Schoolcraft's Arch._, vol. v., p. 654. 'I was particularly struck with their vast superiority (on the Similkameen River, Lat. 49° 30´, Long. 120° 30´) in point of intelligence and energy to the Fish Indians on the Fraser River, and in its neighbourhood.' _Palmer_, in _B. C. Papers_, vol. iii., p. 84. Striking contrast noted in passing up the Columbia. _Hale's Ethnog._, in _U. S. Ex. Ex._, vol. vi., p. 199. [368] 'The Shewhapmuch ... who compose a large branch of the Saeliss family,' known as _Nicute-much_--corrupted by the Canadians into Couteaux--below the junction of the Fraser and Thompson. _Anderson_, in _Hist. Mag._, vol. vii., p. 76-7. Atnahs is their name in the Takali language, and signifies 'strangers.' 'Differ so little from their southern neighbors, the Salish, as to render a particular description unnecessary.' _Hale's Ethnog._, in _U. S. Ex. Ex._, vol. vi., p. 205. They were called by Mackenzie the Chin tribe, according to _Prichard's Researches_, vol. v., p. 427, but Mackenzie's Chin tribe was north of the Atnahs, being the Nagailer tribe of the Carriers. See _Mackenzie's Voy._, pp. 257-8, and map. [369] 'About Okanagan, various branches of the Carrier tribe.' _Nicolay's Ogn. Ter._, p. 143. 'Okanagans, on the upper part of Frazer's River.' _Ludewig_, _Ab. Lang._, p. 170. [370] Also known as Flat-bows. 'The poorest of the tribes composing the Flathead nation.' _McCormick_, in _Ind. Aff. Rept._, 1867, p. 211. 'Speaking a language of their own, it is not easy to imagine their origin; but it appears probable that they once belonged to some more southern tribe, from which they became shut off by the intervention of larger tribes.' _Mayne's B. C._, p. 297. 'In appearance, character, and customs, they resemble more the Indians east of the Rocky Mountains than those of Lower Oregon.' _Hale's Ethnog._, in _U. S. Ex. Ex._, vol. vi., p. 205. 'Les Arcs-à-Plats, et les Koetenais sont connus dans le pays sous le nom de Skalzi.' _De Smet_, _Miss. de l'Orégon_, p. 80. [371] The origin of the name Flathead, as applied to this nation, is not known, as they have never been known to flatten the head. 'The mass of the nation consists of persons who have more or less of the blood of the Spokanes, Pend d'Oreilles, Nez Perces, and Iroquois.' _Stevens_, in _Ind. Aff. Rept._, 1854, p. 207; _Pac. R. R. Rept._, vol. i., p. 150; _Catlin's N. Am. Ind._, vol. ii., p. 108; _Stuart's Montana_, p. 82. Gass applied the name apparently to tribes on the Clearwater of the Sahaptin family. _Jour._, p. 224. [372] Also called _Kalispelms_ and _Ponderas_. The Upper Pend d'Oreilles consist of a number of wandering families of Spokanes, Kalispelms proper, and Flatheads. _Suckley_, in _Pac. R. R. Rept._, vol. i., p. 294; _Stevens_, in _Id._, p. 149; _Stevens_, in _Ind. Aff. Rept._, 1854, p. 210. 'Very similar in manners, etc., to the Flatheads, and form one people with them.' _De Smet_, _Miss. de l'Orégon_, p. 32. [373] The native name, according to Hale, is _Skitsuish_, and Coeur d'Alêne, 'Awl heart,' is a nickname applied from the circumstance that a chief used these words to express his idea of the Canadian traders' meanness. _Ethnog._, in _U. S. Ex. Ex._, vol. vi., p. 210. [374] _Quiarlpi_, 'Basket People,' _Chaudieres_, 'Kettles,' _Kettle Falls_, _Chualpays_, _Skoielpoi_, and _Lakes_, are some of the names applied to these bands. [375] 'Ils s'appellent entre eux les Enfants du Soleil, dans leur langue Spokane.' _De Smet_, _Miss. de l'Orégon_, p. 31. 'Differing very little from the Indians at Colville, either in their appearance, habits, or language.' _Kane's Wand._, p. 307. [376] So much intermarried with the Yakamas that they have almost lost their nationality.' _Stevens_, in _Ind. Aff. Rept._, 1854, p. 236. [377] 'Pierced Noses,' so named by the Canadians, perhaps from the nasal ornaments of the first of the tribe seen, although the custom of piercing the nose has never been known to be prevalent with this people. 'Generally known and distinguished by the name of "black robes," in contradistinction to those who live on fish.' Named Nez Perces from the custom of boring the nose to receive a white shell, like the fluke of an anchor. _Ross' Fur Hunters_, vol. i., pp. 305, 185-6. 'There are two tribes of the Pierced-Nose Indians, the upper and the lower. _Brownell's Ind. Races_, pp. 533-5. 'Though originally the same people, their dialect varies very perceptibly from that of the Tushepaws.' _Lewis and Clarke's Trav._, p. 341. Called _Thoiga-rik-kah_, _Tsoi-gah_, 'Cowse-eaters,' by the Snakes. 'Ten times better off to-day than they were then'--'a practical refutation of the time-honored lie, that intercourse with whites is an injury to Indians.' _Stuart's Montana_, pp. 76-7. 'In character and appearance, they resemble more the Indians of the Missouri than their neighbors, the Salish.' _Hale's Ethnog._, in _U. S. Ex. Ex._, vol. vi., p. 212; _Domenech's Deserts_, vol. ii., p. 54. [378] 'La tribu Paloose appartient à la nation des Nez-percés et leur ressemble sous tous les rapports.' _De Smet_, _Voy._, p. 31. [379] The name comes from that of the river. It should be pronounced Wala-Wala, very short. _Pandosy's Gram._, p. 9. 'Descended from slaves formerly owned and liberated by the Nez Perces.' _Parker's Explor. Tour_, p. 247. 'Not unlike the Pierced-Noses in general appearance, language, and habits.' _Brownell's Ind. Races_, pp. 533-5. Parts of three different nations at the confluence of the Snake and Columbia. _Gass' Jour._, pp. 218-19, 'None of the Indians have any permanent habitations' on the south bank of the Columbia about and above the Dalles. _Lewis and Clarke's Trav._, p. 365. 'Generally camping in winter on the north side of the river.' _Ind. Aff. Rept._, 1854, p. 223. [380] The name Yakima is a word meaning 'Black Bear' in the Walla Walla dialect. They are called Klikatats west of the mountains. _Gibbs_, in _Pac. R. R. Rept._, vol. i., p. 407. 'The Klikatats and Yakimas, in all essential peculiarities of character, are identical, and their intercourse is constant.' _Id._, p. 403, and _Stevens_, in _Ind. Aff. Rept._, 1854, p. 225. 'Pshawanwappam bands, usually called Yakamas.' The name signifies 'Stony Ground.' _Gibbs_, in _Pandosy's Gram._, p. vii. 'Roil-roil-pam, is the Klikatat country.' 'Its meaning is "the Mouse country."' _Id._ The Yakima valley is a great national rendezvous for these and surrounding nations. _Ross' Fur Hunters_, vol. i., pp. 19, 21. Kliketats, meaning robbers, was first the name given to the Whulwhypums, and then extended to all speaking the same language. For twenty-five years before 1854 they overran the Willamette Valley, but at that time were forced by government to retire to their own country. _Tolmie_, in _Lord's Nat._, vol. ii., pp. 244-7. [381] Wasco is said to mean 'basin,' and the tribe derives its name, traditionally, from the fact that formerly one of their chiefs, his wife having died, spent much of his time in making cavities or basins in the soft rock for his children to fill with water and pebbles, and thereby amuse themselves. _Victor's All over Ogn._, pp. 94-5. The word Cayuse is perhaps the French _Cailloux_, 'pebbles.' Called by Tolmie, 'Wyeilats or Kyoose.' He says their language has an affinity to that of the Carriers and Umpquas. _Lord's Nat._, vol. ii., pp. 249-50. 'Resemble the Walla-Wallas very much.' _Kane's Wand._, pp. 279-80. 'The imperial tribe of Oregon' claiming jurisdiction over the whole Columbia region. _Farnham's Trav._, p. 81. The Snakes, Walla-Wallas, and Cayuse meet annually in the Grande Ronde Valley. _Thornton's Ogn. and Cal._, vol. i., p. 270. 'Individuals of the pure blood are few, the majority being intermixed with the Nez Perces and the Wallah-Wallahs.' _Stevens_, in _Ind. Aff. Rept._, 1854, pp. 218-19. The region which I give to the Wascos and Cayuses is divided on Hale's map between the Walla-Wallas, Waiilatpu, and Molele. [382] In the interior the 'men are tall, the women are of common stature, and both are well formed.' _Parker's Explor. Tour_, p. 229. 'Of middle height, slender.' _Hale's Ethnog._, in _U. S. Ex. Ex._, vol. vi., p. 199. The inland tribes of British Columbia, compared with those on the coast, 'are of a better cast, being generally of the middle height.' _Id._, p. 198. See also p. 206. The Nez Percés and Cayuses 'are almost universally fine-looking, robust men.' In criticising the person of one of that tribe 'one was forcibly reminded of the Apollo Belvidere.' _Townsend's Nar._, pp. 148, 98. The Klikatat 'stature is low, with light, sinewy limbs.' _Id._, p. 178; also pp. 158-174. The Walla-Wallas are generally powerful men, at least six feet high, and the Cayuse are still 'stouter and more athletic.' _Gairdner_, in _Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour._, vol. xi., p. 256. The Umatillas 'may be a superior race to the "Snakes," but I doubt it.' _Barnhart_, in _Ind. Aff. Rept._, 1862, p. 271. The Salish are 'rather below the average size, but are well knit, muscular, and good-looking.' _Stevens_, in _Ind. Aff. Rept._, 1854, p. 208. 'Well made and active.' _Dunn's Oregon_, pp. 311, 327. 'Below the middle hight, with thick-set limbs.' _Domenech's Deserts_, vol. i., p. 88, vol. ii., pp. 55-6, 64-5. The Cootonais are above the medium height. Very few Shushwaps reach the height of five feet nine inches. _Cox's Adven._, vol. ii., pp. 155, 376, vol. i., p. 240. See also on physique of the inland nations, _Lewis and Clarke's Trav._, pp. 321, 340, 356, 359, 382, 527-8, 556-7; _Wilkes' Nar._, in _U. S. Ex. Ex._, vol. iv., p. 475; _Dunn_, in _Cal. Farmer_, _April 26, 1861_; _San Francisco Herald_, _June, 1858_; _Stevens_, in _Pac. R. R. Rept._, vol. i., pp. 309, 414; _Nicolay's Ogn. Ter._, p. 151; _Lord's Nat._, vol. ii., pp. 105-6, and vol. i., frontispiece, cut of a group of Spokanes. _De Smet_, _Voy._, pp. 30, 198; _Palmer's Jour._, p. 54; _Ross' Adven._, pp. 127, 294; _Stuart's Montana_, p. 82. [383] The interior tribes have 'long faces, and bold features, thin lips, wide cheek-bones, smooth skins, and the usual tawny complexion of the American tribes.' 'Features of a less exaggerated harshness' than the coast tribes. _Hale's Ethnog._, in _U. S. Ex. Ex._, vol. vi., p. 198-9. 'Hair and eyes are black, their cheek bones high, and very frequently they have aquiline noses.' 'They wear their hair long, part it upon their forehead, and let it hang in tresses on each side, or down behind.' _Parker's Explor. Tour_, p. 229. Complexion 'a little fairer than other Indians.' _Id._ The Okanagans are 'better featured and handsomer in their persons, though darker, than the Chinooks or other Indians along the sea-coast.' 'Teeth white as ivory, well set and regular.' The voices of Walla Wallas, Nez Percés, and Cayuses, are strong and masculine. _Ross' Adven._, pp. 294, 127. The Flatheads (Nez Percés) are 'the whitest Indians I ever saw.' _Gass' Jour._, p. 189. The Shushwap 'complexion is darker, and of a more muddy, coppery hue than that of the true Red Indian.' _Milton and Cheadle's N. W. Pass._, p. 335. The Nez Perces darker than the Tushepaws. Dignified and pleasant features. Would have quite heavy beards if they shaved. _Lewis and Clarke's Trav._, pp. 340, 356, 359, 527-8, 556-7, 321. The inland natives are an ugly race, with 'broad faces, low foreheads, and rough, coppery and tanned skins.' The Salish 'features are less regular, and their complexion darker' than the Sahaptins. _Domenech's Deserts_, vol. i., p. 88, vol. ii., pp. 55-6. Teeth of the river tribes worn down by sanded salmon. _Anderson_, in _Lord's Nat._, vol. ii., p. 228; _Kane's Wand._, p. 273. Nez Perces and Cayuses 'are almost universally fine looking, robust men, with strong aquiline features, and a much more cheerful cast of countenance than is usual amongst the race. Some of the women might almost be called beautiful, and none that I have seen are homely.' Some very handsome young girls among the Walla Wallas. The Kliketat features are 'regular, though often devoid of expression.' _Townsend's Nar._, pp. 78, 148, 158, 178. Flatheads 'comparatively very fair in complexion, ... with oval faces, and a mild, and playful expression of countenance.' _Dunn's Oregon_, p. 311. The Kayuls had long dark hair, and regular features. _Coke's Rocky Mountains_, p. 304. Cut and description of a Clickitat skull, in _Morton's Crania_, p. 214, pl. 48. 'The Flatheads are the ugliest, and most of their women are far from being beauties.' _Stuart's Montana_, p. 82. [384] 'The Sahaptin and Wallawallas compress the head, but not so much as the tribes near the coast. It merely serves with them to make the forehead more retreating, which, with the aquiline nose common to these natives, gives to them occasionally, a physiognomy similar to that represented in the hieroglyphical paintings of Central America.' _Hale's Ethnog._, in _U. S. Ex. Ex._, vol. vi., pp. 214, 205. All the Shushwaps flatten the head more or less. _Mayne's B. C._, p. 303. 'Il est à remarquer que les tribus établies au-dessus de la jonction de la branche sud de la Colombie, et désignées sous le nom de Têtes Plates, ont renoncé depuis longtemps à cet usage.' _Mofras_, _Explor._, tom. ii., p. 349. 'A roundhead Klickatat woman would be a pariah.' _Winthrop's Canoe and Saddle_, p. 204. Nez Percés 'seldom known to flatten the head.' _Catlin's N. Am. Ind._, vol. ii., p. 108. See _Domenech's Deserts_, vol. ii., pp. 55-6, 64-5; _Tolmie_, in _Lord's Nat._, vol. ii., pp. 231-2, 249-51; _Townsend's Nar._, p. 175; _Kane's Wand._, p. 263; _Ind. Aff. Rept._, 1854, pp. 207-8; _Wilkes' Nar._, in _U. S. Ex. Ex._, vol. iv., p. 415, with cut. Walla Wallas, Skyuse, and Nez Percés flatten the head and perforate the nose. _Farnham's Trav._, p. 85; _Lewis and Clarke's Trav._, pp. 374, 359; _Gass' Jour._, p. 224. [385] _Pickering's Races_, in _U. S. Ex. Ex._, vol. ix., pp. 38-9; _Lewis and Clarke's Trav._, pp. 362, 382-3. [386] The Salish 'profuse in the use of paint.' _Stevens_, in _Ind. Aff. Rept._, 1854, pp. 207-8, and in _Pac. R. R. Rept._, vol. i., p. 309. Nez Percés painted in colored stripes. _Hines' Voy._, p. 173. 'Four Indians (Nez Percés) streaked all over with white mud.' _Kane's Wand._, p. 291. Walla Walla 'faces painted red.' The Okanagan 'young of both sexes always paint their faces with red and black bars.' _Ross' Adven._, pp. 127, 294-8. The inland tribes 'appear to have less of the propensity to adorn themselves with painting, than the Indians east of the mountains, but not unfrequently vermilion mixed with red clay, is used not only upon their faces but upon their hair.' _Parker's Explor. Tour_, p. 229. Red clay for face paint, obtained at Vermilion Forks of the Similkameen River, in B. C. _Palmer_, in _B. C. Papers_, vol. iii., p. 84. Pend d'Oreille women rub the face every morning with a mixture of red and brown powder, which is made to stick by a coating of fish-oil. _De Smet_, _Voy._, p. 198. [387] The Oakinack 'women wear their hair neatly clubbed on each side of the head behind the ears, and ornamented with double rows of the snowy higua, which are among the Oakinackens called Shet-la-cane; but they keep it shed or divided in front. The men's hair is queued or rolled up into a knot behind the head, and ornamented like that of the women; but in front it falls or hangs down loosely before the face, covering the forehead and the eyes, which causes them every now and then to shake the head, or use the hands to uncover their eyes.' _Ross' Adven._, pp. 294-5. The head of the Nez Perces not ornamented. _Lewis and Clarke's Trav._, pp. 341, 321, 351, 377, 528, 532-3; _Coke's Rocky Mts._, p. 304; _Kane's Wand._, p. 274. [388] The Ootlashoot women wear 'a long shirt of skin, reaching down to the ancles, and tied round the waist.' Few ornaments. The Nez Percés wear 'the buffalo or elk-skin robe decorated with beads, sea-shells, chiefly mother-of-pearl, attached to an otter-skin collar and hung in the hair.' Leggins and moccasins are painted; a plait of twisted grass is worn round the neck. The women wear their long robe without a girdle, but to it 'are tied little pieces of brass and shells, and other small articles.' 'The dress of the female is indeed more modest, and more studiously so than any we have observed, though the other sex is careless of the indelicacy of exposure.' 'The Sokulk females have no other covering but a truss or piece of leather tied round the hips and then drawn tight between the legs.' Three fourths of the Pisquitpaws 'have scarcely any robes at all.' The Chilluckittequaws use skins of wolves, deer, elk, and wild cats. 'Round their neck is put a strip of some skin with the tail of the animal hanging down over the breast.' _Lewis and Clarke's Trav._, pp. 321, 340-1, 351, 359, 361, 377, 526, 528, 532-3. Many of the Walla Walla, Nez Percé, and Cayuse females wore robes 'richly garnished with beads, higuas,' etc. The war chief wears as a head-dress the whole skin of a wolf's head, with the ears standing erect. The Okanagans wear in winter long detachable sleeves or mittens of wolf or fox skin, also wolf or bear skin caps when hunting. Men and women dress nearly alike, and are profuse in the use of ornaments. _Ross' Adven._, p. 127, 294-8; _Id._, _Fur Hunters_, vol. i., p. 306. The Flatheads often change their clothing and clean it with pipe-clay. They have no regular head-dress. From the Yakima to the Okanagan the men go naked, and the women wear only a belt with a slip passing between the legs. _Cox's Adven._, vol. i., pp. 133, 148, 240-1, vol. ii., p. 144. Nez Percés better clad than any others, Cayuses well clothed, Walla Wallas naked and half starved. _Palmer's Jour._, pp. 54, 124, 127-8. At the Dalles, women 'go nearly naked, for they wear little else than what may be termed a breech-cloth, of buckskin, which is black and filthy with dirt.' _Wilkes' Nar._, in _U. S. Ex. Ex._, vol. iv., pp. 409-10, 426, 473. The Kliketat women wear a short pine-bark petticoat tied round the loins. _Townsend's Nar._, pp. 78, 178, 148. 'Their buffaloe robes and other skins they chiefly procure on the Missouri, when they go over to hunt, as there are no buffaloe in this part of the country and very little other game.' _Gass' Jour._, pp. 189, 205, 218-19, 295. Tusshepaw 'women wore caps of willow neatly worked and figured.' _Irving's Astoria_, pp. 315, 317, 319; _Id._, _Bonneville's Adven._, p. 301. The Flathead women wear straw hats, used also for drinking and cooking purposes. _De Smet_, _Voy._, pp. 45-7, 198. The Shushwaps wear in wet weather capes of bark trimmed with fur, and reaching to the elbows. Moccasins are more common than on the coast, but they often ride barefoot. _Mayne's B. C._, p. 301. _Parker's Explor. Tour_, pp. 229-30; _Kane's Wand._, p. 264, and cut; _Fremont's Ogn. and Cal._, pp. 186-7; _Stevens_, in _Ind. Aff. Rept._, 1854, p. 222; _Nicolay's Ogn. Ter._, p. 153; _Franchère's Nar._, p. 268; _Dunn's Oregon_, p. 311; _Coke's Rocky Mts._, p. 304; _Hunt_, in _Nouvelles Annales des Voy._, tom. x., 1821, pp. 74-5, 78. [389] The Sokulk houses 'generally of a square or oblong form, varying in length from fifteen to sixty feet, and supported in the inside by poles or forks about six feet high.' The roof is nearly flat. The Echeloot and Chilluckittequaw houses were of the Chinook style, partially sunk in the ground. The Nez Percés live in houses built 'of straw and mats, in the form of the roof of a house.' One of these 'was one hundred and fifty-six feet long, and about fifteen wide, closed at the ends, and having a number of doors on each side.' _Lewis and Clarke's Trav._, pp. 340, 351, 369-70, 381-2, 540. Nez Percé dwellings twenty to seventy feet long and from ten to fifteen feet wide; free from vermin. Flathead houses conical but spacious, made of buffalo and moose skins over long poles. Spokane lodges oblong or conical, covered with skins or mats. _Cox's Adven._, vol. i., pp. 148, 192, 200. Nez Percé and Cayuse lodges 'composed of ten long poles, the lower ends of which are pointed and driven into the ground; the upper blunt and drawn together at the top by thongs' covered with skins. 'Universally used by the mountain Indians while travelling.' Umatillas live in 'shantys or wigwams of driftwood, covered with buffalo or deer skins.' Klicatats 'in miserable loose hovels.' _Townsend's Nar._, pp. 104-5, 156, 174. Okanagan winter lodges are long and narrow, 'chiefly of mats and poles, covered over with grass and earth;' dug one or two feet below the surface; look like the roof of a common house set on the ground. _Ross' Adven._, pp. 313-4. On the Yakima River 'a small canopy, hardly sufficient to shelter a sheep, was found to contain four generations of human beings.' _Pickering's Races_, in _U. S. Ex. Ex._, vol. ix., pp. 34, 37. On the Clearwater 'there are not more than four lodges in a place or village, and these small camps or villages are eight or ten miles apart.' 'Summer lodges are made of willows and flags, and their winter lodges of split pine.' _Gass' Jour._, pp. 212, 221, 223. 'At Kettle Falls, the lodges are of rush mats.' 'A flooring is made of sticks, raised three or four feet from the ground, leaving the space beneath it entirely open, and forming a cool, airy, and shady place, in which to hang their salmon.' _Kane's Wand._, pp. 309, 272-3. The Pend d'Oreilles roll their tent-mats into cylindrical bundles for convenience in traveling. _Stevens_, in _Ind. Aff. Rept._, 1854, pp. 215, 238, 282. _Barnhart_, in _Id._, 1862, p. 271. The Shushwap den is warm but 'necessarily unwholesome, and redolent ... of anything but roses.' _Anderson_, in _Hist. Mag._, vol. vii., p. 77. Yakimas, 'rude huts covered with mats.' _Gibbs_, in _Pac. R. R. Rept._, vol. i., p. 407. Shushwaps erect rude slants of bark or matting; have no tents or houses. _Milton and Cheadle's N. W. Pass._, p. 242. From the swamps south of Flatbow Lake, 'the Kootanie Indians obtain the klusquis or thick reed, which is the only article that serves them in the construction of their lodges,' and is traded with other tribes. _Sullivan_, in _Palliser's Explor._, p. 15. In winter the Salish cover their mats with earth. _Hale's Ethnog._, in _U. S. Ex. Ex._, vol. vi., p. 207. Flag huts of the Walla Wallas. _Farnham's Trav._, p. 85; _Mullan's Rept._, pp. 49-50; _Palmer's Jour._, p. 61; _Coke's Rocky Mts._, p. 295; _Irving's Astoria_, pp. 315, 319; _Id._, _Bonneville's Adven._, p. 301; _De Smet_, _Voy._, p. 185; _Id._, _West. Missions_, p. 284; _Lord's Nat._, vol. ii., pp. 105-6. _Hunt_, in _Nouvelles Annales des Voy._, tom. x., 1821, pp. 74-5, 79. [390] Natives begin to assemble at Kettle Falls about three weeks before the salmon begin to run; feuds are laid by; horse-racing, gambling, love-making, etc., occupy the assembly; and the medicine-men are busy working charms for a successful season. The fish are cut open, dried on poles over a small fire, and packed in bales. On the Fraser each family or village fishes for itself; near the mouth large gaff-hooks are used, higher up a net managed between two canoes. All the principal Indian fishing-stations on the Fraser are below Fort Hope. For sturgeon a spear seventy to eighty feet long is used. Cut of sturgeon-fishing. _Lord's Nat._, vol. i., pp. 71-6, 181, 184-6. The Pend d'Oreilles 'annually construct a fence which reaches across the stream, and guides the fish into a weir or rack,' on Clarke River, just above the lake. The Walla Walla 'fisheries at the Dalles and the falls, ten miles above, are the finest on the river.' The Yakima weirs constructed 'upon horizontal spars, and supported by tripods of strong poles erected at short distances apart; two of the logs fronting up stream, and one supporting them below;' some fifty or sixty yards long. The salmon of the Okanagan were 'of a small species, which had assumed a uniform red color.' 'The fishery at the Kettle Falls is one of the most important on the river, and the arrangements of the Indians in the shape of drying-scaffolds and store-houses are on a corresponding scale.' _Ind. Aff. Rept._, 1854, pp. 214, 223, 231, 233; _Gibbs_, in _Pac. R. R. Rept._, vol. i., pp. 407-8. The salmon chief at Kettle Falls distributes the fish among the people, every one, even the smallest child, getting an equal share. _Kane's Wand._, pp. 311-14. On Des Chutes River 'they spear the fish with barbed iron points, fitted loosely by sockets to the ends of poles about eight feet long,' to which they are fastened by a thong about twelve feet long. _Abbott_, in _Pac. R. R. Rept._, vol. vi., p. 90. On the upper Columbia an Indian 'cut off a bit of his leathern shirt, about the size of a small bean; then pulling out two or three hairs from his horse's tail for a line, tied the bit of leather to one end of it, in place of a hook or fly.' _Ross' Adven._, pp. 132-3. At the mouth of Flatbow River 'a dike of round stones, which runs up obliquely against the main stream, on the west side, for more than one hundred yards in length, resembling the foundation of a wall.' Similar range on the east side, supposed to be for taking fish at low water. _Ross' Fur Hunters_, vol. ii., pp. 165-6. West of the Rocky Mountains they fish 'with great success by means of a kind of large basket suspended from a long cord.' _Domenech's Deserts_, vol. ii., pp. 240-1. On Powder River they use the hook as a gaff. _Coke's Rocky Mts._, p. 283. A Wasco spears three or four salmon of twenty to thirty pounds each in ten minutes. _Remy and Brenchley's Jour._, vol. ii., p. 506. No salmon are taken above the upper falls of the Columbia. _Thornton's Ogn. and Cal._, vol. i., p. 392. Walla Walla fish-weirs 'formed of two curtains of small willow switches matted together with withes of the same plant, and extending across the river in two parallel lines, six feet asunder. These are supported by several parcels of poles, ... and are either rolled up or let down at pleasure for a few feet.... A seine of fifteen or eighteen feet in length is then dragged down the river by two persons, and the bottom drawn up against the curtain of willows.' _Lewis and Clarke's Trav._, p. 532. Make fishing-nets of flax. _Parker's Explor. Tour_, p. 90. 'The Inland, as well as the Coast, tribes, live to a great extent upon salmon.' _Mayne's B. C._, p. 242; _Nicolay's Ogn. Ter._, pp. 152-3. Palouse 'live solely by fishing.' _Mullan's Rept._, p. 49. Salmon cannot ascend to Coeur d'Alêne Lake. _Hale's Ethnog._, in _U. S. Ex. Ex._, vol. vi., pp. 209-10. Okanagan food 'consists principally of salmon and a small fish which they call carp.' _Wilkes' Nar._, in _U. S. Ex. Ex._, vol. iv., p. 462. The Walla Wallas 'may well be termed the fishermen of the Skyuse camp.' _Farnham's Trav._, p. 82. [391] The Shushwaps formerly crossed the mountains to the Assinniboine territory. The Okanagans when hunting wear wolf or bear skin caps; there is no bird or beast whose voice they cannot imitate. War and hunting were the Nez Percé occupation; cross the mountains for buffalo. _Ross' Fur Hunters_, vol. i., pp. 148, 219, 297-8, 305. The chief game of the Nez Percés is the deer, 'and whenever the ground will permit, the favourite hunt is on horseback.' _Lewis and Clarke's Trav._, p. 555. The Salish live by the chase, on elk, moose, deer, big-horn and bears; make two trips annually, spring to fall, and fall to mid-winter, across the mountains, accompanied by other nations. The Pend d'Oreilles hunt deer in the snow with clubs; have distinct localities for hunting each kind of game. Nez Percés, Flatheads, Coeurs d'Alêne, Spokanes, Pend d'Oreilles, etc., hunt together. Yakimas formerly joined the Flatheads in eastern hunt. _Ind. Aff. Rept._, 1854, pp. 207-8, 212-15, 218, 225-6. 'Two hunts annually across the mountains--one in April, for the bulls, from which they return in June and July; and another, after about a month's recruit, to kill cows, which have by that time become fat.' _Stevens, Gibbs, and Suckley_, in _Pac. R. R. Rept._, vol. i., pp. 415, 408, 296-7, vol. xii., p. 134. Kootenais live by the chase principally. _Hutchins_, in _Ind. Aff. Rept._, 1863, p. 455. Spokanes rather indolent in hunting; hunting deer by fire. _Cox's Adven._, vol. i., pp. 197, vol. ii., pp. 46-7. The Kootenais 'seldom hunt;' there is not much to shoot except wild fowl in fall. Trap beaver and carriboeuf on a tributary of the Kootanie River. _Palliser's Explor._, pp. 10, 15, 73. Flatheads 'follow the buffalo upon the headwaters of Clarke and Salmon rivers.' Nez Percé women accompany the men to the buffalo-hunt. _Parker's Explor. Tour_, pp. 107, 311. Kootenais cross the mountains for buffalo. _Mayne's B. C._, p. 297. Coeurs d'Alêne ditto. _Mullan's Rept._, p. 49. Half of the Nez Percés 'usually make a trip to the buffalo country for three months.' _Wilkes' Nar._, in _U. S. Ex. Ex._, vol. iv., p. 494. Shushwaps 'live by hunting the bighorns, mountain goats, and marmots.' _Milton and Cheadle's N. W. Pass._, p. 242. Buffalo never pass to west of the Rocky Mountains. _Lord's Nat._, vol. ii., p. 179; _Kane's Wand._, p. 328; _De Smet_, _Voy._, pp. 31, 45, 144-5; _Ind. Life_, pp. 23-4, 34-41; _Franchère's Nar._, pp. 268-9; _Hunt_, in _Nouvelles Annales des Voy._, tom. x., 1821, pp. 77-82; _Stuart_, in _Id._, tom. xii., pp. 25, 35-6; _Joset_, in _Id._, tom. cxxiii., 1849, pp. 334-40. [392] The Kliketats gather and eat _peahay_, a bitter root boiled into a jelly; _n'poolthla_, ground into flour; _mamum_ and _seekywa_, made into bitter white cakes; _kamass_; _calz_, a kind of wild sunflower. _Tolmie_, in _Lord's Nat._, vol. ii., p. 247. The Flatheads go every spring to Camass Prairie. _De Smet_, _Voy._, p. 183. The Kootenais eat kamash and an edible moss. _Id._, _Missions de l'Orégon_, pp. 75-6. 'The Cayooses, Nez Percés, and other warlike tribes assemble (in Yakima Valley) every spring to lay in a stock of the favourite kamass and pelua, or sweet potatoes.' _Ross' Fur Hunters_, vol. i., p. 19. Quamash, round, onion-shaped, and sweet, eaten by the Nez Percés. _Lewis and Clarke's Trav._, p. 330. Couse root dug in April or May; camas in June and July. _Alvord_, in _Schoolcraft's Arch._, vol. v., p. 656. The Skyuses 'main subsistence is however upon roots.' The Nez Percés eat _kamash_, _cowish_ or biscuit root, _jackap_, _aisish_, _quako_, etc. _Irving's Bonneville's Adven._, p. 301, 388. Okanagans live extensively on moss made into bread. The Nez Percés also eat moss. _Wilkes' Nar._, in _U. S. Ex. Ex._, vol. iv., pp. 462, 494. Pend d'Oreilles at the last extremity live on pine-tree moss; also collect camash, bitter-roots, and sugar pears. _Stevens_, in _Ind. Aff. Rept._, 1854, p. 211, 214-15. 'I never saw any berry in the course of my travels which the Indians scruple to eat, nor have I seen any ill effect from their doing so.' _Kane's Wand._, p. 327. The Kootenai food in September 'appears to be almost entirely berries; namely, the "sasketoom" of the Crees, a delicious fruit, and a small species of cherry, also a sweet root which they obtain to the southward.' _Blakiston_, in _Palliser's Explor._, p. 73. Flatheads dig _konah_, 'bitter root' in May. It is very nutritious and very bitter. _Pahseego_, camas, or 'water seego,' is a sweet, gummy, bulbous root. _Stuart's Montana_, pp. 57-8. Colvilles cut down pines for their moss (alectoria?). Kamas also eaten. _Pickering's Races_, in _U. S. Ex. Ex._, vol. ix., p. 34. The Shushwaps eat moss and lichens, chiefly the black lichen, or _whyelkine_. _Mayne's B. C._, p. 301; _Parker's Explor. Tour_, p. 127. The Salish in March and April eat _popkah_, an onion-like bulb; in May, _spatlam_, a root like vermicelli; in June and July, _itwha_, like roasted chestnuts; in August, wild fruits; in September, _marani_, a grain. _Domenech's Deserts_, vol. ii., p. 312. [393] At the Dalles 'during the fishing season, the Indians live entirely on the heads, hearts and offal of the salmon, which they string on sticks, and roast over a small fire.' Besides pine-moss, the Okanagans use the seed of the balsam oriza pounded into meal, called _mielito_. 'To this is added the _siffleurs_.' Berries made into cakes by the Nez Percés. _Wilkes' Nar._, in _U. S. Ex. Ex._, vol. iv., pp. 410, 462, 494. Quamash, 'eaten either in its natural state, or boiled into a kind of soup, or made into a cake, which is then called pasheco.' _Lewis and Clarke's Trav._, pp. 330, 353, 365, 369. Women's head-dress serves the Flatheads for cooking, etc. _De Smet_, _Voy._, pp. 47, 193-9; _Id._, _Missions de l'Orégon_, pp. 75-6. 'The dog's tongue is the only dish-cloth known' to the Okanagans. Pine-moss cooked, or _squill-ape_, will keep for years. 'At their meals they generally eat separately and in succession--man, woman and child.' _Ross' Adven._, pp. 132-3, 295, 317-18. 'Most of their food is roasted, and they excel in roasting fish.' _Parker's Explor. Tour_, pp. 231, 107. 'Pine moss, which they boil till it is reduced to a sort of glue or black paste, of a sufficient consistence to take the form of biscuit.' _Franchère's Nar._, p. 279. Couse tastes like parsnips, is dried and pulverized, and sometimes boiled with meat. _Alvord_, in _Schoolcraft's Arch._, vol. v., p. 656. Root bread on the Clearwater tastes like that made of pumpkins. _Gass' Jour._, pp. 202-3. Kamas after coming from the kiln is 'made into large cakes, by being mashed, and pressed together, and slightly baked in the sun.' White-root, pulverized with stones, moistened and sun-baked, tastes not unlike stale biscuits. _Townsend's Nar._, pp. 126-7. Camas and sun-flower seed mixed with salmon-heads caused in the eater great distension of the stomach. _Remy and Brenchley's Jour._, vol. ii., pp. 509-11. _Sowete_, is the name of the mixture last named, among the Cayuses. _Coke's Rocky Mts._, p. 310; _Ind. Life_, p. 41; _Stuart's Montana_, pp. 57-8; _Pickering's Races_, in _U. S. Ex. Ex._, vol. ix., p. 34; _Kane's Wand._, pp. 272-3; _Ind. Aff. Rept._, 1854, pp. 214-15. [394] Additional notes and references on procuring food. The Okanagans break up winter quarters in February; wander about in small bands till June. Assemble on the river and divide into two parties of men and two of women for fishing and dressing fish, hunting and digging roots, until October; hunt in small parties in the mountains or the interior for four or six weeks; and then go into winter quarters on the small rivers. _Ross' Adven._, pp. 314-16. Further south on the Columbia plains the natives collect and dry roots until May; fish on the north bank of the river till September, burying the fish; dig camas on the plains till snow falls; and retire to the foot of the mountains to hunt deer and elk through the winter. The Nez Percés catch salmon and dig roots in summer; hunt deer on snow-shoes in winter; and cross the mountains for buffalo in spring. Sokulks live on fish, roots, and antelope. Eneeshur, Echeloots, and Chilluckittequaw, on fish, berries, roots and nuts. _Lewis and Clarke's Trav._, pp. 444-5, 340-1, 352, 365, 370. Spokanes live on deer, wild fowl, salmon, trout, carp, pine-moss, roots and wild fruit. They have no repugnance to horse-flesh, but never kill horses for food. The Sinapoils live on salmon, camas, and an occasional small deer. The Chaudiere country well stocked with game, fish and fruit. _Cox's Adven._, vol. i., p. 201, vol. ii., p. 145. The Kayuse live on fish, game, and camass bread. _De Smet_, _Voy._, pp. 30-1. 'Ils cultivent avec succès le blé, les patates, les pois et plusieurs autres légumes et fruits.' _Id._, _Miss. de l'Orégon._, p. 67. Pend d'Oreilles; fish, Kamash, and pine-tree moss. _Id._, _West. Missions_, p. 284. 'Whole time was occupied in providing for their bellies, which were rarely full.' _Ind. Aff. Rept._, 1854, p. 211. Yakimas and Kliketats; Unis or fresh-water muscles, little game, sage-fowl and grouse, kamas, berries, salmon. The Okanagans raise some potatoes. _Gibbs_, in _Pac. R. R. Rept._, vol. i., pp. 404, 408, 413. Kootenais; fish and wild fowl, berries and pounded meat, have cows and oxen. _Palliser's Explor._, pp. 10, 72. Palouse; fish, birds, and small animals. Umatillas; fish, sage-cocks, prairie-hares. _Lord's Nat._, vol. ii., pp. 97, 105-6. Tushepaws would not permit horses or dogs to be eaten. _Irving's Astoria_, p. 316. Nez Percés; beaver, elk, deer, white bear, and mountain sheep, also steamed roots. _Id._, _Bonneville's Adven._, p. 301. Sahaptin; gather cherries and berries on Clarke River. _Gass' Jour._, p. 193; _Nicolay's Ogn. Ter._, p. 151; _Hines' Voy._, p. 167; _Brownell's Ind. Races_, pp. 533-5; _Stanley's Portraits_, pp. 63-71; _Catlin's N. Am. Ind._, vol. ii., p. 108; _Kane's Wand._, pp. 263-4; _Parker's Explor. Tour_, pp. 228-31, 309; _Wilkes' Nar._, in _U. S. Ex. Ex._, vol. iv., p. 474; _Hale's Ethnog._, _Ib._, vol. vi., p. 206. [395] _Lewis and Clarke's Trav._, pp. 383, 548; _Parker's Explor. Tour_, pp. 230, 312; _Townsend's Nar._, p. 148; _De Smet_, _Voy._, pp. 46-7, 198; _Cox's Adven._, vol. i., pp. 197-9, 358, vol. ii., pp. 155, 373, 375; _Coke's Rocky Mts._, p. 295; _Palmer's Jour._, pp. 54, 58, 59. [396] The Okanagan weapon is called a _Spampt_. _Ross' Adven._, pp. 318-19; _Id._, _Fur Hunters_, vol. i., pp. 306-8. 'Ils ... faire leurs arcs d'un bois très-élastique, ou de la corne du cerf.' _De Smet_, _Voy._, p. 48; _Wilkes' Nar._, in _U. S. Ex. Ex._, vol. iv., p. 488; _Stevens_, in _Pac. R. R. Rept._, vol. i., p. 405; _Townsend's Nar._, p. 98; _Irving's Astoria_, p. 317; _Lewis and Clarke's Trav._, p. 351; _Parker's Explor. Tour_, pp. 106-7, 233; _Cox's Adven._, vol. i., p. 216. [397] Torture of Blackfeet prisoners; burning with a red-hot gun-barrel, pulling out the nails, taking off fingers, scooping out the eyes, scalping, revolting cruelties to female captives. The disputed right of the Flatheads to hunt buffalo at the eastern foot of the mountains is the cause of the long-continued hostility. The wisest and bravest is annually elected war chief. The war chief carries a long whip and secures discipline by flagellation. Except a few feathers and pieces of red cloth, both the Flathead and Kootenai enter battle perfectly naked. _Cox's Adven._, vol. i., pp. 232-45, vol. ii., p. 160. The Cayuse and Sahaptin are the most warlike of all the southern tribes. The Nez Percés good warriors, but do not follow war as a profession. _Ross' Fur Hunters_, vol. i., pp. 185-6, 305, 308-12, vol. ii., pp. 93-6, 139. Among the Okanagans 'the hot bath, council, and ceremony of smoking the great pipe before war, is always religiously observed. Their laws, however, admit of no compulsion, nor is the chief's authority implicitly obeyed on these occasions; consequently, every one judges for himself, and either goes or stays as he thinks proper. With a view, however, to obviate this defect in their system, they have instituted the dance, which answers every purpose of a recruiting service.' 'Every man, therefore, who enters within this ring and joins in the dance ... is in honour bound to assist in carrying on the war.' _Id._, _Adven._, pp. 319-20. Mock battles and military display for the entertainment of white visitors. _Hines' Voy._, pp. 173-4. The Chilluckittequaws cut off the forefingers of a slain enemy as trophies. _Lewis and Clarke's Trav._, pp. 375-6. When scouting, 'Flathead chief would ride at full gallop so near the foe as to flap in their faces the eagle's tail streaming behind (from his cap), yet no one dared seize the tail or streamer, it being considered sacrilegious and fraught with misfortune to touch it.' _Tolmie_, in _Lord's Nat._, vol. ii., p. 238. A thousand Walla Wallas came to the Sacramento River in 1846, to avenge the death of a young chief killed by an American about a year before. _Colton's Three Years in Cal._, p. 52. One Flathead is said to be equal to four Blackfeet in battle. _De Smet_, _Voy._, pp. 31, 49; _Dunn's Oregon_, pp. 312-13; _Gray's Hist. Ogn._, pp. 171-4; _Parker's Explor. Tour_, pp. 233-7; _Stanley's Portraits_, pp. 65-71; _Ind. Life_, pp. 23-5; _Wilkes' Nar._, in _U. S. Ex. Ex._, vol. iv., p. 495. [398] White marl clay used to cleanse skin robes, by making it into a paste, rubbing it on the hide and leaving it to dry, after which it is rubbed off. Saddles usually sit uneasily on the horse's back. _Parker's Explor. Tour_, pp. 106, 232-4. 'Mallet of stone curiously carved' among the Sokulks. Near the Cascades was seen a ladder resembling those used by the whites. The Pishquitpaws used 'a saddle or pad of dressed skin, stuffed with goats' hair.' _Lewis and Clarke's Trav._, pp. 353, 370, 375, 528. On the Fraser a rough kind of isinglass was at one time prepared and traded to the Hudson Bay Company. _Lord's Nat._, vol. i., p. 177. 'The Sahaptins still make a kind of vase of lava, somewhat in the shape of a crucible, but very wide; they use it as a mortar for pounding the grain, of which they make cakes.' _Domenech's Deserts_, vol. ii., pp. 64, 243. (Undoubtedly an error.) Pend d'Oreilles; 'les femmes ... font des nattes de joncs, des paniers, et des chapeaux sans bords.' _De Smet_, _Voy._, p. 199. 'Nearly all (the Shushwaps) use the Spanish wooden saddle, which they make with much skill.' _Mayne's B. C._, pp. 301-2. 'The saddles for women differ in form, being furnished with the antlers of a deer, so as to resemble the high pommelled saddle of the Mexican ladies.' _Franchère's Nar._, pp. 269-70; _Palmer's Jour._, p. 129; _Irving's Astoria_, p. 317, 365; _Cox's Adven._, vol. i., pp. 148-9. [399] 'The white-pine bark is a very good substitute for birch, but has the disadvantage of being more brittle in cold weather.' _Suckley_, in _Pac. R. R. Rept._, vol. i., p. 296. Yakima boats are 'simply logs hollowed out and sloped up at the ends, without form or finish.' _Gibbs_, in _Id._, p. 408. The Flatheads 'have no canoes, but in ferrying streams use their lodge skins, which are drawn up into an oval form by cords, and stretched on a few twigs. These they tow with horses, riding sometimes three abreast.' _Stevens_, in _Id._, p. 415. In the Kootenai canoe 'the upper part is covered, except a space in the middle.' The length is twenty-two feet, the bottom being a dead level from end to end. _Ross' Fur Hunters_, vol. ii., pp. 169-70. 'The length of the bottom of the one I measured was twelve feet, the width between the gunwales only seven and one half feet.' 'When an Indian paddles it, he sits at the extreme end, and thus sinks the conical point, which serves to steady the canoe like a fish's tail.' _Lord's Nat._, vol. ii., pp. 178-9, 255-7. On the Arrow Lakes 'their form is also peculiar and very beautiful. These canoes run the rapids with more safety than those of any other shape.' _Kane's Wand._, p. 328. See _De Smet_, _Voy._, pp. 35, 187; _Irving's Astoria_, p. 319; _Lewis and Clarke's Trav._, p. 375; _Hector_, in _Palliser's Explor._, p. 27; _Stevens_, in _Ind. Aff. Rept._, 1854, pp. 208, 214, 223, 238. [400] 'The tradition is that horses were obtained from the southward,' not many generations back. _Tolmie_, in _Lord's Nat._, vol. ii., pp. 247, 177-8. Individuals of the Walla Wallas have over one thousand horses. _Warre and Vavasour_, in _Martin's Hud. Bay_, p. 83. Kootenais rich in horses and cattle. _Palliser's Explor._, pp. 44, 73. Kliketat and Yakima horses sometimes fine, but injured by early usage; deteriorated from a good stock; vicious and lazy. _Gibbs_, in _Pac. R. R. Rept._, vol. i., p. 405. 'La richesse principale des sauvages de l'ouest consiste en chevaux.' _De Smet_, _Voy._, pp. 47, 56. At an assemblage of Walla Wallas, Shahaptains and Kyoots, 'the plains were literally covered with horses, of which there could not have been less than four thousand in sight of the camp.' _Ross' Adven._, p. 127. The Kootanies about Arrow Lake, or Sinatcheggs have no horses, as the country is not suitable for them. _Id._, _Fur Hunters_, vol. ii., pp. 171-2. Of the Spokanes the 'chief riches are their horses, which they generally obtain in barter from the Nez Percés.' _Cox's Adven._, vol. i., p. 200. A Skyuse is poor who has but fifteen or twenty horses. The horses are a fine race, 'as large and of better form and more activity than most of the horses of the States.' _Farnham's Trav._, p. 82. The Flatheads 'are the most northern of the equestrian tribes.' _Nicolay's Ogn. Ter._, p. 153. Many Nez Percés 'have from five to fifteen hundred head of horses.' _Palmer's Jour._, pp. 128-9. Indians of the Spokane and Flathead tribes 'own from one thousand to four thousand head of horses and cattle.' _Stevens' Address_, p. 12. The Nez Percé horses 'are principally of the pony breed; but remarkably stout and long-winded.' _Irving's Bonneville's Adven._, p. 301; _Hastings' Em. Guide_, p. 59; _Hines' Voy._, p. 344; _Gass' Jour._, p. 295; _Parker's Explor. Tour_, p. 230. [401] The Chilluckittequaw intercourse seems to be an intermediate trade with the nations near the mouth of the Columbia. The Chopunnish trade for, as well as hunt, buffalo-robes east of the mountains. Course of trade in the Sahaptin county: The plain Indians during their stay on the river from May to September, before they begin fishing, go down to the falls with skins, mats, silk-grass, rushes and chapelell bread. Here they meet the mountain tribes from the Kooskooskie (Clearwater) and Lewis rivers, who bring bear-grass, horses, quamash and a few skins obtained by hunting or by barter from the Tushepaws. At the falls are the Chilluckittequaws, Eneeshurs, Echeloots and Skilloots, the latter being intermediate traders between the upper and lower tribes. These tribes have pounded fish for sale; and the Chinooks bring wappato, sea-fish, berries, and trinkets obtained from the whites. Then the trade begins; the Chopunnish and mountain tribes buy wappato, pounded fish and beads; and the plain Indians buy wappato, horses, beads, etc. _Lewis and Clarke's Trav._, pp. 341, 382, 444-5. Horse-fairs in which the natives display the qualities of their steeds with a view to sell. _Lord's Nat._, vol. ii., pp. 86-7. The Oakinacks make trips to the Pacific to trade wild hemp for hiaqua shells and trinkets. _Ross' Adven._, pp. 291, 323. Trade conducted in silence between a Flathead and Crow. _De Smet_, _Voy._, p. 56. Kliketats and Yakimas 'have become to the neighboring tribes what the Yankees were to the once Western States, the traveling retailers of notions.' _Gibbs_, in _Pac. R. R. Rept._, vol. i., pp. 403, 406. Cayuses, Walla Wallas, and Nez Percés meet in Grande Ronde Valley to trade with the Snakes. _Thornton's Ogn. and Cal._, vol. i., p. 270; _Hale's Ethnog._, in _U. S. Ex. Ex._, vol. vi., p. 208; _Cox's Adven._, vol. ii., pp. 88-9, 156; _Palmer's Jour._, pp. 46, 54; _Dunniway's Capt. Gray's Comp._, p. 160; _Coke's Rocky Mts._, p. 294; _Mayne's B. C._, p. 299; _Gass' Jour._, p. 205. [402] In calculating time the Okanagans use their fingers, each finger standing for ten; some will reckon to a thousand with tolerable accuracy, but most can scarcely count to twenty. _Ross' Adven._, p. 324. The Flatheads 'font néanmoins avec précision, sur des écorces d'arbres ou sur des peaux le plan, des pays qu'ils ont parcourus, marquant les distances par journées, demi-journées ou quarts de journées.' _De Smet_, _Voy._, p. 205. Count years by snows, months by moons, and days by sleeps. Have names for each number up to ten; then add ten to each; and then add a word to multiply by ten. _Parker's Explor. Tour_, p. 242. Names of the months in the Pisquouse and Salish languages beginning with January;--'cold, a certain herb, snow-gone, bitter-root, going to root-ground, camass-root, hot, gathering berries, exhausted salmon, dry, house-building, snow.' _Hale's Ethnog._, in _U. S. Ex. Ex._, vol. vi., p. 211. 'Menses computant lunis, ex spkani, _sol_ vel _luna_ et dies per ferias. Hebdomadam unicam per splcháskat, _septem dies_, plures vero hebdomadas per s'chaxèus, id est, _vexillum_ quod a duce maximo qualibet die dominica suspendebatur. Dies antem in novem dividitur partes.' _Mengarini_, _Grammatica Linguae Selicae_, p. 120; _Sproat's Scenes_, p. 270; _Lewis and Clarke's Trav._, p. 374. [403] The twelve Oakinack tribes 'form, as it were, so many states belonging to the same union, and are governed by petty chiefs.' The chieftainship descends from father to son; and though merely nominal in authority, the chief is rarely disobeyed. Property pays for all crimes. _Ross' Adven._, pp. 289-94, 322-3, 327. The Chualpays are governed by the 'chief of the earth' and 'chief of the waters,' the latter having exclusive authority in the fishing-season. _Kane's Wand._, pp. 309-13. The Nez Percés offered a Flathead the position of head chief, through admiration of his qualities. _De Smet_, _Voy._, pp. 50, 171. Among the Kalispels the chief appoints his successor, or if he fails to do so, one is elected. _De Smet_, _Western Miss._, p. 297. The Flathead war chief carries a long whip, decorated with scalps and feathers to enforce strict discipline. The principal chief is hereditary. _Cox's Adven._, vol. i., pp. 241-2, vol. ii., p. 88. The 'camp chief' of the Flatheads as well as the war chief was chosen for his merits. _Ind. Life_, pp. 28-9. Among the Nez Percés and Wascos 'the form of government is patriarchal. They acknowledge the hereditary principle--blood generally decides who shall be the chief.' _Alvord_, in _Schoolcraft's Arch._, vol. v., pp. 652-4. No regularly recognized chief among the Spokanes, but an intelligent and rich man often controls the tribe by his influence. _Wilkes' Nar._, in _U. S. Ex. Ex._, vol. iv., pp. 475-6. 'The Salish can hardly be said to have any regular form of government.' _Hale's Ethnog._, in _U. S. Ex. Ex._, vol. vi., pp. 207-8. Every winter the Cayuses go down to the Dalles to hold a council over the Chinooks 'to ascertain their misdemeanors and punish them therefor by whipping'! _Farnham's Trav._, p. 81-2. Among the Salish 'criminals are sometimes punished by banishment from their tribe.' 'Fraternal union and the obedience to the chiefs are truly admirable.' _Domenech's Deserts_, vol. ii., pp. 343-4; _Hines' Voy._, p. 157; _Stanley's Portraits_, p. 63; _Dunn's Oregon_, pp. 311-12; _White's Oregon_, p. 189; _Pickering's Races_, in _U. S. Ex. Ex._, vol. ix., p. 108; _Joset_, in _Nouvelles Annales des Voy._, tom. cxxiii., 1849, pp. 334-40. [404] 'Slavery is common with all the tribes.' _Warre and Vavasour_, in _Martin's Hud. B._, p. 83. Sahaptins always make slaves of prisoners of war. The Cayuses have many. _Alvord_, in _Schoolcraft's Arch._, vol. v., p. 654; _Palmer's Jour._, p. 56. Among the Okanagans 'there are but few slaves ... and these few are adopted as children, and treated in all respects as members of the family.' _Ross' Adven._, p. 320. The inland tribes formerly practiced slavery, but long since abolished it. _Parker's Explor. Tour_, p. 247. 'Not practised in the interior.' _Mayne's B. C._, p. 243. Not practiced by the Shushwaps. _Anderson_, in _Hist. Mag._, vol. vii., p. 78. [405] Each Okanagan 'family is ruled by the joint will or authority of the husband and wife, but more particularly by the latter.' Wives live at different camps among their relatives; one or two being constantly with the husband. Brawls constantly occur when several wives meet. The women are chaste, and attached to husband and children. At the age of fourteen or fifteen the young man pays his addresses in person to the object of his love, aged eleven or twelve. After the old folks are in bed, he goes to her wigwam, builds a fire, and if welcome the mother permits the girl to come and sit with him for a short time. These visits are several times repeated, and he finally goes in the day-time with friends and his purchase money. _Ross' Adven._, pp. 295-302. The Spokane husband joins his wife's tribe; women are held in great respect; and much affection is shown for children. Among the Nez Percés both men and women have the power of dissolving the marriage tie at pleasure. _Wilkes' Nar._, in _U. S. Ex. Ex._, vol. iv., pp. 410, 475-6, 486, 495. The Coeurs d'Alêne 'have abandoned polygamy.' _Stevens_, in _Pac. R. R. Rept._, vol. i., pp. 149, 309; _Gibbs_, in _Pac. R. R. Rept._, vol. i., p. 406. Pend d'Oreille women less enslaved than in the mountains, but yet have much heavy work, paddle canoes, etc. Generally no marriage among savages. _De Smet_, _Voy._, pp. 198-9, 210. The Nez Percés generally confine themselves to two wives, and rarely marry cousins. No wedding ceremony. _Alvord_, in _Schoolcraft's Arch._, vol. v., p. 655. Polygamy not general on the Fraser; and unknown to Kootenais. _Cox's Adven._, vol. ii., pp. 155, 379, vol. i., pp. 256-9. Nez Percés have abandoned polygamy. _Palmer's Jour._, pp. 129, 56. Flathead women do everything but hunt and fight. _Ind. Life_, p. 41. Flathead women 'by no means treated as slaves, but, on the contrary, have much consideration and authority.' _Hale's Ethnog._, in _U. S. Ex. Ex._, vol. vi., p. 207. 'Rarely marry out of their own nation,' and do not like their women to marry whites. _Dunn's Oregon_, pp. 313-14. The Sokulk men 'are said to content themselves with a single wife, with whom ... the husband shares the labours of procuring subsistence much more than is usual among savages.' _Lewis and Clarke's Trav._, p. 351; _Dunniway's Capt. Gray's Comp._, p. 161; _Gray's Hist. Ogn._, p. 171; _Tolmie and Anderson_, in _Lord's Nat._, vol. ii., pp. 231-5; _Ind. Aff. Rept._, 1854, p. 208; _De Smet's West. Miss._, p. 289. [406] The wife of a young Kootenai left him for another, whereupon he shot himself. _Ross' Fur Hunters_, vol. ii., p. 169. Among the Flatheads 'conjugal infidelity is scarcely known.' _Dunn's Oregon_, p. 311. The Sahaptins 'do not exhibit those loose feelings of carnal desire, nor appear addicted to the common customs of prostitution.' _Gass' Jour._, p. 275. Inland tribes have a reputation for chastity, probably due to circumstances rather than to fixed principles. _Mayne's B. C._, p. 300. Spokanes 'free from the vice of incontinence'. Among the Walla Wallas prostitution is unknown, 'and I believe no inducement would tempt them to commit a breach of chastity.' Prostitution common on the Fraser. _Cox's Adven._, vol. i., pp. 145, 199-200. Nez Percé women remarkable for their chastity. _Alvord_, in _Schoolcraft's Arch._, vol. v., p. 655. [407] In the Salish family on the birth of a child wealthy relatives make presents of food and clothing. The Nez Percé mother gives presents but receives none on such an occasion. The Flatheads and Pend d'Oreilles bandage the waist and legs of infants with a view to producing broad-shouldered, small-waisted and straight-limbed adults. _Tolmie and Anderson_, in _Lord's Nat._, vol. ii., pp. 231-2. Among the Walla Wallas 'when traveling a hoop, bent over the head of the child, protects it from injury.' The confinement after child-birth continues forty days. At the first menstruation the Spokane woman must conceal herself two days in the forest; for a man to see her would be fatal; she must then be confined for twenty days longer in a separate lodge. _Wilkes' Nar._, in _U. S. Ex. Ex._, vol. iv., pp. 426-8, 485. The Okanagan mother is not allowed to prepare her unborn infant's swaddling clothes, which consist of a piece of board, a bit of skin, a bunch of moss, and a string. _Ross' Adven._, pp. 324-30. 'Small children, not more than three years old, are mounted alone and generally upon colts.' Younger ones are carried on the mother's back 'or suspended from a high knob upon the forepart of their saddles.' _Parker's Explor. Tour_, p. 98. Houses among the Chopunnish 'appropriated for women who are undergoing the operation of the menses.' 'When anything is to be conveyed to these deserted females, the person throws it to them forty or fifty paces off, and then retires.' _Lewis and Clarke's Trav._, p. 539; _Townsend's Nar._, p. 78; _Alvord_, in _Schoolcraft's Arch._, vol. v., p. 655. [408] With the Pend d'Oreilles 'it was not uncommon for them to bury the very old and the very young alive, because, they said, "these cannot take care of themselves, and we cannot take care of them, and they had better die."' _Stevens_, in _Ind. Aff. Rept._, 1854, p. 211; _Suckley_, in _Pac. R. R. Rept._, vol. i., p. 297; _Domenech's Deserts_, vol. ii., p. 328; _White's Ogn._, p. 96; _Cox's Adven._, vol. i., pp. 148-9. [409] In the Yakima Valley 'we visited every street, alley, hole and corner of the camp.... Here was gambling, there scalp-dancing; laughter in one place, mourning in another. Crowds were passing to and fro, whooping, yelling, dancing, drumming, singing. Men, women, and children were huddled together; flags flying, horses neighing, dogs howling, chained bears, tied wolves, grunting and growling, all pell-mell among the tents.' _Ross' Fur Hunters_, vol. i., p. 28. At Kettle Falls 'whilst awaiting the coming salmon, the scene is one great revel: horse-racing, gambling, love-making, dancing, and diversions of all sorts, occupy the singular assembly; for at these annual gatherings ... feuds and dislikes are for the time laid by.' _Lord's Nat._, vol. i., pp. 72-3. [410] The principal amusement of the Okanagans is gambling, 'at which they are not so quarrelsome as the Spokans and other tribes,' disputes being settled by arbitration. _Cox's Adven._, vol. ii., p. 88. A young man at Kettle Falls committed suicide, having lost everything at gambling. _Kane's Wand._, pp. 309-10. 'Les Indiens de la Colombie ont porté les jeux de hasard au dernier excès. Après avoir perdu tout ce qu'ils ont, ils se mettent eux-mêmes sur le tapis, d'abord une main, ensuite l'autre; s'ils les perdent, les bras, et ainsi de suite tous les membres du corps; la tête suit, et s'ils la perdent, ils deviennent esclaves pour la vie avec leurs femmes et leurs enfants.' _De Smet_, _Voy._, pp. 49-50. Many Kooteneais have abandoned gambling. _De Smet_, _West. Miss._, p. 300. 'Whatever the poor Indian can call his own, is ruthlessly sacrificed to this Moloch of human weakness.' _Ind. Life_, p. 42; _Irving's Bonneville's Adven._, p. 102-3. [411] Spokanes; 'one of their great amusements is horse-racing.' _Wilkes' Nar._, in _U. S. Ex. Ex._, vol. iv., p. 487. Kliketats and Yakimas; 'the racing season is the grand annual occasion of these tribes. A horse of proved reputation is a source of wealth or ruin to his owner. On his speed he stakes his whole stud, his household goods, clothes, and finally his wives; and a single heat doubles his fortune, or sends him forth an impoverished adventurer. The interest, however is not confined to the individual directly concerned; the tribe share it with him, and a common pile of goods, of motley description, apportioned according to their ideas of value, is put up by either party, to be divided among the backers of the winner.' _Stevens_, in _Pac. R. R. Rept._, vol. i., pp. 404, 412. 'Running horses and foot-races by men, women and children, and they have games of chance played with sticks or bones;' do not drink to excess. _Parker's Explor. Tour_, pp. 237, 406. _Lewis and Clarke's Trav._, pp. 557; _Franchère's Nar._, p. 269. [412] _Kane's Wand._, pp. 310-11. [413] The principal Okanagan amusement is a game called by the voyageurs 'jeu de main,' like our odd and even. _Wilkes' Nar._, in _U. S. Ex. Ex._, p. 463. It sometimes takes a week to decide the game. The loser never repines. _Ross' Adven._, pp. 308-11; _Stuart's Montana_, p. 71. [414] Among the Wahowpums 'the spectators formed a circle round the dancers, who, with their robes drawn tightly round the shoulders, and divided into parties of five or six men, perform by crossing in a line from one side of the circle to the other. All the parties, performers as well as spectators, sing, and after proceeding in this way for some time, the spectators join, and the whole concludes by a promiscuous dance and song.' The Walla Wallas 'were formed into a solid column, round a kind of hollow square, stood on the same place, and merely jumped up at intervals, to keep time to the music.' _Lewis and Clarke's Trav._, pp. 526, 531. Nez Percés dance round a pole on Sundays, and the chiefs exhort during the pauses. _Irving's Bonneville's Adven._, pp. 101-2, 245. In singing 'they use _hi_, _ah_, in constant repetition, ... and instead of several parts harmonizing, they only take eighths one above another, never exceeding three.' _Parker's Explor. Tour_, pp. 242-3. 'The song was a simple expression of a few sounds, no intelligible words being uttered. It resembled the words _ho-ha-ho-ha-ho-ha-ha-ha_, commencing in a low tone, and gradually swelling to a full, round, and beautifully modulated chorus.' _Townsend's Nar._, p. 106. Chualpay scalp-dance. _Kane's Wand._, p. 315. Religious songs. _Dunn's Oregon_, pp. 338-40; _Palmer's Jour._, p. 124. [415] De Smet thinks inhaling tobacco smoke may prevent its injurious effects. _Voy._, p. 207. In all religious ceremonies the pipe of peace is smoked. _Ross' Adven._, pp. 288-9. _Parker's Explor. Tour_, p. 286; _Hines' Voy._, p. 184. 'The medicine-pipe is a sacred pledge of friendship among all the north-western tribes.' _Stevens_, in _Ind. Aff. Rept._, 1854, p. 220. [416] In moving, the girls and small boys ride three or four on a horse with their mothers, while the men drive the herds of horses that run loose ahead. _Lord's Nat._, vol. i., pp. 71-3, 306. Horses left for months without a guard, and rarely stray far. They call this 'caging' them. _De Smet_, _Voy._, pp. 187, 47, 56. 'Babies of fifteen months old, packed in a sitting posture, rode along without fear, grasping the reins with their tiny hands.' _Stevens_, in _Pac. R. R. Rept._, vol. xii., pt. ii., p. 130, with plate; _Gibbs_, in _Pac. R. R. Rept._, vol. i., pp. 404-5; _Palliser's Rept._, p. 73; _Farnham's Trav._, pp. 81-; _Domenech's Deserts_, vol. ii., p. 64; _Irving's Astoria_, p. 365; _Franchère's Nar._, pp. 269-71; _Cox's Adven._, vol. ii., pp. 110-11. [417] 'L'aigle ... est le grand oiseau de médecine.' _De Smet_, _Voy._, pp. 46, 205; _Wilkes' Nar._, in _U. S. Ex. Ex._, vol. iv., pp. 494-5; _Stevens_, in _Ind. Aff. Rept._, 1854, p. 212, and in _De Smet's West. Miss._, pp. 285-6; _Suckley_, in _Pac. R. R. Rept._, vol. i., p. 297; _Hale's Ethnog._, in _U. S. Ex. Ex._, vol. vi., p. 208-9; _Ross' Fur Hunters_, vol. i., p. 64, vol. ii., p. 19; _Kane's Wand._, pp. 267, 280-1, 318. [418] _Lewis and Clarke's Trav._, pp. 343-4; _Parker's Explor. Tour_, pp. 241-2; _Ross' Adven._, pp. 311-12. [419] The Walla Wallas receive bad news with a howl. The Spokanes 'cache' their salmon. They are willing to change names with any one they esteem. 'Suicide prevails more among the Indians of the Columbia River than in any other portion of the continent which I have visited.' _Kane's Wand._, pp. 282-3, 307-10. 'Preserve particular order in their movements. The first chief leads the way, the next chiefs follow, then the common men, and after these the women and children.' They arrange themselves in similar order in coming forward to receive visitors. Do not usually know their own age. _Parker's Explor. Tour_, pp. 87, 133-4, 242. Distance is calculated by time; a day's ride is seventy miles on horseback, thirty-five miles on foot. _Ross' Adven._, p. 329. Natives can tell by examining arrows to what tribe they belong. _Ross' Fur Hunters_, vol. ii., p. 167. Kliketats and Yakimas often unwilling to tell their name. _Gibbs_, in _Pac. R. R. Rept._, vol. i., p. 405. 'D'après toutes les observations que j'ai faites, leur journée équivaut à peu près à cinquante ou soixante milles anglais lorsqu'ils voyagent seuls, et à quinze ou vingt milles seulement lorsqu'ils lèvent leur camps.' _De Smet_, _Voy._, p. 205. Among the Nez Percés everything was promulgated by criers. 'The office of crier is generally filled by some old man, who is good for little else. A village has generally several.' _Irving's Bonneville's Adven._, p. 286. Habits of worship of the Flatheads in the missions. _Dunn's Oregon_, pp. 315-6. 'A pack of prick-eared curs, simply tamed prairie wolves, always in attendance.' _Lord's Nat._, vol. i., pp. 71-3. [420] The Nez Percés 'are generally healthy, the only disorders which we have had occasion to remark being of scrophulous kind.' With the Sokulks 'a bad soreness of the eyes is a very common disorder.' 'Bad teeth are very general.' The Chilluckittequaws' diseases are sore eyes, decayed teeth, and tumors. The Walla Wallas have ulcers and eruptions of the skin, and occasionally rheumatism. The Chopunnish had 'scrofula, rheumatism, and sore eyes,' and a few have entirely lost the use of their limbs. _Lewis and Clarke's Trav._, pp. 341, 352, 382, 531, 549. The medicine-man uses a medicine-bag of relics in his incantations. _Parker's Explor. Tour_, pp. 240-1. The Okanagan medicine-men are called _tlaquillaughs_, and 'are men generally past the meridian of life; in their habits grave and sedate.' 'They possess a good knowledge of herbs and roots, and their virtues.' I have often 'seen him throw out whole mouthfuls of blood, and yet not the least mark would appear on the skin.' 'I once saw an Indian who had been nearly devoured by a grizzly bear, and had his skull split open in several places, and several pieces of bone taken out just above the brain, and measuring three-fourths of an inch in length, cured so effectually by one of these jugglers, that in less than two months after he was riding on his horse again at the chase. I have also seen them cut open the belly with a knife, extract a large quantity of fat from the inside, sew up the part again, and the patient soon after perfectly recovered.' The most frequent diseases are 'indigestion, fluxes, asthmas, and consumptions.' Instances of longevity rare. _Ross' Adven._, pp. 302-8. A desperate case of consumption cured by killing a dog each day for thirty-two days, ripping it open and placing the patient's legs in the warm intestines, administering some barks meanwhile. The Flatheads subject to few diseases; splints used for fractures, bleeding with sharp flints for contusions, ice-cold baths for ordinary rheumatism, and vapor bath with cold plunge for chronic rheumatism. _Cox's Adven._, vol. ii., pp. 90-3, vol. i., pp. 248-51. Among the Walla Wallas convalescents are directed to sing some hours each day. The Spokanes require all garments, etc., about the death-bed to be buried with the body, hence few comforts for the sick. _Wilkes' Nar._, in _U. S. Ex. Ex._, vol. iv., pp. 426-7, 485. The Flatheads say their wounds cure themselves. _De Smet_, _Voy._, pp. 198-200. The Wascos cure rattlesnake bites by salt applied to the wound or by whisky taken internally. _Kane's Wand._, pp. 265, 273, 317-18. A female doctor's throat cut by the father of a patient she had failed to cure. _Hines' Voy._, p. 190. The office of medicine-men among the Sahaptins is generally hereditary. Men often die from fear of a medicine-man's evil glance. Rival doctors work on the fears of patients to get each other killed. Murders of doctors somewhat rare among the Nez Percés. _Alvord_, in _Schoolcraft's Arch._, vol. v., pp. 652-3, 655. Small-pox seems to have come among the Yakimas and Kliketats before direct intercourse with whites. _Gibbs_, in _Pac. R. R. Rept._, vol. i., pp. 405, 408. A Nez Percé doctor killed by a brother of a man who had shot himself in mourning for his dead relative; the brother in turn killed, and several other lives lost. _Ross' Fur Hunters_, vol. i., p. 239. [421] The Sokulks wrap the dead in skins, bury them in graves, cover with earth, and mark the grave by little pickets of wood struck over and about it. On the Columbia below the Snake was a shed-tomb sixty by twelve feet, open at the ends, standing east and west. Recently dead bodies wrapped in leather and arranged on boards at the west end. About the centre a promiscuous heap of partially decayed corpses; and at eastern end a mat with twenty-one skulls arranged in a circle. Articles of property suspended on the inside and skeletons of horses scattered outside. About the Dalles eight vaults of boards eight feet square, and six feet high, and all the walls decorated with pictures and carvings. The bodies were laid east and west. _Lewis and Clarke's Trav._, pp. 344-5, 359-60, 379-80, 557-8. Okanagans observe silence about the death-bed, but the moment the person dies the house is abandoned, and clamorous mourning is joined in by all the camp for some hours; then dead silence while the body is wrapped in a new garment, brought out, and the lodge torn down. Then alternate mourning and silence, and the deceased is buried in a sitting posture in a round hole. Widows must mourn two years, incessantly for some months, then only morning and evening. _Ross' Adven._, pp. 321-2. Frantic mourning, cutting the flesh, etc., by Nez Percés. _Ross' Fur Hunters_, vol. i., pp. 234-5, 238-9, vol. ii., p. 139. Destruction of horses and other property by Spokanes. _Cox's Adven._, vol. i., pp. 200-1. A Shushwap widow instigates the murder of a victim as a sacrifice to her husband. The horses of a Walla Walla chief not used after his death. _Kane's Wand._, pp. 178-9, 264-5, 277, 289. Hundreds of Wasco bodies piled in a small house on an island, just below the Dalles. A Walla Walla chief caused himself to be buried alive in the grave of his last son. _Hines' Voy._, pp. 159, 184-8. Among the Yakimas and Kliketats the women do the mourning, living apart for a few days, and then bathing. Okanagan bodies strapped to a tree. Stone mounds over Spokane graves. _Gibbs and Stevens_, in _Pac. R. R. Rept._, vol. i., pp. 405, 413, vol. xii., pt. i., p. 150. Pend d'Oreilles buried old and young alive when unable to take care of them. _Ind. Aff. Rept._, 1854, pp. 211, 238. 'High conical stacks of drift-wood' over Walla Walla graves. _Townsend's Nar._, p. 157. Shushwaps often deposit dead in trees. If in the ground, always cover grave with stones. _Mayne's B. C._, p. 304. Killing a slave by Wascos. _White's Ogn._, pp. 260-3. Dances and prayers for three days at Nez Percé chief's burial. _Irving's Bonneville's Adven._, p. 283. Burying infant with parents by Flatheads. _De Smet_, _Voy._, p. 173. Light wooden pilings about Shushwap graves. _Milton and Cheadle's Northw. Pass._, p. 242; _Alvord_, in _Schoolcraft's Arch._, vol. v., p. 655; _Parker's Explor. Tour_, p. 104; _Palmer_, in _B. C. Papers_, pt. iii., p. 85; _Gass' Jour._, p. 219; _Ind. Life_, p. 55; _Tolmie_, in _Lord's Nat._, vol. ii., pp. 237-8, 260-1. [422] Sokulks 'of a mild and peaceable disposition,' respectful to old age. Chilluckittequaws 'unusually hospitable and good humoured.' Chopunnish 'the most amiable we have seen. Their character is placid and gentle, rarely moved into passion.' 'They are indeed selfish and avaricious.' Will pilfer small articles. _Lewis and Clarke's Trav._, pp. 338, 341, 351, 376, 556-8, 564. The Flatheads 'se distinguent par la civilité, l'honnétété, et la bonté.' _De Smet_, _Voy._, pp. 31-2, 38-40, 47-50, 166-74, 202-4. Flatheads 'the best Indians of the mountains and the plains,--honest, brave, and docile.' Kootenais 'men of great docility and artlessness of character.' _Stevens and Hoecken_, in _De Smet's West. Miss._, pp. 281, 284, 290, 300. Coeurs d'Alène selfish and poor-spirited. _De Smet_, _Miss. de l'Orégon_, p. 329. In the Walla Wallas 'an air of open unsuspecting confidence,' 'natural politeness,' no obtrusive familiarity. Flatheads 'frank and hospitable.' Except cruelty to captives have 'fewer failings than any of the tribes I ever met.' Brave, quiet, and amenable to their chiefs. Spokanes 'quiet, honest, inoffensive,' but rather indolent. 'Thoughtless and improvident.' Okanagans 'Indolent rascals;' 'an honest and quiet tribe.' Sanspoils dirty, slothful, dishonest, quarrelsome, etc. Coeurs d'Alène 'uniformly honest;' 'more savage than their neighbours.' Kootenais honest, brave, jealous, truthful. Kamloops 'thieving and quarrelling.' _Cox's Adven._, vol. i., pp. 145, 148, 192, 199, 239-40, 262-3, 344, vol. ii., pp. 44, 87-8, 109, 145-60. Okanagans active and industrious, revengeful, generous and brave. _Ross' Adven._, pp. 142, 290-5, 327-9. Skeen 'a hardy, brave people.' Cayuses far more vicious and ungovernable than the Walla Wallas. Nez Percés treacherous and villainous. _Kane's Wand._, pp. 263, 280, 290, 307-8, 315. Nez Percés 'a quiet, civil, people, but proud and haughty.' _Palmer's Jour._, pp. 128, 48, 53, 59, 61, 124-7. 'Kind to each other.' 'Cheerful and often gay, sociable, kind and affectionate, and anxious to receive instruction.' 'Lying scarcely known.' _Parker's Explor. Tour_, pp. 97, 105, 232, 239, 303-4, 311-12. Of the Nicutemuchs 'the habitual vindictiveness of their character is fostered by the ceaseless feuds.' 'Nearly every family has a minor vendetta of its own.' 'The races that depend entirely or chiefly on fishing, are immeasurably inferior to those tribes who, with nerves and sinews braced by exercise, and minds comparatively ennobled by frequent excitement, live constantly amid war and the chase.' _Anderson_, in _Hist. Mag._, vol. vii., pp. 77-80. Inland tribes of British Columbia less industrious and less provident than the more sedentary coast Indians. _Mayne's B. C._, pp. 301, 297. Sahaptins 'cold, taciturn, high-tempered, warlike, fond of hunting.' Palouse, Yakimas, Kliketats, etc., of a 'less hardy and active temperament' than the Nez Percés. _Hale's Ethnog._, in _U. S. Ex. Ex._, vol. vi., pp. 199, 210-13. Cayuses 'dreaded by their neighbors on account of their courage and warlike spirit.' Walla Wallas 'notorious as thieves since their first intercourse with whites.' 'Indolent, superstitious, drunken and debauched.' Character of Flatheads, Pend d'Oreilles, Umatillas. _Ind. Aff. Rept._, 1854, pp. 207-9, 211, 218, 223, 282, 1861, pp. 164-5. Yakimas and Kliketats 'much superior to the river Indians.' _Stevens_, in _Pac. R. R. Rept._, vol. i., pp. 405, 298, 403, 416, vol. xii., pt. i., p. 139. Wascos 'exceedingly vicious.' _Hines' Voy._, pp. 159, 169. The Nez Percés 'are, certainly, more like a nation of saints than a horde of savages.' Skyuses, Walla Wallas. _Irving's Bonneville's Adven._, pp. 101, 287, 289-90, 300. Tushepaws; _Irving's Astoria_, p. 316. Thompson River Indians rather a superior and clever race. _Victoria Colonist_, Oct., 1860. 'Indians from the Rocky mountains to the falls of Columbia, are an honest, ingenuous, and well disposed people,' but rascals below the falls. _Gass' Jour._, p. 304. Flathead 'fierceness and barbarity in war could not be exceeded.' _Nicolay's Ogn. Ter._, p. 153. Flatheads, Walla Wallas and Nez Percés; _Gray's Hist. Ogn._, pp. 171, 219. Kootenais; _Palliser's Explor._, pp. 44, 73. Salish, Walla Wallas; _Domenech's Deserts_, vol. i., p. 88, vol. ii., p. 64. Walla Wallas, Cayuses, and Nez Percés; _White's Oregon_, p. 174. Walla Wallas, Kootenais; _Lord's Nat._, vol. ii., pp. 85, 178. Flatheads, Nez Percés; _Dunn's Oregon_, pp. 311, 315, 326-8. Nez Percés; _Catlin's N. Am. Ind._, vol. ii., p. 109; _Franchère's Nar._, p. 268. Kayuses, Walla Wallas; _Townsend's Nar._, p. 156. Sahaptins; _Wilkes' Hist. Ogn._, p. 106. Nez Percés; _Hastings' Emigrants' Guide_, p. 59. Flatheads; _Ind. Life_, pp. ix., x., 25. At Dalles; _Wilkes' Nar._, in _U. S. Ex. Ex._, vol. iv., p. 412. Shushwaps; _Grant's Ocean to Ocean_, pp. 288-304, 313. At Dalles; _Hunt_, in _Nouvelles Annales des Voy._, 1821, tom. x., p. 82; _Stuart_, in _Id._, 1821, tom. xii., p. 43. Pend d'Oreilles; _Joset_, in _Id._, 1849, tom. cxxiii., pp. 334-40. [Illustration: NATIVE RACES of the PACIFIC STATES CALIFORNIAN GROUP] CHAPTER IV. CALIFORNIANS. GROUPAL DIVISIONS; NORTHERN, CENTRAL, AND SOUTHERN CALIFORNIANS, AND SHOSHONES--COUNTRY OF THE CALIFORNIANS-- THE KLAMATHS, MODOCS, SHASTAS, PITT RIVER INDIANS, EUROCS, CAHROCS, HOOPAHS, WEEYOTS, TOLEWAS, AND ROGUE RIVER INDIANS AND THEIR CUSTOMS--THE TEHAMAS, POMOS, UKIAHS, GUALALAS, SONOMAS, PETALUMAS, NAPAS, SUSCOLS, SUISUNES, TAMALES, KARQUINES, OHLONES, TULOMOS, THAMIENS, OLCHONES, RUMSENS, ESCELENS, AND OTHERS OF CENTRAL CALIFORNIA--THE CAHUILLAS, DIEGUEÑOS, ISLANDERS, AND MISSION RANCHERIAS OF SOUTHERN CALIFORNIA--THE SNAKES OR SHOSHONES PROPER, UTAHS, BANNOCKS, WASHOES AND OTHER SHOSHONE NATIONS. Of the seven groups into which this work separates the nations of western North America, the CALIFORNIANS constitute the third, and cover the territory between latitude 43° and 32° 30´, extending back irregularly into the Rocky Mountains. There being few distinctly marked families in this group, I cannot do better in subdividing it for the purpose of description than make of the Californians proper three geographical divisions, namely, the _Northern Californians_, the _Central Californians_, and the _Southern Californians_. The _Shoshones_, or fourth division of this group, who spread out over south-eastern Oregon, southern Idaho, and the whole of Nevada and Utah, present more distinctly marked family characteristics, and will therefore be treated as a family. [Sidenote: HOME OF THE CALIFORNIANS.] The same chain of mountains, which, as the Cascade Range, divides the land of the Columbians, holds its course steadily southward, and entering the territory of the Californian group forms, under the name of the Sierra Nevada, the partition between the Californians proper and the Shoshones of Idaho and Nevada. The influence of this range upon the climate is also here manifest, only intenser in degree than farther north. The lands of the Northern Californians are well watered and wooded, those of the central division have an abundance of water for six months in the year, namely, from November to May, and the soil is fertile, yielding abundantly under cultivation. Sycamore, oak, cotton-wood, willow, and white alder, fringe the banks of the rivers; laurel, buckeye, manzanita, and innumerable berry-bearing bushes, clothe the lesser hills; thousands of acres are annually covered with wild oats; the moist bottoms yield heavy crops of grass; and in summer the valleys are gorgeous with wild-flowers of every hue. Before the blighting touch of the white man was laid upon the land, the rivers swarmed with salmon and trout; deer, antelope, and mountain sheep roamed over the foot-hills, bear and other carnivora occupied the forests, and numberless wild fowl covered the lakes. Decreasing in moisture toward the tropics, the climate of the Southern Californians is warm and dry, while the Shoshones, a large part of whose territory falls in the Great Basin, are cursed with a yet greater dryness. The region known as the Great Basin, lying between the eastern base of the Sierra Nevada and the Wahsatch Mountains, and stretching north and south from latitude 33° to 42°, presents a very different picture from the land of the Californians. This district is triangular in shape, the apex pointing toward the south, or southwest; from this apex, which, round the head of the Gulf of California, is at tide level, the ground gradually rises until, in central Nevada, it reaches an altitude of about five thousand feet, and this, with the exception of a few local depressions, is about the level of the whole of the broad part of the basin. The entire surface of this plateau is alkaline. Being in parts almost destitute of water, there is comparatively little timber; sage-brush and greasewood being the chief signs of vegetation, except at rare intervals where some small stream struggling against almost universal aridity, supports on its banks a little scanty herbage and a few forlorn-looking cotton-wood trees. The northern part of this region, as is the case with the lands of the Californians proper, is somewhat less destitute of vegetable and animal life than the southern portion which is indeed a desert occupied chiefly by rabbits, prairie-dogs, sage-hens, and reptiles. The desert of the Colorado, once perhaps a fertile bottom, extending northward from the San Bernardino Mountains one hundred and eighty miles, and spreading over an area of about nine thousand square miles, is a silent unbroken sea of sand, upon whose ashy surface glares the mid-day sun and where at night the stars draw near through the thin air and brilliantly illumine the eternal solitude. Here the gigantic cereus, emblem of barrenness, rears its contorted form, casting weird shadows upon the moonlit level. In such a country, where in winter the keen dust-bearing blast rushes over the unbroken desolate plains, and in summer the very earth cracks open with intense heat, what can we expect of man but that he should be distinguished for the depths of his low attainment. But although the poverty and barrenness of his country account satisfactorily for the low type of the inhabitant of the Great Basin, yet no such excuse is offered for the degradation of the native of fertile California. On every side, if we except the Shoshone, in regions possessing far fewer advantages than California, we find a higher type of man. Among the Tuscaroras, Cherokees, and Iroquois of the Atlantic slope, barbarism assumes its grandest proportions; proceeding west it bursts its fetters in the incipient civilization of the Gila; but if we continue the line to the shores of the Pacific we find this intellectual dawn checked, and man sunk almost to the utter darkness of the brute. Coming southward from the frozen land of the Eskimo, or northward from tropical Darien we pass through nations possessing the necessaries and even the comforts of life. Some of them raise and grind wheat and corn, many of them make pottery and other utensils, at the north they venture out to sea in good boats and make Behemoth their spoil. The Californians on the other hand, comparatively speaking, wear no clothes, they build no houses, do not cultivate the soil, they have no boats, nor do they hunt to any considerable extent; they have no morals nor any religion worth calling such. The missionary Fathers found a virgin field whereon neither god nor devil was worshiped. We must look, then, to other causes for a solution of the question why a nobler race is not found in California; such for instance as revolutions and migrations of nations, or upheavals and convulsions of nature, causes arising before the commencement of the short period within which we are accustomed to reckon time. [Sidenote: TRIBAL DIVERSITY.] There is, perhaps, a greater diversity of tribal names among the Californians than elsewhere in America; the whole system of nomenclature is so complicated and contradictory that it is impossible to reduce it to perfect order. There are tribes that call themselves by one name, but whose neighbors call them by another; tribes that are known by three or four names, and tribes that have no name except that of their village or chief.[423] Tribal names are frequently given by one writer which are never mentioned by any other;[424] nevertheless there are tribes on whose names authorities agree, and though the spelling differs, the sound expressed in these instances is about the same. Less trouble is experienced in distinguishing the tribes of the northern division, which is composed of people who resemble their neighbors more than is the case in central California, where the meaningless term 'Indians,' is almost universally applied in speaking of them.[425] Another fruitful source of confusion is the indefinite nickname 'Digger' which is applied indiscriminately to all the tribes of northern and middle California, and to those of Nevada, Utah, and the southern part of Oregon. These tribes are popularly known as the Californian Diggers, Washoe Diggers, Shoshone Diggers of Utah, etc., the signification of the term pointing to the digging of roots, and in some parts, possibly, to burrowing in the ground. The name is seemingly opprobrious, and is certainly no more applicable to this people than to many others. By this territorial division I hope to avoid, as far as possible, the two causes of bewilderment before alluded to; neither treating the inhabitants of an immense country as one tribe, nor attempting to ascribe distinct names and idiosyncrasies to hundreds of small, insignificant bands, roaming over a comparatively narrow area of country and to all of which one description will apply. [Sidenote: NATIONS OF NORTHERN CALIFORNIA.] THE NORTHERN CALIFORNIANS, the first tribal group, or division, of which I shall speak, might, not improperly, be called the Klamath family, extending as they do from Rogue River on the north, to the Eel River south, and from the Pacific Ocean to the Californian boundary east, and including the Upper and Lower Klamath and other lakes. The principal tribes occupying this region are the _Klamaths_,[426] who live on the headwaters of the river and on the shores of the lake of that name; the _Modocs_,[427] on Lower Klamath Lake and along Lost River; the _Shastas_, to the south-west of the lakes, near the Shasta Mountains; the _Pitt River Indians_; the _Eurocs_ on the Klamath River between Weitspek and the coast; the _Cahrocs_[428] on the Klamath River from a short distance above the junction of the Trinity to the Klamath Mountains; the _Hoopahs_ in Hoopah Valley on the Trinity near its junction with the Klamath; numerous tribes on the coast from Eel River and Humboldt Bay north, such as the _Weeyots_,[429] _Wallies_, _Tolewahs_, etc., and the _Rogue River Indians_,[430] on and about the river of that name.[431] The Northern Californians are in every way superior to the central and southern tribes.[432] Their physique and character, in fact, approach nearer to the Oregon nations than to the people of the Sacramento and San Joaquin valleys. This applies more particularly to the inland tribes. The race gradually deteriorates as it approaches the coast, growing less in stature, darker in color, more and more degraded in character, habits, and religion. The Rogue River Indians must, however, be made an exception to this rule. The tendency to improve toward the north, which is so marked among the Californians, holds good in this case; so that the natives on the extreme north-west coast of the region under consideration, are in many respects superior to the interior but more southerly tribes. [Sidenote: PHYSICAL PECULIARITIES.] The Northern Californians round the Klamath lakes, and the Klamath, Trinity, and Rogue rivers, are tall, muscular, and well made,[433] with a complexion varying from nearly black to light brown, in proportion to their proximity to, or distance, from the ocean or other large bodies of water; their face is large, oval, and heavily made, with slightly prominent cheek-bones, nose well set on the face and frequently straight, and eyes which, when not blurred by ophthalmia, are keen and bright. The women are short and some of them quite handsome, even in the Caucasian sense of the word;[434] and although their beauty rapidly fades, yet they do not in old age present that unnaturally wrinkled and shriveled appearance, characteristic of the Central Californians. This description scarcely applies to the people inhabiting the coast about Redwood Creek, Humboldt Bay, and Eel River, who are squat and fat in figure, rather stoutly built, with large heads covered with coarse thick hair, and repulsive countenances, who are of a much darker color, and altogether of a lower type than the tribes to the east and north of them.[435] [Sidenote: DRESS IN NORTHERN CALIFORNIA.] Dress depends more on the state of the climate than on their own sense of decency. The men wear a belt, sometimes a breech-clout, and the women an apron or skirt of deer-skin or braided grass; then they sometimes throw over the shoulders a sort of cloak, or robe, of marten or rabbit skins sewn together, deer-skin, or, among the coast tribes, seal or sea-otter skin. When they indulge in this luxury, however, the men usually dispense with all other covering.[436] Occasionally we find them taking great pride in their gala dresses and sparing no pains to render them beautiful. The Modocs, for instance, took large-sized skins, and inlaid them with brilliant-colored duck-scalps, sewed on in various figures; others, again, embroidered their aprons with colored grasses, and attached beads and shells to a deep fringe falling from the lower part.[437] A bowl-shaped hat, or cap, of basket-work, is usually worn by the women, in making which some of them are very skillful. This hat is sometimes painted with various figures, and sometimes interwoven with gay feathers of the woodpecker or blue quail.[438] The men generally go bare-headed, their thick hair being sufficient protection from sun and weather. In the vicinity of the lakes, where, from living constantly among the long grass and reeds, the greatest skill is acquired in weaving and braiding, moccasins of straw or grass are worn.[439] At the junction of the Klamath and Trinity rivers their moccasins have soles of several thicknesses of leather.[440] The natives seen by Maurelle at Trinidad Bay, bound their loins and legs down to the ankle with strips of hide or thread, both men and women. The manner of dressing the hair varies; the most common way being to club it together behind in a queue, sometimes in two, worn down the back, or occasionally in the latter case drawn forward over the shoulders. The queue is frequently twisted up in a knot on the back of the head--_en castanna_--as Maurelle calls it. Occasionally the hair is worn loose, and flowing, and some of the women cut it short on the forehead. It is not uncommon to see wreaths of oak or laurel leaves, feathers, or the tails of gray squirrels twisted in the hair; indeed, from the trouble which they frequently take to adorn their coiffure, one would imagine that these people were of a somewhat æsthetic turn of mind, but a closer acquaintance quickly dispels the illusion. On Eel River some cut all the hair short, a custom practiced to some extent by the Central Californians.[441] [Sidenote: FACIAL ORNAMENTATION.] As usual these savages are beardless, or nearly so.[442] Tattooing, though not carried to any great extent, is universal among the women, and much practiced by the men, the latter confining this ornamentation to the breast and arms. The women tattoo in three blue lines, extending perpendicularly from the centre and corners of the lower lip to the chin. In some tribes they tattoo the arms, and occasionally the back of the hands. As they grow older the lines on the chin, which at first are very faint, are increased in width and color, thus gradually narrowing the intervening spaces. Now, as the social importance of the female is gauged by the width and depth of color of these lines, one might imagine that before long the whole chin would be what Southey calls "blue, darkly, deeply, beautifully blue;" but fashion ordains, as in the lip-ornament of the Thlinkeets, that the lines should be materially enlarged only as the charms of youth fade, thus therewith gauging both age and respectability.[443] In some few tribes, more especially in the vicinity of the lakes, the men paint themselves in various colors and grotesque patterns. Among the Modocs the women also paint. Miller says that when a Modoc warrior paints his face black before going into battle it means victory or death, and he will not survive a defeat.[444] Both men and women pierce the dividing cartilage of the nose, and wear various kinds of ornaments in the aperture. Sometimes it is a goose-quill, three or four inches long, at others, a string of beads or shells. Some of the more northerly tribes wear large round pieces of wood or metal in the ears.[445] Maurelle, in his bucolic description of the natives at Trinidad bay, says that "on their necks they wear various fruits, instead of beads."[446] Vancouver, who visited the same place nearly twenty years later, states that "all the teeth of both sexes were by some process ground uniformly down horizontally to the gums, the women especially, carrying the fashion to an extreme, had their teeth reduced even below this level."[447] Here also we see in their habitations the usual summer and winter residences common to nomadic tribes. The winter dwellings, varying with locality, are principally of two forms--conical and square. Those of the former shape, which is the most widely prevailing, and obtains chiefly in the vicinity of the Klamath lakes and on the Klamath and Trinity rivers, are built in the manner following: A circular hole, from two to five feet in depth, and varying in diameter, is dug in the ground. Round this pit, or cellar, stout poles are sunk, which are drawn together at the top until they nearly meet; the whole is then covered with earth to the depth of several inches. A hole is left in the top, which serves as chimney and door, a rude ladder or notched pole communicating with the cellar below, and a similar one with the ground outside. This, however, is only the commoner and lighter kind of conical house. Many of them are built of much heavier timbers, which, instead of being bent over at the top, and so forming a bee-hive-shaped structure, are leaned one against the other. The dwellings built by the Hoopahs are somewhat better. The inside of the cellar is walled up with stone; round this, and at a distance of a few feet from it, another stone wall is built on the surface level, against which heavy beams or split logs are leaned up, meeting at the top, or sometimes the lower ends of the poles rest against the inside of the wall, thus insuring the inmates against a sudden collapse of the hut.[448] [Sidenote: CALIFORNIAN HABITATIONS.] The square style of dwelling is affected more by the coast tribes, although occasionally seen in the interior. A cellar, either square or round, is dug in the same manner as with the conical houses. The sides of the hole are walled with upright slabs, which project some feet above the surface of the ground. The whole structure is covered with a roof of sticks or planks, sloping gently outward, and resting upon a ridge-pole. The position of the door varies, being sometimes in the roof, sometimes on a level with the ground, and occasionally high up in the gable. Its shape and dimensions, however, never alter; it is always circular, barely large enough to admit a full-grown man on hands and knees. When on the roof or in the gable, a notched pole or mud steps lead up to the entrance; when on the ground, a sliding panel closes the entrance. In some cases, the excavation is planked up only to a level with the ground. The upper part is then raised several feet from the sides, leaving a bank, or rim, on which the inmates sleep; occasionally there is no excavation, the house being erected on the level ground, with merely a small fire-hole in the centre. The floors are kept smooth and clean, and a small space in front of the door, paved with stones and swept clean, serves as gossiping and working ground for the women.[449] The temporary summer houses of the Northern Californians are square, conical, and inverted-bowl-shaped huts; built, when square, by driving light poles into the ground and laying others horizontally across them; when conical, the poles are drawn together at the top into a point; when bowl-shaped, both ends of the poles are driven into the ground, making a semi-circular hut. These frames, however shaped, are covered with neatly woven tule matting,[450] or with bushes or ferns.[451] [Sidenote: HUNTING AND FISHING.] The Californians are but poor hunters; they prefer the snare to the bow and arrow. Yet some of the mountain tribes display considerable dexterity in the chase. To hunt the prong-buck, the Klamath fastens to each heel a strip of ermine-skin, and keeping the herd to the windward, he approaches craftily through the tall grass as near as possible, then throwing himself on his back, or standing on his head, he executes a pantomime in the air with his legs. Naturally the antelope wonder, and being cursed with curiosity, the simple animals gradually approach. As soon as they arrive within easy shooting-distance, down go the hunter's legs and up comes the body. Too late the antelope learn their mistake; swift as they are, the arrow is swifter; and the fattest buck pays the penalty of his inquisitiveness with his life. The Veeards, at Humboldt Bay, construct a slight fence from tree to tree, into which inclosure elk are driven, the only exit being by a narrow opening at one end, where a pole is placed in such a manner as to force the animal to stoop in passing under it, when its head is caught in a noose suspended from the pole. This pole is dragged down by the entangled elk, but soon he is caught fast in the thick undergrowth, and firmly held until the hunter comes up.[452] Pitfalls are also extensively used in trapping game. A narrow pass, through which an elk or deer trail leads, is selected for the pit, which is ten or twelve feet deep. The animals are then suddenly stampeded from their feeding-grounds, and, in their wild terror, rush blindly along the trail to destruction.[453] The bear they seldom hunt, and if one is taken, it is usually by accident, in one of their strong elk-traps. Many of the tribes refuse to eat bear-meat, alleging that the flesh of a man-eating animal is unclean; but no doubt Bruin owes his immunity as much to his teeth and claws as to his uncleanness. [Sidenote: FISHING BY NIGHT ON THE KLAMATH.] Fishing is more congenial to the lazy taste of these people than the nobler but more arduous craft of hunting; consequently fish, being abundant, are generally more plentiful in the aboriginal larder than venison. Several methods are adopted in taking them. Sometimes a dam of interwoven willows is constructed across a rapid at the time when salmon are ascending the river; niches four or five feet square are made at intervals across the dam, in which the fish, pressed on by those behind, collect in great numbers and are there speared or netted without mercy. Much ingenuity and labor are required to build some of the larger of these dams. Mr Gibbs describes one thrown across the Klamath, where the river was about seventy-five yards wide, elbowing up the stream in its deepest part. It was built by first driving stout posts into the bed of the river, at a distance of some two feet apart, having a moderate slope, and supported from below, at intervals of ten or twelve feet, by two braces; the one coming to the surface of the water, the other reaching to the string-pieces. These last were heavy spars, about thirty feet in length, and secured to each post by withes. The whole dam was faced with twigs, carefully peeled, and placed so close together as to prevent the fish from passing up. The top, at this stage of the water, was two or three feet above the surface. The labor of constructing this work must, with the few and insufficient tools of the natives, have been immense. Slight scaffolds were built out below it, from which the fish were taken in scoop-nets; they also employ drag-nets and spears, the latter having a movable barb, which is fastened to the shaft with a string in order to afford the salmon play.[454] On Rogue River, spearing by torch-light--a most picturesque sight--is resorted to. Twenty canoes sometimes start out together, each carrying three persons--two women, one to row and the other to hold the torch, and a spearman. Sometimes the canoes move in concert, sometimes independently of each other; one moment the lights are seen in line, like an army of fire-flies, then they are scattered over the dark surface of the water like ignes fatui. The fish, attracted by the glare, rise to the surface, where they are transfixed by the unerring aim of the spearmen. Torchlight spearing is also done by driving the fish down stream in the day-time by dint of much wading, yelling, and howling, and many splashes, until they are stopped by a dam previously erected lower down; another dam is then built above, so that the fish cannot escape. At night fires are built round the edge of the enclosed space, and the finny game speared from the bank.[455] Some tribes on the Klamath erect platforms over the stream on upright poles, on which they sleep and fish at the same time. A string leads from the net either to the fisherman himself or to some kind of alarm; and as soon as a salmon is caught, its floundering immediately awakens the slumberer. On the sea-shore smelts are taken in a triangular net stretched on two slender poles; the fisherman wades into the water up to his waist, turns his face to the shore, and his back to the incoming waves, against whose force he braces himself with a stout stick, then as the smelts are washed back from the beach by the returning waves, he receives them in his net. The net is deep, and a narrow neck connects it with a long network bag behind; into this bag the fish drop when the net is raised, but they cannot return. In this manner the fisherman can remain for some time at his post, without unloading. Eels are caught in traps having a funnel-shaped entrance, into which the eels can easily go, but which closes on them as soon as they are in. These traps are fastened to stakes and kept down by weights. Similar traps are used to take salmon. When preserved for winter use, the fish are split open at the back, the bone taken out, then dried or smoked. Both fish and meat, when eaten fresh, are either broiled on hot stones or boiled in water-tight baskets, hot stones being thrown in to make the water boil. Bread is made of acorns ground to flour in a rough stone mortar with a heavy stone pestle, and baked in the ashes. Acorn-flour is the principal ingredient, but berries of various kinds are usually mixed in, and frequently it is seasoned with some high-flavored herb. A sort of pudding is also made in the same manner, but is boiled instead of baked. They gather a great variety of roots, berries, and seeds. The principal root is the camas,[456] great quantities of which are dried every summer, and stored away for winter provision. Another root, called _kice_, or _kace_,[457] is much sought after. Of seeds they have the _wocus_,[458] and several varieties of grass-seeds. Among berries the huckleberry and the manzanita berry are the most plentiful.[459] The women do the cooking, root and berry gathering, and all the drudgery. The winter stock of smoked fish hangs in the family room, sending forth an ancient and fish-like smell. Roots and seeds are, among some of the more northerly tribes, stored in large wicker boxes, built in the lower branches of strong, wide-spreading trees. The trunk of the tree below the granary is smeared with pitch to keep away vermin.[459] The Modocs are sometimes obliged to cache their winter hoard under rocks and bushes; the great number of their enemies and bad character of their ostensibly friendly neighbors, rendering it unsafe for them to store it in their villages. So cunningly do they conceal their treasure that one winter, after an unusually heavy fall of snow, they themselves could not find it, and numbers starved in consequence.[460] Although the Northern Californians seldom fail to take a cold bath in the morning, and frequently bathe at intervals during the day, yet they are never clean.[461] [Sidenote: WAR AND WEAPONS.] The Northern Californians are not of a very warlike disposition, hence their weapons are few, being confined chiefly to the bow and arrow.[462] The bow is about three feet in length, made of yew, cedar, or some other tough or elastic wood, and generally painted. The back is flat, from an inch and a half to two inches wide, and covered with elk-sinews, which greatly add both to its strength and elasticity; the string is also of sinew. The bow is held horizontally when discharged, instead of perpendicularly as in most countries. The arrows are from two to three feet long, and are made sometimes of reed, sometimes of light wood. The points, which are of flint, obsidian, bone, iron, or copper, are ground to a very fine point, fastened firmly into a short piece of wood, and fitted into a socket in the main shaft, so that on withdrawing the arrow the head will be left in the wound. The feathered part, which is from five to eight inches long, is also sometimes a separate piece bound on with sinews. The quiver is made of the skin of a fox, wild-cat, or some other small animal, in the same shape as when the animal wore it, except at the tail end, where room is left for the feathered ends of arrows to project. It is usually carried on the arm.[463] Mr Powers says: "doubtless many persons who have seen the flint arrow-heads made by the Indians, have wondered how they succeeded with their rude implements, in trimming them down to such sharp, thin points, without breaking them to pieces. The Veeards--and probably other tribes do likewise--employ for this purpose a pair of buck-horn pincers, tied together at the point with a thong. They first hammer out the arrow-head in the rough, and then with these pincers carefully nip off one tiny fragment after another, using that infinite patience which is characteristic of the Indian, spending days, perhaps weeks, on one piece. There are Indians who make arrows as a specialty, just as there are others who concoct herbs and roots for the healing of men."[464] The Shastas especially excelled in making obsidian arrow-heads; Mr Wilkes of the Exploring Expedition notices them as being "beautifully wrought," and Lyon, in a letter to the American Ethnological Society, communicated through Dr E. H. Davis, describes the very remarkable ingenuity and skill which they display in this particular. The arrow-point maker, who is one of a regular guild, places the obsidian pebble upon an anvil of talcose slate and splits it with an agate chisel to the required size; then holding the piece with his finger and thumb against the anvil, he finishes it off with repeated slight blows, administered with marvelous adroitness and judgment. One of these artists made an arrow-point for Mr Lyon out of a piece of a broken porter-bottle. Owing to his not being acquainted with the grain of the glass, he failed twice, but the third time produced a perfect specimen.[465] The Wallies poison their arrows with rattlesnake-virus, but poisoned weapons seem to be the exception.[466] The bow is skilfully used; war-clubs are not common.[467] [Sidenote: WAR AND ITS MOTIVES.] Wars, though of frequent occurrence, were not particularly bloody. The casus belli was usually that which brought the Spartan King before the walls of Ilion, and Titus Tatius to incipient Rome--woman. It is true, the Northern Californians are less classic abductors than the spoilers of the Sabine women, but their wars ended in the same manner--the ravished fair cleaving to her warrior-lover. Religion also, that ever-fruitful source of war, is not without its conflicts in savagedom; thus more than once the Shastas and the Umpquas have taken up arms because of wicked sorceries, which caused the death of the people.[468] So when one people obstructed the river with their weir, thereby preventing the ascent of salmon, there was nothing left for those above but to fight or starve. Along Pitt River, pits from ten to fifteen feet deep were formerly dug, in which the natives caught man and beast. These man-traps, for such was their primary use, were small at the mouth, widening toward the bottom, so that exit was impossible, even were the victim to escape impalement upon sharpened elk and deer horns, which were favorably placed for his reception. The opening was craftily concealed by means of light sticks, over which earth was scattered, and the better to deceive the unwary traveler, footprints were frequently stamped with a moccasin in the loose soil. Certain landmarks and stones or branches, placed in a peculiar manner, warned the initiated, but otherwise there was no sign of impending danger.[469] Some few nations maintain the predominancy and force the weaker to pay tribute.[470] When two of these dominant nations war with each other, the conflict is more sanguinary. No scalps are taken, but in some cases the head, hands, or feet of the conquered slain are severed as trophies. The Cahrocs sometimes fight hand to hand with ragged stones, which they use with deadly effect. The Rogue River Indians kill all their male prisoners, but spare the women and children.[471] The elk-horn knives and hatchets are the result of much labor and patience.[472] The women are very ingenious in plaiting grass, or fine willow-roots, into mats, baskets, hats, and strips of parti-colored braid for binding up the hair. On these, angular patterns are worked by using different shades of material, or by means of dyes of vegetable extraction. The baskets are of various sizes, from the flat, basin-shaped, water-tight, rush bowl for boiling food, to the large pointed cone which the women carry on their backs when root-digging or berry-picking.[473] They are also expert tanners, and, by a comparatively simple process, will render skins as soft and pliable as cloth. The hide is first soaked in water till the hair loosens, then stretched between trees or upright posts till half dry, when it is scraped thoroughly on both sides, well beaten with sticks, and the brains of some animal, heated at a fire, are rubbed on the inner side to soften it. Finally it is buried in moist ground for some weeks. [Sidenote: MANUFACTURES AND BOATS.] The interior tribes manifest no great skill in boat-making, but along the coast and near the mouth of the Klamath and Rogue rivers, very good canoes are found. They are still, however, inferior to those used on the Columbia and its tributaries. The lashed-up-hammock-shaped bundle of rushes, which is so frequently met in the more southern parts of California, has been seen on the Klamath,[474] but I have reason to think that it is only used as a matter of convenience, and not because no better boat is known. It is certain that dug-out canoes were in use on the same river, and within a few miles of the spot where tule buoys obtain. The fact is, this bundle of rushes is the best craft that could be invented for salmon-spearing. Seated astride, the weight of the fisherman sinks it below the surface; he can move it noiselessly with his feet so that there is no splashing of paddles in the sun to frighten the fish; it cannot capsize, and striking a rock does it no injury. Canoes are hollowed from the trunk of a single redwood, pine, fir, sycamore, or cottonwood tree. They are blunt at both ends and on Rogue River many of them are flat-bottomed. It is a curious fact that some of these canoes are made from first to last without being touched with a sharp-edged tool of any sort. The native finds the tree ready felled by the wind, burns it off to the required length, and hollows it out by fire. Pitch is spread on the parts to be burned away, and a piece of fresh bark prevents the flames from extending too far in the wrong direction. A small shelf, projecting inward from the stern, serves as a seat. Much trouble is sometimes taken with the finishing up of these canoes, in the way of scraping and polishing, but in shape they lack symmetry. On the coast they are frequently large; Mr Powers mentions having seen one at Smith River forty-two feet long, eight feet four inches wide, and capable of carrying twenty-four men and five tons of merchandise. The natives take great care of their canoes, and always cover them when out of the water to protect them from the sun. Should a crack appear they do not caulk it, but stitch the sides of the split tightly together with withes. They are propelled with a piece of wood, half pole, half paddle.[475] [Sidenote: WEALTH IN NORTHERN CALIFORNIA.] Wealth, which is quite as important here as in any civilized communities, and of much more importance than is customary among savage nations, consists in shell-money, called _allicochick_, white deer-skins, canoes, and, indirectly, in women. The shell which is the regular circulating medium is white, hollow, about a quarter of an inch through, and from one to two inches in length. On its length depends its value. A gentleman, who writes from personal observation, says: "all of the older Indians have tattooed on their arms their standard of value. A piece of shell corresponding in length to one of the marks being worth five dollars, 'Boston money,' the scale gradually increases until the highest mark is reached. For five perfect shells corresponding in length to this mark they will readily give one hundred dollars in gold or silver."[476] White deer-skins are rare and considered very valuable, one constituting quite an estate in itself.[477] A scalp of the red-headed woodpecker is equivalent to about five dollars, and is extensively used as currency on the Klamath. Canoes are valued according to their size and finish. Wives, as they must be bought, are a sign of wealth, and the owner of many is respected accordingly.[478] Among the Northern Californians, hereditary chieftainship is almost unknown. If the son succeed the father it is because the son has inherited the father's wealth, and if a richer than he arise the ancient ruler is deposed and the new chief reigns in his stead. But to be chief means to have position, not power. He can advise, but not command; at least, if his subjects do not choose to obey him, he cannot compel obedience. There is most frequently a head man to each village, and sometimes a chief of the whole tribe, but in reality each head of a family governs his own domestic circle as he thinks best. As in certain republics, when powerful applicants become multiplied--new offices are created, as salmon-chief, elk-chief, and the like. In one or two coast tribes the office is hereditary, as with the Patawats on Mad River, and that mysterious tribe at Trinidad Bay, mentioned by Mr Meyer, the Allequas.[479] Their penal code is far from Draconian. A fine of a few strings of allicochick appeases the wrath of a murdered man's relatives and satisfies the requirements of custom. A woman may be slaughtered for half the sum it costs to kill a man. Occasionally banishment from the tribe is the penalty for murder, but capital punishment is never resorted to. The fine, whatever it is, must be promptly paid, or neither city of refuge nor sacred altar-horns will shield the murderer from the vengeance of his victim's friends.[480] [Sidenote: WOMEN AND DOMESTIC AFFAIRS.] In vain do we look for traces of that Arcadian simplicity and disregard for worldly advantages generally accorded to children of nature. Although I find no description of an actual system of slavery existing among them, yet there is no doubt that they have slaves. We shall see that illegitimate children are considered and treated as such, and that women, entitled by courtesy wives, are bought and sold. Mr Drew asserts that the Klamath children of slave parents, who, it may be, prevent the profitable prostitution or sale of the mother, are killed without compunction.[481] Marriage, with the Northern Californians, is essentially a matter of business. The young brave must not hope to win his bride by feats of arms or softer wooing, but must buy her of her father, like any other chattel, and pay the price at once, or resign in favor of a richer man. The inclinations of the girl are in nowise consulted; no matter where her affections are placed, she goes to the highest bidder, and "Mammon wins his way where seraphs might despair." Neither is it a trifling matter to be bought as a wife; the social position of the bride herself, as well as that of her father's family thereafter, depends greatly upon the price she brings; her value is voted by society at the price her husband pays for her, and the father whose daughter commands the greatest number of strings of allicochick, is greatly to be honored. The purchase effected, the successful suitor leads his blushing property to his hut and she becomes his wife without further ceremony. Wherever this system of wife-purchase obtains, the rich old men almost absorb the female youth and beauty of the tribe, while the younger and poorer men must content themselves with old and ugly wives. Hence their eagerness for that wealth which will enable them to throw away their old wives and buy new ones. When a marriage takes place among the Modocs, a feast is given at the house of the bride's father, in which, however, neither she nor the bridegroom partake. The girl is escorted by the women to a lodge, previously furnished by public contributions, where she is subsequently joined by the man, who is conducted by his male friends. All the company bear torches, which are piled up as a fire in the lodge of the wedded pair, who are then left alone. In some tribes this wife-traffic is done on credit, or at least partially so; but the credit system is never so advantageous to the buyer as the ready-money system, for until the full price is paid, the man is only 'half-married,' and besides he must live with his wife's family and be their slave until he shall have paid in full.[482] The children of a wife who has cost her husband nothing are considered no better than bastards, and are treated by society with contumely; nobody associates with them, and they become essentially ostracized. In all this there is one redeeming feature for the wife-buyer; should he happen to make a bad bargain he can, in most instances, send his wife home and get his money back. Mr Gibbs asserts that they shoot their wives when tired of them, but this appears inconsistent with custom. [Sidenote: ADULTERY AND CHASTITY.] Polygamy is almost universal, the number of wives depending only on the limit of a man's wealth. The loss of one eye, or expulsion from the tribe, are common punishments for adultery committed by a man. A string of beads, however, makes amends. Should the wife venture on any irregularity without just compensation, the outraged honor of her lord is never satisfied until he has seen her publicly disemboweled. Among the Hoopahs the women are held irresponsible and the men alone suffer for the crime.[483] Illegitimate children are life-slaves to some male relative of the mother, and upon them the drudgery falls; they are only allowed to marry one in their own station, and their sole hope of emancipation lies in a slow accumulation of allicochick, with which they can buy their freedom. We are told by Mr Powers that a Modoc may kill his mother-in-law with impunity. Adultery, being attended with so much danger, is comparatively rare, but among the unmarried, who have nothing to fear, a gross licentiousness prevails.[484] Among the Muckalucs a dance is instituted in honor of the arrival of the girls at the age of puberty. On the Klamath, during the period of menstruation the women are banished from the village, and no man may approach them. Although the principal labor falls to the lot of the women, the men sometimes assist in building the wigwam, or even in gathering acorns and roots.[485] Kane mentions that the Shastas, or, as he calls them, the Chastays, frequently sell their children as slaves to the Chinooks.[486] Dances and festivities, of a religio-playful character, are common, as when a whale is stranded, an elk snared, or when the salmon come. There is generally a kind of thanksgiving-day once a year, when the people of neighboring tribes meet and dance. The annual feast of the Veeards is a good illustration of the manner of these entertainments. The dance, which takes place in a large wigwam, is performed by as many men as there is room for, and a small proportion of women. They move in a circle slowly round the fire, accompanying themselves with their peculiar chant. Each individual is dressed in all the finery he can muster; every valuable he possesses in the way of shells, furs, or woodpecker-scalps, does duty on this occasion; so that the wealth of the dancers may be reckoned at a glance. When the dance has concluded, an old gray-beard of the tribe rises, and pronounces a thanksgiving oration, wherein he enumerates the benefits received, the riches accumulated, and the victories won during the year; exhorting the hearers meanwhile, by good conduct and moral behavior, to deserve yet greater benefits. This savage Nestor is listened to in silence and with respect; his audience seeming to drink in with avidity every drop of wisdom that falls from his lips; but no sooner is the harangue concluded than every one does his best to violate the moral precepts so lately inculcated, by a grand debauch. The Cahrocs have a similar festival, which they call the Feast of the Propitiation. Its object is much the same as that of the feast just described, but in place of the orator, the chief personage of the day is called the Chareya, which is also the appellation of their deity. No little honor attaches to the position, but much suffering is also connected with it. It is the duty of the Chareya-man to retire into the mountains, with one attendant only, and there to remain for ten days, eating only enough to keep breath in his body. Meanwhile the Cahrocs congregate in honor of the occasion, dance, sing, and make merry. When the appointed period has elapsed, the Chareya-man returns to camp, or is carried by deputies sent out for the purpose, if he have not strength to walk. His bearers are blindfolded, for no human being may look upon the face of the Chareya-man and live. His approach is the signal for the abrupt breaking up of the festivities. The revelers disperse in terror, and conceal themselves as best they may to avoid catching sight of the dreaded face, and where a moment before all was riot and bustle, a deathly stillness reigns. Then the Chareya-man is conducted to the sweat-house, where he remains for a time. And now the real Propitiation-Dance takes place, the men alone participating in its sacred movements, which are accompanied by the low, monotonous chant of singers. The dance over, all solemnity vanishes, and a lecherous saturnalia ensues, which will not bear description. The gods are conciliated, catastrophes are averted, and all is joy and happiness.[487] [Sidenote: SPORTS AND GAMES.] A passion for gambling obtains among the northern Californians as elsewhere. Nothing is too precious or too insignificant to be staked, from a white or black deer-skin, which is almost priceless, down to a wife, or any other trifle. In this manner property changes hands with great rapidity. I have already stated that on the possession of riches depend power, rank, and social position, so that there is really much to be lost or won. They have a game played with little sticks, of which some are black, but the most white. These they throw around in a circle, the object being seemingly to make the black ones go farther than the white. A kind of guess-game is played with clay balls.[488] There is also an international game, played between friendly tribes, which closely resembles our 'hockey.' Two poles are set up in the ground at some distance apart, and each side, being armed with sticks, endeavors to drive a wooden ball round the goal opposite to it.[489] In almost all their games and dances they are accompanied by a hoarse chanting, or by some kind of uncouth music produced by striking on a board with lobster-claws fastened to sticks, or by some other equally primitive method. Before the introduction of spirituous liquors by white men drunkenness was unknown. With their tobacco for smoking, they mix a leaf called _kinnik-kinnik_.[490] [Sidenote: MEDICAL TREATMENT.] The diseases and ailments most prevalent among these people are scrofula, consumption, rheumatism, a kind of leprosy, affection of the lungs, and sore eyes, the last arising from the dense smoke which always pervades their cabins.[491] In addition to this they have imaginary disorders caused by wizards, witches, and evil spirits, who, as they believe, cause snakes and other reptiles to enter into their bodies and gnaw their vitals. Some few roots and herbs used are really efficient medicine, but they rely almost entirely upon the mummeries and incantations of their medicine men and women.[492] Their whole system of therapeutics having superstition for a basis, mortality is great among them, which may be one of the causes of the continent being, comparatively speaking, so thinly populated at the time of its discovery. Syphilis, one of the curses for which they may thank the white man, has made fearful havoc among them. Women doctors seem to be more numerous than men in this region; acquiring their art in the _temescal_ or sweat-house, where unprofessional women are not admitted. Their favorite method of cure seems to consist in sucking the affected part of the patient until the blood flows, by which means they pretend to extract the disease. Sometimes the doctress vomits a frog, previously swallowed for the occasion, to prove that she has not sucked in vain. She is frequently assisted by a second physician, whose duty it is to discover the exact spot where the malady lies, and this she effects by barking like a dog at the patient until the spirit discovers to her the place. Mr Gibbs mentions a case where the patient was first attended by four young women, and afterward by the same number of old ones. Standing round the unfortunate, they went through a series of violent gesticulations, sitting down when they could stand no longer, sucking, with the most laudable perseverance, and moaning meanwhile most dismally. Finally, when with their lips and tongue they had raised blisters all over the patient, and had pounded his miserable body with hands and knees until they were literally exhausted, the performers executed a swooning scene, in which they sank down apparently insensible.[493] The Rogue River medicine-men are supposed to be able to wield their mysterious power for harm, as well as for good, so that should a patient die, his relatives kill the doctor who attended him; or in case deceased could not afford medical attendance, they kill the first unfortunate disciple of Æsculapius they can lay hands on, frequently murdering one belonging to another tribe; his death, however, must be paid for.[494] But the great institution of the Northern Californians is their temescal, or sweat-house, which consists of a hole dug in the ground, and roofed over in such a manner as to render it almost air-tight. A fire is built in the centre in early fall, and is kept alive till the following spring, as much attention being given to it as ever was paid to the sacred fires of Hestia; though between the subterranean temescal, with its fetid atmosphere, and lurid fire-glow glimmering faintly through dense smoke on swart, gaunt forms of savages, and the stately temple on the Forum, fragrant with fumes of incense, the lambent altar-flame glistening on the pure white robes of the virgin priestesses, there is little likeness. The temescal[495] is usually built on the brink of a stream; a small hatchway affords entrance, which is instantly closed after the person going in or out. Here congregate the men of the village and enact their sudorific ceremonies, which ordinarily consist in squatting round the fire until a state of profuse perspiration sets in, when they rush out and plunge into the water. Whether this mode of treatment is more potent to kill or to cure is questionable. The sweat-house serves not only as bath and medicine room, but also as a general rendezvous for the male drones of the village. The women, with the exception of those practicing or studying medicine, are forbidden its sacred precincts on pain of death; thus it offers as convenient a refuge for henpecked husbands as a civilized club-house. In many of the tribes the men sleep in the temescal during the winter, which, notwithstanding the disgusting impurity of the atmosphere, affords them a snug retreat from the cold gusty weather common to this region.[496] [Sidenote: BURIAL AND MOURNING.] Incremation obtains but slightly among the Northern Californians, the body usually being buried in a recumbent position. The possessions of the deceased are either interred with him, or are hung around the grave; sometimes his house is burned and the ashes strewn over his burial-place. Much noisy lamentation on the part of his relatives takes place at his death, and the widow frequently manifests her grief by sitting on, or even half burying herself in, her husband's grave for some days, howling most dismally meanwhile, and refusing food and drink; or, on the upper Klamath, by cutting her hair close to the head, and so wearing it until she obtains consolation in another spouse. The Modocs hired mourners to lament at different places for a certain number of days, so that the whole country was filled with lamentation. These paid mourners were closely watched, and disputes frequently arose as to whether they had fulfilled their contract or not.[497] Occasionally the body is doubled up and interred in a sitting position, and, rarely, it is burned instead of buried. On the Klamath a fire is kept burning near the grave for several nights after the burial, for which rite various reasons are assigned. Mr Powers states that it is to light the departed shade across a certain greased pole, which is supposed to constitute its only approach to a better world. Mr Gibbs affirms that the fire is intended to scare away the devil, obviously an unnecessary precaution as applied to the Satan of civilization, who by this time must be pretty familiar with the element. The grave is generally covered with a slab of wood, and sometimes two more are placed erect at the head and foot; that of a chief is often surrounded with a fence; nor must the name of a dead person ever be mentioned under any circumstances.[498] [Sidenote: BURIAL CEREMONIES AT PITT RIVER.] The following vivid description of a last sickness and burial by the Pitt River Indians, is taken from the letter of a lady eye-witness to her son in San Francisco:-- It was evening. We seated ourselves upon a log, your father, Bertie, and I, near the fire round which the natives had congregated to sing for old Gesnip, the chief's wife. Presently Sootim, the doctor, appeared, dressed in a low-necked, loose, white muslin, sleeveless waist fastened to a breech-cloth, and red buck-skin cap fringed and ornamented with beads; the face painted with white stripes down to the chin, the arms from wrist to shoulder, in black, red, and white circles, which by the lurid camp-fire looked like bracelets, and the legs in white and black stripes,--presenting altogether a merry-Andrew appearance. Creeping softly along, singing in a low, gradually-increasing voice, Sootim approached the invalid and poised his hands over her as in the act of blessing. The one nearest him took up the song, singing low at first, then the next until the circle was completed; after this the pipe went round; then the doctor taking a sip of water, partly uncovered the patient and commenced sucking the left side; last of all he took a pinch of dirt and blew it over her. This is their curative process, continued night after night, and long into the night, until the patient recovers or dies. Next day the doctor came to see me, and I determined if possible to ascertain his own ideas of these things. Giving him some _muck-a-muck_,[499] I asked him, "What do you say when you talk over old Gesnip?" "I talk to the trees, and to the springs, and birds, and sky, and rocks," replied Sootim, "to the wind, and rain, and leaves, I beg them all to help me." Iofalet, the doctor's companion on this occasion, volunteered the remark: "When Indian die, doctor very shamed, all same Boston doctor;[500] when Indian get well, doctor very smart, all same Boston doctor." Gesnip said she wanted after death to be put in a box and buried in the ground, and not burned. That same day the poor old woman breathed her last--the last spark of that wonderful thing called life flickered and went out; there remained in that rude camp the shriveled dusky carcass, the low dim intelligence that so lately animated it having fled--whither? When I heard of it I went to the camp and found them dressing the body. First they put on Gesnip her best white clothes, then the next best, placing all the while whatever was most valuable, beads, belts, and necklaces, next the body. Money they put into the mouth, her daughter contributing about five dollars. The knees were then pressed up against the chest, and after all of her own clothing was put on, the body was rolled up in the best family bear-skin, and tied with strips of buckskin. Then Soomut, the chief and husband, threw the bundle over his shoulders, and started off for the cave where they deposit their dead, accompanied by the whole band crying and singing, and throwing ashes from the camp-fire into the air. And thus the old barbarian mourns: "Soomut had two wives--one good, one bad; but she that was good was taken away, while she that is bad remains. O Gesnip gone, gone, gone!" And the mournful procession take up the refrain: "O Gesnip gone, gone, gone!" Again the ancient chief: "Soomut has a little boy, Soomut has a little girl, but no one is left to cook their food, no one to dig them roots. O Gesnip gone, gone, gone!" followed by the chorus. Then again Soomut: "White woman knows that Gesnip was strong to work; she told me her sorrow when Gesnip died. O Gesnip gone, gone, gone!" and this was kept up during the entire march, the dead wife's virtues sung and chorused by the whole tribe, accompanied by the scattering of ashes and lamentations which now had become very noisy. The lady further states that the scene at the grave was so impressive that she was unable to restrain her tears. No wonder then that these impulsive children of nature carry their joy and sorrow to excess, even so far as in this instance, where the affectionate daughter of the old crone had to be held by her companions from throwing herself into the grave of her dead mother. After all, how slight the shades of difference in hearts human, whether barbaric or cultured! As before mentioned, the ruling passion of the savage seems to be love of wealth; having it, he is respected, without it he is despised; consequently he is treacherous when it profits him to be so, thievish when he can steal without danger, cunning when gain is at stake, brave in defense of his lares and penates. Next to his excessive venality, abject superstition forms the most prominent feature of his character. He seems to believe that everything instinct with animal life--with some, as with the Siahs, it extends to vegetable life also--is possessed by evil spirits; horrible fancies fill his imagination. The rattling of acorns on the roof, the rustling of leaves in the deep stillness of the forest is sufficient to excite terror. His wicked spirit is the very incarnation of fiendishness; a monster who falls suddenly upon the unwary traveler in solitary places and rends him in pieces, and whose imps are ghouls that exhume the dead to devour them.[501] Were it not for the diabolic view he takes of nature, his life would be a comparatively easy one. His wants are few, and such as they are, he has the means of supplying them. He is somewhat of a stoic, his motto being never do to-day what can be put off until to-morrow, and he concerns himself little with the glories of peace or war. Now and then we find him daubing himself with great stripes of paint, and looking ferocious, but ordinarily he prefers the calm of the peaceful temescal to the din of battle. The task of collecting a winter store of food he converts into a kind of summer picnic, and altogether is inclined to make the best of things, in spite of the annoyance given him in the way of reservations and other benefits of civilization. Taken as a whole, the Northern Californian is not such a bad specimen of a savage, as savages go, but filthiness and greed are not enviable qualities, and he has a full share of both.[502] [Sidenote: THE CENTRAL CALIFORNIANS.] THE CENTRAL CALIFORNIANS occupy a yet larger extent of territory, comprising the whole of that portion of California extending, north and south, from about 40° 30´ to 35°, and, east and west, from the Pacific Ocean to the Californian boundary. [Sidenote: NATIONS OF CENTRAL CALIFORNIA.] The Native Races of this region are not divided, as in the northern part of the state, into comparatively large tribes, but are scattered over the face of the country in innumerable little bands, with a system of nomenclature so intricate as to puzzle an Oedipus. Nevertheless, as among the most important, I may mention the following: The _Tehamas_, from whom the county takes its name; the _Pomos_, which name signifies 'people', and is the collective appellation of a number of tribes living in Potter Valley, where the head-waters of Eel and Russian rivers interlace, and extending west to the ocean and south to Clear Lake. Each tribe of the nation takes a distinguishing prefix to the name of Pomo, as, the _Castel Pomos_ and _Ki Pomos_ on the head-waters of Eel River; the _Pome Pomos_, Earth People, in Potter Valley; the _Cahto Pomos_, in the valley of that name; the _Choam Chadéla Pomos_, Pitch-pine People, in Redwood Valley; the _Matomey Ki Pomos_, Wooded Valley People, about Little Lake; the _Usals_, or _Camalél Pomos_, Coast People, on Usal Creek; the _Shebalne Pomos_, Neighbor People, in Sherwood Valley, and many others. On Russian River, the _Gallinomeros_ occupy the valley below Healdsburg; the _Sanéls_, _Socoas_, _Lamas_, and _Seacos_, live in the vicinity of the village of Sanél; the _Comachos_ dwell in Ranchería and Anderson valleys; the _Ukiahs_, or Yokias, near the town of Ukiah, which is a corruption of their name;[503] the _Gualalas_[504] on the creek which takes its name from them, about twenty miles above the mouth of Russian River. On the borders of Clear Lake were the _Lopillamillos_, the _Mipacmas_, and _Tyugas_; the _Yolos_, or Yolays, that is to say, 'region thick with rushes,' of which the present name of the county of Yolo is a corruption, lived on Cache Creek; the _Colusas_ occupied the west bank of the Sacramento; in the Valley of the Moon, as the _Sonomas_ called their country, besides themselves there were the _Guillicas_, the _Kanimares_, the _Simbalakees_, the _Petalumas_, and the _Wapos_; the _Yachichumnes_ inhabited the country between Stockton and Mount Diablo. According to Hittel, there were six tribes in Napa Valley: the _Mayacomas_, the _Calajomanas_, the _Caymus_, the _Napas_, the _Ulucas_, and the _Suscols_; Mr Taylor also mentions the _Guenocks_, the _Tulkays_, and the _Socollomillos_; in Suisun Valley were the _Suisunes_, the _Pulpones_, the _Tolenos_, and the _Ullulatas_; the tribe of the celebrated chief Marin lived near the mission of San Rafael, and on the ocean-coast of Marin County were the _Bolanos_ and _Tamales_; the _Karquines_ lived on the straits of that name. Humboldt and Mülhlenpfordt mention the _Matalanes_, _Salses_, and _Quirotes_, as living round the bay of San Francisco. According to Adam Johnson, who was Indian agent for California in 1850, the principal tribes originally living at the Mission Dolores, and Yerba Buena, were the _Ahwashtes_, _Altahmos_, _Romanans_, and _Tulomos_; Choris gives the names of more than fifteen tribes seen at the Mission, Chamisso of nineteen, and transcribed from the mission books to the TRIBAL BOUNDARIES of this group, are the names of nearly two hundred rancherías. The _Socoisukas_, _Thamiens_, and _Gergecensens_ roamed through Santa Clara County. The _Olchones_ inhabited the coast between San Francisco and Monterey; in the vicinity of the latter place were the _Rumsens_ or Runsiens, the _Ecclemaches_, _Escelens_ or Eslens, the _Achastliens_, and the _Mutsunes_. On the San Joaquin lived the _Costrowers_, the _Pitiaches_, _Talluches_, _Loomnears_, and _Amonces_; on Fresno River the _Chowclas_, _Cookchaneys_, _Fonechas_, _Nookchues_, and _Howetsers_; the _Eemitches_ and _Cowiahs_, lived on Four Creeks; the _Waches_, _Notoowthas_, and _Chunemmes_ on King River, and on Tulare Lake, the _Talches_ and _Woowells_. In their aboriginal manners and customs they differ but little, so little, in fact, that one description will apply to the whole division within the above-named limits. The reader will therefore understand that, except where a tribe is specially named, I am speaking of the whole people collectively. The conflicting statements of men who had ample opportunity for observation, and who saw the people they describe, if not in the same place, at least in the same vicinity, render it difficult to give a correct description of their physique. They do not appear to deteriorate toward the coast, or improve toward the interior, so uniformly as their northern neighbors; but this may be accounted for by the fact that several tribes that formerly lived on the coast have been driven inland by the settlers and vice versa. [Sidenote: PHYSICAL PECULIARITIES.] Some ethnologists see in the Californians a stock different from that of any other American race; but the more I dwell upon the subject, the more convinced I am, that, except in the broader distinctions, specific classifications of humanity are but idle speculations. Their height rarely exceeds five feet eight inches, and is more frequently five feet four or five inches, and although strongly they are seldom symmetrically built. A low retreating forehead, black deep-set eyes, thick bushy eyebrows, salient cheek-bones, a nose depressed at the root and somewhat wide-spreading at the nostrils, a large mouth with thick prominent lips, teeth large and white, but not always regular, and rather large ears, is the prevailing type. Their complexion is much darker than that of the tribes farther north, often being nearly black; so that with their matted, bushy hair, which is frequently cut short, they present a very uncouth appearance.[505] The question of beard has been much mooted; some travelers asserting that they are bearded like Turks, others that they are beardless as women. Having carefully compared the pros and cons, I think I am justified in stating that the Central Californians have beards, though not strong ones, and that some tribes suffer it to grow, while others pluck it out as soon as it appears.[506] [Sidenote: DRESS IN CENTRAL CALIFORNIA.] During summer, except on festal occasions, the apparel of the men is of the most primitive character, a slight strip of covering round the loins being full dress; but even this is unusual, the majority preferring to be perfectly unencumbered by clothing. In winter the skin of a deer or other animal is thrown over the shoulders, or sometimes a species of rope made from the feathers of water-fowl, or strips of otter-skin, twisted together, is wound round the body, forming an effectual protection against the weather. The women are scarcely better clad, their summer costume being a fringed apron of tule-grass, which falls from the waist before and behind nearly down to the knees, and is open at the sides. Some tribes in the northern part of the Sacramento Valley wear the round bowl-shaped hat worn by the natives on the Klamath. During the cold season a half-tanned deer-skin, or the rope garment above mentioned, is added. The hair is worn in various styles. Some bind it up in a knot on the back of the head, others draw it back and club it behind; farther south it is worn cut short, and occasionally we find it loose and flowing. It is not uncommon to see the head adorned with chaplets of leaves or flowers, reminding one of a badly executed bronze of Apollo or Bacchus. Ear-ornaments are much in vogue; a favorite variety being a long round piece of carved bone or wood, sometimes with beads attached, which is also used as a needle-case. Strings of shells and beads also serve as ear-ornaments and necklaces. The head-dress for gala days and dances is elaborate, composed of gay feathers, skillfully arranged in various fashions.[507] [Sidenote: PERSONAL ADORNMENT.] Tattooing is universal with the women, though confined within narrow limits. They mark the chin in perpendicular lines drawn downward from the corners and centre of the mouth, in the same manner as the Northern Californians; they also tattoo slightly on the neck and breast. It is said that by these marks women of different tribes can be easily distinguished. The men rarely tattoo, but paint the body in stripes and grotesque patterns to a considerable extent. Red was the favorite color, except for mourning, when black was used. The friars succeeded in abolishing this custom except on occasions of mourning, when affection for their dead would not permit them to relinquish it. The New Almaden cinnabar mine has been from time immemorial a source of contention between adjacent tribes. Thither, from a hundred miles away, resorted vermilion-loving savages, and often such visits were not free from blood-shed.[508] A thick coat of mud sometimes affords protection from a chilly wind. It is a convenient dress, as it costs nothing, is easily put on, and is no incumbrance to the wearer. The nudity of the savage more often proceeds from an indifference to clothing than from actual want. No people are found entirely destitute of clothing when the weather is cold, and if they can manage to obtain garments of any sort at one time of year they can at another. [Sidenote: DWELLINGS IN CENTRAL CALIFORNIA.] Their dwellings are about as primitive as their dress. In summer all they require is to be shaded from the sun, and for this a pile of bushes or a tree will suffice. The winter huts are a little more pretentious. These are sometimes erected on the level ground, but more frequently over an excavation three or four feet deep, and varying from ten to thirty feet in diameter. Round the brink of this hole willow poles are sunk upright in the ground and the tops drawn together, forming a conical structure, or the upper ends are bent over and driven into the earth on the opposite side of the pit, thus giving the hut a semi-globular shape. Bushes, or strips of bark, are then piled up against the poles, and the whole is covered with a thick layer of earth or mud. In some instances, the interstices of the frame are filled by twigs woven cross-wise, over and under, between the poles, and the outside covering is of tule-reeds instead of earth. A hole at the top gives egress to the smoke, and a small opening close to the ground admits the occupants. Each hut generally shelters a whole family of relations by blood and marriage, so that the dimensions of the habitation depend on the size of the family.[509] Thatched oblong houses are occasionally met with in Russian River Valley, and Mr Powers mentions having seen one among the Gallinomeros which was of the form of the letter L, made of slats leaned up against each other, and heavily thatched. Along the centre the different families or generations had their fires, while they slept next the walls. Three narrow holes served as doors, one at either end and one at the elbow.[510] A collection of native huts is in California called a _ranchería_, from rancho, a word first applied by the Spaniards to the spot where, in the island of Cuba, food was distributed to repartimiento Indians. [Sidenote: FOOD AND METHODS OF OBTAINING IT.] The bestial laziness of the Central Californian prevents him from following the chase to any extent, or from even inventing efficient game-traps. Deer are, however, sometimes shot with bow and arrow. The hunter, disguised with the head and horns of a stag, creeps through the long grass to within a few yards of the unsuspecting herd, and drops the fattest buck at his pleasure. Small game, such as hares, rabbits, and birds, are also shot with the arrow. Reptiles and insects of all descriptions not poisonous are greedily devoured; in fact, any life-sustaining substance which can be procured with little trouble, is food for them. But their main reliance is on acorns, roots, grass-seeds, berries and the like. These are eaten both raw and prepared. The acorns are shelled, dried in the sun, and then pounded into a powder with large stones. From this flour a species of coarse bread is made, which is sometimes flavored with various kinds of berries or herbs. This bread is of a black color when cooked, of about the consistency of cheese, and is said, by those who have tasted it, to be not at all unpalatable.[511] The dough is frequently boiled into pudding instead of being baked. A sort of mush is made from clover-seed, which is also described as being rather a savory dish. Grasshoppers constitute another toothsome delicacy. When for winter use, they are dried in the sun; when for present consumption, they are either mashed into a paste, which is eaten with the fingers, ground into a fine powder and mixed with mush, or they are saturated with salt water, placed in a hole in the ground previously heated, covered with hot stones, and eaten like shrimps when well roasted. Dried chrysalides are considered a bonne bouche, as are all varieties of insects and worms. The boiled dishes are cooked in water-tight baskets, into which hot stones are dropped. Meat is roasted on sticks before the fire, or baked in a hole in the ground. The food is conveyed to the mouth with the fingers. [Sidenote: ACORNS AND WILD FOWL.] Grasshoppers are taken in pits, into which they are driven by setting the grass on fire, or by beating the grass in a gradually lessening circle, of which the pit is the centre. For seed-gathering two baskets are used; a large one, which is borne on the back, and another smaller and scoop-shaped, which is carried in the hand; with this latter the tops of the ripe grass are swept, and the seed thus taken is thrown over the left shoulder into the larger basket. The seeds are then parched and pulverized, and usually stored as pinole,[512] for winter use.[513] When acorns are scarce the Central Californian resorts to a curious expedient to obtain them. The woodpecker, or _carpintero_ as the Spaniards call it, stores away acorns for its own use in the trunks of trees. Each acorn is placed in a separate hole, which it fits quite tightly. These the natives take; but it is never until hunger compels them to do so, as they have great respect for their little caterer, and would hold it sacrilege to rob him except in time of extreme need.[514] Wild fowl are taken with a net stretched across a narrow stream between two poles, one on either bank. Decoys are placed on the water just before the net, one end of which is fastened to the top of the pole on the farther bank. A line passing through a hole in the top of the pole on the bank where the fowler is concealed, is attached to the nearest end of the net, which is allowed to hang low. When the fowl fly rapidly up to the decoys, this end is suddenly raised with a jerk, so that the birds strike it with great force, and, stunned by the shock, fall into a large pouch, contrived for the purpose in the lower part of the net.[515] Fish are both speared and netted. A long pole, projecting sometimes as much as a hundred feet over the stream, is run out from the bank. The farther end is supported by a small raft or buoy. Along this boom the net is stretched, the nearer corner being held by a native. As soon as a fish becomes entangled in the meshes it can be easily felt, and the net is then hauled in.[516] On the coast a small fish resembling the sardine is caught on the beach in the receding waves by means of a hand-net, in the manner practiced by the Northern Californian heretofore described.[517] The Central Californians do not hunt the whale, but it is a great day with them when one is stranded.[518] In reality their food was not so bad as some writers assert. Before the arrival of miners game was so plentiful that even the lazy natives could supply their necessities. The 'nobler race,' as usual, thrust them down upon a level with swine. Johnson thus describes the feeding of the natives at Sutter's Fort: "Long troughs inside the walls were filled with a kind of boiled mush made of the wheat-bran; and the Indians, huddled in rows upon their knees before these troughs, quickly conveyed their contents by the hand to the mouth." "But," writes Powers to the author, "it is a well-established fact that California Indians, even when reared by Americans from infancy, if they have been permitted to associate meantime with others of their race, will, in the season of lush blossoming clover, go out and eat it in preference to all other food."[519] In their personal habits they are filthy in the extreme. Both their dwellings and their persons abound in vermin, which they catch and eat in the same manner as their northern neighbors.[520] [Sidenote: CALIFORNIAN WEAPONS.] Their weapons are bows and arrows, spears, and sometimes clubs. The first-named do not differ in any essential respect from those described as being used by the Northern Californians. They are well made, from two and a half to three feet long, and backed with sinew; the string of wild flax or sinew, and partially covered with bird's down or a piece of skin, to deaden the twang. The arrows are short, made of reed or light wood, and winged with three or four feathers. The head is of flint, bone, obsidian, or volcanic glass, sometimes barbed and sometimes diamond-shaped. It is fastened loosely to the shaft, and can be extracted only from a wound by cutting it out. The shaft is frequently painted in order that the owner may be able to distinguish his own arrows from others. Spears, or rather javelins, are used, seldom exceeding from four and a half to five feet in length. They are made of some tough kind of wood and headed with the same materials as the arrows. Occasionally the point of the stick is merely sharpened and hardened in the fire.[521] The head of the fishing-spear is movable, being attached to the shaft by a line, so that when a fish is struck the pole serves as a float. Some of the tribes formerly poisoned their arrows, but it is probable that the custom never prevailed to any great extent. M. du Petit-Thouars was told that they used for this purpose a species of climbing plant which grows in shady places. It is said that they also poison their weapons with the venom of serpents.[522] Pedro Fages mentions that the natives in the country round San Miguel use a kind of sabre, made of hard wood, shaped like a cimeter, and edged with sharp flints. This they employ for hunting as well as in war, and with such address that they rarely fail to break the leg of the animal at which they hurl it.[523] [Sidenote: BATTLES AND WEAPONS.] Battles, though frequent, were not attended with much loss of life. Each side was anxious for the fight to be over, and the first blood would often terminate the contest. Challenging by heralds obtained. Thus the Shumeias challenge the Pomos by placing three little sticks, notched in the middle and at both ends, on a mound which marked the boundary between the two tribes. If the Pomos accept, they tie a string round the middle notch. Heralds then meet and arrange time and place, and the battle comes off as appointed.[524] Among some tribes, children are sent by mutual arrangement into the enemy's ranks during the heat of battle to pick up the fallen arrows and carry them back to their owners to be used again.[525] When fighting, they stretch out in a long single line and endeavor by shouts and gestures to intimidate the foe.[526] Notwithstanding the mildness of their disposition and the inferiority of their weapons, the Central Californians do not lack courage in battle, and when captured will meet their fate with all the stoicism of a true Indian. For many years after the occupation of the country by the Spaniards, by abandoning their villages and lying in ambush upon the approach of the enemy, they were enabled to resist the small squads of Mexicans sent against them from the presidios for the recovery of deserters from the missions. During the settlement of the country by white people, there were the usual skirmishes growing out of wrong and oppression on the one side, and retaliation on the other; the usual uprising among miners and rancheros, and vindication of border law, which demanded the massacre of a village for the stealing of a cow. Trespass on lands and abduction of women are the usual causes of war among themselves. Opposing armies, on approaching each other in battle array, dance and leap from side to side in order to prevent their enemies from taking deliberate aim. Upon the invasion of their territory they rapidly convey the intelligence by means of signals. A great smoke is made upon the nearest hilltop, which is quickly repeated upon the surrounding hills, and thus a wide extent of country is aroused in a remarkably short time. The custom of scalping, though not universal in California, was practiced in some localities. The yet more barbarous habit of cutting off the hands, feet, or head of a fallen enemy, as trophies of victory, prevailed more widely. They also plucked out and carefully preserved the eyes of the slain. It has been asserted that these savages were cannibals, and there seems to be good reason to believe that they did devour pieces of the flesh of a renowned enemy slain in battle. Human flesh was, however, not eaten as food, nor for the purpose of wreaking vengeance on or showing hate for a dead adversary, but because they thought that by eating part of a brave man they absorbed a portion of his courage. They do not appear to have kept or sold prisoners as slaves, but to have either exchanged or killed them.[527] [Sidenote: IMPLEMENTS AND MANUFACTURES.] They are not ingenious, and manufacture but few articles requiring any skill. The principal of these are the baskets in which, as I have already mentioned, they carry water and boil their food. They are made of fine grass, so closely woven as to be perfectly water-tight, and are frequently ornamented with feathers, beads, shells, and the like, worked into them in a very pretty manner. Fletcher, who visited the coast with Sir Francis Drake in 1579, describes them as being "made in fashion like a deep boale, and though the matter were rushes, or such other kind of stuffe, yet it was so cunningly handled that the most part of them would hold water; about the brimmes they were hanged with peeces of the shels of pearles, and in some places with two or three linkes at a place, of the chaines forenamed ... and besides this, they were wrought vpon with the matted downe of red feathers, distinguished into diuers workes and formes."[528] The baskets are of various sizes and shapes, the most common being conical or wide and flat. Their pipes are straight, the bowl being merely a continuation of the stem, only thicker and hollowed out.[529] [Sidenote: NO BOATS IN SAN FRANCISCO BAY.] It is a singular fact that these natives about the bay of San Francisco and the regions adjacent, had no canoes of any description. Their only means of navigation were bundles of tule-rushes about ten feet long and three or four wide, lashed firmly together in rolls, and pointed at both ends. They were propelled, either end foremost, with long double-bladed paddles. In calm weather, and on a river, the centre, or thickest part of these rafts might be tolerably dry, but in rough water the rower, who sat astride, was up to his waist in water.[530] It has been asserted that they even ventured far out to sea on them, but that this was common I much doubt.[531] They were useful to spear fish from, but for little else; in proof of which I may mention, on the authority of Roquefeuil, that in 1809-11, the Koniagas employed by the Russians at Bodega, killed seals and otters in San Francisco Bay under the very noses of the Spaniards, and in spite of all the latter, who appear to have had no boats of their own, could do to prevent them. In their light skin baidarkas, each with places for two persons only, these bold northern boatmen would drop down the coast from Bodega Bay, where the Russians were stationed, or cross over from the Farallones in fleets of from forty to fifty boats, and entering the Golden Gate creep along the northern shore, beyond the range of the Presidio's guns, securely establish themselves upon the islands of the bay and pursue their avocation unmolested. For three years, namely from 1809 to 1811, these northern fishermen held possession of the bay of San Francisco, during which time they captured over eight thousand otters. Finally, it occurred to the governor, Don Luis Argüello, that it would be well for the Spaniards to have boats of their own. Accordingly four were built, but they were so clumsily constructed, ill equipped, and poorly manned, that had the Russians and Koniagas felt disposed, they could easily have continued their incursions. Once within the entrance, these northern barbarians were masters of the bay, and such was their sense of security that they would sometimes venture for a time to stretch their limbs upon the shore. The capture of several of their number, however, by the soldiers from the fort, made them more wary thereafter. Maurelle, who touched at Point Arenas in 1775, but did not enter the bay of San Francisco, says that "a vast number of Indians now presented themselves on both points, who passed from one to the other in small canoes made of fule, where they talked loudly for two hours or more, till at last two of them came alongside of the ship, and most liberally presented us with plumes of feathers, rosaries of bone, garments of feathers, as also garlands of the same materials, which they wore round their head, and a canister of seeds which tasted much like walnuts." The only account of this voyage in my possession is an English translation, in which "canoes made of fule" might easily have been mistaken for boats or floats of tule.[532] Split logs were occasionally used to cross rivers, and frequently all means of transportation were dispensed with, and swimming resorted to. Captain Phelps, in a letter to the author, mentions having seen skin boats, or baidarkas, on the Sacramento River, but supposes that they were left there by those same Russian employés.[533] Vancouver, speaking of a canoe which he saw below Monterey, says: "Instead of being composed of straw, like those we had seen on our first visit to San Francisco, it was neatly formed of wood, much after the Nootka fashion, and was navigated with much adroitness by four natives of the country. Their paddles were about four feet long with a blade at each end; these were handled with great dexterity, either entirely on one side or alternately on each side of their canoe."[534] I account for the presence of this canoe in the same manner that Captain Phelps accounts for the skin canoes on the Sacramento, and think that it must have come either from the south or north. The probable cause of this absence of boats in Central California is the scarcity of suitable, favorably located timber. Doubtless if the banks of the Sacramento and the shores of San Francisco Bay had been lined with large straight pine or fir trees, their waters would have been filled with canoes; yet after all, this is but a poor excuse; for not only on the hills and mountains, at a little distance from the water, are forests of fine trees, but quantities of driftwood come floating down every stream during the rainy season, out of which surely sufficient material could be secured for some sort of boats. Shells of different kinds, but especially the variety known as _aulone_, form the circulating medium. They are polished, sometimes ground down to a certain size, and arranged on strings of different lengths.[535] [Sidenote: CHIEFTAINSHIP AND ITS RIGHTS.] Chieftainship is hereditary, almost without exception. In a few instances I find it depending upon wealth, influence, family, or prowess in war, but this rarely. In some parts, in default of male descent, the females of the family are empowered to appoint a successor.[536] Although considerable dignity attaches to a chief, and his family are treated with consideration, yet his power is limited, his principal duties consisting in making peace and war, and in appointing and presiding over feasts. Every band has its separate head, and two or even three have been known to preside at the same time.[537] Sometimes when several bands are dwelling together they are united under one head chief, who, however, cannot act for the whole without consulting the lesser chiefs. Practically, the heads of families rule in their own circle, and their internal arrangements are seldom interfered with. Their medicine-men also wield a very powerful influence among them.[538] Sometimes, when a flagrant murder has been committed, the chiefs meet in council and decide upon the punishment of the offender. The matter is, however, more frequently settled by the relatives of the victim, who either exact blood for blood from the murderer or let the thing drop for a consideration. Among the Neeshenams revenge must be had within twelve months after the murder or not at all.[539] [Sidenote: RULERS OF NEW ALBION.] According to Fletcher's narrative, there seems to have been much more distinction of rank at the time of Drake's visit to California than subsequent travelers have seen; however, allowance must be made for the exaggerations invariably found in the reports of early voyagers. In proof of this, we have only to take up almost any book of travel in foreign lands printed at that time; wherein dragons and other impossible animals are not only zoölogically described, but carefully drawn and engraved, as well as other marvels in abundance. Captain Drake had several temptations to exaggerate. The richer and more important the country he discovered, the more would it redound to his credit to have been the discoverer; the greater the power and authority of the chief who formally made over his dominions to the queen of England, the less likely to be disputed would be that sovereign's claims to the ceded territory. Fletcher never speaks of the chief of the tribe that received Drake, but as 'the king,' and states that this dignitary was treated with great respect and ceremony by the courtiers who surrounded him. These latter were distinguished from the canaille by various badges of rank. They wore as ornaments chains "of a bony substance, euery linke or part thereof being very little, and thinne, most finely burnished, with a hole pierced through the middest. The number of linkes going to make one chaine, is in a manner infinite; but of such estimation it is amongst them, that few be the persons that are admitted to weare the same; and euen they to whom its lawfull to use them, yet are stinted what number they shall vse, as some ten, some twelue, some twentie, and as they exceed in number of chaines, so thereby are they knowne to be the more honorable personages." Another mark of distinction was a "certain downe, which groweth vp in the countrey vpon an herbe much like our lectuce, which exceeds any other downe in the world for finenesse, and beeing layed vpon their cawles, by no winds can be remoued. Of such estimation is this herbe amongst them, that the downe thereof is not lawfull to be worne, but of such persons as are about the king (to whom also it is permitted to weare a plume of feather on their heads, in signe of honour), and the seeds are not vsed but onely in sacrifice to their gods." The king, who was gorgeously attired in skins, with a crown of feather-work upon his head, was attended by a regular body-guard, uniformly dressed in coats of skins. His coming was announced by two heralds or ambassadors, one of whom prompted the other, during the proclamation, in a low voice. His majesty was preceded in the procession by "a man of large body and goodly aspect, bearing the septer or royall mace;" all of which happened, if we may believe the worthy chaplain of the expedition, on the coast just above San Francisco Bay, three hundred years ago.[540] [Sidenote: HOW A BRIDE IS WON.] Slavery in any form is rare, and hereditary bondage unknown.[541] Polygamy obtains in most of the tribes, although there are exceptions.[542] It is common for a man to marry a whole family of sisters, and sometimes the mother also, if she happen to be free.[543] Husband and wife are united with very little ceremony. The inclinations of the bride seem to be consulted here more than among the Northern Californians. It is true she is sometimes bought from her parents, but if she violently opposes the match she is seldom compelled to marry or to be sold. Among some tribes the wooer, after speaking with her parents, retires with the girl; if they agree, she thenceforth belongs to him; if not, the match is broken off.[544] The Neeshenam buys his wife indirectly by making presents of game to her family. He leaves the gifts at the door of the lodge without a word, and, if they are accepted, he shortly after claims and takes his bride without further ceremony. In this tribe the girl has no voice whatever in the matter, and resistance on her part merely occasions brute force to be used by her purchaser.[545] [Sidenote: CHILD-BIRTH AND THE COUVADE.] When an Oleepa lover wishes to marry, he first obtains permission from the parents. The damsel then flies and conceals herself; the lover searches for her, and should he succeed in finding her twice out of three times she belongs to him. Should he be unsuccessful he waits a few weeks and then repeats the performance. If she again elude his search, the matter is decided against him.[546] The bonds of matrimony can be thrown aside as easily as they are assumed. The husband has only to say to his spouse, I cast you off, and the thing is done.[547] The Gallinomeros acquire their wives by purchase, and are at liberty to sell them again when tired of them.[548] As usual the women are treated with great contempt by the men, and forced to do all the hard and menial labor; they are not even allowed to sit at the same fire or eat at the same repast with their lords. Both sexes treat children with comparative kindness;[549] boys are, however, held in much higher estimation than girls, and from early childhood are taught their superiority over the weaker sex. It is even stated that many female children are killed as soon as born,[550] but I am inclined to doubt the correctness of this statement as applied to a country where polygamy is practiced as extensively as in California. Old people are treated with contumely, both men and women, aged warriors being obliged to do menial work under the supervision of the women. The Gallinomeros kill their aged parents in a most cold-blooded manner. The doomed creature is led into the woods, thrown on his back, and firmly fastened in that position to the ground. A stout pole is then placed across the throat, upon either end of which a person sits until life is extinct.[551] A husband takes revenge for his wife's infidelities upon the person of her seducer, whom he is justified in killing. Sometimes the male offender is compelled to buy the object of his unholy passions. In consequence of their strictness in this particular, adultery is not common among themselves, although a husband is generally willing to prostitute his dearest wife to a white man for a consideration. The Central Californian women are inclined to rebel against the tyranny of their masters, more than is usual in other tribes. A refractory Tahtoo wife is sometimes frightened into submission. The women have a great dread of evil spirits, and upon this weakness the husband plays. He paints himself in black and white stripes to personate an ogre, and suddenly jumping in among his terrified wives, brings them speedily to penitence. Child-bearing falls lightly on the Californian mother. When the time for delivery arrives she betakes herself to a quiet place by the side of a stream; sometimes accompanied by a female friend, but more frequently alone. As soon as the child is born the mother washes herself and the infant in the stream. The child is then swaddled from head to foot in strips of soft skin, and strapped to a board, which is carried on the mother's back. When the infant is suckled, it is drawn round in front and allowed to hang there, the mother meanwhile pursuing her usual avocations. So little does child-bearing affect these women, that, on a journey, they will frequently stop by the way-side for half an hour to be delivered, and then overtake the party, who have traveled on at the usual pace. Painful parturition, though so rare, usually results fatally to both mother and child when it does occur. This comparative exemption from the curse, "in sorrow shalt thou bring forth," is doubtless owing partly to the fact that the sexes have their regular season for copulation, just as animals have theirs, the women bringing forth each year with great regularity. A curious custom prevails, which is, however, by no means peculiar to California. When child-birth overtakes the wife, the husband puts himself to bed, and there grunting and groaning he affects to suffer all the agonies of a woman in labor. Lying there, he is nursed and tended for some days by the women as carefully as though he were the actual sufferer. Ridiculous as this custom is, it is asserted by Mr Tylor to have been practiced in western China, in the country of the Basques, by the Tibareni at the south of the Black Sea, and in modified forms by the Dyaks of Borneo, the Arawaks of Surinam, and the inhabitants of Kamchatka and Greenland.[552] The females arrive early at the age of puberty,[553] and grow old rapidly.[554] [Sidenote: CALIFORNIAN DIVERSIONS.] Most important events, such as the seasons of hunting, fishing, acorn-gathering, and the like, are celebrated with feasts and dances which differ in no essential respect from those practiced by the Northern Californians. They usually dance naked, having their heads adorned with feather ornaments, and their bodies and faces painted with glaring colors in grotesque patterns. Broad stripes, drawn up and down, across, or spirally round the body, form the favorite device; sometimes one half of the body is colored red and the other blue, or the whole person is painted jet black and serves as a ground for the representation of a skeleton, done in white, which gives the wearer a most ghastly appearance.[555] The dancing is accompanied by chantings, clapping of hands, blowing on pipes of two or three reeds and played with the nose or mouth, beating of skin drums, and rattling of tortoise-shells filled with small pebbles. This horrible discord is, however, more for the purpose of marking time than for pleasing the ear.[556] The women are seldom allowed to join in the dance with the men, and when they are so far honored, take a very unimportant part in the proceedings, merely swaying their bodies to and fro in silence. Plays, representing scenes of war, hunting, and private life, serve to while away the time, and are performed with considerable skill. Though naturally the very incarnation of sloth, at least as far as useful labor is concerned, they have one or two games which require some exertion. One of these, in vogue among the Meewocs, is played with bats and an oak-knot ball. The former are made of a pliant stick, having the end bent round and lashed to the main part so as to form a loop, which is filled with a network of strings. They do not strike but push the ball along with these bats. The players take sides, and each party endeavors to drive the ball past the boundaries of the other. Another game, which was formerly much played at the missions on the coast, requires more skill and scarcely less activity. It consists in throwing a stick through a hoop which is rapidly rolled along the ground. If the player succeeds in this, he gains two points; if the stick merely passes partially through, so that the hoop remains resting upon it, one point is scored. But, as usual, games of chance are much preferred to games of skill. The chief of these is the same as that already described in the last chapter as being played by the natives all along the coasts of Oregon, Washington, and British Columbia, and which bears so close a resemblance to the odd-and-even of our school-days. They are as infatuated on this subject as their neighbors, and quite as willing to stake the whole of their possessions on an issue of chance. They smoke a species of strong tobacco in the straight pipes before mentioned;[557] but they have no native intoxicating drink.[558] [Sidenote: MEDICINE AND SWEAT-HOUSES.] The principal diseases are small-pox, various forms of fever, and syphilis. Owing to their extreme filthiness they are also very subject to disgusting eruptions of the skin. Women are not allowed to practice the healing art, as among the Northern Californians, the privileges of quackery being here reserved exclusively to the men. Chanting incantations, waving of hands, and the sucking powers obtain. Doctors are supposed to have power over life and death, hence if they fail to effect a cure, they are frequently killed.[559] They demand the most extortionate fees in return for their services, and often refuse to officiate unless the object they desire is promised them. Sweat-houses similar to those already described are in like manner used as a means of cure for every kind of complaint.[560] They have another kind of sudatory. A hole is dug in the sand of a size sufficient to contain a person lying at full length; over this a fire is kept burning until the sand is thoroughly heated, when the fire is removed and the sand stirred with a stick until it is reduced to the required temperature. The patient is then placed in the hole and covered, with the exception of his head, with sand. Here he remains until in a state of profuse perspiration, when he is unearthed and plunged into cold water. They are said to practice phlebotomy, using the right arm when the body is affected and the left when the complaint is in the limbs. A few simple decoctions are made from herbs, but these are seldom very efficient medicines, especially when administered for the more complicated diseases which the whites have brought among them. Owing to the insufficient or erroneous treatment they receive, many disorders which would be easily cured by us, degenerate with them into chronic maladies, and are transmitted to their children.[561] Incremation is almost universal in this part of California.[562] The body is decorated with feathers, flowers, and beads, and after lying in state for some time, is burned amid the howls and lamentations of friends and relations. The ashes are either preserved by the family of the deceased or are formally buried. The weapons and effects of the dead are burned or buried with them.[563] When a body is prepared for interment the knees are doubled up against the chest and securely bound with cords. It is placed in a sitting posture in the grave, which is circular. This is the most common manner of sepulture, but some tribes bury the body perpendicularly in a hole just large enough to admit it, sometimes with the head down, sometimes in a standing position. The Pomos formerly burned their dead, and since they have been influenced by the whites to bury them, they invariably place the body with its head toward the south. [Sidenote: MOURNING FOR THE DEAD.] A scene of incremation is a weird spectacle. The friends and relatives of the deceased gather round the funeral pyre in a circle, howling dismally. As the flames mount upward their enthusiasm increases, until in a perfect frenzy of excitement, they leap, shriek, lacerate their bodies, and even snatch a handful of smoldering flesh from the fire, and devour it. The ashes of the dead mixed with grease, are smeared over the face as a badge of mourning, and the compound is suffered to remain there until worn off by the action of the weather. The widow keeps her head covered with pitch for several months. In the Russian River Valley, where demonstrations of grief appear to be yet more violent than elsewhere, self-laceration is much practiced. It is customary to have an annual Dance of Mourning, when the inhabitants of a whole village collect together and lament their deceased friends with howls and groans. Many tribes think it necessary to nourish a departed spirit for several months. This is done by scattering food about the place where the remains of the dead are deposited. A devoted Neeshenam widow does not utter a word for several months after the death of her husband; a less severe sign of grief is to speak only in a low whisper for the same time.[564] Regarding a future state their ideas are vague; some say that the Meewocs believe in utter annihilation after death, but who can fathom the hopes and fears that struggle in their dark imaginings. They are not particularly cruel or vicious; they show much sorrow for the death of a relative; in some instances they are affectionate toward their families.[565] [Sidenote: CENTRAL CALIFORNIAN CHARACTER.] Although nearly all travelers who have seen and described this people, place them in the lowest scale of humanity, yet there are some who assert that the character of the Californian has been maligned. It does not follow, they say, that he is indolent because he does not work when the fertility of his native land enables him to live without labor; or that he is cowardly because he is not incessantly at war, or stupid and brutal because the mildness of his climate renders clothes and dwellings superfluous. But is this sound reasoning? Surely a people assisted by nature should progress faster than another, struggling with depressing difficulties. From the frozen, wind-swept plains of Alaska to the malaria-haunted swamps of Darien, there is not a fairer land than California; it is the neutral ground, as it were, of the elements, where hyperboreal cold, stripped of its rugged aspect, and equatorial heat, tamed to a genial warmth, meet as friends, inviting, all blusterings laid aside. Yet if we travel northward from the Isthmus, we must pass by ruined cities and temples, traces of mighty peoples, who there flourished before a foreign civilization extirpated them. On the arid deserts of Arizona and New Mexico is found an incipient civilization. Descending from the Arctic sea we meet races of hunters and traders, which can be called neither primitive nor primordial, living after their fashion as men, not as brutes. It is not until we reach the Golden Mean in Central California that we find whole tribes subsisting on roots, herbs and insects; having no boats, no clothing, no laws, no God; yielding submissively to the first touch of the invader; held in awe by a few priests and soldiers. Men do not civilize themselves. Had not the Greeks and the Egyptians been driven on by an unseen hand, never would the city of the Violet Crown have graced the plains of Hellas, nor Thebes nor Memphis have risen in the fertile valley of the Nile. Why Greece is civilized, while California breeds a race inferior to the lowest of their neighbors, save only perhaps the Shoshones on their east, no one yet can tell. When Father Junípero Serra established the Mission of Dolores in 1776, the shores of San Francisco Bay were thickly populated by the Ahwashtees, Ohlones, Altahmos, Romanons, Tuolomos, and other tribes. The good Father found the field unoccupied, for, in the vocabulary of these people, there is found no word for god, angel, or devil; they held no theory of origin or destiny. A ranchería was situated on the spot where now Beach street intersects Hyde street. Were it there now, as contrasted with the dwellings of San Francisco, it would resemble a pig-sty more than a human habitation. On the Marin and Sonoma shores of the bay were the Tomales and Camimares, the latter numbering, in 1824, ten thousand souls. Marin, chief of the Tomales, was for a long time the terror of the Spaniards, and his warriors were ranked as among the fiercest of the Californians. He was brave, energetic, and possessed of no ordinary intelligence. When quite old he consented to be baptized into the Romish Church. [Sidenote: YOSEMITE VALLEY INDIANS.] It has been suspected that the chief Marin was not a full-bred Indian, but that he was related to a certain Spanish sailor who was cast ashore from a wrecked galeon on a voyage from Manila to Acapulco about the year 1750. The ship-wrecked Spaniards, it has been surmised, were kindly treated by the natives; they married native wives, and lived with the Tomales as of them, and from them descended many of their chiefs; but of this we have no proof. Yosemite Valley was formerly a stronghold to which tribes in that vicinity resorted after committing their depredations upon white settlers. They used to make their boast that their hiding place could never be discovered by white men. But during the year 1850, the marauders growing bold in their fancied security, the whites arose and drove them into the mountains. Following them thither under the guidance of Tenaya, an old chief and confederate, the white men were suddenly confronted by the wondrous beauties of the valley. The Indians, disheartened at the discovery of their retreat, yielded a reluctant obedience, but becoming again disaffected they renewed their depredations. Shortly afterward the Yosemite Indians made a visit to the Monos. They were hospitably entertained, but upon leaving, could not resist the temptation to drive off a few stray cattle belonging to their friends. The Monos, enraged at this breach of good faith, pursued and gave them battle. The warriors of the valley were nearly exterminated, scarce half a dozen remaining to mourn their loss. All their women and children were carried away into captivity. These Yosemite Indians consisted of a mixture from various tribes, outlaws as it were from the surrounding tribes. They have left as their legacy a name for every cliff and waterfall within the valley. How marvelous would be their history could we go back and trace it from the beginning, these millions of human bands, who throughout the ages have been coming and going, unknowing and unknown! In the SOUTHERN CALIFORNIANS, whose territory lies south of the thirty-fifth parallel, there are less tribal differences than among any people whom we have yet encountered, whose domain is of equal extent. Those who live in the south-eastern corner of the State are thrown by the Sierra Nevada range of mountains into the Shoshone family, to which, indeed, by affinity they belong. The chief tribes of this division are the _Cahuillas_ and the _Diegueños_, the former living around the San Bernardino and San Jacinto mountains, and the latter in the southern extremity of California. Around each mission were scores of small bands, whose rancherías were recorded in the mission books, the natives as a whole being known only by the name of the mission. When first discovered by Cabrillo in 1542, the islands off the coast were inhabited by a superior people, but these they were induced by the padres to abandon, following which event the people rapidly faded away. The natives called the island of Santa Cruz _Liniooh_, Santa Rosa _Hurmal_, San Miguel _Twocan_, and San Nicolas _Ghalashat_. As we approach the southern boundary of California a slight improvement is manifest in the aborigines. The men are here well made, of a stature quite up to the average, comparatively fair-complexioned and pleasant-featured. The children of the islanders are described by the early voyagers as being white, with light hair and ruddy cheeks, and the women as having fine forms, beautiful eyes, and a modest demeanor.[566] The beard is plucked out with a bivalve shell, which answers the purpose of pincers. [Sidenote: DRESS IN SOUTHERN CALIFORNIA.] A short cloak of deer-skin or rabbit-skins sewed together, suffices the men for clothing; and sometimes even this is dispensed with, for they think it no shame to be naked.[567] The women and female children wear a petticoat of skin, with a heavy fringe reaching down to the knees; in some districts they also wear short capes covering the breasts.[568] On the coast and, formerly, on the islands, seals furnished the material.[569] The more industrious and wealthy embroider their garments profusely with small shells. Around Santa Barbara rings of bone or shell were worn in the nose; at Los Angeles nasal ornaments were not the fashion. The women had cylinder-shaped pieces of ivory, sometimes as much as eight inches, in length, attached to the ears by a shell ring. Bracelets and necklaces were made of pieces of ivory ground round and perforated, small pebbles, and shells. Paint of various colors was used by warriors and dancers. Mr Hugo Reid, who has contributed valuable information concerning the natives of Los Angeles County, states that girls in love paint the cheeks sparingly with red ochre, and all the women, before they grow old, protect their complexion from the effects of the sun by a plentiful application of the same cosmetic.[570] Vizcaino saw natives on the southern coast painted blue and silvered over with some kind of mineral substance. On his asking where they obtained the silver-like material they showed him a kind of mineral ore, which they said they used for purposes of ornamentation.[571] They take much pride in their hair, which they wear long. It is braided, and either wound round the head turban-like,[572] or twisted into a top-knot; some tie it in a queue behind. According to Father Boscana the girls are tattooed in infancy on the face, breast, and arms. The most usual method was to prick the flesh with a thorn of the cactus-plant; charcoal produced from the maguey was then rubbed into the wounds, and an ineffaceable blue was the result.[573] [Sidenote: DWELLINGS AND FOOD.] Dwellings, in the greater part of this region, differ but little from those of the Central Californians. In shape they are conical or semi-globular, and usually consist of a frame, formed by driving long poles into the ground, covered with rushes and earth.[574] On the coast of the Santa Barbara Channel there seems to have been some improvement in their style of architecture. It was probably here that Cabrillo saw houses built after the manner of those in New Spain.[575] It is possible that the influences of the southern civilization may have extended as far as this point. Father Boscana's description of the temples or _vanquechs_ erected by the natives in the vicinity of San Juan Capistrano, in honor of their god, Chinigchinich, is thus translated: "They formed an enclosure of about four or five yards in circumference, not exactly round, but inclining to an oval. This they divided by drawing a line through the centre, and built another, consisting of the branches of trees, and mats to the height of about six feet, outside of which, in the other division, they formed another of small stakes of wood driven into the ground. This was called the gate, or entrance, to the vanquech. Inside of this, and close to the larger stakes, was placed a figure of their god Chinigchinich, elevated upon a kind of hurdle. This is the edifice of the vanquech."[576] Almost every living thing that they can lay their hands on serves as food. Coyotes, skunks, wild cats, rats, mice, crows, hawks, owls, lizards, frogs, snakes, excepting him of the rattle, grasshoppers and other insects, all are devoured by the inland tribes. Stranded whales, animals of the seal genus, fish, and shell-fish, form the main support of those inhabiting the coast. Venison they are of course glad to eat when they can get it, but as they are poor hunters, it is a rare luxury. When they did hunt the deer they resorted to the same artifice as their northern neighbors, placing a deer's head and horns on their own head, and thus disguised approaching within bow-shot. Bear-meat the majority refuse to eat from superstitious motives.[577] Grasshoppers are eaten roasted. Acorns are shelled, dried, and pounded in stone mortars into flour, which is washed and rewashed in hot and cold water until the bitterness is removed, when it is made into gruel with cold water, or baked into bread. Various kinds of grass-seeds, herbs, berries, and roots, are also eaten, both roasted and raw. Wild fowl are caught in nets made of tules, spread over channels cut through the rushes in places frequented by the fowl, at a sufficient height above the water to allow the birds to swim easily beneath them. The game is gently driven or decoyed under the nets, when at a given signal, a great noise is made, and the terrified fowl, rising suddenly, become hopelessly entangled in the meshes, and fall an easy prey. Or selecting a spot containing clear water about two feet deep, they fasten a net midway between the surface and the bottom, and strewing the place with berries, which sink to the bottom under the net, they retire. The fowl approach and dive for the berries. The meshes of the net readily admit the head, but hold the prisoner tight upon attempting to withdraw it. And what is more, their position prevents them from making a noise, and they serve also as a decoy for others. Fish are taken in seines made from the tough bark of the tioñe-tree. They are also killed with spears having a movable bone head, attached to a long line, so that when a fish is struck the barb becomes loosened; line is then paid out until the fish is exhausted with running, when it is drawn in. Many of the inland tribes come down to the coast in the fishing season, and remain there until the shoals leave, when they return to the interior. Food is either boiled by dropping hot stones into water-baskets, or, more frequently, in vessels made of soap-stone.[578] In their cooking, as in other respects, they are excessively unclean. They bathe frequently, it is true, but when not in the water they are wallowing in filth. Their dwellings are full of offal and other impurities, and vermin abound on their persons. [Sidenote: WEAPONS AND WAR.] Bows and arrows, and clubs, are as usual the weapons most in use. Sabres of hard wood, with edges that cut like steel, are mentioned by Father Junípero Serra.[579] War is a mere pretext for plunder; the slightest wrong, real or imaginary, being sufficient cause for a strong tribe to attack a weaker one. The smaller bands form temporary alliances; the women and children accompanying the men on a raid, carrying provisions for the march, and during an engagement they pick up the fallen arrows of the enemy and so keep their own warriors supplied. Boscana says that no male prisoners are taken, and no quarter given; and Hugo Reid affirms of the natives of Los Angeles County that all prisoners of war, after being tormented in the most cruel manner, are invariably put to death. The dead are decapitated and scalped. Female prisoners are either sold or retained as slaves. Scalps, highly prized as trophies, and publicly exhibited at feasts, may be ransomed, but no consideration would induce them to part with their living captives.[580] Among the few articles they manufacture are fish-hooks, needles, and awls, made of bone or shell; mortars and pestles of granite, and soap-stone cooking vessels, and water-tight baskets.[581] The clay vessels which are frequently found among them now, were not made by them before the arrival of the Spaniards. The stone implements, however, are of aboriginal manufacture, and are well made. The former are said to have been procured mostly by the tribes of the mainland from the Santa Rosa islanders.[582] The instruments which they used in their manufactures were flint knives and awls; the latter Fages describes as being made from the small bone of a deer's fore-foot. The knife is double-edged, made of a flint, and has a wooden haft, inlaid with mother of pearl.[583] On this coast we again meet with wooden canoes, although the balsa, or tule raft, is also in use. These boats are made of planks neatly fastened together and paid with bitumen;[584] prow and stern, both equally sharp, are elevated above the centre, which made them appear to Vizcaino "como barquillos" when seen beside his own junk-like craft. The paddles were long and double-bladed, and their boats, though generally manned by three or four men, were sometimes large enough to carry twenty. Canoes dug out of a single log, scraped smooth on the outside, with both ends shaped alike, were sometimes, though more rarely, used.[585] The circulating medium consisted of small round pieces of the white mussel-shell. These were perforated and arranged on strings, the value of which depended upon their length.[586] I have said before that this money is supposed to have been manufactured for the most part on Santa Rosa Island. Hence it was distributed among the coast tribes, who bought with it deer-skins, seeds, etc., from the people of the interior. [Sidenote: GOVERNMENT AND PUNISHMENTS.] Each tribe acknowledged one head, whose province it was to settle disputes,[587] levy war, make peace, appoint feasts, and give good advice. Beyond this he had little power.[588] He was assisted in his duties by a council of elders. The office of chief was hereditary, and in the absence of a male heir devolved upon the female nearest of kin. She could marry whom she pleased, but her husband obtained no authority through the alliance, all the power remaining in his wife's hands until their eldest boy attained his majority, when the latter at once assumed the command. A murderer's life was taken by the relatives of his victim, unless he should gain refuge in the temple, in which case his punishment was left to their god. Vengeance was, however, only deferred; the children of the murdered man invariably avenged his death, sooner or later, upon the murderer or his descendants. When a chief grew too old to govern he abdicated in favor of his son, on which occasion a great feast was given. When all the people had been called together by criers, "the crown was placed upon the head of the chief elect, and he was enrobed with the imperial vestments," as Father Boscana has it; that is to say, he was dressed in a head-ornament of feathers, and a feather petticoat reaching from the waist half-way down to the knees, and the rest of his body painted black. He then went into the temple and performed a pas seul before the god Chinigchinich. Here, in a short time, he was joined by the other chiefs, who, forming a circle, danced round him, accompanied by the rattling of turtle-shells filled with small stones. When this ceremony was over he was publicly acknowledged chief. As I said before, the chief had little actual authority over individuals; neither was the real power vested in the heads of families; but a system of influencing the people was adopted by the chief and the elders, which is somewhat singular. Whenever an important step was to be taken, such as the killing of a malefactor, or the invasion of an enemy's territory, the sympathies of the people were enlisted by means of criers, who were sent round to proclaim aloud the crime and the criminal, or to dilate upon the wrongs suffered at the hands of the hostile tribe; and their eloquence seldom failed to attain the desired object.[589] [Sidenote: MARRIAGE IN SOUTHERN CALIFORNIA.] The chief could have a plurality of wives, but the common people were only allowed one.[590] The form of contracting a marriage varied. In Los Angeles County, according to Mr Reid, the matter was arranged by a preliminary interchange of presents between the male relatives of the bridegroom and the female relatives of the bride. The former proceeded in a body to the dwelling of the girl, and distributed small sums in shell money among her female kinsfolk, who were collected there for the occasion. These afterward returned the compliment by visiting the man and giving baskets of meal to his people. A time was then fixed for the final ceremony. On the appointed day the girl, decked in all her finery, and accompanied by her family and relations, was carried in the arms of one of her kinsfolk toward the house of her lover; edible seeds and berries were scattered before her on the way, which were scrambled for by the spectators. The party was met half-way by a deputation from the bridegroom, one of whom now took the young woman in his arms and carried her to the house of her husband, who waited expectantly. She was then placed by his side, and the guests, after scattering more seeds, left the couple alone. A great feast followed, of which the most prominent feature was a character-dance. The young men took part in this dance in the rôles of hunters and warriors, and were assisted by the old women, who feigned to carry off game, or dispatch wounded enemies, as the case might be. The spectators sat in a circle and chanted an accompaniment. According to another form of marriage the man either asked the girl's parents for permission to marry their daughter, or commissioned one of his friends to do so. If the parents approved, their future son-in-law took up his abode with them, on condition that he should provide a certain quantity of food every day. This was done to afford him an opportunity to judge of the domestic qualities of his future wife. If satisfied, he appointed a day for the marriage, and the ceremony was conducted much in the same manner as that last described, except that he received the girl in a temporary shelter erected in front of his hut, and that she was disrobed before being placed by his side. Children were often betrothed in infancy, kept continually in each other's society until they grew up, and the contract was scarcely ever broken. Many obtained their wives by abduction, and this was the cause of many of the inter-tribal quarrels in which they were so constantly engaged. If a man ill-treated his wife, her relations took her away, after paying back the value of her wedding presents, and then married her to another. Little difficulty was experienced in obtaining a divorce on any ground; indeed, in many of the tribes the parties separated whenever they grew tired of each other. Adultery was severely punished. If a husband caught his wife in the act, he was justified in killing her, or, he could give her up to her seducer and appropriate the spouse of the latter to himself. [Sidenote: CHILD-BIRTH.] At the time of child-birth many singular observances obtained; for instance, the old women washed the child as soon as it was born, and drank of the water; the unhappy infant was forced to take a draught of urine medicinally, and although the husband did not affect the sufferings of labor, his conduct was supposed in some manner to affect the unborn child, and he was consequently laid under certain restrictions, such as not being allowed to leave the house, or to eat fish and meat. The women as usual suffer little from child-bearing. One writer thus describes the accouchement of a woman in the vicinity of San Diego: "A few hours before the time arrives she gets up and quietly walks off alone, as if nothing extraordinary was about to occur. In this manner she deceives all, even her husband, and hides herself away in some secluded nook, near a stream or hole of water. At the foot of a small tree, which she can easily grasp with both hands, she prepares her 'lying-in-couch,' on which she lies down as soon as the labor pains come on. When the pain is on, she grasps the tree with both hands, thrown up backward over her head, and pulls and strains with all her might, thus assisting each pain, until her accouchement is over. As soon as the child is born, the mother herself ties the navel-cord with a bit of buck-skin string, severing it with a pair of sharp scissors, prepared for the occasion, after which the end is burned with a coal of fire; the child is then thrown into the water; if it rises to the surface and cries, it is taken out and cared for; if it sinks, there it remains, and is not even awarded an Indian burial. The affair being all over, she returns to her usual duties, just as if nothing had happened, so matter of fact are they in such matters." Purification at child-birth lasted for three days, during which time the mother was allowed no food, and no drink but warm water. The ceremony, in which mother and child participated, was as follows: In the centre of the hut a pit was filled with heated stones, upon which herbs were placed, and the whole covered with earth, except a small aperture through which water was introduced. The mother and child, wrapped in blankets, stood over the pit and were soon in a violent perspiration. When they became exhausted from the effect of the steam and the heated air, they lay upon the ground and were covered with earth, after which they again took to the heated stones and steam. The mother was allowed to eat no meat for two moons, after which pills made of meat and wild tobacco were given her. In some tribes she could hold no intercourse with her husband until the child was weaned. Children, until they arrived at the age of puberty, remained under the control of their parents, afterward they were subject only to the chief. Like the Spartan youth, they were taught that abstinence, and indifference to hardship and privations, constitute the only true manhood. To render them hardy much unnecessary pain was inflicted. They were forbidden to approach the fire to warm themselves, or to eat certain seeds and berries which were considered luxuries. A youth, to become a warrior, must first undergo a severe ordeal; his naked body was beaten with stinging nettles until he was literally unable to move; then he was placed upon the nest of a species of virulent ant, while his friends irritated the insects by stirring them up with sticks. The infuriated ants swarmed over every part of the sufferer's body, into his eyes, his ears, his mouth, his nose, causing indescribable pain. Boscana states that the young were instructed to love truth, to do good, and to venerate old age.[592] At an early age they were placed under the protection of a tutelar divinity, which was supposed to take the form of some animal. To discover the particular beast which was to guide his future destinies, the child was intoxicated,[593] and for three or four days kept without food of any kind. During this period he was continually harassed and questioned, until, weak from want of food, crazed with drink and importunity, and knowing that the persecution would not cease until he yielded, he confessed to seeing his divinity, and described what kind of brute it was. The outline of the figure was then molded in a paste made of crushed herbs, on the breast and arms of the novitiate. This was ignited and allowed to burn until entirely consumed, and thus the figure of the divinity remained indelibly delineated in the flesh. Hunters, before starting on an expedition, would beat their faces with nettles to render them clear-sighted. A girl, on arriving at the age of puberty, was laid upon a bed of branches placed over a hole, which had been previously heated, where she was kept with very little food for two or three days. Old women chanted songs, and young women danced round her at intervals during her purification. In the vicinity of San Diego the girl is buried all but her head, and the ground above her is beaten until she is in a profuse perspiration. This is continued for twenty-four hours, the patient being at intervals during this time taken out and washed, and then reimbedded. A feast and dance follow.[594] When the missionaries first arrived in this region, they found men dressed as women and performing women's duties, who were kept for unnatural purposes. From their youth up they were treated, instructed, and used as females, and were even frequently publicly married to the chiefs or great men.[595] [Sidenote: AMUSEMENTS.] Gambling and dancing formed, as usual, their principal means of recreation. Their games of chance differed little from those played farther north. That of guessing in which hand a piece of wood was held, before described, was played by eight, four on a side, instead of four. Another game was played by two. Fifty small pieces of wood, placed upright in a row in the ground, at distances of two inches apart, formed the score. The players were provided with a number of pieces of split reed, blackened on one side; these were thrown, points down, on the ground, and the thrower counted one for every piece that remained white side uppermost; if he gained eight he was entitled to another throw. If the pieces all fell with the blackened side up they counted also. Small pieces of wood placed against the upright pegs, marked the game. They reckoned from opposite ends of the row, and if one of the players threw just so many as to make his score exactly meet that of his opponent, the former had to commence again. Throwing lances of reed through a rolling hoop was another source of amusement. Professional singers were employed to furnish music to a party of gamblers. An umpire was engaged, whose duty it was to hold the stakes, count the game, prevent cheating, and act as referee; he was also expected to supply wood for the fire. When they were not eating, sleeping, or gambling, they were generally dancing; indeed, says Father Boscana, "such was the delight with which they took part in their festivities, that they often continued dancing day and night, and sometimes entire weeks." They danced at a birth, at a marriage, at a burial; they danced to propitiate the divinity, and they thanked the divinity for being propitiated by dancing. They decorated themselves with shells and beads, and painted their bodies with divers colors. Sometimes head-dresses and petticoats of feathers were worn, at other times they danced naked. The women painted the upper part of their bodies brown. They frequently danced at the same time as the men, but seldom with them. Time was kept by singers, and the rattling of turtle-shells filled with pebbles. They were good actors, and some of their character-dances were well executed; the step, however, like their chanting, was monotonous and unvarying. Many of their dances were extremely licentious, and were accompanied with obscenities too disgusting to bear recital. Most of them were connected in some way with their superstitions and religious rites.[596] These people never wandered far from their own territory, and knew little or nothing of the nations lying beyond their immediate neighbors. Mr Reid relates that one who traveled some distance beyond the limits of his own domain, returned with the report that he had seen men whose ears descended to their hips; then he had met with a race of Lilliputians; and finally had reached a people so subtly constituted that they "would take a rabbit, or other animal, and merely with the breath, inhale the essence; throwing the rest away, which on examination proved to be excrement." [Sidenote: CUSTOMS AND SUPERSTITIONS.] They had a great number of traditions, legends, and fables. Some of these give evidence of a powerful imagination; a few are pointed with a moral; but the majority are puerile, meaningless, to us at least, and filled with obscenities. It is said that, in some parts, the Southern Californians are great snake-charmers, and that they allow the reptiles to wind themselves about their bodies and bite them, with impunity. Feuds between families are nursed for generations; the war is seldom more than one of words, however, unless a murder is to be avenged, and consists of mutual vituperations, and singing obscene songs about each other. Friends salute by inquiries after each other's health. On parting one says 'I am going,' the other answers 'go.' They are very superstitious, and believe in all sorts of omens and auguries. An eclipse frightens them beyond measure, and shooting stars cause them to fall down in the dust and cover their heads in abject terror. Many of them believe that, should a hunter eat meat or fish which he himself had procured, his luck would leave him. For this reason they generally hunt or fish in pairs, and when the day's sport is over, each takes what the other has killed. Living as they do from hand to mouth, content to eat, sleep, and dance away their existence, we cannot expect to find much glimmering of the simpler arts or sciences among them. Their year begins at the winter solstice, and they count by lunar months, so that to complete their year they are obliged to add several supplementary days. All these months have symbolic names. Thus December and January are called the month of cold; February and March, the rain; March and April, the first grass; April and May, the rise of waters; May and June, the month of roots; June and July, of salmon fishing; July and August, of heat; August and September, of wild fruits; September and October, of bulbous roots; October and November, of acorns and nuts; November and December, of bear and other hunting. [Sidenote: MEDICAL TREATMENT.] Sorcerers are numerous, and as unbounded confidence is placed in their power to work both good and evil, their influence is great. As astrologers and soothsayers, they can tell by the appearance of the moon the most propitious day and hour in which to celebrate a feast, or attack an enemy. Sorcerers also serve as almanacs for the people, as it is their duty to note by the aspect of the moon the time of the decease of a chief or prominent man, and to give notice of the anniversary when it comes round, in order that it may be duly celebrated. They extort black-mail from individuals by threatening them with evil. The charm which they use is a ball made of mescal mixed with wild honey; this is carried under the left arm, in a small leather bag,--and the spell is effected by simply laying the right hand upon this bag. Neither does their power end here; they hold intercourse with supernatural beings, metamorphose themselves at will, see into the future, and even control the elements. They are potent to cure as well as to kill. For all complaints, as usual, they 'put forth the charm of woven paces and of waving hands,' and in some cases add other remedies. For internal complaints they prescribe cold baths; wounds and sores are treated with lotions and poultices of crushed herbs, such as sage and rosemary, and of a kind of black oily resin, extracted from certain seeds. Other maladies they affirm to be caused by small pieces of wood, stone, or other hard substance, which by some means have entered the flesh, and which they pretend to extract by sucking the affected part. In a case of paralysis the stricken parts were whipped with nettles. Blisters are raised by means of dry paste made from nettle-stalks, placed on the bare flesh of the patient, set on fire, and allowed to burn out. Cold water or an emetic is used for fever and like diseases, or, sometimes, the sufferer is placed naked upon dry sand or ashes, with a fire close to his feet, and a bowl of water or gruel at his head, and there left for nature to take its course, while his friends and relatives sit round and howl him into life or into eternity. Snake-bites are cured by an internal dose of ashes, or the dust found at the bottom of ants' nests, and an external application of herbs.[598] The medicine-men fare better here than their northern brethren, as, in the event of the non-recovery of their patient, the death of the latter is attributed to the just anger of their god, and consequently the physician is not held responsible. To avert the displeasure of the divinity, and to counteract the evil influence of the sorcerers, regular dances of propitiation or deprecation are held, in which the whole tribe join.[599] [Sidenote: DEATH AND BURIAL.] The temescal, or sweat-house, is the same here as elsewhere, which renders a description unnecessary.[600] The dead were either burned or buried. Father Boscana says that no particular ceremonies were observed during the burning of the corpse. The body was allowed to lie untouched some days after death, in order to be certain that no spark of life remained. It was then borne out and laid upon the funeral pyre, which was ignited by a person specially appointed for that purpose. Everything belonging to the deceased was burned with him. When all was over the mourners betook themselves to the outskirts of the village, and there gave vent to their lamentation for the space of three days and nights. During this period songs were sung, in which the cause of the late death was related, and even the progress of the disease which brought him to his grave minutely described in all its stages. As an emblem of grief the hair was cut short in proportion to nearness of relation to or affection for the deceased, but laceration was not resorted to.[602] Mr Taylor relates that the Santa Inez Indians buried their dead in regular cemeteries. The body was placed in a sitting posture in a box made of slabs of claystone, and interred with all the effects of the dead person.[603] According to Reid, the natives of Los Angeles County waited until the body began to show signs of decay and then bound it together in the shape of a ball, and buried it in a place set apart for that purpose, with offerings of seeds contributed by the family. At the first news of his death all the relatives of the deceased gathered together, and mourned his departure with groans, each having a groan peculiar to himself. The dirge was presently changed to a song, in which all united, while an accompaniment was whistled through a deer's leg-bone. The dancing consisted merely in a monotonous shuffling of the feet.[604] Pedro Fages thus describes a burial ceremony at the place named by him Sitio de los Pedernales.[605] Immediately after an Indian has breathed his last, the corpse is borne out and placed before the idol which stands in the village, there it is watched by persons who pass the night round a large fire built for the purpose; the following morning all the inhabitants of the place gather about the idol and the ceremony commences. At the head of the procession marches one smoking gravely from a large stone pipe; followed by three others, he three times walks round the idol and the corpse; each time the head of the deceased is passed the coverings are lifted, and he who holds the pipe blows three puffs of smoke upon the body. When the feet are reached, a kind of prayer is chanted in chorus, and the parents and relatives of the defunct advance in succession and offer to the priest a string of threaded seeds, about a fathom long; all present then unite in loud cries and groans, while the four, taking the corpse upon their shoulders, proceed with it to the place of interment. Care is taken to place near the body articles which have been manufactured by the deceased during his life-time. A spear or javelin, painted in various vivid colors, is planted erect over the tomb, and articles indicating the occupation of the dead are placed at his foot; if the deceased be a woman, baskets or mats of her manufacture are hung on the javelin.[606] Death they believed to be a real though invisible being, who gratified his own anger and malice by slowly taking away the breath of his victim until finally life was extinguished. The future abode of good spirits resembled the Scandinavian Valhalla; there, in the dwelling-place of their god, they would live for ever and ever, eating, and drinking, and dancing, and having wives in abundance. As their ideas of reward in the next world were matter-of-fact and material, so were their fears of punishment in this life; all accidents, such as broken limbs or bereavement by death, were attributed to the direct vengeance of their god, for crimes which they had committed.[607] Though good-natured and inordinately fond of amusement, they are treacherous and unreliable. Under a grave and composed exterior they conceal their thoughts and character so well as to defy interpretation. And this is why we find men, who have lived among them for years, unable to foretell their probable action under any given circumstances. [Sidenote: THE SHOSHONE FAMILY.] THE SHOSHONE FAMILY, which forms the fourth and last division of the Californian group, may be said to consist of two great nations, the Snakes, or Shoshones proper, and the Utahs. The former inhabit south-eastern Oregon, Idaho, western Montana, and the northern portions of Utah and Nevada, are subdivided into several small tribes, and include the more considerable nation of the Bannacks. The Utahs occupy nearly the whole of Utah and Nevada, and extend into Arizona and California, on each side of the Colorado. Among the many tribes into which the Utahs are divided may be mentioned the _Utahs_ proper, whose territory covers a great part of Utah and eastern Nevada; the _Washoes_ along the eastern base of the Sierra Nevada, between Honey Lake and the west fork of Walker River; the _Pah Utes_, or, as they are sometimes called, Piutes, in western and central Nevada, stretching into Arizona and south-eastern California; the _Pah Vants_ in the vicinity of Sevier Lake, the _Pi Edes_ south of them, and the _Gosh Utes_, a mixed tribe of Snakes and Utahs, dwelling in the vicinity of Gosh Ute Lake and Mountains. The Shoshones[608] are below the medium stature; the Utahs, though more powerfully built than the Snakes, are coarser-featured and less agile. All are of a dark bronze-color when free from paint and dirt, and, as usual, beardless. The women are clumsily made, although some of them have good hands and feet.[609] On the barren plains of Nevada, where there is no large game, the rabbit furnishes nearly the only clothing. The skins are sewn together in the form of a cloak, which is thrown over the shoulders, or tied about the body with thongs of the same. In warm weather, or when they cannot obtain rabbit-skins, men, women and children are, for the most part, in a state of nudity. The hair is generally allowed to grow long, and to flow loosely over the shoulders; sometimes it is cut straight over the forehead, and among the Utahs of New Mexico it is plaited into two long queues by the men, and worn short by the women. Ornaments are rare; I find mention in two instances[610] of a nose-ornament, worn by the Pah Utes, consisting of a slender piece of bone, several inches in length, thrust through the septum of the nose. Tattooing is not practiced but paint of all colors is used unsparingly.[611] The Snakes are better dressed than the Utahs, their clothing being made from the skins of larger game, and ornamented with beads, shells, fringes, feathers, and, since their acquaintance with the whites, with pieces of brilliant-colored cloth. A common costume is a shirt, leggins, and moccasins, all of buck-skin, over which is thrown, in cold weather, a heavy robe, generally of buffalo-skin, but sometimes of wolf, deer, elk, or beaver. The dress of the women differs but little from that of the men, except that it is less ornamented and the shirt is longer.[612] [Sidenote: DRESS OF THE SNAKES.] The dress of the Snakes seen by captains Lewis and Clarke was richer than is usually worn by them now; it was composed of a robe, short cloak, shirt, long leggins, and moccasins. The robe was of buffalo or smaller skins, dressed with the hair on; the collar of the cloak, a strip of skin from the back of the otter, the head being at one end and the tail at the other. From this collar were suspended from one hundred to two hundred and fifty ermine-skins,[613] or rather strips from the back of the ermine, including the head and tail; each of these strips was sewn round a cord of twisted silk-grass, which tapered in thickness toward the tail. The seams were concealed with a fringe of ermine-skin; little tassels of white fur were also attached to each tail, to show off its blackness to advantage. The collar was further ornamented with shells of the pearl-oyster; the shirt, made of the dressed hides of various kinds of deer, was loose and reached half-way down the thigh; the sleeves were open on the under side as low as the elbow,--the edges being cut into a fringe from the elbow to the wrist,--and they fitted close to the arm. The collar was square, and cut into fringe, or adorned with the tails of the animals which furnished the hide; the shirt was garnished with fringes and stained porcupine-quills; the leggins were made each from nearly an entire antelope-skin, and reached from the ankle to the upper part of the thigh. The hind legs of the skin were worn uppermost, and tucked into the girdle; the neck, highly ornamented with fringes and quills, trailed on the ground behind the heel of the wearer; the side seams were fringed, and for this purpose the scalps of fallen enemies were frequently used. The moccasins were also of dressed hide, without the hair, except in winter, when buffalo-hide, with the hair inside, answered the purpose. They were made with a single seam on the outside edge, and were embellished with quills; sometimes they were covered with the skin of a polecat, the tail of which dragged behind on the ground. Ear-ornaments of beads, necklaces of shells, twisted-grass, elk-tushes, round bones, like joints of a fish's back-bone, and the claws of the brown bear, were all worn. Eagles' feathers stuck in the hair, or a strip of otter-skin tied round the head, seem to have been the only head-dresses in use.[614] This, or something similar, was the dress only of the wealthy and prosperous tribes. Like the Utahs, the Snakes paint extensively, especially when intent upon war.[615] [Sidenote: DWELLINGS AND FOOD OF THE SHOSHONES.] The Snakes also build better dwellings than the Utahs. Long poles are leaned against each other in a circle, and are then covered with skins, thus forming a conical tent. A hole in the top, which can be closed in bad weather, serves as chimney, and an opening at the bottom three or four feet high, admits the occupants on pushing aside a piece of hide stretched on a stick, which hangs over the aperture as a door. These skin tents, as is necessary to a nomadic people, are struck and pitched with very little labor. When being moved from one place to another, the skins are folded and packed on the ponies, and the poles are hitched to each side of the animal by one end, while the other drags. The habitations of the people of Nevada and the greater part of Utah are very primitive and consist of heaps of brush, under which they crawl, or even of a mere shelter of bushes, semi-circular in shape, roofless, and three or four feet high, which serves only to break the force of the wind. Some of them build absolutely no dwellings, but live in caves and among the rocks, while others burrow like reptiles in the ground. Farnham gives us a very doleful picture of their condition; he says: "When the lizard, and snail, and wild roots are buried in the snows of winter, they are said to retire to the vicinity of timber, dig holes in the form of ovens in the steep sides of the sand-hills, and, having heated them to a certain degree, deposit themselves in them, and sleep and fast till the weather permits them to go abroad again for food. Persons who have visited their haunts after a severe winter, have found the ground around these family ovens strewn with the unburied bodies of the dead, and others crawling among them, who had various degrees of strength, from a bare sufficiency to gasp in death, to those that crawled upon their hands and feet, eating grass like cattle."[616] Naturally pusillanimous, weak in development, sunk below the common baser passions of the savage, more improvident than birds, more beastly than beasts, it may be possible to conceive of a lower phase of humanity, but I confess my inability to do so. Pine-nuts, roots, berries, reptiles, insects, rats, mice, and occasionally rabbits are the only food of the poorer Shoshone tribes. Those living in the vicinity of streams or lakes depend more or less for their subsistence upon fish. The Snakes of Idaho and Oregon, and the tribes occupying the more fertile parts of Utah, having abundance of fish and game, live well the year round, but the miserable root-eating people, partly owing to their inherent improvidence, partly to the scantiness of their food-supply, never store sufficient provision for the winter, and consequently before the arrival of spring they are invariably reduced to extreme destitution. To avoid starvation they will eat dead bodies, and even kill their children for food.[617] A rat or a rabbit is prepared for eating by singeing the hair, pressing the offal from the entrails and cooking body and intestines together. Lizards, snakes, grasshoppers, and ants are thrown alive into a dish containing hot embers, and are tossed about until roasted; they are then eaten dry or used to thicken soup. Grasshoppers, seeds, and roots, are also gathered and cooked in the same manner as by the nations already described. The Gosh Utes take rabbits in nets made of flax-twine, about three feet wide and of considerable length. A fence of sage-brush is erected across the rabbit-paths, and on this the net is hung. The rabbits in running quickly along the trail become entangled in the meshes and are taken before they can escape. Lizards are dragged from their holes by means of a hooked stick. To catch ants a piece of fresh hide or bark is placed upon the ant-hill; this is soon covered by vast swarms of the insects, which are then brushed off into a bag and kept there until dead, when they are dried for future use. Among the hunting tribes antelope are gradually closed in upon by a circle of horsemen and beaten to death with clubs. They are also stalked after the fashion of the Californians proper, the hunter placing the head and horns of an antelope or deer upon his own head and thus disguised approaching within shooting distance. [Sidenote: NATIVE FISH-WEIR.] Fish are killed with spears having movable heads, which become detached when the game is struck, and are also taken in nets made of rushes or twigs. In the latter case a place is chosen where the river is crossed by a bar, the net is then floated down the stream and on reaching the bar both ends are drawn together. The fish thus enclosed are taken from the circle by hand, and the Shoshone as he takes each one, puts its head in his mouth and kills it with his teeth. Captain Clarke describes an ingeniously constructed weir on Snake River, where it was divided into four channels by three small islands. Three of these channels were narrow "and stopped by means of trees which were stretched across, and supported by willow stakes, sufficiently near to prevent the passage of the fish. About the centre of each was placed a basket formed of willows, eighteen or twenty feet in length, of a cylindrical form, and terminating in a conic shape at its lower extremity; this was situated with its mouth upwards, opposite to an aperture in the weir. The main channel of the water was then conducted to this weir, and as the fish entered it they were so entangled with each other, that they could not move, and were taken out by emptying the small end of the willow basket. The weir in the main channel was formed in a manner somewhat different; there were, in fact two distinct weirs formed of poles and willow sticks quite across the river, approaching each other obliquely with an aperture in each side of the angle. This is made by tying a number of poles together at the top, in parcels of three, which were then set up in a triangular form at the base, two of the poles being in the range desired for the weir, and the third down the stream. To these poles two ranges of other poles are next lashed horizontally, with willow bark and withes, and willow sticks joined in with these crosswise, so as to form a kind of wicker-work from the bottom of the river to the height of three or four feet above the surface of the water. This is so thick as to prevent the fish from passing, and even in some parts with the help of a little gravel and some stone enables them to give any direction which they wish to the water. These two weirs being placed near to each other, one for the purpose of catching the fish as they ascend, the other as they go down the river, are provided with two baskets made in the form already described, and which are placed at the apertures of the weir." For present consumption the fish are boiled in water-tight baskets by means of red-hot stones, or are broiled on the embers; sometimes the bones are removed before the fish is cooked; great quantities are also dried for winter. Some few of the Utahs cultivate a little maize, vegetables, and tobacco, and raise stock, but efforts at agriculture are not general. The Snakes sometimes accompany the more northern tribes into the country of the Blackfeet, for the purpose of killing buffalo.[618] In their persons, dwellings and habits, the Utahs are filthy beyond description. Their bodies swarm with vermin which they catch and eat with relish. Some of the Snakes are of a more cleanly disposition, but, generally speaking, the whole Shoshone family is a remarkably dirty one.[619] [Sidenote: WEAPONS OF THE SHOSHONES.] The bow and arrow are universally used by the Shoshones, excepting only some of the most degraded root-eaters, who are said to have no weapon, offensive or defensive, save the club. The bow is made of cedar, pine, or other wood, backed with sinew after the manner already described, or, more rarely, of a piece of elk-horn. The string is of sinew. The length of the bow varies. According to Farnham, that used by the Pi Utes is six feet long, while that of the Shoshones seen by Lewis and Clark was only two and a half feet in length. The arrows are from two to four feet, and are pointed with obsidian, flint, or, among the lower tribes, by merely hardening the tip with fire. Thirty or forty are usually carried in a skin quiver, and two in the hand ready for immediate use. Lances, which are used in some localities, are pointed in the same manner as the arrows when no iron can be procured. The Snakes have a kind of mace or club, which they call a _poggamoggon_. It consists of a heavy stone, sometimes wrapped in leather, attached by a sinew thong about two inches in length, to the end of a stout leather-covered handle, measuring nearly two feet. A loop fastened to the end held in the hand prevents the warrior from losing the weapon in the fight, and allows him to hold the club in readiness while he uses the bow and arrow.[620] They also have a circular shield about two and a half feet in diameter, which is considered a very important part of a warrior's equipment, not so much from the fact that it is arrow-proof, as from the peculiar virtues supposed to be given it by the medicine-men. The manufacture of a shield is a season of great rejoicing. It must be made from the entire fresh hide of a male two-year-old buffalo, and the process is as follows. A hole is dug in the ground and filled with red-hot stones; upon these water is poured until a thick steam arises. The hide is then stretched, by as many as can take hold of it, over the hole, until the hair can be removed with the hands and it shrinks to the required size. It is then placed upon a prepared hide, and pounded by the bare feet of all present, until the ceremony is concluded. When the shield is completed, it is supposed to render the bearer invulnerable. Lewis and Clarke also make mention of a species of defensive armor "something like a coat of mail, which is formed by a great many folds of dressed antelope skins, united by means of a mixture of glue and sand. With this they cover their own bodies and those of their horses, and find it impervious to the arrow." I find mention in one instance only, of a shield being used by the Utahs. In that case it was small, circular, and worn suspended from the neck. The fishing spear I have already described as being a long pole with an elk-horn point. When a fish is struck the shaft is loosened from its socket in the head, but remains connected with the latter by a cord.[621] Arrows are occasionally poisoned by plunging them into a liver which has been previously bitten by a rattlesnake.[622] [Sidenote: MANNER OF MAKING WAR.] The tribes that possess horses always fight mounted, and manage their animals with considerable address. In war they place their reliance upon strategy and surprise; fires upon the hills give warning of an enemy's approach. Prisoners of war are killed with great tortures, especially female captives, who are given over to the women of the victorious tribe and by them done to death most cruelly; it is said, however, that male prisoners who have distinguished themselves by their prowess in battle, are frequently dismissed unhurt. Scalps are taken, and sometimes portions of the flesh of a brave fallen enemy are eaten that the eater may become endued with the valor of the slain. He who takes the most scalps gains the most glory. Whether the warriors who furnished the trophies fell by the hand of the accumulator or not, is immaterial; he has but to show the spoils and his fame is established. The Snakes are said to be peculiarly skillful in eluding pursuit. When on foot, they will crouch down in the long grass and remain motionless while the pursuer passes within a few feet of them, or when caught sight of they will double and twist so that it is impossible to catch them. The custom of ratifying a peace treaty by a grand smoke, common to so many of the North American aborigines, is observed by the Shoshones.[623] The pipe, the bowl of which is usually of red stone, painted or carved with various figures and adorned with feathers, is solemnly passed from mouth to mouth, each smoker blowing the smoke in certain directions and muttering vows at the same time. The only tools used before iron and steel were introduced by the whites were of flint, bone, or horn. The flint knife had no regular form, and had a sharp edge about three or four inches long, which was renewed when it became dull. Elk-horn hatchets, or rather wedges, were used to fell trees. They made water-proof baskets of plaited grass, and others of wicker-work covered with hide. The Snakes and some of the Utahs were versed in the art of pottery, and made very good vessels from baked clay. These were not merely open dishes, but often took the form of jars with narrow necks, having stoppers.[624] [Sidenote: LAWS AND GOVERNMENT.] Boats, as a rule, the Shoshones have none. They usually cross rivers by fording; otherwise they swim, or pass over on a clumsy and dangerous raft made of branches and rushes.[625] By way of compensation they all, except the poorest, have horses, and these constitute their wealth. They have no regular currency, but use for purposes of barter their stock of dried fish, their horses, or whatever skins and furs they may possess. They are very deliberate traders, and a solemn smoke must invariably precede a bargain.[626] Although each tribe has an ostensible chief, his power is limited to giving advice, and although his opinion may influence the tribe, yet he cannot compel obedience to his wishes. Every man does as he likes. Private revenge, of course, occasionally overtakes the murderer, or, if the sympathies of the tribe be with the murdered man, he may possibly be publicly executed, but there are no fixed laws for such cases. Chieftainship is hereditary in some tribes; in others it is derived from prestige.[627] The Utahs do not hesitate to sell their wives and children into slavery for a few trinkets. Great numbers of these unfortunates are sold to the Navajos for blankets. An act which passed the legislature of Utah in 1852, legalizing slavery, sets forth that from time immemorial, slavery has been a customary traffic among the Indians; that it was a common practice among them to gamble away their wives and children into slavery, to sell them into slavery to other nations, and that slaves thus obtained were most barbarously treated by their masters; that they were packed from place to place on mules; that these unfortunate humans were staked out to grass and roots like cattle, their limbs mutilated and swollen from being bound with thongs; that they were frozen, starved, and killed by their inhuman owners; that families and tribes living at peace would steal each other's wives and children, and sell them as slaves. In view of these abuses it was made lawful for a probate judge, or selectmen, to bind out native captive women and children to suitable white persons for a term not to exceed twenty years.[628] Polygamy, though common, is not universal; a wife is generally bought of her parents;[629] girls are frequently betrothed in infancy; a husband will prostitute his wife to a stranger for a trifling present, but should she be unfaithful without his consent, her life must pay the forfeit. The women, as usual, suffer very little from the pains of child-bearing. When the time of a Shoshone woman's confinement draws near, she retires to some secluded place, brings forth unassisted, and remains there for about a month, alone, and procuring her subsistence as best she can. When the appointed time has elapsed she is considered purified and allowed to join her friends again. The weaker sex of course do the hardest labor, and receive more blows than kind words for their pains. These people, in common with most nomadic nations, have the barbarous custom of abandoning the old and infirm the moment they find them an incumbrance. Lewis and Clarke state that children are never flogged, as it is thought to break their spirit.[630] [Sidenote: GAMBLING AND DRINKING.] The games of hazard played by the Shoshones differ little from those of their neighbors; the principal one appears to be the odd-and-even game so often mentioned; but of late years they have nearly abandoned these, and have taken to 'poker,' which they are said to play with such adroitness as to beat a white man. With the voice they imitate with great exactness the cries of birds and beasts, and their concerts of this description, which generally take place at midnight, are discordant beyond measure. Though they manufacture no intoxicating liquor themselves, they will drink the whisky of the whites whenever opportunity offers. They smoke the _kinikkinik_ leaf when no tobacco can be procured from the traders.[631] In connection with their smoking they have many strange observances. When the pipe is passed round at the solemnization of a treaty, or the confirmation of a bargain, each smoker, on receiving it from his neighbor, makes different motions with it; one turns the pipe round before placing the stem to his lips; another describes a semicircle with it; a third smokes with the bowl in the air; a fourth with the bowl on the ground, and so on through the whole company. All this is done with a most grave and serious countenance, which makes it the more ludicrous to the looker-on. The Snakes, before smoking with a stranger, always draw off their moccasins as a mark of respect. Any great feat performed by a warrior, which adds to his reputation and renown, such as scalping an enemy, or successfully stealing his horses, is celebrated by a change of name. Killing a grizzly bear also entitles him to this honor, for it is considered a great feat to slay one of these formidable animals, and only he who has performed it is allowed to wear their highest insignia of glory, the feet or claws of the victim. To bestow his name upon a friend is the highest compliment that one man can offer another. The Snakes, and some of the Utahs, are skillful riders, and possess good horses. Their horse-furniture is simple. A horse-hair or raw-hide lariat is fastened round the animal's neck; the bight is passed with a single half-hitch round his lower jaw, and the other end is held in the rider's hand; this serves as a bridle. When the horse is turned loose, the lariat is loosened from his jaw and allowed to trail from his neck. The old men and the women have saddles similar to those used for packing by the whites; they are a wooden frame made of two pieces of thin board fitting close to the sides of the horse, and held together by two cross-pieces, in shape like the legs of an isosceles triangle. A piece of hide is placed between this and the horse's back, and a robe is thrown over the seat when it is ridden on. The younger men use no saddle, except a small pad, girthed on with a leather thong. When traveling they greatly overload their horses. All the household goods and provisions are packed upon the poor animal's back, and then the women and children seat themselves upon the pile, sometimes as many as four or five on one horse.[632] [Sidenote: DISEASES AND BURIAL.] The poorer Utahs are very subject to various diseases, owing to exposure in winter. They have few, if any, efficient remedies. They dress wounds with pine-gum, after squeezing out the blood. The Snakes are much affected by rheumatism and consumption, caused chiefly by their being almost constantly in the water fishing, and by exposure. Syphilis has, of course, been extensively introduced among all the tribes. A few plants and herbs are used for medicinal purposes, and the medicine-men practice their wonted mummeries, but what particular means of cure they adopt is not stated by the authorities. I find no mention of their having sweat-houses.[633] Concerning the disposal of the dead usage differs. In some parts the body is burned, in others it is buried. In either case the property of the deceased is destroyed at his burial. His favorite horse, and, in some instances, his favorite wife, are killed over his grave, that he may not be alone in the spirit land. Laceration in token of grief is universal, and the lamentations of the dead person's relatives are heard for weeks after his death, and are renewed at intervals for many months. Child-like in this, they rush into extremes, and when not actually engaged in shrieking and tearing their flesh, they appear perfectly indifferent to their loss.[634] [Sidenote: SHOSHONE CHARACTER.] The character of the better Shoshone tribes is not much worse than that of the surrounding nations; they are thieving, treacherous, cunning, moderately brave after their fashion, fierce when fierceness will avail them anything, and exceedingly cruel. Of the miserable root and grass eating Shoshones, however, even this much cannot be said. Those who have seen them unanimously agree that they of all men are lowest. Lying in a state of semi-torpor in holes in the ground during the winter, and in spring crawling forth and eating grass on their hands and knees, until able to regain their feet; having no clothes, scarcely any cooked food, in many instances no weapons, with merely a few vague imaginings for religion, living in the utmost squalor and filth, putting no bridle on their passions, there is surely room for no missing link between them and brutes.[635] Yet as in all men there stands out some prominent good, so in these, the lowest of humanity, there is one virtue: they are lovers of their country; lovers, not of fair hills and fertile valleys, but of inhospitable mountains and barren plains; these reptile-like men love their miserable burrowing-places better than all the comforts of civilization; indeed, in many instances, when detained by force among the whites, they have been known to pine away and die. TRIBAL BOUNDARIES. [Sidenote: NORTHERN CALIFORNIANS.] To the NORTHERN CALIFORNIANS, whose territory extends from Rogue River on the north to Eel River south, and from the Pacific Ocean to the Californian boundary east, including the Klamath, and other lakes, are assigned, according to the authorities, the following tribal boundaries: There are 'the Hoopahs, and the Ukiahs of Mendocino;' 'the Umpquas, Kowooses or Cooses, Macanootoony's of the Umpqua river section, Nomee Cults, and Nomee Lacks of Tehama County; the Copahs, Hanags, Yatuckets, Terwars and Tolowas, of the lower Klamath river; the Wylaks and Noobimucks of Trinity county mountains west from Sacramento plains; the Modocs of Klamath Lake, the Ylackas of Pitt River, the Ukas and Shastas of Shasta county.' _Taylor_, in _Cal. Farmer_, _June 8, 1860_. 'The _Tototins_ are divided into twelve bands; eight of them are located on the coast, one on the forks of the Coquille, and three on Rogue river.' 'The Tototins, from whom is derived the generic name of the whole people speaking the language, reside on the north bank of the Tototin river, about four miles from its mouth. Their country extends from the eastern boundary of the Yahshutes, a short distance below their village, up the stream about six miles, where the fishing-grounds of the Mackanotins commence.' 'The country of the Euquachees commences at the "Three Sisters," and extends along the coast to a point about three miles to the south of their village, which is on a stream which bears their name. The mining town of Elizabeth is about the southern boundary of the Euquachees, and is called thirty miles from Port Orford. Next southward of the Euquachees are the Yahshutes, whose villages occupy both banks of the Tototin or Rogue river, at its mouth. These people claim but about two and a half miles back from the coast, where the Tototin country commences. The Yahshutes claim the coast to some remarkable headlands, about six miles south of Rogue river. South of these headlands are the Chetlessentuns. Their village is north of, but near, the mouth of a stream bearing their name, but better known to the whites as Pistol river. The Chetlessentuns claim but about eight miles of the coast; but as the country east of them is uninhabited, like others similarly situated, their lands are supposed to extend to the summit of the mountains. Next to the Chetlessentuns on the south are the Wishtenatins, whose village is at the mouth of a small creek bearing their name. They claim the country to a small trading-post known as the Whale's Head, about twenty-seven miles south of the mouth of Rogue River. Next in order are the Cheattee or Chitco band, whose villages were situated on each side of the mouth, and about six miles up a small river bearing their name.... The lands of these people extend from Whale's Head to the California line, and back from the coast indefinitely.... The Mackanotin village is about seven miles above that of the Tototins, and is on the same side of the river. They claim about twelve miles of stream. The Shistakoostees succeed them (the Mackanotins). Their village is on the north bank of Rogue river, nearly opposite the confluence of the Illinois. These are the most easterly band within my district in the South.' _Parrish_, in _Ind. Aff. Rept._, 1854, pp. 283-9. 'Dr. Hubbard, in his notes (1856) on the Indians of Rogue River and South Oregon, on the ocean, before alluded to, gives the following list of names of Rancherias and clans of the Lototen or Tutatamys tribe. Masonah Band, location, Coquille river; Chockrelatan Band, location, Coquille forks; Quatomah Band, location, Flore's creek; Laguaacha Band, location, Elk river; Cosulhenten Band, location, Port Orford; Yuquache Band, location, Yugua creek; Chetlessenten Band, location, Pistol river; Yah Shutes Band, location, Rogue river; Wishtanatan Band, location, Whale's head; Cheahtoc Band, location, Chetko; Tototen Band, location, six miles above the mouth of Rogue river; Sisticoosta Band, location, above Big Bend, of Rogue river; Maquelnoteer Band, location, fourteen miles above the mouth of Rogue river.' _Cal. Farmer_, _June 18, 1860_. The Tutotens were a large tribe, numbering thirteen clans, inhabiting the southern coast of Oregon. _Golden Era_, _March, 1856_. 'Toutounis ou Coquins, sur la rivière de ce nom et dans l'intérieur des terres.' _Mofras_, _Explor._, tom. ii., p. 335. 'On the lower part of the Clamet River are the Totutune, known by the unfavorable soubriquet of the Rogue, or Rascal Indians.' _Hale's Ethnog._, in _U. S. Ex. Ex._, vol. vi., p. 221. The bands of the Tootooton tribe 'are scattered over a great extent of country--along the coast and on the streams from the California line to twenty miles north of the Coquille, and from the ocean to the summit of the coast range of mountains.' _Palmer_, in _Ind. Aff. Rept._, 1854, p. 259. Taylor places the Tutunahs in the northwest corner of Del Norte County. _MS. Map._ The _Hunas_ live in California a little south of Rogue River, on the way north from Crescent City. _Pfeiffer's Second Journ._, p. 314. _Modoc_, by some _Moädoc_, is a word which originated with the Shasteecas, who applied it indefinitely to all wild Indians or enemies. 'Their proper habitat is on the southern shore of Lower Klamath Lake, on Hot Creek, around Clear Lake, and along Lost River in Oregon.' _Powers_, in _Overland Monthly_, vol. x., p. 535. They own the Klamath River from the lake 'to where it breaks through the Siskiyou range to the westward.' _Id._, vol. xi., p. 21. In the northern part of Siskiyou County. _MS. Map_. 'The Modocs of the Klamath Lake were also called Moahtockna.' _Cal. Farmer_, _June 22, 1860_. East of the Klamaths, whose eastern boundary is twenty-five or thirty miles east of the Cascade Range, along the southern boundary of Oregon, 'and extending some distance into California, is a tribe known as the Modocks. East of these again, but extending farther south, are the Moetwas.' 'The country round Ancoose and Modoc lakes, is claimed and occupied by the Modoc Indians.' _Palmer_, in _Ind. Aff. Rept._, 1854, pp. 262-3. 'The Modocs (or Moadoc, as the word is pronounced) known in their language as the Okkowish, inhabit the Goose lake country, and are mostly within the State of California.... The word Modoc is a Shasta Indian word, and means all distant, stranger, or hostile Indians, and became applied to these Indians by white men in early days from hearing the Shastas speak of them.' See _Steele_, in _Ind. Aff. Rept._, 1864, p. 121. The _Oukskenahs_, in the north-western part of Siskiyou County. _MS. Map._ [Sidenote: THE TRINITY RIVER TRIBES.] The _Klamaths_ or _Lutuami_--'Lutuami, or Tlamatl, or Clamet Indians. The first of these names is the proper designation of the people in their own language. The second is that by which they are known to the Chinooks, and through them to the whites. They live on the head waters of the river and about the lake, which have both received from foreigners the name of Clamet.' _Hale's Ethnog._, in _U. S. Ex. Ex._, vol. vi., p. 218. That portion of the eastern base of the Cascade Range, south of the forty-fourth parallel, 'extending twenty-five or thirty miles east, and south to the California line, is the country of the Klamath Indians.' _Palmer_, in _Ind. Aff. Rept._, 1854, p. 262. The Tlameths 'inhabit the country along the eastern base of the Cascade and Sierra Nevada Mountains, and south to the Great Klameth Lake.' _Thompson_, in _Ind. Aff. Rept._, 1854, p. 283. The Clamets inhabit 'Roquas River, near the south boundary' (of Oregon). _Warre and Vavasour_, in _Martin's Hudson's Bay_, p. 81. 'Lutuami, Clamets; also Tlamatl--Indians of southwestern Oregon, near the Clamet Lake.' _Ludewig's Ab. Lang._, p. 100. 'Klamacs, sur la rivière de ce nom et dans l'intérieur des terres.' _De Mofras_, _Explor._, tom. ii., p. 335. Clamet: on the upper part of the river, and sixty miles below the lake so named. _Framboise_, in _Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour._, vol. xi., p. 255. 'Next east of the Shastas are the Klamath Lake Indians, known in their language as the Okshee, who inhabit the country about the Klamath lakes, and east about half way to the Goose Lake, to Wright Lake, and south to a line running about due east from Shasta Butte.' _Steele_, in _Ind. Aff. Rept._, 1864, pp. 120-1. 'The name of Klamath or Tlamath, belonging to the tribes on the lake where the river rises, is not known among those farther down.... Thus, at the forks, the Weitspeks call the river below Pohlik, signifying down; and that above Pehtsik, or up; giving, moreover, the same name to the population in speaking of them collectively. Three distinct tribes, speaking different languages, occupy its banks between the sea and the mouth of the Shasté, of which the lowest extends up to Bluff Creek, a few miles above the forks. Of these there are, according to our information, in all, thirty-two villages.... The names of the principal villages ... are the Weitspek (at the forks), Wahsherr, Kaipetl, Moraiuh, Nohtscho, Méhteh, Schregon, Yauterrh, Pecquan, Kauweh, Wauhtecq, Scheperrh, Oiyotl, Naiagutl, Schaitl, Hopaiuh, Rekqua, and Weht'lqua, the two last at the mouth of the river.' _Gibbs_, in _Schoolcraft's Arch._, vol. iii., p. 138. The _Eurocs_ inhabit 'the lower Klamath from Weitspeck down, and along the coast for about twenty miles.' _Powers_, in _Overland Monthly_, vol. viii., p. 530. The Eurocs 'inhabit the banks of the Klamath from the junction of the Trinity to the mouth, and the sea coast from Gold Bluff up to a point about six miles above the mouth of the Klamath.' _Powers' Pomo, MS._ The _Cahrocs_ live between the Eurocs and the foot of the Klamath Mountains, also a short distance up Salmon River. 'On the Klamath River there live three distinct tribes, called the Eurocs, Cahrocs, and Modocs; which names mean respectively, "down the river," "up the river," and "head of the river."' _Powers_, in _Overland Monthly_, vol. viii., p. 328. Speaking of Indians at the junction of Salmon and Klamath Rivers, Mr. Gibbs says: 'they do not seem to have any generic appellation for themselves, but apply the terms "Kahruk," up, and "Youruk," down, to all who live above or below themselves, without discrimination, in the same manner that the others (at the junction of the Trinity) do "Pehtsik," and "Pohlik."' _Schoolcraft's Arch._, vol. iii., p. 151. The _Tolewahs_ are the first tribe on the coast north of Klamath River. _Gibbs_, in _Schoolcraft's Arch._, vol. iii., p. 139. The Tahlewahs are a 'tribe on the Klamath River.' _Ludewig's Ab. Lang._, p. 179. 'In the vicinity of Crescent City and Smith's River there are the ... Lopas, Talawas, and Lagoons.' _Heintzelman_, in _Ind. Aff. Rept._, 1857, pp. 391-2. 'In Del Norte County ... the Haynaggis live along Smith River, the Tolowas on the Lagoon, and the Tahatens around Crescent City.' _Powers' Pomo, MS._ The Cops, Hanags, Yantuckets, and Tolawas, are 'Indian tribes living near the Oregon and California coast frontiers.' _Crescent City Herald_, _Aug. 1857_. The Tolowas at the meeting point of Trinity, Humboldt, and Klamath counties. _MS. Map._ The _Terwars_, north-west of the Tolowas. _MS. Map._ The _Weitspeks_ are the 'principal band on the Klamath, at the junction of the Trinity.' _Gibbs_, in _Schoolcraft's Arch._, vol. iii., p. 422; _Ludewig's Ab. Lang._, p. 200. The _Oppegachs_ are a tribe at Red-Cap's Bar, on the Klamath River. _Gibbs_, in _Schoolcraft's Arch._, vol. iii., p. 148. The _Hoopahs_ live 'am unteren Rio de la Trinidad, oder Trinity River.' _Buschmann_, _Das Apache als eine Athhapask. Spr._, p. 218. 'Indian tribe on the lower part of the Trinity River.' _Ludewig's Ab. Lang._, p. 82. The Hoopas live 'in Hoopa Valley, on the lower Trinity River.' _Power's Pomo, MS._, p. 85. 'The lower Trinity tribe is, as well as the river itself, known to the Klamaths by the name of Hoopah.' _Gibbs_, in _Schoolcraft's Arch._, vol. iii., p. 139; see also p. 422. In the northern part of Klamath County. _MS. Map._ 'Upon the Trinity, or Hoopah, below the entrance of the south fork or Otahweiaket, there are said to be eleven ranches, the Okenoke, Agaraits, Uplegoh, Olleppauh'lkahtehtl and Pephtsoh; ... and the Haslintah, Aheltah, Sokéakeit, Tashhuanta, and Witspuk above it; A twelfth, the Méyemma, now burnt, was situated just above "New" or "Arkansas" River.' _Gibbs_, in _Schoolcraft's Arch._, vol. iii., p. 139. The _Copahs_, in the extreme north of Klamath county, north of the Hoopahs. _MS. Map._ The Cops are mentioned as 'living near the Oregon and California coast frontiers,' in the _Crescent City Herald_, _Aug., 1857_. The _Kailtas_ live on the south fork of Trinity River. _Powers' Pomo, MS._ The _Pataways_ occupy the banks of the Trinity, from the vicinity of Big Bar to South Fork. _Powers' Pomo, MS._ The _Chimalquays_ lived on New River, a tributary of the Trinity. _Powers' Pomo, MS._ The _Siahs_ 'occupied the tongue of land jutting down between Eel River, and Van Dusen's Fork.' _Powers' Pomo, MS._ The Sians or Siahs lived on the headwaters of Smith River. _Gibbs_, in _Schoolcraft's Arch._, vol. iii., p. 139. The _Ehneks_, Eenahs, or Eenaghs, lived above the Tolewas on Smith River. _Gibbs_, in _Schoolcraft's Arch._, vol. iii., p. 139. 'Ehnek was the name of a band at the mouth of the Salmon or Quoratem River.' _Id._, p. 422; _Ludewig's Ab. Lang._, p. 67. _Wishosk_ 'is the name given to the Bay (Humboldt) and Mad River Indians by those of Eel River.' _Gibbs_, in _Schoolcraft's Arch._, vol. iii., p. 422; _Ludewig's Ab. Lang._, p. 201. The _Weeyots_ are 'a band on the mouth of Eel River and near Humboldt Bay.' _Ludewig's Ab. Lang._, p. 200. The Humboldt Bay Indians call themselves Wishosk; and those of the hills Teokawilk; 'but the tribes to the northward denominate both those of the Bay and Eel River, Weyot, or Walla-walloo.' _Gibbs_, in _Schoolcraft's Arch._, vol. iii., p. 133. 'The _Patawats_ live on the lower waters of Mad River, and around Humboldt Bay, as far south as Arcata, perhaps originally as far down as Eureka.' _Powers' Pomo, MS._ _Ossegon_ is the name given to the Indians of Gold Bluff, between Trinidad and the Klamath. _Gibbs_, in _Schoolcraft's Arch._, vol. iii., p. 133. 'The _Lassics_ formerly dwelt in Mad River Valley, from the head waters down to Low Gap, or thereabout, where they borrowed on the Wheelcuttas.' _Powers' Pomo, MS._ _Chori_ was the name given to the Indians of Trinidad by the Weeyots. _Gibbs_, in _Schoolcraft's Arch._, vol. iii., p. 133. The _Chillulahs_ 'occupied the banks of Redwood Creek, from the coast up about twenty miles.' _Powers' Pomo, MS._ The Oruk, Tchololah, or Bald Hill Indians, lived on Redwood Creek. _Gibbs_, in _Schoolcraft's Arch._, vol. iii., p. 139. The _Wallies_ occupy the sandy country north of Humboldt Bay. _Overland Monthly_, vol. ii., p. 536. 'The _Wheelcuttas_ had their place on the Upper Redwood Creek, from the land of the Chillulahs up to the mountains. They ranged across southward by the foot of the Bald Hills, which appear to have marked the boundary between them and the Chillulahs in that direction; and penetrated to Van Dusen's Fork, anent the Siahs and Lassics, with whom they occasionally came in bloody collision.' _Powers' Pomo, MS._ The _Veeards_ 'live around lower Humboldt Bay, and up Eel River to Eagle Prairie.' _Powers' Pomo, MS._ The _Shastas_ live to the south-west of the Lutuamis or Klamaths. _Hale's Ethnog._, in _U. S. Ex. Ex._, vol. vi., p. 218. 'Sastés, dans l'intérieur au Nord de la Californie.' _Mofras_, _Explor._, tom. ii., p. 335. 'The Shasta Indians, known in their language as Weohow--it meaning stone house, from the large cave in their country--occupy the land east of Shasta river, and south of the Siskiyou mountains, and west of the lower Klamath lake.' _Steele_, in _Ind. Aff. Rept._, 1864, p. 120. The Shastas occupy the centre of the county of that name. _MS. Map._ 'Indians of south-western Oregon, on the northern frontiers of Upper California.' _Ludewig's Ab. Lang._, p. 168. Watsahewah is the name 'of one of the Scott River bands of the Shasta family.' _Gibbs_, in _Schoolcraft's Arch._, vol. iii., p. 422. The name is spelled variously as Shasty, Shaste, Sasté, &c. The _Palaiks_ live to the southeast of the Lutuamis or Klamaths. _Hale's Ethnog._, in _U. S. Ex. Ex._, vol. vi., p. 218. 'Indians of south-western Oregon, on the northern frontiers of Upper California.' _Ludewig's Ab. Lang._, p. 145. On the Klamath are the Odeeilahs; in Shasta Valley the Ikarucks, Kosetahs, and Idakariúkes; and in Scott's Valley the Watsahewas and Eehs. _Gibbs_, in _Schoolcraft's Arch._, vol. iii., p. 171. 'The _Hamburg Indians_, known in their language as the Tka, inhabit immediately at the mouth of Scott's river, known in their language as the Ottetiewa river.' _Steele_, in _Ind. Aff. Rept._, 1864, p. 120. 'The _Scott's Valley Indians_, known in their language as the Iddoa, inhabit Scott's Valley above the cañon.' _Ib._ 'The _Yreka_ (a misnomer for Yeka--Shasta Butte) Indians, known in their language as the Hoteday, inhabit that part of the country lying south of Klamath river, and west of Shasta river.' _Ib._ The _Yuka_ or Uka tribe 'inhabited the Shasta Mountains in the vicinity of McCloud's fork of Pitt River.' _Cal. Farmer_, _June 22, 1860_. The Ukas are directly south of the Modocs. _MS. Map._ 'The Yukeh, or as the name is variously spelt, Yuka, Yuques, and Uca, are the original inhabitants of the Nome-Cult, or Round Valley, in Tehama County ... and are not to be confounded with the Yukai Indians of Russian River.' _Gibbs_, in _Hist. Mag._, vol. vii., p. 123. 'The _Noser_ or _Noza_ Indians ... live in the vicinity of Lassen's Butte.' _Siskiyou Chronicle_, _May, 1859_. The _Ylakas_ are to the southeast of the Ukas. _MS. Map._ The CENTRAL CALIFORNIANS occupy the whole of that portion of California extending north and south, from about 40° 30´ to 35°, and east and west, from the Pacific Ocean to the Californian boundary. They are tribally divided as follows: 'The _Mattoles_ have their habitat on the creek which bears their name, and on the still smaller stream dignified with the appellation of Bear River. From the coast they range across to Eel River, and by immemorial Indian usage and prescriptive right, they hold the western bank of this river from about Eagle Prairie, where they border upon the Veeards, up southward to the mouth of South Fork.' _Powers' Pomo, MS._ The _Betumkes_ live on the South Fork of Eel River. _Gibbs_, in _Schoolcraft's Arch._, vol. iii., p. 634. In the northern part of Mendocino County. _MS. Map._ The _Choweshaks_ live on the head of Eel river. _Gibbs_, in _Schoolcraft's Arch._, vol. iii., p. 421. Tribes living on the Middle Fork of Eel River, in the valley called by the Indians Betumki were the Naboh Choweshak, Chawteuh Bakowa, and Samunda. _Id._, p. 116. The Choweshaks lived on the head of Eel River. _Ludewig's Ab. Lang._, p. 48. 'The _Loloncooks_ live on Bull Creek and the lower South Fork of Eel River, owning the territory between those streams and the Pacific.' _Powers' Pomo, MS._ The _Batemdakaiees_ live in the valley of that name on the head of Eel River. _Ludewig's Ab. Lang._, p. 17. [Sidenote: RUSSIAN RIVER AND COAST TRIBES.] The _Pomos_ consist of 'a great number of tribes or little bands, sometimes one in a valley, sometimes three or four, clustered in the region where the headwaters of Eel and Russian rivers interlace, along the estuaries of the coast and around Clear Lake. Really, the Indians all along Russian river to its mouth are branches of this great family, but below Calpello they no longer call themselves Pomos.... The broadest and most obvious division of this large family is, into Eel river Pomos and Russian river Pomos.' _Powers_, in _Overland Monthly_, vol. ix., pp. 498-9. The Castel Pomos 'live between the forks of the river extending as far south as Big Chamise and Blue Rock.' _Id._, p. 499. The Ki-Pomos 'dwell on the extreme headwaters of South Fork, ranging eastward to Eel River, westward to the ocean and northward to the Castel Pomos.' _Ib._, _MS. Map_. 'The Cahto Pomos (Lake people) were so called from a little lake which formerly existed in the valley now called by their name.' _Powers_, in _Overland Monthly_, vol. ix., p. 500. The Choam Chadéla Pomos (Pitch Pine People) live in Redwood Valley. _Id._, p. 504. The Matomey Ki Pomos (Wooded Valley People) live about Little Lake. _Ib._ The Camalèl Pomos (Coast People) or Usals live on Usal Creek. _Ib._ The Shebalne Pomos (Neighbor People) live in Sherwood Valley. _Ib._ The Pome Pomos (Earth People) live in Potter Valley. Besides the Pome Pomos there are two or three other little rancherias in Potter Valley, each with a different name; and the whole body of them are called Ballo Ki Pomos (Oat Valley People). _Id._ The Camalel Pomos, Yonsal Pomos, and Bayma Pomos live on Ten Mile, and the country just north of it, in Mendocino County. _Tobin_, in _Ind. Aff. Rept._, 1857, p. 405. 'The Salan Pomas are a tribe of Indians inhabiting a valley called Potter's Valley.' _Ford_, in _Ind. Aff. Rept._, 1856, p. 257. The _Niahbella Pomos_ live in the north-west of Mendocino County. _MS. Map._ The _Ukiahs_ live on Russian River in the vicinity of Parker's Ranch. _Gibbs_, in _Schoolcraft's Arch._, vol. iii., p. 112, 421. 'The Yuka tribe are those mostly within and immediately adjoining the mountains.' _Mendocino Herald_, _March, 1871_. The Yukai live on Russian River. _Ludewig's Ab. Lang._, p. 285. The Ukias are in the south-eastern part of Mendocino County. _MS. Map._ The _Soteomellos_ or Sotomieyos 'lived in Russian River valley.' _Cal. Farmer_, _March 30, 1860_. The _Shumeias_ 'lived on the extreme upper waters of Eel River, opposite Potter Valley.' _Powers' Pomo, MS._ The _Tahtoos_ 'live in the extreme upper end of Potter Valley.' _Ib._ The _Yeeaths_ live at Cape Mendocino. _Tobin_, in _Ind. Aff. Rept._, 1857, p. 406. The _Kushkish_ Indians live at Shelter Cove. _Id._, p. 405. The _Comachos_ live in Russian River Valley, in Rancheria and Anderson Valleys. _Powers' Pomo, MS._ The _Kajatschims_, _Makomas_, and _Japiams_ live in the Russian River Valley, north of Fort Ross. _Baer_, _Stat. und Ethno._, p. 80. The _Gallinomeros_ occupy Dry Creek Valley and Russian River Valley below Healdsburg. _Powers' Pomo, MS._ The _Masalla Magoons_ 'live along Russian river south of Cloverdale.' _Id._ The _Rincons_ live south of the Masalla Magoons. _Id._ The _Gualalas_ live on Gualala or Wallalla Creek. _Id._ The Nahlohs, Carlotsapos, Chowechaks, Chedochogs, Choiteeu, Misalahs, Bacowas, Samindas, and Cachenahs, Tuwanahs, lived in the country between Fort Ross and San Francisco Bay. _Gibbs_, in _Schoolcraft's Arch._, vol. iii., p. 634. _Chwachamaju_ (Russian Severnovskia) or Northerners, is the name of one of the tribes in the vicinity of Fort Ross. _Kostromitonow_, in _Baer_, _Stat. und Ethno._, p. 80. 'Severnovskia, Severnozer, or "Northerners." Indians north of Bodega Bay. They call themselves Chwachamaja.' _Ludewig's Ab. Lang._, p. 170. The _Olamentkes_ live at Bodega. _Kostromitonow_, in _Baer_, _Stat. und Ethnog._, p. 80; _Ludewig's Ab. Lang._, p. 20. The _Kainamares_ or Kainaméahs are at Fitch's Ranch, extending as far back as Santa Rosa, down Russian River, about three leagues to Cooper's Ranch, and thence across the coast at Fort Ross, and for twenty-five miles above. _Gibbs_, in _Schoolcraft's Arch._, vol. iii., p. 102. 'The Kanimares had rancherias at Santa Rosa, Petaluma, or Pataloma, and up to Russian river.' _Cal. Farmer_, _March 30, 1860_. 'The proper name of Russian river in Sonoma valley is Canimairo after the celebrated Indians of those parts.' _Id._, _June 8, 1860_. The Indians of the plains in vicinity of Fort Ross, call themselves Kainama. _Kostromitonow_, in _Baer_, _Stat. und Ethno._, p. 80. The Kyanamaras 'inhabit the section of country between the cañon of Russian river and its mouth.' _Ford_, in _Ind. Aff. Rept._, 1856, p. 257. The _Tumalehnias_ live on Bodega Bay. _Gibbs_, in _Schoolcraft's Arch._, vol. iii., p. 102. The _Socoas_, _Lamas_, and _Seacos_, live in Russian River Valley in the vicinity of the village of Sanél. _Powers' Pomo, MS._ The _Sonomas_, Sonomis, or Sonomellos, lived at the embarcadero of Sonoma. _Cal. Farmer_, _March 30, 1860_. The Sonomas lived in the south-eastern extremity of what is now the county of Sonoma. _MS. Map._ The _Tchokoyems_ lived in Sonoma valley. _Gibbs_, in _Schoolcraft's Arch._, vol. iii., p. 421. The Chocuyens lived in the region now called Sonoma county, and from their chief the county takes its name. _Cronise's Nat. Wealth_, p. 22. The word Sonoma means 'Valley of the Moon.' _Tuthill's Hist. Cal._, p. 301. The Tchokoyems live in Sonoma Valley. _Ludewig's Ab. Lang._, p. 184. 'The _Timbalakees_ lived on the west side of Sonoma valley.' _Cal. Farmer_, _March 30, 1860_. The _Guillicas_ lived 'northwest of Sonoma,' on the old Wilson ranch of 1846. _Ib._; _MS. Map_. The _Kinklas_ live in 39° 14´ north lat. and 122° 12´ long. _Wilkes' Nar._, in _U. S. Ex. Ex._, vol. v., p. 201. The Klinkas are a 'tribu fixée au nord du Rio del Sacramento.' _Mofras_, _Explor._, tom. ii., p. 358. South of the Rogue River Indians 'the population is very scanty until we arrive at the valley of the Sacramento, all the tribes of which are included by the traders under the general name of Kinklá, which is probably, like Tlamatl, a term of Chinook origin.' _Hale's Ethnog._, in _U. S. Ex. Ex._, vol. vi., p. 221. The Talatui live 'on the Kassima River, a tributary to the Sacramento, on the eastern side, about eighty miles from its mouth.' _Hale's Ethnog._, in _U. S. Ex. Ex._, vol. vi., p. 631. _Ludewig's Ab. Lang._, p. 180. The _Oleepas_ live on the Feather River, twenty miles above Marysville. _Delano's Life on the Plains_, p. 293. 'The Nemshous, as stated by General Sutter, roamed (prior to 1846) between the Bear and American rivers; across the Sacramento were the Yolos and Colusas; north of the American Fork were the Bashones. On the banks of the river north of Fort Helvetia, roamed the Veshanacks, the Touserlemnies and Youcoolumnies; between the American (plain and hills) and the Mokalumne roamed the Walacumnies, Cosumnies, Solumnees, Mokelumnees, Suraminis, Yosumnis, Lacomnis, Kis Kies and Omochumnies.' _Cal. Farmer_, _June 8, 1860_. The Colusas live in the north-eastern corner of Colusa County. The Yolos, in the northern part of the county of that name. West of them the Olashes. The Bushones in the south of Yolo County. The Nemshoos in the eastern part of Placer County. The Yukutneys north of them. The Vesnacks south-west of the Nemshoos, and north of the Pulpenes. The Youcoulumnes and Cosumnes are in the eastern part of Amador county. The Mokelumnes south of them. The Yachachumnes west of the Mokelumnes. _MS. Map_. 'Yolo is a corruption of the Indian Yoloy, which signified a region thick with rushes, and was the name of the tribe owning the tule lands west of the Sacramento and bordering on Cache Creek.' _Tuthill's Hist. Cal._, p. 301. The following are names of rancherias of tame Indians or Neophytes in the Sacramento Valley; Sakisimme, Shonomnes, Tawalemnes, Seywamenes, Mukelemnes, Cosumne. Rancherias of wild Indians or Gentiles, are: Sagayacumne, Socklumnes, Olonutchamne, Newatchumne, Yumagatock, Shalachmushumne, Omatchamne, Yusumne, Yuleyumne, Tamlocklock, Sapototot, Yalesumne, Wapoomne, Kishey, Secumne, Pushune, Oioksecumne, Nemshan, Palanshan, Ustu, Olash, Yukulme, Hock, Sishu, Mimal, Yulu, Bubu, Honcut. _Indian Tribes of the Sacramento Valley, MS._ Tame Indians or Neophites: Lakisumne, Shonomne, Fawalomnes, Mukeemnes, Cosumne. Wild Indians or Gentiles: Sagayacumne, Locklomnee, Olonutchamne, Yumagatock, Shalachmushumne, Omutchamne, Yusumne, Yaleyumne, Yamlocklock, Lapototot, Yalesumne, Wajuomne, Kisky, Secumne, Pushune, Oioksecumne, Nemshaw, Palanshawl Ustu, Olash, Yukulme, Hock, Lishu, Mimal, Ubu, Bubu, Honcut. _Sutter's Estimate of Indian Population, 1847, MS._ The Ochecamnes, Servushamnes, Chupumnes, Omutchumnes, Sicumnes, Walagumnes, Cosumnes, Sololumnes, Turealemnes, Saywamines, Nevichumnes, Matchemnes, Sagayayumnes, Muthelemnes, and Lopstatimnes, lived on the eastern bank of the Sacramento. The Bushumnes (or Pujuni), (or Sekomne) Yasumnes, Nemshaw, Kisky, Yaesumnes, Huk, and Yucal, lived on the western bank of the Sacramento. _Hale's Ethnog._, in _U. S. Ex. Ex._, vol. vi., pp. 630, 631. The _Yubas_ or _Yuvas_ lived on Yuva River, a tributary to the Sacramento. _Fremont's Geog. Memoir_, p. 22. The _Meidoos_ and _Neeshenams_ are on the Yuba and Feather Rivers. 'As you travel south from Chico the Indians call themselves Meidoo until you reach Bear River; but below that it is Neeshenam, or sometimes mana or maidec, all of which denote men or Indians.' _Powers_, in _Overland Monthly_, vol. xii., p. 21. The _Cushnas_ live near the south fork of the Yuba River. _Schoolcraft's Arch._, vol. ii., 506; _Ludewig's Ab. Lang._, p. 59. Taylor also mentions the Cushnas south of the Yuba. _Cal. Farmer_, _May 31, 1861_. [Sidenote: CLEAR LAKE TRIBES.] The _Guenocks_ and _Locollomillos_ lived between Clear Lake and Napa. _Cal. Farmer_, _March 30, 1860_. The _Lopillamillos_ or Lupilomis lived on the borders of Clear lake. _Ib._; _MS. Map_. The _Mayacmas_ and _Tyugas_ dwell about Clear Lake. _San Francisco Herald_, _June, 1858_. The Mayacmas and Tyugas 'inhabited the vicinity of Clear lake and the mountains of Napa and Mendocino counties.' _Cal. Farmer_, _June 22, 1860_; _MS. Map_. The _Wi-Lackees_ 'live along the western slope of the Shasta mountains from round Valley to Hay Fork, between those mountains on one side and Eel and Mad Rivers on the other, and extending down the latter stream about to Low Gap.' _Powers' Pomo, MS._ The Wye Lakees, Nome Lackees, Noimucks, Noiyucans and Noisas, lived at Clear Lake. _Geiger_, in _Ind. Aff. Rept._, 1859, p. 438. _Napobatin_, meaning 'many houses,' was the collective name of six tribes living at Clear Lake: their names were Hulanapo, Habenapo or stone house, Dahnohabe, or stone mountain, Möalkai, Shekom, and Howkuma. _Gibbs_, in _Schoolcraft's Arch._, vol. iii., p. 109. The _Shanelkayas_ and _Bedahmareks_, or lower people, live on the east fork of Eel River. _Gibbs_, in _Schoolcraft's Arch._, vol. iii., p. 109. 'The _Sanéls_ live at Clear lake.' _Gibbs_, in _Schoolcraft's Arch._, vol. iii., p. 112. 'The Sanels occupy Russian River Valley in the vicinity of the American village of Sanel.' _Powers' Pomo, MS._ The _Bochheafs_, _Ubakheas_, _Tabahteas_, and the _Moiyas_, live between Clear Lake and the coast. _Gibbs_, in _Schoolcraft's Arch._, vol. iii., p. 112. The _Socoas_, _Lamas_, and _Seacos_, occupy Russian River Valley in the vicinity of the village of Sanel. _Powers' Pomo, MS._ The _Napas_ 'inhabited the Salvador Vallejo ranch of Entre-Napa--that is the place between Napa river and Napa creek.' _Hittell_, in _Hesperian Mag._, vol. iv., p. 56; _Cal. Farmer_, _June 7, 1861_. 'The Napa Indians lived near that town and near Yount's ranch.' _Cal. Farmer_, _March 30, 1860_. 'The _Caymus_ tribe occupied the tract now owned by G. C. Yount.' _Hittell_, in _Hesperian Mag._, vol. iv., p. 55. 'The _Calajomanas_ had their home on the land now known as the Bale ranche.' _Ib._ The _Mayacomas_ dwelt in the vicinity of the hot springs in the upper end of Napa Valley. _Ib._ The _Ulucas_ lived on the east of the river Napa, near the present townsite. _Id._, p. 56. 'The _Suscols_ lived on the ranch of that name, and between Napa and Benicia.' _Cal. Farmer_, _March 30, 1860_. 'The former domain of the Suscol Indians was afterwards known as Suscol ranch.' _Hittel_, in _Hesperian Mag._, vol. iv., p. 56; _MS. Map_. The _Tulkays_ lived 'below the town of Napa.' _Cal. Farmer_, _March 30, 1860_. The _Canaumanos_ lived on Bayle's ranch in Napa valley. _Ib._ The _Mutistuls_ live 'between the heads of Napa and Putos creeks.' _Gibbs_, in _Schoolcraft's Arch._, vol. iii., p. 111. The _Yachimeses_ originally occupied the ground upon which the city of Stockton now stands. _Cal. Farmer_, _Dec. 7, 1860_. The _Yachichumnes_ 'formerly inhabited the country between Stockton and Mt. Diablo.' _San Francisco Evening Bulletin_, _Sept. 9, 1864_. The _Suisunes_ live in Suisun valley. _Cal. Farmer_, _March 30, 1860_. Solano County was named from their chief. _Cronise's Nat. Wealth_, p. 22; _Tuthill's Hist. Cal._, p. 301. The _Ullulatas_ 'lived on the north side of Suisun Valley.' _Cal. Farmer_, _March 30, 1860_. The _Pulpenes_ lived on the eastern side of Suisun Valley. _Ib._ The _Tolenos_ lived on the north side of Suisun Valley. _Ib._ The _Karquines_ lived on the straits of that name. _Ib._ The _Tomales_, Tamales, Tamallos, or Tamalanos, and Bollanos, lived between Bodega Bay and the north shore of San Francisco Bay. _Id._, _March 2, 1860_, _March 30, 1860_. The _Socoisukas_, _Thamiens_, and _Gerguensens_ or Gerzuensens 'roamed in the Santa Clara valley, between the Coyote and Guadalupe rivers, and the country west of San Jose city to the mountains.' _Id._, _June 22, 1860_. The _Lecatuit_ tribe occupied Marin county, and it is from the name of their chief that the county takes its name. _Cronise's Nat. Wealth_, p. 22. 'The _Petalumas_ or the _Yolhios_ lived near or around that town.' _Cal. Farmer_, _March 30, 1860_. The _Tulares_, so called by the Spaniards, lived between the northern shore of the bay of San Francisco and San Rafael. _Gibbs_, in _Schoolcraft's Arch._, vol. iii., p. 421. The _Wapos_ inhabited 'the country about the Geysers.' _Ford_, in _Ind. Aff. Rept._, 1856, p. 257. The _Yosemites_ inhabited the valley of the same name. The Tosemiteiz are on the headwaters of the Chowchilla. _Lewis_, in _Ind. Aff. Rept._, 1857, p. 399. The _Ahwahnachees_ are the inhabitants of Yosemite Valley. _Hittel's Yosemite_, p. 42. [Sidenote: TRIBES NEAR THE MISSION DOLORES.] The following names of rancherías which formerly existed in the vicinity of the Mission Dolores, are taken from the Mission Books: Abmoctac, Amutaja, Altanui, Aleytac, Anchin, Aleta, Aramay, Altajumo, Aluenchi, Acnagis, Assunta, Atarpe, Anamás, Acyum, Anamon, Cachanegtac, Caprup, Cazopo, Carascan, Conop, Chutchin, Chagunte, Chapugtac, Chipisclin, Chynau, Chipletac, Chuchictac, Chiputca, Chanigtac, Churmutcé, Chayen, Chupcan, Elarroyde, Flunmuda, Génau, Guloismistac, Gamchines, Guanlen, Hunctu, Halchis, Horocroc, Huimen, Itáes, Juniamuc, Josquigard, Juchium, Juris, Joquizará, Luidneg, Luianeglua, Lamsim, Livangelva, Livangebra, Libantone, Macsinum, Mitliné, Malvaitac, Muingpe, Naig, Naique, Napa, Ompivromo, Ousint, Oturbe, Olestura, Otoacte, Petlenum, or Petaluma, Pruristac, Puichon, Puycone, Patnetac, Pructaca, Purutea, Proqueu, Quet, Sitlintaj, Suchni, Subchiam, Siplichiquin, Siscastac, Ssiti, Sitintajea, Ssupichum, Sicca, Soisehme, Saturaumo, Satumuo, Sittintac, Ssichitca, Sagunte, Ssalayme, Sunchaque, Ssipudca, Saraise, Sipanum, Sarontac, Ssogereate, Sadanes, Tuzsint, Tatquinte, Titmictac, Tupuic, Titiyú, Timita, Timsim, Tubisuste, Timigtac, Torose, Tupuinte, Tuca, Tamalo, or Tomales, Talcan, Totola, Urebure, Uturpe, Ussete, Uchium, Véctaca, Vagerpe, Yelamú, Yacmui, Yacomui, Yajumui, Zomiomi, Zucigin ... Aguasajuchium, Apuasto, Aguasto, Carquin, (Karquines), Cuchian, Chaclan, Chiguau, Cotejen, Chuscan, Guylpunes, Huchun, Habasto, Junatca, Jarquin, Sanchines, Oljon, Olpen, Olemos, Olmolococ, Quemelentus, Quirogles, Salzon, Sichican, Saucon, Suchigin, Sadan, Uquitinac, Volvon (or Bolbon). 'The tribes of Indians upon the Bay of San Francisco, and who were, after its establishment, under the supervision of the Mission of Dolores, were five in number; the Ahwashtees, Ohlones (called in Spanish Costanos, or Indians of the Coast), Altahmos, Romanons, and Tuolomos. There were, in addition to these, a few small tribes, but all upon the land extending from the entrance to the head of San Francisco Bay, spoke the same language.' _Taylor_, in _Cal. Farmer_, _May 31, 1861_. The tribes mentioned by Adam Johnston in Schoolcraft, who lived around the Missions of Dolores and Yerba Buena, were the 'Ahwashtes, Ohlones, Altahmos, Romanans, and Tulomos. The Ohlones were likely the same called by the old priests, Sulones, Solomnies, the Sonomis were another.' _Schoolcraft's Arch._, vol. ii., p. 506. 'The following races of Californians were named to us living within the precincts of the Mission of San Francisco; Guymen, Utschim, Olumpali, Soclan, Sonomi, Chulpun, Umpin, Kosmitas, Bulbones, Tchalabones, Pitem, Lamam, Apalamu, Tcholoones, Suysum, Numpali, Tamal, and Ululato.' _Chamisso_, in _Kotzebue's Voy._, vol. iii., p. 51. 'On compte dans cette seul mission (San Francisco) plus de quinze différentes tribus d'Indiens: les Khoulpouni; les Oumpini; les Kosmiti; les Lamanès; les Bolbonès; les Pitemèns; les Khalalons; les Apatamnès, ils parlent la même langue et habitent le long des bords du Rio Sacramento; les Guimen; les Outchioung; les Olompalis; les Tamals; les Sonons ils parlent la même langue; ces tribus sont les plus nombreuses dans la mission de San Francisco; les Saklans; les Ouloulatines; les Noumpolis; les Souissouns; ils parlent des langues différentes.' _Choris_, _Voy. Pitt._, pt. iii., pp. 5, 6. 'California Indians on the Bay of San Francisco, and formerly under the supervisions of the Mission Dolores. There were five tribes: Ashwashtes, Olhones (called by the Spaniards Costanos, or Indians of the coast), Altahmos, Romonans, and Tulomos. A few other small tribes round the bay speak the same language.' _Ludewig_, _Ab. Lang._, p. 53. 'Um die Bai von San Francisco die Matalánes, Salses und Quiróles, deren Sprachen, eine gemeinsame Quelle haben.' _Mühlenpfordt_, _Mejico_, vol. ii., pt. ii., p. 454. The Olchones 'inhabit the seacoast between San Francisco and Monterey.' _Beechey's Voy._, vol. ii., p. 78. The Salsonas, 'viven unas seis leguas distantes rumbo al Sueste (of San Francisco Bay) por las cercanias del brazo de mar.' _Palou_, _Vida de Junípero Serra_, p. 214. The _Korekins_ formerly lived at the mouth of the San Joaquin. _Kotzebue's New Voy._, vol. ii., p. 141. 'The rancherias of Indians near this Mission, all within eight or ten miles of Santa Cruz, ... were: Aulintac, the rancheria proper to the Mission; Chalumü, one mile north-west of the Mission; Hottrochtac, two miles north-west; ... Wallanmai; Sio Cotchmin; Shoremee; Onbi; Choromi; Turami; Payanmin; Shiuguermi; Hauzaurni. The Mission also had neophytes of the rancherias of Tomoy, Osacalis (Souquel), Yeunaba, Achilla, Yeunata, Tejey, Nohioalli, Utalliam, Locobo, Yeunator, Chanech, Huocom, Chicutae, Aestaca, Sachuen, Hualquilme, Sagin, Ochoyos, Huachi, Apil, Mallin, Luchasmi, Coot, and Agtism, as detailed in a letter from Friar Ramon Olbez to Governor de Sola, in November, 1819, in reply to a circular from him, as to the native names, etc., of the Indians of Santa Cruz, and their rancherias.' _Cal. Farmer_, _April 5, 1860_. The _Mutsunes_ are the natives of the Mission of San Juan Baptista. _Cal. Farmer_, _Nov. 23_, and _June 22, 1860_; _Hist. Mag._, vol. i., p. 205. The _Ansaymas_ lived in the vicinity of San Juan Bautista. _Cal. Farmer_, _June 22, 1860_. 'Four leagues (twelve miles) southeast of the Mission (Monterey), inside the hills eastward, was the rancheria of Echilat, called San Francisquita. Eslanagan was one on the east side of the river and Ecgeagan was another; another was Ichenta or San Jose; another Xaseum in the Sierra, ten leagues from Carmelo; that of Pachhepes was in the vicinity of Xaseum, among the Escellens. That of the Sargentarukas was seven leagues south and east of the river in a Canaditta de Palo Colorado.' _Cal. Farmer_, _April 20, 1860_. The _Runsienes_ live near Monterey. _Cal. Farmer_, _April 20, 1860_. The Rumsen or Runsienes are 'Indians in the neighbourhood of Monterey, California. The Achastliers speak a dialect of the same language.' _Ludewig's Ab. Lang._, p. 163. 'Um den Hafen von Monterey leben die Rumsen oder Runsien, die Escelen oder Eslen, die Ecclemáches, und Achastliés.' _Mühlenpfordt_, _Mejico_, vol. ii., pt. ii., p. 454. 'La partie septentrionale de la Nouvelle-Californie est habitée par les deux nations des Rumsen et Escelen.... Elles forment la population du preside et du village de Monterey. Dans la baie de S. Francisco, on distingue les tribus des Matalans, Salsen et Quirotes.' _Humboldt_, _Pol._, p. 321. 'Eslen y Runsien que ocupan toda la California septentrional.' _Sutil y Mexicana_, _Viage_, p. 167. 'Um Monterey wohnen zwey Völker ... die Rumsen, und im Osten von diesen die Escelen.' _Vater_, _Mithridates_, p. 202. 'The Eslenes clan roamed over the present ranchos San Francisquito, Tallarcittos, and up and down the Carmelo Valley.' 'The rancheria _per se_ of the Escellens was named by the priests, Santa Clara; Soccorondo was across the river a few miles. Their other little clans or septs were called Coyyo, Yampas, Fyules, Nennequi, Jappayon, Gilimis, and Yanostas.' _Cal. Farmer_, _April 20, 1860_. The Eskelens are 'California Indians, east of Monterey. The Ekklemaches are said to be a tribe of the Eskelen, and to speak the richest idiom of all the California Indians.' _Ludewig's Ab. Lang._, p. 68. The country of the Ecclemachs extends more than twenty leagues east of Monterey. _Cal. Farmer_, _Oct. 17, 1862_. The _Katlendarucas_ seem 'to have been situated near the Esteros or Lagoons about the mouth of the Salinas river, or in the words of the old priest, "en los Esteros de la entrada al mar del Rio de Monterey, o reversa de esta grande Ensenada." Their rancherias were Capanay, Lucayasta, Paysim, Tiubta, Culul, Mustac, Pytogius, Animpayamo, Ymunacam, and all on the Pajaro river, or between it and the Salinas.' _Cal. Farmer_, _April 20, 1860_; _MS. Map_. The _Sakhones_ had rancherias near Monterey 'on the ranchos now known as Loucitta, Tarro, National Buena Esperanza, Buena Vista, and lands of that vicinity.' _Ib._; _MS. Map_. 'The _Wallalshimmez_ live on Tuolumne River.' _Lewis_, in _Ind. Aff. Rept._, 1857, p. 399. 'The _Potoancies_ claim the Merced river as their homes.' _Ib._ The Potaaches occupy the same region on the _MS. Map_. 'The _Nootchoos_ ... live on the headwaters of Chowchilla.' _Lewis_, in _Ind. Aff. Rept._, 1857, p. 399. The Nootchoos live on the south fork of the Merced. _Powers_, in _Overland Monthly_, vol. x., p. 325. 'The _Pohoneeches_ live on the headwaters of Fresno.' _Lewis_, in _Ind. Aff. Rept._, 1857, p. 399. The Pohoneeches live on the north bank of the Fresno. _Powers_, in _Overland Monthly_, vol. x., p. 325. The _Pitcatches_, the _Tallenches_, and the _Coswas_, live on the San Joaquin. _Lewis_, in _Ind. Aff. Rept._, 1857, p. 399. [Sidenote: KING'S RIVER AND TULARE LAKE TRIBES.] 'The _Wattokes_, a nation of Indians, consisting of the Wattokes, Ituchas, Chokemnies, and Wechummies, live high up on King's river.' _Lewis_, in _Ind. Aff. Rept._, 1857, p. 399. The _Watches_, the _Notonotoos_, and the _Wemelches_, live in the neighborhood of King's River Farm. _Ib._ 'The _Talches_ and Woowells live on Tulare Lake.' _Ib._ The _Chowchillas_, _Choocchancies_, and _Howachez_, are mentioned as living at Fresno River Farm. _Id._, p. 399. The Chowchillas inhabit 'from the Kern River of the Tulare deltas to the Feather river.' _Taylor_, in _Bancroft's Hand Book Almanac_, 1864, p. 32. The _Wallas_ live in Tuolumne county. _Patrick_, in _Ind. Aff. Rept._, 1856, p. 240. There has been much discussion about the word Wallie, or Walla. Powers asserts that it is derived from the word 'wallim,' which means 'down below', and was applied by the Yosemite Indians to all tribes living below them. The Wallies live on the Stanislaus and Tuolumne. _Powers_, in _Overland Monthly_, vol. x., p. 325. The Mewahs live in Tuolumne county. _Jewett_, in _Ind. Aff. Rept._, 1856, p. 244. The _Meewoc_ nation 'extended from the snow-line of the Sierra to the San Joaquin River, and from the Cosumnes to the Fresno.... North of the Stanislaus they call themselves Meewoc (Indians); south of it, to the Merced, Meewa; south of that to the Fresno, Meewie. On the upper Merced river is Wakâlla; on the upper Tuolumne, Wakalumy; on the Stanislaus and Mokelumne, Wakalumytoh.... As to tribal distribution, the Meewocs north of the Stanislaus, like the Neeshenams, designate principally by the points of the compass. These are toomun, choomuch, háyzooit, and ólowit (north, south, east, and west), from which are formed various tribal names--as Toomuns, Toomedocs, and Tamolécas, Choomuch, Choomwits, Choomedocs, or Chimedocs, and Choomtéyas; Olowits, Olówedocs, Oloweéyas, etc. Olówedocs is the name applied to all Indians living on the plains, as far west as Stockton. But there are several names which are employed absolutely, and without any reference to direction. On the south bank of the Cosumnes are the Cawnees; on Sutter Creek, the Yulónees; on the Stanislaus and Tuolumne the extensive tribe of Wallies; in Yosemite, the Awánees, on the south fork of Merced, the Nootchoos; on the middle Merced, the Choomtéyas, on the upper Chowchilla, the Héthtoyas; on the middle Chowchilla the tribe that named the stream; and on the north bank of the Fresno the Pohoneechees.' _Powers_, in _Overland Monthly_, vol. x., pp. 322-5; _MS. Map_. The _Coitch_ tribe live one hundred and fifty miles east of the Vegas of Santa Clara. _Los Angeles Star_, _May 18, 1861_. The _Notonatos_ lived on King's river. _Maltby's MS. Letter._ The _Kahweahs_ lived on Four Creeks. _Ib._ The _Yolanchas_ lived on Tule river. _Ib._ The _Pokoninos_ lived on Deer creek. _Ib._ The _Poloyamas_ lived on Pasey creek. _Ib._ The _Polokawynahs_ lived on Kern river. _Ib._ The _Ymithces_ and _Cowiahs_ live on Four Creeks. _Henley_, in _Ind. Aff. Rept._, 1854, p. 303. The _Waches_, _Notoowthas_, _Ptolmes_, and _Chunemnes_ live on King river. _Ib._ The _Costrowers_, _Pitiaches_, _Talluches_, _Loomnears_ and _Amonces_ live on the San Joaquin. _Id._, p. 304. The _Chowclas_, _Chookchaneys_, _Phonechas_, _Nookchues_, and _Howetsers_, live on the Fresno river. _Ib._ The _Coconoons_ live on the Merced river. _Johnston_, in _Schoolcraft's Arch._, vol. iv., p. 413. The _Monos_ living west of the Sierra Nevada, live on Fine Gold Gulch and the San Joaquin river. _Ib._ East of the Sierra Nevada they occupy the country south of Mono Lake. _MS. Map._ 'The Monos, Cosos, and some other tribes, occupy the eastern slopes of the Sierra Nevadas.' _Cal. Farmer_, _May 8, 1863_. 'The Olanches, Monos, Siqiurionals, Wasakshes, Cowhuillas, Chokiamauves, Tenisichs, Yocolles, Paloushiss, Wikachumnis, Openoches, Taches, Nutonetoos and Choemimnees, roamed from the Tuolumne to Kings river and the Tejon, on the east of the San Joaquin, the Tulare lakes and in the Sierra Nevada, as stated by Lieut. Beale, in 1856.' _Cal. Farmer_, _June 8, 1860_. The _Tulareños_ live in the mountain wilderness of the Four Creeks, Porsiuncula (or Kerns or Current) river and the Tejon; and wander thence towards the headwaters of the Mohave and the neighborhood of the Cahuillas. Their present common name belongs to the Spanish and Mexican times and is derived from the word Tularé (a swamp with flags). _Hayes' MS._ 'Tulareños, Habitant la grande vallée de los Tulares de la Californie.' _Mofras_, _Explor._, tom. ii., p. 335. 'The _Yocut_ dominion includes the Kern and Tulare basins and the middle of San Joaquin, stretching from Fresno to Kern River Falls.' _Powers_, in _Overland Monthly_, vol. xi., p. 105. Cumbatwas on Pitt river. _Roseborough's letter to the author, MS._ Shastas, in Shasta and Scott valleys. _Ib._ [Sidenote: SOUTHERN CALIFORNIANS.] The SOUTHERN CALIFORNIANS, whose territory lies south of the thirty-fifth parallel, are, as far as is known, tribally distributed as follows: The _Cahuillos_ 'inhabit principally a tract of country about eighty miles east from San Bernardino, and known as the Cabeson Valley, and their villages are on or near the road leading to La Paz on the Colorado River.... Another branch of this tribe numbering about four hundred occupy a tract of country lying in the mountains about forty miles southeast from San Bernardino, known as the Coahuila Valley.' _Stanley_, in _Ind. Aff. Rept._, 1869, pp. 194-5. 'The Coahuillas are scattered through the San Bernardino and San Jacinto Mountains and eastward in the Cabesan Valley.' _Whiting_, in _Ind. Aff. Rept._, 1871, p. 691. The Coahuilas live in the San Jacinto Mountains. _Parker_, in _Ind. Aff. Rept._, 1869, p. 17. The Cohuillas reside in the northern half of the country, commencing on the coast, and extending to within fifty miles of the Colorado river, following the eastern base of the mountains. _San Francisco Herald_, _June, 1853_. The Cahuillos or Cawios reside 'near the Pacific, between the sources of the San Gabriel and Santa Anna.' _Ludewig's Ab. Lang._, p. 26. 'The Cahuillas are a little to the north of the San Luiseños, occupying the mountain ridges and intervening valleys to the east and southeast of Mount San Bernadino, down towards the Mohava river and the desert that borders the river Colorado, the nation of Mohavas lying between them and these rivers. I am unable just now to give the number and names of all their villages. San Gorgonio, San Jacinto, Coyote, are among those best known, though others even nearer the desert, are more populous.' _Hayes' MS._ The Cohuillas occupy the southwestern part of San Bernardino County, and the northwestern part of San Diego county. _MS. Map._ 'The Carvilla Indians occupy the Country from San Gorgonio Pass to the Arroyo Blanco.' _Cram's Topog. Memoir_, p. 119. 'The _Cowillers_ and _Telemnies_ live on Four Creeks.' _Id._, p. 400. 'The limits of the Kahweyah and Kahsowah tribes appear to have been from the Feather river in the northern part of the State, to the Tulare lakes of the south.' _Cal. Farmer_, _May 25, 1860_. The _Diegeños_ 'are said to occupy the coast for some fifty miles above, and about the same distance below San Diego, and to extend about a hundred miles into the interior.' _Whipple, Ewbank, and Turner's Rept._, in _Pac. R. R. Rept._, vol. iii. The Dieguinos are in the southern part of San Diego County, and extend from the coast to the desert. _Henley_, in _Ind. Aff. Rept._, 1856, p. 240. The Dieguinas reside in the southern part of the country watered by the Colorado, and claim the land from a point on the Pacific to the eastern part of the mountains impinging on the desert. _San Francisco Herald_, _June, 1853_. The Comeyas or Diegenos 'occupy the coast for some fifty miles above, and about the same distance below San Diego, and extend about a hundred miles into the interior.' _Bartlett's Pers. Nar._, vol. ii., p. 7. 'The Indians round San Diego, Deguinos, Diegeños, were in a savage state, and their language almost unknown. Bartlett says that they are also called Comeya; but Whipple asserts that the Comeya, a tribe of the Yumas, speak a different language.' _Ludewig_, _Ab. Lang._, p. 62. On page 220 Ludewig says that as the name Diegeños means the Indians round San Diego, there is no such name as Deguinos. 'The villages of the Dieguinos, wherever they live separately, are a little to the south of the Cahuillas. Indeed, under this appellation they extend a hundred miles into Lower California, in about an equal state of civilization, and thence are scattered through the Tecaté valley over the entire desert on the west side of New River.... Their villages known to me are San Dieguito (about twenty souls), San Diego Mission, San Pasqual, Camajal (two villages), Santa Ysabel, San José, Matahuay, Lorenzo, San Felipe, Cajon, Cuyamaca, Valle de las Viejas.' _Hayes' MS._ The _Missouris_ 'are scattered over San Bernardino, San Diego and other counties in the southern part of the State.' _Parker_, in _Ind. Aff. Rept._, 1869, p. 17. The _Kechi_ inhabit the country about Mission San Luis Rey. _Bartlett's Pers. Nar._, vol. ii., p. 92. The _Chumas_, or _Kachumas_ live three miles from the Mission of Santa Inez. _Cal. Farmer_, _Oct. 18, 1861_. _Los Cayotes_ was the name given by the Spaniards to the tribe which originally inhabited San Diego county. _Hoffman_, in _San Francisco Medical Press_, vol. v., p. 147. The _New River Indians_ 'live along New River, sixty miles west from Fort Yuma, and near San Diego.' _Jones_, in _Ind. Aff. Rept._, 1869, p. 216. The _Sierras_, or Caruanas, the _Lagunas_, or Tataguas, and the _Surillos_ or Cartakas are mentioned as living on the Tejon reservation. _Wentworth_, in _Ind. Aff. Rept._, 1862, pp. 324-6. The _Serranos_ lived in the vicinity of San Bernardino. _Reid_, in _Los Angeles Star, Letter I._, in _Hayes Col._ Mr Taylor claims to have discovered the exact positions of many of the places mentioned. His statement, for the accuracy of which I by no means vouch, is as follows: 'Xucu, or Shucu, on the Ortega farm, near Rincon Point; Missisissepono on Rafel Gonzale's rancho on Saticoy river, near sea, sometimes called Pono; Coloc, near Carpentaria beach. Mugu, below Saticoy some thirty miles, near the sea; Anacbuc or Anacarck, near the islet of La Patera, near the sea shore. Partocac or Paltocac, the Indian cemetery on the Mesa of La Patera, near sea; Aguin at the beach of Los Llagos Canada; Casalic, at the Refugio Playa and Canada; Tucumu or playa of Arroyo Honda. Xocotoc, Cojo, or Cojotoc, near Pt. Concepcion; Pt. Concepcion, Cancac or Caacac, or Cacat.' _Cal. Farmer_, _Aug. 21, 1863_. [Sidenote: SOUTHERN MISSION INDIANS.] The following names of rancherías were taken from the archives of the various missions; in the vicinity of La Purissima: Lajuchu, Silimastus, Sisolop, Jlaacs, or Slacus, Huasna, Estait, Esmischue, Ausion, Esnispele, Silisne, Sacspili, Estait, Huenejel, Husistaic, Silimi, Suntaho, Alacupusyuen, Espiiluima, Tutachro, Sisolop, Naila, Tutachro, Paxpili, or Axpitil, Silino, Lisahuato, Guaslaique, Pacsiol, Sihimi, Huenepel Ninyuelgual, Lompoc, Nahuey, or Nahajuey, Sipuca, Stipu, Ialamma, Huasna, Sacsiol, Kachisupal, Salachi, Nocto, Fax, Salachi, Sitolo, or Sautatho, Omaxtux. Near Santa Inez, were: Sotomoenu, Katahuac, Asiuhuil, Situchi, Kulahuasa, Sisuchi, Kuyam, or Cuyama, Ionata, Tekep, Kusil, Sanchu, Sikitipuc, Temesathi, Lujanisuissilac, Tapanissilac, Ialamne, Chumuchn, Suiesia, Chumuchu, Tahijuas, Tinachi, Lompoe, Ionata, Aguama, Sotonoemu, Guaislac, Tequepas, Matiliha, Stucu, Aketsum, or Kachuma, Ahuamhoue, Geguep, Achillimo, Alizway, Souscoc, Talaxano, Nutonto, Cholicus. Near Santa Barbara were Guainnonost, Sisabanonase, Huelemen, Inoje, Luijta, Cajpilili, Missopeno (Sopono), Inajalayehua, Huixapa, Calahuassa, Snihuax, Huililoc, Yxaulo, Anijue, Sisuch, Cojats, Numguelgar, Lugups, Gleuaxcuyu, Chiuchin, Ipec, Sinicon, Xalanaj, Xalou, Sisahiahut, Cholosoc, Ituc, Guima, Huixapapa, Eleunaxciay, Taxlipu, Elmian, Anajue, Huililic, Inajalaihu, Estuc, Eluaxcu. Sihuicom, Liam. Some of these were from rancherias of the valleys east of the range on the coast. Some of these Taylor locates as follows: 'Janaya, above the Mission, Salpilil on the Patera; Aljiman, near the windmill of La Patera; Geliec, near islet of La Patera; Tequepes, in Santa Ynez Valley; Cascili, in the Refugio playa; Miguihui, on the Dos Pueblos; Sisichii, in Dos Pueblos; Maschal, on Santa Cruz Island; Gelo, the islet of La Patera; Cuyamu on Dos Pueblos also Cinihuaj on same rancho; Coloc, at the Rincon; Alcax in La Goleta; Allvatalama, near the La Goleta Estero; Sayokenek, on the Arroyo Burro; Partocac Cemetery, near Sea Bluffs of La Goleta; Humaliju, of San Fernando Mission; Calla Wassa and Anijue, of Santa Ynez Mission; Sajcay in Los Cruces; Sasaguel, in Santa Cruz Island; Lucuyumu, in the same Island, dated November, 1816; Nanahuani and Chalosas were also on same Island; Eljman was on San Marcos, Xexulpituc and Taxlipu, were camps of the Tulares.' _Cal. Farmer_, _Aug. 21, 1863_. Near San Buenaventura Mission were: 'Miscanaka, name of the Mission site. Ojai or Aujay, about ten miles up San Buenavent river. Mugu, on the coast near sea on Guadalasca rancho, not far from the point so called. Matillija up the S. B. river towards Santa Inez, which mission also had Matilija Indians. The Matillija Sierra separates the valleys of S. Buenaventa and S. Inez. Sespe was on the San Cayetano rancho of Saticoy river, twenty miles from the sea. Mupu and Piiru were on the arroyos of those names which came into the Saticoy near Sespe. Kamulas was higher up above Piiru. Cayeguas (not a Spanish name as spelt on some maps) on rancho of that name. Somes or Somo near hills of that name. Malico, range of hills south of Somo. Chichilop, Lisichi, Liam, Sisa, Sisjulcioy, Malahue, Chumpache, Lacayamu, Ypuc, Lojos Aogni, Luupsch, Miguigui, and Chihucchihui were names of other rancherias.... Ishgua or Ishguaget, was a rancheria near the mouth of the Saticoy river and not far from the beach.... Hueneme was a rancheria on the ocean coast a few miles south of Saticoy river. Tapo and Simi were rancherias on the present Noriega rancho of Simi. Saticoy is the name of the existing rancheria ... on the lower part of the Santa Paula or Saticoy rancho, about eight miles from the sea, near some fine springs of water, not far from the river, and near the high road going up the valleys.' _Cal. Farmer_, _July 24, 1863_. 'The site of San Fernando was a rancheria called Pasheckno. Other clans were Okowvinjha, Kowanga and Saway Yanga. The Ahapchingas were a clan or rancheria between Los Angeles and San Juan Capistrano, and enemies of the Gabrielenos or those of San Gabriel.... The following are the names of the rancherias, or clans, living in the vicinity of San Luis Rey Mission: Enekelkawa was the name of one near the mission-site, Mokaskel, Cenyowpreskel, Itukemuk, Hatawa, Hamechuwa, Itaywiy, Milkwanen, Ehutewa, Mootaeyuhew, and Hepowwoo, were the names of others. At the Aquas Calientes was a very populous rancheria, called Hakoopin.' _Id._, _May 11, 1860_. In Los Angeles county, the following are the principal lodges or rancherias, with their corresponding present local names: Yangna, Los Angeles; Sibag-na, San Gabriel; Isanthcagna, Mision Vieja; Sisitcanogna, Pear Orchard; Sonagna, Mr White's farm; Acuragua, The Presa; Asucsagna, Azuza; Cucomogna, Cucamonga Farm; Pasinogna, Rancho del Chino; Awigna, La Puente; Chokishgna, The Saboneria; Nacaugna, Carpenter's Farm; Pineugna, Santa Catalina Island; Pimocagna, Rancho de los Ybarras; Toybipet, San José; Hutucgna, Santa Ana (Yorbes); Aleupkigna, Santa Anita; Maugna, Rancho de los Felis; Hahamogna, Rancho de los Verdugas; Cabuegna, Caliuenga; Pasecgna, San Fernando; Houtgna, Ranchito de Lugo, Suangna, Suanga; Pubugna, Alamitos; Tibahagna, Serritos; Chowig-na, Palos Verdes; Kinkipar, San Clemente Island, Harasgna. _Reid_, in _Los Angeles Star, Letter I._, in _Hayes Collection_. The _San Luisieños_ inhabit the northern part of San Diego, from the coast east, including the mountains. _Henley_, in _Ind. Aff. Rept._, 1856, p. 240. 'The villages of the San Luiseños are in a section of country adjacent to the Cahuillas, between 40 and 70 miles in the mountainous interior from San Diego; they are known as Las Flores, Santa Margarita, San Luis Rey Mission, Wahoma, Pala, Temecula, Ahuanga (two villages), La Joya, Potrero, and Bruno's and Pedro's villages within five or six miles of Aqua Caliente; they are all in San Diego County.' _Hayes' MS._ The _Noches_ are settled along the rivers which flow between the Colorado and the Pacific Ocean. _Domenech's Deserts_, vol. ii., p. 45. Garces mentions the western Noches in _Doc. Hist. Mex._, serie ii., vol. i., p. 299. The _Tejon_ Indians were those who inhabited the southern part of Tulare valley. _Möllhausen_, _Reisen in die Felsengeb._, vol. i., p. 83. The _Playanos_ were Indians who came to settle in the valley of San Juan Capistrano. _Boscana_, in _Robinson's Life in Cal._, p. 249. The SHOSHONES, whose territory spreads over south-eastern Oregon, southern Idaho, and the whole of Utah and Nevada, extending into Arizona and New Mexico, and the eastern border of California, I divide into two great nations, the Snakes or Shoshones, proper, and the Utahs, with their subdivisions. Wilson divides the Shoshones into the Shoshones and Bannacks, and the Utahs; the latter he subdivides into seven bands, which will be seen under Utahs. He adds: 'Among the Shoshonies there are only two bands properly speaking. The principal or better portion are called Shoshonies, or Snakes ... the others the Shoshocoes.... Their claim of boundary is to the east, from the red Buttes on the North fork of the Platte, to its head in the Park, Decayaque, or Buffalo Bull-pen, in the Rocky Mountains; to the south across the mountains, over to the Yanpapa, till it enters Green, or Colorado river, and then across to the backbone or ridge of mountains called the Bear river mountains running nearly due west towards the Salt Lake, so as to take in most of the Salt Lake, and thence on to the sinks of Marry's or Humboldt's river; thence north to the fisheries, on the Snake river, in Oregon; and thence south (their northern boundary), to the Red Buttes, including the source of Green River.' _Schoolcraft's Arch._, vol. vi., p. 697. 'Under various names ... the great race of Shoshones, is found scattered over the boundless wilderness, from Texas to the Columbia. Their territory is bounded on the north and west by ... the Blackfeet and Crows.' _Brownell's Ind. Races_, pp. 537-8. [Sidenote: THE SNAKES.] The _Snakes_, or Shoshones proper, although they form a part only of the great Shoshone family, are usually termed 'the Shoshones' by the authorities. They are divided by Dr Hurt into 'Snakes, Bannacks, Tosiwitches, Gosha Utes, and Cumumpahs, though he afterwards classes the last two divisions as hybrid races between the Shoshones and the Utahs.... The Shoshones claim the northeastern portion of the territory for about four hundred miles west, and from one hundred to one hundred and twenty-five miles south from the Oregon line.' _Simpson's Route to Cal._, p. 46. 'The great Snake nation may be divided into three divisions, namely, the Shirrydikas, or dog-eaters; the Wararereekas, or fish-eaters; and the Banattees, or robbers. But, as a nation, they all go by the general appellation of Shoshones, or Snakes.... The Shirrydikas are the real Shoshones, and live in the plains hunting the buffalo.' The country claimed by the Snake tribes 'is bounded on the east by the Rocky Mountains, on the south by the Spanish waters; on the Pacific, or west side, by an imaginary line, beginning at the west end, or spur, of the Blue Mountains, behind Fort Nez Percés, and running parallel with the ocean to the height of land beyond the Umpqua River, in about north lat. 41° (this line never approaches within 150 miles of the Pacific); and on the north by another line, running due east from the said spur of the Blue Mountains, and crossing the great south branch, or Lewis River, at the Dalles, till it strikes the Rocky Mountains 200 miles north of the three pilot knobs, or the place thereafter named the 'Valley of Troubles.'' _Ross' Fur Hunters_, vol. i., pp. 249, 251. 'They embrace all the territory of the Great South Pass, between the Mississippi valley and the waters of the Columbia.... Under the name of Yampatickara or Root-eaters and Bonacks they occupy with the Utahs the vast elevated basin of the Great Salt Lake, extending south and west to the borders of New Mexico and California.' _Brownell's Ind. Races_, pp. 533-7, 540. 'The hunters report, that the proper country of the Snakes is to the east of the Youta Lake, and north of the Snake or Lewis river; but they are found in many detached places. The largest band is located near Fort Boise, on the Snake river to the north of the Bonacks.' _Wilkes' Nar._, in _U. S. Ex. Ex._, vol. iv., p. 501. The Shoshones 'occupy the centre and principal part of the great Basin.' _Taylor_, in _Cal. Farmer_, _Oct. 18, 1861_. 'Inhabit that part of the Rocky Mountains which lies on the Grand and Green River branches of the Colorado of the West, the valley of Great Bear River, the habitable shores of the Great Salt Lake, a considerable portion of country on Snake River above and below Fort Hall, and a tract extending two or three hundred miles to the west of that post.' _Farnham's Trav._, p. 61. The Shoshones inhabit about one third of the territory of Utah, living north of Salt Lake 'and on the line of the Humboldt or Mary River, some 400 miles west and 100 to 125 south of the Oregon line. The Yuta claim the rest of the territory between Kansas, the Sierra Nevada, New Mexico and the Oregon frontier.' _Burton's City of the Saints_, p. 575. 'Les Soshonies, c'est-à-dire les déterreurs de racines, surnommés les Serpents, ... habitent la partie méridionale du territoire de l'Orégon, dans le voisinage de la haute Californie.' _De Smet_, _Voy._, p. 24. 'Their country lies south-west of the south-east branch of the Columbia, and is said to be the most barren of any part of the country in these western regions.' _Parker's Explor. Tour_, p. 83. 'On the south part of the Oregon Territory, adjoining upper California, are located the Shoshones or Snake Indians.' _Ib._, p. 308. 'Serpents ou Saaptins, Monquis, Bonacks et Youtas toutes les branches du Rio Colombia ou Sud-Est et les environs du lac Salé an Timpanogos.' _Mofras_, _Explor._, tom. ii., p. 335. 'The country of the Shoshonees proper is south of Lewis or Snake River, and east of the Salt Lake. There is, however one detached band, known as the Wihinasht, or Western Snakes, near Fort Boirie, separated from the main body by the tribe of Bonnaks.' _Hale's Ethnog._, in _U. S. Ex. Ex._, vol. vi., p. 219. 'The Shoshones are a small tribe of the nation called Snake Indians, a vague denomination, which embraces at once the inhabitants of the southern part of the Rocky mountains, and of the plains on each side.' _Lewis and Clarke's Trav._, p. 305. The Snakes or Shothoucs 'formerly occupied the whole of that vast territory lying between the Rocky and the Blue Mountains, and extending northward to the lower fork of the Columbia, and to the south as far as the basin of the Great Salt Lake.' _Coke's Rocky Mts._, p. 275. 'They occupy southern and western Nevada.' _Parker_, in _Ind. Aff. Rept._, 1869, p. 18. 'They inhabit the southern part of the Rocky Mountains and the plains on each side.' _Bulfinch's Ogn._, p. 124. 'They occupy all the country between the southern branches of Lewis's river, extending from the Umatullum to the E. side of the Stony Mountains, on the southern parts of Wallaumut river from about 40° to 47° N. Lat. A branch of this tribe reside ... in spring and summer on the W. fork of Lewis river, a branch of the Columbia, and in winter and fall on the Missouri.' _Morse's Rept._, p. 369. 'The Shoshones dwell between the Rocky and blue mountain ranges.' _Nicolay's Ogn. Ter._, p. 151. 'The aboriginees of the Reese River country consist of the Shoshone nation, divided into many subordinate tribes, each having a distinctive name, and occupying a tract of country varying from 20 to 50 miles square. Their country is bordered on the west by the Pi-Utes, the Edwards Creek mountains some 20 miles west of Reese River, being the dividing line. On the east it extends to Ruby Valley, where it joins on the territory of the Goshoots, the Bannocks being their neighbors on the northeast.' _Cal. Farmer_, _June 26, 1863_. 'The Snake tribe, inhabit the country bordering on Lewis and Bear Rivers, and their various tributaries.' _Palmer's Jour._, p. 43. 'The Snake Indians, who embrace many tribes, inhabit a wide extent of country at the head of Snake River above and below Fort Hall, and the vicinity of Great Bear River and Great Salt Lake. They are a migratory race, and generally occupy the south-eastern portion of Oregon.' _Dunn's Ogn._, p. 325. The Shoshones inhabit the great plains to the southward of the Lewis River. _Cox's Adven._, vol. ii., p. 143. The Shoshones occupy 'almost the whole eastern half of the State (Nevada). The line separating them from the Pai-Utes on the east and south is not very clearly defined.' _Parker_, in _Ind. Aff. Rept._, 1866, p. 114. 'The western bands of Shoshones ... range from the Idaho boundary north, southward to the thirty-eighth parallel; their western limit is the line passing through the Sunatoya Mountains; their eastern limit Steptoe and Great Salt Lake Valleys.' _Ind. Aff. Rept._, 1870, p. 95. The Snakes inhabit 'the plains of the Columbia between the 43d and 44th degrees of latitude.' _Franchère's Nar._, p. 150. The Washakeeks or Green River Snakes inhabit the country drained by Green River and its tributaries. The Tookarikkahs, or mountain sheep-eaters, 'occupy the Salmon river country and the upper part of Snake River Valley, and Coiners' Prairie, near the Boise mines.' These two bands are the genuine Snakes; other inferior bands are the Hokandikahs or Salt Lake Diggers who 'inhabit the region about the great lake.' The Aggitikkahs or Salmon-eaters who 'occupy the region round about Salmon falls, on Snake river.' _Stuart's Montana_, p. 80. [Sidenote: BANNACKS AND UTAHS.] 'The _Bannacks_, who are generally classed with the Snakes, inhabit the country south of here, (Powder River) in the vicinity of Harney lake.... The Winnas band of Snakes inhabit the country north of Snake river, and are found principally on the Bayette, Boise, and Sickley rivers.' _Kirkpatrick_, in _Ind. Aff. Rept._, 1862, pp. 267-8. The Bonacks 'inhabit the country between Fort Boise and Fort Hall.' _Wilkes' Nar._, in _U. S. Ex. Ex._, vol. iv., p. 502. They 'inhabit the southern borders of Oregon, along the old Humboldt River emigrant road.' _Simpson's Route to Cal._, p. 47. The Bonaks seem 'to embrace Indian tribes inhabiting a large extent of country west of the Rocky Mountains. As the name imports, it was undoubtedly given to that portion of Indians who dig and live on the roots of the earth.' _Johnston_, in _Schoolcraft's Arch._, vol. iv., p. 221. The Bonaks inhabit 'the banks of that part of Saptin or Snake River which lies between the mouth of Boisais or Reeds River and the Blue Mountains.' _Farnham's Trav._, p. 76. The Bonax inhabit the country west of the Lewis fork of the Columbia between the forty-second and forty-fourth parallels. _Parker's Map._ The Bannacks range through northern Nevada, and into Oregon and Idaho. _Parker_, in _Ind. Aff. Rept._, 1869, p. 18. They 'claim the southwestern portions of Montana as their land.' _Sully_, in _Id._, p. 289. 'This tribe occupies most of that portion of Nevada north of the forty-first degree of north latitude, with the southeastern corner of Oregon and the southwestern corner of Idaho.' _Parker_, in _Id._, 1866, p. 114. The Bannocks drift 'from Boise City to the game country northeast of Bozeman, Montana, and south as far as Fort Bridger, Wyoming Territory ... traveling from Oregon to East of the Rocky Mountains.' _High_, in _Ind. Aff. Rept._, 1872, pp. 272-3. [Sidenote: UTAHS.] The _Utah_ nation occupies all that portion of the territory assigned to the Shoshone family lying south of the Snakes, between the country of the Californians proper, and the Rocky Mountains. It is divided into several tribes, the number varying with different authorities. Wilson divides the Utah nation into seven tribes; viz., the 'Taos, Yampapas, Ewinte, Tenpenny Utahs, Parant Utahs, Sampiches, Pahmetes.' _Schoolcraft's Arch._, vol. vi., p. 697. 'Besides the Parawat Yutas, the Yampas, 200-300 miles south, on the White River; the Tebechya, or sun-hunters, about Tête de Biche, near Spanish lands; and the Tash Yuta, near the Navajos; there are scatters of the nation along the Californian road from Beaver Valley, along the Santa Clara, Virgen, Las Vegas, and Muddy Rivers, to New Mexico.' _Burton's City of the Saints_, p. 578. 'The tribes of Utah Territory are: Utahs at large, Pi Utahs, roving, Uwinty Utahs, Utahs of Sampitch Valley, Utahs of Carson Valley, Utahs of Lake Sevier and Walker River, Navahoes and Utahs of Grand River, Shoshonees, or Snakes proper, Diggers on Humboldt River, Eutahs of New Mexico.' _Schoolcraft's Arch._, vol. v., p. 498. The Utahs are composed of several bands, the most important of which are the Timpanogs who 'range through Utah valley and the mountains adjoining the valley on the east.... The Uintahs, the principal band of the Utahs, ... range through Uintah valley and the Green River country.... The Pah Vants ... range through Pah Vant and Sevier valleys and west to the White mountains.' _Irish_, in _Ind. Aff. Rept._, 1865, p. 145. 'The Yutah nation is very numerous, and is also made up of many bands, which are to be distinguished only by their names.... Four of these bands called Noaches, Payuches, Tabiachis and Sogup, are accustomed to occupy lands within the province of New Mexico, or very near it, to the north and northeast.' _Whipple, Ewbank, & Turner's Rept._, in _Pac. R. R. Rept._, vol. iii. 'The Utahs are divided into three bands--Mohuaches, Capotes, and Nomenuches or Poruches.' _Delgado_, in _Ind. Aff. Rept._, 1865, p. 163; see also pp. 17, 18. 'The Ute tribe Dr. Hurt divides into the Pah Utahs, Tamp Pah-Utes, Cheveriches, Pah Vants, San Pitches, and Pyedes. The Utahs proper inhabit the waters of Green River, south of Green River Mountains, the Grand River and its tributaries and as far south as the Navajo country. They also claim the country bordering on Utah Lake and as far south as the Sevier Lake.' _Simpson's Route to Cal._, p. 44. 'The Utahs are a separate and distinct tribe of Indians, divided into six bands, each with a head chief, as follows: The Menaches ... the Capotes ... the Tabe-naches ... the Cibariches ... the Tempanahgoes ... the Piuchas.' _Graves_, in _Ind. Aff. Rept._, 1854, p. 178. 'The Yutahs are subdivided into four great bands: the Noaches, the Payuches (whom we believe to be identical with the Paï Utahs), the Tabiachis, and the Sogups, who live in perfect harmony on the north eastern confines of New Mexico, and at a distance of 500 miles to the south of the great tribe of the Zuguaganas.' _Domenech's Deserts_, vol. ii., p. 8. The Utes are 'those ... which inhabit the vicinity of the lakes and streams and live chiefly on fish, being distinguished by the name of Pah Utahs or Pah Utes, the word Pah, in their language signifying water.' _Stansbury's Rept._, p. 148. 'The country of the Utaws is situated to the east and southeast of the Soshonees, at the sources of the Rio Colorado.' _De Smet's Letters_, p. 39. 'The Youtas live between the Snake and Green Rivers.' _Prichard's Researches_, vol. v., p. 430. 'The Utahs of New Mexico are a portion of the tribe of the same name inhabiting the Territory of Utah.... They inhabit and claim all that region of country, embracing the sources of the north-western tributaries of the Arkansas river, above Bent's fort, up to the southern boundary of Utah Territory, and all the northern tributaries of the Rio Grande, which lie within New Mexico and north of the 37th parallel of latitude.' _Merriwether_, in _Ind. Aff. Rept._, 1854, p. 169. The Utes 'occupy and claim that section of country ranging from Abiquin, northward to Navajo River and westward somewhat of this line.' _Davis_, in _Ind. Aff. Rept._, 1869, p. 255. The Eutaws 'reside on both sides of the Eutaw or Anahuac mountains, they are continually migrating from one side to the other.' _Farnham's Trav._, p. 48. 'The Youtas inhabit the country between the Snake and Green rivers.' _Wilkes' Nar._, in _U. S. Ex. Ex._, vol. iv., p. 502. 'The Utahs' claim of boundaries are all south of that of the Shoshonies, embracing the waters of the Colorado, going most probably to the Gulf of California.' _Wilson_, in _Schoolcraft's Arch._, vol. vi., p. 698. The country of the Utaws 'is situated to the east and southeast of the Shoshones, about the Salt Lake, and on the head waters of the Colorado river, which empties into the gulf of California.... Their country being in latitude about 41°.' 'The Utaws are decent in appearance and their country, which is towards Santa Fe, is said to be tolerably good.' _Parker's Explor. Tour_, pp. 79, 309. The Yutas, Utaws, or Youtas, 'range between lat. 35° and 42° North and the Meridians 29° and 37° W. Long. of Washington. The great Yutas tribe is divided into two families which are contradistinguished by the names of their respective head-quarters; the Tao Yutas, so called because their principal camp is pitched in Tao mountains, seventy miles north of Santa Fé; and the Timpanigos Yutas, who hold their great camp near the Timpanigos lake.' _Farnham's Life in Cal._, p. 371. 'Um den Fluss Dolóres haben die Yutas, Tabeguáchis, Payúches und Tularénos ihre Wohnsitze.' _Mühlenpfordt_, _Mejico_, tom. ii., pt. ii., p. 538. The Utahs live 'on the border of New Mexico.' _Ludewig's Ab. Lang._, p. 196. 'Le pays des Utaws est situé à l'est et au sud-est de celui des Soshonies, aux sources du Rio-Colorado.' _De Smet_, _Voy._, p. 30. 'The Yutas or Eutaws are one of the most extensive nations of the West, being scattered from the north of New Mexico to the borders of Snake river and Rio Colorado.' _Gregg's Com. Prairies_, vol. i., p. 300. The _Pah Utes_ occupy the greater part of Nevada, and extend southward into Arizona and south-eastern California. There is reason to believe that the Pi Utes are a distinct tribe from the Pah Utes, but as the same localities are frequently assigned to both tribes by different writers, and as many have evidently thought them one and the same, thereby causing great confusion, I have thought it best to merely give the names as spelled by the authorities without attempting to decide which tribe is being spoken of in either case. The Pah-Utes 'range principally in the southwestern portion of Utah and the southeastern portion of Nevada.' _Head_, in _Ind. Aff. Rept._, 1866, p. 124. The Pah Utes 'are spread over the vast tract of territory, between the Sierra Nevada and the Colorado River, going as far south as the thirty-fifth parallel, and extending to the northward through California and Nevada into Southern Oregon and Idaho.' _Colyer_, in _Ind. Aff. Rept._, 1869, p. 92. The Pah-Utes inhabit the western part of Nevada. _Walker_, in _Ind. Aff. Rept._, 1872, p. 59. The Pah Utes and Pah Edes range over all that part of Utah south of the city of Filmore in Millard County. _Head_, in _Ind. Aff. Rept._, 1868, p. 150. 'The term Pah Utes is applied to a very large number of Indians who roam through that vast section of country lying between the Sierra Nevada and the Colorado, going as far south as the thirty-fifth parallel, and extending to the northward through California, Nevada, into Southern Oregon and Idaho. The Indians of this tribe in Arizona are located in the Big Bend of the Colorado, on both sides of the river, and range as far east as Diamond River, west to the Sierra Nevada, and northward into the State of Nevada.' _Jones_, in _Ind. Aff. Rept._, 1869, p. 216. The Pah Utes 'properly belong in Nevada and Arizona, but range over in southwestern Utah.' _Irish_, in _Ind. Aff. Rept._, 1865, p. 146. The Pah-Utes 'range principally from the borders of Oregon, on the north, to the southeast boundary of Nevada, and from the Sierra Nevada eastward to the Humboldt River and Sink of Carson; there are one or two small bands of them still further east, near Austin, Nevada. They are much scattered within these limits.' _Douglas_, in _Ind. Aff. Rept._, 1870, pp. 94-5. 'The Pah-utes roam along the eastern slopes of the Sierra Nevada, from the mouth of the Virgin with the Colorado (in about lat. 36° long. 115°) to the territories of the Washoes north, and as far east as the Sevier Lake country of Fremont's explorations.' _Cal. Farmer_, _June 22, 1860_. 'The Pa-utahs, and Lake Utahs occupy the territory lying south of the Snakes, and upon the waters of the Colorado of the west and south of the Great Salt Lake.' _Scenes in the Rocky Mts._, p. 179. The Pá Yuta (Pey Utes) 'extend from forty miles west of Stony Point to the Californian line, and N.W. to the Oregon line, and inhabit the valley of the Fenelon River, which rising from Lake Bigler empties itself into Pyramid Lake.' _Burton's City of the Saints_, p. 576. 'The Womenunche (also known as the Pa Uches) occupy the country on the San Juan river.' _Collins_, in _Ind. Aff. Rept._, 1862, p. 238. 'The custom of designating the different bands of Pah Utes is derived from the name of some article of food not common in other localities; "Ocki," signifies "trout," "toy," "tule," &c. The Ocki Pah Utes ... are located on Walker River and Lake, and the mountains adjacent thereto. The Cozaby Pah Utes ... range from Mono Lake east to Smoky Valley.' _Campbell_, in _Ind. Aff. Rept._, 1870, pp. 112-13. The Pah Utes extend, 'over portions of Utah and Arizona Territories, also the States of Nevada and California. _Fenton_, in _Id._, p. 113. The Chemehuevis are a band of Pah-Utahs. _Whipple, Ewbank, and Turner's Rept._, in _Pac. R. R. Rept._, vol. iii., p. 76. The Chimehuevais live about forty miles below the Colorado River agency, on the California side of the river, and are scattered over an area of fifty square miles. _Tonner_, in _Ind. Aff. Rept._, 1872, p. 323. The Chemehuewas are 'located mainly on the west bank of the Colorado, above La Paz, and ranges along the river from about thirty miles south of Fort Mohave, to a point fifty miles north of Fort Yuma, to the eastward, but a short distance.' _Sherman_, in _Ind. Aff. Rept._, 1869, p. 216. The Chemehuevis live on the Colorado river, above the Bill Williams fork, a small tribe and quite unknown. _Poston_, in _Ind. Aff. Rept._, 1863, p. 387. The Chemehuevis are 'a band of Pahutahs, ... belonging to the great Shoshonee family.' _Ludewig's Ab. Lang._, p. 35. 'The Chimchinves are undoubtedly a branch of the Pah Ute tribe.' _Stanley_, in _Ind. Aff. Rept._, 1866, p. 102. [Sidenote: PI UTES AND GOSH UTES.] The _Pi Utes_, or Pyutes, 'inhabit Western Utah, from Oregon to New Mexico; their locations being generally in the vicinity of the principal rivers and lakes of the Great Basin, viz., Humboldt, Carson, Walker, Truckee, Owens's, Pyramid, and Mono.' _Simpson's Route to Cal._, p. 48. 'The tribe of Indians who inhabit this section (near Fort Churchill) of which the post forms the centre comes under the one generic name of Piute, and acknowledge as their great chief Winnemucca. They are split up into small Captaincies and scattered throughout a vast extent of territory.' _Farley_, in _San Francisco Medical Press_, vol. iii., p. 154. The Piutes or Paiuches inhabit 'the northern banks of the Colorado, the region of Severe river, and those portions of the Timpanigos desert where man can find a snail to eat.' _Farnham's Life in Cal._, p. 371. The Piutes live 'along the eastern slopes of the Sierra Nevada, from the mouth of the Virgen with the Colorado (in about Lat. 36° Long. 115°) to the territories of the Washoes north, and as far east as the Sevier Lake.' _Taylor_, in _Cal. Farmer_, _June 22, 1860_. 'Von 34° nordwärts die Pai Utes.' _Möllhausen_, _Reisen in die Felsengeb._, vol. i., p. 430. The territory occupied by the Piutes 'is about one hundred miles broad, and is bounded on the north by the country of the Bannocks, on the east by that of the Shoshones, on the south by the State line between Nevada and California and on the west by the territory of the Washoes.' _Parker_, in _Ind. Aff. Rept._, 1866, p. 115. The Piutes inhabit 'a country two hundred miles long by one hundred and twenty broad, lying parallel and east of that of the Washoes.... South of Walker lake are the Mono Pi Utes.... They are closely allied to the Walker River or Ocki Pi Utes ... located in the vicinity of Walker river and lake and Carson river and Upper lake.... At the lower Carson lake are the Toy Pi Utes.' _Campbell_, in _Ind. Aff. Rept._, 1866, p. 119. 'Upon the Colorado river, in the northern part of the Territory lives a band, or some bands, of Pi Utes, occupying both sides of the river, roaming to the limit of Arizona on the west, but on the east, for some miles, how far cannot be determined.' _Whittier_, in _Ind. Aff. Rept._, 1868, p. 140. The Pi Ute 'range extends north to the Beaver, south to Fort Mojave, east to the Little Colorado and San Francisco Mountains, and on the west through the southern part of Nevada as far as the California line ... the larger portion living in Nevada.' _Fenton_, in _Ind. Aff. Rept._, 1869, p. 203. The Pi Utes inhabit the south-west portion of Utah. _Tourtellotte_, in _Ind. Aff. Rept._, 1870, p. 142. 'The Pi Ute Indians are scattered over a large extent of country in Southeastern Nevada and Southwestern Utah.' _Powell_, in _Ind. Aff. Rept._, 1871, p. 562. The Pi Utes inhabit the south-eastern part of Nevada. _Walker_, in _Ind. Aff. Rept._, 1872, p. 59. The _Gosh Utes_ inhabit the country west of Great Salt Lake, and extend to the Pah Utes. They are said by most writers to be of mixed breed, between the Snakes, or Shoshones proper, and the Utahs: 'The Goshautes live about forty miles west' of Salt Lake City. _Forney_, in _Ind. Aff. Rept._, 1858, p. 212. The Goships, or Gosha Utes, range west of Salt Lake. _Cooley_, in _Ind. Aff. Rept._, 1865, p. 17. The Goships 'range between the Great Salt Lake and the land of the western Shoshones.' _Head_, in _Ind. Aff. Rept._, 1866, p. 123. The Goship Shoshones 'live in the western part of Utah, between Great Salt Lake and the western boundary of the Territory,' (Utah). _Tourtellotte_, in _Ind. Aff. Rept._, 1869, p. 230. The Goshutes are located 'in the country in the vicinity of Egan Cañon.... In the Shoshone range.' _Douglas_, in _Ind. Aff. Rept._, 1870, p. 96. 'The Goship Shoshones inhabit that part of Utah which lies between Great Salt Lake and the western boundary of the Territory (Utah).' _Tourtellotte_, in _Id._, p. 141. The Goshoots 'Dr. Hurt classes among the Shoshones; but according to Mr. G. W. Bean, Capt. Simpson's Guide in the fall of 1858 ... they are the offspring of a disaffected portion of the Ute tribe, that left their nation, about two generations ago, under their leader or Chief Goship, whence their name Goship Utes since contracted into Goshutes.... Reside principally in the grassy valleys west of Great Salt Lake, along and in the vicinity of Capt. Simpson's routes, as far as the Ungoweah Range.' _Simpson's Route to Cal._, pp. 47-8. The Gosh Yutas, 'a body of sixty under a peaceful leader were settled permanently on the Indian Farm at Deep Creek, and the remainder wandered 40 to 200 miles west of Gt. S. L. City.' _Burton's City of the Saints_, p. 577. The _Toquimas_ live about the head of Reese River Valley, and in the country to the east of that point. _Taylor_, in _Cal. Farmer_, _June 26, 1863_. The _Temoksees_ live about thirty miles south of Jacobsville. _Cal. Farmer_, _June 26, 1863._ The _Pah Vants_ 'occupy the Corn Creek, Paravan, and Beaver Valleys, and the valley of Sevier.' _Simpson's Route to Cal._, p. 45. Half the Pavants 'are settled on the Indian farm at Corn Creek; the other wing of the tribe lives along Sevier Lake, and the surrounding country in the north-east extremity of Filmore Valley, fifty miles from the City, where they join the Gosh Yuta.' _Burton's City of the Saints_, p. 577. Although Mr Burton gives this as the fruit of his own observation, it is evidently taken from _Forney's Rept._, in _Ind. Aff. Rept._, 1859, p. 364, which reads as follows: 'About half of them (the Pahvants) have their home on the Corn Creek Indian farm. The other wing of the tribe lives along Sevier lake and surrounding country, in the northeast extremity of Fillmore valley, and about fifty miles from Fillmore city.' The Pah Vants range 'through Pah-Vant and Sevier valleys, and west to the White Mountains.' _Cooley_, in _Ind. Aff. Rept._, 1865, p. 17. 'The Pahvents occupy the territory in the vicinity of Corn Creek reservation, and south of the Goship Shoshones.' _Tourtellotte_, in _Ind. Aff. Rept._, 1869, p. 230. 'The Pah Vant Indians inhabit the country south of the Goship Shoshones.' _Tourtellotte_, in _Ind. Aff. Rept._, 1870, p. 142. The _Pi Edes_ 'are a band ranging through Beaver and Little Salt Lake Valley, and on the Virgin and Santa Clara rivers, down to the Muddy, embracing the whole southern portion of Utah Territory.' _Irish_, in _Ind. Aff. Rept._, 1865, p. 145. 'The Py Edes live adjoining the Pahvants, down to the Santa Clara.' _Simpson's Route to Cal._, p. 45. 'The Pi Ede Indians inhabit the country south of the Pah Vants.' _Tourtellotte_, in _Ind. Aff. Rept._, 1870, p. 142. 'The Piede Indians inhabit the extreme southern portion of the territory (Utah) on the Santa Clara and Muddy rivers.' _Armstrong_, in _Ind. Aff. Rept._, 1856, p. 234. The Piede Indians live on Rio Virgin and Santa Clara river. _Carvalho's Incid. of Trav._, p. 223. [Sidenote: WASHOES AND SAMPITCHES.] The _Washoes_ 'inhabit the country along the base of the Sierra Nevada Mountains, from Honey lake on the north to the west fork of Walker's river the south.' _Dodge_, in _Ind. Aff. Rept._, 1859, p. 374. _Simpson's Route to Cal._, on p. 45, and _Burton's City of the Saints_, p. 578, repeat this. The Washoes 'are stated to have boundaries as high up as the Oregon line, along the eastern flanks of the Sierra Nevada, as far to the east as two hundred miles and to the south to Walker's river.' _Cal. Farmer_, _June 22, 1860_. The Washoes live in the extreme western part of Nevada. _Parker_, in _Ind. Aff. Rept._, 1866, p. 115. 'Commencing at the western boundary of the State, we have first the Washoe tribe, ... occupying a tract of country one hundred miles long, north and south, by twenty-five in width.' _Campbell_, in _Id._, p. 119. The Washoes 'live along Lake Bigler and the headwaters of Carson, Walker, and Truckee rivers, and in Long and Sierra Valleys.' _Wasson_, in _Ind. Aff. Rept._, 1861, p. 114. The _Washoes_ 'are scattered over a large extent of country along the western border of the State' of Nevada. _Parker_, in _Ind. Aff. Rept._, 1869, p. 18. The Washoes 'frequent the settled portions of the State, principally the towns of Virginia City, Carson City, Reno, Washoe City, and Genoa. In summer they betake themselves to the mountains in the vicinity of Lake Tahoe and Hope Valley.' _Douglas_, in _Ind. Aff. Rept._, 1870, p. 96. The _Sampitches_ 'range through the Sanpitch valley and creek on the Sevier river.' _Irish_, in _Ind. Aff. Rept._, 1865, p. 145. 'The Sampiches are a tribe wandering on the desert to the south of Youta Lake.' _Prichard's Researches_, vol. v., p. 430. Burton mentions 'Sampichyas' settled at San Pete. _City of the Saints_, p. 578. The San Pitches 'live in the San Pitch valley and along the Sevier river.' _Cooley_, in _Ind. Aff. Rept._, 1865, p. 18. 'The San Pitches occupy a territory south and east of the Timpanagos.' _Tourtellotte_, in _Ind. Aff. Rept._, 1869. p. 230. 'The San Pitch Indians inhabit the country about the San Pete reservation.' _Tourtellotte_, in _Ind. Aff. Rept._, 1870, p. 142. 'Les Sampectches, les Pagouts et les Ampayouts sont les plus proches voisins des Serpents.' _De Smet_, _Voy._, p. 28. The _Uinta Utes_ 'claim Uinta valley and the country along Green river.' _Forney_, in _Ind. Aff. Rept._, 1859, p. 364. The Uinta Yutas live 'in the mountains south of Fort Bridger, and in the country along Green River.' _Burton's City of the Saints_, p. 577. The _Yam Pah Utes_ 'inhabit the country south of the Uinta Valley reservation.' _Tourtellotte_, in _Ind. Aff. Rept._, 1870, p. 142; _Id._, 1869, p. 231. The _Elk Mountain Utes_ live in the south-eastern portion of Utah. _Tourtellotte_, in _Ind. Aff. Rept._, 1870, p. 142; _Burton's City of the Saints_, p. 578. repeats. The _Tosawees_ or White Knives, or as they are sometimes called Shoshoteos or Foot-men, on the Humboldt and Goose Creek. _Stuart's Montana_, p. 80. 'The Tosawitches, or White Knives, inhabit the region along the Humboldt River.' _Simpson's Shortest Route_, p. 47. The Indians about Stony Point are called Tosawwitches (white knives). _Hurt_, in _Ind. Aff. Rept._, 1856. The _Weber Utes_ 'live in the valley of Salt Lake.' _Tourtellotte_, in _Ind. Aff. Rept._, 1869, p. 230, also in _Id._, 1870, p. 141. The Weber Utes live in the vicinity of Salt Lake City. _Walker_, in _Ind. Aff. Rept._, 1872, p. 56. The Weber River Yutas are principally seen in Great Salt Lake City. Their chief settlement is forty miles to the north. _Burton's City of the Saints_, p. 578. The _Cum Umbahs_ 'are mixed-bloods of the Utes and Shoshonees, and range in the region of Salt lake, Weber and Ogden valleys in northern Utah.' _Irish_, in _Ind. Aff. Rept._, 1865, p. 144. The _Wimmenuches_ are 'a tribe of the Ute Indians, whose country is principally from Tierra Amarilla northward to Ellos de los Animas and thence also to the Rio Grande. They mix with the Pi Utes in Utah.' _Davis_, in _Ind. Aff. Rept._, 1869, p. 255. The Wemenuche Utes 'roam and hunt west of the San Juan River, and their lodges are to be found along the banks of the Rio de las Animas, Rio de la Plata and Rio Mancos.' _Hanson_, in _Ind. Aff. Rept._, 1870, p. 155. The Weminuche Utes live near the San Juan river. _Armstrong_, in _Ind. Aff. Rept._, 1872, p. 307. The _Capote Utes_ 'roam from within five to fifty miles of the agency, but the greater part of the time live in the vicinity of Tierra Amarilla, from five to ten miles distant, north and south along the Rio Charmer.' _Hanson_, in _Ind. Aff. Rept._, 1870, p. 154; _Armstrong_, in _Id._, 1870, p. 307. 'The _Sheberetches_ inhabit the country south of the Yam Pah Utes.' _Tourtellotte_, in _Ind. Aff. Rept._, 1870, p. 142. The _Fish Utes_ 'inhabit the country about Red Lake, south of the Sheberetches.' _Tourtellotte_, in _Ind. Aff. Rept._, 1870, p. 142. The _Tash Utes_ live near the Navajos. _Burton's City of the Saints_, p. 578. The _Tabechya_, or Sun-hunters, 'live about Tête de Biche, near Spanish lands.' 'Timpenaguchya, or Timpana Yuta, corrupted into Tenpenny Utes, ... dwell about the kanyon of that name, and on the east of the Sweetwater Lake.' _Burton's City of the Saints_, pp. 577-8. 'The Timpanoge Indians formerly resided at and about Spanish Fort reservation, but they are now scattered among other bands and do not now exist as a separate tribe.' _Tourtellotte_, in _Ind. Aff. Rept._, 1870, p. 142; see also _Id._, 1869, p. 230. The Timpanogs inhabit 'Utah valley, and the neighboring mountains.' _Cooley_, in _Ind. Aff. Rept._, 1865, p. 17. FOOTNOTES: [423] 'Sometimes there is a tribal name for all who speak the same language; sometimes none, and only names for separate villages; sometimes a name for a whole tribe or family, to which is prefixed a separate word for each dialect, which is generally co-extensive with some valley. Of the first, an instance is found in the Cahrocs, on the Klamath, who are a compact tribe, with no dialects; of the second, in the large tribe on the lower Klamath, who have also no dialects, and yet have no name, except for each village; of the third, in the great family of the Pomos on Russian river, who have many dialects, and a name for each,--as Ballo Ki Pomos, Cahto Pomos, etc.... Some remnants of tribes have three or four names, all in use within a radius of that number of miles; some, again, are merged, or dovetailed, into others; and some never had a name taken from their own language, but have adopted that given them by a neighbor tribe, altogether different in speech.' _Powers_, in _Overland Monthly_, vol. viii., p. 328. [424] The natives 'when asked to what tribe they belong, give the name of their chief, which is misunderstood by the inquirer to be that of the tribe itself.' _Bartlett's Nar._, vol. ii., p. 30. [425] 'Every fifteen or twenty miles of country seems to have been occupied by a number of small lodges or septs, speaking a different language or very divergent dialect.' _Taylor_, in _Bancroft's Hand-book Almanac_, 1864, p. 29. Beechey counted eleven different dialects in the mission of San Carlos. _Voyage_, vol. ii., p. 73. 'Almost every 15 or 20 leagues, you find a distinct dialect; so different, that in no way does one resemble the other.' _Boscana_, in _Robinson's Life in Cal._, p. 240. 'From the San Joaquin northward to the Klamath there are some hundreds of small tribes.' _Henley_, in _Ind. Aff. Rept._, 1854, p. 304. [426] Hale calls them the _Lutuami_, or _Tlamatl_, and adds, 'the first of these names is the proper designation of the people in their own language. The second is that by which they are known to the Chinooks, and through them, to the whites.' _Ethnog._, in _U. S. Ex. Ex._, vol. vi., p. 218. [427] 'There true name is _Moüdoc_--a word which originated with the Shasteecas, who applied it indefinitely to all wild Indians or enemies.' _Powers_, in _Overland Monthly_, 1873, vol. x., p. 535. 'Also called Moahtockna.' _Taylor_, in _Cal. Farmer_, _June 22, 1860_. 'The word Modoc is a Shasta Indian word, and means all distant, stranger, or hostile Indians, and became applied to these Indians by white men in early days, by hearing the Shastas speak of them.' _Steele_, in _Ind. Aff. Rept._, 1861, p. 121. [428] Speaking of Indians at the junction of the Salmon and Klamath rivers: 'They do not seem to have any generic appellation for themselves, but apply the terms "Kahruk," up, and "Youruk," down, to all who live above or below themselves, without discrimination, in the same manner that the others (at the junction of the Trinity) do "Peh-tsik," and "Poh-lik."' _Gibbs_, in _Schoolcraft's Arch._, vol. iii., p. 151. [429] 'The Bay (Humboldt) Indians call themselves, as we were informed, Wish-osk; and those of the hills Te-ok-a-wilk; but the tribes to the northward denominate both those of the Bay and Eel river, We-yot, or Walla-walloo.' _Gibbs_, in _Schoolcraft's Arch._, vol. iii., p. 133. [430] They are also called Lototen or Tututamy, Totutime, Toutouni, Tootooton, Tutoten, Tototin, Tototutna, etc. [431] For further particulars as to location of tribes, see notes on TRIBAL BOUNDARIES, at the end of this chapter. [432] Mr. Gibbs, speaking of the tribes seen on the Klamath and Trinity rivers, says: 'In person these people are far superior to any we had met below; the men being larger, more muscular, and with countenances denoting greater force and energy of character, as well as intelligence. Indeed, they approach rather to the races of the plains, than to the wretched "diggers" of the greater part of California.' _Schoolcraft's Arch._, vol. iii., p. 140. 'The Indians in the northern portion of California and in Oregon, are vastly superior in stature and intellect to those found in the southern part of California.' _Hubbard_, in _Golden Era_, 1856. The Indians on the Trinity 'are of another tribe and nature from those along the Sacramento.' _Kelly's Excursion_, vol. ii., p. 166. Speaking of the Wallies, they, 'in many respects differ from their brethren in the middle and lower counties of the State. They are lighter colored and more intelligent.' _Johnson_, in _Overland Monthly_, 1869, vol. ii., p. 536. [433] 'The males are tall, averaging in height about five feet eight inches, are well proportioned, athletic, and possess the power of endurance to a great degree.' _Hubbard_, in _Golden Era_, March, 1856. 'The people here (Rogue River) were larger and stronger than those in South California, but not handsomer.' _Pfeiffer's Second Journ._, p. 317. Speaking of Indians on the Klamath River, 'their stature is a trifle under the American; they have well-sized bodies, erect and strong-knit.' _Powers_, in _Overland Monthly_, vol. viii., p. 328. On the upper Trinity they are 'large and powerful men, of a swarthier complexion, fierce and intractable.' _Gibbs_, in _Schoolcraft's Arch._, vol. iii., p. 129. Near Mount Shasta, 'a fine-looking race, being much better proportioned than those more to the northward, and their features more regular.' _Wilkes' Nar._, in _U. S. Ex. Ex._, vol. v., p. 254. At Klamath Lake, 'well-grown and muscular.' _Lord's Nat._, vol. i., p. 277. On the Trinity, 'majestic in person, chivalrous in bearing.' _Kelly's Excursion_, vol. ii., p. 166. [434] In the vicinity of Klamath lake 'the squaws are short in comparison with the men, and, for Indians have tolerably regular features.' _Lord's Nat._, vol. i., p. 277. In the Rogue River region 'some of them are quite pretty, usually well-formed, handsomely developed, small features, and very delicate and well-turned hands and feet.... They are graceful in their movements and gestures, ... always timid and modest.' _Hubbard_, in _Golden Era_, March, 1856. On the Klamath River, 'with their smooth, hazel skins, oval faces, plump and brilliant eyes, some of the young maidens,--barring the tattooed chins,--have a piquant and splendid beauty.' _Powers_, in _Overland Monthly_, vol. viii., p. 329. On the Klamath and Trinity Rivers, many of the women 'were exceedingly pretty; having large almond-shaped eyes, sometimes of a hazel color, and with the red showing through the cheeks. Their figures were full, their chests ample; and the younger ones had well-shaped busts, and rounded limbs.' _Gibbs_, in _Schoolcraft's Arch._, vol. iii., p. 140. But as to the beauty of women tastes never agree; Mr Kelly in his _Excursion to Cal._, vol. ii., p. 167, speaking of a band of 'noble-looking Indians' which he met near Trinity River, says that they were 'accompanied by a few squaws, who, strange to say, in this latitude are ugly, ill-favoured, stunted in stature, lumpy in figure, and awkward in gait,' and concerning the Rogue River Indians a lady states that 'among the women ... there were some extremely clumsy figures.' _Pfeiffer's Second Journ._, p. 317. The Pit-River Indian girls 'have the smallest and prettiest feet and hands I have ever seen.' _Miller's Life amongst the Modocs_, p. 374. [435] At Crescent City, Mr Powers saw some 'broad-faced squaws of an almost African blackness;' the Patawats in the vicinity of Mad River and Humboldt Bay are 'blackskinned, pudgy in stature; well cushioned with adipose tissue;' at Redwood Creek 'like most of the coast tribes they are very dark colored, squat in stature, rather fuller-faced than the interior Indians.' _Pomo, MS._ At Trinidad Bay 'their persons were in general indifferently, but stoutly made, of a lower stature than any tribe of Indians we had before seen.' _Vancouver's Voy._, vol. ii., p. 246. At the mouth of Eel River the Weeyots 'are generally repulsive in countenance as well as filthy in person.... Their heads are disproportionately large; their figures, though short, strong and well developed.' _Gibbs_, in _Schoolcraft's Arch._, vol. iii., p. 127. Carl Meyer names the Indians he saw at Trinidad Bay, _Allequas_, or Wood-Indians (Holzindianer). I do not find the name anywhere else, and judging by his description, they appear to differ considerably from the natives seen in the same vicinity by Vancouver or Mr Powers; he, Meyer, says; 'Sie sind von unserm Wuchse, starke und beleibte, kräftige Gestalten. Ihre Haut ist wenig zimmet oder lohfarbig, eher weisslich, wie die der antisischen Inkas gewesen sein soll; bei der Jugend und besonders beim weiblichen Geschlechte schimmert oft ein sanftes Roth auf den Wangen hervor. Ihr Kopf ist wenig gedrückt, die Stirn hoch, der Gesichtswinkel gegen 80 Grad, die Nase römisch gekrümmt, das Auge gross in wenig quadratisch erweiterten Augenhöhlen und intelligent, die Lippen nicht aufgetrieben, das Kinn oval, und Hände und Füsse klein.' _Nach dem Sacramento_, p. 215. [436] At Pitt River they 'have no dress except a buckskin thrown around them.' _The Shastas and their Neighbors, MS._ Near Mount Shasta 'they can scarcely be said to wear any dress, except a mantle of deer or wolf skin. A few of them had deer-skins belted around their waists, with a highly ornamented girdle.' _Wilkes' Nar._, in _U. S. Ex. Ex._, vol. v., p. 255. Near Pitt River, the Indians were nearly naked. _Abbott_, in _Pac. R. R. Rept._, vol. vi., p. 61. At Trinidad Bay 'their clothing was chiefly made of the skins of land animals, with a few indifferent small skins of the sea-otter.' _Vancouver's Voy._, vol. ii., p. 247. 'The men, however, do not wear any covering, except the cold is intense, when indeed they put upon their shoulders the skins of sea-wolves, otters, deer, or other animals.' _Maurelle's Jour._, p. 16. 'They were clothed, for the most part, in skins.' _Greenhow's Hist. Ogn._, p. 118. On Smith River they were 'in a complete state of nature, excepting only a kind of apology for an apron, worn by the women, sometimes made of elk's skin, and sometimes of grass.' _Pfeiffer's Second Journ._, p. 313. Among the Weeyots at Eel River the men 'wore a deer-skin robe over the shoulder, and the women a short petticoat of fringe.' _Gibbs_, in _Schoolcraft's Arch._, vol. iii., p. 127. On Klamath River their only dress was the fringed petticoat, or at most, a deerskin robe thrown back over the shoulders, in addition. _Id._, p. 141. 'The primitive dress of the men is simply a buckskin girdle about the loins; of the women, a chemise of the same material, or of braided grass, reaching from the breast to the knees.' _Powers_, in _Overland Monthly_, vol. viii., p. 329. 'Were quite naked excepting the maro.' _Wilkes' Nar._, in _U. S. Ex. Ex._, vol. v., p. 253. The Klamath Lake Indians 'wear little more than the breech-cloth.' _Lord's Nat._, vol. i., p. 277. 'They were all well dressed in blankets and buckskin.' _Abbott_, in _Pac. R. R. Rept._, vol. vi., p. 70. Carl Meyer, speaking of a tribe he names Allequas, at Trinidad Bay, says: 'der Mann geht im Sommer ganz nackt, im Winter trägt er eine selbst gegerbte Hirsch- oder Rehdecke über die Schultern.' 'Die Allequas-Weiber tragen im Sommer von Bast-Schnüren oder von Rehfellstreifen, im Winter von Pelzwerk oder Gänseflaum verfertigte Schürzen, die bis auf die Knie reichen.' _Nach dem Sacramento_, p. 217, 219. 'The Klamaths, during the summer go naked, in winter they use the skins of rabbits and wild fowl for a covering.' _Thompson_, in _Ind. Aff. Rept._, 1854, p. 283. [437] 'An Indian will trap and slaughter seventy-five rabbits for one of these robes, making it double, with fur inside and out.' _Powers' Pomo, MS._ [438] _Fremont's Explor. Ex._, p. 204; _Gibbs_, in _Schoolcraft's Arch._, vol. iii., pp. 107, 127; _Domenech's Deserts_, vol. ii., 282. [439] _Domenech's Deserts_, vol. ii., p. 282; _Fremont's Explor. Ex._, p. 204. [440] _Gibbs_, in _Schoolcraft's Arch._, vol. iii., p. 142. [441] _Maurelle's Jour._, p. 17; _Gibbs_, in _Schoolcraft's Arch._, vol. iii., pp. 127, 142; _Powers_, in _Overland Monthly_, vol. viii., p. 329; _Pfeiffer's Second Journ._, p. 317. 'Die Allequas (Trinidad Bay) haben starkes, ziemlich geschmeidiges Haar, das der Männer und der Kinder wird bis auf einen Zoll Länge regelmässig abgebrannt, so dass sie das Aussehen von Titusköpfen erhalten. Zuweilen sieht man die Männer auch mit einem ziemlich langen, durch eine harzige Flüssigkeit gesteiften, aufgerichteten Zopf, der als Schmuck betrachtet, bei festlichen Anlässen, oder im Kriege mit rothen oder weissen Federn geziert wird, und alsdann dem Schopf eines Wiedehopfs gleicht.' _Meyer_, _Nach dem Sacramento_, p. 215. 'Both men and women part their hair in the middle, the men cut it square on the neck and wear it rather long, the women wear theirs long, plaited in two braids, hanging down the back.' _The Shastas and their Neighbors, MS._ [442] _Gibbs_, in _Schoolcraft's Arch._, vol. iii., p. 127. 'Barthaare haben sie, wie alle Indianer Nord-Amerikas, nur wenig; sie werden ausgerupft, und nur in der Trauer stehen gelassen.' _Meyer_, _Nach dem Sacramento_, pp. 215-16. [443] The men tattoo so that they may 'be recognized if stolen by Modocs.' 'With the women it is entirely for ornament.' _The Shastas and their Neighbors_, _MS_. At Rogue River the women 'were tattooed on the hands and arms as well as the chin.' _Pfeiffer's Second Journ._, p. 317. At Trinidad Bay 'they ornamented their lower lip with three perpendicular columns of punctuation, one from each corner of the mouth and one in the middle, occupying three fifths of the chin.' _Vancouver's Voy._, vol. ii., p. 247. Maurelle says the same, and adds that a space is left between each line, 'which is much larger in the young than in the older women, whose faces are generally covered with punctures.' _Jour._, p. 17. At Mad River and Humboldt Bay, the same, 'and also lines of small dots on the backs of their hands.' _Powers' Pomo_, _MS_. At mouth of Eel River 'both sexes tattoo; the men on their arms and breasts; the women from inside the under lip down to and beneath the chin. The extent of this disfigurement indicates to a certain extent, the age and condition of the person.' 'In the married women the lines are extended up above the corners of the mouth.' _Gibbs_, in _Schoolcraft's Arch._, vol. iii., pp. 127, 142. 'I have never observed any particular figures or designs upon their persons; but the tattooing is generally on the chin, though sometimes on the wrist and arm. Tattooing has mostly been on the persons of females, and seems to be esteemed as an ornament, not apparently indicating rank or condition.' _Johnston_, in _Schoolcraft's Arch._, vol. iv., p. 223. The squaws among the Cahrocs on the Klamath 'tattoo, in blue, three narrow fern-leaves, perpendicularly on the chin.' 'For this purpose they are said to employ soot, gathered from a stove, mingled with the juice of a certain plant.' _Powers_, in _Overland Monthly_, vol. viii., p. 329. Among the Shastys the women 'are tattooed in lines from the mouth to the chin.' _Hale's Ethnog._, in _U. S. Ex. Ex._, vol. vi., p. 218. Among the Allequas at Trinidad bay: 'Die Mädchen werden im fünften Jahre mit einem schwarzen Streifen von beiden Mundwinkeln bis unter das Kinn tättowirt, welchem Striche dann alle fünf Jahre ein parallellaufender beigefügt wird, so dass man an diesen Zeichnungen leicht das Alter jeder Indianerin übersehen kann.... Die Männer bemalen sich bei besondern Anlässen mit einem Tannenfirniss, den sie selbst bereiten, das Gesicht, und zeichnen allerlei geheimnissvolle Figuren und Verzierungen auf Wange, Nase und Stirn, indem sie mit einem hölzernen Stäbchen den noch weichen Firniss auf den einzelnen Stellen von der Haut wegheben.' _Meyer_, _Nach dem Sacramento_, p. 216. [444] 'I never saw two alike.' _The Shastas and their Neighbors_, _MS_. At Klamath lake they are 'painted from their heads to their waists all colours and patterns.' _Lord's Nat._, vol. i., p. 277. The Modocs 'paint themselves with various pigments formed from rotten wood, different kinds of earth, &c.' _Powers_, in _Overland Monthly_, vol. x., p. 536. Kane 'took a sketch of a Chastay (Shasta) female slave (among the Chinooks) the lower part of whose face, from the corners of the mouth to the ears and downwards, was tattooed of a bluish colour. The men of this tribe do not tattoo, but paint their faces like other Indians.' _Wand._, p. 182. Ida Pfeiffer, _Second Journ._, p. 315, saw Indians on Smith river, who painted their faces 'in a most detestable manner. They first smeared them with fish fat and then they rubbed in the paint, sometimes passing a finger over it in certain lines, so as to produce a pattern.' _Miller's Life Amongst the Modocs_, p. 361. [445] 'No taste in bead work.' _The Shastas and their Neighbors_, _MS_. 'In den Ohren tragen die Allequas (at Trinidad bay) Schmucksachen, welche sie theils von den Weissen erhalten, theils aus Holz nachahmen; auch sind diese Gegenstände zuweilen durch Steinchen ersetzt, die talismanische Kräfte besitzen sollen. Nur die in den fernen Bergen wohnenden tragen hölzerne oder auch eiserne Ringe in den Nasenwandungen.' _Meyer_, _Nach dem Sacramento_, p. 216; _Gibbs_, in _Schoolcraft's Arch._, vol. iii., p. 142; _Pfeiffer's Second Journ._, p. 317; _Powers_, in _Overland Monthly_, vol. x., p. 537; _Schoolcraft's Arch._, vol. iii., plate xiv. [446] _Maurelle's Jour._, p. 18. [447] _Vancouver's Voy._, vol. ii., p. 247. [448] 'The lodges are dome-shaped; like beaver-houses, an arched roof covers a deep pit sunk in the ground, the entrance to which is a round hole.' _Lord's Nat._, vol. i., p. 278. 'Large round huts, perhaps 20 feet in diameter, with rounded tops, on which was the door by which they descended into the interior.' _Fremont's Explor. Ex._, p. 204. 'The Modoc excavates a circular space from two to four feet deep, then makes over it a conical structure of puncheons, which is strongly braced up with timbers, frequently hewn and a foot square.' _Powers_, in _Overland Monthly_, vol. x., p. 536; _Id._, vol. ix., p. 156. 'The style was very substantial, the large poles requiring five or six men to lift.' _Gibbs_, in _Schoolcraft's Arch._, vol. iii., p. 175. 'Have only an opening at the summit.' _Domenech's Deserts_, vol. ii., p. 261. On the inside of the door they frequently place a sliding panel. 'The Kailtas build wigwams in a conical shape--as all tribes on the Trinity do--but they excavate no cellars.' _Powers' Pomo_, _MS_. See full description of dwellings, by _Johnston_, in _Schoolcraft's Arch._, vol. iv., p. 223. The entrance is a 'round hole just large enough to crawl into, which is on a level with the surface of the ground, or is cut through the roof.' _Johnson_, in _Overland Monthly_, vol. ii., p. 536; _Miller's Life Amongst the Modocs_, p. 377. [449] 'Built of plank, rudely wrought.' The roofs are not 'horizontal like those at Nootka, but rise with a small degree of elevation to a ridge in the middle.' _Vancouver's Voy._, vol. ii., pp. 241-2. Well built, of boards; often twenty feet square; roof pitched over a ridge-pole; ground usually excavated 3 or 4 feet; some cellars floored and walled with stone. _Gibbs_, in _Schoolcraft's Arch._, vol. iii., p. 140. 'The dwellings of the Hoopas were built of large planks, about 1½ inches thick, from two to four feet wide, and from six to twelve feet in length.' _Trinity Journal_, _April, 1857_. 'The floors of these huts are perfectly smooth and clean, with a square hole two feet deep in the centre, in which they make their fire.' _Maurelle's Jour._, p. 17. 'The huts have never but one apartment. The fire is kindled in the centre, the smoke escaping through the crevices in the roof.' _Hubbard_, in _Golden Era_, _March, 1856_. The houses of the Eurocs and Cahrocs 'are sometimes constructed on the level earth, but oftener they excavate a round cellar, four or five feet deep, and twelve or fifteen feet in diameter.' _Powers_, in _Overland Monthly_, vol. viii., p. 530; _Meyer_, _Nach dem Sacramento_, p. 220; _The Shastas and their neighbors, MS_. [450] Kit Carson says of lodges seen near Klamath lake: 'They were made of the broad leaves of the swamp flag, which were beautifully and intricately woven together.' _Peters' Life of Carson_, p. 263. 'The wild sage furnishes them shelter in the heat of summer, and, like the Cayote, they burrow in the earth for protection from the inclemencies of winter.' _Thompson_, in _Ind. Aff. Rept._, 1854, p. 283. 'Their lodges are generally mere temporary structures, scarcely sheltering them from the pelting storm.' _Palmer_, in _Ind. Aff. Rept._, 1854, p. 262. [451] 'Slightly constructed, generally of poles.' _Emmons_, in _Schoolcraft's Arch._, vol. iii., p. 218. 'The earth in the centre scooped out, and thrown up in a low, circular embankment.' _Turner_, in _Overland Monthly_, p. xi., p. 21. [452] _Powers' Pomo, MS._ [453] 'The rocks supply edible shell-fish.' _Schumacher's Oregon Antiquities, MS._ 'The deer and elk are mostly captured by driving them into traps and pits.' 'Small game is killed with arrows, and sometimes elk and deer are dispatched in the same way.' _Hubbard_, in _Golden Era_, _April, 1856_. 'The elk they usually take in snares.' _Pfeiffer's Second Journ._, p. 317. 'The mountain Indians subsisted largely on game, which of every variety was very abundant, and was killed with their bows and arrows, in the use of which they were very expert.' _Wiley_, in _Ind. Aff. Rept._, 1867, p. 497. 'Die Indianer am Pittflusse machen Graben oder Löcher von circa 5 Kubikfuss, bedecken diese mit Zweigen und Gras ganz leicht, sodass die Thiere, wenn sie darüber gejagt werden, hinein fallen und nicht wieder herauskönnen. Wilde Gänse fangen sie mit Netzen ... Nur selten mögen Indianer den grauen Bär jagen.' _Wimmel_, _Californien_, p. 181; _The Shastas and their Neighbors, MS._ [454] Schumacher, _Oregon Antiquities, MS._, classifies their ancient arrow and spear points thus: Long barbs with projections, short barbs with projections, and long and short barbs without projections. 'The point of the spear is composed of a small bone needle, which sits in a socket, and pulls out as soon as the fish starts. A string connecting the spear handle and the center of the bone serves, when pulled, to turn the needle cross wise in the wound.' _Taylor_, in _Cal. Farmer_, _March 8, 1861_; _Schoolcraft's Arch._, vol. iii., p. 146. [455] _The Shastas and their Neighbors, MS._; _Hubbard_, in _Golden Era_, _April, 1856_; _Wiley_, in _Ind. Aff. Rept._, 1867, p. 497. 'In spawning-time the fish school up from Clear Lake in extraordinary numbers, so that the Indians have only to put a slight obstruction in the river, when they can literally shovel them out.' _Powers_, in _Overland Monthly_, vol. x., p. 537; _Schumacher's Oregon Antiquities, MS._ [456] 'The camas is a bulbus root, shaped much like an onion.' _Miller's Life Amongst the Modocs_, p. 22. [457] 'A root about an inch long, and as large as one's little finger, of a bitter-sweetish and pungent taste, something like ginseng.' _Powers_, in _Overland Monthly_, vol. x., p. 537. [458] 'An aquatic plant, with a floating leaf, very much like that of a pond-lily, in the centre of which is a pod resembling a poppy-head, full of farinaceous seeds.' _Ib._ See also _Meyer_, _Nach dem Sacramento_, p. 222. 'Their principal food is the kamas root, and the seed obtained from a plant growing in the marshes of the lake, resembling, before hulled, a broom-corn seed.' _Palmer_, in _Ind. Aff. Rept._, 1854, p. 263. [459] The Klamaths 'subsist upon roots and almost every living thing within their reach, not excepting reptiles, crickets, ants, etc.' _Thompson_, in _Ind. Aff. Rept._, 1854, p. 283; _Heintzelman_, in _Ind. Aff. Rept._, 1857, p. 391; _Roseborough's letter to the author, MS._ [460] _Turner_, in _Overland Monthly_, vol. xi., p. 24. [461] At Rogue River, 'the men go in the morning into the river, but, like the Malays, bring all the dirt out on their skins that they took in.' _Pfeiffer's Second Journ._, p. 317. At Pitt River they are 'disgusting in their habits.' _Abbott_, in _Pac. R. R. Rept._, vol. vi., p. 61; _The Shastas and their Neighbors, MS._ 'Of the many hundreds I have seen, there was not one who still observed the aboriginal mode of life, that had not a sweet breath. This is doubtless due to the fact that, before they became civilized, they ate their food cold.' _Powers' Pomo, MS._ 'They always rise at the first dawn of day, and plunge into the river.' _Hubbard_, in _Golden Era_, _March, 1856_. 'Their persons are unusually clean, as they use both the sweat-house and the cold-bath constantly.' _Gibbs_, in _Schoolcraft's Arch._, vol. iii., p. 142. 'Mit Tagesanbruch begibt sich der Allequa (Trinidad Bay) in jeder Jahreszeit zur nahen Quelle, wo er sich am ganzen Leibe wäscht und in den Strahlen der aufsteigenden Sonne trocknen lässt.' _Meyer_, _Nach dem Sacramento_, p. 221; _Roseborough's letter to the author, MS._ [462] Carl Meyer, after describing the bow, adds: 'Fernere Waffen der Allequas sind; das Obsidian-Beil oder Tomahawk, die Keule, die Lanze und der Wurfspiess.' _Nach dem Sacramento_, p. 218. This statement, I think, may be taken with some allowance, as nowhere else do I find mention of a tomahawk being used by the Californians. [463] Schumacher, _Oregon Antiquities, MS._, speaking of an ancient spear-point, says, 'the pointed teeth show it to have been a very dangerous weapon.' _Roseborough's letter to the author, MS._ On the Klamath River, 'among the skins used for quivers, I noticed the otter, wild-cat, fisher, fawn, grey fox and others.' _Gibbs_, in _Schoolcraft's Arch._, vol. iii., p. 141. Near Mt Shasta, 'bows and arrows are very beautifully made: the former are of yew, and about three feet long ... backed very neatly with sinew, and painted.... The arrows are upwards of thirty inches long.' _Wilkes' Nar._, in _U. S. Ex. Ex._, vol. v., p. 255. At Port Trinidad, 'arrows are carried in quivers of wood or bone, and hang from their wrist or neck.' _Maurelle's Jour._, p. 20. On Pigeon River 'their arrows were in general tipped with copper or iron.' _Greenhow's Hist. Ogn._, p. 110. The Pit River 'arrows are made in three parts.' _Abbott_, in _Pac. R. R. Rept._, vol. vi., p. 61. The Allequas at Trinidad Bay, described by Carl Meyer, carried their arrows either 'schussfertig in der Hand oder in einem über die Schultern geworfenen Köcher aus Fuchs- oder Biberpelz. Der Bogen ist aus einer starken, elastischen Rothtannenwurzel verfertigt, etwa 3½ Fuss lang und auf der Rückseite mit einer Bärensehne überklebt.' _Nach dem Sacramento_, p. 217. See _Mofras_, _Explor._, _Atlas_, plate xxv. Speaking of the quiver, Mr Powers says: 'in the animal's head they stuff a quantity of grass or moss, as a cushion for the arrow-heads to rest in, which prevents them from being broken.' _Overland Monthly_, vol. viii., p. 532. 'Their arrows can only be extracted from the flesh with the knife.' _Cutts' Conquest of Cal._, p. 170. 'Am oberen Theile (California) ist der Bogen von einer Lage von Hirsch-Sehnen verstärkt und elastisch gemacht. Die Pfeile bestehen aus einem rohrartigen Gewächse von mässiger Länge, an der Spitze mit Obsidian ... versehen, ihre Länge ist 2 Zoll, ihre Breite 1 Zoll und die Dicke 1/3 Zoll, scharfkantig und spitz zulaufend.' _Wimmel_, _Californien_, p. 180. [464] _Powers' Pomo, MS._; _Schumacher's Oregon Antiquities, MS._; _The Shastas and their Neighbors, MS._ [465] _Hist. Mag._, vol. iii., p. 214. [466] _Johnson_, in _Overland Monthly_, vol. ii., p. 536. At Trinidad Bay 'zuweilen werden die Pfeile mit dem Safte des Sumachbaumes vergiftet, und alsdann nur zum Erlegen wilder Raubthiere gebraucht.' _Meyer_, _Nach dem Sacramento_, p. 218. 'Einige Stämme vergiften die Spitzen ihrer Pfeile auf folgende Weise: Sie reizen nämlich eine Klapperschlange mit einer vorgehaltenen Hirschleber, worin sie beisst, und nachdem nun die Leber mit dem Gifte vollständig imprägnirt ist, wird sie vergraben und muss verfaulen; hierin wird nun die Spitze eingetaucht und dann getrocknet.' _Wimmel_, _Californien_, p. 180. The Pitt River Indians 'use the poison of the rattle-snake, by grinding the head of that reptile into an impalpable powder, which is then applied by means of the putrid blood and flesh of the dog to the point of the weapon.' _Gross' System of Surgery_, vol. i., p. 321. 'The Pitt River Indians poisoned their arrows in a putrid deer's liver. This is a slow poison, however, and sometimes will not poison at all.' _The Shastas and their Neighbors, MS._; _Schumacher's Oregon Antiquities, MS._ [467] Among other things seen by Meyer were, 'noch grössere Bogen, die ihnen als bedeutende Ferngeschosse dienen. Ein solcher ist 6 Fuss lang, und der Indianer legt sich auf die Erde, um denselben zu spannen, indem er das rechte Knie in den Bogen einstemmt und mit beiden Armen nachhilft.' The bow and arrow, knife, and war-club, constitute their weapons. In one of their lodges I noticed an elk-skin shield, so constructed as to be impervious to the sharpest arrows. _Palmer_, in _Ind. Aff. Rept._, 1854, p. 262. Miller mentions a Modoc who was 'painted red, half-naked, and held a tomahawk in his hand.' _Life Amongst the Modocs_, p. 20. [468] _Salem Statesman_, _April, 1857_. [469] Hence, if we may credit Miller, _Life Amongst the Modocs_, p. 373, the name Pitt River. [470] The Hoopas exacted tribute from all the surrounding tribes. At the time the whites arrived the Chimalaquays were paying them tribute in deer-skins at the rate of twenty-five cents per head. _Powers' Pomo_, _MS_. The Hoopahs have a law requiring those situated on the Trinity, above them to pay tribute. _Humboldt Times_, _Nov. 1857_; _S. F. Evening Bulletin_, _Nov. 23, 1857_. [471] The Sassics, Cahrocs, Hoopahs, Klamaths and Rogue River Indians, take no scalps, but decapitate the slain, or cut off their hands and feet. _Pfeiffer's Second Journ._, p. 317. [472] The Veeards on Lower Humboldt Bay 'took elk-horns and rubbed them on stones for days together, to sharpen them into axes and wedges.' _Powers' Pomo, MS._ On the Klamath river they had 'spoons neatly made of bone and horn.' _Gibbs_, in _Schoolcraft's Arch._, vol. iii., p. 146. [473] 'For basket making, they use the roots of pine-trees, the stem of the spice-bush, and ornament with a kind of grass which looks like a palm leaf, and will bleach white. They also stain it purple with elder berries, and green with soapstone.' ... 'The Pitt River Indians excel all others in basket-making, but are not particularly good at bead work.' _The Shastas and their Neighbors, MS._, _Fremont's Explor. Ex._, p. 204; _Johnson_, in _Overland Monthly_, vol. ii., p. 536; _Gibbs_, in _Schoolcraft's Arch._, vol. iii., p. 134; _Powers' Pomo, MS._ [474] _Wilkes' Nar._, in _U. S. Ex. Ex._, vol. v., p. 253; _Emmons_, in _Schoolcraft's Arch._, vol. iii., p. 218. [475] The boats formerly used by the Modocs were 'quite rude and unshapely concerns, compared with those of the lower Klamath, but substantial and sometimes large enough to carry 1800 pounds of merchandise.' _Powers_, in _Overland Monthly_, vol. viii., p. 532, vol. x., p. 536. 'Blunt at both ends, with a small projection in the stern for a seat.' _Gibbs_, in _Schoolcraft's Arch._, vol. iii., p. 142. 'Those on Rogue river were roughly built--some of them scow fashion, with flat bottom.' _Emmons_, in _Schoolcraft's Arch._, vol. iii., p. 218. The Pitt River Indians 'used boats made from pine; they burn them out ... about twenty feet long, some very good ones.' _The Shastas and their Neighbors, MS._ [476] _Chase_, in _Overland Monthly_, vol. ii., p. 433. 'A kind of bead made from a shell procured on the coast. These they string and wear about the neck.... Another kind is a shell about an inch long, which looks like a porcupine quill. They are more valuable than the other. They also use them as nose-ornaments.' _The Shastas and their Neighbors, MS._ 'The unit of currency is a string of the length of a man's arm, with a certain number of the longer shells below the elbow, and a certain number of the shorter ones above.' _Powers_, in _Overland Monthly_, vol. viii., p. 329. 'A rare shell, spiral in shape, varying from one to two inches in length, and about the size of a crowquill, called by the natives, _Siwash_, is used as money.' _Hubbard_, in _Golden Era_, March, 1856. [477] 'The ownership of a (white) deer-skin, constitutes a claim to chieftainship, readily acknowledged by all the dusky race on this coast.' _Humboldt Times_, _Dec., 1860_. [478] 'Property consists in women, ornaments made of rare feathers and shells, also furs and skins.' _Hubbard_, in _Golden Era_, March, 1856. Their wealth 'consisted chiefly of white deerskins, canoes, the scalp of the red-headed woodpecker, and _aliquachiek_.' _Wiley_, in _Ind. Aff. Rept. Joint Spec. Com._, 1867, p. 497. [479] 'Have no tribal organization, no such thing as public offence.' _Roseborough's letter to the author, MS._ A Pitt River chief tried the white man's code, but so unpopular was it, that he was obliged to abandon it. _The Shastas and their Neighbors, MS._ Among the Klamath and Trinity tribes the power of the chief 'is insufficient to control the relations of the several villages, or keep down the turbulence of individuals.' _Gibbs_, in _Schoolcraft's Arch._, vol. iii., pp. 139-140. The Cahrocs, Eurocs, Hoopas, and Kailtas, have a nominal chief for each village, but his power is extremely limited and each individual does as he likes. Among the Tolewas in Del Norte County, money makes the chief. The Modocs and Patawats have an hereditary chieftainship. _Powers' Pomo, MS._ At Trinidad Bay they were 'governed by a ruler, who directs where they shall go both to hunt and fish.' _Maurelle's Jour._, p. 18. 'Der Häuptling ist sehr geachtet; er hat über Handel und Wandel, Leben und Tod seiner Unterthanen zu verfügen, und seine Macht vererbt sich auf seinen Erstgebornen.' _Meyer_, _Nach dem Sacramento_, p. 223. The chief 'obtains his position from his wealth, and usually manages to transmit his effects and with them his honors, to his posterity.' _Hubbard_, in _Golden Era_, March, 1856. Formerly 'the different rancherias had chiefs, or heads, known as Mow-wee-mas, their influence being principally derived from their age, number of relatives, and wealth.' _Wiley_, in _Ind. Aff. Rept. Joint. Spec. Com._, p. 497. [480] The Cahrocs compound for murder by payment of one string. Among the Patawats the average fine for murdering a man is ten strings, for killing a woman five strings, worth about $100 and $50 respectively. 'An average Patawut's life is considered worth about six ordinary canoes, each of which occupies two Indians probably three months in making, or, in all, tantamount to the labor of one man for a period of three years.' 'The Hoopas and Kailtas also paid for murder, or their life was taken by the relatives of the deceased.' _Powers' Pomo, MS._ 'They seem to do as they please, and to be only governed by private revenge. If one man kills another the tribe or family of the latter kill the murderer, unless he buy himself off.' _The Shastas and their Neighbors, MS._ [481] _Drew's Owyhee Reconnaissance_, p. 17. [482] The Cahrocs, Eurocs, Hoopahs, and Patawats, all acquire their wives by purchase. _The Shastas and their Neighbors, MS._; _Powers' Pomo, MS._ 'Wenn ein Allequa seine künftige Lebensgefährtin unter den Schönen seines Stammes erwählt hat und sich verheirathen will, muss er dem Mauhemi (chief) eine armslange Muschelschnur vorzeigen.' _Meyer_, _Nach dem Sacramento_, p. 223. The mountain Indians seldom, if ever, intermarry with those on the coast. _Wiley_, in _Ind. Aff. Rept. Joint. Spec. Com._, 1867, p. 497; _Gibbs_, in _Schoolcraft's Arch._, vol. iii., p. 127. Buy wives with shell-money. _Pfeiffer's Second Journ._ Among the Modocs 'the women are offered for sale to the highest buyer.' _Meacham's Lecture_, in _S. F. Alta California_, Oct. 6, 1861; _Miller's Life Amongst the Modocs_. [483] Polygamy is common among the Modocs. _Meacham's Lecture_, in _S. F. Alta California_, _Oct. 6, 1873_. On Pitt River a chief sometimes has five wives. 'The most jealous people in the world.' _The Shastas and their Neighbors, MS._; _Roseborough's letter to the author, MS._ 'Among the tribes in the north of the State adultery is punished by the death of the child.' _Taylor_, in _California Farmer_, _March 8, 1861_. 'The males have as many wives as they are able to purchase;' adultery committed by a woman is punished with death. _Hubbard_, in _Golden Era_, _March, 1856_. Among the Cahrocs polygamy is not tolerated; among the Modocs polygamy prevails, and the women have considerable privilege. The Hoopa adulterer loses one eye, the adulteress is exempt from punishment. _Powers' Pomo, MS._ The Weeyots at Eel river 'have as many wives as they please.' _Gibbs_, in _Schoolcraft's Arch._, vol. iii., p. 127. At Trinidad Bay 'we found out that they had a plurality of wives.' _Maurelle's Jour._, p. 19. [484] All the young unmarried women are a common possession. _Powers_, in _Overland Monthly_, vol. viii., p. 330. The women bewail their virginity for three nights before their marriage. _Gibbs_, in _Schoolcraft's Arch._, vol. iii., p. 173. If we believe Powers, they cannot usually have much to bewail. [485] Boys are disgraced by work. _The Shastas and their Neighbors, MS._ Women work, while men gamble or sleep. _Wiley_, in _Ind. Aff. Rept. Joint Spec. Com._, 1867, p. 497; _Parker_, in _Ind. Aff. Rept._, 1857, p. 242; _Roseborough's letter to the author, MS._ [486] _Kane's Wand._, p. 182. [487] For the god Chareya, see _Bancroft's Nat. Races_, vol. iii., pp. 90, 161. [488] _Pfeiffer's Second Journ._, p. 318. The Pitt River Indians 'sing as they gamble and play until they are so hoarse they cannot speak.' _The Shastas and their Neighbors, MS._ [489] _Chase_, in _Overland Monthly_, vol. ii., p. 433. [490] 'They used tobacco, which they smoaked in small wooden pipes, in form of a trumpet, and procured from little gardens, where they had planted it.' _Maurelle's Jour._, p. 21. [491] The Pitt River Indians 'give no medicines.' _The Shastas and their Neighbors, MS._ 'The prevailing diseases are venereal, scrofula and rheumatism.' Many die of consumption. _Force_, in _Ind. Aff. Rept._, 1871, p. 157. At the mouth of Eel river 'the principal diseases noticed, were sore eyes and blindness, consumption, and a species of leprosy.' _Gibbs_, in _Schoolcraft's Arch._, vol. iii., p. 128. They suffer from a species of lung fever. _Geiger_, in _Ind. Aff. Rept._, 1858, p. 289. 'A disease was observed among them (the Shastas) which had the appearance of the leprosy.' _Wilkes' Nar._, in _U. S. Ex. Ex._, vol. v., p. 255. [492] 'The only medicine I know of is a root used for poultices, and another root or plant for an emetic.' _The Shastas and their Neighbors, MS._ 'The root of a parasite fern, found growing on the tops of the fir trees (collque nashul), is the principal remedy. The plant in small doses is expectorant and diurtetic; hence it is used to relieve difficulties of the lungs and kidneys; and, in large doses, it becomes sedative and is an emmenagogue; hence, it relieves fevers, and is useful in uterine diseases, and produces abortions. The squaws use the root extensively for this last mentioned purpose.' _Hubbard_, in _Golden Era_, _March, 1856_. [493] A Pitt River doctor told his patient that for his fee 'he must have his horse or he would not let him get well.' _The Shastas and their Neighbors, MS._; _Powers_, in _Overland Monthly_, vol. viii., p. 428; _Gibbs_, in _Schoolcraft's Arch._, vol. iii., p. 175. [494] _The Shastas and their Neighbors, MS._; _Rector_, in _Ind. Aff. Rept._, 1862, p. 261; _Ostrander_, in _Id._, 1857, p. 369; _Miller_, in _Id._, p. 361. [495] _Temescal_ is an Aztec word defined by Molina, _Vocabulario_, 'Temazcalli, casilla como estufa, adonde se bañan y sudan.' The word was brought to this region and applied to the native sweat-houses by the Franciscan Fathers. _Turner_, in _Pac. R. R. Rept._, vol. iii., p. 72, gives 'sweat-house' in the Chemehuevi language, as _pahcaba_. [496] _Roseborough's letter to the author, MS._; _The Shastas and their Neighbors, MS._; _Pfeiffer's Second Journ._, p. 317; _Powers' Pomo, MS._; _Chase_, in _Overland Monthly_, vol. ii., p. 432. [497] _Meacham's Lecture on the Modocs_, in _S. F. Alta California_, _Oct. 6, 1873_; _The Shastas and their Neighbors, MS._ [498] On Pitt River they burn their dead and heap stones over the ashes for a monument. 'No funeral ceremonies.' _The Shastas and their Neighbors, MS._ On the ocean frontier of south Oregon and north California 'the dead are buried with their faces looking to the west.' _Hubbard_, in _Golden Era_, _March, 1856_. The Patawats and Chillulas bury their dead. The Tolewahs are not allowed to name the dead. _Powers' Pomo, MS._ 'It is one of the most strenuous Indian laws that whoever mentions the name of a deceased person is liable to a heavy fine, the money being paid to the relatives.' _Chase_, in _Overland Monthly_, vol. ii., p. 431. 'The bodies had been doubled up, and placed in a sitting posture in holes. The earth, when replaced, formed conical mounds over the heads.' _Abbott_, in _Pac. R. R. Rept._, vol. vi., p. 69. 'They bury their dead under the noses of the living, and with them all their worldly goods. If a man of importance, his house is burned and he is buried on its site.' _Johnson_, in _Overland Monthly_, vol. ii., p. 536. 'The chick or ready money, is placed in the owner's grave, but the bow and quiver become the property of the nearest male relative. Chiefs only receive the honors of a fence, surmounted with feathers, round the grave.' _Gibbs_, in _Schoolcraft's Arch._, vol. iii., p. 175. 'Upon the death of one of these Indians they raised a sort of funeral cry, and afterward burned the body within the house of their ruler.' _Maurelle's Jour._, p. 19. [499] _Muck-a-muck_, food. In the Chinook Jargon 'to eat; to bite; food. Muckamuck chuck, to drink water.' _Dict. Chinook Jargon, or Indian Trade Language_, p. 12. [500] In the vicinity of Nootka Sound and the Columbia River, the first United States traders with the natives were from Boston; the first English vessels appeared about the same time, which was during the reign of George III. Hence in the Chinook Jargon we find '_Boston_, an American; _Boston illahie_, the United States;' and '_King George_, English--_King George man_, an Englishman.' [501] 'They will often go three or four miles out of their way, to avoid passing a place which they think to be haunted.' _The Shastas and their Neighbors, MS._ [502] The Pitt River Indians 'are very shrewd in the way of stealing, and will beat a coyote. They are full of cunning.' _The Shastas and their Neighbors, MS._ They 'are very treacherous and bloody in their dispositions.' _Abbott_, in _Pac. R. R. Rept._, vol. vi., p. 61. 'The Indians of the North of California stand at the very lowest point of culture.' _Pfeiffer's Second Journ._, p. 316. 'Incapable of treachery, but ready to fight to the death in avenging an insult or injury. They are active and energetic in the extreme.' _Kelly's Excursion to Cal._, vol. ii., p. 166. At Klamath Lake they are noted for treachery. _Fremont's Explor. Ex._, p. 205. 'The Tolowas resemble the Hoopas in character, being a bold and masterly race, formidable in battle, aggressive and haughty.' The Patawats are 'extremely timid and inoffensive.' The Chihulas, like most of the coast tribes 'are characterized by hideous and incredible superstitions.' The Modocs 'are rather a cloddish, indolent, ordinarily good-natured race, but treacherous at bottom, sullen when angered, and notorious for keeping punic faith. Their bravery nobody can dispute.' The Yukas are a 'tigerish, truculent, sullen, thievish, and every way bad, but brave race.' _Powers' Pomo, MS._ On Trinity River 'they have acquired the vices of the whites without any of their virtues.' _Heintzelman_, in _Ind. Aff. Rept._, 1857, p. 391. Above the forks of the main Trinity they are 'fierce and intractable.' On the Klamath they 'have a reputation for treachery, as well as revengefulness; are thievish, and much disposed to sulk if their whims are not in every way indulged.' They 'blubber like a schoolboy at the application of a switch.' _Gibbs_, in _Schoolcraft's Arch._, vol. iii., pp. 139, 141, 176. The Rogue River Indians and Shastas 'are a warlike race, proud and haughty, but treacherous and very degraded in their moral nature.' _Miller_, in _Ind. Aff. Rept._, 1857, p. 361. At Rogue River they are 'brave, haughty, indolent, and superstitious.' _Ostrander_, in _Id._, 1857, p. 363; _Roseborough's letter to the author, MS._ [503] These are not to be confounded with the Yukas in Round Valley, Tehama County. [504] Spelled Walhalla on some maps. [505] In the vicinity of Fort Ross, 'Die Indianer sind von mittlerem Wuchse, doch trifft man auch hohe Gestalten unter ihnen an; sie sind ziemlich wohl proportionirt, die Farbe der Haut ist bräunlich, doch ist diese Farbe mehr eine Wirkung der Sonne als angeboren; die Augen und Haare sind schwarz, die letzteren stehen straff.... Beide Geschlechter sind von kräftigem Körperbau.' _Kostromitonow_, in _Baer_, _Stat. u. Ethn._, p. 81. 'Quoique surpris dans un très-grand négligé, ces hommes me parurent beaux, de haute taille, robustes et parfaitement découplés ... traits réguliers ... yeux noirs ... nez aquilin surmonté d'un front élevé, les pommettes des joues arrondies, ... fortes lèvres ... dents blanches et bien rangées ... peau jaune cuivré, un cou annonçant la vigueur et soutenu par de larges épaules ... un air intelligent et fier à la fois.... Je trouvai toutes les femmes horriblement laides.' _Laplace_, _Circumnav._, tom. vi., 145-6. At the head of the Eel River 'the average height of these men was not over five feet four or five inches. They were lightly built, with no superfluous flesh, but with very deep chests and sinewy legs.' _Gibbs_, in _Schoolcraft's Arch._, vol. iii., p. 119. 'The Clear Lake Indians are of a very degraded caste; their foreheads naturally being often as low as the compressed skulls of the Chinooks, and their forms commonly small and ungainly.' _Id._, p. 108. At Bodega Bay 'they are an ugly and brutish race, many with negro profiles.' _Id._, p. 103. 'They are physically an inferior race, and have flat, unmeaning features, long, coarse, straight black hair, big mouths, and very dark skins.' _Revere's Tour_, p. 120. 'Large and strong, their colour being the same as that of the whole territory.' _Maurelle's Jour._, p. 47. It is said of the natives of the Sacramento valley, that 'their growth is short and stunted; they have short thick necks, and clumsy heads; the forehead is low, the nose flat with broad nostrils, the eyes very narrow and showing no intelligence, the cheek-bones prominent, and the mouth large. The teeth are white, but they do not stand in even rows: and their heads are covered by short, thick, rough hair.... Their color is a dirty yellowish-brown.' _Pfeiffer's Second Journ._, p. 307. 'This race of Indians is probably inferior to all others on the continent. Many of them are diminutive in stature, but they do not lack muscular strength, and we saw some who were tall and well-formed.... Their complexion is a dark mahogany, or often nearly black, their faces round or square, with features approximating nearer to the African than the Indian. Wide, enormous mouth, noses nearly flat, and hair straight, black, and coarse.... Small, gleaming eyes.' _Johnson's Cal. and Ogn._, pp. 142-3. Of good stature, strong and muscular. _Bryant's Cal._, p. 266. 'Rather below the middle stature, but strong, well-knit fellows.... Good-looking, and well limbed.' _Kelly's Excursion to Cal._, vol. ii., pp. 81, 111. 'They were in general fine stout men.' A great diversity of physiognomy was noticeable. _Pickering's Races_, in _U. S. Ex. Ex._, vol. ix., pp. 105, 107. On the Sacramento 'were fine robust men, of low stature, and badly formed.' _Wilkes' Nar._, in _U. S. Ex. Ex._, vol. v., p. 198. 'The mouth is very large, and the nose broad and depressed.' 'Chiefly distinguished by their dark color ... broad faces, a low forehead.' _Hale's Ethnog._, in _U. S. Ex. Ex._, vol. vi., p. 222. 'Their features are coarse, broad, and of a dark chocolate color.' _Taylor_, in _Cal. Farmer_, _Nov. 2, 1860_. At Drake's Bay, just above San Francisco, the men are 'commonly so strong of body, that that which two or three of our men could hardly beare, one of them would take vpon his backe, and without grudging carrie it easily away, vp hill and downe hill an English mile together.' _Drake's World Encomp._, p. 131. 'Los Naturales de este sitio y Puerto son algo trigueños, por lo quemados del Sol, aunque los venidos de la otra banda del Puerto y del Estero ... son mas blancos y corpulentos.' _Palou_, _Vida de Junípero Serra_, p. 215. 'Ugly, stupid, and savage; otherwise they are well formed, tolerably tall, and of a dark brown complexion. The women are short, and very ugly; they have much of the negro in their countenance.... Very long, smooth, and coal-black hair.' _Kotzebue's Voy._, vol. i., pp. 282-3. 'They all have a very savage look, and are of a very dark color.' _Chamisso_, in _Kotzebue's Voy._, vol. iii., p. 47. 'Ill made; their faces ugly, presenting a dull, heavy, and stupid countenance.' _Vancouver's Voy._, vol. ii., p. 13. The Tcholovoni tribe 'differe beaucoup de toutes les autres par les traits du visage par sa physionomie, par un extèrieur assez agréable.' _Choris_, _Voy. Pitt._, part iii., p. 6., plate vi., vii., xii. 'The Alchones are of good height, and the Tuluraios were thought to be, generally, above the standard of Englishmen. Their complexion is much darker than that of the South-sea Islanders, and their features far inferior in beauty.' _Beechey's Voy._, vol. ii., p. 76. At Santa Clara they are 'of a blackish colour, they have flat faces, thick lips, and black, coarse, straight hair.' _Kotzebue's New Voy._, vol. ii., p. 98. 'Their features are handsome, and well-proportioned; their countenances are cheerful and interesting.' _Morrell's Voy._, p. 212. At Placerville they are 'most repulsive-looking wretches.... They are nearly black, and are exceedingly ugly.' _Borthwick's Three Years in Cal._, p. 128. In the Yosemite Valley 'they are very dark colored,' and 'the women are perfectly hideous.' _Kneeland's Wonders of Yosemite_, p. 52. The Monos on the east side of the Sierra are 'a fine looking race, straight, and of good height, and appear to be active.' _Von Schmidt_, in _Ind. Aff. Rept._, 1856, p. 2-3. At Monterey 'ils sont en général bien faits, mais faibles d'esprit et de corps.' In the vicinity of San Miguel, they are 'généralement d'une couleur foncée, sales et mal faits ... à l'exception tout fois des Indiens qui habitent sur les bords de la rivière des tremblements de terre, et sur la côte voisine. Ceux-ci sont blancs, d'une joli figure, et leurs cheveux tirent sur le roux.' _Fages_, in _Nouvelles Annales des Voy._, 1844, tom. ci., pp. 332, 163; also quoted in _Marmier_, _Notice sur les Indiens_, p. 236. 'Sont généralement petits, faibles ... leur couleur est très-approchante de celle des nègres dont les cheveux ne sont point laineux: ceux de ces peuples sont longs et très-forts.' _La Pérouse_, _Voy._, tom. ii., p. 281. 'La taille des hommes est plus haute (than that of the Chilians), et leurs muscles mieux prononcés.' The figure of the women 'est plus élevée (than that of the Chilian women), et la forme de leurs membres est plus régulière; elles sont en général d'une stature mieux développée et d'une physionomie moins repoussante.' _Rollin_, in _La Pérouse_, _Voy._, tom. iv., p. 52. At San José 'the men are almost all rather above the middling stature, and well built; very few indeed are what may be called undersized. Their complexions are dark but not negro like ... some seemed to possess great muscular strength; they have very coarse black hair.' Some of the women were more than five feet six inches in height. And speaking of the Californian Indians, in general, 'they are of a middling, or rather of a low stature, and of a dark brown colour, approaching to black ... large projecting lips, and broad, flat, negro-like noses; ... bear a strong resemblance to the negroes.... None of the men we saw were above five feet high ... ill-proportioned ... we had never seen a less pleasing specimen of the human race.' _Langsdorff's Voy._, vol. ii., pp. 194-5, 164, see plate. And speaking generally of the Californian Indians: 'Die Männer sind im Allgemeinen gut gebaut und von starker Körperbildung,' height 'zwischen fünf Fuss vier Zoll und fünf Fuss zehn oder eilf Zoll.' Complexion 'die um ein klein wenig heller als bei den Mulatten, also weit dunkler ist, als bei den übrigen Indianerstämmen.' _Osswald_, _Californien_, p. 62. The coast Indians 'are about five feet and a half in height, and rather slender and feeble,' in the interior they 'are taller and more robust.' _Farnham's Life in Cal._, p. 364. 'Cubische Schädelform, niedrige Stirn, breites Gesicht, mit hervorragendem Jochbogen, breite Lippen und grosser Mund, mehr platte Nase und am Innenwinkel herabgezogene Augen.' _Wimmel_, _Californien_, pp. v, 177. 'Les Californiens sont presque noirs; la disposition de leur yeux et l'ensemble de leur visage leur donnent avec les européens une ressemblance assez marquée.' _Rossi_, _Souvenirs_, pp. 279-80. 'They are small in stature; thin, squalid, dirty, and degraded in appearance. In their habits little better than an ourang-outang, they are certainly the worst type of savage I have ever seen.' _Lord's Nat._, vol. i., p. 249. 'More swarthy in complexion, and of less stature than those east of the Rocky Mountains ... more of the Asiatic cast of countenance than the eastern tribe.' _Delano's Life on the Plains_, p. 304. 'Dépasse rarement la hauteur de cinq pieds deux ou trois pouces; leur membres sont grêles et médiocrement musclés. Ils ont de grosses lévres qui se projettent en avant, le nez large et aplati comme les Ethiopiens; leurs cheveux sont noirs, rude et droits.' _Auger_, _Voy. en Cal._, p. 165. 'Generally of small stature, robust appearance, and not well formed.' _Thornton's Ogn. and Cal._, vol. ii., p. 91. 'Schön gewachsen und von schwärtzlich-brauner Farbe.' _Mühlenpfordt Mejico_, tom. ii., part ii., p. 455. 'Low foreheads and skins as black as Guinea negroes.' _Domenech's Deserts_, vol. i., p. 85. 'En naissant les enfants sont presque blancs ... mais ils noircissent en grandissant.' 'Depuis le nord du Rio Sacramento jusqu'au cap San Lucas ... leurs caractères physique, leurs moeurs et leurs usages sont les mêmes.' _Mofras_, _Explor._, tom. ii., pp. 263, 367. 'Skin of such a deep reddish-brown that it seems almost black.' _Figuier's Human Race_, p. 493; _Buschmann_, _Spuren der Aztek. Sprache_, p. 528; _Forbes' Cal._, pp. 180-3; _Harper's Monthly_, vol. xiii., p. 583. 'A fine set of men, who, though belonging to different nationalities, had very much the same outward appearance; so that when you have seen one you seem to have seen them all.' _Pim and Seemann's Dottings_, p. 15. [506] On the Sacramento River 'the men universally had some show of a beard, an inch or so in length, but very soft and fine.' _Pickering's Races_, in _U. S. Ex. Ex._, vol. ix., p. 105. 'They had beards and whiskers an inch or two long, very soft and fine.' _Wilkes' Nar._, in _U. S. Ex. Ex._, vol. v., p. 198. On Russian River 'they have quite heavy moustaches and beards on the chin, but not much on the cheeks, and they almost all suffer it to grow.' The Clear Lake Indians 'have also considerable beards, and hair on the person.' At the head of South Fork of Eel River, 'they pluck their beards.' Gibbs, in _Schoolcraft's Arch._, vol. iii., pp. 108-119. At Monterey 'plusieurs ont de la barbe; d'autres, suivant les pères missionaires, n'en ont jamais eu, et c'est un question qui n'est pas même décidée dans le pays.' _La Pérouse_, _Voy._, vol. ii., p. 282. 'Les Californiens ont la barbe plus fournie que les Chiliens, et les parties génitales mieux garnies: cependant j'ai remarqué, parmi les hommes, un grand nombre d'individus totalement dépourvus de barbe; les femmes ont aussi peu de poil au pénil et aux aisselles.' _Rollin_, in _La Pérouse_, _Voy._, vol. iv., p. 53. 'They have the habit common to all American Indians of extracting the beard and the hair of other parts of their body.' _Farnham's Life in Cal._, p. 364. Beards 'short, thin, and stiff.' _Bartlett's Nar._, vol. ii., p. 34. 'In general very scanty, although occasionally a full flowing beard is observed.' _Forbes' Cal._, pp. 181-2. 'Beards thin; many shave them close with mussel-shells.' _Langsdorff's Voy._, vol. ii., p. 164. 'Ihr Bart ist schwach.' _Wimmel_, _Californien_, vol. v. At San Antonio, 'in the olden times, before becoming christians, they pulled out their beards.' _Taylor_, in _Cal. Farmer_, _April 27, 1860_. Choris in his _Voy. Pitt._, plates vi., vii., xii., of part iii., draws the Indians with a very slight and scattered beard. 'Pluck out their beard.' _Auger_, _Voy. in Cal._, p. 165. 'Wear whiskers.' _Thornton's Ogn. and Cal._, vol. ii., p. 91. 'Les Indiens qui habitent dans la direction du cap de Nouvel-An (del Año Nuevo) ... ont des moustaches.' _Fages_, in _Nouvelles Annales des Voy._, 1844, tom. ci., p. 335. Mühlenpfordt mentions that at the death of a relation, 'die Männer raufen Haupthaar und Bart sich aus.' _Mejico_, vol. ii., part ii., p. 456. [507] At Fort Ross 'Die Männer gehen ganz nackt, die Frauen hingegen bedecken nur den mittleren Theil des Körpers von vorne und von hinten mit den Fellen wilder Ziegen; das Haar binden die Männer auf dem Schopfe, die Frauen am Nacken in Büschel zusammen; bisweilen lassen sie es frei herunter wallen; die Männer heften die Büschel mit ziemlich künstlich, aus einer rothen Palme geschnitzten Hölzchen fest.' _Kostromitonow_, in _Baer_, _Stat. u. Ethno._, p. 82. At Clear Lake 'the women generally wear a small round, bowl-shaped basket on their heads; and this is frequently interwoven with the red feathers of the woodpecker, and edged with the plume tufts of the blue quail.' _Gibbs_, in _Schoolcraft's Arch._, vol. iii., p. 107. See also p. 68, plate xiv., for plate of ornaments. At Kelsey River, dress 'consists of a deer-skin robe thrown over the shoulders.' _Id._, p. 122. In the Sacramento Valley 'they were perfectly naked.' _Kelly's Excursion to Cal._, vol. ii., p. 111. 'Both sexes have the ears pierced with large holes, through which they pass a piece of wood as thick as a man's finger, decorated with paintings or glass beads.' _Pfeiffer's Second Journ._, p. 307. 'The men go entirely naked; but the women, with intuitive modesty, wear a small, narrow, grass apron, which extends from the waist to the knees, leaving their bodies and limbs partially exposed.' _Delano's Life on the Plains_, pp. 305, 307. 'They wear fillets around their heads of leaves.' _Wilkes' Nar._, in _U. S. Ex. Ex._, vol. v., p. 192. 'The dress of the women is a cincture, composed of narrow slips of fibrous bark, or of strings of 'Californian flax,' or sometimes of rushes.' Men naked. _Pickering's Races_, in _U. S. Ex. Ex._, vol. ix., p. 108. At Bodega they 'most liberally presented us with plumes of feathers, rosaries of bone, garments of feathers, as also garlands of the same materials, which they wore round their head.' _Maurelle's Jour._, p. 47. 'The women wore skins of animals about their shoulders and waists;' hair 'clubbed behind.' _Vancouver's Voy._, vol. ii., p. 436. Around San Francisco Bay: 'in summer many go entirely naked. The women, however, wear a deer-skin, or some other covering about their loins; but skin dresses are not common.' To their ears the women 'attach long wooden cylinders, variously carved, which serve the double purpose of ear-rings and needle-cases.' _Beechey's Voy._, vol. ii., p. 77. 'All go naked.' _Chamisso_, in _Kotzebue's Voy._, vol. iii., p. 48. 'The men either go naked or wear a simple breech-cloth. The women wear a cloth or strips of leather around their loins.' _Bartlett's Pers. Nar._, vol. ii., p. 33. Three hundred years ago we are told that the men in the vicinity of San Francisco Bay 'for the most part goe naked; the women take a kinde of bulrushes, and kembing it after the manner of hemp, make themselues thereof a loose garment, which being knitte about their middles, hanges downe about their hippes, and so affordes to them a couering of that which nature teaches should be hidden; about their shoulders they weare also the skin of a deere, with the haire vpon it.' The king had upon his shoulders 'a coate of the skins of conies, reaching to his wast; his guard also had each coats of the same shape, but of other skin.... After these in their order, did follow the naked sort of common people, whose haire being long, was gathered into a bunch behind, in which stucke plumes of feathers; but in the forepart onely single feathers like hornes, every one pleasing himselfe in his owne device.' _Drake's World Encomp._, pp. 121, 126. 'Asi como Adamitas se presentan sin el menor rubor ni vergüenza (esto es, los hombres) y para librarse del frio que todo el año hace en esta Mision (San Francisco), principalmente las mañanas, se embarran con lodo, diciendo que les preserva de él, y en quanto empieza á calentar el Sol se lavan: las mugeres andan algo honestas, hasta las muchachas chiquitas: usan para la honestidad de un delantar que hacen de hilos de tule, ó juncia, que no pasa de la rodilla, y otro atrás amarrados á la cintura que ambos forman como unas enaguas, con que se presentan con alguna honestidad, y en las espaldas se ponen otros semejantes para librarse en alguna manera del frio.' _Palou_, _Vida de Junípero Serra_, p. 217. At Monterey, and on the coast between Monterey and Santa Barbara the dress 'du plus riche consiste en un manteau da peau de loutre qui couvre ses reins et descend au dessous des sines.... L'habillement des femmes est un manteau de peau de cerf mal tannée.... Les jeunes filles au-dessous de neuf ans n'ont qu'une simple ceinture et les enfans de l'autre sexe sont tout nus.' _La Pérouse_, _Voy._, tom. ii., pp. 304-5. 'Ils se percent aussi les oreilles, et y portent des ornemens d'un genre et d'un gout trés-variés.' _Rollin_, in _La Pérouse_, _Voy._, tom. ii., p. 53. 'Those between Monterey and the extreme northern boundary of the Mexican domain, shave their heads close.' _Boscana_, in _Robinson's Life in Cal._, p. 239. On the coast between San Diego and San Francisco 'presque tous ... vont entierement nus; ceux qui ont quelques vêtements, n'ont autre chose qu'une casaque faite de courroies de peau de lapins, de lièvres ou de loutres tressés ensemble, et qui ont conservé le poil. Les femmes ont une espèce de tablier de roseaux tressés qui s'attache autour de la taille par un cordon, et pend jusqu'aux genoux; une peau de cerf mal tannée et mal préparée, jetée sur leurs épaules en guise de manteau, compléte leur toilette.' _Fages_, in _Nouvelles Annales des Voy._, 1844, tom. ci., p. 155; see also _Marmier_, _Notice_, in _Bryant_, _Voy. en Cal._, p. 227. 'Sont tres peu couverts, et en été, la plupart vont tout nus. Les femmes font usage de peaux de daim pour se couvrir.... Ces femmes portent encore comme vêtement des espèces de couvertures sans envers, faites en plumes tissues ensemble ... il a l'avantage d'être très-chaud.... Elles portent généralement, au lieu de boucles d'oreilles, des morceaux d'os ou de bois en forme de cylindre et sculptés de différentes manières. Ces ornements sont creux et servent également d'étuis pour renfermer leurs aiguilles.' _Petit-Thouars_, _Voy._, tom. ii., p. 135. Speaking generally of the Californian Indians, 'both sexes go nearly naked, excepting a sort of wrapper round the waist, only in the coldest part of the winter they throw over their bodies a covering of deer-skin, or the skin of the sea-otter. They also make themselves garments of the feathers of many different kinds of water fowl, particularly ducks and geese, bound together fast in a sort of ropes, which ropes are then united quite close so as to make something like a feather skin.' It is very warm. 'In the same manner they cut the sea-otter skins into small strips, which they twist together, and then join them as they do the feathers, so that both sides have the fur alike.' _Langsdorff's Voy._, vol. ii., pp. 163-4. See also _Farnham's Life in Cal._, p. 364, and _Forbes' Cal._, p. 183. 'Im Winter selbst tragen sie wenig Bekleidung, vielleicht nur eine Hirschhaut, welche sie über die Schulter werfen; Männer, Frauen und Kinder gehen selbst im Winter im Schnee barfuss.' _Wimmel_, _Californien_, p. 177; _Lord's Nat._, vol. i., p. 249; _Patrick, Gilbert, Heald, and Von Schmidt_, in _Ind. Aff. Rept._, 1856, pp. 240-4; _Choris_, _Voy. Pitt._, part iii., p. 4, and plate xii.; _Mühlenpfordt_, _Mejico_, vol. ii., part ii., p. 455; _Domenech's Deserts_, vol. i., p. 239; _Shea's Catholic Missions_, p. 98; _Johnston_, in _Schoolcraft's Arch._, vol. iv., p. 223; _D'Orbigny_, _Voy._, p. 457; _Augur_, _Voy. en Cal._, p. 100. After having collated the above notes I was rather taken aback by meeting the following: 'The general costume of nearly all the Californian Indians gives them rather an interesting appearance; when fully dressed, their hair, which has been loose, is tied up, either with a coronet of silver, or the thongs of skin, ornamented with feathers of the brightest colours; bracelets made in a similar manner are wore; breeches and leggings of doe-skin, sewed, not unfrequently with human hair; a kind of kilt of varied coloured cloth or silk (!), fastened by a scarf, round their waist; ... The women wear a cloth petticoat, dyed either blue or red, doe-skin shirt, and leggings, with feathered bracelets round their waist.' _Coulter's Adventures_, vol. i., pp. 172-3. Surely Mr Coulter should know an Indian dress from one composed of Mexican cloth and trinkets. [508] At Bodega the women 'were as much tatooed or punctured as any of the females of the Sandwich islands.' _Vancouver's Voy._, vol. ii., p. 436. In the Sacramento Valley 'most of the men had some slight marks of tattooing on the breast, disposed like a necklace.' _Pickering's Races_, in _U. S. Ex. Ex._, vol. ix., p. 105. Dana, in a note to Hale, says: 'The faces of the men were colored with black and red paint, fancifully laid on in triangles and zigzag lines. The women were tattooed below the mouth.' _Hale's Ethnog._, in _U. S. Ex. Ex._, vol. vi., p. 222. 'Most of them had some slight marks of tattooing on their breast; somewhat similar to that of the Chinooks.... The face was usually painted, the upper part of the cheek in the form of a triangle, with a blue-black substance, mixed with some shiny particles that looked like pulverized mica.' _Wilkes' Nar._, in _U. S. Ex. Ex._, vol. v., pp. 198, 259. 'Their faces daubed with a thick dark glossy substance like tar, in a line from the outside corners of the eyes to the ends of the mouth, and back from them to the hinge of the jawbone ... some also had their entire foreheads coated over.' _Kelly's Excursion to Cal._, vol. ii., p. 111. 'The women are a little tattooed on the chin.' _Pfeiffer's Second Journ._, p. 307. At Monterey and vicinity, 'se peignent le corps en rouge, et en noir lorsqu'ils sont en deuil.' _La Pérouse_, _Voy._, tom. ii., p. 305. 'Se peignent la peau pour se parer.' _Rollin_, in _La Pérouse_, _Voy._, tom. iv., p. 53. 'This one thing was obserued to bee generall amongst them all, that euery one had his face painted, some with white, some blacke, and some with other colours.' _Drake's World Encomp._, p. 126. 'Tattooing is practised in these tribes by both sexes, both to ornament the person and to distinguish one clan from another. It is remarkable that the women mark their chins precisely in the same way as the Esquimaux.' _Beechey's Voy._, vol. ii., p. 77. 'Les indigènes indepéndents de la Haute-Californie sont tatoués ... ces signes servent d'ornement et de distinction, non seulement d'une tribu à une autre tribu, mais encore, d'une famille à une autre famille.' _Petit-Thouars_, _Voy._, tom. ii., pp. 134-5. 'Tattooing is also used, but principally among the women. Some have only a double or triple line from each corner of the mouth down to the chin; others have besides a cross stripe extending from one of these stripes to the other; and most have simple long and cross stripes from the chin over the neck down to the breast and upon the shoulders.' _Langsdorff's Voy._, vol. ii., p. 167; see plate, p. 169. When dancing, 'ils se peignent sur le corps des lignes régulières, noires, rouges et blanches. Quelques-uns ont la moitié du corps, depuis la tête jusqu'en bas, barbouillée de noir, et l'autre de rouge; le tout croisé par des raies blanches, d'autres se poudrent les cheveux avec du duvet d'oiseaux.' _Choris_, _Voy. Pitt._, part iii., p. 4; see also plate xii. 'I have never observed any particular figured designs upon their persons, but the tattooing is generally on the chin, though sometimes on the wrist and arm.' Mostly on the persons of the females. _Johnston_, in _Schoolcraft's Arch._, vol. iv., p. 223. 'Les femmes seules emploient le tatouage.' _Auger_, _Voy. en Cal._, p. 165. [509] 'Il est bien rare qu'un Indien passe la nuit dans sa maison. Vers le soir chacun prend son arc et ses flèches et va se réunir aux autres dans de grandes cavernes, parce-qu'ils craignent d'être attaqués a l'improviste par leurs ennemis et d'être surpris sans défense au milieu de leurs femmes et de leurs enfants.' _Fages_, in _Nouvelles Annales des Voy._, 1844, tom. ci., pp. 316-7. [510] Two authors describe their dwellings as being much smaller than I have stated them to be: 'leur maisons ont quatre pieds de diamètre.' _Marmier_, _Notice_, in _Bryant_, _Voy. en Cal._, p. 238. Their wigwams have 'une élévation au-dessus du sol de cinq à huit pieds et une circonférence de dix à douze.' _Holinski_, _La Californie_, p. 172. The authorities I have followed, and who agree in essential particulars, are: _Pickering's Races_, in _U. S. Ex. Ex._, vol. ix., pp. 103, 106; _Wilkes' Nar._, in _U. S. Ex. Ex._, vol. v., p. 198; _Pfeiffer's Second Journ._, pp. 307-8; _Gibbs_, in _Schoolcraft's Arch._, vol. iii., p. 106; _Fremont's Explor. Ex._, p. 242; _Kelly's Excursion to Cal._, vol. ii., pp. 34, 282; _Choris_, _Voy. Pitt._, part iii., p. 2; _Drake's World Encomp._, p. 121; _Bartlett's Pers. Nar._, vol. ii., p. 30, with cut; _Vancouver's Voy._, vol. ii., pp. 13, 15; _Palou_, _Noticias_, in _Doc. Hist. Mex._, serie iv., vol. vi., pp. 367, 390; _Sutil y Mexicana_, _Viage_, p. 165; _La Pérouse_, _Voy._, tom. ii., p. 295; _Delano's Life on the Plains_, p. 306; _Gerstäcker's Journ._, p. 218; _Gilbert_, in _Ind. Aff. Rept._, 1856, p. 242; _Patrick_, in _Id._, p. 240; _Jewett_, in _Id._, p. 244; _Bailey_, in _Id._, 1858, p. 299; _Lord's Nat._, vol. i., p. 248; _Langsdorff's Voy._, vol. ii., p. 163; _Wimmel_, _Californien_, pp. 177, 179; _Farnham's Life in Cal._, p. 365; _Beechey's Voy._, vol. ii., p. 5; _Baer_, _Stat. und Ethno._, p. 72; _Kostromitonow_, in _Id._, p. 83; _Domenech's Deserts_, vol. i., p. 239; _Mühlenpfordt_, _Mejico_, tom. ii., p. 456; _Johnston_, in _Schoolcraft's Arch._, vol. iv., p. 223; _Thornton's Ogn. and Cal._, vol. ii., p. 91; _Roquefeuil's Voy. Round the World_, p. 29; _Fages_, in _Nouvelles Annales des Voy._, 1844, tom. ci., pp. 316, 343. [511] Wilkes, and the majority of writers, assert that the acorns are sweet and palatable in their natural state; Kostromitonow, however, says: 'Nachdem die Eicheln vom Baume gepflückt sind, werden sie in der Sonne gedörrt, darauf gereinigt und in Körben mittelst besonders dazu behauener Steine gestossen, dann wird im Sande oder sonst wo in lockerer Erde eine Grube gegraben, die Eicheln werden hineingeschüttet und mit Wasser übergossen, welches beständig von der Erde eingezogen wird. Dieses Ausspülen wiederholt man so lange bis die Eicheln alle ihre eigenthümliche Bitterkeit verloren haben.' _Baer_, _Stat. und Ethno._, p. 84. The acorn bread 'looks and tastes like coarse black clay, strongly resembling the soundings in Hampton roads, and being about as savory and digestible.' _Revere's Tour_, p. 121. Never having eaten 'coarse black clay,' I cannot say how it tastes, but according to all other authorities, this bread, were it not for the extreme filthiness of those who prepare it, would be by no means disagreeable food. [512] Pinole is an Aztec word, and is applied to any kind of grain or seeds, parched and ground, before being made into dough. '_Pinolli_, la harina de mayz y chia, antes que la deslian.' _Molina_, _Vocabulario_. The Aztecs made pinole chiefly of maize or Indian corn. [513] 'Nos trageron su regalo de tamales grandes de mas de á tercia con su correspondiente grueso, amasados de semillas silvestres muy prietas que parecen brea; los probé y no tienen mal gusto y son muy mantecosos.' _Palou_, _Noticias_, in _Doc. Hist. Mex._, serie iv., tom. vii., p. 68. Among the presents given to Drake by the Indians was 'a roote which they call Petáh, whereof they make a kind of meale, and either bake it into bread or eate it raw; broyled fishes, like a pilchard; the seede and downe aforenamed, with such like.' _Drake's World Encomp._, p. 126. Catch salmon in baskets. 'They neither sow nor reap, but burn their meadows from time to time to increase their fertility.' _Chamisso_, in _Kotzebue's Voy._, vol. iii., p. 48. 'Les rats, les insectes, les serpentes, tout sans exception leur sert de nourriture.... Ils sont trop maladroits et trop paresseux pour chasser.' _Choris_, _Voy. Pitt._, part iii., p. 2. 'Entre ellas tienen una especie de semilla negra, y de su harina hacen unos tamales, á modo de bolas, de tamaño de una naranja, que son muy sabrosos, que parecen de almendra tostada muy mantecosa.' _Palou_, _Vida de Junípero Serra_, p. 216; _Sutil y Mexicana_, _Viage_, p. 164; _Kotzebue's New Voy._, vol. ii., p. 116. 'Their fastidiousness does not prompt them to take the entrails out' of fishes and birds. _Delano's Life on the Plains_, p. 305. 'Live upon various plants in their several seasons, besides grapes, and even use the Artemesia.' _Wilkes' Nar._, in _U. S. Ex. Ex._, vol. v., pp. 202, 259. 'Ils trouvent aussi autour d'eux une quantité d'aloès dont ils font un fréquent usage.... Ils utilisent éncore la racine d'une espèce de roseau.... Ils mangent aussi une fleur sucrée qui ressemble à celle de l'églantier d'Espagne, et qui croît dans les endroits marécageux.' _Marmier_, _Notice_, in _Bryant_, _Voy. en Cal._, pp. 232-3, 237. Were cannibals and their sorcerers still eat human flesh. _Mofras_, _Explor._, tom. ii., pp. 362, 366-9. The Meewocs 'eat all creatures that swim in the waters, all that fly through the air, and all that creep, crawl, or walk upon the earth, with, perhaps a dozen exceptions.' _Powers_, in _Overland Monthly_, vol. x., p. 324. 'Ils se nourrissent également d'une espèce de gâteaux fabriqués avec du gland, et qu'ils roulent dans le sable avant de le livrer à la cuisson; de là vient qu'ils sont, jeunes encore, les dents usées jusqu'à la racine, et ce n'est pas, comme le dit Malte-Brun, parce qu'ils ont l'habitude de les limer.' _Auger_, _Voy. en Cal._, p. 163. 'While I was standing there a couple of pretty young girls came from the woods, with flat baskets full of flower-seed, emitting a peculiar fragrance, which they also prepared for eating. They put some live coals among the seed, and swinging it and throwing it together, to shake the coals and the seed well, and bring them in continual and close contact without burning the latter, they roasted it completely, and the mixture smelled so beautiful and refreshing that I tasted a good handful of it, and found it most excellent.' _Gerstaecker's Journ._, p. 211. See farther: _Humboldt_, _Pol._, tom. i., pp. 324-5; _Holinski_, _La Californie_, p. 174; _Gibbs_, in _Schoolcraft's Arch._, vol. iii., pp. 106-7, 113; _Wimmel_, _Californien_, pp. 179, 181; _Kelly's Excursion to Cal._, vol. ii., p. 113; _Taylor's El Dorado_, vol. i., p. 241; _King's Rept._, in _Taylor's El Dorado_, vol. ii., p. 210; _Langsdorff's Voy._, vol. ii., p. 163; _Lord's Nat._, vol. i., p. 248; _Vancouver's Voy._, vol. ii., p. 36; _Pickering's Races_, in _U. S. Ex. Ex._, vol. ix., p. 103; _Petit-Thouars_, _Voy._, tom. ii., pp. 136-7; _Fremont's Explor. Ex._, pp. 242, 244; _Johnson's Cal. and Ogn._, p. 142; _Hale's Ethnog._, in _U. S. Ex. Ex._, vol. vi., p. 222; _Placerville Index_, _Aug., 1859_; _Henley_, in _Ind. Aff. Rept._, 1854, p. 303; _Patrick, McDermott, Gilbert, Benitz, Jannson, Von Schmidt, McAdam, Bowlby, and Jewett_, in _Ind. Aff. Rept._, 1856, pp. 18, 41-4; _La Pérouse_, _Voy._, tom. ii., p. 282; _Helper's Land of Gold_, pp. 269-70; _Hutchings' Cal. Mag._, vol. iii., pp. 441-2; _Macfie's Vanc. Isl._, pp. 450-1; _Thornton's Ogn. and Cal._, pp. 91-2, 152, 316; _Yate's Sketch of the Sacramento Valley in 1842, MS._; _D'Orbigny_, _Voy._, p. 457; _McDaniels' Early Days of Cal. MS._; _Domenech's Deserts_, vol. i., pp. 339, 346; _Mühlenpfordt_, _Mejico_, tom. ii., pt. ii., pp. 455-6; _Knight's Pioneer Life, MS._ [514] When the Indian finds a tree stocked by the carpenter bird he 'kindles a fire at its base and keeps it up till the tree falls, when he helps himself to the acorns.' _Helper's Land of Gold_, p. 269. [515] _Beechey's Voy._, vol. ii., p. 75. [516] 'When a sturgeon is caught, the spinal marrow, which is considered a delicacy, is drawn out whole, through a cut made in the back, and devoured raw.' _Bartlett's Pers. Nar._, vol. ii., pp. 32-3. [517] _Browne_, in _Harper's Mag._, vol. xxiii., p. 315. [518] 'They cook the flesh of this animal in holes dug in the ground and curbed up with stone like wells. Over this they build large fires, heat them thoroughly, clean out the coals and ashes, fill them with whale flesh, cover the opening with sticks, leaves, grass and earth, and thus bake their repast.' _Farnham's Life in Cal._, p. 366-7. 'Ils font rôtir cette chair dans des trous creusés en terre.' _Marmier_, _Notice_, in _Bryant_, _Voy. en Cal._, p. 237. [519] _Johnson's Cal. and Ogn._, p. 132; _Powers' Account of John A. Sutter, MS._; and _Id._, _Letter to the author, MS._ [520] 'Reinlichkeit kennen sie nicht, und in ihren Hütten sind die diversesten Parasiten vertreten.' _Wimmel_, _Californien_, p. 177. 'I have seen them eating the vermin which they picked from each other's heads, and from their blankets. Although they bathe frequently, they lay for hours in the dirt, basking in the sun, covered with dust.' _Delano's Life on the Plains_, p. 305. 'In their persons they are extremely dirty.' Eat lice like the Tartars. _Beechey's Voy._, vol. ii., pp. 76-7. 'Very filthy, and showed less sense of decency in every respect than any we had ever met with.' _Gibbs_, in _Schoolcraft's Arch._, vol. iii., p. 106. [521] 'Ein Bogen mit Pfeilen und ein Spiess sind ihre Waffen; alles dieses wird meistens aus jungem Tannenholz verfertigt. Die Spitzen der Pfeile und Spiesse bestehen aus scharfen, künstlich behauenen Steinen, zur Bogensehne nehmen sie die Sehnen wilder Ziegen; ausserdem führen sie in Kriegszeiten eine Art von Schleuder, mit welcher sie Steine auf eine grosse Entfernung werfen.' _Kostromitonow_, in _Baer_, _Stat. u. Ethno._, p. 89. Bow 'from three to four and a half feet long.' _Farnham's Life in Cal._, p. 368. 'Their arms are clubs, spears of hard wood, and the bow and arrow.... Arrows are mostly made of reeds.' _Taylor_, in _Cal. Farmer_, _Feb. 22, 1860_. 'Die einzige Waffe zur Erlegung des Wildes ist ihnen der Bogen und Pfeil.' _Wimmel_, _Californien_, p. 180. 'Their only arms were bows and arrows.' _Hale's Ethnog._, in _U. S. Ex. Ex._, vol. vi., p. 222. Bows 'about thirty inches long ... arrows are a species of reed ... spears are pointed with bone.' _Delano's Life on the Plains_, p. 306. 'The quiver of dressed deer-skin, holds both bow and arrows.' _Gibbs_, in _Schoolcraft's Arch._, vol. iii., p. 123. 'The point (of the arrow) itself is a piece of flint chipped down into a flat diamond shape, about the size of a diamond on a playing-card; the edges are very sharp, and are notched to receive the tendons with which it is firmly secured to the arrow.' _Borthwick's Three Years in Cal._, p. 131. 'Arrows are pointed with flint, as are also their spears, which are very short. They do not use the tomahawk or scalping knife.' _Thornton's Ogn. and Cal._, vol. ii., p. 91. 'Leurs armes sont l'arc et les flèches armées d'un silex très-artistement travaillé.' _La Pérouse_, _Voy._, tom. ii., p. 305. 'Ces arcs sont encore garnis, au milieu, d'une petite lanière de cuir, qui a pour object d'empêcher la flèche de dévier de la position qu'on lui donne en la posant sur l'arc.... Ils prétendent que cette précaution rend leurs coups encore plus sûrs. Les flèches sont moins longues que l'arc, elles ont ordinairement de 80 à 85 centimètres de long, elles sont faites d'un bois très-léger et sont égales en grosseur à chaque extrémité ... l'autre extrémité de la flèche est garnie, sur quatre faces, de barbes en plumes qui ont 10 centimètres de longueur sur 0,015 millimètres de hauteur.' _Petit-Thouars_, _Voy._, tom. ii., p. 138. They 'maintain armories to make their bows, and arrows, and lances.' Arrows 'are tipped with barbed obsidian heads ... the shaft is ornamented with rings of the distinguishing paint of the owner's rancheria. Their knives and spear-points are made of obsidian and flint.' Arrows are of two kinds, 'one short and light for killing game, and the other a war-shaft measuring a cloth-yard in length.' _Revere's Tour_, pp. 121-2. 'Ces flèches offrent peu de danger à une certaine distance, à cause de la parabole qu'elles sont forcées de décrire, et qui donne à celui que les voit venir la temps de les éviter.' _Auger_, _Voy. en Cal._, p. 163. 'La corde, faite avec du chanvre sylvestre, est garnie d'un petit morceau de peau qui en étouffe le sifflement.' _Mofras_, _Explor._, tom. ii., p. 378; see _Atlas_, plate 25. 'Ihre Waffen bestehen nur in Bogen und Pfeil.' _Mühlenpfordt_, _Mejico_, tom. ii., part ii., p. 455. 'They have no offensive arms at all, except bows and arrows, and these are small and powerless.... Arrows are about two feet long.' _Gerstaecker's Journ._, p. 212. 'Sometimes the bow is merely of wood and rudely made.' _Chamisso_, in _Kotzebue's Voy._, vol. iii., p. 48. 'Their weapons consist only of bows and arrows; neither the tomahawk nor the spear is ever seen in their hands.' _Beechey's Voy._, vol. ii., p. 77. 'A portion of the string is covered with downy fur' to deaden the sound. Arrows are invariably pointed with flint. They have 'sometimes wooden barbs.' Javelins pointed with flint, or sometimes simply sharpened at the end. _Pickering's Races_, in _U. S. Ex. Ex._, vol. ix., p. 109. Arrows were about three feet long, and pointed with flint. Short spears also pointed with flint. _Wilkes' Nar._, in _U. S. Ex. Ex._, vol. v., p. 198. 'Traian unas lanzas cortas con su lengüeta de pedernal tan bien labradas como si fuesen de hierro ó acero, con solo la diferencia de no estar lisas.' _Palou_, _Noticias_, in _Doc. Hist. Mex._, serie iv., tom. vii., p. 68. 'Los mas de ellos traian varas largas en las manos á modo de lanzas.' _Id._, p. 61; _Lord's Nat._, vol. i., p. 249; _Langsdorff's Voy._, vol. ii., p. 165; _Life of Gov. L. W. Boggs, by his Son, MS._ [522] _Petit-Thouars_, _Voy._, tom. ii., p. 139. [523] _Fages_, in _Nouvelles Annales des Voy._, 1844, tom. ci., p. 164; _Marmier_, _Notice_, in _Bryant_, _Voy. en Cal._, p. 228. It is impossible to locate with certainty the San Miguel of Fages. There are now several places of the name in California, of which the San Miguel in San Luis Obispo County comes nearest the region in which, to agree with his own narrative, Fages must have been at the time. The cimeter mentioned by him, must have strongly resembled the _maquahuitl_ of the ancient Mexicans, and it was possibly much farther south that he saw it. [524] _Powers' Pomo, MS._; _Sutil y Mexicana_, _Viage_, p. 169. [525] _Butte Record_, _Aug., 1866._ [526] 'Suelen entrar en ella entonando cánticos militares mezclados de extraños alaridos; y acostumbran formarse los campeones en dos lineas muy próximas para empezar disparándose flechazos. Como uno de sus principales ardides consiste en intimidar al enemigo, para conseguirlo procura cada partido que oiga el contrario los preparativos de la batalla.' _Sutil y Mexicana_, _Viage_, p. 170. 'On coming in sight of the enemy they form in an extended line, something like light infantry, and shouting, like bacchanals dance from side to side to prevent the foe from taking deliberate aim.' _Revere's Tour_, p. 122. [527] In the vicinity of Fort Ross: 'In ihren Kriegen wird Unerschrockenheit geachtet; gefangene Feinde tödtet man nicht, sondern wechselt sie nach beendigtem Kampfe aus; nie verurtheilt man sie zu Sklaven.' _Baer_, _Stat. u. Ethno._, p. 77. Near Feather River 'they carry off their dead to prevent their being scalped, which next after death they are most fearful of.' _Kelly's Excursion to Cal._, vol. ii., p. 83. In the Sacramento Valley 'the Californians differ from the other North American tribes in the absence of the tomahawk and of the practice of scalping.' _Pickering's Races_, in _U. S. Ex. Ex._, vol. ix., p. 108. At Clear Lake, 'they do not scalp the slain.' _Revere's Tour_, p. 122. In the vicinity of San Francisco 'occasionally, they appear to have eaten pieces of the bodies of their more distinguished adversaries killed in battle.' _Soulé's Annals of San Francisco_, p. 52. At Monterey, 'lorsqu'ils avaient vaincu et mis à mort sur le champ de bataille des chefs ou des hommes très-courageux, ils en mangeaient quelques morceaux, moins en signe de haine et de vengeance, que comme un hommage qu'ils rendaient à leur valeur, et dans la persuasion qua cette nourriture était propre à augmenter leur courage.' _La Pérouse_, _Voy._, tom. ii., p. 306. 'Muchos indios armados de arco y flechas y llamándolos vinieron luego y me regularon muchos de ellos flechas, que es entre ellos la mayor demostracion de paz.' _Palou_, _Noticias_, in _Doc. Mex. Hist._, serie iv., tom. vii., p. 53. At Santa Cruz they eat slices of the flesh of a brave fallen enemy, thinking to gain some of his valour. They 'take the scalps of their enemies ... they pluck out the eyes of their enemies.' _Farnham's Life in Cal._, p. 370. 'Gefangene werden nicht lange gehalten, sondern gleich getödtet.' _Wimmel_, _Californien_, p. 178. In order to intimidate their enemies 'cometen con el propio fin en las primeras víctimas las crueldades mas horrorosas.' _Sutil y Mexicana_, _Viage_ p. 170. [528] _Drake's World Encomp._, p. 126. [529] 'Make baskets of the bark of trees.' _Farnham's Life in Cal._, p. 368. 'Make a very ingenious straw box for keeping their worm bait alive; burying it in the earth, yet not allowing the worms to escape.' _Kneeland's Wonders of Yosemite_, p. 52. 'Die gewöhnlichste Form für den Korb ist halbconisch, 3 Fuss lang und 18 Zoll breit.' _Wimmel_, _Californien_, p. 182. 'Their baskets, made of willows, are perfectly water-tight.' _Delano's Life on the Plains_, p. 305. 'They sometimes ornament the smaller ones with beads, pearl-shell, feathers, &c.' _Revere's Tour_, p. 122 'Leurs mortiers de pierre et divers autres utensiles sont artistiquement incrustés de morceaux de nacre de perle ... garnissent leur calebasses et leur cruches d'ouvrages de vannerie brodés avec des fils-déliés qu'elles tirent de diverses racines.' _Marmier_, _Notice_, in _Bryant_, _Voy. en Cal._, p. 233; _Langsdorff's Voy._, vol. ii., p. 165; _Fremont's Explor. Ex._, p. 243; _Gibbs_, in _Schoolcraft's Arch._, vol. iii., p. 107; _Mofras_, _Explor._, tom. ii., p. 367; _Chamisso_, in _Kotzebue's Voy._, vol. iii., p. 48; _Borthwick's Three Years in Cal._, p. 131; _Humboldt_, _Essai Pol._, tom. i., p. 324. [530] _Maurelle's Jour._, p. 47. At Clear Lake 'their canoes or rather rafts are made of bundles of the tulé plant.' _Gibbs_, in _Schoolcraft's Arch._, vol. iii., p. 107. At San Francisco Bay and vicinity 'the only canoes of the Indians are made of plaited reeds.' _Kotzebue's New Voy._, vol. ii., p. 90. 'They do not possess horses or canoes of any kind; they only know how to fasten together bundles of rushes, which carry them over the water by their comparative lightness.' _Chamisso_, in _Kotzebue's Voy._, vol. iii., p. 48. 'Les Indiens font leur pirogues à l'instant où ils veulent entreprendre un voyage par eau; elles sont en roseaux. Lorsque l'on y entre elles s'emplissent à moitié d'eau; de sorte qu'assis, l'on en a jusqu'au gras de la jambe; on les fait aller avec des avirons extrêmement longs, et pointus aux deux extremités.' _Choris_, _Voy. Pitt._, part iii., p. 6. Had no boats, but it was reported that they had previously used boats made of rushes. _Pickering's Races_, in _U. S. Ex. Ex._, vol. ix., p. 103. 'The most rude and sorry contrivances for embarcation I had ever beheld.... They were constructed of rushes and dried grass of a long broad leaf, made up into rolls the length of the canoe, the thickest in the middle and regularly tapering to a point at each end ... appeared to be very ill calculated to contend with wind and waves.... They conducted their canoe or vessel by long double-bladed paddles, like those used by the Esquimaux.' _Vancouver's Voy._, vol. ii., p. 5. 'The balsas are entirely formed of the bulrush ... commonly the rowers sit on them soaked in water, as they seldom rise above the surface.' _Forbes' Cal._, p. 191. Build no canoes, but occasionally make use of rafts composed of one or two logs, generally split. _Wilkes' Nar._, in _U. S. Ex. Ex._, vol. v., p. 192. 'The "Balsa" is the only thing of the boat kind known among them. It is constructed entirely of bulrushes ... sit flat upon the craft, soaked in water, plying their paddles ... most of them in all kinds of weather, are either below, or on a level with the water.' _Farnham's Life in Cal._, p. 368. 'My opinion is that the Indians of California, previous to the occupation by the Jesuit Fathers had no other boats than those made from the tule, and even as late as 1840, I never knew or heard of an Indian using any other.' _Phelps' Letter, MS._ [531] _Pickering's Races_, in _U. S. Ex. Ex._, vol. ix., p. 103; _Cronise's Nat. Wealth_, p. 23. [532] _Roquefeuil's Voy._, pp. 25-6. Tule is an Aztec word, from _tollin_, signifying rushes, flags, or reeds. _Molina_, _Vocabulario._ Mendoza says that when the ancient Mexicans arrived at the site of Mexico, it was a complete swamp, covered 'con grandes matorrales de enea, que llaman _tuli_.' _Esplicacion del Codice_, in _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. v., p. 40. That the Spaniards themselves had not boats at this time is also asserted by Kotzebue: 'That no one has yet attempted to build even the simplest canoe in a country which produces a superabundance of the finest wood for the purpose, is a striking proof of the indolence of the Spaniards, and the stupidity of the Indians.' _New Voy._, vol. ii., p. 90. [533] _Phelps' Letter, MS._ [534] _Vancouver's Voy._, vol. ii., p. 415. 'Sending off a man with great expedition, to vs in a canow.' _Drake's World Encomp._, p. 119. [535] The shells 'they broke and rubbed down to a circular shape, to the size of a dime, and strung them on a thread of sinews.' _Taylor_, in _Cal. Farmer_, _March 2, 1860_. 'Three kinds of money were employed ... white shell-beads, or rather buttons, pierced in the centre and strung together, were rated at $5 a yard; periwinkles, at $1 a yard; fancy marine shells, at various prices, from $3 to $10, or $15, according to their beauty.' _Powers_, in _Overland Monthly_, vol. x., p. 325. [536] The office of chief is hereditary in the male line only. The widows and daughters of the chiefs are, however, treated with distinction, and are not required to work, as other women. _Beechey's Voy._, vol. ii., p. 73. In one case near Clear Lake, when 'the males of a family had become extinct and a female only remained, she appointed a chief.' _Gibbs_, in _Schoolcraft's Arch._, vol. iii., p. 112. At the Port of Sardinas 'durmió dos noches en la capitana una india anciana, que era señora de estos pueblos, acompañada de muchos Indios.' _Sutil y Mexicana_, _Viage_, p. xxxii. [537] The Kainameahs had three hereditary chiefs. _Gibbs_, in _Schoolcraft's Arch._, vol. iii., p. 103. [538] In Russian River Valley and the vicinity: 'Die Achtung die man für den Vater hegte, geht häufig auf den Sohn über; aber die Gewalt des Oberhauptes ist im Allgemeinen sehr nichtig; denn es steht einem jeden frei, seinen Geburtsort zu verlassen und einen anderen Aufenthalt zu wählen.' _Baer_, _Stat. u. Ethno._, pp. 77-8. 'Derjenige, der am meisten Anverwandte besitzt, wird als Häuptling oder Tojon anerkannt; in grösseren Wohnsitzen giebt es mehrere solcher Tojone, aber ihre Autorität ist nichts sagend. Sie haben weder das Recht zu befehlen, noch den Ungehorsam zu züchtigen.' _Kostromitonow_, in _Baer_, _Stat. u. Ethno._, p. 86. At Clear Lake chiefdom was hereditary. _Gibbs_, in _Schoolcraft's Arch._, vol. iii., p. 112. See also pp. 103, 110. Among the Gualalas and Gallinomeros, chieftainship was hereditary. The Sanéls live in large huts, each containing 20 or 30 persons related to each other, each of these families has its own government. The Comachos paid voluntary tribute for support of chief. _Powers' Pomo, MS._ In the Sacramento Valley a chief has more authority than that arising merely from his personal character. _Pickering's Races_, in _U. S. Ex. Ex._, vol. vi., p. 108. On the coast between San Diego and San Francisco, in the vicinity of San Miguel 'chaque village est gouverné despotiquement par un chef qui est seul arbitre de la paix et de la guerre.' _Fages_, in _Nouvelles Annales des Voy._, 1844, tom. ci., p. 163. See also _Marmier_, _Notice_, in _Bryant_, _Voy. en Cal._, p. 227; _Jewett_, in _Ind. Aff. Rept._, 1856, p. 244; _Gerstaecker's Journ._, p. 213; _Histoire Chrétienne de la Cal._, p. 52; _Wimmel_, _Californien_, pp. 177-8. [539] 'El robo era un delito casi desconocido en ambas naciones. Entre los Runsienes se miraba quasi con indiferencia el homicidio; pero no así entre los Eslenes, los quales castigaban al delinquente con pena de muerte.' _Sutil y Mexicana_, _Viage_, p. 171. 'Im Fall ein Indianer ein Verbrechen in irgend einem Stamme verübt hat, und die Häuptlinge sich bestimmt haben ihn zu tödten, so geschieht dies durch Bogen und Pfeil.' _Wimmel_, _Californien_, pp. 177-8; _Powers_, in _Overland Monthly_, vol. xii., p. 24. [540] _Drake's World Encomp._, pp. 124-6. [541] _Wimmel_, _Californien_, p. 178. [542] Near San Francisco, 'teniendo muchas mugeres, sin que entre ellas se experimente la menor emulacion.' _Palou_, _Vida de Junipero Serra_, p. 217. At Monterey 'la polygamie leur était permise.' _La Pérouse_, _Voy._, tom. ii., p. 303. In Tuolumne County 'polygamy is practiced.' _Healey_, in _Ind. Aff. Rept._, 1856, p. 244. At Clear Lake 'polygamy is practiced only by the chiefs.' _Revere's Tour_, p. 125. 'Bei manchen Stämmen wird Vielweiberei gestattet.' _Wimmel_, _Californien_, p. 178. 'A man often marries a whole family, the mother and her daughters.... No jealousies ever appear among these families of wives.' _Farnham's Life in Cal._, p. 367. 'An Indian man may have as many wives as he can keep; but a woman cannot have a plurality of husbands, or men to whom she owes obedience.' _Johnston_, in _Schoolcraft's Arch._, vol. iv., p. 224. In the Sacramento Valley 'the men in general have but one wife.' _Pickering's Races_, in _U. S. Ex. Ex._, vol. ix., p. 108. 'Of these Indians it is reported that no one has more than one wife.' _Wilkes' Nar._, in _U. S. Ex. Ex._, vol. v., p. 201. 'Entre los Runsienes y Eslenes no era permitido á cada hombre tener mas de una muger.' _Sutil y Mexicana_, _Viage_, p. 170. At Clear Lake and down the coast to San Francisco Bay 'they have but one wife at a time.' _Gibbs_, in _Schoolcraft's Arch._, vol. iii., p. 112. In the vicinity of Fort Ross 'es ist nicht erlaubt mehr als eine Frau zu haben.' _Kostromitonow_, in _Baer_, _Stat. u. Ethno._, p. 88. In the country round San Miguel 'non-seulement ce capitaine a le droit d'avoir deux femmes, tandis que les autres Indiens n'en ont qu'une, mais il peut les renvoyer quand cela lui plaît, pour en prendre d'autres dans le village.' _Fages_, in _Nouvelles Annales des Voy._, 1844, tom. ci., p. 163. See also _Marmier_, _Notice_, in _Bryant_, _Voy. en Cal._, p. 227. [543] At Monterey, 'ils étaient même dans l'usage d'épouser toutes les soeurs d'une famille.' _La Pérouse_, _Voy._, tom. ii., p. 303. Near Fort Ross, 'die Blutsverwandtschaft wird streng beachtet und es ist nicht gestattet aus dem ersten oder zweiten Grade der Verwandtschaft zu heirathen; selbst im Falle einer Scheidung darf der nächste Anverwandte die Frau nicht ehelichen, doch giebt es auch Ausnahmen.' _Kostromitonow_, in _Baer_, _Stat. u. Ethno._, p. 88. At San Francisco 'no conocen para sus casamientos el parentezco de afinidad; antes bien este los incita á recibir por sus propias mugeres á sus cuñadas, y aun á las suegras, y la costumbre que observan es, que el que logra una muger, tiene por suyas á todas sus hermanas.' _Palou_, _Vida de Junípero Serra_, p. 217. 'Parentage and other relations of consanguinity are no obstacles to matrimony.' _Farnham's Life in Cal._, p. 367. 'Souvent une femme presse son mari d'épouser ses soeurs, et même sa mère, et cette proposition est fréquemment acceptée.' _Marmier_, _Notice_, in _Bryant_, _Voy. en Cal._, p. 235. 'Este método de comprar las mugeres era comun á entrambas naciones (Runsienes y Eslenes), bien que entre los Runsienes hacia mucho mas solemne el contrato la intervencion de los parientes de los novios, contribuyendo los del varon con su quota, la qual se dividia entre los de la novia al tiempo de entregar á esta.' _Sutil y Mexicana_, _Viage._ p. 171. [544] _Johnston_, in _Schoolcraft's Arch._, vol. iv., p. 223. [545] _Powers_, in _Overland Monthly_, vol. xii., p. 23. [546] _Delano's Life on the Plains_, p. 306. At Santa Cruz, 'the Gentile Indian, when he wishes to marry, goes to the hut of her he desires for a wife, and sitting himself close by her, sighs without speaking a word, and casting at her feet some beads on a string, goes out, and without further ceremony he is married.' _Comellas' Letter_, in _Cal. Farmer_, _April 5, 1860_. At Clear Lake 'rape exists among them in an authorized form, and it is the custom for a party of young men to surprise and ravish a young girl, who becomes the wife of one of them.' _Revere's Tour_, pp. 125-6. [547] _Marmier_, _Notice_, in _Bryant_, _Voy. en Cal._, p. 234. At Clear Lake 'if the parties separate the children go with the wife.' _Gibbs_, in _Schoolcraft's Arch._, vol. iii., p. 112. [548] _Powers' Pomo, MS._ [549] 'The Yukas are often brutal and cruel to their women and children, especially to the women.' _Powers_, in _Overland Monthly_, vol. ix., p. 308. In the vicinity of Fort Ross, 'sie lieben ihre Kinder mit grosser Zärtlichkeit.' _Baer_, _Stat. u. Ethno._, p. 77. [550] _Wimmel_, _Californien_, p. 178. 'The practice of abortion, so common among the Chinooks and some other tribes in Oregon, is unknown here.' _Gibbs_, in _Schoolcraft's Arch._, vol. iii., pp. 112-13. [551] Mr Powers, in his _Pomo, MS._, makes this assertion upon what he states to be reliable authority. [552] For a full account of this custom of the couvade, as it existed in various parts of the world, see _Tylor's Researches_, pp. 293-302, and _Max Müller's Chips_, vol. ii., pp. 271-9. For its observance in California, see _Venagas_, _Noticias de Cal._, tom. i., p. 94, and _Farnham's Life in Cal._, p. 367. [553] 'It was not a thing at all uncommon, in the days of the Indians' ancient prosperity, to see a woman become a mother at twelve or fourteen. An instance was related to me where a girl had borne her first-born at ten, as nearly as her years could be ascertained, her husband, a White Man, being then sixty-odd.' _Powers_, in _Overland Monthly_, vol. ix., p. 500. [554] For further authorities on family and domestic affairs, see: _Mühlenpfordt_, _Mejico_, tom. ii., pt. ii., p. 456; _Delano's Life on the Plains_, pp. 306; _Forbes' Cal._, p. 190; _Fages_, in _Nouvelles Annales des Voy._, 1844, tom. ci., pp. 317-26. Also quoted in _Marmier_, _Notice_, in _Bryant_, _Voy. en Cal._, pp. 232-35; _Wimmel_, _Californien_, p. 178; _Johnston_, in _Schoolcraft's Arch._, vol. iv., pp. 223-4; _Comellas' Letter_, in _Cal. Farmer_, _April 5, 1860_; _Palou_, _Vida de Junípero Serra_, p. 217; _Powers_, in _Overland Monthly_, vol. ix., pp. 308, 500-6, vol. x., p. 325; _Pickering's Races_, in _U. S. Ex. Ex._, vol. ix., pp. 106-8; _Sutil y Mexicana_, _Viage_, pp. 170-1; _Borthwick's Three Years in Cal._, p. 129; _La Pérouse_, _Voy._, tom. ii., p. 303; _Rollin_, in _Id._, tom. iv., pp. 57-8; _Laplace_, _Circumnav._, tom. vi., p. 145; _Gibbs_, in _Schoolcraft's Arch._, vol. iii., pp. 112-13; _Wilkes' Nar._, in _U. S. Ex. Ex._, vol. v., pp. 201, 259; _D'Orbigny_, _Voy._, p. 457; _Gilbert, McAdam, and Jewett_, in _Ind. Aff. Rept._, 1856, pp. 242-4; _Revere's Tour_, p. 126; _Reid_, in _Los Angeles Star_, 1852; _Farnham's Life in Cal._, pp. 367-70; _Baer_, _Stat. u. Ethno._, p. 77; _Kostromitonow_, in _Baer_, _Stat. u. Ethno._, pp. 83-8. [555] Every traveler who has seen them dance enters into details of dress, etc.; but no two of these accounts are alike, and the reason of this is that they have no regular figures or costumes peculiar to their dances, but that every man, when his dress is not paint only, wears all the finery he possesses with an utter disregard for uniformity. 'At some of their dances we were told that they avoid particular articles of food, even fowls and eggs.' _Gibbs_, in _Schoolcraft's Arch._, vol. iii., p. 113. Dancing is executed at Santa Cruz, by forming a circle, assuming a stooping posture, raising a loud, discordant chant, and, without moving from their places, lifting and lowering a foot, and twisting the body into various contortions. _Archives of Santa Cruz Mission._ 'In their dances they sometimes wear white masks.' _Wilkes' Nar._, in _U. S. Ex. Ex._, vol. v., p. 192. 'Se poudrent les cheveux avec du duvet d'oiseaux.' _Choris_, _Voy. Pitt._, part iii., p. 4. When a Wallie chief 'decides to hold a dance in his village, he dispatches messengers to the neighboring rancherias, each bearing a string whereon is tied a certain number of knots. Every morning thereafter the invited chief unties one of the knots, and when the last but one is reached, they joyfully set forth for the dance.' _Powers_, in _Overland Monthly_, vol. x., p. 325. For descriptions of dances of Neeshenams, see _Powers_, in _Overland Monthly_, vol. xii., pp. 26-7. [556] 'Each one had two and sometimes three whistles, made of reeds, in his mouth.' _San Francisco Bulletin_, _Oct. 21, 1858._ 'Some had whistles or double flageolets of reed which were stuck into their noses.' _Revere's Tour_, p. 133. 'The Gentiles do not possess any instrument whatever.' _Comellas' Letter_, in _Cal. Farmer_, _April 5, 1860_. 'Their own original instrument consists of a very primitive whistle, some double, some single, and held in the mouth by one end, without the aid of the fingers; they are about the size and length of a common fife, and only about two notes can be sounded on them.' _Cal. Farmer_, _Oct. 26, 1860_. [557] 'They use a species of native tobacco of nauseous and sickening odour.' _Gibbs_, in _Schoolcraft's Arch._, vol. iii., p. 107. 'They burned the aulone shell for the lime to mix with their tobacco, which they swallowed to make them drunk.' _Taylor_, in _Cal. Farmer_, _April 27, 1860_. 'A species of tobacco is found on the sandy beaches which the Indians prepare and smoke.' _Wilkes' Nar._, in _U. S. Ex. Ex._, vol. v., p. 202. 'Se pusieron á chupar y reparé en ellos la misma ceremonia de esparcir el humo hácia arriba diciendo en cada bocanada unas palabras; solo entendí una que fué _esmen_ que quiere decir sol; observé la misma costumbre de chupar primero el mas principal, luego da la pipa á otro, y da vuelta á otros.' _Palou_, _Noticias_, in _Doc. Hist. Mex._, serie iv., tom. vii., p. 69; see also p. 77. [558] On the subject of amusements, see _Kotzebue's Voy._, vol. i., p. 282. _Delano's Life on the Plains_, p. 307; _Helper's Land of Gold_, pp. 271-2; _Baer_, _Stat. u. Ethno._, pp. 72, 76-7; _Kostromitonow_, in _Id._, pp. 85-92; _Holinski_, _La Californie_, p. 173; _Comellas' Letter_, in _Cal. Farmer_, _Oct. 5, 1860_; _Wimmel_, _Californien_, p. 178; _Drake's World Encomp._, p. 128; _Revere's Tour_, pp. 120-133; _San Francisco Bulletin_, _Oct. 21, 1858_, _Nov. 29, 1871_; _Powers_, in _Overland Monthly_, vol. ix., pp. 307-8, 501-5, vol. x., pp. 325-7; _Power's Pomo, MS._; _Laplace_, _Circumnav._, tom. vi., p. 150; _Kotzebue's New Voy._, vol. ii., p. 127; _Hutchings' Cal. Mag._, vol. iii., pp. 442-6; _Farnham's Life in Cal._, p. 367; _Hist. Chrétienne_, pp. 53-4; _Mühlenpfordt_, _Mejico_, tom. ii., pp. ii., p. 456; _Choris_, _Voy. Pitt._, pt. iii., pp. 4-5; _La Pérouse_, _Voy._, vol. ii., pp. 306-7. [559] The Meewocs 'believe that their male physicians, who are more properly sorcerers, can sit on a mountain top fifty miles distant from a man they wish to destroy, and compass his death by filliping poison towards him from their finger-ends.' _Powers_, in _Overland Monthly_, vol. x., p. 327. [560] 'I incautiously entered one of these caverns during the operation above described, and was in a few moments so nearly suffocated with the heat, smoke, and impure air, that I found it difficult to make my way out.' _Bryant's Cal._, p. 272. [561] 'Zur Heilung bedienen sich die Schamane der Kräuter und Wurzeln, grösstentheils aber saugen sie mit dem Munde das Blut aus der kranken Stelle aus, wobei sie Steinchen oder kleine Schlangen in den Mund nehmen und darauf versichern, sie hätten dieselben aus der Wunde herausgezogen.' _Kostromitonow_, in _Baer_, _Stat. u. Ethno._, p. 95; see also pp. 83, 91, 94-5. 'Until now it has not been ascertained that the Indians had any remedy for curing the sick or allaying their sufferings. If they meet with an accident they invariably die.' _Comellas' Letter_, in _Cal. Farmer_, _April 5, 1860_. 'Ring-worm is cured by placing the milk of the poison oak in a circle round the affected part.' _Hutchings' Cal. Mag._, vol. iii., p. 440. 'Among the Meewocs stomachic affections and severe travail are treated with a plaster of hot ashes and moist earth spread on the stomach.' _Powers_, in _Overland Monthly_, vol. x., p. 327. See further: _Petit-Thouars_, _Voy._, tom. ii., p. 140; _Farnham's Life in Cal._, p. 370; _Holinski_, _La Californie_, p. 173; _Humboldt_, _Essai Pol._, tom. i., p. 324; _Beechey's Voy._, vol. ii., pp. 35, 78; _San Joaquin Republican_, _Sept., 1858_; _La Pérouse_, _Voy._, tom. iv., p. 63; _Gibbs_, in _Schoolcraft's Arch._, vol. iii., pp. 103, 107; _Wilkes' Nar._, in _U. S. Ex. Ex._, vol. v., p. 193; _Pickering's Races_, in _Id._, vol. ix., p. 109; _Fages_, in _Nouvelles Annales des Voy._, 1844, tom. ci., p. 333; also quoted in _Marmier_, _Notice_, in _Bryant_, _Voy. en Cal._, p. 237; _Kneeland's Wonders of Yosemite_, p. 52; _Kelly's Excursion to Cal._, vol. ii., p. 284; _Powers' Pomo, MS._; _Sutil y Mexicana_, _Viage_, p. 166; _Thornton's Ogn. and Cal._, vol. ii., p. 94; _Delano's Life on the Plains_, p. 295; _Laplace_, _Circumnav._, tom. vi., p. 152. [562] 'From north to south, in the present California, up to the Columbia river they burnt the dead in some tribes, and in others buried them. These modes of sepulture differed every few leagues.' _Taylor's Indianology_, in _Cal. Farmer_, _June 8, 1860_. A dead Oleepa was buried by one woman in 'a pit about four feet deep, and ten feet in front of the father's door.' _Delano's Life on the Plains_, p. 301. At Santa Cruz 'the Gentiles burn the bodies of their warriors and allies who fall in war; those who die of natural death they inter at sundown.' _Comellas' Letter_, in _Cal. Farmer_, _April 5, 1860_. The Indians of the Bay of San Francisco burned their dead with everything belonging to them, 'but those of the more southern regions buried theirs.' _Domenech's Deserts_, vol. ii., p. 363. In the vicinity of Clear Lake all the tribes with the exception of the Yubas bury their dead. _Geiger_, in _Ind. Aff. Rept._, 1858, p. 289. [563] 'Los Runsienes dividian últimamente entre los parientes las pocas cosas que componian la propiedad del difunto. Los Eslenes, al contrario, no solo no repartian cosa alguna, sino que todos sus amigos y súbditos debian contribuir con algunos abalorios que enterraban con el cadáver del fallecido.' _Sutil y Mexicana_, _Viage_, p. 172. 'If a woman dies in becoming a mother, the child, whether living or dead, is buried with its mother.' _Hutchings' Cal. Mag._, vol. iii., p. 437. [564] 'Die nächsten Anverwandten schneiden sich das Haar ab und werfen es ins Feuer, wobei sie sich mit Steinen an die Brust schlagen, auf den Boden stürzen, ja bisweilen aus besonderer Anhänglichkeit zu dem Verstorbenen sich blutrünstig oder gar zu Tode stossen; doch sind solche Fälle selten.' _Kostromitonow_, in _Baer_, _Stat. u. Ethno._, p. 88. 'The body is consumed upon a scaffold built over a hole, into which the ashes are thrown and covered.' _Gibbs_, in _Schoolcraft's Arch._, vol. iii., p. 112. See also: _Tehama Gazette_, _May, 1859_; _Sutil y Mexicana_, _Viage_, pp. 171-2; _Powers' Pomo, MS._; also in _Overland Monthly_, vol. ix., p. 502, vol. x., p. 328, vol. xii., p. 28; _San Francisco Evening Bulletin_, _April 4, 1861_; _Macfie's Vanc. Isl._, pp. 448-50; _La Pérouse_, _Voy._, tom. ii., p. 306; _Placerville Index_, 1857; _Marmier_, in _Bryant_, _Voy. en Cal._, pp. 230, 236; _Hutchings' Cal. Mag._, vol. iii., p. 437; _Wimmel_, _Californien_, p. 178; _Farnham's Life in Cal._, p. 369; _Folsom Dispatch_, in _Cal. Farmer_, _Nov. 9, 1860_; _Johnston_, in _Schoolcraft's Arch._, vol. iv., p. 225; _D'Orbigny_, _Voy._, p. 458; _Henley_, in _Ind. Aff. Rept._, 1856, p. 242; _Forbes' Cal._, p. 195. [565] In the Russian River Valley the Indians 'sind weichherzig, und von Natur nicht rachsüchtig ... sie erlernen mit Leichtigkeit mancherlei Handarbeiten und Gewerbe.' _Baer_, _Stat. u. Ethno._, pp. 77-8. Near Fort Ross 'sind sie sanft und friedfertig, und sehr fähig, besonders in der Auffassung sinnlicher Gegenstände. Nur in Folge ihrer unmässigen Trägheit und Sorglosigkeit scheinen sie sehr dumm zu seyn.' _Kostromitonow_, in _Id._, pp. 81-2. 'They appear ... by no means so stupid' as those at the missions. _Kotzebue's New Voy._, vol. ii., p. 26. At Bodega Bay 'their disposition is most liberal.' _Maurelle's Jour._, p. 47. At Clear Lake 'they are docile, mild, easily managed ... roguish, ungrateful, and incorrigibly lazy ... cowardly and cringing towards the whites ... thorough sensualists and most abandoned gamblers ... wretchedly improvident.' _Revere's Tour_, pp. 120-1. In the Sacramento Valley they are 'excessively jealous of their squaws ... stingy and inhospitable.' _Kelly's Excursion to Cal._, vol. ii., p. 114. 'A mirthful race, always disposed to jest and laugh.' _Dana_, in _Hale's Ethnog._, in _U. S. Ex. Ex._, vol. vi., p. 222. 'Possessed of mean, treacherous, and cowardly traits of character, and the most thievish propensities.' _Johnson's Cal. and Ogn._, p. 143. In the vicinity of San Francisco Bay 'they are certainly a race of the most miserable beings I ever saw, possessing the faculty of human reason.' _Vancouver's Voy._, vol. ii., p. 13. 'For the most part an idle, intemperate race.' _Thornton's Ogn. and Cal._, vol. ii., p. 78. 'They are a people of a tractable, free, and louing nature, without guile or treachery.' _Drake's World Encomp._, p. 131. 'Bastantes rancherias de gentiles muy mansos y apacibles.' _Crespi_, in _Doc. Hist. Mex._, serie iv., tom. vi., p. 497. 'Son muy mansos, afables, de buenas caras y los mas de ellos barbados.' _Palou_, _Noticias_, in _Id._, tom. vii., p. 59. At Monterey they 'étaient lourds et peu intelligents.' Those living farther from the missions were not without 'une certaine finesse, commune à tous les hommes élevés dans l'état de nature.' _Petit-Thouars_, _Voy._, tom. ii., p. 134. 'Ces peuples sont si peu courageux, qu'ils n'opposent jamais aucune résistance aux trois ou quatre soldats qui violent si évidement à leur égard le droit des gens.' _La Pérouse_, _Voy._, tom. ii., p. 297. 'The Yukas are a tigerish, truculent, sullen, thievish, and every way bad, but brave race.' _Powers_, in _Overland Monthly_, vol. ix., p. 306. The Tahtoos were very cowardly and peace-loving. _Powers' Pomo, MS._ Than the Oleepas 'a more jolly, laughter-loving, careless, and good-natured people do not exist.... For intelligence they are far behind the Indians east of the Rocky Mountains.' _Delano's Life on the Plains_, p. 297. The Kannimares 'were considered a brave and warlike Indian race.' _Taylor_, in _Cal. Farmer_, _March 30, 1860_. The condition of the Wallas 'is the most miserable that it is possible to conceive; their mode of living, the most abject and destitute known to man.' _Henley_, in _Ind. Aff. Rept._, 1856, p. 241. The Fresno River Indians 'are peaceable, quiet and industrious.' _Henley_, in _Ind. Aff. Rept._, 1854, p. 304. A rational, calculating people, generally industrious. _Lewis_, in _Ind. Aff. Rept._, 1858, p. 291. On the coast range north and east of Mendocino 'they are a timid and generally inoffensive race.' _Bailey_, in _Ind. Aff. Rept._, 1858, p. 304. In Placer County they are industrious, honest, and temperate; the females strictly virtuous. _Brown_, in _Ind. Aff. Rept._, 1856, p. 243. Lazy, trifling, drunken. _Applegate_, _Ib._ In Tuolumne: friendly, generally honest, truthful; men lazy, women industrious. _Jewett_, _Id._, p. 244. In the Yosemite Valley, 'though low in the scale of man, they are not the abject creatures generally represented; they are mild, harmless, and singularly honest.' _Kneeland's Wonders of Yosemite_, p. 52. At Santa Clara they have no ambition, are entirely regardless of reputation and renown. _Vancouver's Voy._, vol. ii., p. 21. In stupid apathy 'they exceed every race of men I have ever known, not excepting the degraded races of Terra del Fuego or Van Dieman's Land.' _Kotzebue's New Voy._, vol. ii., p. 97. At Santa Cruz 'they are so inclined to lying that they almost always will confess offences they have not committed;' very lustful and inhospitable. _Comellas' Letter_, in _Cal. Farmer_, _April 5, 1860_. At Kelsey River they are 'amiable and thievish.' _Gibbs_, in _Schoolcraft's Arch._, vol. iii., p. 124. 'In general terms, the California Indians are more timid, peaceable, and joyous than any of their neighbors.' _Stephens_, in _Powers' Pomo, MS._ 'Their stupidity, insensibility, ignorance, inconstancy, slavery to appetite, excessive sloth and laziness, being absorbed for the time in the stir and din of night-watching and battle, give them a new existence.' _Farnham's Life in Cal._, p. 366. 'Faul und jeder Anstrengung abgeneigt.' _Osswald_, _Californien_, p. 63. 'Stupidity seemed to be their distinctive character.' _Domenech's Deserts_, vol. i., p. 239. 'Loose, lazy, careless, capricious, childish and fickle.' _Taylor_, in _Cal. Farmer_, _March 2, 1860_. 'They are really the most harmless tribes on the American continent.' _Gerstaecker's Nar._, p. 212. Revengeful, timid, treacherous and ungrateful. _Kelly's Excursion to Cal._, vol. ii., p. 284. 'Cowardly, treacherous, filthy and indolent.' _Johnston_, in _Schoolcraft's Arch._, vol. iv., p. 223. 'Dull, indolent, phlegmatic, timid and of a gentle, submissive temper.' _Hale's Ethnog._, in _U. S. Ex. Ex._, vol. vi., p. 199. 'In stature no less than in mind are certainly of a very inferior race of human beings.' _Langsdorff's Voy._, pt. ii., p. 168. 'Pusillanimous.' _Forbes' Cal._, p. 183. 'Ils sont également extrêmes dans l'expression de la joie et de la colère.' _Rollin_, in _La Pérouse_, _Voy._, tom. iv., p. 58. 'Seemed to be almost of the lowest grade of human beings.' _King's Rept._, in _Bayard Taylor's El Dorado, Appendix_, vol. ii., p. 210. 'Die Indianer von Californien sind physisch und moralisch den andern Indianern untergeordnet.' _Wimmel_, _Californien_, p. 177. 'Su estupidez mas parece un entorpecimiento de las potencias por falta de accion y por pereza característica, que limitacion absoluta de sus facultades intelectuales; y así quando se las pone en movimiento, y se les dan ideas, no dexan de discernir y de aprender lo que se les enseña.' _Sutil y Mexicana_, _Viage_, p. 164. 'I noticed that all the Indians from Southern to Northern California were low, shiftless, indolent, and cowardly.' _Miller's Life Amongst the Modocs_, p. 16. Cowardly and treacherous in the extreme. _Life of Gov. L. W. Boggs, by his Son, MS._ [566] At Santa Catalina 'las mujeres son muy hermosas y honestas, los niños son blancos y rubios y muy risueños.' _Salmeron_, _Relaciones_, p. 18, in _Doc. Hist. Mex._, serie iii., tom. iv. See also _Farnham's Life in Cal._, p. 140; _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. i., p. 712. At Santa Barbara, 'son mas altos, dispuestos, y membrados, que otros, que antes se avian visto.' _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. i., p. 714. On the coast from San Diego to San Francisco they are 'd'une couleur foncée, de petite taille, et assez mal faits.' _Fages_, in _Nouvelles Annales des Voy._, 1844, tom. ci., p. 153; see also _Marmier_, _Notice_, in _Bryant_, _Voy. en Cal._, p. 226. At San Luis Rey, 'sont bien faits et d'une taille moyenne.' _Id._, p. 171; quoted in _Marmier_, p. 229. An Indian seen at Santa Inez Mission 'was about twenty-seven years old, with a black thick beard, iris of the eyes light chocolate-brown, nose small and round, lips not thick, face long and angular.' _Cal. Farmer_, _May 4, 1860_. The Noches 'aunque de buena disposicion son delgados y bastante delicados para andar á pié.' _Garces_, in _Doc. Hist. Mex._, serie ii., tom. i., p. 295. 'Well proportioned in figure, and of noble appearance.' _Domenech's Deserts_, vol. ii., p. 45. 'The women (of the Diegeños) are beautifully developed, and superbly formed, their bodies as straight as an arrow.' _Michler_, in _Emory's U. S. and Mex., Bound. Survey_, vol. i., p. 107. The Cahuillas 'are a filthy and miserable-looking set, and great beggars, presenting an unfavorable contrast to the Indian upon the Colorado.' _Whipple_, in _Pac. R. R. Rept._, vol. iii., p. 134. [567] The ordinary cloak descends to the waist: 'le chef seul en a une qui lui tombe jusqu'au jarret, et c'est là la seule marque de distinction.' _Fages_, in _Nouvelles Annales des Voy._, 1844, tom. ci., p. 172; see also _Marmier_, _Notice_, in _Bryant_, _Voy. en Cal._, p. 229. [568] These capes Father Crespi describes as being 'unos capotillos hechos de pieles de liebres y conejos de que hacen tiras y tercidas como mecate; cosen uno con otro y las defienden del frio cubriéndolas por la honestidad.' _Crespi_, in _Doc. Hist. Mex._, serie iv., tom. vi., pp. 291-2; see also _Id._, p. 312. [569] The lobo marino of the Spanish is the common seal and sea calf of the English; le veau marin and phoque commun of the French; vecchio marino of the Italians; Meerwolf and Meerhund of the Germans; Zee-Hund of the Dutch; Sael-hund of the Danes; Sial of the Swedes; and moelrhon of the Welsh. _Knight's Eng. Encyc. Nat. Hist._, vol. iv., p. 299. [570] _Reid_, in _Los Angeles Star_. [571] _Salmeron_, _Relaciones_, in _Doc. Hist. Mex._, serie iii., tom. iv., p. 18. [572] This hair turban or coil 'sirve de bolsa para guardar en la cabeza los abalorios y demas chucherias que se les dá.' _Palou_, _Vida de Junípero Serra_, p. 215. The same custom seems to prevail among the Cibolos of New Mexico, as Marmier, in his additional chapter in the French edition of _Bryant's Cal._, p. 258, says: 'les hommes du peuple tressent leurs cheveux avec des cordons, et y placent le peu d'objets qu'ils possèdent, notamment la corne qui renferme leur tabac à fumer.' [573] On the subject of dress see also _Navarrete_, _Introd._, in _Sutil y Mexicana_, _Viage_, p. lxiv.; _Palou_, _Vida de Junípero Serra_, p. 79; _Domenech's Deserts_, vol. ii., p. 45; _Boscana_, in _Robinson's Life in Cal._, p. 240; _Farnham's Life in Cal._, p. 138; _Garces_, in _Doc. Mex. Hist._, serie ii., tom. i., p. 294; _Marmier_, _Notice_, in _Bryant_, _Voy. en Cal._, p. 229. [574] On the Los Angeles Coast: 'La ranchería se compone de veinte casas hechas de zacate de forma esférica á modo de uno media naranja con su respiradero en lo alto por donde les entra la luz y tiene salida el humo.' _Crespi_, in _Doc. Hist. Mex._, serie iv., tom. vi., p. 314; _Hoffmann_, in _San Francisco Medical Press_, vol. v., p. 149. [575] 'Partiéron de allí el 9, entráron en una ensenada espaciosa, y siguiendo la costa viéron en ella un pueblo de Indios junto á la mar con casas grandes á manera de las de Nueva-España.' _Navarrete_, _Introd._, in _Sutil y Mexicana_, _Viage_, pp. xxix., xxxi., xxxvi. The accounts of Cabrillo's voyage are so confused that it is impossible to know the exact locality in which he saw the people he describes. On this point compare _Cabrillo_, _Relacion_, in _Col. Doc. Hist. Florida_, tom. i., p. 173; _Browne's Lower Cal._, pp. 18, 19; _Burney's Chron. Hist. Discov._, vol. i., pp. 221-5; _Clavigero_, _Storia della Cal._, tom. i., pp. 154-5; _Humboldt_, _Essai Pol._, tom. i., p. 329; _Montanus_, _Nieuwe Weereld_, pp. 210-11; _Salmeron_, _Relaciones_, in _Doc. Hist. Mex._, serie iii., tom. iv., p. 18; _De Laet_, _Novus Orbis_, p. 306. 'Nur um die Meerenge von Santa Barbara fand man, 1769, die Bewohner ein wenig gesittigter. Sie bauten grosse Häuser von pyramidaler Form, in Dörfer vereint.' _Mühlenpfordt_, _Mejico_, tom. ii., pt. ii., pp. 454-5. [576] _Boscana_, in _Robinson's Life in Cal._, p. 259; _Bancroft's Nat. Races_, vol. iii., pp. 163-9. [577] 'One of their most remarkable superstitions is found in the fact of their not eating the flesh of large game. This arises from their belief that in the bodies of all large animals the souls of certain generations, long since past, have entered.... A term of reproach from a wild tribe to those more tamed is, "they eat venison."' _Schoolcraft's Arch._, vol. v., pp. 215-6; see also _Reid_, in _Los Angeles Star_. [578] 'All their food was either cold or nearly so.... Salt was used very sparingly in their food, from an idea that it had a tendency to turn their hair gray.' _Reid_, in _Los Angeles Star_. 'I have seen many instances of their taking a rabbit, and sucking its blood with eagerness, previous to consuming the flesh in a crude state.' _Boscana_, in _Robinson's Life in Cal._, p. 239. 'Viven muy regalados con varias semillas, y con la pesca que hacen en sus balsas de tule ... y queriendoles dar cosa de comida, solian decir, que de aquello no, que lo que querian era ropa; y solo con cosa de este género, eran los cambalaches que hacian de su pescado con los Soldados y Arrieros.' _Palou_, _Vida de Junípero Serra_, p. 79. See also _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. i., p. 712; _Farnham's Life in Cal._, p. 139; _Stanley_, in _Ind. Aff. Rept._, 1866, p. 102; _Id._, 1869, pp. 194-5; _Walker_, in _Id._, 1872, p. 67; _Bartlett's Pers. Nar._, vol. ii., p. 125; _Hoffmann_, in _San Francisco Medical Press_, vol. v., p. 149; _Möllhausen_, _Reisen in die Felsengeb._, vol. i., pp. 82-3. [579] _Palou_, _Vida de Junípero Serra_, pp. 83-4. [580] _Boscana_, in _Robinson's Life in Cal._, pp. 306-9. [581] The baskets, though water-proof, 'were used only for dry purposes. The vessels in use for liquids were roughly made of rushes and plastered outside and in with bitumen or pitch, called by them _sanot_.' _Reid_, in _Los Angeles Star_; _Mühlenpfordt_, _Mejico_, vol. ii., pt. ii., pp. 454-5; and _Möllhausen_, _Reisen in die Felsengeb._, vol. i., p. 82. [582] 'Leurs mortiers de pierre et divers autres ustensiles sont incrustés avec beaucoup d'art de morceaux de nacre de perle.' _Fages_, in _Nouvelles Annales des Voy._, 1844, tom. ci., p. 319. 'Mortars and pestles were made of granite, about sixteen inches wide at the top, ten at the bottom, ten inches high and two thick.' Soapstone pots were 'about an inch in thickness, and procured from the Indians of Santa Catalina; the cover used was of the same material.' _Reid_, in _Los Angeles Star_. On the eastern slopes of the San Bernardino Mountains, blankets are made which will easily hold water. _Taylor_, in _San Francisco Bulletin_, 1862, also quoted in _Shuck's Cal. Scrap Book_, p. 405. 'Todas sus obras son primorosas y bien acabadas.' _Crespi_, in _Doc. Hist. Mex._, serie iv., tom. vi., p. 315. [583] _Fages_, in _Nouvelles Annales des Voy._, 1844, tom. ci., pp. 319-20. [584] 'The planks were bent and joined by the heat of fire, and then paved with asphaltum, called by them chapapote.' _Taylor_, in _Cal. Farmer_, _June 1, 1860_. [585] At Santa Catalina Vizcaino saw 'vnas Canoguelas, que ellos vsan, de Tablas bien hechas, como Barquillos, con las Popas, y Proas levantadas, y mas altas, que el Cuerpo de la Barca, ò Canoa.' _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. i., p. 712; see also _Salmeron_, _Relaciones_, in _Doc. Hist. Mex._, serie iii., tom. iv., p. 18. On the coast of Los Angeles Father Crespi saw 'canoas hechas de buenas tablas de pino, bien ligadas y de una forma graciosa con dos proas.... Usan remos largos de dos palas y vogan con indecible lijeriza y velocidad.' _Crespi_, in _Doc. Hist. Mex._, serie iv., tom. vi., p. 315. At San Diego Palou describes 'balsas de tule, en forma de Canoas, con lo que entran muy adentro del mar.' _Palou_, _Vida de Junípero Serra_, p. 79; _Boscana_, in _Robinson's Life in Cal._, p. 240; _Marmier_, _Notice_, in _Bryant_, _Voy. en Cal._, p. 228. Description of balsas, which differ in no respect from those used north. [586] 'The worth of a rial was put on a string which passed twice and a-half round the hand, i. e., from end of middle finger to wrist. Eight of these strings passed for the value of a silver dollar.' _Cal. Farmer_, _June 1, 1860_. 'Eight yards of these beads made about one dollar of our currency.' _Id._, _Jan. 18, 1861_. [587] 'If a quarrel occurred between parties of distinct lodges (villages), each chief heard the witnesses produced by his own people; and then, associated with the chief of the opposite side, they passed sentence. In case they could not agree, an impartial chief was called in, who heard the statements made by both, and he alone decided. There was no appeal from his decision.' _Reid_, in _Los Angeles Star_. [588] 'Pour tout ce qui concerne les affaires intérieures, l'influence des devins est bien supérieure à la leur.' _Mofras_, _Explor._, tom. ii., p. 373. At San Diego 'Chaque village est soumis aux ordres absolus d'un chef.' _Fages_, in _Nouvelles Annales des Voy._, 1844, tom. ci., p. 153; or see _Marmier_, _Notice_, in _Bryant_, _Voy. en Cal._, p. 226. 'I have found that the captains have very little authority.' _Stanley_, in _Ind. Aff. Rept._, 1869, p. 194. [589] _Boscana_, in _Robinson's Life in Cal._, pp. 262-9. [590] Dr. Hoffman states that in the vicinity of San Diego 'their laws allow them to keep as many wives as they can support.' _San Francisco Medical Press_, vol. vi., p. 150. Fages, speaking of the Indians on the coast from San Diego to San Francisco, says: 'Ces Indiens n'ont qu'une seule femme à la fois, mais ils en changent aussi souvent que cela leur convient.' _Nouvelles Annales des Voy._, 1844, tom. ci., p. 153. Of those in the vicinity of San Luis Rey the same author says: 'Les chefs de ce district ont le privilége de prendre deux on trois femmes, de les répudier ou de les changer aussi souvent qu'ils le veulent; mais les autres habitants n'en ont qu'une seule et ne peuvent les répudier qu'en cas d'adultère.' _Id._, p. 173. [591] 'Les veufs des deux sexes, qui veulent se remarier, ne peuvent le faire qu'avec d'autres veufs.' _Fages_, in _Nouvelles Annales des Voy._, 1844, tom. ci., p. 173; see also _Marmier_, _Notice_, in _Bryant_, _Voy. en Cal._, p. 230. [592] 'The perverse child, invariably, was destroyed, and the parents of such remained dishonored.' _Boscana_, in _Robinson's Life in Cal._, p. 270. 'Ils ne pensent pas à donner d'autre éducation à leurs enfants qu'à enseigner aux fils exactement ce que faisait leur père; quant aux filles, elles ont le droit de choisir l'occupation qui leur convient le mieux.' _Fages_, in _Nouvelles Annales des Voy._, 1814, tom. ci., p. 153. [593] The intoxicating liquor was 'made from a plant called _Pibat_, which was reduced to a powder, and mixed with other intoxicating ingredients.' _Boscana_, in _Robinson's Life in Cal._, p. 271. [594] _Schoolcraft's Arch._, vol. v., p. 215. For other descriptions of ceremony observed at age of puberty, see: _Hoffman_, in _San Francisco Medical Press_, vol. vi., pp. 150-1; _McKinstry_, in _San Francisco Herald_, _June, 1853_. [595] 'Pero en la Mision de S. Antonio se pudo algo averiguar, pues avisando á los Padres, que en una de las casas de los Neófitos se habian metido dos Gentiles, el uno con el traje natural de ellos, y el otro con el trage de muger, expresándolo con el nombre de Joya (que dicen llamarlos asi en su lengua nativa) fué luego el P. Misionero con el Cabo y un Soldado á la casa á ver lo que buscaban, y los hallaron en el acto de pecado nefando. Castigáronlos, aunque no con la pena merecida, y afearonles el hecho tan enorme; y respondió el Gentil, que aquella Joya era su muger.... Solo en el tramo de la Canal de Santa Bárbara, se hallan muchos Joyas, pues raro es el Pueblo donde no se vean dos ó tres.' _Palou_, _Vida de Junípero Serra_, p. 222. 'Así en esta ranchería como en otros de la canal, hemos visto algunos gentiles con traje de muger con sus nagüitas de gamusa, y muy engruesadas y limpias; no hemos podido entender lo que significa, ni á qué fin.' _Crespi_, in _Doc. Hist. Mex._, serie iv., tom. vi., p. 325. See also _Boscana_, in _Robinson's Life in Cal._, pp. 283-4; _Mofras_, _Explor._, tom. ii., p. 371; _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., pp. 427; _Fages_, in _Nouvelles Annales des Voy._, 1844, tom. ci., p. 173. [596] 'In some tribes the men and the women unite in the dance; in others the men alone trip to the music of the women, whose songs are by no means unpleasant to the ear.' _McKinstry_, in _S. Francisco Herald_, _June 1853_. 'In their religious ceremonial dances they differ much. While, in some tribes, all unite to celebrate them, in others, men alone are allowed to dance, while the women assist in singing.' _Schoolcraft's Arch._, vol. v., p. 214-15. [597] 'La danse est exécutée par deux couples au son d'une espèce de flûte, les autres restent simples spectateurs et se contentent d'augmenter le bruit en frappant des roseaux secs.' _Fages_, in _Nouvelles Annales des Voy._, 1844, tom. ci., p. 176; _Boscana_, in _Robinson's Life in Cal._, pp. 289-95; _Schoolcraft's Arch._, vol. v., pp. 214-15; _McKinstry_, in _S. Francisco Herald_, _June 1853_; _Reid_, in _Los Angeles Star_; _Crespi_, in _Doc. Hist. Mex._, serie iv., tom. vi., p. 322. [598] _Mofras_, _Explor._, tom. ii., p. 380. 'When the new year begun, no thought was given to the past; and on this account, even amongst the most intelligent, they could not tell the number of years which had transpired, when desirous of giving an idea of any remote event.' _Boscana_, in _Robinson's Life in Cal._, p. 303. [599] 'For Gonorrhoea they used a strong decoction of an herb that grows very plentifully here, and is called by the Spanish "chancel agua," and wild pigeon manure, rolled up into pills. The decoction is a very bitter astringent, and may cure some sores, but that it fails in many, I have undeniable proof. In syphilis they use the actual cautery, a living coal of fire applied to the chancer, and a decoction of an herb, said to be something like sarsaparilla, called rosia.' _Hoffman_, in _San Francisco Medical Press_, vol. v., p. 152-3. [600] I am indebted for the only information of value relating to the medical usages of the southern California tribes, to _Boscana's MS._, literally translated by Robinson in his _Life in Cal._, pp. 310-14, and also given in substance in _Mofras_, _Explor._, tom. ii., pp. 378-9, and to Reid's papers on the Indians of Los Angeles County, in the _Los Angeles Star_, also quoted in _Cal. Farmer_, _Jan. 11, 1861._ [601] See _Mofras_, _Explor._, tom. ii., pp. 377-8, and plate, p. 248, and Hoffmann, in _San Francisco Medical Press_, vol. v., p. 152. [602] 'The same custom is now in use, but not only applied to deaths, but to their disappointments and adversities in life, thus making public demonstration of their sorrow.' _Boscana_, in _Robinson's Life in Cal._, pp. 314-15. [603] _California Farmer_, _May 22, 1863_. [604] _Reid_, in _Los Angeles Star_. [605] The latitude of which he fixes at 34° 33´. [606] _Fages_, in _Nouvelles Annales des Voy._, 1844, tom. ci., pp. 173-4. Quoted almost literally by _Marmier_, _Notice_, in _Bryant_, _Voy. en Cal._, p. 230. [607] _Boscana_, in _Robinson's Life in Cal._, p. 317. [608] In spelling the word Shoshone, I have followed the most common orthography. Many, however, write it Shoshonee, others, Shoshonie, either of which would perhaps give a better idea of the pronunciation of the word, as the accent falls on the final _e_. The word means 'Snake Indian,' according to Stuart, _Montana_, p. 80; and 'inland,' according to Ross, _Fur Hunters_, vol. i., p. 249. I apply the name Shoshones to the whole of this family; the Shoshones proper, including the Bannacks, I call the Snakes; the remaining tribes I name collectively Utahs. [609] See _Ross' Fur Hunters_, vol. i., p. 249; _Parker's Explor. Tour_, pp. 228-9; _Remy and Brenchley's Journey_, vol. i., p. 124; _Chandless' Visit_, p. 118; _Farnham's Life in Cal._, p. 377; _Carvalho's Incid. of Trav._, p. 200; _Graves_, in _Ind. Aff. Rept._, 1854, p. 178; _Beckwith_, in _Pac. R. R. Rept._, vol. ii., p. 42; _Farley's Sanitary Rept._, in _San Francisco Medical Press_, vol. iii., p. 154; _Lord's Nat._, vol. i., p. 298; _Domenech's Deserts_, vol. i., p. 88; _Hesperian Magazine_, vol. x., p. 255; _Schoolcraft's Arch._, vol. v., p. 197; _Prince_, quoted in _Cal. Farmer_, _Oct. 18, 1861_; _Townsend's Nar._, pp. 125, 133; _Bryant_, _Voy. en Cal._, pp. 152, 194; _Coke's Rocky Mountains_, p. 276; _Fremont's Explor. Ex._, pp. 148, 267; _Lewis and Clarke's Trav._, p. 312; _Figuier's Human Race_, p. 484; _Burton's City of the Saints_, p. 585. Mention is made by Salmeron of a people living south of Utah Lake, who were 'blancas, y rosadas las mejillas como los franceses.' _Doc. Hist. Mex._, serie iii., tom. iv., p. 101. Escalante, speaking of Indians seen in the same region, lat. 39° 34´ 37´´, says: 'Eran estos de los barbones, y narices agujeradas, y en su idioma se nombran Tirangapui, Tian los cinco, que con su capitan venieron primero, tan crecida la barba, que parecian padres capuchinos ó belemitas.' _Doc. Hist. Mex._, serie ii., tom. i., p. 476. Wilkes writes, 'Southwest of the Youta Lake live a tribe who are known by the name of the Monkey Indians; a term which is not a mark of contempt, but is supposed to be a corruption of their name.... They are reported to live in fastnesses among high mountains; to have good clothing and houses; to manufacture blankets, shoes, and various other articles, which they sell to the neighboring tribes. Their colour is as light as that of the Spaniards; and the women in particular are very beautiful, with delicate features, and long flowing hair.... Some have attempted to connect these with an account of an ancient Welsh colony, which others had thought they discovered among the Mandans of the Missouri; while others were disposed to believe they might still exist in the Monkeys of the Western Mountains. There is another account which speaks of the Monquoi Indians, who formerly inhabited Lower California, and were partially civilized by the Spanish missionaries, but who have left that country, and of whom all traces have long since been lost.' _Wilkes' Nar._, in _U. S. Ex. Ex._, vol. iv., pp. 502-3. 'On the southern boundary of Utah exists a peculiar race, of whom little is known. They are said to be fair-skinned, and are called the "White Indians;" have blue eyes and straight hair, and speak a kind of Spanish language differing from other tribes.' _San Francisco Evening Bulletin_, _May 15, 1863_. Taylor has a note on the subject, in which he says that these fair Indians were doubtless the Moquis of Western New Mexico. _Cal. Farmer_, _June 26, 1863_. Although it is evident that this mysterious and probably mythic people belong in no way to the Shoshone family, yet as they are mentioned by several writers as dwelling in a region which is surrounded on all sides by Shoshones, I have given this note, wherefrom the reader can draw his own conclusions. [610] _Beckwith_, in _Pac. R. R. Rept._, vol. ii., p. 42; _Heap's Cent. Route_, p. 102. [611] Speaking of women: 'their breasts and stomachs were covered with red mastic, made from an earth peculiar to these rocks, which rendered them hideous. Their only covering was a pair of drawers of hare-skin, badly sewn together, and in holes.' _Remy and Brenchley's Journ._, vol. ii., p. 386; see also vol. i., p. 127, and vol. ii., pp. 389, 404, 407. 'The women often dress in skirts made of entrails, dressed and sewed together in a substantial way.' _Prince_, in _Cal. Farmer_, _Oct. 18, 1861_. Hareskins 'they cut into cords with the fur adhering; and braid them together so as to form a sort of cloak with a hole in the middle, through which they thrust their heads.' _Farnham's Life and Adven._, p. 376. The remaining authorities describe them as naked, or slightly and miserably dressed; see _Stansbury's Rept._, pp. 82, 202-3; _Chandless' Visit_, p. 291; _Heap's Cent. Route_, p. 100; _Irving's Bonneville's Adven._, p. 255; _Bryant's Cal._, p. 194; _Forney_, in _Ind. Aff. Rept._, 1859, p. 365; _Dodge_, _Ib._, pp. 374-5; _Fenton_, in _Id._, 1869, p. 203; _Graves_, in _Id._, 1854, p. 178; _Burton's City of the Saints_, pp. 217-18, 272-3, 581, 585; _Fremont's Explor. Ex._, pp. 148, 168-9, 212, 218, 225, 227, 267; _Bulfinch's Oregon_, p. 129; _Saxon's Golden Gate_, p. 251; _Scenes in the Rocky Mts._, p. 197; _Brownell's Ind. Races_, p. 539; _Dunn's Oregon_, p. 331. [612] _Townsend's Nar._, pp. 125, 133; _De Smet_, _Voy._, p. 25; _Dunn's Oregon_, p. 325; _Parker's Explor. Tour_, pp. 228-30, 308-9; _Ross' Fur Hunters_, vol. i., pp. 249-50, 257-8, vol. ii., pp. 22-3; _Chandless' Visit_, p. 118; _Carvalho's Incid. of Trav._, p. 200; _White's Ogn._, p. 377; _Lord's Nat._, vol. i., p. 298; _Domenech's Deserts_, vol. ii., pp. 244, 281. [613] 'The ermine is the fur known to the north-west traders by the name of the white weasel, but is the genuine ermine.' _Lewis and Clarke's Trav._, p. 313. [614] _Lewis and Clarke's Trav._, pp. 312-15. [615] 'On y rencontre aussi des terres métalliques de différentes couleurs, telles que vertes, bleues, jaunes, noires, blanches, et deux sortes d'ocres, l'une pâle, l'autre d'un rouge brillant comme du vermillion. Les Indiens en font très-grand cas; ils s'en servent pour se peindre le corps et le visage.' _Stuart_, in _Nouvelles Annales des Voy._, 1821, tom. xii., p. 83. [616] 'They remain in a semi-dormant, inactive state the entire winter, leaving their lowly retreats only now and then, at the urgent calls of nature, or to warm their burrows.... In the spring they creep from their holes ... poor and emaciated, with barely flesh enough to hide their bones, and so enervated from hard fare and frequent abstinence, that they can scarcely move.' _Scenes in the Rocky Mts._, p. 179. Stansbury mentions lodges in Utah, east of Salt Lake, which were constructed of 'cedar poles and logs of a considerable size, thatched with bark and branches, and were quite warm and comfortable.' _Stansbury's Rept._, p. 111; _Stevens_, in _Pac. R. R. Rept._, vol. i., p. 334; _Irving's Bonneville's Adven._, p. 255; _Remy and Brenchley's Journ._, vol. i., pp. 80-1, 129, vol. ii., pp. 362, 373; _Salmeron_, _Relaciones_, in _Doc. Hist. Mex._, serie iii., tom. iv., p. 101; _Farley_, in _San Francisco Medical Press_, vol. iii., p. 154; _Farnham's Life in Cal._, p. 378; _Brownell's Ind. Races_, p. 538; _Heap's Cent. Route_, pp. 98-9; _De Smet_, _Voy._, p. 28; _Domenech's Deserts_, vol. i., p. 247, vol. ii., pp. 256-7; _Coke's Rocky Mountains_, p. 257; _Ross' Fur Hunters_, vol. ii., p. 117; _White's Ogn._, p. 376; _Irving's Astoria_, pp. 257, 290; _Lewis and Clarke's Trav._, p. 305; _Fremont's Explor. Ex._, 1842-3, pp. 142, 212, 218; _Townsend's Nar._, p. 136; _Dunn's Oregon_, pp. 325, 331-2, 337-8; _Bulfinch's Oregon_, p. 179; _Farnham's Trav._, pp. 58, 61-2; _Simpson's Route to Cal._, p. 51; _Burton's City of the Saints_, p. 573; _Knight's Pioneer Life, MS._ [617] _Coke's Rocky Mts._, p. 275; _De Smet_, _Voy._, p. 29; _Dennison_, in _Ind. Aff. Rept._, 1854, p. 375; _Saint-Amant_, _Voyages_, p. 325. [618] 'They eat the seed of two species of Conifers, one about the size of a hazel-nut, the other much smaller. They also eat a small stone-fruit, somewhat red, or black in colour, and rather insipid; different berries, among others, those of _Vaccinium_. They collect the seed of the _Atriplex_ and _Chenopodium_, and occasionally some grasses. Among roots, they highly value that of a bushy, yellowish and tolerably large broomrape, which they cook or dry with the base, or root-stock, which is enlarged, and constitutes the most nutritious part. They also gather the napiform root of a _Cirsium acaule_, which they eat raw or cooked; when cooked, it becomes quite black, resinous as pitch and rather succulent; when raw, it is whitish, soft, and of a pleasant flavour.' _Remy and Brenchley's Journey_, vol. i., p. 129. The Shoshones of Utah and Nevada 'eat certain roots, which in their native state are rank poison, called Tobacco root, but when put in a hole in the ground, and a large fire burned over them, become wholesome diet.' _Schoolcraft's Arch._, vol. vi., p. 697. 'Of the roots used ... the pap-pa, or wild potatoe, is abundant.' _Id._, vol. iv., p. 222; see also, _Id._, vol. v., pp. 199-200. At Bear River, 'every living animal, thing, insect, or worm they eat.' _Fremont's Explor. Exp._, p. 142, see also pp. 148, 160, 173-4, 212, 218-19, 267, 273. Inland savages are passionately fond of salt; those living near the sea detest it. _Stuart_, in _Nouvelles Annales des Voy._, 1821, tom. xii., p. 85. The Utahs eat 'the cactus leaf, piñon-nut, and various barks; the seed of the bunch-grass, and of the wheat, or yellow grass, somewhat resembling rye, the rabbit-bush twigs, which are chewed, and various roots and tubers; the soft sego bulb, the rootlet of the cat-tail flag, and of the tule, which when sun-dried and powdered to flour, keeps through the winter and is palatable even to white men.' _Burton's City of the Saints_, p. 581, see also pp. 573, 577. The Pi-Edes 'live principally on lizards, swifts, and horned toads.' _Ind. Aff. Rept._, 1865. p. 145; see also _Id._, 1854, p. 229; 1856, p. 234; 1861, p. 112; 1859, p. 365; 1866, pp. 114; 1869, pp. 203, 216; 1870, pp. 95, 114; 1872, p. 59. The Snakes eat a white-fleshed kind of beaver, which lives on poisonous roots, whose flesh affects white people badly, though the Indians roast and eat it with impunity. _Ross' Fur Hunters_, vol. ii., p. 117, see also vol. i., p. 269-72; _Brownell's Ind. Races_, p. 539; _Farnham's Life and Adven._, pp. 371, 376-8; _Irving's Bonneville's Adven._, pp. 255, 257, 401-2; _Wilkes' Nar._, in _U. S. Ex. Ex._, vol. v., p. 501; _Hale's Ethnog._, in _U. S. Ex. Ex._, vol. vi., p. 219; _Bryant's Cal._, p. 202; _Stansbury's Rept._, pp. 77, 148, 233; _Kelly's Excursion_, vol. i., p. 238; _Saxon's Golden Gate_, p. 251; _Smith_, in _Nouvelles Annales des Voy._, 1828, tom. xxxvii., p. 209; _Scenes in the Rocky Mts._, p. 178-9; _Townsend's Nar._, p. 144; _White's Ogn._, p. 376; _Parker's Explor. Tour_, p. 228-31, 309; _Coke's Rocky Mts._, p. 277; _Irving's Astoria_, pp. 258, 295; _De Smet_, _Voy._, pp. 28-30, 127; _Stevens_, in _Pac. R. R. Rept._, vol. i., p. 334; _Farnham's Trav._, pp. 58, 61; _Domenech's Deserts_, vol. i., pp. 242, 270, vol. ii., pp. 19, 60, 61, 64, 244, 311; _Hutchings' Cal. Mag._, vol. ii., p. 534; _Simpson's Route to Pac._, pp. 51-2; _Lewis and Clarke's Trav._, pp. 270, 288-9, 298-9; _Bigler's Early Days in Utah and Nevada, MS._ [619] The Wararereeks are 'dirty in their camps, in their dress, and in their persons.' _Ross' Fur Hunters_, vol. i., p. 250. The persons of the Piutes are 'more disgusting than those of the Hottentots. Their heads are white with the germs of crawling filth.' _Farnham's Trav._, p. 58. 'A filthy tribe--the prey of idleness and vermin.' _Farnham's Life and Adven._, p. 325. Bryant says, of the Utahs between Salt Lake and Ogden's Hole, 'I noticed the females hunting for the vermin in the heads and on the bodies of their children; finding which they ate the animals with an apparent relish.' _Bryant's Cal._, p. 154. The Snakes 'are filthy beyond description.' _Townsend's Nar._, p. 137. 'J'ai vu les Sheyennes, les Serpents, les Youts, etc., manger la vermine les uns des autres à pleins peignes.' _De Smet_, _Voy._, p. 47. 'The Snakes are rather cleanly in their persons.' _Domenech's Deserts_, vol. ii., p. 61. [620] 'A weapon called by the Chippeways, by whom it was formerly used, the poggamoggon.' _Lewis and Clarke's Trav._, p. 309. Bulfinch, _Oregon_, p. 126, says the stone weighs about two pounds. Salmeron also mentions a similar weapon used by the people living south of Utah Lake; concerning whom see note 187, p. 423. [621] The Utahs 'no usan mas armas que las flechas y algunas lanzas de perdernal, ni tienen otro peto, morrion ni espaldar que el que sacaron del vientre de sus madres.' _Escalante_, quoted in _Salmeron_, _Relaciones_, in _Doc. Hist. Mex._, ser. iii., part iv., p. 126. 'Bows made of the horns of the bighorn ... are formed by cementing with glue flat pieces of the horn together, covering the back with sinewes and glue, and loading the whole with an unusual quantity of ornaments.' _Lewis and Clarke's Trav._, p. 309. At Ogden River, in Utah, they work obsidian splinters 'into the most beautiful and deadly points, with which they arm the end of their arrows.' _Thornton's Ogn. and Cal._, vol. i., p. 343. 'Pour toute arme, un arc, des flèches et un bâton pointu.' _De Smet_, _Voy._, p. 28. 'Bows and arrows are their (Banattees) only weapons of defence.' _Ross' Fur Hunters_, vol. i., p. 251. The arrows of the Pa-Utes 'are barbed with a very clear translucent stone, a species of opal, nearly as hard as the diamond; and, shot from their long bow, are almost as effective as a gunshot.' _Fremont's Expl. Ex._, p. 267. The Pi-Utes and Pitches 'have no weapon of defence except the club, and in the use of that they are very unskilful.' _Farnham's Trav._, p. 58. Southwest of Great Salt Lake, 'their arms are clubs, with small bows and arrows made of reeds.' _Scenes in the Rocky Mts._, p. 180. The Pi-Utes 'make some weapons of defence, as bows and arrows. The bows are about six feet long; made of the savine (Juniperus sabina).' _Farnham's Life and Adven._, p. 378; see farther, _Remy and Brenchley's Journ._, vol. ii., pp. 291, 261; _Stansbury's Rept._, p. 232; _Schoolcraft's Arch._, vol. v., p. 198; _Heap's Cent. Route_, pp. 56, 72, 77, 84, 99; _Palmer's Jour._, p. 134; _Bulfinch's Oregon_, p. 129; _Irving's Bonneville's Adven._, pp. 146, 255, 400; _Hale's Ethnog._, in _U. S. Ex. Ex._, vol. vi., p. 219; _Parker's Explor. Tour_, pp. 228-9, 233; _Irving's Astoria_, p. 279; _Stuart_, in _Nouvelles Annales des Voy._, 1822, tom. xiii., p. 50; _Bigler's Early Days in Utah and Nevada, MS._; _Knight's Pioneer Life, MS._ [622] _Remy and Brenchley's Jour._, vol. ii., p. 407; _Heap's Cent. Route_, p. 99; _Thornton's Ogn. and Cal._, vol. i., p. 171. [623] 'Taking an enemy's scalp is an honour quite independent of the act of vanquishing him. To kill your adversary is of no importance unless the scalp is brought from the field of battle, and were a warrior to slay any number of his enemies in action, and others were to obtain the scalps or first touch the dead, they would have all the honours, since they have borne off the trophy.' _Lewis and Clarke's Trav._, p. 309; see also p. 265. The Utahs 'will devour the heart of a brave man to increase their courage, or chop it up, boil it in soup, engorge a ladleful, and boast they have drunk the enemy's blood.' _Burton's City of the Saints_, p. 581; see also p. 140. The Utahs never carry arrows when they intend to fight on horseback. _Heap's Cent. Route_, p. 77; see also p. 100; _Remy and Brenchley's Journ._, pp. 97, 99; _Stansbury's Rept._, p. 81; _De Smet_, _Voy._, pp. 28-9; _Ross' Fur Hunters_, vol. i., p. 275, vol. ii., pp. 93-6; _Bulfinch's Oregon_, p. 129; _Farnham's Trav._, p. 36. [624] The pipe of the chief 'was made of a dense transparent green stone, very highly polished, about two and a half inches long, and of an oval figure, the bowl being in the same situation with the stem. A small piece of burnt clay is placed in the bottom of the bowl to separate the tobacco from the end of the stem.' _Lewis and Clarke's Trav._, p. 267. Pots made of 'a stone found in the hills ... which, though soft and white in its natural state, becomes very hard and black after exposure to the fire.' _Id._, p. 312. 'These vessels, although rude and without gloss, are nevertheless strong, and reflect much credit on Indian ingenuity.' _Ross' Fur Hunters_, vol. i., p. 274. Pipe-stems 'resemble a walking-stick more than anything else, and they are generally of ash, and from two-and-a-half to three feet long.' _Id._, vol. ii., p. 109. 'Cooking vessels very much resembling reversed bee-hives, made of basket work covered with buffalo skins.' _Domenech's Deserts_, vol. ii., p. 244. Stansbury discovered pieces of broken Indian pottery and obsidian about Salt Lake. _Stansbury's Rept._, p. 182. The material of baskets 'was mostly willow twig, with a layer of gum, probably from the pine tree.' _Burton's City of the Saints_, p. 573. The Utahs 'manufacture very beautiful and serviceable blankets.' _Schoolcraft's Arch._, vol. v., p. 200. 'Considering that they have nothing but stone hammers and flint knives it is truly wonderful to see the exquisite finish and neatness of their implements of war and hunting, as well as their ear-rings and waist-bands, made of an amalgam of silver and lead.' _Prince_, in _Cal. Farmer_, _Oct. 18, 1861_. 'Les Indiens en font des jarres, des pots, des plats de diverses formes. Ces vaisseaux communiquent une odeur et une saveur très-agréables à tout ce qu'ils renferment; ce qui provient sans doute de la dissolution de quelque substance bitumineuse contenue dans l'argile.' _Stuart_, in _Nouvelles Annales des Voy._, 1821, tom. xii., p. 83. 'The pipes of these Indians are either made of wood or of red earth; sometimes these earthen pipes are exceedingly valuable, and Indians have been known to give a horse in exchange for one of them.' _Remy and Brenchley's Journ._, vol. i., p. 130; _Parker's Explor. Tour_, pp. 128-32, 228-9, 234. [625] _Ross' Fur Hunters_, vol. i., p. 274. [626] Among the Snakes in Idaho garments of four to five beaver-skins were sold for a knife or an awl, and other articles of fur in proportion. Horses were purchased for an axe each. A ship of seventy-four guns might have been loaded with provision, such as dried buffalo, bought with buttons and rings. Articles of real value they thus disposed of cheaply, while articles of comparatively no value, such as Indian head-dress and other curiosities, were held high. A beaver-skin could thus be had for a brass-ring, while a necklace of bears' claws could not be purchased for a dozen of the same rings. Axes, knives, ammunition, beads, buttons and rings, were most in demand. Clothing was of no value; a knife sold for as much as a blanket; and an ounce of vermilion was of more value than a yard of fine cloth. _Ross' Fur Hunters_, vol. i., pp. 257-9. See further, _Lewis and Clarke's Trav._, p. 316; _Townsend's Nar._, pp. 133, 138; _Prince_, in _Cal. Farmer_, _Oct. 18, 1861_; _Farnham's Trav._, p. 61. [627] 'They inflict no penalties for minor offences, except loss of character and disfellowship.' _Prince_, in _Cal. Farmer_, _Oct. 18, 1861_; _Lewis and Clarke's Trav._, pp. 306-7; _Remy and Brenchley's Journ._, vol. i., p. 128. [628] 'It is virtuous to seize and ravish the women of tribes with whom they are at war, often among themselves, and to retain or sell them and their children as slaves.' _Drews' Owyhee Recon._, p. 17. The Pi-Edes 'barter their children to the Utes proper for a few trinkets or bits of clothing, by whom they are again sold to the Navajos for blankets.' _Simpson's Route to Cal._, p. 45. 'Some of the minor tribes in the southern part of the Territory (Utah), near New Mexico, can scarcely show a single squaw, having traded them off for horses and arms.' _Burton's City of the Saints_, p. 582. 'Viennent trouver les blancs, et leur vendent leurs enfants pour des bagatelles.' _De Smet_, _Voy._, p. 29; _Knight's Pioneer Life, MS._; _Utah, Acts, Resolutions, etc._, p. 87. [629] 'A refusal in these lands is often a serious business; the warrior collects his friends, carries off the recusant fair, and after subjecting her to the insults of all his companions espouses her.' _Burton's City of the Saints_, p. 582. [630] 'The women are exceedingly virtuous ... they are a kind of mercantile commodity in the hands of their masters. Polygamy prevails among the chiefs, but the number of wives is not unlimited.' _Remy and Brenchley's Journ._, vol. i., pp. 123-8. They are given to sensual excesses, and other immoralities. _Farnham's Trav._, p. 62; see also p. 60. 'Prostitution and illegitimacy are unknown ... they are not permitted to marry until eighteen or twenty years old ... it is a capital offence to marry any of another nation without special sanction from their council and head chief. They allow but one wife.' _Prince_, in _Cal. Farmer_, _Oct. 18, 1861_. At the time of their confinement the women 'sit apart; they never touch a cooking utensil, although it is not held impure to address them, and they return only when the signs of wrath have passed away.' _Burton's City of the Saints_, p. 573. 'Infidelity of the wife, or prostitution of an unmarried female, is punishable by death.' _Davies_, in _Ind. Aff. Rept._, 1861, p. 133. 'Our Pi-Ute has a peculiar way of getting a foretaste of connubial bliss, cohabiting experimentally with his intended for two or three days previous to the nuptial ceremony, at the end of which time, either party can stay further proceedings, to indulge other trials until a companion more congenial is found.' _Farley_, in _San Francisco Medical Press_, vol. iii., p. 155; _Lewis and Clarke's Trav._, pp. 307-8, 315; _De Smet_, _Voy._, p. 27. [631] The Snakes 'ont une sorte de tabac sauvage qui croît dans les plaines contiguës aux montagnes du Spanish-River, il a les feuilles plus étroites que le nôtre, il est plus agréable à fumer, ses effets étant bien moins violens.' _Stuart_, in _Nouvelles Annales des Voy._, 1821, tom. xii., pp. 82-3. The Kinik-kinik 'they obtain from three different plants. One is a _Cornus_, resembling our _Cornus sanguinea_; after having detached the epidermic cuticle, they scrape the bark and dry it, when it is ready for use. Another is a Vaccinium with red berries; they gather the leaves to smoke them when dry; the third is a small shrub, the fruit and flower of which I have never seen, but resembles certain species of Daphnads (particularly that of Kauai), the leaves of which are in like manner smoked.' _Remy and Brenchley's Journ._, vol. i., p. 130; see also p. 132; _Ross' Fur Hunters_, vol. i., p. 250; _Lewis and Clarke's Trav._, p. 306; _Fremont's Explor. Ex._, p. 174; _De Smet_, _Voy._, pp. 25-6; _Parker's Explor. Tour_, pp. 228-9, 237, 242-3. [632] 'En deux occasions diverses, je comptai cinq personnes ainsi montées, dont deux, certes, paraissaient aussi capables, chacune à elle seule, de porter la pauvre bête, que le cheval était à même de supporter leurs poids.' _De Smet_, _Voy._, p. 127; _Lewis and Clarke's Trav._, pp. 266, 309-11, 316; _Graves_, in _Ind. Aff. Rept._, 1854, p. 178. [633] 'With strong constitutions generally, they either die at once or readily recover.' _Burton's City of the Saints_, p. 581. 'There is no lack of pulmonary difficulties among them.' _Farley_, in _San Francisco Medical Press_, vol. iii., p. 155. Syphilis usually kills them. _Lewis and Clarke's Trav._, p. 316. 'The _convollaria stellata_ ... is the best remedial plant known among those Indians.' _Fremont's Explor. Ex._, p. 273; _Davies_, in _Ind. Aff. Rept._, 1861, p. 132; _Prince_, in _Cal. Farmer_, _Oct. 18, 1861_; _Coke's Rocky Mts._, p. 276; _Parker's Explor. Tour_, pp. 228-9, 240-2. [634] 'The Yutas make their graves high up the kanyons, usually in clefts of rock.' _Burton's City of the Saints_, p. 150. At the obsequies of a chief of the Timpenaguchya tribe 'two squaws, two Pa Yuta children, and fifteen of his best horses composed the "customs."' _Id._, p. 577. 'When a death takes place, they wrap the body in a skin or hide, and drag it by the leg to a grave, which is heaped up with stones, as a protection against wild beasts.' _Id._, p. 582; _Remy and Brenchley's Journ._, vol. i., pp. 131, 345; _De Smet_, _Voy._, p. 28; _Domenech's Deserts_, vol. ii., pp. 359, 363. [635] The Shoshones of Carson Valley 'are very rigid in their morals.' _Remy and Brenchley's Journ._, vol. i., p. 85. At Haw's Ranch, 'honest and trustworthy, but lazy and dirty.' _Id._, p. 123. These Kusi-Utahs 'were very inoffensive and seemed perfectly guileless.' _Id._, vol. ii., p. 412. The Pai-uches are considered as mere dogs, the refuse of the lowest order of humanity. _Farnham's Life and Adven._, p. 376. The Timpanigos Yutas 'are a noble race ... brave and hospitable.' _Id._, p. 371. The Pi-utes are 'the most degraded and least intellectual Indians known to the trappers.' _Farnham's Trav._, p. 58. 'The Snakes are a very intelligent race.' _Id._, p. 62. The Bannacks are 'a treacherous and dangerous race.' _Id._, p. 76. The Pi-Edes are 'timid and dejected;' the Snakes are 'fierce and warlike;' the Tosawitches 'very treacherous;' the Bannacks 'treacherous;' the Washoes 'peaceable, but indolent.' _Simpson's Route to Cal._, p. 45-9. The Utahs 'are brave, impudent, and warlike ... of a revengeful disposition.' _Graves_, in _Ind. Aff. Rept._, 1854, p. 178. 'Industrious.' _Armstrong_, in _Id._, 1856, p. 233. 'A race of men whose cruelty is scarcely a stride removed from that of cannibalism.' _Hurt_, in _Id._, p. 231. 'The Pah-utes are undoubtedly the most interesting and docile Indians on the continent.' _Dodge_, in _Id._, 1859, p. 374. The Utahs are 'fox-like, crafty, and cunning.' _Archuleta_, in _Id._, 1865, p. 167. The Pi-Utes are 'teachable, kind, and industrious ... scrupulously chaste in all their intercourse.' _Parker_, in _Id._, 1866, p. 115. The Weber-Utes 'are the most worthless and indolent of any in the Territory.' _Head_, in _Id._, p. 123. The Bannocks 'seem to be imbued with a spirit of dash and bravery quite unusual.' _Campbell_, in _Id._, p. 120. The Bannacks are 'energetic and industrious.' _Danilson_, in _Id._, 1869, p. 288. The Washoes are docile and tractable. _Douglas_, in _Id._, 1870, p. 96. The Pi-utes are 'not warlike, rather cowardly, but pilfering and treacherous.' _Powell_, in _Id._, 1871, p. 562. The Shoshokoes 'are extremely indolent, but a mild, inoffensive race.' _Irving's Bonneville's Adven._, p. 257. The Snakes 'are a thoroughly savage and lazy tribe.' _Franchère's Nar._, p. 150. The Shoshones are 'frank and communicative.' _Lewis and Clarke's Trav._, p. 306. The Snakes are 'pacific, hospitable and honest.' _Dunn's Oregon_, p. 325. 'The Snakes are a very intelligent race.' _White's Ogn._, p. 379. The Pi-utes 'are as degraded a class of humanity as can be found upon the earth. The male is proud, sullen, intensely insolent.... They will not steal. The women are chaste, at least toward their white brethren.' _Farley_, in _San Francisco Medical Jour._, vol. iii., p. 154. The Snakes have been considered 'as rather a dull and degraded people ... weak in intellect, and wanting in courage. And this opinion is very probable to a casual observer at first sight, or when seen in small numbers; for their apparent timidity, grave, and reserved habits, give them an air of stupidity. An intimate knowledge of the Snake character will, however, place them on an equal footing with that of other kindred nations, either east or west of the mountains, both in respect to their mental faculties and moral attributes.' _Ross' Fur Hunters_, vol. ii., p. 151. 'Les Sampectches, les Pagouts et les Ampayouts sont ... un peuple plus misérable, plus dégradé et plus pauvre. Les Français les appellent communément les Dignes-de-pitié, et ce nom leur convient à merveille.' _De Smet_, _Voy._, p. 28. The Utahs 'pariassent doux et affables, très-polis et hospitaliers pour les étrangers, et charitables entre eux.' _Id._, p. 30. 'The Indians of Utah are the most miserable, if not the most degraded, beings of all the vast American wilderness.' _Domenech's Deserts_, vol. ii., p. 64. The Utahs 'possess a capacity for improvement whenever circumstances favor them.' _Scenes in the Rocky Mts._, p. 180. The Snakes are 'la plus mauvaise des races des Peaux-Rouges que j'ai fréquentées. Ils sont aussi paresseux que peu prévoyants.' _Saint-Amant_, _Voy._, p. 325. The Shoshones of Idaho are 'highly intelligent and lively ... the most virtuous and unsophisticated of all the Indians of the United States.' _Taylor_, in _Cal. Farmer_, _April 27, 1860_. The Washoes have 'superior intelligence and aptitude for learning.' _Id._, _June 14, 1861_; see also _Id._, _June 26, 1863_. The Nevada Shoshones 'are the most pure and uncorrupted aborigines upon this continent ... they are scrupulously clean in their persons, and chaste in their habits ... though whole families live together, of all ages and both sexes, in the same tent, immorality and crime are of rare occurrence.' _Prince_, in _Id._, _Oct. 18, 1861_. The Bannacks 'are cowardly, treacherous, filthy and indolent.' _Schoolcraft's Arch._, vol. iv., p. 223. 'The Utahs are predatory, voracious and perfidious. Plunderers and murderers by habit ... when their ferocity is not excited, their suspicions are so great as to render what they say unreliable, if they do not remain altogether uncommunicative.' _Id._, vol. v., pp. 197-8. The Pa-Vants 'are as brave and improvable as their neighbours are mean and vile.' _Burton's City of the Saints_, p. 577. 'The Yuta is less servile, and consequently has a higher ethnic status than the African negro; he will not toil, and he turns at a kick or a blow.' _Id._, p. 581. The Shoshokoes 'are harmless and exceedingly timid and shy.' _Brownell's Ind. Races_, p. 538. [Illustration: NATIVE RACES of the PACIFIC STATES NEW MEXICAN GROUP] CHAPTER V. NEW MEXICANS. GEOGRAPHICAL POSITION OF THIS GROUP, AND PHYSICAL FEATURES OF THE TERRITORY--FAMILY DIVISIONS: APACHES, PUEBLOS, LOWER CALIFORNIANS, AND NORTHERN MEXICANS--THE APACHE FAMILY: COMANCHES, APACHES PROPER, HUALAPAIS, YUMAS, COSNINOS, YAMPAIS, YALCHEDUNES, YAMAJABS, COCHEES, CRUZADOS, NIJORAS, NAVAJOS, MOJAVES, AND THEIR CUSTOMS--THE PUEBLO FAMILY: PUEBLOS, MOQUIS, PIMAS, MARICOPAS, PAPAGOS, AND THEIR NEIGHBOURS--THE COCHIMIS, WAICURIS, PERICUIS, AND OTHER LOWER CALIFORNIANS--THE SERIS, SINALOAS, TARAHUMARES, CONCHOS, TEPEHUANES, TOBOSOS, ACAXES, AND OTHERS IN NORTHERN MEXICO. The NEW MEXICANS, under which name I group the nations of New Mexico, Arizona, Lower California, Sonora, Sinaloa, Chihuahua, Durango, Coahuila, Nuevo Leon, northern Zacatecas, and western Texas, present some peculiarities not hitherto encountered in this work. As a groupal designation, this name is neither more nor less appropriate than some others; all I claim for it is that it appears as fit as any. The term Mexican might with propriety be applied to this group, as the majority of its people live within the Mexican boundary, but that word is employed in the next division, which is yet more strictly of Mexico. The territory of the New Mexicans, which lies for the most part between the parallels 36° and 23° and the meridians 96° and 117°, presents a great diversity of climate and aspect. On reaching the northern extremity of the Gulf of California, the Sierra Nevada and coast ranges of mountains join and break up into detached upheavals, or as they are called 'lost mountains'; one part, with no great elevation, continuing through the peninsula, another, under the name of Sierra Madre, extending along the western side of Mexico. The Rocky Mountains, which separate into two ranges at about the forty-fifth parallel, continue southward, one branch, known in Utah as the Wahsatch, merging into the Sierra Madre, while the other, the great Cordillera, stretches along the eastern side of Mexico, uniting again with the Sierra Madre in the Mexican table-land. Besides these are many detached and intersecting ranges, between which lie arid deserts, lava beds, and a few fertile valleys. From the sterile sandy deserts which cover vast areas of this territory, rise many isolated groups of almost inaccessible peaks, some of which are wooded, thus affording protection and food for man and beast. Two great rivers, the Colorado and the Rio Grande del Norte flow through this region, one on either side, but, except in certain spots, they contribute little to the fertilization of the country. In the more elevated parts the climate is temperate, sometimes in winter severely cold; but on the deserts and plains, with the scorching sun above and the burning sand beneath, the heat is almost insupportable. The scanty herbage, by which the greater part of this region is covered, offers to man but a transient food-supply; hence he must move from place to place or starve. Thus nature, more than elsewhere on our coast, invites to a roving life; and, as on the Arabian deserts, bands of American Bedouins roam over immense tracts seeking what they may devour. Here it is that many a luckless miner and ill-protected traveler pays the penalty of his temerity with his life; here it is, more than elsewhere within the temperate zones of the two Americas, that the natives bid defiance to the encroachments of civilization. Sweeping down upon small settlements and isolated parties, these American Arabs rob, murder, and destroy, then fleeing to their strongholds bid defiance to pursuers. In the midst of all this we find another phenomenon in the semi-civilized towns-people of New Mexico and Arizona; a spontaneous awakening from the ruder phases of savagism. The families of this division may be enumerated as follows: The _Apaches_, under which general name I include all the savage tribes roaming through New Mexico, the north-western portion of Texas, a small part of northern Mexico, and Arizona; the _Pueblos_, or partially cultivated towns-people of New Mexico and Arizona, with whom I unite, though not town-builders, the non-nomadic Pimas, Maricopas and Pápagos of the lower Gila River; the _Lower Californians_, who occupy the peninsula; and the _Northern Mexicans_, which term includes the various nations scattered over the States of Sonora, Sinaloa, Chihuahua, Durango, Coahuila, Nuevo Leon and northern Zacatecas. [Sidenote: THE APACHES.] To the APACHES, using the term in the signification of a family of this division, no accurate boundaries can be assigned. Owing to their roving proclivities and incessant raids they are led first in one direction and then in another. In general terms they may be said to range about as follows: The _Comanches_, Jetans, or Nauni, consisting of three tribes, the Comanches proper, the Yamparacks, and Tenawas, inhabiting northern Texas, eastern Chihuahua, Nuevo Leon, Coahuila, Durango, and portions of south-western New Mexico,[636] by language allied to the Shoshone family;[637] the _Apaches_, who call themselves Shis Inday, or 'men of the woods,'[638] and whose tribal divisions are the Chiricaguis, Coyoteros, Faraones, Gileños, Lipanes, Llaneros, Mescaleros, Mimbreños, Natages, Pelones, Pinaleños, Tejuas, Tontos and Vaqueros, roaming over New Mexico, Arizona, north-western Texas, Chihuahua and Sonora,[639] and who are allied by language to the great Tinneh family;[640] the _Navajos_, or Tenuai, 'men,' as they designate themselves, having linguistic affinities with the Apache nation, with which indeed they are sometimes classed, living in and around the Sierra de los Mimbres;[641] the _Mojaves_, occupying both banks of the Colorado in Mojave Valley; the _Hualapais_, near the headwaters of Bill Williams Fork; the _Yumas_, on the east bank of the Colorado, near its junction with the Rio Gila;[642] the _Cosninos_, who like the Hualapais are sometimes included in the Apache nation, ranging through the Mogollon Mountains;[643] and the _Yampais_, between Bill Williams Fork and the Rio Hassayampa.[644] Of the multitude of names mentioned by the early Spanish authorities, I only give in addition to the above the _Yalchedunes_, located on the west bank of the Colorado in about latitude 33° 20´, the _Yamajabs_, on the east bank of the same river, in about latitude 34°-35°; the _Cochees_, in the Chiricagui Mountains of Arizona, the _Cruzados_[645] in New Mexico, and finally the _Nijoras_,[646] somewhere about the lower Colorado.[647] The Apache country is probably the most desert of all, alternating between sterile plains and wooded mountains, interspersed with comparatively few rich valleys. The rivers do little to fertilize the soil except in spots; the little moisture that appears is quickly absorbed by the cloudless air and arid plains which stretch out, sometimes a hundred miles in length and breadth, like lakes of sand. In both mountain and desert the fierce, rapacious Apache, inured from childhood to hunger and thirst, and heat and cold, finds safe retreat. It is here, among our western nations, that we first encounter thieving as a profession. No savage is fond of work; indeed, labor and savagism are directly antagonistic, for if the savage continues to labor he can but become civilized. Now the Apache is not as lazy as some of his northern brothers, yet he will not work, or if he does, like the Pueblos who are nothing but partially reclaimed Apaches or Comanches, he forthwith elevates himself, and is no longer an Apache; but being somewhat free from the vice of laziness, though subject in an eminent degree to all other vices of which mankind have any knowledge, he presents the anomaly of uniting activity with barbarism, and for this he must thank his thievish propensities. Leaving others to do the work, he cares not whom, the agriculturists of the river-bottoms or the towns-people of the north, he turns Ishmaelite, pounces upon those near and more remote, and if pursued retreats across the _jornadas del muerte_, or 'journeys of death' as the Mexican calls them, and finds refuge in the gorges, cañons, and other almost impregnable natural fortresses of the mountains. [Sidenote: PHYSIQUE OF APACHES.] [Sidenote: PHYSICAL PECULIARITIES.] The disparity in physical appearance between some of these nations, which may be attributed for the most part to diet, is curious. While those who subsist on mixed vegetable and animal food, present a tall, healthy, and muscular development, hardly excelled by the Caucasian race, those that live on animal food, excepting perhaps the Comanches, are small in stature, wrinkled, shriveled, and hideously ugly.[648] All the natives of this family, with the exception of the Apaches proper, are tall, well-built, with muscles strongly developed, pleasing features, although at times rather broad faces, high foreheads, large, clear, dark-colored eyes, possessing generally extraordinary powers of vision, black coarse hair and, for a wonder, beards. Taken as a whole, they are the most perfect specimens of physical manhood that we have yet encountered. While some, and particularly females, are of a light copper color, others again approach near to the dark Californian. Women are generally plumper, inclining more to obesity than the men. Some comely girls are spoken of amongst them, but they grow old early.[649] In contradistinction to all this the Apaches proper, or Apache nation, as we may call them, are slim, ill developed, but very agile. Their height is about five feet four to five inches; features described as ugly, repulsive, emotionless, flat, and approaching the Mongol cast, while the head is covered with an unkempt mass of coarse, shocky, rusty black hair, not unlike bristles. The women are not at all behind the men in ugliness, and a pleasing face is a rarity. A feature common to the family is remarkably small feet; in connection with which may be mentioned the peculiarity which obtains on the lower Colorado, of having the large toe widely separated from the others, which arises probably from wading in marshy bottoms. All the tribes whose principal subsistence is meat, and more particularly those that eat horse and mule flesh, are said to exhale a peculiar scent, something like the animals themselves when heated.[650] [Sidenote: DRESS OF APACHES AND MOJAVES.] All the natives of this region wear the hair much in the same manner, cut square across the forehead, and flowing behind.[651] The Mojave men usually twist or plait it, while with the women it is allowed to hang loose. Tattooing is common, but not universal; many of the Mojave women tattoo the chin in vertical lines like the Central Californians, except that the lines are closer together.[652] Paint is freely used among the Mojaves, black and red predominating, but the Apaches, Yumas, and others use a greater variety of colors.[653] Breech-cloth and moccasins are the ordinary dress of the men,[654] while the women have a short petticoat of bark.[655] The dress of the Mojaves and Apaches is often more pretentious, being a buckskin shirt, skull-cap or helmet, and moccasins of the same material; the latter, broad at the toes, slightly turned up, and reaching high up on the leg, serve as a protection against cacti and thorns.[656] It is a common practice among these tribes to plaster the head and body with mud, which acts as a preventive against vermin and a protection from the sun's rays.[657] In their selection of ornaments the Mojaves show a preference for white, intermixed with blue; necklaces and bracelets made from beads and small shells, usually strung together, but sometimes sewed on to leather bands are much in vogue. The Apache nation adopt a more fantastic style in painting and in their head-dress; for ornament they employ deer-hoofs, shells, fish-bones, beads, and occasionally porcupine-quills, with which the women embroider their short deer-skin petticoats.[658] The Navajoes, both men and women, wear the hair long, tied or clubbed up behind; they do not tattoo or disfigure themselves with paint.[659] The ordinary dress is a species of hunting-shirt, or doublet, of deer-skin, or a blanket confined at the waist by a belt; buckskin breeches, sometimes ornamented up the seams with pieces of silver or porcupine-quills; long moccasins, reaching well up the leg, and a round helmet-shaped cap, also of buckskin, surmounted with a plume of eagle or wild turkey feathers, and fastened with a chin-strap. The women wear a blanket and waist-belt, breeches and moccasins. The belts, which are of buckskin, are frequently richly ornamented with silver. They sometimes also use porcupine-quills, with which they embroider their garments.[660] [Sidenote: COMANCHE DRESS AND ORNAMENT.] The Comanches of both sexes tattoo the face, and body generally on the breast.[661] The men do not cut the hair, but gather it into tufts or plaits, to which they attach round pieces of silver graduated in size from top to bottom; those who cannot obtain or afford silver use beads, tin, or glass.[662] Much time is spent by them in painting and adorning their person--red being a favorite color; feathers also form a necessary adjunct to their toilet.[663] Some few wear a deer-skin shirt, but the more common dress is the buffalo-robe, which forms the sole covering for the upper part of the body; in addition, the breech-cloth, leggins, and moccasins are worn. The women crop the hair short, and a long shirt made of deer-skin, which extends from the neck to below the knees, with leggins and moccasins, are their usual attire.[664] [Sidenote: DWELLINGS OF THE APACHES.] Nomadic and roving in their habits, they pay little attention to the construction of their dwellings. Seldom do they remain more than a week in one locality;[665] hence their lodges are comfortless, and diversified in style according to caprice and circumstances. The frame-work everywhere is usually of poles, the Comanches placing them erect, the Lipans bringing the tops together in cone-shape, while the Apaches bend them over into a low oval;[666] one or other of the above forms is usually adopted by all this family,[667] with unimportant differences depending on locality and variations of climate. The framework is covered with brushwood or skins, sometimes with grass or flat stones. They are from twelve to eighteen feet in diameter at the widest part, and vary from four to eight feet in height,[668] which is sometimes increased by excavation.[669] A triangular opening serves as a door, which is closed with a piece of cloth or skin attached to the top.[670] When on or near rocky ground they live in caves, whence some travelers have inferred that they build stone houses.[671] A few of the Mojave dwellings are so superior to the others that they deserve special notice. They may be described as a sort of shed having perpendicular walls and sloping roof, the latter supported by a horizontal beam running along the center, the roof projecting in front so as to form a kind of portico. The timber used is cottonwood, and the interstices are filled up with mud or straw.[672] None of their houses have windows, the door and smoke-hole in the roof serving for this purpose; but, as many of them have their fires outside, the door is often the only opening.[673] [Sidenote: NEW MEXICAN DWELLINGS.] Small huts about three feet in height constitute their medicine-lodges, or bath-houses, and are generally in form and material like their other structures.[674] The Mojaves also build granaries in a cylindrical form with conical, skillfully made osier roofs.[675] [Sidenote: FOOD AND AGRICULTURE.] The food of all is similar;[676] most of them make more or less pretentions to agriculture, and are habituated to a vegetable diet, but seldom do any of them raise a sufficient supply for the year's consumption, and they are therefore forced to rely on the mesquit-bean, the piñon-nut and the maguey-plant, _agave mexicana_, and other wild fruits, which they collect in considerable quantities.[677] They are but indifferent hunters, and secure only a precarious supply of small game, such as rabbits and squirrels, with ultimate recourse to rats, grasshoppers, lizards and other reptiles.[678] A few fish are taken by those living in the neighborhood of rivers.[679] The Navajos, Mojaves, and Yumas, have long been acquainted with the art of agriculture and grow corn, beans, pumpkins, melons, and other vegetables, and also some wheat; some attempt a system of irrigation, and others select for their crops that portion of land which has been overflowed by the river. The Navajos possess numerous flocks of sheep, which though used for food, they kill only when requiring the wool for blankets. Although in later years they have cows, they do not make butter or cheese, but only a curd from sour milk, from which they express the whey and of which they are very fond.[680] Their method of planting is simple; with a short sharp-pointed stick small holes are dug in the ground into which they drop the seeds, and no further care is given to the crop except to keep it partially free from weeds.[681] Maize soaked in water is ground to a paste between two stones. From this paste tortillas, or thin cakes, are made which are baked on a hot stone. To cook the maguey, a hole is made in the ground, in which a fire is kindled; after it has burned some time the maguey-bulb is buried in the hot ashes and roasted. Some concoct a gypsy sort of dish or ollapodrida; game, and such roots or herbs as they can collect, being put in an earthen pot with water and boiled.[682] As before mentioned, the roving Apaches obtain most of their food by hunting and plunder; they eat more meat and less vegetable diet than the other Arizona tribes. They have a great partiality for horse-flesh, seldom eat fish, but kill deer and antelope.[683] When hunting they frequently disguise themselves in a skin, and imitating closely the habits and movements of the animal, they contrive to approach within shooting-distance.[684] Whether it be horse or deer, every portion of the carcass with the exception of the bones, is consumed, the entrails being a special delicacy. Their meat they roast partially in the fire, and eat it generally half raw. When food is plenty they eat ravenously and consume an enormous quantity; when scarce, they fast long and stoically. Most of them hate bear-meat and pork. So Jew-like is the Navajo in this particular that he will not touch pork though starving.[685] [Sidenote: BUFFALO HUNTING.] The Comanches do not cultivate the soil, but subsist entirely by the chase. Buffalo, which range in immense herds throughout their country, are the chief food, the only addition to it being a few wild plants and roots; hence they may be said to be almost wholly flesh-eaters.[686] In pursuit of the buffalo they exhibit great activity, skill, and daring. When approaching a herd, they advance in close column, gradually increasing their speed, and as the distance is lessened, they separate into two or more groups, and dashing into the herd at full gallop, discharge their arrows right and left with great rapidity; others hunt buffalo with spears, but the common and more fatal weapon is the bow and arrow. The skinning and cutting up of the slain animals is usually the task of the women.[687] The meat and also the entrails are eaten both raw and roasted. A fire being made in a hole, sticks are ranged round it, meeting at the top, on which the meat is placed. The liver is a favorite morsel, and is eaten raw; they also drink the warm blood of the animal.[688] No provision is made for a time of scarcity, but when many buffalo are killed, they cut portions of them into long strips, which, after being dried in the sun, are pounded fine. This pemican they carry with them in their hunting expeditions, and when unsuccessful in the chase, a small quantity boiled in water or cooked with grease, serves for a meal. When unable to procure game, they sometimes kill their horses and mules for food, but this only when compelled by necessity.[689] In common with all primitive humanity they are filthy--never bathing except in summer[690]--with little or no sense of decency.[691] [Sidenote: WEAPONS.] [Sidenote: BOW AND LANCE.] Throughout Arizona and New Mexico, the bow and arrow is the principal weapon, both in war and in the chase; to which are added, by those accustomed to move about on horseback, the shield and lance;[692] with such also the Mexican riata may now occasionally be seen.[693] In battle, the Colorado River tribes use a club made of hard heavy wood, having a large mallet-shaped head, with a small handle, through which a hole is bored, and in which a leather thong is introduced for the purpose of securing it in the hand.[694] They seldom use the tomahawk. Some carry slings with four cords attached.[695] The bows are made of yew, bois d'arc, or willow, and strengthened by means of deer-sinews, firmly fastened to the back with a strong adhesive mixture. The length varies from four to five feet. The string is made from sinews of the deer.[696] A leathern arm-guard is worn round the left wrist to defend it from the blow of the string.[697] The arrows measure from twenty to thirty inches, according to length of bow, and the shaft is composed of two pieces; the notch end, which is the longer, consisting of a reed, into which is fitted a shorter piece made of acacia, or some other hard wood, and tipped with obsidian, agate, or iron. It is intended that when an object is struck, and an attempt is made to draw out the arrow, the pointed end shall remain in the wound. There is some difference in the feathering; most nations employing three feathers, tied round the shaft at equal distances with fine tendons. The Tontos have their arrows winged with four feathers, while some of the Comanches use only two. All have some distinguishing mark in their manner of winging, painting, or carving on their arrows.[698] The quiver is usually made of the skin of some animal, deer or sheep, sometimes of a fox or wild-cat skin entire with the tail appended, or of reeds, and carried slung at the back or fastened to a waist-belt.[699] The lance is from twelve to fifteen feet long, the point being a long piece of iron, a knife or sword blade socketed into the pole.[700] Previous to the introduction of iron, their spears were pointed with obsidian or some other flinty substance which was hammered and ground to a sharp edge. The frame of the shield is made of light basket-work, covered with two or three thicknesses of buffalo-hide; between the layers of hide it is usual with the Comanches to place a stuffing of hair, thus rendering them almost bullet proof. Shields are painted in various devices and decorated with feathers, pieces of leather, and other finery, also with the scalps of enemies, and are carried on the left arm by two straps.[701] [Sidenote: APACHE WARRIORS.] Their fighting has more the character of assassination and murder than warfare. They attack only when they consider success a foregone conclusion, and rather than incur the risk of losing a warrior will for days lie in ambush till a fair opportunity for surprising the foe presents itself.[702] The ingenuity of the Apache in preparing an ambush or a surprise is described by Colonel Cremony as follows: "He has as perfect a knowledge of the assimilation of colors as the most experienced Paris modiste. By means of his acumen in this respect, he can conceal his swart body amidst the green grass, behind brown shrubs, or gray rocks, with so much address and judgment that any but the experienced would pass him by without detection at the distance of three or four yards. Sometimes they will envelop themselves in a gray blanket, and by an artistic sprinkling of earth, will so resemble a granite boulder as to be passed within near range without suspicion. At others, they will cover their persons with freshly gathered grass, and lying prostrate, appear as a natural portion of the field. Again they will plant themselves among the Yuccas, and so closely imitate the appearance of that tree as to pass for one of its species." Before undertaking a raid they secrete their families in the mountain fastnesses, or elsewhere, then two by two, or in greater numbers, they proceed by different routes, to a place of rendezvous, not far from where the assault is to be made or where the ambuscade is to be prepared. When, after careful observation, coupled with the report of their scouts, they are led to presume that little, if any, resistance will be offered them, a sudden assault is made, men, women and children are taken captives, and animals and goods secured, after which their retreat is conducted in an orderly and skillful manner, choosing pathways over barren and rugged mountains which are known only to themselves.[703] Held asunder from congregating in large bodies by a meagerness of provisions, they have recourse to a system of signals which facilitates intercourse with each other. During the day one or more columns of smoke are the signals made for the scattered and roaming bands to rendezvous, or they serve as a warning against approaching danger. To the same end at night they used a fire beacon; besides these, they have various other means of telegraphing which are understood only by them, for example, the displacement and arrangement of a few stones on the trail, or a bended twig, is to them a note of warning as efficient, as is the bugle-call to disciplined troops.[704] They treat their prisoners cruelly; scalping them, or burning them at the stake; yet, ruled as they are by greediness, they are always ready to exchange them for horses, blankets, beads, or other property. When hotly pursued, they murder their male prisoners, preserving only the females and children, and the captured cattle, though under desperate circumstances they do not hesitate to slaughter the latter.[705] The Apaches returning to their families from a successful expedition, are received by the women with songs and feasts, but if unsuccessful they are met with jeers and insults. On such occasions says Colonel Cremony, "the women turn away from them with assured indifference and contempt. They are upbraided as cowards, or for want of skill and tact, and are told that such men should not have wives, because they do not know how to provide for their wants. When so reproached, the warriors hang their heads and offer no excuse for their failure. To do so would only subject them to more ridicule and objurgation; but Indian-like, they bide their time in the hope of finally making their peace by some successful raid." If a Mojave is taken prisoner he is forever discarded in his own nation, and should he return his mother even will not own him.[706] [Sidenote: COMANCHE WARRIORS.] The Comanches, who are better warriors than the Apaches, highly honor bravery on the battle-field. From early youth, they are taught the art of war, and the skillful handling of their horses and weapons; and they are not allowed a seat in the council, until their name is garnished by some heroic deed.[707] Before going on the war-path they perform certain ceremonies, prominent among which is the war-dance.[708] They invariably fight on horseback with the bow and arrow, spear and shield, and in the management of these weapons they have no superiors. Their mode of attack is sudden and impetuous; they advance in column, and when near the enemy form subdivisions charging on the foe simultaneously from opposite sides, and while keeping their horses in constant motion, they throw themselves over the side, leaving only a small portion of the body exposed, and in this position discharge their arrows over the back of the animal or under his neck with great rapidity and precision.[709] A few scalps are taken, for the purpose of being used at the war or scalp dance by which they celebrate a victory. Prisoners belong to the captors and the males are usually killed, but women are reserved and become the wives or servants of their owners, while children of both sexes are adopted into the tribe.[710] Peace ceremonies take place at a council of warriors, when the pipe is passed round and smoked by each, previous to which an interchange of presents is customary.[711] [Sidenote: IMPLEMENTS.] Household utensils are made generally of wickerwork, or straw, which, to render them watertight, are coated with some resinous substance. The Mojaves and a few of the Apache tribes have also burnt-clay vessels, such as water-jars and dishes.[712] For grinding maize, as before stated, a kind of metate is used, which with them is nothing more than a convex and a concave stone.[713] Of agricultural implements they know nothing; a pointed stick, crooked at one end, which they call _kishishai_, does service as a corn-planter in spring, and during the later season answers also for plucking fruit from trees, and again, in times of scarcity, to dig rats and prairie dogs from their subterranean retreats. Their cradle is a flat board, padded, on which the infant is fastened; on the upper part is a little hood to protect the head, and it is carried by the mother on her back, suspended by a strap.[714] Their saddles are simply two rolls of straw covered with deer or antelope skin, which are connected by a strap; a piece of raw hide serves for girths and stirrups. In later years the Mexican saddle, or one approaching it in shape, has been adopted, and the Navajos have succeeded in making a pretty fair imitation of it, of hard ash. Their bridles, which consist of a rein attached to the lower jaw, are very severe on the animal.[715] Although not essentially a fish-eating people, the Mojaves and Axuas display considerable ingenuity in the manufacture of fishing-nets, which are noted for their strength and beauty. Plaited grass, or the fibry bark of the willow, are the materials of which they are made.[716] Fire is obtained in the old primitive fashion of rubbing together two pieces of wood, one soft and the other hard. The hard piece is pointed and is twirled on the softer piece, with a steady downward pressure until sparks appear.[717] [Sidenote: NAVAJO BLANKETS.] The Navajos excel all other nations of this family in the manufacture of blankets.[718] The art with them is perhaps of Mexican origin, and they keep for this industry large flocks of sheep.[719] Some say in making blankets cotton is mixed with the wool, but I find no notice of their cultivating cotton. Their looms are of the most primitive kind. Two beams, one suspended and the other fastened to the ground, serve to stretch the warp perpendicularly, and two slats, inserted between the double warp, cross and recross it and also open a passage for the shuttle, which is simply a short stick with some thread wound around it. The operator sits on the ground, and the blanket, as the weaving progresses, is wound round the lower beam.[720] The wool, after being carded, is spun with a spindle resembling a boy's top, the stem being about sixteen inches long and the lower point made to revolve in an earthen bowl by being twirled rapidly between the forefinger and thumb. The thread after being twisted is wound on the spindle, and though not very even, it answers the purpose very well.[721] The patterns are mostly regular geometrical figures, among which diamonds and parallels predominate.[722] Black and red are the principal variations in color, but blue and yellow are at times seen. Their colors they obtain mostly by dyeing with vegetable substances, but in later years they obtain also colored manufactured materials from the whites, which they again unravel, employing the colored threads obtained in this manner in their own manufactures.[723] They also weave a coarse woolen cloth, of which they at times make shirts and leggins.[724] Besides pottery of burnt clay, wickerwork baskets, and saddles and bridles, no general industry obtains in this family.[725] Featherwork, such as sewing various patterns on skins with feathers, and other ornamental needlework, are also practiced by the Navajos.[726] Of the Comanches, the Abbé Domenech relates that they extracted silver from some mines near San Saba, from which they manufactured ornaments for themselves and their saddles and bridles.[727] [Sidenote: PROPERTY.] They have no boats, but use rafts of wood, or bundles of rushes fastened tightly together with osier or willow twigs, and propelled sometimes with poles; but more frequently they place upon the craft their property and wives, and, swimming alongside of it, with the greatest ease push it before them.[728] For their maintenance, especially in latter days, they are indebted in a great measure to their horses, and accordingly they consider them as their most valuable property. The Navajos are larger stock owners than any of the other nations, possessing numerous flocks of sheep, and herds of cattle as well as horses and mules. These, with their blankets, their dressed skins, and peaches which they cultivate, constitute their chief wealth.[729] Certain bands of the Apache nation exchange with the agriculturists pottery and skins for grain.[730] Among the Navajos, husband and wife hold their property separate, and at their death it becomes the inheritance of the nephew or niece. This law of entail is often eluded by the parents, who before death give their goods to their children.[731] Their exchanges are governed by caprice rather than by established values. Sometimes they will give a valuable blanket for a trifling ornament. The Mojaves have a species of currency which they call _pook_, consisting of strings of shell beads, whose value is determined by the length.[732] At the time of Coronado's expedition, in 1540, the Comanches possessed great numbers of dogs, which they employed in transporting their buffalo-skin tents and scanty household utensils.[733] When a buffalo is killed, the successful hunter claims only the hide; the others are at liberty to help themselves to the meat according to their necessities.[734] In their trading transactions they display much shrewdness, and yet are free from the tricks usually resorted to by other nations.[735] [Sidenote: ARTS AND CALENDAR.] Their knowledge of decorative art is limited; paintings and sculptures of men and animals, rudely executed on rocks or walls of caverns are occasionally met with; whether intended as hieroglyphical representations, or sketched during the idle moments of some budding genius, it is difficult to determine, owing to the fact that the statements of the various authors who have investigated the subject are conflicting.[736] The Comanches display a certain taste in painting their buffalo-robes, shields, and tents. The system of enumeration of the Apaches exhibits a regularity and diffusiveness seldom met with amongst wild tribes, and their language contains all the terms for counting up to ten thousand.[737] In this respect the Comanches are very deficient; what little knowledge of arithmetic they have is decimal, and when counting, the aid of their fingers or presence of some actual object is necessary, being, as they are, in total ignorance of the simplest arithmetical calculation. The rising sun proclaims to them a new day; beyond this they have no computation or division of time. They know nothing of the motions of the earth or heavenly bodies, though they recognise the fixedness of the polar star.[738] Their social organization, like all their manners and customs, is governed by their wild and migratory life. Government they have none. Born and bred with the idea of perfect personal freedom, all restraint is unendurable.[739] The nominal authority vested in the war chief, is obtained by election, and is subordinate to the council of warriors.[740] Every father holds undisputed sway over his children until the age of puberty. His power, importance, and influence at the council-fire is determined by the amount of his slaves and other property.[741] Those specially distinguished by their cunning and prowess in war, or success in the chase, are chosen as chiefs. [Sidenote: COMANCHE GOVERNMENT.] A chief may at any time be deposed.[742] Sometimes it happens that one family retains the chieftaincy in a tribe during several generations, because of the bravery or wealth of the sons.[743] In time of peace but little authority is vested in the chief; but on the war path, to ensure success, his commands are implicitly obeyed. It also frequently happens that chiefs are chosen to lead some particular war or marauding expedition, their authority expiring immediately upon their return home.[744] Among the Comanches public councils are held at regular intervals during the year, when matters pertaining to the common weal are discussed, laws made, thefts, seditions, murders, and other crimes punished, and the quarrels of warrior-chiefs settled. Smaller councils are also held, in which, as well as in the larger ones, all are free to express their opinion.[745] Questions laid before them are taken under consideration, a long time frequently elapsing before a decision is made. Great care is taken that the decrees of the meeting shall be in accordance with the opinion and wishes of the majority. Laws are promulgated by a public crier, who ranks next to the chief in dignity.[746] Ancestral customs and traditions govern the decisions of the councils; brute force, or right of the strongest, with the law of talion in its widest acceptance, direct the mutual relations of tribes and individuals.[747] Murder, adultery, theft, and sedition are punished with death or public exposure, or settled by private agreement or the interposition of elderly warriors. The doctor failing to cure his patient must be punished by death. The court of justice is the council of the tribe, presided over by the chiefs, the latter with the assistance of sub-chiefs, rigidly executing judgment upon the culprits.[748] All crimes may be pardoned but murder, which must pay blood for blood if the avenger overtake his victim.[749] All the natives of this family hold captives as slaves;[750] some treat them kindly, employing the men as herders and marrying the women; others half-starve and scourge them, and inflict on them the most painful labors.[751] Nothing short of crucifixion, roasting by a slow fire, or some other most excruciating form of death, can atone the crime of attempted escape from bondage. They not only steal children from other tribes and sell them, but carry on a most unnatural traffic in their own offspring.[752] [Sidenote: TREATMENT OF WOMEN.] [Sidenote: MARRIAGE AND CHILD-BIRTH.] Womankind as usual is not respected. The female child receives little care from its mother, being only of collateral advantage to the tribe. Later she becomes the beast of burden and slave of her husband. Some celebrate the entry into womanhood with feasting and dancing.[753] Courtship is simple and brief; the wooer pays for his bride and takes her home.[754] Every man may have all the wives he can buy. There is generally a favorite, or chief wife, who exercises authority over the others. As polygamy causes a greater division of labor, the women do not object to it.[755] Sometimes a feast of horse-flesh celebrates a marriage.[756] All the labor of preparing food, tanning skins, cultivating fields, making clothes, and building houses, falls to the women, the men considering it beneath their dignity to do anything but hunt and fight. The women feed and saddle the horses of their lords; oftentimes they are cruelly beaten, mutilated, and even put to death.[757] The marriage yoke sits lightly; the husband may repudiate his wife at will and take back the property given for her; the wife may abandon her husband, but by the latter act she covers him with such disgrace that it may only be wiped out by killing somebody[758]--anybody whom he may chance to meet. In the event of a separation the children follow the mother. They are not a prolific race; indeed, it is but seldom that a woman has more than three or four children. As usual parturition is easy; but owing to unavoidable exposure many of their infants soon die. The naming of the child is attended with superstitious rites, and on reaching the age of puberty they never fail to change its name.[759] Immediately after the birth of the child, it is fastened to a small board, by bandages, and so carried for several months on the back of the mother. Later the child rides on the mother's hip, or is carried on her back in a basket or blanket, which in travelling on horseback is fastened to the pommel of the saddle. Boys are early taught the use of weapons, and early learn their superiority over girls, being seldom or never punished.[760] It is a singular fact that of all these people the thievish meat-eating Apache is almost the only one who makes any pretentions to female chastity. All authorities agree that the Apache women both before and after marriage are remarkably pure.[761] Yuma husbands for gain surrender not only their slaves, but their wives. Hospitality carries with it the obligation of providing for the guest a temporary wife. The usual punishment for infidelity is the mutilation of the nose or ears, which disfigurement prevents the offender from marrying, and commonly sends her forth as a public harlot in the tribe.[762] The seducer can appease the anger of an injured husband by presents, although before the law he forfeits his life. Even sodomy and incestuous intercourse occur among them. Old age is dishonorable.[763] [Sidenote: AMUSEMENTS.] [Sidenote: SMOKING AND DANCING.] They are immoderately fond of smoking, drinking, feasting, and amusements which fill up the many hours of idleness. Dancing and masquerading is the most favorite pastime. They have feasts with dances to celebrate victories, feasts given at marriage, and when girls attain the age of puberty; a ceremonial is observed at the burial of noted warriors, and on other various occasions of private family life, in which both men and women take part. The dance is performed by a single actor or by a number of persons of both sexes to the accompaniment of instruments or their own voices.[764] All festivities are incomplete without impromptu songs, the music being anything but agreeable, and the accompaniment corn-stalk or cane flutes, wooden drums, or calabashes filled with stone and shaken to a constantly varying time.[765] They also spend much time in gambling, often staking their whole property on a throw, including everything upon their backs. One of these games is played with a bullet, which is passed rapidly from one hand to the other, during which they sing, assisting the music with the motion of their arms. The game consists in guessing in which hand the bullet is held. Another Comanche game is played with twelve sticks, each about six inches in length. These are dropped on the ground and those falling across each other are counted for game, one hundred being the limit.[766] Horse-racing is likewise a passion with them;[767] as are also all other athletic sports.[768] When smoking, the Comanches direct the first two puffs, with much ceremony and muttering, to the sun, and the third puff with a like demonstration is blown toward the earth. When short of tobacco, they make use of the dried leaves of the sumach, of willow-bark, or other plants.[769] The Comanches are remarkable for their temperance, or rather abhorrence for intoxicating drink; all the other nations of this family abandon themselves to this subtle demoralization, and are rapidly sinking under it. They make their own spirits out of corn and out of agave americana, the pulque and mescal, both very strong and intoxicating liquors.[770] Of all North American Indians the Comanches and Cheyennes are said to be the most skillful riders, and it would be difficult to find their superiors in any part of the world. Young children, almost infants, are tied by their mothers to half-wild, bare-backed mustangs, which place thenceforth becomes their home. They supply themselves with fresh horses from wild droves wandering over the prairies, or from Mexican rancherías. A favorite horse is loved and cherished above all things on earth, not excepting wives or children. The women are scarcely behind the men in this accomplishment. They sit astride, guide the horses with the knee like the men, and catch and break wild colts. In fighting, the Comanches throw the body on one side of the horse, hang on by the heel and shoot with great precision and rapidity. It is beneath the dignity of these horsemen to travel on foot, and in their sometimes long and rapid marches, they defy pursuit.[771] Before horses were known they used to transport their household effects on the backs of dogs, which custom even now prevails among some nations.[772] [Sidenote: COMANCHE CUSTOMS.] The Comanche observes laws of hospitality as strictly as the Arab, and he exacts the observance of his rules of etiquette from strangers. When a visitor enters his dwelling, the master of the house points to him a seat, and how to reach it, and the host is greatly offended if his directions are not strictly followed. Meeting on the prairie, friends as well as enemies, if we may believe Colonel Marcy, put their horses at full speed. "When a party is discovered approaching thus, and are near enough to distinguish signals, all that is necessary to ascertain their disposition is to raise the right hand with the palm in front, and gradually push it forward and back several times. They all understand this to be a command to halt, and if they are not hostile, it will at once be obeyed. After they have stopped, the right hand is raised again as before, and slowly moved to the right and left, which signifies, I do not know you. Who are you? They will then answer the inquiry by giving their signal." Then they inflict on strangers the hugging and face-rubbing remarked among the Eskimos, demonstrating thereby the magnitude of their joy at meeting.[773] The various tribes of the Yuma and Mojave nations hold communication with one another by means of couriers or runners, who quickly disseminate important news, and call together the various bands for consultation, hunting, and war. Besides this, there is used everywhere on the prairies, a system of telegraphy, which perhaps is only excelled by the wires themselves. Smoke during the day, and fires at night, perched on mountain-tops, flash intelligence quickly and surely across the plains, giving the call for assistance or the order to disperse when pursued. The advanced posts also inform the main body of the approach of strangers, and all this is done with astonishing regularity, by either increasing or diminishing the signal column, or by displaying it only at certain intervals or by increasing the number.[774] In cold weather many of the nations in the neighborhood of the Colorado, carry firebrands in their hands, as they assert for the purpose of warming themselves, which custom led the early visitors to name the Colorado the Rio del Tizon.[775] [Sidenote: DISEASES AND MEDICINE.] The Comanches stand in great dread of evil spirits, which they attempt to conciliate by fasting and abstinence. When their demons withhold rain or sunshine, according as they desire, they whip a slave, and if their gods prove obdurate, their victim is almost flayed alive. The Navajos venerate the bear, and as before stated, never kill him nor touch any of his flesh.[776] Although early writers speak of cannibalism among these people, there is no evidence that they do or ever did eat human flesh.[777] In their intercourse they are dignified and reserved, and never interrupt a person speaking. Unless compelled by necessity, they never speak any language but their own, it being barbarous in their eyes to make use of foreign tongues.[778] [Sidenote: BURIAL OF THE DEAD.] Although endowed generally with robust and healthy constitutions, bilious and malarial fever, pneumonia, rheumatism, dysentery, ophthalmia, measles, small-pox, and various syphilitic diseases are sometimes met among them; the latter occurring most frequently among the Navajos, Mojaves, Yumas, and Comanches. Whole bands are sometimes affected with the last-mentioned disease, and its effects are often visible in their young. A cutaneous ailment, called _pintos_, also makes its appearance at times.[779] For these ailments they have different remedies, consisting of leaves, herbs, and roots, of which decoctions or poultices are made; scarification and the hunger cure are resorted to as well. Among the Mojaves the universal remedy is the sweat-house, employed by them and the other nations not only as a remedy for diseases, but for pleasure. There is no essential difference between their sweat-houses and those of northern nations--an air-tight hut near a stream, heated stones, upon which water is thrown to generate steam, and a plunge into the water afterward. As a cure for the bite of a rattlesnake they employ an herb called _euphorbia_. Broken or wounded limbs are encased in wooden splints until healed. But frequently they abandon their sick and maimed, or treat them with great harshness.[780] Priests or medicine-men possess almost exclusively the secrets of the art of healing. When herbs fail they resort to incantations, songs, and wailings. They are firm believers in witchcraft, and wear as amulets and charms, feathers, stones, antelope-toes, crane's bills, bits of charred wood and the like. Their prophets claim the power of foretelling future events, and are frequently consulted therefor.[781] Most of the nations in the vicinity of the Colorado, burn their dead as soon as possible after death, on which occasion the worldly effects of the deceased are likewise spiritualized; utensils, property, sometimes wives, are sent with their master to the spirit land.[782] Those that do not burn the dead, bury them in caves or in shallow graves, with the robes, blankets, weapons, utensils, and ornaments of the deceased. The Comanches frequently build a heap of stones over the grave of a warrior, near which they erect a pole from which a pair of moccasins is suspended.[783] After burying the corpse, they have some mourning ceremonies, such as dances and songs around a fire, and go into mourning for a month. As a sign of grief they cut off the manes and tails of their horses, and also crop their own hair and lacerate their bodies in various ways; the women giving vent to their affliction by long continued howlings. But this applies only to warriors; children, and old men, are not worth so ostentatious a funeral.[784] The name of a deceased person is rarely mentioned, and the Apaches are shy of admitting strangers to a celebration of funeral ceremonies, which mostly take place at night. In general they are averse to speaking upon the subject of death at all. The Navajos, says Mr Davis, "have a superstitious dread of approaching a dead body, and will never go near one when they can avoid it."[785] [Sidenote: NEW MEXICAN CHARACTER.] In the character of the several nations of this division there is a marked contrast. The Apaches as I have said, though naturally lazy like all savages, are in their industries extremely active,--their industries being theft and murder, to which they are trained by their mothers, and in which they display consummate cunning, treachery, and cruelty.[786] The Navajos and Mojaves display a more docile nature; their industries, although therein they do not claim to eschew all trickery, being of a more peaceful, substantial character, such as stock-raising, agriculture, and manufactures. Professional thieving is not countenanced. Though treacherous, they are not naturally cruel; and though deaf to the call of gratitude, they are hospitable and socially inclined. They are ever ready to redeem their pledged word, and never shrink from the faithful performance of a contract. They are brave and intelligent, and possess much natural common sense.[787] The Tamajabs have no inclination to share in marauding excursions. Though not wanting in courage, they possess a mild disposition, and are kind to strangers.[788] The Comanches are dignified in their deportment, vain in respect to their personal appearance, ambitious of martial fame, unrelenting in their feuds, always exacting blood for blood, yet not sanguinary. They are true to their allies, prizing highly their freedom, hospitable to strangers, sober yet gay, maintaining a grave stoicism in presence of strangers, and a Spartan indifference under severe suffering or misfortune. Formal, discreet, and Arab-like, they are always faithful to the guest who throws himself upon their hospitality. To the valiant and brave is awarded the highest place in their esteem. They are extremely clannish in their social relations. Quarrels among relatives and friends are unheard of among them.[789] [Sidenote: THE PUEBLOS.] The non-nomadic semi-civilized town and agricultural peoples of New Mexico and Arizona, the second division of this group, I call the PUEBLOS, or Towns-people, from _pueblo_, town, population, people, a name given by the Spaniards to such inhabitants of this region as were found, when first discovered, permanently located in comparatively well-built towns. Strictly speaking, the term Pueblos applies only to the villagers settled along the banks of the Rio Grande del Norte and its tributaries, between latitudes 34° 45´ and 36° 30´, and although the name is employed as a general appellation for this division, it will be used, for the most part, only in its narrower and popular sense. In this division, besides the before-mentioned _Pueblos_ proper, are embraced the _Moquis_, or villagers of eastern Arizona, and the non-nomadic agricultural nations of the lower Gila River,--the _Pimas_, _Maricopas_, _Pápagos_, and cognate tribes. The country of the Towns-people, if we may credit Lieutenant Simpson, is one of "almost universal barrenness," yet interspersed with fertile spots; that of the agricultural nations, though dry, is more generally productive. The fame of this so-called civilization reached Mexico at an early day; first through Alvar Nuñez Cabeza de Vaca and his companions, who belonged to the expedition under the unfortunate Pámphilo de Narvaez, traversing the continent from Florida to the shore of the gulf of California; they brought in exaggerated rumors of great cities to the north, which prompted the expeditions of Marco de Niza in 1539, of Coronado in 1540, and of Espejo in 1586. These adventurers visited the north in quest of the fabulous kingdoms of Quivira, Tontonteac, Marata and others, in which great riches were said to exist. The name of Quivira was afterwards applied by them to one or more of the pueblo cities. The name Cíbola, from _cíbolo_, Mexican bull, _bos bison_, or wild ox of New Mexico, where the Spaniards first encountered buffalo, was given to seven of the towns which were afterwards known as the seven cities of Cíbola. But most of the villages known at the present day were mentioned in the reports of the early expeditions by their present names. The statements in regard to the number of their villages differed from the first. Castañeda speaks of seven cities.[790] The following list, according to Lieutenant Whipple's statement, appears to be the most complete. Commencing north, and following the southward course of the Rio Grande del Norte; Shipap, Acoti, Taos, Picuris, San Juan, Pojuaque, Santa Clara, San Ildefonso, Nambe, Tesuque, Cochite, Pecos, Santo Domingo, Cuyamanque, Silla, Jemez, San Felipe, Galisteo, Santa Ana, Zandia, Laguna, Acoma, Zuñi, Isleta, and Chilili.[791] The Moquis who speak a distinct language, and who have many customs peculiar to themselves, inhabit seven villages, named Oraibe, Shumuthpa, Mushaiina, Ahlela, Gualpi, Siwinna, and Tegua.[792] By the Spanish conquest of New Mexico the natives were probably disturbed less than was usually the case with the vanquished race; the Pueblos being well-domiciled and well-behaved, and having little to be stolen, the invaders adopted the wise policy of permitting them to work in peace, and to retain the customs and traditions of their forefathers as they do, many of them, to this day. Attempts have been made to prove a relationship with the civilized Aztecs of Mexico, but thus far without success. No affinities in language appear to exist; that of the Moquis, indeed, contains a few faint traces of and assimilations to Aztec words, as I shall show in the third volume of this work, but they are not strong enough to support any theory of common origin or relationship.[793] [Sidenote: PIMAS AND PÁPAGOS.] The Pimas inhabit the banks of the Gila River about two hundred miles above its confluence with the Colorado. Their territory extends from about the bend of the Gila up the river to a place called Maricopa Coppermine; northward their boundary is the Salt River, and south the Picacho. They are generally divided, and known as the upper and lower Pimas, which branches show but slight dialectic differences. When first seen their territory extended further southward into Sonora. The Pápagos, their neighbors, are closely allied to them by language. In nowise related to them, but very similar in their manners and customs, are the Maricopas, who reside in their immediate vicinity, and who claim to have migrated to that place some centuries ago, from a more westerly territory. All these people, although not dwelling in houses built, like those of the Pueblos, of solid materials, have settled villages in which they reside at all times, and are entirely distinct from the roving and nomadic tribes described in the Apache family. When first found by the Spaniards, they cultivated the soil, and knew how to weave cotton and other fabrics; in fact it was easily observable that they had made a step toward civilization. I therefore describe them together with the Pueblos. The region occupied by them, although containing some good soil, is scantily provided with water, and to enable them to raise crops, they are obliged to irrigate, conducting the water of the Gila to their fields in small canals. The water obtained by digging wells is frequently brackish, and in many places they are forced to carry all the water needed for household purposes quite a long distance. The climate is claimed to be one of the hottest on the American continent. The Pueblos, and Moqui villagers, are a race of small people, the men averaging about five feet in height, with small hands and feet, well-cut features, bright eyes, and a generally pleasing expression of countenance.[794] Their hair is dark, soft, and of fine texture, and their skin a clear shade of brown.[795] The woman seldom exceed four feet in height, with figure rotund, but a graceful carriage, and face full, with pretty, intelligent features and good teeth.[796] Albinos are at times seen amongst them, who are described as having very fair complexions, light hair, and blue or pink eyes.[797] [Sidenote: DRESS OF THE PUEBLOS.] [Sidenote: PIMA AND MARICOPA DWELLINGS.] The Pimas and their neighbors are men of fine physique, tall and bony, many of them exceeding six feet in height, broad-chested, erect, and muscular, but frequently light-limbed with small hands, though the feet of both sexes are large. They have large features, expressive of frankness and good nature, with prominent cheek-bones and aquiline nose, those of the women being somewhat retroussés.[798] The females are symmetrically formed, with beautifully tapered limbs, full busts, pleasing features, embellished with white and evenly set teeth.[799] Their coarse hair grows to a great length and thickness, and their dark complexion becomes yet darker toward the south.[800] The ordinary dress of the Pueblos is the breech-cloth and blanket; some add a blouse of cotton or deer-skin, a waist-belt, and buckskin leggins and moccasins. The women wear a long, cotton, sleeveless tunic, confined round the waist by a colored girdle, a species of cape bordered in different colors, fastened round the neck at the two corners, and reaching down to the waist, while over the head a shawl is thrown. The feet are protected by neat moccasins of deer-skin or woolen stuff, surmounted by leggins of the same material. They have a habit of padding the leggins, which makes them appear short-legged with small feet.[166] The men bind a handkerchief or colored band round the head. Young women dress the hair in a peculiarly neat and becoming style. Parting it at the back, they roll it round hoops, when it is fastened in two high bunches, one on each side of the head, placing sometimes a single feather in the center; married women gather it into two tight knots at the side or one at the back of the head; the men cut it in front of the ears, and in a line with the eye-brows, while at the back it is plaited or gathered into a single bunch, and tied with a band.[801] On gala occasions they paint and adorn themselves in many grotesque styles; arms, legs, and exposed portions of the body are covered with stripes or rings, and conical-shaped head-dresses; feathers, sheep-skin wigs, and masks, are likewise employed.[802] The habiliments of the Pimas are a cotton serape of their own manufacture, a breech-cloth, with sandals of raw-hide or deer-skin. Women wear the same kind of serape, wound round the loins and pinned, or more frequently tucked in at the waist, or fastened with a belt in which different-colored wools are woven; some wear a short petticoat of deer-skin or bark.[803] They wear no head-dress. Like the Pueblos, the men cut the hair short across the forehead, and either plait it in different coils behind, which are ornamented with bits of bone, shells, or red cloth, or mix it with clay, or gather it into a turban shape on top of the head, leaving a few ornamented and braided locks to hang down over the ears.[804] Each paints in a manner to suit the fancy; black, red, and yellow are the colors most in vogue, black being alone used for war paint. Some tattoo their newly born children round the eyelids, and girls, on arriving at the age of maturity, tattoo from the corners of the mouth to the chin. Some tribes oblige their women to cut the hair, others permit it to grow.[805] For ornament, shell and bead necklaces are used; also ear-rings of a blue stone found in the mountains.[806] The dwellings of the agricultural Pimas, Maricopas, and Pápagos consist of dome-shaped huts, either round or oval at the base. There are usually thirty or more to a village, and they are grouped with some regard to regularity. Strong forked stakes are firmly fixed in the ground at regular distances from each other, the number varying according to the size of the hut, cross-poles are laid from one to the other, around these are placed cotton-wood poles, which are bent over and fastened to the transverse sticks, the structure is then wattled with willows, reeds, or coarse straw, and the whole covered with a coat of mud. The only openings are an entrance door about three feet high, and a small aperture in the center of the roof that serves for ventilation. Their height is from five to seven feet, and the diameter from twenty to fifty. Outside stands a shed, open at all sides with a roof of branches or corn-stalks, under which they prepare their food. Their houses are occupied mainly during the rainy season; in summer they build light sheds of twigs in their corn-fields, which not only are more airy, but are also more convenient in watching their growing crops. Besides the dwelling-place, each family has a granary, similar in shape and of like materials but of stronger construction; by frequent plastering with mud they are made impervious to rain.[807] The towns of the Pueblos are essentially unique, and are the dominant feature of these aboriginals. Some of them are situated in valleys, others on mesas; sometimes they are planted on elevations almost inaccessible, reached only by artificial grades or by steps cut in the solid rock. Some of the towns are of an elliptical shape, while others are square, a town being frequently but a block of buildings. Thus a Pueblo consists of one or more squares, each enclosed by three or four buildings of from three to four hundred feet in length, and about one hundred and fifty feet in width at the base, and from two to seven stories of from eight to nine feet each in height. The buildings forming the square do not meet, but in some cases are connected by bridges or covered gangways, and in some instances the houses project over the streets below, which being narrow, are thus given an underground appearance. The stories are built in a series of gradations or retreating surfaces, decreasing in size as they rise, thus forming a succession of terraces. [Sidenote: PUEBLO HOUSES.] In some of the towns these terraces are on both sides of the building; in others they face only toward the outside; while again in others they are on the inside. In front of the terraces is a parapet, which serves as a shelter for the inhabitants when forced to defend themselves against an attack from the outside. These terraces are about six feet wide, and extend round the three or four sides of the square, forming a walk for the occupants of the story resting upon it, and a roof for the story beneath; so with the stories above. As there is no inner communication with one another, the only means of mounting to them is by ladders which stand at convenient distances along the several rows of terraces, and they may be drawn up at pleasure, thus cutting off all unwelcome intrusion. The outside walls of one or more of the lower stories are entirely solid, having no openings of any kind, with the exception of, in some towns, a few loopholes. All the doors and windows are on the inside opening on the court. The several stories of these huge structures are divided into multitudinous compartments of greater or lesser size, which are apportioned to the several families of the tribe. Access is had to the different stories by means of the ladders, which at night and in times of danger are drawn up after the person entering. To enter the rooms on the ground floor from the outside, one must mount the ladder to the first balcony or terrace, then descend through a trap door in the floor by another ladder on the inside. The roofs or ceilings, which are nearly flat, are formed of transverse beams which slope slightly outward, the ends resting on the side walls; on these, to make the floor and terrace of the story above, is laid brush wood, then a layer of bark or thin slabs, and over all a thick covering of mud sufficient to render them water-tight. The windows in the upper stories are made of flakes of selenite instead of glass. The rooms are large, the substantial partitions are made of wood, and neatly whitewashed. The apartments on the ground floor are gloomy, and generally used as store-rooms; those above are sometimes furnished with a small fireplace, the chimney leading out some feet above the terrace. Houses are common property, and both men and women assist in building them; the men erect the wooden frames, and the women make the mortar and build the walls. In place of lime for mortar, they mix ashes with earth and charcoal. They make adobes or sun-dried bricks by mixing ashes and earth with water, which is then moulded into large blocks and dried in the sun. Some of the towns are built with stones laid in mud. Captain Simpson describes several ruined cities, which he visited, which show that the inhabitants formerly had a knowledge of architecture and design superior to any that the Pueblos of the present day possess. Yet their buildings are even now well constructed, for although several stories in height, the walls are seldom more than three or four feet in thickness. The apartments are well arranged and neatly kept; one room is used for cooking, another for grinding corn and preserving winter supplies of food, others for sleeping-rooms. On the balconies, round the doors opening upon them, the villagers congregate to gossip and smoke, while the streets below, when the ladders are drawn up, present a gloomy and forsaken appearance. Sometimes villages are built in the form of an open square with buildings on three sides, and again two or more large terraced structures capable of accommodating one or two thousand people are built contiguous to each other, or on opposite banks of a stream. In some instances the outer wall presents one unbroken line, without entrance or anything to indicate the busy life within; another form is to join the straight walls, which encompass three sides of a square, by a fourth circular wall; in all of which the chief object is defense. The Pueblos take great pride in their picturesque and, to them, magnificent structures, affirming that as fortresses they have ever proved impregnable. To wall out black barbarism was what the Pueblos wanted, and to be let alone; under these conditions time was giving them civilization.[808] [Sidenote: PUEBLO ESTUFAS.] The sweat-house, or as the Spaniards call it, the _estufa_, assumes with the Pueblos the grandest proportions. Every village has from one to six of these singular structures. A large, semi-subterranean room, it is at once bath-house, town-house, council-chamber, club-room, and church. It consists of a large excavation, the roof being about on a level with the ground, sometimes a little above it, and is supported by heavy timbers or pillars of masonry. Around the sides are benches, and in the center of the floor a square stone box for fire, wherein aromatic plants are kept constantly burning. Entrance is made by means of a ladder, through a hole in the top placed directly over the fire-place so that it also serves as a ventilator and affords a free passage to the smoke. Usually they are circular in form and of both large and small dimensions; they are placed either within the great building or underground in the court without. In some of the ruins they are found built in the center of what was once a pyramidal pile, and four stories in height. At Jemez the estufa is of one story, twenty-five feet wide by thirty feet high. The ruins of Chettro Kettle contain six estufas, each two or three stories in height. At Bonito are estufas one hundred and seventy-five feet in circumference, built in alternate layers of thick and thin stone slabs. In these subterranean temples the old men met in secret council, or assembled in worship of their gods. Here are held dances and festivities, social intercourse, and mourning ceremonies. Certain of the Pueblos have a custom similar to that practiced by some of the northern tribes, the men sleeping in the sweat-house with their feet to the fire, and permitting women to enter only to bring them food. The estufas of Tiguex were situated in the heart of the village, built underground, both round and square, and paved with large polished stones.[809] [Sidenote: HOW FOOD IS OBTAINED.] From the earliest information we have of these nations they are known to have been tillers of the soil; and though the implements used and their methods of cultivation were both simple and primitive, cotton, corn, wheat, beans, with many varieties of fruits, which constituted their principal food, were raised in abundance. The Pueblos breed poultry to a considerable extent; fish are eaten whenever obtainable, as also a few wild animals, such as deer, hares, and rabbits, though they are indifferent hunters.[810] The Pápagos, whose country does not present such favorable conditions for agriculture are forced to rely for a subsistence more upon wild fruits and animals than the nations north of them. They collect large quantities of the fruit of the pitahaya (_cereus giganteus_), and in seasons of scarcity resort to whatever is life-sustaining, not disdaining even snakes, lizards, and toads.[811] Most of these people irrigate their lands by means of conduits or ditches, leading either from the river or from tanks in which rain-water is collected and stored for the purpose. These ditches are kept in repair by the community, but farming operations are carried on by each family for its own separate benefit, which is a noticeable advance from the usual savage communism.[812] Fishing nets are made of twisted thread or of small sticks joined together at the ends. When the rivers are low, fish are caught in baskets or shot with arrows to which a string is attached.[813] The corn which is stored for winter use, is first par-boiled in the shuck, and then suspended from strings to dry; peaches are dried in large quantities, and melons are preserved by peeling and removing the seeds, when they are placed in the sun, and afterward hung up in trees. Meal is ground on the metate and used for making porridge, tortillas, and a very thin cake called _guayave_, which latter forms a staple article of food amongst the Pueblos. The process of making the guayave, as seen by Lieutenant Simpson at Santo Domingo on the Rio Grande, is thus described in his journal. "At the house of the governor I noticed a woman, probably his wife, going through the process of baking a very thin species of corn cake, called, according to Gregg, guayave. She was hovering over a fire, upon which lay a flat stone. Near her was a bowl of thin corn paste, into which she thrust her fingers; allowing then the paste to drip sparingly upon the stone, with two or three wipes from the palm of her hand she would spread it entirely and uniformly over the stone; this was no sooner done than she peeled it off as fit for use; and the process was again and again repeated, until a sufficient quantity was obtained. When folded and rolled together, it does not look unlike (particularly that made from the blue corn) a hornet's nest--a name by which it is sometimes called." The Pimas do all their cooking out of doors, under a shed erected for the purpose. They collect the pulp from the fruit of the pitahaya, and boiling it in water, make a thick syrup, which they store away for future use. They also dry the fruit in the sun like figs.[814] The Pueblos and Moquis are remarkable for their personal cleanliness and the neatness of their dwellings.[815] [Sidenote: PUEBLO WEAPONS.] Their weapons are bows and arrows, spears, and clubs. The Pueblos use a crooked stick, which they throw somewhat in the manner of the boomerang; they are exceedingly skillful in the use of the sling, with a stone from which they are said to be able to hit with certainty a small mark or kill a deer at the distance of a hundred yards. For defense, they use a buckler or shield made of raw hide. Their arrows are carried in skin quivers or stuck in the belt round the waist.[816] Bows are made of willow, and are about six feet in length, strung with twisted deer-sinews; arrows are made of reeds, into which a piece of hard wood is fitted.[817] The Pimas wing their war arrows with three feathers and point them with flint, while for hunting purposes they have only two feathers and wooden points.[818] It has been stated that they poison them, but there does not appear to be good foundation for this assertion.[819] Clubs, which are used in hand-to-hand combats, are made of a hard, heavy wood, measuring from twenty to twenty-four inches in length. In former days they were sharpened by inserting flint or obsidian along the edge.[820] [Sidenote: WAR CEREMONIES.] The Pimas wage unceasing war against the Apaches, and the Pueblos are ever at enmity with their neighbors, the Navajos. The Pueblos are securely protected by the position and construction of their dwellings, from the top of which they are able to watch the appearance and movements of enemies, and should any be daring enough to approach their walls, they are greeted by a shower of stones and darts. As an additional protection to their towns, they dig pitfalls on the trails leading to them, at the bottom of which sharp-pointed stakes are driven, the top of the hole being carefully covered.[821] Expeditions are sometimes organized against the Navajos for the recovery of stolen property. On such occasions the Towns-people equip themselves with the heads, horns, and tails of wild animals, paint the body and plume the head.[822] Lieutenant Simpson mentions a curious custom observed by them, just previous to going into action. "They halted on the way to receive from their chiefs some medicine from the medicine bags which each of them carried about his person. This they rubbed upon their heart, as they said, to make it big and brave." The Pueblos fight on horseback in skirmishing order, and keep up a running fight, throwing the body into various attitudes, the better to avoid the enemies' missiles, at the same time discharging their arrows with rapidity.[823] The Pimas, who fight usually on foot, when they decide on going to war, select their best warriors, who are sent to notify the surrounding villages, and a place of meeting is named where a grand council is held. A fire being lighted and a circle of warriors formed, the proceedings are opened by war songs and speeches, their prophet is consulted, and in accordance with his professional advice, their plan of operations is arranged.[824] The attack is usually made about day-break, and conducted with much pluck and vigor. They content themselves with proximate success, and seldom pursue a flying foe.[825] During the heat of battle they spare neither sex nor age, but if prisoners are taken, the males are crucified or otherwise cruelly put to death, and the women and children sold as soon as possible.[826] The successful war party on its return is met by the inhabitants of the villages, scalps are fixed on a pole, trophies displayed, and feasting and dancing indulged in for several days and nights; if unsuccessful, mourning takes the place of feasting, and the death-cries of the women resound through the villages.[827] [Sidenote: PUEBLO TRADE.] For farming implements they use plows, shovels, harrows, hatchets, and sticks, all of wood.[828] Baskets of willow-twigs, so closely woven as to be water-tight, and ornamented with figures; and round, baked, and glazed earthen vessels, narrow at the top, and decorated with paintings or enamel, are their household utensils.[829] For mashing hulled corn they used the metate, a Mexican implement, made of two stones, one concave and the other convex, hereafter more fully described. Among their household utensils there must also be mentioned hair sieves, hide ropes, water-gourds, painted fans, stone pipes, and frame panniers connected with a netting to carry loads on their backs.[830] In their manufacture of blankets, of cotton and woolen cloths, and stockings, the Pueblos excel their neighbors, the Navajos, although employing essentially the same method, and using similar looms and spinning instruments, as have been described in the preceding pages. Although the women perform most of this work, as well as tanning leather, it is said that the men also are expert in knitting woolen stockings. According to Mühlenpfordt the Pimas and Maricopas make a basket-boat which they call _cora_, woven so tight as to be water-proof without the aid of pitch or other application.[831] All these nations, particularly the Pueblos, have great droves of horses, mules, donkeys, cattle, sheep, and goats grazing on the extensive plains, and about their houses poultry, turkeys, and dogs. The flocks they either leave entirely unprotected, or else the owner herds them himself, or from each village one is appointed by the war captain to do so. The Pápagos carry on an extensive trade in salt, taken from the great inland salt lakes. Besides corn, they manufacture and sell a syrup extracted from the pitahaya.[832] The laws regulating inheritance of property are not well defined. Among some there is nothing to inherit, as all is destroyed when the person dies; among others the females claim the right of inheritance; at other times the remaining property is divided among all the members of the tribe. In general they care but little for gold, and all their trade, which at times is considerable, is carried on by barter; a kind of blue stone, often called turquoise, beads, skins, and blankets, serving the purpose of currency.[833] The Pueblos display much taste in painting the walls of their estufas, where are represented different plants, birds, and animals symmetrically done, but without any scenic effect. Hieroglyphic groupings, both sculptured and painted, are frequently seen in the ancient Pueblo towns, depicting, perhaps, their historical events and deeds. With colored earths their pottery is painted in bright colors.[834] Many Spanish authors mention a great many gold and silver vessels in use amongst them, and speak of the knowledge they had in reducing and working these metals; but no traces of such art are found at present.[835] [Sidenote: LAWS OF THE PUEBLOS.] Among the Pueblos an organized system of government existed at the time of Coronado's expedition through their country; Castañeda, speaking of the province of Tiguex, says that the villages were governed by a council of old men; and a somewhat similar system obtains with these people at the present time. Each village selects its own governor, frames its own laws, and in all respects they act independently of each other. The governor and his council are elected annually by the people; all affairs of importance and matters relating to the welfare of the community are discussed at the estufa; questions in dispute are usually decided by a vote of the majority. All messages and laws emanating from the council-chamber are announced to the inhabitants by town criers. The morals of young people are carefully watched and guarded by a kind of secret police, whose duty it is to report to the governor all irregularities which may occur; and especial attention is given that no improper intercourse shall be allowed between the young men and women, in the event of which the offending parties are brought before the governor and council and, if guilty, ordered to marry, or if they refuse they are restricted from holding intercourse with each other, and if they persist they are whipped. Among their laws deserves to be particularly mentioned one, according to which no one can sell or marry out of the town until he obtains permission from the authorities.[836] In the seven confederate pueblos of the Moquis, the office of chief governor is hereditary; it is not, however, necessarily given to the nearest heir, as the people have the power to elect any member of the dominant family. The governor is assisted by a council of elders, and in other respects the Moqui government is similar to that of the other towns.[837] The Pimas and Maricopas have no organized system of government, and are not controlled by any code of laws; each tribe or village has a chief to whom a certain degree of respect is conceded, but his power to restrain the people is very limited; his influence over them is maintained chiefly by his oratorical powers or military skill. In war the tribe is guided by the chief's advice, and his authority is fully recognized, but in time of peace his rule is nominal; nor does he attempt to control their freedom or punish them for offences. The chief's office is hereditary, yet an unpopular ruler may be deposed and another chosen to fill his place.[838] [Sidenote: WOMEN AMONG THE PUEBLOS.] Among the Pueblos the usual order of courtship is reversed; when a girl is disposed to marry she does not wait for a young man to propose to her, but selects one to her own liking and consults her father, who visits the parents of the youth and acquaints them with his daughter's wishes. It seldom happens that any objections to the match are made, but it is imperative on the father of the bridegroom to reimburse the parents of the maiden for the loss of their daughter. This is done by an offer of presents in accordance with his rank and wealth. The inhabitants of one village seldom marry with those of another, and, as a consequence, intermarriage is frequent among these families--a fertile cause of their deterioration. The marriage is always celebrated by a feast, the provisions for which are furnished by the bride, and the assembled friends unite in dancing and music. Polygamy is never allowed, but married couples can separate if they are dissatisfied with each other; in such a contingency, if there are children, they are taken care of by the grandparents, and both parties are free to marry again; fortunately, divorces are not of frequent occurrence, as the wives are always treated with respect by their husbands.[839] To the female falls all indoor work, and also a large share of that to be done out of doors. In the treatment of their children these people are careful to guide them in the ways of honesty and industry, and to impress their minds with chaste and virtuous ideas. Mothers bathe their infants with cold water, and boys are not permitted to enter the estufas for the purpose of warming themselves; if they are cold they are ordered to chop wood, or warm themselves by running and exercise.[840] A girl's arrival at the age of puberty among the Gila nations is a period of much rejoicing; when the first symptoms appear, all her friends are duly informed of the important fact, and preparations are made to celebrate the joyful event. The girl is taken by her parents to the prophet, who performs certain ceremonies, which are supposed to drive the evil out of her, and then a singing and dancing festival is held. When a young man sees a girl whom he desires for a wife, he first endeavors to gain the good will of the parents; this accomplished, he proceeds to serenade his lady-love, and will often sit for hours, day after day, near her house, playing on his flute. Should the girl not appear it is a sign she rejects him; but if, on the other hand, she comes out to meet him, he knows that his suit is accepted, and he takes her to his house. No marriage ceremony is performed. Among the Pápagos the parents select a husband for their daughter to whom she is, so to say, sold. It not unfrequently happens that they offer their daughter at auction, and she is knocked down to the highest bidder. However, among all the nations of this family, whether the bridegroom makes a love-match or not, he has to recompense the parents with as much as his means will permit.[841] Although polygamy is not permitted, they often separate and marry again at pleasure. Women, at the time of their confinement as well as during their monthly periods, must live apart; as they believe that if any male were to touch them, he would become sick. The children are trained to war, and but little attention given to teaching them useful pursuits. All the household labor is performed by the women; they also assist largely in the labors of the field; severe laws oblige them to observe the strictest chastity, and yet, at their festivals, much debauchery and prostitution take place.[842] [Sidenote: PUEBLO DANCES.] With but few exceptions, they are temperate in drinking and smoking. Intoxicating liquors they prepare out of the fruits of the pitahaya, agave, aloe, corn, mezcal, prickly pear, wild and cultivated grapes. Colonel Cremony says that the Pimas and Maricopas 'macerate the fruit of the pitahaya (species of cactus) in water after being dried in the sun, when the saccharine qualities cause the liquid to ferment, and after such fermentation it becomes highly intoxicating. It is upon this liquor that the Maricopas and Pimas get drunk once a year, the revelry continuing for a week or two at a time; but it is also an universal custom with them to take regular turns, so that only one third of the party is supposed to indulge at one time, the remainder being required to take care of their stimulated comrades, and protect them from injuring each other or being injured by other tribes.'[843] All are fond of dancing and singing; in their religious rites, as well as in other public and family celebrations, these form the chief diversion. Different dances are used on different occasions; for example, they have the arrow, scalp, turtle, fortune, buffalo, green-corn, and Montezuma dances. Their costumes also vary on each of these occasions, and not only are grotesque masks, but also elk, bear, fox, and other skins used as disguises. The dance is sometimes performed by only one person, but more frequently whole tribes join in, forming figures, shuffling, or hopping about to the time given by the music. Lieutenant Simpson, who witnessed a green-corn dance at the Jemez pueblo, describes it as follows: 'When the performers first appeared, all of whom were men, they came in a line, slowly walking and bending and stooping as they approached. They were dressed in a kirt of blanket, the upper portion of their bodies being naked and painted red. Their legs and arms, which were also bare, were variously striped with red, white and blue colors; and around their arms, above the elbow, they wore a green band, decked with sprigs of piñon. A necklace of the same description was worn around the neck. Their heads were decorated with feathers. In one hand they carried a dry gourd, containing some grains of corn; in the other, a string from which were hung several tortillas. At the knee were fastened small shells of the ground turtle and antelope's feet; and dangling from the back, at the waist, depended a fox-skin. The party was accompanied by three elders of the town, whose business it was to make a short speech in front of the different houses, and, at particular times, join in the singing of the rest of the party. Thus they went from house to house, singing and dancing, the occupants of each awaiting their arrival in front of their respective dwellings.' A somewhat similar Moqui dance is described by Mr Ten Broeck. Some of the Pueblo dances end with bacchanalia, in which not only general intoxication, but promiscuous intercourse between the sexes is permitted.[844] 'Once a year,' says Kendall, 'the Keres have a great feast, prepared for three successive days, which time is spent in eating, drinking and dancing. Near this scene of amusement is a dismal gloomy cave, into which not a glimpse of light can penetrate, and where places of repose are provided for the revellers. To this cave, after dark, repair grown persons of every age and sex, who pass the night in indulgences of the most gross and sensual description.' Reed flutes and drums are their chief instruments of music; the former they immerse in a shallow basin of water, and thereby imitate the warbling of birds. The drum is made of a hollow log, about two and a half feet long and fifteen inches in diameter. A dried hide, from which previously the hair has been scraped, is stretched over either end, and on this the player beats with a couple of drumsticks, similar to those used on our kettle-drums. Gourds filled with pebbles and other rattles, are also used as a musical accompaniment to their dances.[845] [Sidenote: CUSTOMS OF PIMAS AND PÁPAGOS.] The Cocomaricopas and Pimas are rather fond of athletic sports, such as football, horse and foot racing, swimming, target-shooting, and of gambling.[846] Many curious customs obtain among these people. Mr Walker relates that a Pima never touches his skin with his nails, but always uses a small stick for that purpose, which he renews every fourth day, and wears in his hair. Among the same nation, when a man has killed an Apache, he must needs undergo purification. Sixteen days he must fast, and only after the fourth day is he allowed to drink a little pinole. During the sixteen days he may not look on a blazing fire, nor hold converse with mortal man; he must live in the woods companionless, save only one person appointed to take care of him. On the seventeenth day a large space is cleared off near the village, in the center of which a fire is lighted. The men form a circle round this fire, outside of which those who have been purified sit, each in a small excavation. Certain of the old men then take the weapons of the purified and dance with them in the circle; for which service they receive presents, and thenceforth both slayer and weapon are considered clean, but not until four days later is the man allowed to return to his family. They ascribe the origin of this custom to a mythical personage, called Szeukha, who, after killing a monster, is said to have fasted for sixteen days. The Pápagos stand in great dread of the coyote, and the Pimas never touch an ant, snake, scorpion, or spider, and are much afraid of thunderstorms. Like the Mojaves and Yumas, the Maricopas in cold weather carry a firebrand to warm themselves withal. In like manner the Pueblos have their singularities and semi-religious ceremonies, many of which are connected with a certain mythical personage called Montezuma. Among these may be mentioned the perpetual watching of the eternal estufa-fire, and also the daily waiting for the rising sun, with which, as some writers affirm, they expectantly look for the promised return of the much-loved Montezuma. The Moqui, before commencing to smoke, reverently bows toward the four cardinal points.[847] Their diseases are few; and among these the most frequent are chills and fevers, and later, syphilis. The Pueblos and Moquis resort to the sweat-house remedy, but the Pimas only bathe daily in cold running water. Here, as elsewhere, the doctor is medicine-man, conjuror, and prophet, and at times old women are consulted. If incantations fail, emetics, purgatives, or blood-letting are prescribed.[848] The Pimas bury their dead immediately after death. At the bottom of a shaft, about six feet deep, they excavate a vault, in which the corpse is placed, after having first been tied up in a blanket. House, horses, and most personal effects are destroyed; but if children are left, a little property is reserved for them. A widow or a daughter mourns for three months, cutting the hair and abstaining from the bath during that time. The Maricopas burn their dead. Pueblo and Moqui burials take place with many ceremonies, the women being the chief mourners.[849] [Sidenote: CHARACTER OF THE PUEBLOS.] Industrious, honest, and peace-loving, the people of this division are at the same time brave and determined, when necessity compels them to repel the thieving Apache. Sobriety may be ranked among their virtues, as drunkenness only forms a part of certain religious festivals, and in their gambling they are the most moderate of barbarians.[850] THE LOWER CALIFORNIANS present a sad picture. Occupying the peninsula from the head of the gulf to Cape San Lucas, it is thought by some that they were driven thither from Upper California by their enemies. When first visited by the Missionary Fathers, they presented humanity in one of its lowest phases, though evidences of a more enlightened people having at some previous time occupied the peninsula were not lacking. Clavigero describes large caves or vaults, which had been dug out of the solid rock, the sides decorated with paintings of animals and figures of men, showing dress and features different from any of the inhabitants. Whom they represented or by whom they were depicted there is no knowledge, as the present race have been unable to afford any information on the subject. [Sidenote: LOWER CALIFORNIA.] The peninsula extends from near 32° to 23° north latitude; in length it is about seven hundred, varying in width from thirty-five to eighty miles. Its general features are rugged; irregular mountains of granite formation and volcanic upheavals traversing the whole length of the country, with barren rocks and sandy plains, intersected by ravines and hills. Some fertile spots and valleys with clear mountain streams are there, and in such places the soil produces abundantly; then there are plains of greater or less extent, with rich soil, but without water; so that, under the circumstances, they are little more than deserts. These plains rise in places into mesas, which are cut here and there by cañons, where streams of water are found, which are again lost on reaching the sandy plains. Altogether, Lower California is considered as one of the most barren and unattractive regions in the temperate zone, although its climate is delightful, and the mountain districts especially are among the healthiest in the world, owing to their southern situation between two seas. A curious meteorological phenomenon is sometimes observed both in the gulf and on the land; it is that of rain falling during a perfectly clear sky. Savants, who have investigated the subject, do not appear to have discovered the cause of this unusual occurrence. The greater part of the peninsula, at the time of its discovery, was occupied by the _Cochimís_, whose territory extended from the head of the gulf to the neighborhood of Loreto, or a little south of the twenty-sixth parallel; adjoining them were the _Guaicuris_, living between latitude 26° and 23° 30´; while the _Pericúis_ were settled in the southern part, from about 23° 30´ or 24° to Cape San Lucas, and on the adjacent islands.[851] The Lower Californians are well formed, robust and of good stature, with limbs supple and muscular; they are not inclined to corpulence; their features are somewhat heavy, the forehead low and narrow, the nose well set on, but thick and fleshy; the inner corners of the eyes round instead of pointed; teeth very white and regular, hair very black, coarse, straight, and glossy, with but little on the face, and none upon the body or limbs. The color of the skin varies from light to dark brown, the former color being characteristic of the dwellers in the interior, and the latter of those on the sea-coast.[852] [Sidenote: COCHIMÍ AND PERICÚI DRESS.] Adam without the fig-leaves was not more naked than were the Cochimís before the missionaries first taught them the rudiments of shame. They ignored even the usual breech-cloth, the only semblance of clothing being a head-dress of rushes or strips of skin interwoven with mother-of-pearl shells, berries, and pieces of reed. The Guaicuris and Pericúis indulge in a still more fantastic head-dress, white feathers entering largely into its composition. The women display more modesty, for, although scantily clad, they at least essay to cover their nakedness. The Pericúi women are the best dressed of all, having a petticoat reaching from the waist to the ankles, made from the fibre of certain palm-leaves, and rendered soft and flexible by beating between two stones. Over the shoulders they throw a mantle of similar material, or of plaited rushes, or of skins. The Cochimí women make aprons of short reeds, strung upon cords of aloe-plant fibres fastened to a girdle. The apron is open at the sides, one part hanging in front, the other behind. As they are not more than six or eight inches wide, but little of the body is in truth covered. When traveling they wear sandals of hide, which they fasten with strings passed between the toes.[853] Both sexes are fond of ornaments; to gratify this passion, they string together pearls, shells, fruit-stones and seeds in the forms of necklaces and bracelets. In addition to the head-dress the Pericúis are distinguished by a girdle highly ornamented with pearls and mother-of-pearl shells. They perforate ears, lips, and nose, inserting in the openings, shells, bones, or hard sticks. Paint in many colors and devices is freely used on war and gala occasions; tattooing obtains, but does not appear to be universal among them. Mothers, to protect them against the weather, cover the entire bodies of their children with a varnish of coal and urine. Cochimí women cut the hair short, but the men allow a long tuft to grow on the crown of the head. Both sexes among the Guaicuris and Pericúis wear the hair long and flowing loosely over the shoulders.[854] Equally Adamitic are their habitations. They appear to hold a superstitious dread of suffocation if they live or sleep in covered huts; hence in their rare and meagre attempts to protect themselves from the inclemencies of the weather, they never put any roof over their heads. Roving beast-like in the vicinity of springs during the heat of the day, seeking shade in the ravines and overhanging rocks; at night, should they desire shelter, they resort to caverns and holes in the ground. During winter they raise a semi-circular pile of stones or brushwood, about two feet in height, behind which, with the sky for a roof and the bare ground for a bed, they camp at night. Over the sick they sometimes throw a wretched hut, by sticking a few poles in the ground, tying them at the top and covering the whole with grass and reeds, and into this nest visitors crawl on hands and knees.[855] [Sidenote: LOWER CALIFORNIAN FOOD.] Reed-roots, wild fruit, pine-nuts, cabbage-palms, small seeds roasted, and also roasted aloe and mescal roots constitute their food. During eight weeks of the year they live wholly on the redundant fat-producing _pitahaya_, after which they wander about in search of other native vegetable products, and when these fail they resort to hunting and fishing. Of animal food they will eat anything--beasts, birds, and fishes, or reptiles, worms, and insects; and all parts: flesh, hide, and entrails. Men and monkeys, however, as articles of food are an abomination; the latter because they so much resemble the former. The gluttony and improvidence of these people exceed, if possible, those of any other nation; alternate feasting and fasting is their custom. When so fortunate as to have plenty they consume large quantities, preserving none. An abominable habit is related of them, that they pick up the undigested seeds of the pitahaya discharged from their bowels, and after parching and grinding them, eat the meal with much relish. Clavigero, Baegert, and other authors, mention another rather uncommon feature in the domestic economy of the Cochimís; it is that of swallowing their meat several times, thereby multiplying their gluttonous pleasures. Tying to a string a piece of well-dried meat, one of their number masticates it a little, and swallows it, leaving the end of the string hanging out of the mouth; after retaining it for about two or three minutes in his stomach, it is pulled out, and the operation repeated several times, either by the same individual or by others, until the meat becomes consumed. Here is Father Baegert's summary of their edibles: "They live now-a-days on dogs and cats; horses, asses and mules; item: on owls, mice and rats; lizards and snakes; bats, grasshoppers and crickets; a kind of green caterpillar without hair, about a finger long, and an abominable white worm of the length and thickness of the thumb."[856] Their weapon is the bow and arrow, but they use stratagem to procure the game. The deer-hunter deceives his prey by placing a deer's head upon his own; hares are trapped; the Cochimís throw a kind of boomerang or flat curved stick, which skims the ground and breaks the animal's legs. Fish are taken from pools left by the tide and from the sea, sometimes several miles out, in nets and with the aid of long lances. It is said that at San Roche Island they catch fish with birds. They also gather oysters, which they eat roasted, but use no salt. They have no cooking utensils, but roast their meat by throwing it into the fire and after a time raking it out. Insects and caterpillars are parched over the hot coals in shells. Fish is commonly eaten raw; they drink only water.[857] It is said that they never wash, and it is useless to add that in their filthiness they surpass the brutes.[858] Besides bows and arrows they use javelins, clubs, and slings of cords, from which they throw stones. Their bows are six feet long, very broad and thick in the middle and tapering toward the ends, with strings made from the intestines of animals. The arrows are reeds about thirty inches in length, into the lower end of which a piece of hard wood is cemented with resin obtained from trees, and pointed with flint sharpened to a triangular shape and serrated at the edges. Javelins are sharpened by first hardening in the fire and then grinding to a point; they are sometimes indented like a saw. Clubs are of different forms, either mallet-head or axe shape; they also crook and sharpen at the edge a piece of wood in the form of a scimeter.[859] Their wars, which spring from disputed boundaries, are frequent and deadly, and generally occur about fruit and seed time. The battle is commenced amidst yells and brandishing of weapons, though without any preconcerted plan, and a tumultuous onslaught is made without regularity or discipline, excepting that a certain number are held in reserve to relieve those who have expended their arrows or become exhausted. While yet at a distance they discharge their arrows, but soon rush forward and fight at close quarters with their clubs and spears; nor do they cease till many on both sides have fallen.[860] [Sidenote: IMPLEMENTS IN LOWER CALIFORNIA.] Their implements and household utensils are both rude and few. Sharp flints serve them instead of knives; a bone ground to a point answers the purpose of a needle or an awl; and with a sharp-pointed stick roots are dug. Fire is obtained in the usual way from two pieces of wood. When traveling, water is carried in a large bladder. The shell of the turtle is applied to various uses, such as a receptacle for food and a cradle for infants. The Lower Californians have little ingenuity, and their display of mechanical skill is confined to the manufacture of the aforesaid implements, weapons of war, and of the chase; they make some flat baskets of wicker work, which are used in the collection of seeds and fruits; also nets from the fibre of the aloe, one in which to carry provisions, and another fastened to a forked stick and hung upon the back, in which to carry children.[861] For boats the inhabitants of the peninsula construct rafts of reeds made into bundles and bound tightly together; they are propelled with short paddles, and seldom are capable of carrying more than one person. In those parts where trees grow a more serviceable canoe is made from bark, and sometimes of three or more logs, not hollowed out, but laid together side by side and made fast with withes or pita-fibre cords. These floats are buoyant, the water washing over them as over a catamaran. On them two or more men will proceed fearlessly to sea, to a distance of several miles from the coast. To transport their chattels across rivers, they use wicker-work baskets, which are so closely woven as to be quite impermeable to water; these, when loaded, are pushed across by the owner, who swims behind.[862] Besides their household utensils and boats, and the feathers or ornaments on their persons, I find no other property. They who dwell on the sea-coast occasionally travel inland, carrying with them sea-shells and feathers to barter with their neighbors for the productions of the interior.[863] They are unable to count more than five, and this number is expressed by one hand; some few among them are able to understand that two hands signify ten, but beyond this they know nothing of enumeration, and can only say much or many, or show that the number is beyond computation, by throwing sand into the air and such like antics. The year is divided into six seasons; the first is called Mejibo, which is midsummer, and the time of ripe pitahayas; the second season Amaddappi, a time of further ripening of fruits and seeds; the third Amadaappigalla, the end of autumn and beginning of winter; the fourth, which is the coldest season, is called Majibel; the fifth, when spring commences, is Majiben; the sixth, before any fruits or seeds have ripened, consequently the time of greatest scarcity, is called Majiibenmaaji.[864] Neither government nor law is found in this region; every man is his own master, and administers justice in the form of vengeance as best he is able. As Father Baegert remarks: 'The different tribes represented by no means communities of rational beings, who submit to laws and regulations and obey their superiors, but resembled far more herds of wild swine, which run about according to their own liking, being together to-day and scattered to-morrow, till they meet again by accident at some future time. In one word, the Californians lived, _salva venia_, as though they had been free-thinkers and materialists.' In hunting and war they have one or more chiefs to lead them, who are selected only for the occasion, and by reason of superior strength or cunning.[865] [Sidenote: MARRIAGE.] Furthermore, they have no marriage ceremony, nor any word in their language to express marriage. Like birds or beasts they pair off according to fancy. The Pericúi takes as many women as he pleases, makes them work for him as slaves, and when tired of any one of them turns her away, in which case she may not be taken by another. Some form of courtship appears to have obtained among the Guaicuris; for example, when a young man saw a girl who pleased him, he presented her with a small bowl or basket made of the pita-fibre; if she accepted the gift, it was an evidence that his suit was agreeable to her, and in return she gave him an ornamented head-dress, the work of her own hand; then they lived together without further ceremony. Although among the Guaicuris and Cochimís some hold a plurality of wives, it is not so common as with the Pericúis, for in the two first-mentioned tribes there are more men than women. A breach of female chastity is sometimes followed by an attempt of the holder of the woman to kill the offender; yet morality never attained any great height, as it is a practice with them for different tribes to meet occasionally for the purpose of holding indiscriminate sexual intercourse. Childbirth is easy; the Pericúis and Guaicuris wash the body of the newly born, then cover it with ashes; as the child grows it is placed on a frame-work of sticks, and if a male, on its chest they fix a bag of sand to prevent its breasts growing like a woman's, which they consider a deformity. For a cradle the Cochimís take a forked stick or bend one end of a long pole in the form of a hoop, and fix thereto a net, in which the infant is placed and covered with a second net. It can thus be carried over the shoulder, or when the mother wishes to be relieved, the end of the pole is stuck in the ground, and nourishment given the child through the meshes of the net. When old enough the child is carried astride on its mother's shoulders. As soon as children are able to get food for themselves, they are left to their own devices, and it sometimes happens that when food is scarce the child is abandoned, or killed by its parents.[866] [Sidenote: LOWER CALIFORNIAN FEAST.] Nevertheless, these miserables delight in feasts, and in the gross debauchery there openly perpetrated. Unacquainted with intoxicating liquors, they yet find drunkenness in the fumes of a certain herb smoked through a stone tube, and used chiefly during their festivals. Their dances consist of a series of gesticulations and jumpings, accompanied by inarticulate murmurings and yells. One of their great holidays is the pitahaya season, when, with plenty to eat, they spend days and nights in amusements; at such times feats of strength and trials of speed take place. The most noted festival among the Cochimís occurs upon the occasion of their annual distribution of skins. To the women especially it was an important and enjoyable event. Upon an appointed day all the people collected at a designated place. In an arbor constructed with branches, the road to which was carpeted with the skins of wild animals that had been killed during the year, their most skillful hunters assembled; they alone were privileged to enter the arbor, and in their honor was already prepared a banquet and pipes of wild tobacco. The viands went round as also the pipe, and, in good time, the partakers became partially intoxicated by the smoke; then one of the priests or sorcerers, arrayed in his robe of ceremony, appeared at the entrance to the arbor, and made a speech to the people, in which he recounted the deeds of the hunters. Then the occupants of the arbor came out and made a repartition of the skins among the women; this finished, dancing and singing commenced and continued throughout the night. It sometimes happened that their festivals ended in fighting and bloodshed, as they were seldom conducted without debauchery, especially among the Guaicuris and Pericúis.[867] When they have eaten their fill they pass their time in silly or obscene conversation, or in wrestling, in which sports the women often take a part. They are very adroit in tracking wild beasts to their lairs and taming them. At certain festivals their sorcerers, who were called by some _quamas_, by others _cusiyaes_, wore long robes of skins, ornamented with human hair; these sages filled the offices of priests and medicine-men, and threatened their credulous brothers with innumerable ills and death, unless they supplied them with provisions. These favored of heaven professed to hold communication with oracles, and would enter caverns and wooded ravines, sending thence doleful sounds, to frighten the people, who were by such tricks easily imposed upon and led to believe in their deceits and juggleries.[868] As to ailments, Lower Californians are subject to consumption, burning fevers, indigestion, and cutaneous diseases. Small pox, measles, and syphilis, the last imported by troops, have destroyed numberless lives. Wounds inflicted by the bites of venomous reptiles may be added to the list of troubles. Loss of appetite is with them, generally, a symptom of approaching death. They submit resignedly to the treatment prescribed by their medicine-men, however severe or cruel it may be. They neglect their aged invalids, refusing them attendance if their last sickness proves too long, and recovery appears improbable. In several instances they have put an end to the patient by suffocation or otherwise.[869] Diseases are treated externally by the application of ointments, plasters, and fomentations of medicinal herbs, particularly the wild tobacco. Smoke is also a great panacea, and is administered through a stone tube placed on the suffering part. The usual juggleries attend the practice of medicine. In extreme cases they attempt to draw with their fingers the disease from the patient's mouth. If the sick person has a child or sister, they cut its or her little finger of the right hand, and let the blood drop on the diseased part. Bleeding with a sharp stone and whipping the affected part with nettles, or applying ants to it, are among the remedies used. For the cure of tumors, the medicine-men burst and suck them with their lips until blood is drawn. Internal diseases are treated with cold-water baths. The means employed by the medicine-man are repeated by the members of the patient's family and by his friends. In danger even the imitation of death startles them. If an invalid is pronounced beyond recovery, and he happens to slumber, they immediately arouse him with blows on the head and body, for the purpose of preserving life.[870] [Sidenote: DEATH AND BURIAL IN LOWER CALIFORNIA.] Death is followed by a plaintive, mournful chant, attended with howling by friends and relatives, who beat their heads with sharp stones until blood flows freely. Without further ceremony they either inter or burn the body immediately, according to the custom of the locality: in the latter case they leave the head intact. Oftentimes they bury or burn the body before life has actually left it, never taking pains to ascertain the fact.[871] Weapons and other personal effects are buried or burned with the owner; and in some localities, where burying is customary, shoes are put to the feet, so that the spiritualized body may be prepared for its journey. In Colechá and Guajamina mourning ceremonies are practiced certain days after death--juggleries--in which the priest pretends to hold converse with the departed spirit through the scalp of the deceased, commending the qualities of the departed, and concluding by asking on the spirit's behalf that all shall cut off their hair as a sign of sorrow. After a short dance, more howling, hair-pulling, and other ridiculous acts, the priest demands provisions for the spirit's journey, which his hearers readily contribute, and which the priest appropriates to his own use, telling them it has already started. Occasionally they honor the memory of their dead by placing a rough image of the departed on a high pole, and a _quama_ or priest sings his praises.[872] The early missionaries found the people of the peninsula kind-hearted and tractable, although dull of comprehension and brutal in their instincts, rude, narrow-minded, and inconstant. A marked difference of character is observable between the Cochimís and the Pericúis. The former are more courteous in their manners and better behaved; although cunning and thievish, they exhibit attachment and gratitude to their superiors; naturally indolent and addicted to childish pursuits and amusements, they lived among themselves in amity, directing their savage and revengeful nature against neighboring tribes with whom they were at variance. The Pericúis, before they became extinct, were a fierce and barbarous nation, unruly and brutal in their passions, cowardly, treacherous, false, petulant, and boastful, with an intensely cruel and heartless disposition, often shown in relentless persecutions and murders. In their character and disposition the Guaicuris did not differ essentially from the Pericúis. In the midst of so much darkness there was still one bright spot visible, inasmuch as they were of a cheerful and happy nature, lovers of kind and lovers of country. Isolated, occupying an ill-favored country, it was circumstances, rather than any inherent incapacity for improvement, that held these poor people in their low state; for, as we shall see at some future time, in their intercourse with civilized foreigners, they were not lacking in cunning, diplomacy, selfishness, and other aids to intellectual progress.[873] [Sidenote: NORTHERN MEXICANS.] The NORTHERN MEXICANS, the fourth and last division of this group, spread over the territory lying between parallels 31° and 23° of north latitude. Their lands have an average breadth of about five hundred miles, with an area of some 250,000 square miles, comprising the states of Sonora, Sinaloa, Chihuahua, Durango, Nuevo Leon, and the northern portions of Zacatecas, San Luis Potosí and Tamaulipas. Nearly parallel with the Pacific seaboard, and dividing the states of Sonora and Sinaloa from Chihuahua and Durango, runs the great central Cordillera; further to the eastward, passing through Coahuila, Nuevo Leon, and San Luis Potosí, and following the shore line of the Mexican Gulf, the Sierra Madre continues in a southerly direction, until it unites with the first-named range at the Isthmus of Tehuantepec. All of these mountains abound in mineral wealth. The table-land between them is intersected by three ridges; one, the Sierra Mimbres, issuing from the inner flank of the Western Cordillera north of Arispe, extending in a northerly direction and following the line of the Rio Grande. The middle mountainous divide crosses from Durango to Coahuila, while the third rises in the state of Jalisco and taking an easterly and afterward northerly direction, traverses the table-land and merges into the Sierra Madre in the state of San Luis Potosí. On these broad table-lands are numerous lakes fed by the streams which have their rise in the mountains adjacent; in but few spots is the land available for tillage, but it is admirably adapted to pastoral purposes. The climate can hardly be surpassed in its tonic and exhilarating properties; the atmosphere is ever clear, with sunshine by day, and a galaxy of brilliant stars by night; the absence of rain, fogs, and dews, with a delicious and even temperature, renders habitations almost unnecessary. All this vast region is occupied by numerous tribes speaking different languages and claiming distinct origins. Upon the northern seaboard of Sonora and Tiburon Island are the _Ceris_, _Tiburones_, and _Tepocas_; south of them the _Cahitas_, or _Sinaloas_, which are general names for the _Yaquis_ and _Mayos_, tribes so called from the rivers on whose banks they live. In the state of Sinaloa there are also the _Cochitas_, _Tuvares_, _Sabaibos_, _Zuaques_, and _Ahomes_, besides many other small tribes. Scattered through the states of the interior are the _Ópatas_, _Eudeves_, _Jovas_, _Tarahumares_, _Tubares_, and _Tepehuanes_, who inhabit the mountainous districts of Chihuahua and Durango. East of the Tarahumares, in the northern part of the first-named state, dwell the _Conchos_. In Durango, living in the hills round Topia, are the _Acaxées_; south of whom dwell the _Xiximes_. On the table-lands of Mapimi and on the shores of its numerous lakes, the _Irritilas_ and many other tribes are settled; while south of these again, in Zacatecas and San Luis Potosí, are the _Guachichiles_, _Huamares_, and _Cazcanes_, and further to the east, and bordering on the gulf shores we find the country occupied by scattered tribes, distinguished by a great variety of names, prominent among which are the _Carrizas_ or _Garzas_, _Xanambres_, and _Pintos_.[874] [Sidenote: PHYSICAL PECULIARITIES IN NORTH MEXICO.] Most of these nations are composed of men of large stature; robust, and well formed, with an erect carriage; the finest specimens are to be found on the sea-coast, exceptions being the Ópatas and Chicoratas, the former inclining to corpulency, the latter being short, although active and swift runners. The women are well limbed and have good figures, but soon become corpulent. The features of these people are quite regular, the head round and well shaped, with black and straight hair; they have high cheek-bones and handsome mouths, with a generally mild and pleasing expression of countenance. They have piercing black eyes, and can distinguish objects at great distances. The Ceris see best toward the close of the day, owing to the strong reflection from the white sands of the coast during the earlier part of the day. The Carrizas are remarkable for their long upper lip. The men of this region have little beard; their complexion varies from a light brown to a copper shade. Many of them attain to a great age.[875] For raiment the Cahitas and Ceris wear only a small rag in front of their persons, secured to a cord tied round the waist; the Tarahumares, Acaxées, and other nations of the interior use for the same purpose a square piece of tanned deer-skin painted, except in cold weather, when they wrap a large blue cotton mantle round the shoulders. The women have petticoats reaching to their ankles, made of soft chamois or of cotton or agave-fibre, and a _tilma_ or mantle during the winter. Some wear a long sleeveless chemise, which reaches from the shoulders to the feet. The Ceri women have petticoats made from the skins of the albatross or pelican, the feathers inside. The Ópata men, soon after the conquest, were found well clad in blouse and drawers of cotton, with wooden shoes, while their neighbors wore sandals of raw hide, cut to the shape of the foot.[876] The Cahitas, Acaxées and most other tribes, pierce the ears and nose, from which they hang small green stones, attached to a piece of blue cord; on the head, neck, and wrists, a great variety of ornaments are worn, made from mother-of-pearl and white snails' shells, also fruit-stones, pearls, and copper and silver hoops; round the ankles some wear circlets of deer's hoofs, others decorate their heads and necks with necklaces of red beans and strings of paroquets and small birds; pearls and feathers are much used to ornament the hair. The practice of painting the face and body is common to all, the colors most in use being red and black. A favorite style with the Ceris is to paint the face in alternate perpendicular stripes of blue, red, and white. The Pintos paint the face, breast, and arms; the Tarahumares tattoo the forehead, lips, and cheeks in various patterns; the Yaquis the chin and arms; while other tribes tattoo the face or body in styles peculiar to themselves. Both sexes are proud of their hair, which they wear long and take much care of; the women permit it to flow, in loose tresses, while the men gather it into one or more tufts on the crown of the head, and when hunting protect it by a chamois cap, to prevent its being disarranged by trees or bushes.[877] [Sidenote: NORTHERN MEXICAN DWELLINGS.] Their houses are of light construction, usually built of sticks and reeds, and are covered with coarse reed matting. The Chinipas, Yaquis, Ópatas and Conchos build somewhat more substantial dwellings of timber and adobes, or of plaited twigs well plastered with mud; all are only one story high and have flat roofs. Although none of these people are without their houses or huts, they spend most of their time, especially during summer, under the trees. The Tarahumares find shelter in the deep caverns of rocky mountains, the Tepehuanes and Acaxées place their habitations on the top of almost inaccessible crags, while the Humes and Batucas build their villages in squares, with few and very small entrances, the better to defend themselves against their enemies--detached buildings for kitchen and store-room purposes being placed contiguous.[878] The Northern Mexicans live chiefly on wild fruits such as the pitahaya, honey, grain, roots, fish, and larvæ; they capture game both large and small, and some of them eat rats, mice, frogs, snakes, worms, and vermin. The Ahomamas along the shores of Lake Parras, the Yaquis, Batucas, Ceris, Tarahumares, and the Ópatas since the conquest have become agriculturists and cattle-breeders, besides availing themselves of fishing and hunting as means of subsistence. On the coast of Sonora, there being no maize, the natives live on pulverized rush and straw, with fish caught at sea or in artificial enclosures. The dwellers on the coast of Sinaloa consume a large quantity of salt, which they gather on the land during the dry season, and in the rainy reason from the bottom of marshes and pools. It is said that the Salineros sometimes eat their own excrement. According to the reports of the older historians, the Tobosos, Bauzarigames, Cabezas, Contotores, and Acaxées, as well as other tribes of Durango and Sinaloa, formerly fed on human flesh,--hunted human beings for food as they hunted deer or other game. The flesh of their brave foes they ate, thinking thereby to augment their own bravery.[879] [Sidenote: METHODS OF HUNTING.] The Ceris of Tiburon Island depend for food entirely on fish and game. They catch turtle by approaching the animal and suddenly driving the point of their spear into its back, a cord being attached to the weapon by which they drag the prize on to the raft as soon as its strength has become exhausted. According to Gomara, the natives of Sonora in 1537 were caught poisoning the deer-pools, probably for the skins, or it may have been only a stupefying drink that the pools were made to supply. The Sinaloans are great hunters; at times they pursue the game singly, then again the whole town turns out and, surrounding the thickest part of the forest, the people set fire to the underbrush and bring down the game as it attempts to escape the flames. A feast of reptiles is likewise thus secured. Iguanas are caught with the hands, their legs broken, and thus they are kept until required for food. For procuring wild honey, a bee is followed until it reaches its tree, the sweet-containing part of which is cut off and carried away. The Tarahumares hunt deer by driving them through narrow passes, where men are stationed to shoot them. Others make use of a deer's head as a decoy. For fishing they have various contrivances; some fish between the rocks with a pointed stick; others, when fishing in a pool, throw into the water a species of cabbage or leaves of certain trees, that stupefy the fish, when they are easily taken with the hands; they also use wicker baskets, and near the Pacific Ocean they inclose the rivers, and catch enormous quantities of smelt and other fish, which have come up from the sea to spawn. The Laguneros of Coahuila catch ducks by placing a calabash on their heads, with holes through which to breathe and see; thus equipped, they swim softly among the ducks, and draw them under water without flutter or noise. Tatéma is the name of a dish cooked in the ground by the Tarahumares. The Laguneros make tortillas of flour obtained from an aquatic plant. The Zacatecs make the same kind of bread from the pulp of the maguey, which is first boiled with lime, then washed and boiled again in pure water, after which it is squeezed dry and made into cakes. Most of the people use _pozole_, or _pinolatl_, both being a kind of gruel made of pinole, of parched corn or seeds ground, the one of greater thickness than the other; also _tamales_, boiled beans, and pumpkins. The Ceris of Tiburon eat fish and meat uncooked, or but slightly boiled. The Salineros frequently devour uncooked hares and rabbits, having only removed their furs.[880] [Sidenote: HOW ARROWS WERE MADE AND POISONED.] The weapons universally used by these nations were bows and arrows and short clubs, in addition to which the chiefs and most important warriors carried a short lance and a buckler. The arrows were carried in a quiver made of lion or other skins. The Tarahumares and some others wore a leathern guard round the left wrist, to protect it from the blow of the bow-string. Flint knives were employed for cutting up their slain enemies. The Ceris, Jovas, and other tribes smeared the points of their arrows with a very deadly poison, but how it was applied to the point, or whence obtained, it is difficult to determine; some travelers say that this poison was taken from rattlesnakes and other venomous reptiles, which, by teasing, were incited to strike their fangs into the liver of a cow or deer which was presented to them, after which it was left to putrefy, and the arrows being dipped into the poisonous mass, were placed in the sun to dry; but other writers, again, assert that the poison was produced from a vegetable preparation. The wound inflicted by the point, however slight, is said to have caused certain death. The arrows were pointed with flint, or some other stone, or with bone, fastened to a piece of hard wood, which is tied by sinews to a reed or cane, notched, and winged with three feathers; when not required for immediate use, the tying was loosed, and the point reversed in the cane, to protect it from being broken. The Ceris and Chicoratos cut a notch a few inches above the point, so that in striking it should break off and remain in the wound. Their clubs were made of a hard wood called _guayacan_, with a knob at the end, and when not in use were carried slung to the arm by a leather thong. Their lances were of Brazil wood, bucklers of alligator-skin, and shields of bull's hide, sufficiently large to protect the whole body, with a hole in the top to look through. Another kind of shield was made of small lathes closely interwoven with cords, in such a manner that, when not required for use, it could be shut up like a fan, and was carried under the arm.[881] Living in a state of constant war, arising out of family quarrels or aggressions made into each other's territories, they were not unskilled in military tactics. Previous to admission as a warrior, a young man had to pass through certain ordeals; having first qualified himself by some dangerous exploit, or having faithfully performed the duty of a scout in an enemy's country. The preliminaries being settled, a day was appointed for his initiation, when one of the braves, acting as his godfather, introduced him to the chief, who, for the occasion, had first placed himself in the midst of a large circle of warriors. The chief then addressed him, instructing him in the several duties required of him, and drawing from a pouch an eagle's talon, with it proceeded to score his body on the shoulders, arms, breast, and thighs, till the blood ran freely; the candidate was expected to suffer without showing the slightest signs of pain. The chief then handed to him a bow and a quiver of arrows; each of the braves also presented him with two arrows. In the campaigns that followed, the novitiate must take the hardest duty, be ever at the post of danger, and endure without a murmur or complaint the severest privations, until a new candidate appeared to take his place.[882] [Sidenote: WAR CUSTOMS IN NORTH MEXICO.] When one tribe desires the assistance of another in war, they send reeds filled with tobacco, which, if accepted, is a token that the alliance is formed; a call for help is made by means of the smoke signal. When war is decided upon, a leader is chosen, at whose house all the elders, medicine-men, and principal warriors assemble; a fire is then lighted, and tobacco handed round and smoked in silence. The chief, or the most aged and distinguished warrior then arises, and in a loud tone and not unpoetic language, harangues his hearers, recounting to them heroic deeds hitherto performed, victories formerly gained, and present wrongs to be avenged; after which tobacco is again passed round, and new speakers in turn address the assembly. War councils are continued for several nights, and a day is named on which the foe is to be attacked. Sometimes the day fixed for the battle is announced to the enemy, and a spot on which the fight is to take place selected. During the campaign fasting is strictly observed. The Acaxées, before taking the war-path, select a maiden of the tribe, who secludes herself during the whole period of the campaign, speaking to no one, and eating nothing but a little parched corn without salt. The Ceris and Ópatas approach their enemy under cover of darkness, preserving a strict silence, and at break of day, by a preconcerted signal, a sudden and simultaneous attack is made. To fire an enemy's house, the Tepagues and others put lighted corn-cobs on the points of their arrows. In the event of a retreat they invariably carry off the dead, as it is considered a point of honor not to leave any of their number on the field. Seldom is sex or age spared, and when prisoners are taken, they are handed over to the women for torture, who treat them most inhumanly, heaping upon them every insult devisable, besides searing their flesh with burning brands, and finally burning them at the stake, or sacrificing them in some equally cruel manner. Many cook and eat the flesh of their captives, reserving the bones as trophies. The slain are scalped, or a hand is cut off, and a dance performed round the trophies on the field of battle. On the return of an expedition, if successful, entry into the village is made in the day-time. Due notice of their approach having been forwarded to the inhabitants, the warriors are received with congratulations and praises by the women, who, seizing the scalps, vent their spleen in frantic gestures; tossing them from one to another, these female fiends dance and sing round the bloody trophies, while the men look on in approving silence. Should the expedition, however, prove unsuccessful, the village is entered in silence and during the dead of night. All the booty taken is divided amongst the aged men and women, as it is deemed unlucky by the warriors to use their enemy's property.[883] Their household utensils consist of pots of earthen ware and gourds, the latter used both for cooking and drinking purposes; later, out of the horns of oxen cups are made. The Tarahumares use in place of saddles two rolls of straw fastened by a girdle to the animal's back, loose enough, however, to allow the rider to put his feet under them. Emerging from their barbarism, they employ, in their agricultural pursuits, plows with shares of wood or stone, and wooden hoes. The Ceris have a kind of double-pointed javelin, with which they catch fish, which, once between the prongs, are prevented from slipping out by the jagged sides.[884] The Ahomoas, Eudebes, Jovas, Yaquis, and Ópatas weave fabrics out of cotton or agave-fibre, such as blankets or serapes, and cloth with colored threads in neat designs and figures; these nations also manufacture matting from reeds and palm-leaves. Their loom consists of four short sticks driven into the ground, to which a frame is attached to hold the thread. The shuttle is an oblong piece of wood, on which the cross-thread is wound. After passing through the web, the shuttle is seized and pressed close by a ruler three inches in breadth, which is placed between the web and supplies the place of a comb. When any patterns are to be worked, several women assist to mark off with wooden pegs the amount of thread required. The Yaquis and Ceris manufacture common earthen ware, and the Tarahumares twist horse-hair into strong cords; they also use undressed hides cut in strips, and coarse aloe-fibres.[885] [Sidenote: PROPERTY OF CERIS, ÓPATAS, AND YAQUIS.] No boats or canoes are employed by any of the natives of this region; but the Ceris, the Tiburones, and the Tepocas make rafts of reeds or bamboos, fastened together into bundles. These rafts are about eighteen feet long and tapering toward both ends; some are large enough to carry four or five men; they are propelled with a double-bladed paddle, held in the middle and worked alternately on both sides.[886] Subsequent to the conquest, the Ópatas and Yaquis accumulated large flocks of sheep, cattle, and bands of horses; the latter are good miners, and expert divers for pearls. Their old communistic ideas follow them in their new life; thus, the landed property of the Tarahumares is from time to time repartitioned; they have also a public asylum for the sick, helpless, and for orphans, who are taken care of by male and female officials called _tenanches_. Pearls, turquoises, emeralds, coral, feathers, and gold were in former times part of their property, and held the place of money; trade, for the most part, was carried on by simple barter.[887] The Northern Mexicans make no pretensions to art; nevertheless, Guzman states that in the province of Culiacan the walls of the houses were decorated with obscene paintings. They are all great observers of the heavenly bodies and the changes in the atmosphere; the Yaquis count their time by the moon. They are good musicians, imitating to perfection on their own instruments almost any strain they happen to hear. Their native melodies are low, sweet, and harmonious. In Petatlan they embroidered dresses with pearls, and as they had no instrument for piercing the jewel, they cut a small groove round it, and so strung them. With pearls they formed on cloth figures of animals and birds.[888] I find nowhere in this region any system of laws or government. There are the usual tribal chieftains, selected on account of superior skill or bravery, but with little or no power except in war matters. Councils of war, and all meetings of importance, are held at the chief's house.[889] [Sidenote: MARRIAGE AND POLYGAMY.] The Ceris and Tepocas celebrate the advent of womanhood with a feast, which lasts for several days. The Ahome maiden wears on her neck a small carved shell, as a sign of her virginity, to lose which before marriage is a lasting disgrace. On the day of marriage the bridegroom removes this ornament from his bride's neck. It is customary among most of the tribes to give presents to the girl's parents. The Tahus, says Castañeda, are obliged to purchase a maiden from her parents, and deliver her to the _cacique_,[890] chief, or possibly high priest, to whom was accorded the _droit de seigneur_. If the bride proves to be no virgin, all the presents are returned by her parents, and it is optional with the bridegroom to keep her or condemn her to the life of a public prostitute. The Bauzarigames, Cabezas, Contotores, and Tehuecos practice polygamy and inter-family marriages, but these are forbidden by the Ceris, Chinipas, Tiburones, and Tepocas. Different ceremonies take place upon the birth of the first child. Among some, the father is intoxicated, and in that state surrounded by a dancing multitude, who score his body till the blood flows freely. Among others, several days after the birth of a male child, the men visit the house, feel each limb of the newly born, exhort him to be brave, and finally give him a name; women perform similar ceremonies with female children. The couvade obtains in certain parts; as for instance, the Lagunero and Ahomama husbands, after the birth of a child, remain in bed for six or seven days, during which time they eat neither fish nor meat. The Sisibotaris, Ahomes, and Tepehuanes hold chastity in high esteem, and both their maidens and matrons are remarkably chaste. The standard of morality elsewhere in this vicinity is in general low, especially with the Acaxées and Tahus, whose incestuous connections and system of public brothels are notorious. According to Arlegui, Ribas, and other authors, among some of these nations male concubinage prevails to a great extent; these loathsome semblances of humanity, whom to call beastly were a slander upon beasts, dress themselves in the clothes and perform the functions of women, the use of weapons even being denied them.[891] Drunkenness prevails to a great extent among most of the tribes; their liquors are prepared from the fruit of the pitahaya, mezquite-beans, agave, honey, and wheat. In common with all savages, they are immoderately fond of dancing, and have numerous feasts, where, with obscene carousals and unseemly masks, the revels continue, until the dancers, from sheer exhaustion or intoxication, are forced to rest. The Ópatas hold a festival called _torom raqui_, to insure rain and good crops. Clearing a square piece of ground, they strew it with seeds, bones, boughs, horns, and shells; the actors then issue forth from huts built on the four corners of the square, and there dance from sunrise to sunset. On the first day of the year they plant in the ground a tall pole, to which are tied long ribbons of many colors. A number of young maidens, fancifully attired, dance round the pole, holding the ends of the ribbons, twisting themselves nearer or away from the center in beautiful figures. Upon other occasions they commemorate, in modern times, what is claimed to be the journey of the Aztecs, and the appearance of Montezuma among them. Hunting and war expeditions are inaugurated by dances. Their musical instruments are flutes and hollow trunks beaten with sticks or bones, and accompanied with song and impromptu words, relating the exploits of their gods, warriors, and hunters. They are passionately fond of athletic sports, such as archery, wrestling, and racing; but the favorite pastime is a kind of foot-ball. The game is played between two parties, with a large elastic ball, on a square piece of ground prepared expressly for the purpose. The players must strike the ball with the shoulders, knees, or hips, but never with the hand. Frequently one village challenges another as upon the occasion of a national festival, which lasts several days, and is accompanied with dancing and feasting. They have also games with wooden balls, in which sticks are used when playing. The players are always naked, and the game often lasts from sunrise to sunset, and sometimes, when the victory is undecided, the play will be continued for several successive days. Bets are freely made, and horses and other property staked with the greatest recklessness.[892] [Sidenote: CUSTOMS IN NORTHERN MEXICO.] Loads are carried on the head, or in baskets at the back, hanging from a strap that passes across the forehead. Another mode of carrying burdens is to distribute equally the weight at both ends of a pole which is slung across the shoulder, _à la Chinoise_. Their conceptions of the supernatural are extremely crude; thus, the Ópatas, by yells and gesticulations, endeavor to dispel eclipses of the heavenly bodies; before the howling of the wind they cower as before the voice of the Great Spirit. The Ceris superstitiously celebrate the new moon, and bow reverentially to the rising and setting sun. Nuño de Guzman states that in the province of Culiacan tamed serpents were found in the dwellings of the natives, which they feared and venerated. Others have a great veneration for the hidden virtues of poisonous plants, and believe that if they crush or destroy one, some harm will happen to them. It is a common custom to hang a small bag containing poisonous herbs round the neck of a child, as a talisman against diseases or attacks from wild beasts, which they also believe will render them invulnerable in battle. They will not touch a person struck by lightning, and will leave him to die, or, if dead, to lie unburied.[893] [Sidenote: MEDICAL TREATMENT.] Intermittent and other fevers prevail among the people of Northern Mexico. Small-pox, introduced by Europeans, has destroyed many lives; syphilis was introduced among the Carrizos by the Spanish troops. The Tarahumares suffer from pains in the side about the end of the spring. The Ópatas of Oposura are disfigured by goitres, but this disease seems to be confined within three leagues of the town. Wounds inflicted by arrows, many of them poisoned, and bites of rattlesnakes are common. Friends, and even parents and brothers leave to their fate such as are suffering from contagious diseases; they, however, place water and wild fruits within the sufferer's reach. To relieve their wearied legs and feet after long marches, they scarify the former with sharp flints. In extreme cases they rub themselves with the maguey's prickly leaf well pounded, which, acting as an emollient on their hardened bodies, affords them prompt relief. The Carrizos cure syphilis with certain plants, the medicinal properties of which are known to them. As a purgative they use the grains of the _maguacate_, and as a febrifuge the _cenicilla_ (_teraina frutescens_). With the leaves of the latter they make a decoction which, mixed with hydromel, is an antidote for intermittent fevers. They also use the leaves of the willow in decoction, as a remedy for the same complaint. In Sinaloa, the leaf and roots of the _guaco_ are used by the natives as the most efficacious medicine for the bites of poisonous reptiles. The Ópatas employ excellent remedies for the diseases to which they are subject. They have a singular method of curing rattlesnake bites, a sort of retaliative cure; seizing the reptile's head between two sticks, they stretch out the tail and bite it along the body, and if we may believe Alegre, the bitten man does not swell up, but the reptile does, until it bursts. In some parts, if a venomous snake bites a person, he seizes it at both ends, and breaks all its bones with his teeth until it is dead, imagining this to be an efficacious means of saving himself from the effect of the wounds. Arrow wounds are first sucked, and then _peyote_ powder is put into them; after two days the wound is cleaned, and more of the same powder applied; this operation is continued upon every second day, and finally powdered lechugilla-root is used; by this process the wound, after thoroughly suppurating, becomes healed. Out of the leaves of the maguey, lechugilla, and date-palm, as well as from the rosemary, they make excellent balsams for curing wounds. They have various vegetable substances for appeasing the thirst of wounded persons, as water is considered injurious. The Acaxées employ the sucking processes, and blowing through a hollow tube, for the cure of diseases. The Yaquis put a stick into the patient's mouth, and with it draw from the stomach the disease; the Ceris of Tiburon Island also employ charms in their medical practice.[894] I find nothing of cremation in these parts. The dead body is brought head and knees together, and placed in a cave or under a rock. Several kinds of edibles, with the utensils and implements with which the deceased earned a support while living, are deposited in the grave, also a small idol, to serve as a guide and fellow traveler to the departed on the long journey. On the lips of dead infants is dropped milk from the mother's breast, that these innocents may have sustenance to reach their place of rest. Among the Acaxées, if a woman dies in childbirth, the infant surviving is slain, as the cause of its mother's death. Cutting the hair is the only sign of mourning among them.[895] [Sidenote: CHARACTER.] The character of the Northern Mexicans, as portrayed by Arlegui, is gross and low; but some of these tribes do not deserve such sweeping condemnation. The Mayos, Yaquis, Acaxées, and Ópatas are generally intelligent, honest, social, amiable, and intrepid in war; their young women modest, with a combination of sweetness and pride noticed by some writers. The Ópatas especially are a hard-working people, good-humored, free from intemperance and thievishness; they are also very tenacious of purpose, when their minds are made up--danger often strengthening their stubbornness the more. The Sisibotaris, Ahomamas, Onavas, and Tarahumares are quiet and docile, but brave when occasion requires; the last-mentioned are remarkably honest. The Tepocas and Tiburones are fierce, cruel, and treacherous, more warlike and courageous than the Ceris of the main land, who are singularly devoid of good qualities, being sullenly stupid, lazy, inconstant, revengeful, depredating, and much given to intemperance. Their country even has become a refuge for evil-doers. In former times they were warlike and brave: but even this quality they have lost, and have become as cowardly as they are cruel. The Tepehuanes and other mountaineers are savage and warlike, and their animosity to the whites perpetual. The Laguneros and other tribes of Coahuila are intelligent, domestic, and hospitable; the former especially are very brave. In Chihuahua they are generally fierce and uncommunicative. At El Paso, the women are more jovial and pleasant than the men; the latter speak but little, never laugh, and seldom smile; their whole aspect seems to be wrapped in melancholy--everything about it has a semblance of sadness and suffering.[896] TRIBAL BOUNDARIES. To the New Mexican group belong the nations inhabiting the territory lying between the parallels 36° and 23° of north latitude, and the meridians 96° and 117° of west longitude; that is to say, the occupants of the states of New Mexico, Arizona, Lower California, Sonora, Sinaloa, Chihuahua, Durango, Coahuila, Nuevo Leon, Northern Zacatecas, and Western Texas. In the APACHE FAMILY, I include all the savage tribes roaming through New Mexico, the north-western portion of Texas, a small part of Northern Mexico, and Arizona; being the Comanches, Apaches proper, Navajos, Mojaves, Hualapais, Yumas, Cosninos, Yampais, Yalchedunes, Yamajabs, Cochees, Cruzados, Nijoras, Cocopas, and others. The _Comanches_ inhabit Western Texas, Eastern New Mexico, and Eastern Mexico, and from the Arkansas River north to near the Gulf of Mexico south. Range 'over the plains of the Arkansas from the vicinity of Bent's fort, at the parallel of 38°, to the Gulf of Mexico ... from the eastern base of the Llano Estacado to about the meridian of longitude 98th.' _Pope_, in _Pac. R. R. Rept._, vol. ii., p. 16. From the western border of the Choctaw country 'uninterruptedly along the Canadian to Tucumcari creek and thence, occasionally, to Rio Pecos. From this line they pursue the buffalo northward as far as the Sioux country, and on the south are scarcely limited by the frontier settlements of Mexico.' _Whipple, Ewbank, and Turner's Rept._, p. 8, in _Pac. R. R. Rept._, vol. iii. 'During summer ... as far north as the Arkansas river, their winters they usually pass about the head branches of the Brazos and Colorado rivers of Texas.' _Gregg's Com. Prairies_, vol. ii., p. 307. 'Between 102° and 104° longitude and 33° and 37° north latitude.' _Norton_, in _Ind. Aff. Rept._, 1866, p. 146. 'About thirteen thousand square miles of the southern portion of Colorado, and probably a much larger extent of the neighboring States of Kansas and Texas, and Territory of New Mexico and the "Indian country," are occupied by the Kioways and Comanches.' _Dole_, in _Ind. Aff. Rept._, 1862, p. 34; _Evans and Collins_, in _Id._, pp. 230, 242; _Martinez_, in _Ind. Aff. Rept. Spec. Com._, 1867, p. 487. 'En Invierno se acercan á Téjas, y en Estío á la sierra de Santa Fe.' _Berlandier y Thovel_, _Diario_, p. 251. 'Comanches ou Hietans (Eubaous, Yetas), dans le nord-ouest du Texas.' _Gallatin_, in _Nouvelles Annales des Voy._, 1852, tom. cxxxiii., p. 225. 'Originaire du Nouveau-Mexique; mais ... ils descendent souvent dans les plaines de la Basse-Californie et de la Sonora.' _Soc. Géog._, _Bulletin_, série v., No. 96, p. 192. 'Range east of the mountains of New Mexico.' _Bent_, in _Schoolcraft's Arch._, vol. i., p. 244. 'In dem uncultivirten Theile des Bolson de Mapimi' (Chihuahua). _Wappäus_, _Geog. u. Stat._, p. 214; _Froebel_, _Aus Amerika_, tom. ii., pp. 221-2. 'Entre la rivière Rouge et le Missouri, et traversent el Rio-Bravo-del-Norte.' _Dufey_, _Resumé de l'Hist._, tom. i., p. 4. 'Upon the south and west side' of the Rio Brazos. _Marcy's Rept._, p. 217; _Marcy's Army Life_, pp. 43-6. 'Im Westen des Mississippi und des Arcansas ... und bis an das linke Ufer des Rio Grande.' _Ludecus_, _Reise_, p. 104. 'Range from the sources of the Brazos and Colorado, rivers of Texas, over the great Prairies, to the waters of the Arkansas and the mountains of Rio Grande.' _Ludewig's Ab. Lang._, p. 51. Concurrent statements in _Wilson's Amer. Hist._, p. 625; _Prichard's Nat. Hist. Man_, vol. ii., p. 549; _Ward's Mexico_, vol. ii., p. 557; _Moore's Texas_, p. 30; _Dewees' Texas_, p. 233; _Holley's Texas_, p. 152; _Dragoon Camp._, p. 153. 'La nacion comanche, que está situada entre el Estado de Texas y el de Nuevo México ... se compone de las siguientes tribus ó pueblos, á saber: Yaparehca, Cuhtzuteca, Penandé, Pacarabó, Caiguarás, Noconi ó Yiuhta, Napuat ó Quetahtore, Yapainé, Muvinábore. Sianábone, Caigua, Sarritehca y Quitzaené.' _García Rejon_, in _Pimentel_, _Cuadro_, tom. ii., p. 347. 'Extends from the Witchita Mountains as far as New Mexico, and is divided into four bands, called respectively the Cuchanticas, the Tupes, the Yampaxicas, and the Eastern Comanches.' _Domenech's Deserts_, vol. ii., p. 21. See also: _Kennedy's Texas_, vol. i., p. 344, 348-9; _Foote's Texas_, vol. i., p. 298; _Frost's Ind. Wars_, p. 293. [Sidenote: APACHE TRIBES.] The _Apaches_ may be said to 'extend from the country of the Utahs, in latitude 38° north to about the 30th parallel.' _Bartlett's Pers. Nar._, vol. i., p. 325. 'Along both sides of the Rio Grande, from the southern limits of the Navajo country at the parallel of 34°, to the extreme southern line of the Territory, and from thence over the States of Chihuahua, Sonora, and Durango, of Mexico. Their range eastward is as far as the valley of the Pecos, and they are found as far to the west as the Pimos villages on the Gila.' _Pope_, in _Pac. R. R. Rept._, vol. ii., p. 13. Scattered 'throughout the whole of Arizona, a large part of New Mexico, and all the northern portion of Chihuahua and Sonora, and in some parts of Durango.' _Cremony's Apaches_, p. 141. Range 'over some portions of California, most of Sonora, the frontiers of Durango, and ... Chihuahua.' _Gregg's Com. Prairies_, vol. i., p. 291. Apatschee, a nation 'welche um ganz Neu-Biscaya, und auch an Tarahumara gränzet.' _Steffel_, in _Murr_, _Nachrichten_, p. 302. 'Reicht das Gebiet der Apache-Indianer vom 103. bis zum 114. Grad westlicher Länge von Greenwich, und von den Grenzen des Utah-Gebietes, dem 38. Grad, bis hinunter zum 30. Grad nördlicher Breite.' _Möllhausen_, _Tagebuch_, p. 229. Inhabit 'all the country north and south of the Gila, and both sides of the Del Norte, about the parallel of the Jornada and Dead Man's lakes.' _Emory's Reconnoissance_, p. 132. 'Tota hæc regio, quam Novam Mexicanam vocant, ab omnibus pene lateribus ambitur ab Apachibus.' _De Laet_, _Novus Orbis_, p. 316. 'Recorren las provincias del Norte de México, llegando algunas veces hasta cerca de Zacatecas.' _Pimentel_, _Cuadro_, tom. ii., p. 251. 'Derramadas desde la Intendencia de San Luis Potosí hasta la extremidad setentrional del golfo de California.' _Balbi_, in _Orozco y Berra_, _Geografía_, p. 385. 'Se extienden en el vasto espacio ... que comprenden los grados 30 á 38 de latitud norte, y 264 á 277 de longitude de Tenerife.' _Cordero_, in _Id._, p. 369; see also _Id._, p. 40. 'From the entrance of the Rio Grande to the Gulf of California.' _Pike's Explor. Trav._, p. 337. 'The southern and south-western portions of New Mexico, and mainly the valley of the Gila.' _Schoolcraft's Arch._, vol. v., p. 203; _Bent_, in _Id._, vol. i., p. 243. 'Scarcely extends farther north than Albuquerque ... nor more than two hundred miles south of El Paso del Norte; east, the vicinity of the White Mountains; west, generally no further than the borders of Sonora.' _Henry_, in _Schoolcraft's Arch._, vol. v., p. 207. 'Ils ont principalement habité le triangle formé par le Rio del Norte, le Gila et le Colorado de l'ouest.' _Turner_, in _Nouvelles Annales des Voy._, 1852, tom. cxxxv., pp. 307, 313. Concurrent authorities: _Gallatin_, in _Id._, 1851, tom. cxxxi., pp. 298, 301; _Malte-Brun_, _Précis de la Géog._, tom. vi., p. 453; _Ludewig's Ab. Lang._, pp. 8, 186; _Kennedy's Texas_, vol. i., p. 345; _Stanley's Portraits_, p. 57; _Pattie's Pers. Nar._, p. 297; _Prichard's Nat. Hist. Man_, vol. ii., p. 549; _Western Scenes_, p. 233; _Mill's Hist. Mex._, p. 170; _Delaporte_, _Reisen_, tom. x., p. 456; _Conder's Mex. Guat._, vol. ii., p. 74-5; _Domenech's Deserts_, vol. ii., pp. 4-6; _Graves_, in _Ind. Aff. Rept._, 1854, p. 180; _Poston_, in _Id._, 1864, p. 155; _Clark_, in _Ind. Aff. Rept. Spec. Com._, 1867, p. 336. The Apache nation is divided into the following tribes; Chiricagüis, Coyoteros, Faraones, Gileños, Copper Mine Apaches, Lipanes, Llaneros, Mescaleros, Mimbreños, Natages, Pelones, Pinaleños, Tontos, Vaqueros, and Xicarillas. The Lipanes roam through western Texas, Coahuila, and the eastern portion of Chihuahua. Their territory is bounded on the west by the 'lands of the Llaneros; on the north, the Comanche country; on the east, the province of Cohaguila; and on the south, the left bank of the Rio Grande del Norte.' _Cortez_, in _Pac. R. R. Rept._, vol. iii., p. 119; _Whipple, Ewbank, and Turner's Rept._, p. 8, in _Id._; _Pope_, in _Id._, vol. ii., p. 14. The Lee Panis 'rove from the Rio Grande to some distance into the province of Texas. Their former residence was on the Rio Grande, near the sea shore.' _Pike's Explor. Trav._, p. 363. Su 'principal asiento es en Coahuila, Nuevo Leon y Tamaulipas.' _Pimentel_, _Cuadro_, tom. ii., p. 251. 'Divídese en dos clases ... la primera ha estado enlazada con los mescaleros y llaneros, y ocupa los terrenos contiguos á aquellas tribus: la segunda vive generalmente en la frontera de la provincia de Tejas y orillas del mar.... Por el Poniente son sus limites los llaneros; por el Norte los comanches; por el Oriente los carancaguaces y borrados, provincia de Tejas, y por el Sur nuestra frontera (Mexico).' _Cordero_, in _Orozco y Berra_, _Geografía_, p. 382. 'From time immemorial has roved and is yet roving over the Bolson de Mapimi.' _Wislizenus' Tour_, p. 70. 'Frequented the bays of Aransas and Corpus Christi, and the country lying between them and the Rio Grande.' _Kennedy's Texas_, vol. i., p. 349; _Foote's Texas_, p. 298. See also: _Malte-Brun_, _Précis de la Géog._, tom. vi., p. 289; _Hassel_, _Mex. Guat._, p. 210; _Moore's Texas_, p. 31; _Domenech's Deserts_, vol. ii., p. 6. The Mescaleros inhabit 'the mountains on both banks of the river Pecos, as far as the mountains that form the head of the Bolson de Mapimi, and there terminate on the right bank of the Rio Grande. Its limit on the west is the tribe of the Taracones; on the north, the extensive territories of the Comanche people; on the east, the coast of the Llanero Indians; and on the south, the desert Bolson de Mapimi.' _Cortez_, in _Pac. R. R. Rept._, vol. iii., p. 119. 'Im Bolsón de Mapimí und in den östlichen Gränzgebirgen del Chanáte, del Diablo puerco und de los Pílares.' _Mühlenpfordt_, _Mejico_, tom. ii., pt. ii., p. 521. 'Occupent le Bolson de Mapimi, les montagnes de Chanate, et celles de los Organos, sur la rive gauche du Rio Grande del Norte.' _Humboldt_, _Essai Pol._, tom. i., p. 289. Live 'east of the Rio del Norte.' _Gregg's Com. Prairies_, vol. i., p. 290; _Carleton_, in _Smithsonian Rept._, 1854, p. 315; _Western Scenes_, p. 233; _Domenech's Deserts_, vol. ii., p. 6; _Kennedy's Texas_, vol. i., p. 343. 'On the east side of the Rio Grande, and on both sides of the Pecos, extending up the latter river ... to about the thirty-fourth parallel.' _Merriwether_, in _Ind. Aff. Rept._, 1854, p. 170-1. See also: _Steck_, in _Id._, 1858, pp. 195-8, 1863, p. 108; _Collins_, in _Id._, 1862, p. 240; _Cooley_, in _Id._, 1865, p. 20; _Norton_, in _Id._, 1866, p. 145. 'The Copper Mine Apaches occupy the country on both sides of the Rio Grande, and extend west to the country of the Coyoteros and Pinalinos, near the eastern San Francisco River.' _Bartlett's Pers. Nar._, vol. i., p. 323. The Faraones, Pharaones or Taracones, 'inhabit the mountains between the river Grande del Norte and the Pecos.' _Cortez_, in _Pac. R. R. Rept._, vol. iii., p. 119. The following concur; _Mühlenpfordt_, _Mejico_, tom. i., p. 213, tom. ii., pt. ii., p. 521; _Villa-Señor y Sanchez_, _Theatro_, tom. ii., p. 416; _Humboldt_, _Essai Pol._, tom. i., p. 289. The 'Xicarillas anciently inhabited the forests of that name in the far territories to the north of New Mexico, until they were driven out by the Comanches, and now live on the limits of the province, some of them having gone into the chasms (cañadas) and mountains between Pecuries and Taos, which are the last towns of the province.' _Cortez_, in _Pac. R. R. Rept._, vol. iii., p. 119. 'Inhabiting the mountains north of Taos.' _Gregg's Com. Prairies_, vol. i., p. 285. 'Les Jicorillas, à l'extrémité nord du Nouveau-Mexique.' _Turner_, in _Nouvelles Annales des Voy._, 1852, tom. cxxxv., p. 310. 'From the Rio Grande eastward beyond the Red river, between the thirty-fourth and thirty-seventh parallels.' _Merriwether_, in _Ind. Aff. Rept._, 1854, p. 170. 'In the mountains which lie between Santa Fé, Taos, and Abiquin.' _Collins_, in _Id._, 1860, pp. 159-60. 'At the Cimarron.' _Graves_, in _Id._, 1866, p. 133. 'Upon Rio Ose, west of the Rio Grande.' _Davis_, in _Id._, 1868, p. 160; _Domenech's Deserts_, vol. ii., p. 8. The Llaneros occupy 'the great plains and sands that lie between the Pecos and the left bank of the river Grande del Norte.' _Cortez_, in _Pac. R. R. Rept._, vol. iii., p. 119. Inhabit the 'cajones de la Cabellera y Pitaycachi, Sierra de Mimbres, Laguna de Guzman.' _Barrangan_, in _El Orden, Mex._, _Decemb. 27, 1853_. 'Ocupan ... los llanos y arenales situados entre el rio de Pecos, nombrado por ellos Tjunchi, y el Colorado que llaman Tjulchide.' _Cordero_, in _Orozco y Berra_, _Geografía_, p. 381; Domenech's Deserts, vol. ii., p. 6. The Mimbreños have their hunting grounds upon the Mimbres Mountains and River, and range between the sierras San Mateo and J'lorida on the north and south, and between the Burros and Mogoyen on the west and east. _Schoolcraft's Arch._, vol. v., p. 207. 'Südlich von den Apáches Gileños, an den Gränzen von Chihuáhua und Neu-Mejico jagen in den Gebirgen im Osten die Apáches Mimbreños.' _Mühlenpfordt_, _Mejico_, tom. i., p. 211. 'La provincia de Nuevo México es su confin por el Norte; por el Poniente la parcialidad mimbreña; por el Oriente la faraona, y por el Sur nuestra frontera.' _Cordero_, in _Orozco y Berra_, _Geografía_, p. 380. See also: _Cortez_, in _Pac. R. R. Rept._, vol. iii., p. 119; _Domenech's Deserts_, vol. ii., p. 6. 'In the wild ravines of the Sierra de Acha.' _Mill's Hist. Mex._, p. 185. The Chiricaguis adjoin on the north 'the Tontos and Moquinos; on the east the Gileños; and on the south and west the province of Sonora.' _Cortez_, in _Pac. R. R. Rept._, vol. iii., p. 119. 'Live in the mountains of that name, the Sierra Largua and Dos Cabaces.' _Steck_, in _Ind. Aff. Rept._, 1859, pp. 345-6. The Tontos 'inhabit the northern side of the Gila from Antelope Peak to the Pimo villages.' _Cremony's Apaches_, p. 130. 'Between Rio Verde and the Aztec range of mountains,' and 'from Pueblo creek to the junction of Rio Verde with the Salinas.' _Whipple, Ewbank, and Turner's Rept._, p. 14-15; in _Pac. R. R. Rept._, vol. iii.; _Cortez_, in _Id._, p. 118. 'Südlich von den Wohnsitzen der Cocomaricópas und dem Rio Gila.' _Mühlenpfordt_, _Mejico_, tom. i., p. 211. On the 'rio Puerco.' _Barrangan_, in _El Orden, Mex._, _Decemb. 27, 1853_. 'In the cañons to the north and east of the Mazatsal peaks.' _Smart_, in _Smithsonian Rept._, 1867, p. 417. See _Palmer_, in _Harper's Mag._, vol. xvii., p. 460; _Domenech's Deserts_, vol. i., p. 185, vol. ii., p. 7. 'Inhabit the Tonto basin from the Mogollon Mountains on the north to Salt River on the south, and between the Sierra Ancha on the east to the Mazatsal Mountains.' _Colyer_, in _Ind. Aff. Rept._, 1869, p. 94. 'On both sides of the Verde from its source to the East Fork, and ... around the headwaters of the Chiquito Colorado, on the northern slope of the Black Mesa or Mogollon Mountains ... on the north, to Salt River on the south, and between the Sierra Ancha on the east and the Mazatsal Mountains on the west.' _Jones_, in _Ind. Aff. Rept._, 1869, p. 221. The Pinaleños, Piñols or Piñals range 'over an extensive circuit between the Sierra Piñal and the Sierra Blanca.' _Bartlett's Pers. Nar._, vol. i., p. 308. 'Between the Colorado Chiquito and Rio Gila.' _Whipple, Ewbank, and Turner's Rept._, p. 14, in _Pac. R. R. Rept._, vol. iii. See also: _Möllhausen_, _Tagebuch_, p. 147; _Ludewig's Ab. Lang._, p. 150. In 'the country watered by the Salinas and other tributaries of the Gila.' _Steck_, in _Ind. Aff. Rept._, 1859, p. 346; also _Whittier_, in _Id._, 1868, p. 141; _Colyer_, in _Id._, 1869, p. 94; _Jones_, in _Id._, p. 222. The Coyoteros 'live in the country north of the Gila and east of the San Carlos.' _Colyer_, in _Ind. Aff. Rept._, 1869, p. 223. 'Upon the Rio San Francisco, and head waters of the Salinas.' _Steck_, in _Id._, 1859, p. 346; _Domenech's Deserts_, vol. i., p. 185; _Hardy's Trav._, p. 430. 'The Gileños inhabit the mountains immediately on the river Gila ... bounded on the west by the Chiricagüìs; on the north by the province of New Mexico; on the east by the Mimbreño tribe.' _Cortez_, in _Pac. R. R. Rept._, vol. iii., p. 119. 'Oestlich von diesem Flusse (Gila), zwischen ihm und dem südlichen Fusse der Sierra de los Mimbres, eines Theiles der Sierra Madre.' _Mühlenpfordt_, _Mejico_, tom. ii., pt. ii., p. 421; _Cordero_, in _Orozco y Berra_, _Geografía_, p. 380; _Maxwell_, in _Ind. Aff. Rept._, 1873, p. 116. The Apache Mojaves are 'a mongrel race of Indians living between the Verde or San Francisco and the Colorado.' _Poston_, in _Ind. Aff. Rept._, 1864, p. 156. The _Navajos_ occupy 'a district in the Territory of New Mexico, lying between the San Juan river on the north and northeast, the Pueblo of Zuñi on the south, the Moqui villages on the west, and the ridge of land dividing the waters which flow into the Atlantic ocean from those which flow into the Pacific on the east.' _Letherman_, in _Smithsonian Rept._, 1855, p. 283. 'Extending from near the 107th to 111th meridian, and from the 34th to the 37th parallel of latitude.' _Clark_, in _Hist. Mag._, vol. viii., p. 280. Northward from the 35th parallel 'to Rio San Juan, valley of Tuñe Cha, and Cañon de Chelle.' _Whipple, Ewbank, and Turner's Rept._, p. 13, in _Pac. R. R. Rept._, vol. iii. 'Between the Del Norte and Colorado of the West,' in the northwestern portion of New Mexico. _Eaton_, in _Schoolcraft's Arch._, vol. iv., p. 216. 'In the main range of Cordilleras, 150 to 200 miles west of Santa Fé, on the waters of Rio Colorado of California.' _Gregg's Com. Prairies_, vol. i., p. 285-6. 'Between the del Norte and the Sierra Anahuac, situated upon the Rio Chama and Puerco,--from thence extending along the Sierra de los Mimbros, into the province of Sonora.' _Scenes in the Rocky Mts._, p. 180. 'La Provincia de Navajoos, que está situada à la parte de el Norte del Moqui, y à la del Noruest de la Villa de Santa Fee.' _Villa-Señor y Sanchez_, _Theatro_, tom. ii., p. 426. 'Esta nacion dista de las fronteras de Nuevo-México como veinticinco leguas, entre los pueblos de Moqui, Zuñi y la capital (Santa Fé).' _Barreiro_, _Ojeada sobre N. Mex._, app., p. 10. 'Habita la sierra y mesas de Navajó.' _Cordero_, in _Orozco y Berra_, _Geografía_, p. 382. See also: _Alcedo_, _Diccionario_, tom. iii., p. 295. 'Along the 34th parallel, north latitude.' _Mowry's Arizona_, p. 16. 'On the tributaries of the river San Juan, west of the Rio Grande, and east of the Colorado, and between the thirty-fifth and thirty-seventh parallels of north latitude.' _Merriwether_, in _Ind. Aff. Rept._, 1854, p. 172. 'From Cañon de Chelly to Rio San Juan.' _Palmer_, in _Harper's Mag._, vol. xvii., p. 460. 'From the Rio San Juan to the Gila.' _Graves_, in _Ind. Aff. Rept._, 1854, p. 179. 'Directly west from Santa Fé, extending from near the Rio Grande on the east, to the Colorado on the west; and from the land of the Utahs on the north, to the Apaches on the south.' _Backus_, in _Schoolcraft's Arch._, vol. iv., p. 209. 'Fifty miles from the Rio del Norte.' _Pattie's Pers. Nar._, p. 102. 'From the 33° to the 38° of north latitude.' and 'from Soccorro to the valley of Taos.' _Hughes' Doniphan's Ex._, p. 202. Concurrent authorities: _Simpson's Jour. Mil. Recon._, p. 78; _Domenech's Deserts_, vol. i., p. 184; _Ludewig's Ab. Lang._, p. 132. [Sidenote: MOJAVES AND YUMAS.] The _Mojaves_ dwell on the Mojave and Colorado rivers, as far up as Black Cañon. The word Mojave 'appears to be formed of two Yuma words--hamook (three), and häbî (mountains)--and designates the tribe of Indians which occupies a valley of the Colorado lying between three mountains. The ranges supposed to be referred to are: 1st, "The Needles," which terminates the valley upon the south, and is called Asientic-häbî, or first range; 2d, the heights that bound the right bank of the Colorado north of the Mojave villages, termed Havic-häbî, or second range; and, 3d, the Blue Ridge, extending along the left bank of the river, to which has been given the name of Hamook-häbî, or third range.' _Whipple_, in _Pac. R. R. Rept._, vol. iii., p. 30. 'Von 34° 36´ nordwärts bis zum Black Cañon.' _Möllhausen_, _Reisen in die Felsengeb._, tom. i., pp. 430-4. 'Inhabit the Cottonwood valley.' _Ives' Colorado Riv._, p. 79. 'Occupy the country watered by a river of the same name, which empties into the Colorado.' _Bartlett's Pers. Nar._, vol. ii., p. 178. 'The Mohaves, or Hamockhaves, occupy the river above the Yumas.' _Mowry_, in _Ind. Aff. Rept._, 1857, p. 302. See further: _Ludewig's Ab. Lang._, p. 122; _Cal. Mercantile Jour._, vol. i., p. 227; _Jones_, in _Ind. Aff. Rept._, 1869, p. 217; _Willis_, in _Id._, _Spec. Com._, 1867, pp. 329-30; _Stratton's Capt. Oatman Girls_, p. 123. The _Hualapais_ are 'located chiefly in the Cerbat and Aquarius Mountains, and along the eastern slope of the Black Mountains. They range through Hualapai, Yampai, and Sacramento valleys, from Bill Williams Fork on the south to Diamond River on the north.' _Jones_, in _Ind. Aff. Rept._, 1869, p. 217. 'In the almost inaccessible mountains on the Upper Colorado.' _Poston_, in _Id._, 1863, p. 387. 'On the north and south of the road from Camp Mohave to Prescott.' _Whittier_, in _Id._, 1868, p. 140. 'In the northwest part of Arizona.' _Willis_, in _Ind. Aff. Rept. Spec. Com._, 1867, p. 329. The _Yumas_ or Cuchans range 'from the New River to the Colorado, and through the country between the latter river and the Gila, but may be said to inhabit the bottom lands of the Colorado, near the junction of the Gila and the Colorado.' _Ind. Traits_, vol. i., in _Hayes Collection_. 'Both sides of the Colorado both above and below the junction with the Gila.' _Bartlett's Pers. Nar._, vol. ii., pp. 177-9. 'From about sixty miles above Fort Yuma to within a few miles of the most southern point of that part of the Colorado forming the boundary.' _Emory's Rept. U. S. and Mex. Boundary Survey_, vol. i., p. 107. 'Das eigentliche Gebiet dieses Stammes ist das Thal des untern Colorado; es beginnt dasselbe ungefähr achtzig Meilen oberhalb der Mündung des Gila, und erstreckt sich von da bis nahe an den Golf von Californien.' _Möllhausen_, _Reisen in die Felsengeb._, vol. i., pp. 122, 430-1, 434. 'La junta del Gila con el Colorado, tierra poblada de la nacion yuma.' _Sedelmair_, _Relacion_, in _Doc. Hist. Mex._, serie iii., tom. iv., p. 849. 'Le nord de la Basse-Californie, sur la rive droite du Rio-Colorado.' _Soc. Géog._, _Bulletin_, série v., No. 96, p. 186. 'For ten or fifteen miles north and south' in the valley near the mouth of the Gila. _Ives' Colorado Riv._, p. 42. See _Whipple, Ewbank, and Turner's Rept._, p. 101, in _Pac. R. R. Rept._, vol. iii.; _Latham's Comparative Philology_, vol. viii., p. 420; _Lachapelle_, _Raousset-Boulbon_, p. 78; _Mowry's Arizona_, p. 33; _McKinstry_, in _San Francisco Herald_, _June, 1853_; _Ludewig's Ab. Lang._, p. 205; _Mowry_, in _Ind. Aff. Rept._, 1857, pp. 301-2; _Bailey_, in _Id._, 1858, p. 202; _Jones_, in _Id._, 1869, p. 216; _Howard_, in _Id._, 1872, pp. 161-2; _Prichard's Nat. Hist. Man_, vol. ii., p. 561. The _Cosninos_ 'roam northward to the big bend of the Colorado.' _Whipple, Ewbank, and Turner's Rept._, p. 14, in _Pac. R. R. Rept._, vol. iii. 'In the vicinity of Bill Williams and San Francisco Mountains.' _Jones_, in _Ind. Aff. Rept._, 1869, p. 221. See also: _Figuier's Hum. Race_, p. 484; _Domenech's Deserts_, vol. i., p. 185. The _Yampais_ inhabit the country west and north-west of the Aztec range of mountains to the mouth of the Rio Virgen. _Whipple, Ewbank, and Turner's Rept._, p. 14, in _Pac. R. R. Rept._, vol. iii. 'Am obern Colorado.' 'Nördlich von den Mohaves.' _Möllhausen_, _Reisen in die Felsengeb._, tom. i., pp. 431, 277. 'On the west bank of the Colorado, about the mouth of Bill Williams's fork.' _Mowry_, in _Ind. Aff. Rept._, 1857, p. 302; _Poston_, in _Id._, 1863, p. 387. The _Yalchedunes_ or Talchedunes 'live on the right bank of the Colorado, and their tribes first appear in lat. 33° 20´.' _Cortez_, in _Pac. R. R. Rept._, vol. iii., p. 124. The _Yamajabs_ or Tamajabs 'are settled on the left bank of the Colorado from 34° of latitude to 35°.' _Cortez_, in _Pac. R. R. Rept._, vol. iii., p. 124; _Domenech's Deserts_, vol. ii., p. 62. The _Cochees_ are in the 'Chiricahua mountains, southern Arizona and northern Sonora.' _Whittier_, in _Ind. Aff. Rept._, 1868, p. 141. The _Nijoras_ dwell in the basin of the Rio Azul. 'Petite tribu des bords du Gila.' _Ruxton_, in _Nouvelles Annales des Voy._, 1850, tom. cxxvi., p. 47; _Gallatin_, in _Id._, 1851, tom. cxxxi., p. 291. The _Soones_ live 'near the head waters of the Salinas.' Emory's Reconnoissance, p. 133; _Gallatin_, in _Nouvelles Annales des Voy._, 1851, tom. cxxxi., p. 296. The _Cocopas_ 'live along the Colorado for fifty miles from the mouth.' _Ives' Colorado Riv._, p. 31. 'On the Colorado bottoms were the Cocopahs, the southern gulf tribes of which Consag calls the Bagiopas, Hebonomas, Quigyamas, Cuculetes, and the Alchedumas.' _Browne's Explor. of Lower Cal._, p. 54. 'On the right bank of the river Colorado, from lat. 32° 18´ upward.' _Cortez_, in _Pac. R. R. Rept._, vol. iii., p. 123. 'Range all the way from Port Isabel, upon the east bank of the river (Colorado), to the boundary line between the Republic of Mexico and the United States.' _Johnson's Hist. Arizona_, p. 10. 'Between the Gila and the Gulf, and near the latter.' _Bartlett's Pers. Nar._, vol. ii., p. 179. See also: _Emory's Rept. U. S. and Mex. Boundary Survey_, vol. i., p. 107; _Mowry_, in _Ind. Aff. Rept._, 1857, p. 301; _Poston_, in _Id._, 1863, p. 386; _Bailey_, in _Id._, 1858, p. 202; _Howard_, in _Id._, 1872, p. 149. Without definitely locating them, Salmeron enumerates the following nations, seen by Oñate during his trip through New Mexico: The Cruzados, somewhere between the Moquis and the Rio Gila, near a river which he calls the Rio Sacramento. 'Dos jornadas de allí (Cruzados) estaba un rio de poco agua, por donde ellos iban á otro muy grande que entra en la mar, en cuyas orillas habia una nacion que se llama Amacava.' 'Pasada esta nacion de amacabos ... llegaron á la nacion de los Bahacechas.' 'Pasada esta nacion de Bahacecha, llegaron á la nacion de los indios ozaras.' 'La primera nacion pasado el rio del nombre de Jesus, es Halchedoma.' 'Luego está la nacion Cohuana.' 'Luego está la nacion Haglli.' 'Luego los Tlalliquamallas.' _Salmeron_, _Relaciones_, in _Doc. Hist. Mex._, serie iii., tom. iv., pp. 31-6. 'La nacion Excanjaque que habita cien leguas del Nuevo-México, rumbo Nordeste.' _Id._, p. 92. 'Habitan indios excanjaques aquel tramo de tierra que en cuarenta y seis grados de altura al polo y ciento sesenta y dos de longitud, se tiende oblícuamente al abrigo que unas serranías hacen á un rio que corre Norueste, Sur deste á incorporarse con otro que se va á juntar con el Misissipi, son contérmino de los pananas.' _Id._, p. 107. 'Cerca de este llano de Matanza, está otro llano de esa otra parte del rio en que hay siete cerros, habitados de la nacion Aixas.' _Id._, p. 92. 'La nacion de los Aijados, que hace frente por la parte del Oriente y casi confina con la nacion Quivira por la parte del norte, estando vecina de los Tejas por Levante.' _Paredes_, in _Id._, p. 217. [Sidenote: PUEBLO FAMILY.] In the PUEBLO FAMILY, besides the inhabitants of the villages situated in the valley of the Rio Grande del Norte, I include the seven Moqui villages lying west of the former, and also the Pimas, the Maricopas, the Pápagos, and the Sobaipuris with their congeners of the lower Gila river. 'The number of inhabited pueblos in the Territory [New Mexico] is twenty-six.... Their names are Taos, Picoris, Nambé, Tezuque, Pojuaque, San Juan, San Yldefonso, Santo Domingo, San Felipe, Santa Ana, Cochiti, Isleta, Silla, Laguna, Acoma, Jemez, Zuñi, Sandia, and Santa Clara.... In Texas, a short distance below the southern boundary of New Mexico, and in the valley of the Del Norte, is a pueblo called Isleta of the South,' and another called Los Lentes. _Davis' El Gringo_, pp. 115-16. San Gerónimo de Taos, San Lorenzo de Picuries, San Juan de los Caballeros, Santo Tomas de Abiquiu, Santa Clara, San Ildefonso, San Francisco de Nambé, Nuestra Señora de Guadalupe de Pojuaque, San Diego de Tesuque, N. S. de los Angeles de Tecos, San Buena Ventura de Cochiti, Santo Domingo, San Felipe, N. S. de los Dolores de Sandia, San Diego de Jemes, N. S. de la Asumpcion de Zia, Santa Ana, San Augustin del Isleta, N. S. de Belem, San Estevan de Acoma, San Josef de La Laguna, N. S. de Guadalupe de Zuñi. _Alencaster_, in _Meline's Two Thousand Miles_, p. 212. Taos, eighty-three miles north north-east of Santa Fé; Picuris, on Rio Picuris, sixty miles north by east of Santa Fé; San Juan, on the Rio Grande, thirty-four miles north of Santa Fé, on road to Taos; Santa Clara, twenty-six miles north north-west of Santa Fé; San Ildefonso, on Rio Grande, eighteen miles north of Santa Fé; Nambe, on Nambe Creek, three miles east of Pojuaque; Pojuaque, sixteen miles north of Santa Fé; Tesuque, eight miles north of Santa Fé; Cochiti, on west bank of Rio Grande, twenty-four miles south-west of Santa Fé; Santo Domingo, on Rio Grande, six miles south of Cochiti; San Felipe, on Rio Grande, six miles south of Santo Domingo; Sandia, on Rio Grande, fifteen miles south of San Felipe; Isleta, on Rio Grande, thirty miles south of Sandia; Jemes, on Jemes River, fifty miles west of Santa Fé; Zia, near Jemes, fifty-five miles west of Santa Fé; Santa Ana, near Zia, sixty-five miles west of Santa Fé; Laguna, west of Albuquerque forty-five miles, on San José River; Acoma, one hundred and fifteen miles west of Santa Fé, on a rock five hundred feet high, fifteen miles south-west of Laguna; Zuñi, one hundred and ninety miles west south-west of Santa Fé, in the Navajo country, on Zuñi River. _Meline's Two Thousand Miles_, p. 222. See _Abert_, in _Emory's Reconnoissance_, pp. 488-94; _Whipple, Ewbank, and Turner's Rept._, pp. 10-12, in _Pac. R. R. Rept._, vol. iii.; _Ward_, in _Ind. Aff. Rept._, 1864, pp. 191, 193-4; _Barreiro_, _Ojeada sobre N. Mex._, p. 15. 'La primera, entrando sur á norte, es la nacion Tigua.... Están poblados junto á la sierra de Puruai, que toma el nombre del principal pueblo que se llama asi, y orillas del gran rio ... fueran de éste, pueblan otros dos pueblos, el uno San Pedro, rio abajo de Puruai y el otro Santiago, rio arriba.... La segunda nacion es la de Tahanos, que al rumbo oriental y mano derecha del camino, puebla un rio que de la parte del Oriente ... viene á unirse con el rio Grande; su pueblo principal es Zandia con otros dos pueblos.... La tercera nacion es la de los Gemex, que á la parte Occidua puebla las orillas del Rio-Puerco cuyo principal pueblo Qicinzigua.... La cuarta nacion es de los teguas, que están poblados al Norte de los tahanas, de esa otra parte del rio, su principal es Galisteo ... con otros dos pueblos, y hay al rumbo oriental, encaramada en una sierra alta, la quinta de Navon de los Pecos, su principal pueblo se llama así, otro se llama el Tuerto, con otras rancherías en aquellos picachos.... La sesta nacion es la de los queres.... El pueblo principal de esta nacion es Santo Domingo ... la sétima nacion al rumbo boreal es la de los tahos.... La octava nacion es la de los picuries, al rumbo Norueste de Santa Cruz, cuyo pueblo principal es San Felipe, orillas del rio Zama, y su visita Cochite, orilla del mismo rio.... La última nacion es la de los tompiras, que habita de esa otra parte de la cañada de Santa Clara y rio Zama, en un arroyo que junta al dicho rio, y es las fronteras de los llanos de Cíbola ó Zuñi.' _Salmeron_, _Relaciones_, in _Doc. Hist. Mex._, serie iii., tom. iv., pp. 98-100. 'Some sixty miles to the south southeast of Fort Defiance is situated the pueblo of Zuñi, on a small tributary of the Colorado Chiquito.' _Davis' El Gringo_, p. 422. 'On the Rio de Zuñi.' _Simpson's Jour. Mil. Recon._, p. 90. 'To the N. E. of the Little Colorado, about lat. 35°, are the Zunis.' _Prichard's Nat. Hist. Man_, vol. ii., p. 563. The _Moquis_, are settled 'West from the Navajos, and in the fork between the Little and the Big Colorados.' The names of their villages are, according to Mr Leroux, 'Óráibè, Shúmuthpà, Múshàilnà, Ahlélà, Guálpí, Shiwinnà, Téquà.' _Whipple, Ewbank, and Turner's Rept._, p. 13, in _Pac. R. R. Rept._, vol. iii. 'Westward of the capital of New Mexico ... Oraibe, Taucos, Moszasnavi, Guipaulavi, Xougopavi, Gualpi.' _Cortez_, in _Pac. R. R. Rept._, vol. iii., p. 121. 'Desde estos parages (Zuñi) corriendo para el Vest Noruest, empiezan los Pueblos, y Rancherías de las Provincias de Moqui Oraybe: los Pueblos Moquinos son: Hualpi, Tanos, Moxonavi, Xongopavi, Quianna, Aguatubi, y Rio grande de espeleta.' _Villa-Señor y Sanchez_, _Theatro_, tom. ii., pp. 425-6; _Venegas_, _Noticia de la Cal._, tom. ii., p. 527. 'The five pueblos in the Moqui are Orayxa, Masanais, Jongoapi, Gualpa, and another, the name of which is not known.' _Ruxton's Adven. Mex._, p. 195. 'The three eastern villages are located on one bluff, and are named as follows: Taywah, Sechomawe, Jualpi.... Five miles west of the above-named villages ... is ... the village of Meshonganawe.... One mile west of the last-named village ... is ... Shepowlawe. Five miles, in a northwestern direction, from the last-named village is ... Shungopawe. Five miles west of the latter ... is the Oreybe village.' _Crothers_, in _Ind. Aff. Rept._, 1872, p. 324. Further authorities: _Palmer_, in _Id._, 1870, p. 133; _Browne's Apache Country_, p. 290; _Domenech's Deserts_, vol. i., p. 185, vol. ii., p. 40; _Humboldt_, _Essai Pol._, tom. i., p. 305; _Hassel_, _Mex. Guat._, p. 278; _Ives' Colorado Riv._, p. 127; _Marcy's Life on the Border_, p. 111. [Sidenote: THE PIMAS OF ARIZONA.] 'The _Pimas_ inhabit the country on both banks of the Gila River, two hundred miles above its mouth. They claim the territory lying between the following boundaries: Commencing at a mountain about twelve miles from the bend of the Gila River, the line runs up said river to the Maricopa Coppermine. The north line extends to Salt River and the southern one to the Picacho.' _Walker's Pimas, MS._ 'La partie la plus septentrionale de l'intendance de la Sonora porte le nom de la Pimeria.... On distingue la Pimeria alta de la Pimeria baxa.' _Humboldt_, _Essai Pol._, tom. i., p. 296. 'Corre, pues, esta Pimería alta, de Sur á Norte desde los 30 grados hasta los 34 que se cuentan desde esta mision de Nuestra Señora de los Dolores hasta el rio del Gila ... y de Oriente á Poniente desde el valle de los pimas, llamados sobaipuris, hasta las cercanías y costas del seno del mar californio, habitadas de los pimas sobas.... Por el Sur tiene el resto de las naciones ópata, endeves, pertenecientes á dicha provincia y entre ellas y la sierra-madre, de Oriente á Poniente, la Pimería baja.' _Mange_, _Itinerario_, in _Doc. Hist. Mex._, serie iv., tom. i., pp. 345-6. 'Los pueblos de pimas bajos son ... desde Taraitzi hasta Cumuripa, Onapa, Nuri, Movas y Oanbos lo son hàcia el Sur de Cumuripa, Suaqui, San José de Pimas, Santa Rosalía, Ures y Nacameri hácia el Poniente, son la frontera contra los seris.... Los pimas altos ocupan todo el terreno que hay desde de Cucurpe por Santa Ana Caborca hasta la mar de Oriente á Poniente y Sur Norte, todo lo que desde dicha mision tirando por Dolores, Remedios, Cocospera el presidio de Terrenate, y desde éste siguiendo el rio de San Pedro ó de los Sobaipuris hasta su junta con el rio Xila, y por ambas orillas de este hasta el Colorado y entre la mar, ó seno de Californias se encierra.' _Sonora_, _Descrip. Geog._, in _Doc. Hist. Mex._, serie iii., tom. iv., pp. 553-4. 'From the river Yaqui in Sonora, northward to the Gila and even beyond the Tomosatzi (Colorado) eastward beyond the mountains in the province of Taraumara, and westward to the sea of Cortez.' _Smith_, _Grammar of the Pima or Névome Language_, p. viii; _Id._, _Heve Language_, pp. 5-7; _Arricivita_, _Crónica Seráfica_, p. 396; _Alegre_, _Hist. Comp. de Jesus_, tom. ii., p. 216. 'Nördlich vom Flusse Yaqui, vom Dorfe S. José de Pimas bis zu dem über 60 Leguas nördlicher gelegenen Dorfe Cucurápe, bewohnen die Pimas bajas die Mitte des Landes.' 'Nördlich vom Fluss Ascensión, von der Küste weit ins Land hinein, treffen wir die Pimas altas.' _Mühlenpfordt_, _Mejico_, tom. ii., pt. ii., pp. 419-20. 'Pimérie haute et basse. La première s'étend depuis les Rios Colorado et Gila jusqu'à la ville de Hermosillo et au Rio de los Ures, et la seconde depuis cette limite jusqu'au Rio del Fuerte qui la sépare de Sinaloa.' _Mofras_, _Explor._, tom. i., p. 208. 'Los pimas altos ocupan los partidos de la Magdalena y del Altar; lindan al Norte con el Gila; al Este con los apaches y con los ópatas, sirviendo de limite el rio San Pedro ó de Sobaipuris; al Oeste el mar de Cortés, y al Sur el terreno que ocuparon los séris.' _Orozco y Berra_, _Geografía_, p. 347. See also: _Malte-Brun_, _Sonora_, pp. 14-15; _Mill's Hist. Mex._, p. 191; _Lachapelle_, _Raousset-Boulbon_, p. 81; _Hardy's Trav._, p. 437; _Cutts' Conq. Cal._, p. 195; _Stanley's Portraits_, p. 58; _Schoolcraft's Arch._, vol. iii., p. 296; _Cremony's Apaches_, pp. 89-90; _Domenech's Deserts_, vol. ii., p. 50. The _Maricopas_ inhabit both sides of the Gila River, for about 36 leagues in the vicinity of its junction with the Asuncion River. _Apostólicos Afanes_, p. 354. 'On the northern bank of the Gila, a few miles west of that of the Pimas, in about west longitude 112°.' _Whipple, Ewbank, and Turner's Rept._, p. 102, in _Pac. R. R. Rept._, vol. iii. 'Desde Stue Cabitic, se estienden à lo largo del rio (Gila) como treinta y seis leguas.' _Sedelmair_, _Relacion_, in _Doc. Hist. Mex._, serie iii., tom. iv., p. 849; _Villa-Señor y Sanchez_, _Theatro_, tom. ii., pp. 404-5. 'Vom südlichen Ufer des Gila bis zum östlichen des Colorádo.' _Mühlenpfordt_, _Mejico_, tom. ii., pt. ii., p. 420; _Emory's Reconnoissance_, pp. 131-2; _Möllhausen_, _Reisen in die Felsengeb._, tom. i., p. 123. 'Au sud du rio Gila, sur une étendue de près de 150 milles, en remontant depuis l'embouchure.' _Gallatin_, in _Nouvelles Annales des Voy._, 1851, tom. cxxxi., p. 291; _Domenech's Deserts_, vol. ii., p. 18; _Escudero_, _Noticias de Chihuahua_, p. 228. The Pimas and Maricopas live 'on the Gila, one hundred and eighty miles from its junction with the Colorado.' _Mowry's Arizona_, p. 14. 'Wo der 112te Grad westlicher Länge den Gila-Strom Kreuzt, also ungefähr auf der Mitte der Strecke, die der Gila, fast vom Rio Grande del Norte bis an die Spitze des Golfs von Kalifornien, zu durchlaufen hat, liegen die Dörfer der Pimos und Coco-Maricopas.' _Möllhausen_, _Flüchtling_, tom. iv., p. 137. 'Non loin du confluent du rio Salinas, par 112° environ de longitude.' _Gallatin_, in _Nouvelles Annales des Voy._, 1851, tom. cxxxi., pp. 289-90. 'On the Gila river, about one hundred miles above the confluence of that stream with the Colorado.' _Dole_, in _Ind. Aff. Rept._, 1864, p. 20. 'Claimed as their own property the entire Gila valley on both sides, from the Piñal mountains to the Tesotal.' _Mowry_, in _Ind. Aff. Rept._, 1859, p. 358. 'From Maricopa Wells to a short distance beyond Sacaton.' _Whittier_, in _Ind. Aff. Rept._, 1868, p. 142. Limits also given in _Bartlett's Pers. Nar._, vol. ii., p. 232; _Ives' Colorado Riv._, p. 45; _Bailey_, in _Ind. Aff. Rept._, 1858, pp. 203; _Poston_, in _Id._, 1864, p. 152. The _Pápagos_ 'inhabit that triangular space of arid land bounded by the Santa Cruz, Gila, and Colorado rivers, and the Mexican boundary line.' _Poston_, in _Ind. Aff. Rept._, 1863, p. 384. 'Nördlich von diesen (Pimas altas) hausen im Osten der Sierra de Santa Clara, welche sich unter 31½° nördlicher Breite dicht am östlichen Ufer des Meerbusens von Californien erhebt, die Papágos oder Papábi-Ootam.' _Mühlenpfordt_, _Mejico_, tom. i., p. 210. 'Junto al rio de San Marcos: 50 leguas mas arriba habita la nacion de los Papagos.' _Alcedo_, _Diccionario_, tom. iv., p. 217. 'In the country about San Xavier del Baca, a few miles from Tucson.' _Parker_, in _Ind. Aff. Rept._, 1869, p. 19; _Jones_, in _Id._, p. 220; _Dole_, in _Id._, 1864, p. 21. 'Wander over the country from San Javier as far west as the Tinajas Altas.' _Emory's Rept. Mex. and U. S. Boundary Survey_, vol. i., p. 123. See also: _Davidson_, in _Ind. Aff. Rept._, 1865, p. 133; _Lachapelle_, _Raousset-Boulbon_, p. 81. The _Sobaipuris_, a nation related to the Pimas, live among the lower Pimas. 'Por una sierrezuela que hay al Oriente de este rio y sus rancherías, se dividen éstas del valle de los pimas sobaipuris, que á poca distancia tienen las suyas muchas y muy numerosas, las mas al Poniente y pocas al Oriente del rio, que naciendo de las vertientes del cerro de Terrenate, que está como treinta leguas al Norte de esta mision, corre de Sur à Norte hasta juntarse con el tantas veces nombrado de Gila y juntos corren al Poniente.' _Mange_, _Itinerario_, in _Doc. Hist. Mex._, serie iv., tom. i., p. 349. Reference also in _Alcedo_, _Diccionario_, tom. iv., p. 218; _Mühlenpfordt_, _Mejico_, tom. i., p. 210. [Sidenote: LOWER CALIFORNIANS.] The LOWER CALIFORNIAN FAMILY includes all the nations inhabiting the Peninsula of Lower California, northward to the mouth of the Colorado River. The _Cochimís_ inhabit the peninsula north of the twenty-sixth degree of north latitude. 'I Cochimí ne presero la parte settentrionale da gr. 25 sino a 33, e alcune isole vicine del Mar Pacifico.' _Clavigero_, _Storia della Cal._, tom. i., p. 109. 'Desde el territorio de Loreto, por todo lo descubierto al Norte de la Nacion Cochimí, ó de los Cochimies.' 'La Nacion, y Lengua de los Cochimies ázia el Norte, despues de la ultima Mission de San Ignacio.' 'Los Laymones son los mismos, que los Cochimies del Norte.' _Venegas_, _Noticia de la Cal._, tom. i., pp. 63-7. 'Los Cochimíes ocupaban la peninsula desde Loreto hasta poco mas allá de nuestra frontera. Los de las misiones de San Francisco Javier y San José Comondú se llamaban edúes; los de San Ignacio didúes.' _Orozco y Berra_, _Geografía_, p. 366; _Forbes' Cal._, p. 21; _Ludewig's Ab. Lang._, pp. 49, 99; _Pimentel_, _Cuadro_, tom. ii., p. 207; _Buschmann_, _Spuren der Aztek. Spr._, pp. 469-70. 'Between San Fernando and Moleje were the Limonies, divided (going from north) into the Cagnaguets, Adacs and Kadakamans.' 'From Santo Tomas to San Vicente they were termed Icas.' _Browne's Lower Cal._, p. 54; _Hist. Chrétienne de la Cal._, p. 163. 'Nördlich von Loréto schwärmt der zahlreiche Stamm der Cochimíes, auch Cochimas oder Colimíes genannt. Zu ihnen gehören die Laimónes und die Icas.' _Mühlenpfordt_, _Mejico_, tom. ii., pt. ii., p. 443. The _Guaicuris_ roam south of the Cochimís, as far as Magdalena Bay. 'Si stabilirono tra i gr. 23½ e 26.' _Clavigero_, _Storia della Cal._, tom. i., p. 109. 'Los guaicuras se subdividen en guaicuras, coras, conchos, uchitas, y aripas. Los guaicuras vivian principalmente en la costa del Pacífico, desde el puerto de San Bernabe hasta el de la Magdalena. Los coras en la costa del Golfo, desde los pericúes hasta la mision de los Dolores, comprendiendo el puerto de la Paz. Entre los guaicuras, los coras, y los pericúes estaban los uchitas ó uchities. Hasta el mismo Loreto, ó muy cerca llegaban los conchos ó monquies, á quienes los jesuitas pusieron lauretanos, ... una rama de su nacion nombrada monquí-laimon ó monquíes del interior, porque vivian lejos de la costa, y se encuentran tambien nombrados por solo laimones. Los aripas al Norte de los guaicuras.' _Orozco y Berra_, _Geografía_, pp. 365-6. 'Desde la Paz hasta mas arriba del Presidio Real de Loreto, es de los Monquis ... à si mismos se llaman con vocablo general Monqui, ó Monquis ... los Vehities, que pueblan las cercanías de la Bahía y Puerto de la Paz; y la de los Guaycúras, que desde la Paz se estienden en la Costa interior hasta las cercanías de Loreto. Los Monquis mismos se dividen en Liyùes, Didiùs, y otras ramas menores.' _Venegas_, _Noticia de la Cal._, tom. i., pp. 63-7. 'Los Guaicuras se establecieron entre el paralelo de 23° 30´ y el de 26°.' _Pimentel_, _Cuadro_, tom. ii., p. 207. 'Von La Paz bis über den Presidio von Loréto dehnt der Stamm Monqui, Moqui oder Mongui sich aus, welchem die Familien Guaycùra und Uchíti oder Vehíti angehören, die jedoch von einigen Reisenden für ganz verschiedene Stämme gehalten werden.' _Mühlenpfordt_, _Mejico_, tom. ii., pt. ii., p. 443; _Buschmann_, _Spuren der Aztek. Spr._, p. 473; _Forbes' Cal._, p. 21; _Browne's Lower Cal._, p. 54; _Ludewig's Ab. Lang._, p. 198. 'La nacion ya nombrada Guaicure, que habita el ramalde la sierra giganta, que viene costeando el puerto de la Magdalena hasta el de San Bernabé.' _Salmeron_, _Relaciones_, in _Doc. Hist. Mex._, serie iii., tom. iv., p. 64. The _Pericúis_ live in the southern portion of the Peninsula from Cape San Lucas northward to La Paz. 'Desde el Cabo de San Lucas, hasta mas acà del Puerto de la Paz de la Nacion Pericù.... A los Indios, que caen al Sùr, ò Mediodia de su territorio, llaman Edù, ó Equù, ó Edùes ... se divide en varias Nacioncillas pequeñas, de las quales la mas nombrada es la de los Coras, nombre propio de una Ranchería, que se ha comunicado despues à algunos Pueblos, y al Rio, que desagua en la Bahía de San Bernabé.' _Venegas_, _Noticia de la Cal._, tom. i., pp. 63-7. 'Los pericúes habitan en la mision de Santiago, que tiene sujeto á San José del Cabo y en las islas de Cerralvo, el Espíritu Santo y San José.' _Orozco y Berra_, _Geografía_, p. 365. 'I Pericui ne occuparono la parte australe dal C. di S. Luca sino a gr. 24, e le isole adjacenti di Cerralvo, dello Spirito Santo, e di S. Giuseppe.' _Clavigero_, _Storia della Cal._, tom. i., p. 109. 'Im Süden, vom Cap San Lucas bis über den Hafen Los Pichilingues und die Mission La Paz hinaus wohnen die Perícues zu welchen die Familien Edú oder Equu und Cora gerechnet werden.' _Mühlenpfordt_, _Mejico_, tom. ii., pt. ii., p. 443. See also: _Pimentel_, _Cuadro_, tom. ii., p. 207; _Californias, Noticias_, carta i., p. 86; _Browne's Lower Cal._, p. 45; _Forbes' Cal._, p. 21; _Buschmann_, _Spuren der Aztek. Spr._, p. 480. The NORTHERN MEXICAN FAMILY is composed of the inhabitants of the States of Sonora, Sinaloa, Chihuahua, Coahuila, Nuevo Leon, and portions of Tamaulipas, Durango, and Zacatecas, south as far as 23° north latitude, divided as follows: [Sidenote: CERIS AND ÓPATAS.] The _Seris_ 'live towards the coast of Sonora, on the famous Cerro Prieto, and in its immediate neighborhood.' _Cortez_, in _Pac. R. R. Rept._, vol. iii., p. 123. 'Reside in the village near Hermosillo, occupy the island of Tiburon in the Gulf of California, north of Guaymas.' _Bartlett's Pers. Nar._, vol. i., p. 464. 'Son las Islas nombradas S. Antonio, Taburon, S. Estevan, Bocalinas, Salsipuedes, la Tortuga, la ensenada de la Concepcion, habitadas de Indios de la nacion Seris.' _Padilla_, _Conq. N. Galicia, MS._, p. 490. 'Su principal abrigo es el famoso cerro Prieto, al Poniente de San José de los Pimas, doce leguas, y doce casi al Sur del Pitic; del mar como cerca de catorce leguas al Oriente, y de la boca del rio Hiaqui al Norte, treinta leguas.... Otro asilo tienen, así en su isla del Tiburon, casi como cuarenta leguas al Poniente de la hacienda del Pitic y como una legua de la costa, en el seno de Californias; como en la de San Juan Bautista, cerca de nueve leguas del Tiburon al Sud-sudueste y á mas de dos leguas de tierra.' _Sonora_, _Descrip. Geog._, in _Doc. Hist. Mex._, serie iii., vol. iv., pp. 559-60. 'Los ceris ... [1779] estaban situados en la villa de Horcasitas en un pueblo llamado el Pópulo, una legua hácia el Este de dicha villa, camino para Nacameri. De allí se trasladaron en 1789 al pueblo de Ceris.' _Velasco_, _Noticias de Sonora_, p. 124. 'The Céres are confined to the island of Tiburon, the coast of Tépoca, and the Pueblo of Los Céres, near Pitic.' _Hardy's Trav._, p. 437. 'Zwischen dem Flecken Petíc und der Küste, und diese hinauf bis zum Flusse Ascensión.' _Mühlenpfordt_, _Mejico_, vol. ii., pt. ii., p. 419. The country adjacent to the Bay of San Juan Bautista was occupied by the Ceris. _Browne's Apache Country_, p. 247. 'Sus madrigueras las han tenido en el famoso cerro Prieto, doce leguas al Oeste de San José de los Pimas, en la cadena que se extiende hácia Guaymas, en el rincon de Márcos, en las sierras de Bocoatzi Grande, en la sierra de Picu cerca de la costa, y sobre todo en la isla del Tiburon, situada en el Golfo de Californias, á una legua de la playa.' _Orozco y Berra_, _Geografía_, p. 354; _Pajaken_, in _Cal. Farmer_, _June 13, 1862_. Concurrent authorities: _Lachappelle_, _Raousset-Boulbon_, p. 79; _Dillon_, _Hist. Mex._, p. 215; _Ward's Mexico_, vol. i., p. 565; _Ludewig's Ab. Lang._, p. 34; _Domenech's Deserts_, vol. ii., p. 57; _Mofras_, _Explor._, tom. i., p. 214; _Stone_, in _Hist. Mag._, vol. v., p. 166. The Salineros 'hácia los confines de la Pimeria alta.' _Orozco y Berra_, _Geografía_, p. 354. The Tepocas are south of the latter. 'Ordinarily live on the island of Tiburon.' _Cortez_, in _Pac. R. R. Rept._, vol. iii., p. 122. 'Los mas próximos á la isla del Tiburon.' _Orozco y Berra_, _Geografía_, p. 354; _Malte-Brun_, _Sonora_, pp. 20-1; _Mofras_, _Explor._, tom. i., p. 214. The Guaymas and Upanguaymas live near the like-named port. 'Ocupaban el terreno en que ahora se encuentra el puerto de ese nombre, y que se redujeron al pueblo de Belen.' _Orozco y Berra_, _Geografía_, p. 354. The _Ópatas_ occupy central and eastern Sonora. 'In the eastern part of the State, on the banks of the Sonora and Oposura, and in the vicinity of the town of Arispe and the mineral region of Nocasari.' _Mayer's Mex., Aztec, etc._, vol. ii., p. 300. 'Leurs villages couvrent les bords des rivières de Yaqui, de Sonora et de Nacaméri, ainsi que la belle vallée d'Oposura.' _Zuñiga_, in _Nouvelles Annales des Voy._, 1842, tom. xciii., pp. 238-9. 'Im Osten des Staats, an den Ufern der Flüsse Sonóra und Oposúra und bis gegen die Stadt Aríspe und den Minendistrict von Nacosári hinauf.' _Mühlenpfordt_, _Mejico_, tom. ii., pt. ii., p. 420. 'Habita el centro del Estado de Sonora.' _Pimentel_, _Cuadro_, tom. i., p. 403. 'Le long des rivières de San Miguel de Horcasitas, d'Arispe, de los Ures et d'Oposura.' _Ternaux-Compans_, in _Nouvelles Annales des Voy._, 1842, tom. xcv., p. 319. 'Confinan al Norte con los pimas y con los apaches; al Este con la Tarahumara; al Sur con la Pimeria baja, y al Oeste con los pimas y con los séris.' 'Ocupan en el Estado de Sonora los actuales partidos de Sahuaripa, Oposura, Ures, Arizpe y parte del de Magdalena.' _Orozco y Berra_, _Geografía_, pp. 338, 343-4. The Ópatas, Eudebes, and Jovas 'pueblan la mayor parte de la Sonora, desde muy adentro de la sierra, son sus terrenos hácia al Sur desde este que pusimos por lindero al Oriente, por el desierto pueblo de Natora, Aribetzi, Bacanora, Tonitzi, Soyopa, Nacori, Alamos, parte de Ures, Nacameri, Opodepe, Cucurpe hácia el Poniente; desde aquí Arispe, Chinapa, Bacoatzi, Cuquiaratzi hasta Babispe hácia el Norte, y desde esta mision la poco ha citado sierra hasta Natora, los que la terminan hácia el Oriente.' _Sonora_, _Descrip. Geog._, in _Doc. Hist. Mex._, serie iii., tom. iv., pp. 552-3. See also: _Wappäus_, _Geog. u. Stat._, p. 174; _Mofras_, _Explor._, tom. i., p. 213; _Malte-Brun_, _Sonora_, p. 14; _Bartlett's Pers. Nar._, vol. i., p. 444; _Hardy's Trav._, p. 437; _Pajaken_, in _Cal. Farmer_, _June 6, 1862_; _Prichard's Nat. Hist. Man_, tom. ii., p. 562; _Ward's Mexico_, vol. i., p. 597; _Ludewig's Ab. Lang._, p. 139; _Velasco_, _Noticias de Sonora_, pp. 117, 145. In early days 'they occupied the whole western slope of the Sierra, from the headquarters of the Sonora River to Nuri, near the Yaqui towns. They were then esteemed different tribes in different localities, and are named in the old records as Jobas, Teqüimas, Teguis, and Cogüinachies.' _Stone_, in _Hist. Mag._, vol. v., p. 166. 'La nacion ópata se subdivide en ópatas tegüis, avecindados en los pueblos de Opodepe, Terrapa, Cucurpe, Alamos, Batuco. En opatas tegüimas en Sinoquipe, Banamichi, Huepaca, Aconchi, Babiacora, Chinapa, Bacuachi, Cuquiarachi, Cumpas. Ópatas Cogüinachis en Toniche, Matape, Oputo, Oposura, Guasavas, Bacadeguachi, Nacori (otro), Mochopa. Los del pueblo de Santa Cruz se dice que son de nacion contla. Los Batucas, en el pueblo de Batuco corresponden tambien á los ópatas, así como los sahuaripas, los himeris y los guasabas.' _Orozco y Berra_, _Geografía_, pp. 343-4, and _Velasco_, _Noticias de Sonora_, pp. 156-6. To the Jovas 'pertenecen los pueblos de San José Teopari, Los Dolores, Sahuaripa, donde hay tambien ópatas, Pónida, Santo Tomas, Arivetzi, San Mateo Malzura.' _Orozco y Berra_, _Geografía_, p. 345; _Pimentel_, _Cuadro_, tom. ii., p. 249. Ovas, 'esta nacion está poblada á orillas del rio Papigochic, variedad de algunos pueblos y corre hasta cerca del partido de Samaripa y uno de sus pueblos llamado Teopari (que es de nacion ova su gente) y corre como se ha dicho poblada en este rio hasta cerca de la mision de Matachic.' _Zapata_, in _Doc. Hist. Mex._, serie iv., tom. iii., p. 341. 'Los ovas, tribu que vive principalmente en Sonora ... en Chihuahua está poblada orillas del rio Papigochi (el Yaqui), llegando hasta cerca de Yepomera, de la mision de tarahumares de Matachic; sus rancherías se llamaron Oparrapa, Natora, Bacaniyahua ó Baipoa, Orosaqui y Xiripa.' _Orozco y Berra_, _Geografía_, p. 325. The Sobas 'ocuparon à Caborca, encontrándose tambien en los alrededores.' _Orozco y Berra_, _Geografía_, p. 348. The Potlapiguas, 'nacion gentil cerca de Babispe y de Bacerac, colocada en la frontera.' _Ib._ The Tepahues were 'habitadores de una península que forman dos rios ó brazos del Mayo al Oriente de los de esta nacion.' _Id._, p. 356. The Tecayaguis, Cues or Macoyahuis were 'en las vertientes del rio, antes de los tepahues ... sus restos se encuentran en el pueblo de la Concepcion de Macoyahui.' _Ib._ The Hymeris, 'nacion situada en los varios valles que forma la Sierra Madre entre Occidente y Norte del valle de Sonora.' _Alegre_, _Hist. Comp. de Jesus_, tom. ii., p. 243. The _Sonoras_ inhabit the valley of Soñora, which 'cae a la banda del Norte, apartado de la villa (Sinaloa) ciento y treinta leguas.' _Ribas_, _Hist. de los Triumphos_, p. 392. The Eudeves, Eudebes, Hegues, Hequis, Heves, Eudevas or Dohme dwell in the villages 'Matape, Nacori, Los Alamos, Robesco, Bacanora, Batuco, Tepuspe, Cucurpe, Saracatzi, Toape, and Opodepe.' _Orozco y Berra_, _Geografía_, p. 344. The Sibubapas 'del pueblo de Suaqui.' _Id._, p. 351. The Nures, 'habitadores del pueblo de Nuri.' _Ib._ 'Habita cerca de la de los Nebomes.' _Alcedo_, _Diccionario_, vol. iii., p. 350. The Hios, 'á ocho leguas al Este de Tepahue.' _Orozco y Berra_, _Geografía_, p. 351. The Huvagueres and Tehuisos are neighbors of the Hios. _Ib._ The Basiroas and Teatas, 'más al Este.' _Ib._ The Tupocuyos are four leagues Northwest of Santa Magdalena. 'De Santa Magdalena en ... el rumbo al Noroeste ... á 4 leguas de distancia llegamos á la ranchería del Tupocuyos.' _Mange_, _Itinerario_, in _Doc. Hist. Mex._, serie iv., tom. i., p. 232. [Sidenote: SINALOAS AND MAYOS.] 'The Indians of the state of Cinaloa belong to different tribes: towards the south, in the country and in the Sierra, the Coras, Najarites, and Hueicolhues are to be found; to the north of Culiacan, the Cinaloas, Cochitas and Tuvares; and towards the town of El Fuerte, and farther north, we find the Mayos Indians, to which belong also the tribes Quasare, Ahome, and Ocoronis.' _Sevin_, in _Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour._, vol. xxx., p. 12; _Mühlenpfordt_, _Mejico_, tom. ii., pt. ii., p. 402. The _Sinaloas_ 'tiene su assiento y poblaciones en el mismo rio de Tegueco, y Cuaque, en lo mas alto dél, y mas cercanas a las haldas de serranias de Topia; y sus pueblos comiençan seis leguas arriba del fuerte de Montesclaros.' _Ribas_, _Hist. de los Triumphos_, pp. 199, 47. 'Los mas orientales de las gentes que habitaban las riberas del que ahora llamamos rio del Fuerte.' _Alegre_, _Hist. Comp. de Jesus_, tom. i., p. 460. 'Avecindados en una parte de las orillas, hácia las fuentes del rio del Fuerte.' _Orozco y Berra_, _Geografía_, p. 329. The _Mayos_ occupy the banks of the rivers Mayo and Fuerte. The Mayo river 'baña todos los pueblos de indígenas llamados los Mayos.' _Velasco_, _Noticias de Sonora_, p. 82. 'Die eigentlichen Mayos wohnen hauptsächlich westlich and nordwestlich von der Stadt Alamos.' _Mühlenpfordt_, _Mejico_, tom. ii., pt. ii., p. 402. 'Los mayos, sobre el rio Mayo ... están distribuidos en los pueblos de Santa Cruz de Mayo, Espíritu Santo Echojoa ó Echonova, Natividad Navajoa ó Navohoua, Concepcion Cuirimpo, San Ignacio de Tesia, Santa Catalina Cayamoa ó Camoa, San Bartolomé Batacosa, Masiaca.' _Orozco y Berra_, _Geografía_, pp. 356, 354; _Malte-Brun_, _Sonora_, p. 13. 'The Mayos on the river Mayo inhabit the following towns: Tepágue, Conecáre, Camóa, Tésia, Navahóa, Curinghóa, Echehóa, and Santa Cruz de Mayo, a seaport. Towns of the same nation on the Rio del Fuerte: Tóro, Báca, Chóis, Omi, San Miguel, Charác, Sivilihóa, and Teguéco.' _Hardy's Trav._, pp. 438, 390; _Ward's Mexico_, vol. i., p. 583, vol. ii., p. 606; also: _Stone_, in _Hist. Mag._, vol. v., p. 165; _Mayer's Mex., Aztec, etc._, vol. ii., p. 299. The _Yaquis_ are settled on the Rio Yaqui and between it and the Rio Mayo. On the Yaqui River at a distance of twelve leagues from the sea, 'está poblada la famosa Nacion de Hiaquis.' _Ribas_, _Hist. de los Triumphos_, p. 284. 'Lista de los pueblos del rio Yaqui, contados desde Cocori, primer pueblo al otro lado del rio de Buenavista, al Este del Estado, camino para la ciudad de Alamos, y rio abajo hasta Belen: Cocori, Bacum, Torin, Bicam, Potam, Rahum, Huirivis.' _Velasco_, _Noticias de Sonora_, p. 84. 'Zwischen den Flüssen Mayo und Yaquí.... Die Ortschaften des Stammes Yaquí (Hiaquí) sind besonders: Belén, Huadíbis, Raún, Potan, Bican, Torin, Bacún und Cocorún.' _Mühlenpfordt_, _Mejico_, vol. ii., pt. ii., p. 419; _Malte-Brun_, _Sonora_, p. 13. 'Les habitations des Yaquis commencent, à partir de la rivière de ce nom, et s'étendent également sur le Rio de Mayo Fuerte et de Sinaloa, sur une étendue de plus de 140 lieues.' _Zuñiga_, in _Nouvelles Annales des Voy._, 1842, tom. xciii., p. 239; _Ternaux-Compans_, in _Id._, tom. xcv., p. 306. 'Taraumara es la residencia de los Indios Yaquis.' 'Are still farther north (than the Mayos), and belong entirely to the state of Sonora.' _Sevin_, in _Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour._, vol. xxx., p. 12; _Stone_, in _Hist. Mag._, vol. v., pp. 164-5; _Pajaken_, in _Cal. Farmer_, _June 6, 1862_; _Alcedo_, _Diccionario_, tom. v., p. 46. 'Occupent le pays situé au sud de Guaymas jusqu'au Rio del Fuerte.' _Mofras_, _Explor._, tom. i., p. 212. See further: _Ferry_, _Scènes de la Vie Sauvage_, pp. 15, 45; _Ward's Mexico_, vol. i., p. 582, vol. ii., p. 606; _Hardy's Trav._, pp. 437-8; _Combier_, _Voy._, p. 200; _Mex. in 1842_, pp. 67-8; _Hist. Chrétienne de la Cal._, p. 244. The _Zuaques_ have their villages between the Mayo and Yaqui rivers. 'Los zuaques estaban adelante, á cinco leguas de los tehuecos, y sus tierras corrian por espacio de diez leguas.' _Orozco y Berra_, _Geografía_, p. 332. 'Sus pueblos ... eran tres ... el principal dellos, llamado Mochicaui.' _Ribas_, _Hist. de los Triumphos_, p. 163; _Mühlenpfordt_, _Mejico_, vol. ii., pt. ii., p. 419. The _Tehuecos_ are west of the Sinaloas. 'Seis leguas al Oeste del último de sus pueblos (Sinaloas) seguian los teguecos ó tehuecos.' _Orozco y Berra_, _Geografía_, p. 332. 'Los pueblos desta Nacion, que en sus principios fueron tres, començauan quatro leguas rio arriba del vltimo de los Çuaques.' _Ribas_, _Hist. de los Triumphos_, p. 171. The _Ahomes_ dwell on the Rio Zuaque four leagues from the sea. 'La Nacion Ahome, y su principal pueblo.... Dista quatro leguas de la mar de Californias.' _Ribas_, _Hist. de los Triumphos_, p. 145; _Orozco y Berra_, _Geografía_, p. 332; _Alcedo_, _Diccionario_, vol. i., p. 33; _Schoolcraft's Arch._, vol. iii., p. 522. The _Vacoregues_ 'vivian en las playas del mar y en los médanos, ... un pueblo, orillas del rio (Fuerte), no lejos de Ahome.' _Orozco y Berra_, _Geografía_, p. 332. The _Batucaris_ 'frecuentaban un lagunazo á tres leguas de Ahome.' _Ib._ The _Comoporis_ 'existian en una península, siete leguas de Ahome.' _Ib._ 'En vna peninsula retirada, y en los Medanos, ó montes de arena del mar, viuian las rancherias de la gente fiera destos Comoporis.' _Ribas_, _Hist. de los Triumphos_, p. 153. The _Guazaves_ 'distante diez, y doze leguas de la villa' (Cinaloa). _Id._, p. 46. 'Habitadores de San Pedro Guazave y de Tamazula, orillas del rio Sinaloa.' _Orozco y Berra_, _Geografía_, p. 332. The _Zoes_ 'eran Indios serranos, que tenian sus poblaciones en lo alto del mismo rio de los Cinaloas, y a las haldas de sus serranias.' _Ribas_, _Hist. de los Triumphos_, p. 208. 'Se establecieron á las faldas de la Sierra, en las fuentes del rio del Fuerte cercanos á los sinaloas.' _Orozco y Berra_, _Geografía_, p. 333. 'Confinan con los tubares.' _Zapata_, in _Doc. Hist. Mex._, serie iv., tom. iii., p. 395. The _Huites_ 'Vivian en la Sierra, à siete leguas de los sinaloas.' _Orozco y Berra_, _Geografía_, p. 333. The _Ohueras_ and _Cahuimetos_ dwell at 'San Lorenzo de Oguera ... situado á seis leguas al E. de la villa de Sinaloa y sobre el rio.' _Id._, p. 334. The _Chicoratos_ and _Basopas_, 'en la sierra, y á siete leguas al E. de Oguera, se encuentra la Concepcion de Chicorato.... Cinco leguas al Norte tiene à San Ignacio de Chicuris, en que los habitantes son tambien basopas.' _Ib._ The _Chicuràs_ 'eran vecinos de los chicoratos.' _Ib._ The _Tubares_ or Tovares live in the 'pueblos de Concepcion, San Ignacio y San Miguel.' 'habitan uno de los afluentes del rio del Fuerte.' _Id._, pp. 323-4. 'Poblada en varias rancherias sobre los altos del rio grande de Cinaloa.' _Ribas_, _Hist. de los Triumphos_, p. 117. 'En el distrito de Mina.' _Pimentel_, _Cuadro_, tom. ii., p. 254. The _Chinipas_, _Guailopos_, and _Maguiaquis_ live 'en San Andres Chinipas.' _Orozco y Berra_, _Geografía_, p. 324; _Ribas_, _Hist. de los Triumphos_, p. 95. The _Hizos_ are in 'Nuestra Señora de Guadalupe de Voragios ó Taraichi.' _Orozco y Berra_, _Geografía_, p. 324. The _Varogios_, _Husorones_, _Cutecos_ and _Tecàrgonis_ are in 'Nuestra Señora de Loreto de Voragios ó Sinoyeca y en Santa Ana.' _Ib._ The _Tarahumares_ inhabit the district of Tarahumara in the state of Chihuahua. 'Provincia ... confina por el O con la de Sonora, por el E con el Nuevo México, sirviéndole de límites el rio Grande del Norte, por este rumbo no están conocidos aun sus términos, por el S O con la de Cinaloa ... toma el nombre de la Nacion de Indios así llamada, que confinaba con la de los Tepeguanes.' _Alcedo_, _Diccionario_, tom. v., p. 46; _Pimentel_, _Cuadro_, tom. i., p. 363. 'In den tiefen und wilden Schluchten von Tararécua und Santa Sinforósa, jagen verschiedene Familien der Tarahumáras.' _Mühlenpfordt_, _Mejico_, tom. ii., pt. ii., p. 521; _Mexikanische Zustände_, tom. i., p. 74. 'Bewohnen einen Theil des Berglandes im W. der Hauptstadt, wo sie namentlich in dem schönen Hochthale des Rio Papigóchic in allen Ortschaften einen Theil der Bevölkerung bilden.' _Wappäus_, _Geog. u. Stat._, p. 213. 'Inhabit the towns in Mulatos.' _Hardy's Trav._, p. 438. 'En la raya que divide los Reynos de la Vizcaya y de la Galicia no en los terminos limitados que hoy tiene que es Acaponeta, sino en los que antes tubo hasta cerca de Sinaloa.' _Padilla_, _Conq. N. Galicia, MS._, p. 491. 'Al Oriente tienen el rio de los Conchos y al Poniente la Sinaloa, Sonora y las regiones del Nuevo México, al Norte y al Austro la Nacion de los Tepehuanes. 'Se estiendan por el Norte hasta mas abajo de San Buenaventura.' 'Vivian en S. José de Bocas, cabecera de una de las misiones de los jesuitas,' in Durango. _Orozco y Berra_, _Geografía_, pp. 319-25. 'Á tres leguas de San José Temaichic está otro pueblo y mucha gente en él llamada taraumar Pachera.' _Zapata_, in _Doc. Hist. Mex._, serie iv., tom. iii., p. 333; _Richthofen_, _Mexico_, p. 448. 'Les Tahues étaient probablement les mêmes que ceux que l'on désigne plus tard sous le nom de Tarahumaras.' 'Leur capitale était Téo-Colhuacan.' _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Popol Vuh_, preface, p. 191. The _Conchos_ inhabit the banks of the Rio Conchos, near its confluence with the Rio del Norte. 'Endereço su camino hazia el Norte, y a dos jornadas topo mucha cantidad de Indios de los que llaman Conchos.' _Espejo_, in _Hakluyt's Voy._, vol. iii., pp. 384, 390. 'En en Real del Parral.' _Arlegui_, _Chrón. de Zacatecas_, p. 97. 'Se estiende hasta las orillas del rio grande del Norte. Por la parte del septentrion confina con los laguneros, y al Mediodia tiene algunos pueblos de los tepehuanes y valle de Santa Bárbara.' _Alegre_, _Hist. Comp. de Jesus_, tom. ii., p. 58. The _Passaguates_ live twenty-four leagues north of the Conchos. 'Andadas las veinte y quatro leguas dichas (from the Conchos), toparon otra nacion de Indios, llamados Passaguates.' _Espejo_, in _Hakluyt's Voy._, vol. iii., pp. 384, 391. The Mamites, Colorados, Arigames, Otaquitamones, Pajalames, Poaramas were in the neighborhood of the Conchos. _Orozco y Berra_, _Geografía_, p. 325. The _Guazapares_ are 'a veinte leguas de distancia del pueblo y partido de Loreto al Sur, reconociendo al Oriente, y solas diez del pueblo y partido de Santa Inés, caminando derecho al Oriente, está el pueblo y partido de Santa Teresa de Guazapares, llamado en su lengua Guazayepo.' _Zapata_, in _Doc. Hist. Mex._, serie iv., tom. iii., p. 389. The _Temoris_ dwell in the 'pueblo de Santa María Magdalena de Temoris.... A cinco leguas de distancia hácia el Norte del pueblo y cabecera de Santa Teresa está el pueblo llamado Nuestra Señora del Valle Humbroso.' _Id._, p. 390. The _Tobosos_ are north of the Tarahumares and in the Mission of San Francisco de Coahuila, in the state of Coahuila. 'Se extendian por el Bolson de Mapimí, y se les encuentra cometiendo depredaciones así en Chihuahua y en Durango, como en las misiones de Parras, en las demas de Coahuila y en el Norte de Nuevo Leon.' _Orozco y Berra_, _Geografía_, pp. 308-9, 302, 325. In Coahuila, 'Un paraje ... que llaman la Cuesta de los muertos, donde tienen habitacion los Indios Tobosos.' _Villa-Señor y Sanchez_, _Theatro_, tom. ii., pp. 296-7, 348-9. 'A un paraje que hoy es la mision del Santo nombre de Jesus.' _Padilla_, _Conq. N. Galicia_, p. 519. The Sisimbres, Chizos, Cocoyomes, Coclamas, Tochos, Babos, and Nures live near the Tobosos. _Orozco y Berra_, _Geografía_, p. 325. 'Valle de San Bartholome, Presidio de la Provincia de Tepeguana ... antigua residencia de los Indios Infieles Cocoyomes.' _Alcedo_, _Diccionario_, tom. i., pp. 222-3. The _Tepagues_ are 'Cinco leguas arriba del rio de Mayo, en vn arroyo.' _Ribas_, _Hist. de los Triumphos_, p. 253. The _Conicaris_ live 'distante de Chinipa diez y seis leguas.' _Id._, pp. 265, 254. [Sidenote: NORTH-EASTERN MEXICAN TRIBES.] A multitude of names of nations or tribes are mentioned by different authorities, none of which coincide one with the other. But few nations are definitely located. I therefore first give the different lists of names, and afterwards locate them as far as possible. 'Babeles, Xicocoges, Gueiquizales, Goxicas, Manos Prietas, Bocoras, Escabas, Cocobiptas, Pinanacas, Codames, Cacastes, Colorados, Cocomates, Jaímamares, Contores, Filifaes, Babiamares, Catujanes, Apes, Pachagues, Bagnames, Isipopolames, Piez de benado. Chancafes, Payaguas, Pachales, Jumes, Johamares, Bapancorapinamacas, Babosarigames, Pauzanes, Paseos, Chahuanes, Mescales, Xarames, Chachaguares, Hijames, Iedocodamos, Xijames, Cenízos, Pampapas, Gavilanes. Sean estos nombres verdaderos, ó desfigurados segun la inteligencia, caprichos, ó voluntariedad de los que se emplearon en la pacificacion del Pais, ó de los fundadores de las Doctrinas, parece mas creible que los mencionados Yndios, fuesen pequeñas parcialidades, ó ramos de alguna nacion cayo nombre genérico no ha podido Saberse.' _Revillagigedo_, _Carta, MS._ 'Pacpoles, Coaquites, Zíbolos, Canos, Pachoches, Sicxacames, Siyanguayas, Sandajuanes, Liguaces, Pacuazin, Pajalatames y Carrizos.' _Padilla_, cap. lxix., quoted in _Orozco y Berra_, _Geografía_, p. 306. 'Negritos, Bocalos, Xanambres, Borrados, Guanipas, Pelones, Guisoles, Hualahuises, Alasapas, Guazamoros, Yurguimes, Mazames, Metazures, Quepanos, Coyotes, Bguanas, Zopilotes, Blancos, Amitaguas, Quimis, Ayas, Comocabras, Mezquites.' _Archivo General, MSS._, tom. xxxi., fol. 208, quoted in _Ib._ 'Paogas, Caviseras, Vasapalles, Ahomamas, Yanabopos, Daparabopos, Mamazorras, Neguales, Salineros y Baxaneros, conocidos generalmente bajo la apelacion de Laguneros.' _Id._, p. 305. 'Rayados y Cholomos.' _Id._, p. 306. 'Las tribus que habitaban el Valle (del rio Nazas) se nombraban Irritilas, Miopacoas, Meviras, Hoeras y Maiconeras, y los de la laguna' [Laguna grande de San Pedro or Tlahuelila]. _Id._, p. 305. 'Pajalates, Orejones, Pacoas, Tilijayas, Alasapas, Pausanes, y otras muchas diferentes, que se hallan en las misiones del rio de San Antonio y rio grande ... como son; los Pacúaches, Mescales, Pampopas, Tácames, Chayopines, Venados, Pamaques, y toda la juventud de Pihuiques, Borrados, Sanipáos y Manos de Perro.' _Id._, p. 306; _Pimentel_, _Cuadro_, tom. ii., p. 409. 'Á media legua corta ... [de San Juan Bautista] se fundó la mision de San Bernardo ... con las naciones de Ocanes, Canuas, Catuxanes, Paxchales, Pomulumas, Pacuaches, Pastancoyas, Pastalocos y Pamasus, á que se agregaron despues los Pacuas, Papanacas, Tuancas y otras.' _Orozco y Berra_, _Geografía_, p. 303. The Gijames are in the mountains near the mission of El Santo Nombre de Jesus de Peyotes. _Morfi_, in _Doc. Hist. Mex._, serie iii., tom. iv., p. 434. The Pitas and Pasalves at the Mission of 'Nuestra Señora de los Dolores de la Punta.' _Orozco y Berra_, _Geografía_, p. 303. The Pampopas 'habitaban en el rio de las Nueces, à 22 leguas al Sur de la mision de San Juan Bautista; los Tilijaes mas abajo de los anteriores; al Sur de estos los Patacales, y los Cachopostales cerca de los Pampopas. Los Pajalaques vivian en el rio de San Antonio como à 40 leguas de la mision de San Bernardo; los Pacos y los Pastancoyas à 15 leguas en el paraje nombrado el Carrizo; los Panagues à 18 leguas de la mision sobre el rio de las Nueces; Los Pauzanes sobre el rio de San Antonio, y los Paguachis à 15 leguas del mismo San Bernardo.' ... 'Con Indios de la naciones Mahuames, Pachales, Mescales, Jarames, Ohaguames y Chahuames ... con ellos y con las tribus de Pampopas, Tilofayas, Pachalocos y Tusanes situó de nuevo la mision de San Juan Bautista, junto al presidio del mismo nombre, cerca del rio Bravo.' 'A tiro de escopeta [from Santo Nombre de Jesus Peyotes] se encuentra San Francisco Vizarron de los Pausanes ... con familias de Tinapihuayas, Pihuiques y Julimeños, aunque la mayor parte fueron Pauzanes.' _Orozco y Berra_, _Geografía_, pp. 303-4. 'En el valle de Santo Domingo, á orilla del rio de Sabinas ... San Juan Bautista ... lo pobló con indios Chahuanes, Pachales, Mescales y Jarames, à que se agregaron despues algunos Pampopas, Tilofayas, Pachalocos y Tusanes.' _Morfi_, in _Doc. Hist. Mex._, serie iii., tom. iv., pp. 440-1. The Cabesas, Contotores, Bazaurigames and others were at the mission San Buenaventura. _Padilla_, _Conq. N. Galicia, MS._, p. 530. The Gabilanes and Tripas Blancas roamed over a stretch of country situated north of the Presidio of Mapimi, between the rivers San Pedro and Conchos to their confluence with the Rio Grande. _Villa-Señor y Sanchez_, _Theatro_, tom. ii., pp. 348-9. The _Laguneros_ 'poblados à las margenes de la laguna que llaman Grande de san Pedro, y algunos dellos en las isletas que haze la misma laguna.' _Ribas_, _Hist. de los Triumphos_, p. 669. Los misioneros franciscanos atrajeron de paz las tribus siguientes, con los cuales fundaron cinco misiones. San Francisco de Coahuila, un cuarto de legua al Norte de Monclova, con indios Boboles y Obayas, à los cuales se agregaron algunos Tobosos y Tlaxcaltecas conducidas de San Esteban del Saltillo. Santa Rosa de Nadadores, puesta en 1677 à cuarenta leguas al Noroeste de Coahuila, de indios Cotzales y Manosprietas, trasladada junto al rio de Nadadores para huir de la guerra de los Tobosos, y colocada al fin, en 1693, à siete leguas al Noroeste de Coahuila: se le agregaron ocho familias Tlaxcaltecas. San Bernardo de la Candela, con indios Catujanes, Tilijais y Milijaes, y cuatro familias Tlaxcaltecas. San Buenaventura de las cuatro Ciénegas, veinte leguas al Oeste de Coahuila, con indios Cabezas, Contores y Bauzarigames: la mision repuesta en 1692 con los Tocas y los Colorados. _Orozco y Berra_, _Geografía_, p. 302. The _Irritilas_ occupy 'la parte del partido de Mapimí al Este.' _Id._, p. 319. The _Pisones_ and _Xanambres_ roam 'Al Sur del valle de la Purísima y al Norte hasta Rio Blanco, confinando al Oeste con los Cuachichiles.' _Orozco y Berra_, _Geografía_, p. 298. Other names which cannot be located are: Cadimas, Pelones, Nazas, Pamoranos, Quedexeños, Palmitos, Pintos, Quinicuanes, Maquiapemes, Seguyones, Ayagua, Zima, Canaina, Comepescados, Aguaceros, Vocarros, Posuamas, Zalaias, Malahuecos, Pitisfiafuiles, Cuchinochis, Talaquichis, Alazapas, Pafaltoes. _Id._, pp. 299-300. [Sidenote: TRIBES OF TAMAULIPAS.] The nations or tribes of Tamaulipas, although very numerous, are mostly located. The _Olives_ live in Horcasitas. _Orozco y Berra_, _Geografía_, p. 293. The _Palagueques_ are at the Mission of San Francisco Xavier. _Ib._ The _Anacanas_, 'a una legua de Altamira.' _Ib._ The _Aretines_, _Panguais_, and _Caramiguais_ in the 'sierra del Chapopote, que remata en la barra del Tordo.' _Ib._ The _Mapulcanas_, _Cataicanas_, _Caramiguais_, _Panguais_, and _Zapoteros_ live near the Salinas, which are between the Cerro del Maiz and the sea. _Ib._ The _Caribays_, _Comecamotes_, _Ancasiguais_, _Tagualilos_, and _Pasitas_ are near De Soto la Marina and Santander. _Ib._ The _Moraleños_ and _Panguajes_ live on the coast between Marina and Altamirano. _Ib._ The _Martinez_, 'en la Sierra de Tamaulipa vieja.' _Ib._ The _Mariguanes_, _Caramariguanes_, _Aretines_, 'habitada desde el cerro de S. José á la mar.' _Ib._ The _Tumapacanes_, 'en el camino para Santander.' _Ib._ The _Inapanames_, 'á una y media leguas de la primera villa (Santillana).' _Ib._ The _Pintos_ and _Quinicuanes_ dwell near San Fernando de Austria. _Ib._ The _Tedexeños_, 'en las lagunas de la barra.' _Ib._ The _Comecrudos_, 'donde el rio se vacia en sus crecientes.' _Ib._ The _Tamaulipecos_ and _Malincheños_ live at the mission of S. Pedro Alcántara. _Ib._ The _Guixolotes_, _Cadimas_, _Canaynes_, and _Borrados_ are 'al pié de la sierra de Tamaulipas, teniendo al Sur el terreno que se llama la Tamaulipa Moza.' _Id._, pp. 293-4. The _Nazas_, _Narices_, _Comecrudos_, and _Texones_ are at the mission of Reynosa. _Id._, p. 294. The _Tanaquiapemes_, _Saulapaguemes_, _Auyapemes_, _Uscapemes_, _Comesacapemes_, _Gummesacapemes_, _Catanamepaques_ are 'rumbo al Este y sobre el rio, à seis leguas de la mision ... se internan à las tierras llegando en sus correrías únicamente hasta el mar.' _Ib._ The _Carrizos_, _Cotomanes_, and _Cacalotes_ are at 'Camargo, situado sobre el rio da S. Juan ... al otro lado del Bravo ... los cuales por fuera del rio Grande llegan hasta Revilla.' _Ib._ The _Garzas_ and _Malaguecos_ live near rio Alamo. _Id._, p. 294. No location for the following can be found: Politos, Mulatos, Pajaritos, Venados, Payzanos, Cuernos quemados. _Id._, pp. 295-6. The _Tepehuanes_ inhabit the mountains of southern Chihuahua and the northern portions of Durango, a district commonly called the partido de Tepehuanes. 'Estiende desde la Sierra del Mezquital hasta el Parral ... hasta adelante de Topia, muy cerca de Caponeta.' _Arlegui_, _Chrón. de Zacatecas_, pp. 187-8. 'Se extiende esta region desde la altura misma de Guadiana, á poco ménos de 25 grados hasta los 27 de latitud septentrional. Sus pueblos comienzan á las veinticinco leguas de la capital de Nueva-Vizcaya, ácia el Noroeste en Santiago de Papásquiaro. Al Norte tiene á la provincia de Taraumara, al Sur la de Chiametlán y costa del seno Californio, al Oriente los grandes arenales y naciones vecinas á la laguna de S. Pedro, y al Poniente la Sierra Madre de Topía, que la divide de esta provincia y la de Sinaloa.' _Alegre_, _Hist. Comp. de Jesus_, tom. i., p. 319. 'Sus pueblos, parte en llanos, y parte en sierra, a las vertientes de la de Topia, y san Andres.... Y por essa parte vezinos a las Naziones Xixime, y Acaxee, y aun a las de la tierra mas adentro de Cinaloa.' _Ribas_, _Hist. de los Triumphos_, p. 573. For concurrent testimony see: _Zapata_, in _Doc. Hist. Mex._, serie iv., tom. iii., p. 310; _Villa-Señor y Sanchez_, _Theatro_, tom. ii., pp. 344-5; _Pimentel_, _Cuadro_, tom. ii., p. 43; _Murr_, _Nachrichten_, p. 323; _Orozco y Berra_, _Geografía_, pp. 318-19. The _Acaxées_ inhabit the valleys of the mountain regions of Topia and S. Andres in Durango and Sinaloa. 'La principal Nacion, en cuyas tierras está el Real de Topia, es la Acaxee.' _Ribas_, _Hist. de los Triumphos_, p. 471. 'Lo limitan al Norte y al Este el Tepehuan, al Sur el Xixime y al Oeste el Sabaibo y el Tebaca.' _Orozco y Berra_, _Geografía_, pp. 319, 310, 315; _Zapata_, in _Doc. Hist. Mex._, serie iv., tom. iii., pp. 416-17. 'San Pedro valle de Topia, el mineral de Topia, Asuncion Sianori, San Antonio Tahuahueto y los Dolores de Agua Caliente, las cuales poblaciones marcan los terrenos habitados por los Acaxees.' _Tamaron_, in _Orozco y Berra_, _Geografía_, p. 314. The _Tebacas_ lived among the Acaxees in the mountain districts of Topia and S. Andres. _Id._, p. 334. The _Sabaibos_ 'habitaban en el partido de San Ignacio Otatitlan y pueblos de Piaba, Alaya y Quejupa.' _Ib._ The _Cácaris_ dwell in Cacaria. _Id._, p. 319. The _Papudos_ and _Tecayas_ were settled in the district of San Andres. _Alegre_, _Hist. Comp. de Jesus_, tom. i., pp. 379-80. The _Xiximes_ inhabited 'en el coraçon desta sierra' de San Andres. _Ribas_, _Hist. de los Triumphos_, p. 531. 'Ocupan el partido de San Dimas.' _Orozco y Berra_, _Geografía_, pp. 315-17. The _Hinas_ 'Habitan la mayor parte en profundísimas quebradas del centro de la sierra, y muchos á las márgenes del rio de Humace, que en su embocadura llaman de Piaxtla, muy cerca de su nacimiento, como á cinco leguas de Yamoriba.' _Alegre_, _Hist. Comp. de Jesus_, tom. ii., p. 195. 'Habitantes de las márgenes del rio de Piaztla.' _Orozco y Berra_, _Geografía_, p. 316. The _Humes_ are in the Sierra de San Andres. 'Como nueue leguas del pueblo de Quilitlan, y en lo mas alto de toda esta sierra, caminando al Oriente.' _Ribas_, _Hist. de los Triumphos_, p. 562. 'Nueve leguas mas adelante del lugar de Queibos ó de Santiago.' _Alegre_, _Hist. Comp. de Jesus_, tom. ii., p. 199; _Orozco y Berra_, _Geografía_, pp. 316, 325. The _Zacatecos_ inhabit the like-named State, and particularly near the rio Nazas. 'Baxò la Sierra, que oy llaman del calabazal, y parò â las orillas de un rio, que oy llaman de Suchil.' _Arlegui_, _Chrón. de Zacatecas_, p. 26. 'Los que habitan en el rio de las Nasas son indios zacatecos.' _Doc. Hist. Mex._, serie iv., tom. iii., p. 33. 'Se extendian hasta el rio Nazas. Cuencamé, Cerro Gordo, S. Juan del Rio, Nombre de Dios, quedaban comprendidos en esta demarcacion.' _Orozco y Berra_, _Geografía_, p. 319. The _Guachichiles_, Cuachichiles, or Huachichiles 'corrian por Zacatecas hasta San Potosí y Coahuila.' _Orozco y Berra_, _Geografía_, p. 285. 'La villa del Saltillo está fundada sobre el terreno que en lo antiguo ocuparon los indios cuachichiles.' _Id._, pp. 301, 287; _De Laet_, _Novus Orbis_, p. 281. FOOTNOTES: [636] The Comanches 'are divided into three principal bands, to wit: the Comanche, the Yamparack and the Tenawa.' _Burnet_, in _Schoolcraft's Arch._, vol. i., p. 230; 'Ietans, termed by the Spaniards Comanches, and in their own language Na-uni, signifying "life people."' _Prichard's Nat. Hist._, vol. ii., p. 549. 'The Comanches and the numerous tribes of Chichimecas ... are comprehended by the Spaniards under the vague name of Mecos.' _Prichard's Researches_, vol. v., p. 422. 'The tribe called themselves Niyuna.' _Schoolcraft's Arch._, vol. ii., pp. 575-6; _Parker's Notes on Tex._, p. 231; _Neighbors_, in _Ind. Aff. Rept._, 1856, p. 175; _Möllhausen_, _Tagebuch_, p. 115; _French's Hist. La._, p. 155. 'Se divide en cuatro ramas considerables bajo los nombres de Cuchanticas, Jupes, Yamparicas y Orientales.' _García Conde_, in _Soc. Mex. Geog._, _Boletin_, tom. v., p. 318; see also _Cortez_, in _Pac. R. R. Rept._, vol. iii., p. 121. The Jetans or Camanches, as the Spaniards term them, or Padoucas, as they are called by the Pawnees. _Pike's Explor. Trav._, p. 214. [637] _Turner_, in _Pac. R. R. Rept._, vol. iii., p. 76. 'Los Indios yutas, ... son los mismos que los comanches ó cumanches, pues yuta eso quiere decir en la lengua de los lipanes. Por consiguente no se pueden distinguir esos nombres, que aunque de dos lenguas diferentes espresan una misma nacion.' _Berlandier y Thovel_, _Diario_, p. 251. 'The Comanches are a branch of the Shoshones or Snakes.' _Ruxton's Adven._, p. 244. 'The Pawnees are descended from a cousin-germanship of the same stock.' _Edward's Hist. Tex._, pp. 108-9. 'Si le sang des Aztéques existe encore sans mélange en Amerique, il doit couler dans les veines des Comanches.' _Domenech's Jour._, p. 16; see also _Domenech's Deserts_, vol. ii., p. 24; _Buschmann_, _Spuren der Azt. Spr._, p. 391. [638] 'Probably because their winter quarters are always located amid the forests which grow upon the Sierras.' _Cremony's Apaches_, p. 243. [639] Cordero gives the following tribal names, which he says are used among themselves: Vinni ettinenne, Tontos; Segatajenne, Chiricaguis; Tjuiccujenne, Gileños; Iccujenne, Mimbreños; Yutajenne, Faraones; Sejenne, Mescaleros; Cuelcajenne, Llaneros; Lipajenne and Yutajenne, Lipans and Navajos. _Orozco y Berra_, _Geografía_, pp. 369, 379-385. 'Los pimas gileños llaman á los yavipais taros ó nifores; los jamajabs les llaman yavipais y nosotros apaches.' _Garces_, _Diario_, in _Doc. Hist. Mex._, serie ii., tom. i., pp. 265, 352-3. 'Yavipais Tejua que son los indómitos Apaches.' _Arricivita_, _Crónica Seráfica_, p. 471. 'Yavapais, or Apache Mohaves, as they are more generally called.' _Parker_, in _Ind. Aff. Rept._, 1869, p. 217. 'Pueden dividirse en nueve tribus principales ... Tontos, Chirocahues, Gileños, Mimbreños, Faraones, Mezcaleros, Llaneros, Lipanes y Navajoes. Todos hablan un mismo idioma.... No componen una nacion uniforme en sus usos y costumbres, pero coinciden en la major parte de sus inclinaciones, variando en otras con proporcion á los terrenos de su residencia, á las necesidades que padecen.' _García Conde_, in _Soc. Mex. Geog._, _Boletin_, tom. v., p. 314. Apaches, 'their name is said to signify 'men.'' Mescaleros, 'the meaning of the name, probably, is drinkers of mescal.' _Cortez_, in _Pac. R. R. Rept._, vol. iii., pp. 118-9. _Froebel's Central Amer._, pp. 309, 353, 491; _Froebel_, _Aus Amerika_, tom. ii., pp. 161, 223, 425; _Gregg's Com. Prairies_, vol. i., p. 285; _Wislizenus' Tour_, p. 26; _Thümmel_, _Mexiko_, p. 351; _Ruxton's Adven._, p. 194; _Eaton_, in _Schoolcraft's Arch._, vol. iv., p. 216; _Mühlenpfordt_, _Mejico_, tom. i., pp. 212-13; _Mowry_, in _Ind. Aff. Rept._, 1857, p. 298; _Steck_, in _Ind. Aff. Rept._, 1863, p. 108, and _Id._, 1864, p. 182, 1858, p. 197; _Bailey_, in _Id._, 1858, p. 206; _Clum_, in _Id._, 1871, p. 42; _Bartlett's Pers. Nar._, vol. i., p. 325. Called Coyoteros, because it is believed that 'they feed upon the flesh of the coyote.' _Hardy's Trav._, p. 430. 'Les Gileños ... avec les Axuas et les Apaches qui viennent de la Sierra Madre sont confondus sous le nom de Pápagos.' _Mofras_, _Explor._, tom. i., p. 213; _Bustamante_, in _Cavo_, _Tres Siglos_, tom. iii., pp. 79-80. 'Tonto, in Spanish means stupid.' 'Tonto is a Spanish corruption of the original Indian name.' _Palmer_, in _Harper's Mag._, vol. xvii., p. 460; _Domenech's Deserts_, vol. ii., pp. 5-8; _Ayers_, in _Ind. Aff. Rept._, 1858, p. 175; _Collins_, in _Id._, 1860, p. 161; _Id._, 1861, p. 122; _Maxwell_, in _Id._, 1863, p. 116; _Parker_, in _Id._, 1869, p. 23; _Walker_, in _Id._, 1872, p. 53; _Clum_, in _Id._, 1871, p. 368; _Wappäus_, _Geog. u. Stat._, p. 214; _Hassel_, _Mex. Guat._, p. 275; _Turner_, in _Nouvelles Annales des Voy._, 1852, tom. cxxxv., p. 308. [640] 'The Apaches and their congeners belong to the Athapascan family.' _Turner_, in _Pac. R. R. Rept._, vol. iii., p. 84, and in _Nouvelles Annales des Voy._, 1852, tom. cxxxv., p. 311; _Domenech's Deserts_, vol. ii., p. 10. [641] 'The Apaches call the Navajoes Yútahkah. The Navajoes call themselves, as a tribe, Tenúai (man). The appellation Návajo was unquestionably given them by the Spaniards.' _Eaton_, in _Schoolcraft's Arch._, vol. iv., pp. 217, 218. 'The Navajoes and Apaches are identically one people.' _Cremony's Apaches_, p. 306; _Ruxton's Adven._, p. 194; _Möllhausen_, _Tagebuch_, p. 229; _Poston_, in _Ind. Aff. Rept._, 1863, p. 389. 'Navajoes and Apaches have descended from the same stock.' _Carleton_, in _Ind. Aff., Rept. Spec. Com._, 1867, p. 134. 'The Navajoes are a Pueblo Indian.' _Griner_, in _Id._, p. 329. 'Allied to the Crow Indians.' _Fitzpatrick_, in _Emory's Reconnoissance_, p. 133; _Thümmel_, _Mexiko_, p. 348. 'Most civilized of all the wild Indians of North America.' _Farnham's Life in Cal._, p. 372. The Navajoes 'are a division of the ancient Mexicans.' _Scenes in the Rocky Mts._, p. 180. [642] '"Yumah," signifies "Son of the River," and is only applied to the Indians born on the banks of the Colorado. This nation is composed of five tribes ... among which ... the Yabipaïs (Yampaïs or Yampaos).' _Domenech's Deserts_, vol. ii., p. 65. 'The Cajuenches and Cuchans ... belong to two different divisions of one tribe, which forms part of the great nation of the Yumas.' _Id._, p. 10. [643] Cosninos, 'Es ist mehrfach die Ansicht ausgesprochen worden, dass die meisten derselben zu dem Stamme der Apaches gehören, oder vielmehr mit ihnen verwandt sind.' _Möllhausen_, _Tagebuch_, pp. 330-1; _Figuier's Human Race_, p. 482. [644] 'The Yampais form a connecting link between the Gila, Colorado, and Pueblo Indians.' _Whipple_, in _Pac. R. R. Rept._, vol. iii., p. 98. Yampais are related to the Yumas. _Möllhausen_, _Reisen_, tom. i., p. 431. Yampais: 'Unable to separate them from the Tonto-Apaches.' _Mowry_, in _Ind. Aff. Rept._, 1857, p. 302. [645] 'Llaman á estos indios los cruzados, por unas cruces que todos, chicos y grandes se atan del copete, que les viene á caer en la frente; y esto hacen cuando ven á los españoles.' _Salmeron_, _Relaciones_, in _Doc. Hist. Mex._, serie iii., tom. iii., p. 31. [646] 'Unos dicen que á un lado de estas naciones (Yutas) para hácia al Poniente está la nacion de los nijoras, y otros afirman que no hay tal nacion Nijora, sino que esta palabra nijor quiere decir cautivo, y que los cocomaricopas les dan de noche á las naciones mas inmediatas y les quitan sus hijos, los que cautivan y venden á los pimas y éstos á los españoles; si es asi que hay tal nacion, está en esta inmediacion del rio Colorado para el rio Salado ó rio Verde.' _Noticias de la Pimeria_, in _Doc. Hist. Mex._, serie iii., tom. iv., p. 838. 'Todos estos cautivos llaman por acá fuera Nijores, aunque hay otra nacion Hijeras á parte.' _Sedelmair_, _Relacion_, in _Doc. Hist. Mex._, serie iii., tom. iv., p. 852. [647] For further particulars as to location of tribes, see notes on TRIBAL BOUNDARIES, at the end of this chapter. [648] 'Besonders fiel uns der Unterschied zwischen den im Gebirge, ähnlich den Wölfen lebenden Yampays und Tontos ... und den von vegetabilischen Stoffen sich nährenden Bewohnern des Colorado-Thales auf, indem erstere nur kleine hässliche Gestalten mit widrigem tückischem Ausdruck der Physiognomie waren, die anderen dagegen wie lauter Meisterwerke der schöpferischen Natur erschienen.' _Möllhausen_, _Tagebuch_, p. 384. [649] The Navajos are 'of good size, nearly six feet in height, and well proportioned; cheek-bones high and prominent, nose straight and well shaped; hair long and black; eyes black; ... feet small; lips of moderate size; head of medium size and well shaped; forehead not small but retreating.' _Lethermann_, in _Smithsonian Rept._, 1855, p. 288. 'Fine looking, physically.' 'Most symmetrical figure, combining ease, grace and power, and activity.' And the Comanches 'about five feet ten inches in height, with well proportioned shoulders, very deep chest, and long, thin, but muscular arms.' _Cremony's Apaches_, pp. 49, 305, 15. The Mojave 'men are tall, erect, and finely proportioned. Their features are inclined to European regularity; their eyes large, shaded by long lashes.' The Cuchans are 'a noble race, well formed, active and intelligent.' _Whipple_, in _Pac. R. R. Rept._, vol. iii., pp. 110, 114. The Navajos are distinguished 'by the fullness and roundness of their eyes.' _Whipple, Ewbank, and Turner's Rept._, in _Pac. R. R. Rept._, vol. iii., p. 31. 'The Camanches are small of stature ... wear moustaches and heads of long hair.' _Pope_, in _Pac. R. R. Rept._, vol. ii., p. 15. The Comanches 'que da un aspecto bien particular á estas naciones, es la falta completa de cejas, pues ellos se las arrancan; algunos tienen una poca barba.' _Berlandier and Thovel_, _Diario_, p. 253. The Yumas 'if left to their natural state, would be fine looking,' but the Hualpais 'were squalid, wretched-looking creatures, with splay feet, large joints and diminutive figures ... features like a toad's.... They present a remarkable contrast to our tall and athletic Mojaves.' The Navajos are 'a fine looking race with bold features.' 'The Mojaves are perhaps as fine a race of men physically, as there is in existence.' _Ives' Colorado River_, pp. 44, 54, 97-8, 108, 73, 128, 19, 39, 59, 66, plate p. 66. The Comanches are 'de buena estatura.' _Beaumont_, _Crónica de Mechoacan, MS._, p. 527. The people between the Colorado and Gila rivers. 'Es gente bien agestada y corpulenta, trigueños de color.' _Sedelmair_, _Relacion_, in _Doc. Hist. Mex._, serie iii., tom. iv., p. 851. The Cruzados are described as 'bien agestados y nobles y ellas hermosas de lindos ojos y amorosas.' _Salmeron_, _Relaciones_, in _Doc. Hist. Mex._, serie iii., tom. iv., p. 31; see also _Cordoue_, in _Ternaux-Compans_, _Voy._, serie i., tom. x., p. 446. In New Mexico Allegre describes them as 'corpulentos y briosos, pero mal agestados, las orejas largas ... tienen poco barba.' _Allegre_, _Hist. Comp. de Jesus_, tom. i., p. 332; and of the same people Alcedo writes 'son de mejor aspecto, color y proporcion que los demás.' _Diccionario_, tom. iii., p. 184. And Lieut. Möllhausen, who frequently goes into ecstasies over the splendid figures of the lower Colorado people, whom he calls the personification of the ancient gods of the Romans and Greeks, says further that they are 'grosse, schön gewachsene Leute,' and describes their color as 'dunkelkupferfarbig.' Of the women he adds 'Ganz im Gegensatze zu den Männern sind die Weiber der Indianer am Colorado durchgängig klein, untersetzt und so dick, dass ihr Aussehen mitunter an's komische gränzt.' Comparing the Hualapais with the Mojaves he writes 'auf der einen Seite die unbekleideten, riesenhaften und wohlgebildeten Gestalten der Mohaves ... auf der andern Seite dagegen die im Vergleich mit erstern, zwergähnlichen, hagern.... Figuren der Wallpays, mit ihren verwirrten, struppigen Haaren, den kleinen, geschlitzten Augen und dem falschen, gehässigen Ausdruck in ihren Zügen.' The Cosninos he calls 'hässlich und verkümmert.' _Möllhausen_, _Tagebuch_, pp. 331, 382-8; _Möllhausen_, _Reisen_, tom. i., pp. 123-4, 199, 215, 274, 293, 318, tom. ii., pp. 43, 37, and plate frontispiece. _Möllhausen_, _Mormonenmädchen_, tom. ii., p. 140. The Comanche 'men are about the medium stature, with bright copper-coloured complexions ... the women are short with crooked legs ... far from being as good looking as the men.' In the Colorado Valley 'are the largest and best-formed men I ever saw, their average height being an inch over six feet.' _Marcy's Army Life_, pp. 25, 279. 'Les Comanchés ont la taille haute et élancée, et sont presque aussi blancs que les Européens.' _Soc. Géog._, _Bulletin_, serie v., No. 96, p. 192. And of the Comanches see further. _Dragoon Camp._, p. 153. 'Robust, almost Herculean race.' _Foote's Texas_, vol. i., p. 298. 'Exceedingly handsome.' _Calderon de la Barca's Life in Mex._, vol. ii., p. 308; _Hartmann and Millard's Texas_, p. 109. 'Women are ugly, crooklegged, stoop-shouldered.' _Parker's Notes on Tex._, pp. 189, 232, 194; _Mexikanische Zustände_, tom. i., p. 373; _Froebel's Cent. Am._, p. 267; see also _Froebel_, _Aus Amerika_, tom. ii., p. 101; _Gregg's Com. Prairies_, vol. ii., pp. 37-8; _Domenech_, _Journ._, p. 132. The Yuma 'women are generally fat.' 'The men are large, muscular, and well formed.' _Bartlett's Pers. Nar._, vol. ii., pp. 180, 178. Navajo women are 'much handsomer and have lighter complexions than the men.' _Pattie's Pers. Nar._, pp. 218-19; _Simpson's Jour. Mil. Recon._, p. 52; _Domenech's Deserts_, vol. ii., pp. 7, 10, 24, 65, plate 8. The Navajos have 'light flaxen hair, light blue eyes ... their skin is of the most delicate whiteness.' _Brownell's Ind. Races_, p. 545; _Hughes' Doniphan's Ex._, p. 203. On the Mojaves see further, _Stratton's Capt. Oatman Girls_, p. 138; _Sitgreaves' Zuñi Ex._, p. 18; _Cal. Mercantile Jour._, vol. i., p. 227, plate; _Clum_, in _Ind. Aff. Rept._, 1871, p. 363. And on the Yumas. _Poston_, in _Ind. Rept. Aff._, 1863, p. 387; _Browne's Apache Country_, p. 61; _Taylor_, in _Cal. Farmer_, _Feb. 22, 1860_. Women's 'feet are naturally small.' _Emory's Rept._, in _U. S. and Mex. Boundary Survey_, vol. i., p. 109. The Yampais are broad-faced, and have 'aquiline noses and small eyes.' _Palmer_, in _Harper's Mag._, vol. xvii., p. 460. _Indian Traits_, in _Hayes Col._ [650] 'Their average height is about five feet four or five inches. They are but slimly built, and possess but little muscular development ... light brownish red color.' Some have 'a Chinese cast of countenance ... rusty black hair.' _Smart_, in _Smithsonian Rept._, 1867, p. 418. Their 'features were flat, negro-like ... small legged, big-bellied and broad-shouldered.' _Emory's Reconnoissance_, p. 52. 'More miserable looking objects I never beheld;' legs, 'large and muscular.' _Fremont and Emory's Notes of Trav._, p. 139. 'Widerliche Physiognomien und Gestalten ... unter mittlerer Grösse ... grosse Köpfe, vorstehende Stirn und Backenknochen, dicke Nasen, aufgeworfene Lippen und kleine geschlitzte Augen.... Ihr Gesicht war dunkler als ich es jemals bei Indianern gefunden.' _Möllhausen_, _Tagebuch_, p. 360. 'Von zottigen weit abstehenden Haupthaaren bedeckt.' _Möllhausen_, _Flüchtling_, tom. iii., p. 49. 'Ill-formed, emaciated, and miserable looking race ... had all a treacherous-fiendish look.' _Bartlett's Pers. Nar._, vol. i., p. 327. 'Physically of a slighter build than any Indians I have seen.' _Clum_, in _Ind. Aff. Rept._, 1871, p. 47. 'Most wretched looking Indians I have ever seen.' _Sitgreaves' Zuñi Ex._, p. 14. 'Small in stature.... Coal-black eye.' _Peters' Life of Carson_, p. 326. 'Hair is very black and straight, much resembling horse hair ... appears to belong to the Asiatic type.' _Henry_, in _Schoolcraft's Arch._, vol. v., p. 211. 'Gipsy looking with an eye singularly wild and piercing.' _Houstoun's Texas_, p. 227. 'Have very light complexions.' _Ward's Mexico_, vol. i., p. 580. 'Die Lipanis haben blondes Haar, und sind schöne Leute.' _Mühlenpfordt_, _Mejico_, tom. i., p. 215, tom. ii., pt. ii., p. 421. 'Sont des beaux hommes.' _Lachapelle_, _Raousset-Boulbon_, p. 82. 'Tall, majestic in figure; muscular.' _Brantz-Mayer's Mex. Aztec., etc._, vol. ii., p. 123. 'Fine physical conformation.' _Foote's Texas_, vol. i., p. 298. 'Their skin looked whiter than I have ever seen it in the Indians.' _Wizlizenus' Tour_, p. 71. 'Crian pié menor que los otros indios.' _Sonora_, _Descrip. Geog._, in _Doc. Hist. Mex._, serie iii., tom. iv., p. 564. 'Todos son morenos, cuerpo bien proporcionado, ojos vivos, cabello largo y lampiños.' _Velasco_, _Noticias de Sonora_, p. 265. 'Su talla y color diferencian algo en cada tribu, variando este desde el bronceado al moreno. Son todos bien proporcionados ... y ninguna barba.' _García Conde_, in _Soc. Mex. Geog._, _Boletin_, tom. v., p. 314; see also _Cordero_, in _Orozco y Berra_, _Geografía_, pp. 370-1. 'Though not tall, are admirably formed, with fine features and a bright complexion, inclining to yellow.' _Pattie's Pers. Nar._, p. 117. 'Son altos, rubios y de bellisimas proporciones.' _Revista Científica_, tom. i., p. 55. 'Taille ordinaire, de couleur foncé.' 'Comme ces Indiens ne font leur nourriture que de chair et principalement de celle de l'âne et du mulet, ils exhalent une odeur si pénétrante que les chevaux et surtout les mules rebroussent chemin aussitôt qu'ils les éventent.' _Soc. Géog._, _Bulletin_, série v., No. 96, p. 187. [651] 'Cut their hair short over the forehead, and let it hang behind.' _Domenech's Deserts_, vol. ii., p. 65. Distinguished 'durch den vollständig gleichmässigen Schnitt ihrer schwarzen Haare.' _Möllhausen_, _Reisen in die Felsengeb._, tom. i., p. 274; _Möllhausen_, _Tagebuch_, p. 384; _Browne's Apache Country_, 107; _Sitgreaves' Zuñi Ex._, pp. 15, 18; _Palmer_, in _Harper's Mag._, vol. xvii., pp. 460, 461; _Whipple_, in _Pac. R. R. Rept._, vol. iii., pp. 98, 110. [652] Mojave girls, after they marry, tattoo the chin 'with vertical blue lines.' _Palmer_, in _Harper's Mag._, vol. xvii., p. 463. Yumas: 'Doch ist ihnen das Tätowiren nicht fremd; dieses wird indessen mehr von den Frauen angewendet welche sich die Mundwinkel und das Kinn mit blauen Punkten und Linien schmücken.' _Möllhausen_, _Reisen in die Felsengeb._, tom. i., p. 124; _Möllhausen_, _Tagebuch_, p. 385; _Stratton's Capt. Oatman Girls_, pp. 151-2; _Whipple, Ewbank, and Turner's Rept._, p. 33, in _Pac. R. R. Rept._, vol. iii., and plate; _Michler_, in _Emory's Rept. U. S. and Mex. Boundary Survey_, vol. i., p. 110; _Soc. Géog._, _Bulletin_, série v., No. 96, p. 186; _Treasury of Trav._, p. 32. [653] 'Das Gesicht hatten sich alle Vier (Mojaves) auf gleiche Weise bemalt, nämlich kohlschwarz mit einem rothen Striche, der sich von der Stirne über Nase, Mund und Kinn zog.' _Möllhausen_, _Tagebuch_, pp. 383, 385, 388; plate, 394. 'Painted perfectly black, excepting a red stripe from the top of his forehead, down the bridge of his nose to his chin.' _Ives' Colorado Riv._, p. 67. The Apaches 'Se tiñen el cuerpo y la cara con bastantes colores.' _Doc. Hist. N. Vizcaya, MS._, p. 5. 'Pintura de greda y almagre con que se untan la cara, brazos y piernas.' _Cordero_, in _Orozco y Berra_, _Geografía_, p. 371; _Doc. Hist. Mex._, serie iv., tom. iii., p. 11; _Velasco_, _Noticias de Sonora_, p. 266; _Henry_, in _Schoolcraft's Arch._, vol. v., p. 211; _Hardy's Trav._, p. 337; _Smart_, in _Smithsonian Rept._, 1867, p. 418; _Whipple, Ewbank, and Turner's Rept._, p. 33, in _Pac. R. R. Rept._, vol. iii., and plate; _Whipple_, in _Pac. R. R. Rept._, vol. iii., p. 110; _Sedelmair_, in _Doc. Hist. Mex._, serie iii., vol. iv., p. 858. [654] 'Naked with the exception of the breech-cloth.' _Sitgreaves' Zuñi Ex._, pp. 14, 18; see also plates; Mojave men 'simply a breech-cloth.' _Touner_, in _Ind. Aff. Rept._, 1871. 'No clothing but a strip of cotton.... The Yumas display 'a ludicrous variety of tawdry colors and dirty finery.' _Ives' Colorado Rept._, pp. 54, 59, 66. See colored plates of Yumas, Mojaves, and Hualpais, 'Andan enteramente desnudos.' _Alegre_, _Hist. Comp. de Jesus_, tom. iii., p. 111; _Möllhausen_, _Tagebuch_, p. 383; _Domenech's Deserts_, vol. ii., p. 62; _Hardy's Trav._, pp. 336, 342; _Stratton's Capt. Oatman Girls_, p. 138; _Pattie's Pers. Nar._, p. 149; _Walker_, in _Ind. Aff. Rept._, 1872, p. 162; _Cortez_, in _Pac. R. R. Rept._, vol. iii., p. 124; _Whipple_, in _Pac. R. R. Rept._, vol. iii., p. 33; _Cremony's Apaches_, pp. 29, 132; _Soc. Géog._, _Bulletin_, série v., No. 93, p. 186; _Indian Traits_, vol. i., in _Hayes Col._ [655] 'A few stripes of the inner bark of the willow or acacia tied scantily round their waists.' _Hardy's Trav._, p. 336. 'Long fringe of strips of willow bark wound around the waist.' _Sitgreaves' Zuñi Ex._, p. 18. The men wear 'a strip of cotton,' the women 'a short petticoat, made of strips of bark.' _Ives' Colorado Riv._, p. 66. 'Nude, with the exception of a diminutive breech cloth.' _Cremony's Apaches_, p. 29. 'Las mas se cubren de la cintura hasta las piernas con la cáscara interior del sauce.' _Sedelmair_, in _Doc. Hist. Mex._, serie iii., tom. iv., p. 851. 'Las mugeres se cubren de la cintura á la rodilla con la cáscara interior del sauce.' _Alegre_, _Hist. Comp. de Jesus_, tom. iii., p. 111; _Möllhausen_, _Tagebuch_, p. 384; _Möllhausen_, _Reisen in die Felsengeb._, vol. i., p. 123; _Stratton's Capt. Oatman Girls_, p. 138; _Soc. Géog._, _Bulletin_, série v., No. 96, p. 186; _Whipple_, in _Pac. R. R. Rept._, vol. iii., p. 114; _Whipple, Ewbank, and Turner's Rept._, p. 33, in _Pac. R. R. Rept._, vol. iii., plate and cuts; _Touner_, in _Ind. Aff. Rept._, 1871, p. 364; _Parker_, in _Ind. Aff. Rept._, 1870, p. 130; _Michler_, in _Emory's Rept. U. S. and Mex. Boundary Survey_, vol. i., pp. 109, 110, with plate. [656] 'Partly clothed like the Spaniards, with wide drawers, moccasins and leggings to the knee ... their moccasins have turned-up square toes ... mostly they have no head-dress, some have hats, some fantastic helmets.' _Cutts' Conq. of Cal._, p. 184. 'They prefer the legging and blanket to any other dress.' _Bartlett's Pers. Nar._, vol. i., pp. 320, 328. 'Mexican dress and saddles predominated, showing where they had chiefly made up their wardrobe.' _Emory's Reconnoissance_, p. 61. 'Los hombres, se las acomodan alrededor del cuerpo, dejando desambarazados los brazos. Es en lo general la gamuza ó piel del venado la que emplean en este servicio. Cubren la cabeza de un bonete ó gorra de lo mismo, tal vez adornado de plumas de aves, ó cuernos de animales.... El vestuario de las mujeres es igualmente de pieles.' _Cordero_, in _Orozco y Berra_, _Geografía_, p. 371. 'Cervinis tergoribus amiciuntur tam foeminæ quam mares.' _Benavides_, in _De Laet_, _Novus Orbis_, p. 316; _Alarchon_, in _Hakluyt's Voy._, vol. iii., pp. 431, 437; _Sonora, Descrip. Geog._, in _Doc. Hist. Mex._, serie iii., tom. iv., p. 564; _Doc. Hist. N. Vizcaya, MS._, p. 5; _Pattie's Pers. Nar._, p. 117; _Hughes' Doniphan's Ex._, p. 214; _Peters' Life of Carson_, p. 451; _Henry_, in _Schoolcraft's Arch._, vol. v., pp. 210, 211; _Walker_, in _Ind. Aff. Rept._, 1872, p. 174; _Parker_, in _Ind. Aff. Rept._, 1869, p. 248; _Roedel_, in _Ind. Aff. Rept._, 1871, p. 397; _Niza_, in _Ternaux-Compans_, _Voy._, série i., tom. ix., pp. 266, 268; _Froebel_, _Aus Amerika_, tom. ii., pp. 161, 424; see also _Froebel's Cent. Am._, pp. 309, 490; _García Conde_, in _Album Mex._, tom. i., pp. 46, 166, 167; _Linati_, _Costumes_, plate xxii.; _Velasco_, _Noticias de Sonora_, p. 266; _Möllhausen_, _Flüchtling_, tom. ii., p. 173; _Beaumont_, _Crón. de Mechoacan, MS._, p. 417; _Lachapelle_, _Raousset-Boulbon_, p. 82. [657] The hair of the Mohaves is occasionally 'matted on the top of the head into a compact mass with mud.' _Sitgreaves' Zuñi Ex._, p. 18. 'Their pigments are ochre, clay, and probably charcoal mingled with oil.' _Whipple, Ewbank, and Turner's Rept._, pp. 33, in _Pac. R. R. Rept._, vol. iii. 'Ihr Hauptschmuck dagegen sind die langen, starken Haare, die mittelst nasser Lehmerde in Rollen gedreht.' _Möllhausen_, _Reisen in die Felsengeb._, tom. i., p. 124. The Axuas 'Beplastered their bodies and hair with mud.' _Hardy's Trav._, pp. 343-4, 356, 368, 370; _Browne's Apache Country_, pp. 61, 63. [658] Small white beads are highly prized by the Mohaves. _Ives' Colorado River_, pp. 68-9. 'The young girls wear beads ... a necklace with a single sea-shell in front.' The men 'leather bracelets, trimmed with bright buttons ... eagles' feathers, called "sormeh," sometimes white, sometimes of a crimson tint ... strings of wampum, made of circular pieces of shell.' _Whipple_, in _Pac. R. R. Rept._, vol. iii., pp. 114, 115. 'Shells of the pearl-oyster, and a rough wooden image are the favorite ornaments of both sexes' with the Apaches. _Henry_, in _Schoolcraft's Arch._, vol. v., p. 210. 'Sus adornos en el cuello y brazos son sartas de pesuñas de venado y berrendos, conchas, espinas de pescado y raices de yerbas odoríferas. Las familias mas pudientes y aseadas bordan sus trajes y zapatos de la espina del puerco-espin.' _Cordero_, in _Orozco y Berra_, _Geografía_, p. 371. 'Adórnanse con gargantillas de caracolillos del mar, entreverados de otras cuentas, de conchas coloradas redondas.' _Sedelmair_, in _Doc. Hist. Mex._, serie iii., tom. iv., p. 851. 'Las mugeres por arracadas ó aretes, se cuelgan conchas enteras de nácar, y otras mayores azules en cada oreja.' _Alegre_, _Hist. Comp. de Jesus_, tom. iii., p. 111; _Froebel_, _Aus Amerika_, tom. ii., p. 424; _Emory's Reconnoissance_, p. 61; _Cremony's Apaches_, p. 222; _García Conde_, in _Album Mex._, tom. i., pp. 166, 167; _Pattie's Pers. Nar._, p. 149; _Bartlett's Pers. Nar._, vol. ii., p. 181; _Almanza_, in _Doc. Hist. Mex._, serie iii., tom. iv., p. 837; _Palmer_, in _Harper's Mag._, vol. xvii., p. 463; _Velasco_, _Noticias de Sonora_, p. 266; _Browne's Apache Country_, pp. 60-64; _Michler_, in _Emory's Rept. U. S. and Mex. Boundary Survey_, pp. 109-110; _Whipple_, in _Pac. R. R. Rept._, vol. iii., p. 98; _Whipple, Ewbank, and Turner's Rept._, p. 33, in _Pac. R. R. Rept._, vol. iii.; _Möllhausen_, _Tagebuch_, pp. 389, 394, 399; _Montanus_, _Nieuwe Weereld_, p. 210; _Hardy's Trav._, p. 364; _Smart_, in _Smithsonian Rept._, 1867, pp. 418-19; _Ternaux-Compans_, _Voy._, serie i., tom. ix., pp. 266, 268, 273; _Alarchon_, in _Hakluyt's Voy._, vol. iii., p. 437; _Mexikanische Zustände_, tom. i., p. 64. [659] The 'hair is worn long and tied up behind' by both sexes; _Letherman_, in _Smithsonian Rept._, 1855, p. 290. 'Langes starkes Haar in einen dicken Zopf zusammengeknotet.' _Möllhausen_, _Flüchtling_, tom. iv., p. 36; _Bartlett's Pers. Nar._, vol. i., p. 329. [660] 'Tolerably well dressed, mostly in buckskin.... They dress with greater comfort than any other tribe, and wear woolen and well-tanned buckskin ... the outer seams are adorned with silver or brass buttons.' _Davis' El Gringo_, pp. 406, 411, 412. Leggins made of deer-skin with thick soles ... a leathern cap shaped like a helmet, decorated with cocks', eagles' or vultures' feathers. _Figuier's Hum. Race_, pp. 481, 482. 'Auf dem Kopfe tragen sie eine helmartige Lederkappe die gewöhnlich mit einem Busch kurzer, glänzender Truthahnfedern und einigen Geier oder Adlerfedern geschmückt ist.' _Möllhausen_, _Tagebuch_, pp. 229, 230. 'A close banded cap is worn by the men which is gracefully ornamented by feathers, and held under the chin by a small throat-latch.' _Schoolcraft's Arch._, vol. iv., p. 435, and plate vii., Fig. 3, p. 74. 'Their wardrobes are never extravagantly supplied.' _Backus_, in _Schoolcraft's Arch._, vol. iv., p. 212. The women 'wear a blanket.' _Ives' Colorado Riv._, p. 128, and plate. The women 'wore blankets, leggins and moccasons.' _Simpson's Jour. Mil. Recon._, pp. 51, 52, 81. 'Over all is thrown a blanket, under and sometimes over which is worn a belt, to which are attached oval pieces of silver.' _Letherman_, in _Smithsonian Rept._, 1855, p. 290. The women's dress is 'chiefly composed of skins ... showily corded at the bottom, forming a kind of belt of beads and porcupine quills.' _Pattie's Pers. Nar._, pp. 118-9. _Bartlett's Pers. Nar._, vol. i., p. 329; _Möllhausen_, _Reisen in die Felsengeb._, tom. ii., pp. 220, 224, 235; _Möllhausen_, _Flüchtling_, tom. iv., pp. 36, 37; _Whipple, Ewbank, and Turner's Rept._, p. 31, in _Pac. R. R. Rept._, vol. iii.; _Bristol_, in _Ind. Aff. Rept. Spec. Com._, 1867, p. 344; _Cremony's Apaches_, p. 305. [661] 'Tattooed over the body, especially on the chest.' _Domenech's Deserts_, vol. ii., p. 281. 'Tattoo their faces and breasts.' _Marcy's Army Life_, p. 25. 'Mares juxta atque foeminæ facies atque artus lineis quibusdam persignant.' _De Laet_, _Novus Orbis_, p. 310; _Warden_, _Recherches_, p. 79; _Farnham's Trav._, p. 32. [662] 'They never cut the hair, but wear it of very great length, and ornament it upon state occasions with silver and beads.' _Marcy's Army Life_, p. 25. 'Their heads are covered with bits of tin and glass.' _Shepard's Land of the Aztecs_, p. 182. 'Der dicke und lang über den Rücken hinabhängende Zopf mit abwärts immer kleiner werdenden silbernen Scheiben belastet, die, im Nacken mit der Grösse einer mässigen Untertasse beginnend, an der Spitze des Zopfes mit der Grösse eines halben Thalers endigten.' _Froebel_, _Aus Amerika_, tom. ii., p. 100, and _Froebel's Cent. Am._, p. 266. They 'never cut their hair, which they wear long, mingling with it on particular occasions silver ornaments and pearls.' _Domenech's Deserts_, vol. ii., p. 24. 'Todos ellos llevan la cabeza trasquilada desde la mitad hasta la frente, y dejan lo demas del pelo colgando.' _Beaumont_, _Crón. de Mechoacan, MS._, p. 527; _Revista Cientifica_, tom. i., p. 162; _Parker's Notes on Tex._, p. 194; _Dragoon Camp._, p. 153; _Möllhausen_, _Tagebuch_, p. 115; _Whipple, Ewbank, and Turner's Rept._, p. 27, in _Pac. R. R. Rept._, vol. iii.; _García Conde_, in _Album Mex._, tom. i., p. 299; _Combier_, _Voy._, p. 224. [663] 'Im Gesichte mit Zinnober bemalt, auf dem Kopfe mit Adlerfedern geschmückt.' _Froebel_, _Aus Amerika_, tom. ii., p. 100. 'It takes them a considerable time to dress, and stick feathers and beads in their hair.' _Domenech's Deserts_, vol. ii., p. 281. 'Fond of decking themselves with paint, beads and feathers.' _Marcy's Army Life_, pp. 25, 26, 30. 'Vederbosschen op't hoofd.' _Montanus_, _Nieuwe Weereld_, p. 209. 'En quanto á los colores, varian mucho, no solamente en ellos, sino tambien en los dibujos que se hacen en la cara.' _García Conde_, in _Album Mex._, tom. i., p. 299. The Comanches 'de tout sexe portent un miroir attaché au poignet, et se teignent le visage en rouge.' _Soc. Géog._, _Bulletin_, série v., No. 96, p. 192; _Whipple, Ewbank, and Turner's Rept._, p. 27, in _Pac. R. R. Rept._, vol. iii.; _Palmer_, in _Harper's Mag._, vol. xvii., p. 450; _Pattie's Pers. Nar._, pp. 35, 36; _Schoolcraft's Arch._, vol. ii., p. 133; _Parker's Notes on Tex._, pp. 181, 194, 197, 202; _Wislizenus' Tour_, p. 71; _Simpson's Jour. Mil. Recon._, p. 119; _Alegre_, _Hist. Comp. de Jesus_, tom. i., p. 332; _Combier_, _Voy._, p. 224; _Hartmann and Millard_, _Texas_, p. 110; _Larenaudière_, _Mex. et Guat._, p. 147, plate; _Tempsky's Mitla_, p. 80; _Gilliam's Trav._, p. 305; _Horn's Captivity_, p. 25. [664] 'The Camanches prefer dark clothes.' _Parker's Notes on Tex._, pp. 180, 181, 202. 'Les guerriers portent pour tout vêtement une peau de buffle en manteau.' _Soc. Géog._, _Bulletin_, série v., No. 96, p. 192. 'Las mugeres andan vestidas de la cintura para abajo con unos cueros de venado adobado en forma de faldellines, y cubren el cuerpo con unos capotillos del mismo cuero.' _Beaumont_, _Crón. de Mechoacan, MS._, p. 527. 'Vistense galanos ... asi hombres como mugeres con mantas pintadas y bordadas.' _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. i., p. 681. 'Sus vestidos se componen de unas botas, un mediano delantal que cubre sus vergüenzas, y un coton, todo de pieles: las mugeres usan una manta cuadrada de lana negra muy estrecha.' _Alegre_, _Hist. Comp. de Jesus_, tom. i., p. 332. 'Tam mares quam foeminæ gossypinis tunicis et ferarum exuviis vestiebantur ad Mexicanorum normam et quod insolens barbaris, ideoque Hispanis novum visum, utebantur calceis atque ocreis quæ è ferarum tergoribus et taurino corio consuta erant. Foeminis capillus bene pexus et elegantur erat dispositus, nec ullo præterea velamine caput tegebant.' _De Laet_, _Novus Orbis_, p. 311; _Froebel_, _Aus Amerika_, pp. 99, 101; _Dragoon Camp._, p. 153; _Warden_, _Recherches_, pp. 79, 80; _García Conde_, in _Album Mex._, tom. i., p. 299; _Salmeron_, _Relaciones_, in _Doc. Hist. Mex._, serie iii., tom. iv., pp. 25, 31, 91; _Revista Cientifica_, tom. i., p. 162; _Horn's Captivity_, p. 22; _Marcy's Army Life_, pp. 25, 29, 45; _Palmer_, in _Harper's Mag._, vol. xvii., p. 450; _Cremony's Apaches_, p. 15; _Larenaudière_, _Mex. et Guat._, p. 147, plate; _Gallatin_, in _Nouvelles Annales des Voy._, 1851, tom. cxxxi., pp. 252, 272, 273; _Montanus_, _Nieuwe Weereld_, p. 216, and _Dapper_, _Neue Welt_, p. 243; _Castañeda_, in _Ternaux-Compans_, _Voy._, série i., tom. iv., p. 127; _Wislizenus' Tour_, p. 71; _Parker_, in _Ind. Aff. Rept._, 1869, p. 109; _Escudero_, _Noticias de Chihuahua_, p. 230; _Gregg's Com. Prairies_, vol. ii., pp. 38, 310, 312; _Foster's Pre-Hist. Races_, p. 228; _Hartmann and Millard_, _Texas_, p. 110; _Domenech_, _Jour._, pp. 134, 135; _Maillard_, _Hist. Tex._, p. 240, _Jaramillo_, in _Ternaux-Compans_, _Voy._, série i., tom. ix., pp. 372, 377; _Castaño de Soza_, in _Pacheco_, _Col. Doc. Inéd._, tom. iv., p. 331; _Houstoun's Tex._, p. 227; _Alcedo_, _Diccionario_, tom. iii., p. 184; _Farnham's Trav._, p. 32; _Schoolcraft's Arch._, vol. ii., p. 133; _Domenech's Deserts_, vol. ii., p. 24. [665] The Apaches 'rarely remain more than a week in any one locality.' _Cremony's Apaches_, p. 240. 'Cette nation étant nomade et toujours à la poursuite du gibier.' _Castañeda_, in _Ternaux-Compans_, _Voy._, série i., tom. p. 133; _Velasco_, _Noticias de Sonora_, p. 266; _Marcy's Army Life_, p. 44; _Henry_, in _Schoolcraft's Arch._, vol. v., p. 212; _Schoolcraft's Arch._, vol. v., p. 202; _Backus_, in _Id._, vol. iv., p. 213; _Ten Broeck_, in _Id._, vol. iv., p. 89; _Bailey_, in _Ind. Aff. Rept._, 1858, p. 206; _Ind. Aff. Rept. Spec. Com._, 1867, p. 325; _Foote's Texas_, p. 298; _Carleton_, in _Ind. Aff. Rept._, 1867, p. 325; _Holley's Texas_, p. 152; _Dragoon Camp._, p. 153; _Kennedy's Texas_, vol. i., p. 437; _Delaporte_, _Reisen_, pt. x., p. 456. [666] 'The principal characteristic I believe, is the form of their wigwams; one sets up erect poles, another bends them over in a circular form, and the third gives them a low oval shape.' _Bartlett's Pers. Nar._, vol. i., p. 106. Other tribes make their lodges in a different way, by a knowledge of which circumstance, travelers are able to discover on arriving at a deserted camp whether it belongs to a hostile or friendly tribe. _Parker's Notes on Texas_, p. 213; _Hartmann and Millard_, _Texas_, p. 110; _García Conde_, in _Soc. Mex. Geog._, _Bulletin_, tom. v., p. 315. [667] 'Sus chozas ó jacales son circulares, hechas de ramas de los árboles, cubiertas con pieles de caballos, vacas, ó cíbolos.' _Orozco y Berra_, _Geografía_, p. 371. 'I did expect ... to find that the Navajos had other and better habitations than the conical, pole, brush, and mud lodge.' _Simpson's Jour. Mil. Recon._, p. 77. 'The Camanches make their lodges by placing poles in the ground in a circle and tying the tops together.' _Parker's Notes on Texas_, p. 213. Huts are only temporary, conical, of sticks. _Letherman_, in _Smithsonian Rept._, 1855, p. 289. 'Sie bestanden einfach aus grossen Lauben von Cedernzweigen, deren Wölbung auf starken Pfählen ruhte, und von Aussen theilweise mit Erde, Lehm, und Steinen bedeckt war.' _Möllhausen_, _Reisen in die Felsengeb._, tom. ii., pp. 15, 220-233. 'Un grand nombre de forme ronde.' _Jaramillo_, in _Ternaux-Compans_, _Voy._, série i., tom. ix., p. 379. 'Their lodges are rectangular.' _Sitgreaves' Zuñi Ex._, p. 18; _Castañeda_, in _Ternaux-Compans_, _Voy._, série i., tom. ix., p. 194; _Ives' Colorado River_, p. 100; _Figuier's Hum. Race_, p. 482. [668] 'They make them of upright poles a few feet in height ... upon which rest brush and dirt.' _Emory's Rept. U. S. and Mex. Boundary Survey_, vol. i., pp. 111-12. 'The very rudest huts hastily constructed of branches of cedar trees, and sometimes of flat stones for small roofs.' _Eaton_, in _Schoolcraft's Arch._, vol. iv., p. 217. These huts are about eight feet high, eighteen feet in diameter at base, the whole being covered with bark or brush and mud. _Simpson's Jour. Mil. Recon._, p. 60. 'Exceedingly rude structures of sticks about four or five feet high.' _Backus_, in _Schoolcraft's Arch._, vol. iv., p. 213. 'The Comanches make their lodges ... in a conical shape ... which they cover with buffalo hides.' _Parker's Notes on Tex._, p. 213. 'Ils habitent sous des tentes.' _Soc. Géog._, _Bulletin_, série v., tom. 96, p. 192; _Davis' El Gringo_, p. 414; _Henry_, in _Schoolcraft's Arch._, vol. v., p. 212; _Bent_, in _Id._, vol. i., p. 243; _Gregg's Com. Prairies_, vol. i., p. 290; _Browne's Apache Country_, p. 96; _Farnham's Trav._, p. 32; _Mange_, in _Doc. Hist. Mex._, serie iv., tom. i., p. 299; _Villa-Señor y Sanchez_, _Theatro_, tom. ii., p. 413; _Dufey_, _Résumé de l'Hist._, tom. i., p. 4; _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. i., p. 279; _Domenech_, _Jour._, p. 131; _Dillon_, _Hist. Mex._, p. 97; _Ludecus_, _Reise_, p. 104; _Hassel_, _Mex. Guat._, p. 205; _Thümmel_, _Mexiko_, p. 352; _Emory's Recon._, p. 61; _Marcy's Rept._, p. 219; _Gallatin_, in _Nouvelles Annales des Voy._, 1851, tom. cli., p. 274; _Jaramillo_, in _Ternaux-Compans_, _Voy._, serie i., tom. ix., pp. 372-9; _Beaumont_, _Crón. de Mechoacan_, p. 417; _Alarchon_, in _Hakluyt's Voy._, vol. iii., p. 431; _Dapper_, _Neue Welt_, p. 239; see also, _Montanus_, _Nieuwe Weereld_, p. 209; _Möllhausen_, _Tagebuch_, pp. 109-115; _Humboldt_, _Essai Pol._, tom. i., p. 230; _Cordoue_, in _Ternaux-Compans_, _Voy._, série i., tom. x., p. 443; _De Laet_, _Novus Orbis_, p. 301; _Brownell's Ind. Races_, p. 544; _Hardy's Trav._, p. 336. [669] _Sitgreaves' Zuñi Ex._, p. 18. 'This compels the Navajoes to erect substantial huts of an oval form, the lower portion of the hut being excavated.' _Cremony's Apaches_, p. 306. 'They live in brush houses, in the winter time, digging a hole in the ground and covering this with a brush roof.' _Parker_, in _Ind. Aff. Rept._, 1870, p. 130; _Hughes' Doniphan's Ex._, p. 218; _Stratton's Capt. Oatman Girls_, p. 136; _Maillard's Hist. Tex._, p. 241. [670] 'Their lodges are ... about four or five feet high, with a triangular opening for ingress or egress.' _Backus_, in _Schoolcraft's Arch._, vol. iv., p. 213. The most they do is to build small huts ... with thick poles for the arches and a small door through which a single person can hardly pass. _Velasco_, _Noticias de Sonora_, p. 266. A ranchería of the Cuabajai is described as 'formada como una grande galeria en una pieza muy larga adornada con arcos de sauz, y cubierta con esteras de tule muy delgadas y bien cocidas; tenia ventanas para la luz y desahogar el humo y dos puertas, una al Oriente y otra al Poniente, ... á los dos lados de la pieza habia varios cámaras ó alojamientos para dormir.' _Arricivita_, _Crónica Seráfica_, pp. 474-5. [671] 'Some live in caves in the rocks.' _Letherman_, in _Smithsonian Rept._, 1855, p. 289. 'They do not live in houses built of stone as has been repeatedly represented, but in caves, caverns, and fissures of the cliffs.' _Eaton_, in _Schoolcraft's Arch._, vol. iv., p. 217. 'Ils habitaient des cavernes et des lieux souterrains, où ils déposaient leurs récoltes.' _Gallatin_, in _Nouvelles Annales des Voy._, 1851, tom. cxxxi., p. 309. Most of the Navajos 'live in houses built of stone.' _Scenes in the Rocky Mts._, p. 180; _Thümmel_, _Mexiko_, p. 352; _Almanza_, in _Doc. Hist. Mex._, serie iii., tom. iv., p. 825; _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. i., p. 679; _Sanchez_, in _Doc. Hist. Mex._, serie iv., tom. i., p. 93; _Gordon's Hist. and Geog. Mem._, p. 88. [672] 'The large cottonwood posts and the substantial roof of the wide shed in front, are characteristic of the architecture of this people.' _Whipple, Ewbank, and Turner's Rept._, p. 23, in _Pac. R. R. Rept._, vol. iii. 'They are built upon sandy soil and are thirty or forty feet square; the sides about two feet thick of wicker-work and straw ... their favorite resort seems to be the roof, where could usually be counted from twenty to thirty persons, all apparently at home.' _Palmer_, in _Harper's Mag._, vol. xvii., p. 464. [673] See plate in _Marcy's Army Life_, p. 48. 'The fire is made in the front of the lodge.' _Backus_, in _Schoolcraft's Arch._, vol. iii., p. 70. [674] 'In every village may be seen small structures, consisting of a frame-work of slight poles, bent into a semi-spherical form and covered with buffalo hides. These are called medicine lodges and are used as vapor-baths.' _Marcy's Army Life_, p. 60. 'They make huts three feet high for bath-rooms and heat them with hot stones.' _Letherman_, in _Smithsonian Rept._, 1855, p. 289. [675] _Palmer_, in _Harper's Mag._, vol. xviii., p. 464; _Whipple, Ewbank, and Turner's Rept._, p. 23, in _Pac. R. R. Rept._, vol. iii. [676] 'Ils sont très-laborieux; ils cultivent les melons, les haricots, et d'autres légumes; ils récoltent aussi en abondance le maïs.' _Soc. Géog._, _Bulletin_, série v., No. 96, p. 186. 'Bohnen, Mais, Weizen, feingeriebenes Mehl, Kürbisse und Melonen.' _Möllhausen_, _Tagebuch_, pp. 385, 396-7. 'The Yumas and other tribes on the Colorado, irrigate their lands, and raise wheat, corn, melons, &c.' _Bartlett's Pers. Nar._, vol. ii., pp. 263, 180, 181; _Lachapelle_, _Raousset-Boulbon_, p. 81; _Arricivita_, _Crónica Seráfica_, p. 419; _Alegre_, _Hist. Comp. de Jesus_, tom. i., p. 332; _Ives' Colorado River_, pp. 60, 67, 70, 73; _Emory's Rept. U. S. and Mex. Boundary Survey_, vol. i., pp. 117, 128, 129; _Stratton's Capt. Oatman Girls_, p. 123; _Domenech's Deserts_, vol. ii., pp. 40, 65, 66; _Sitgreaves' Zuñi Ex._, p. 18; _Browne's Apache Country_, pp. 51, 52, 107; _Mowry's Arizona_, p. 33; _Pattie's Pers. Nar._, p. 91; _Mexicanische Zustände_, tom. i., p. 64; _Möllhausen_, _Reisen in die Felsengeb._, tom. i., p. 111; _Champagnac_, _Voyageur_, p. 84; _Bent_, in _Schoolcraft's Arch._, vol. i., p. 243; _Eaton_, in _Schoolcraft's Arch._, vol. iv., p. 217; _Whipple, Ewbank, and Turner's Rept._, pp. 13, 120, in _Pac. R. R. Rept._, vol. iii.; _Thümmel_, _Mexiko_, p. 349; _Gallatin_, in _Nouvelles Annales des Voy._, 1851, tom. cxxxi., pp. 288-9; _Prichard's Nat. Hist. Man_, vol. ii., p. 567; _Farnham's Life in Cal._; _Davis' El Gringo_, p. 411; _Clark_, in _Hist. Mag._, vol. viii., p. 280; _Salmeron_, _Relaciones_, in _Doc. Hist. Mex._, serie iii., tom. iv., pp. 25-6. [677] 'A small but agreeable nut called the Piñon, grows abundantly in this country; and during a period of scarcity, it sometimes constitutes the sole food of the poorer class of natives for many successive weeks.' _Backus_, in _Schoolcraft's Arch._, vol. iv., p. 212. 'Living upon the fruit of the mezquit and tornilla trees.' _Sitgreaves' Zuñi Ex._, pp. 10, 19; _Emory's Rept. U. S. and Mex. Boundary Survey_, vol. i., p. 112. 'Tambien tienen para su sustento mescali, que es conserva de raiz de maguey.' _Salmeron_, _Relaciones_, in _Doc. Hist. Mex._, serie iii., tom. iv., p. 31; _Henry_, in _Schoolcraft's Arch._, vol. v., p. 212; _Hardy's Trav._, pp. 338; _Möllhausen_, _Tagebuch_, pp. 147, 331, 350, 396, 397; _Cordoue_, in _Ternaux-Compans_, _Voy._, série i., tom. x., p. 446; _Castañeda_, in _Id._, série i., tom. ix., pp. 53, 54; _Domenech's Deserts_, vol. i., p. 217; _Bartlett's Pers. Nar._, vol. i., p. 234. [678] 'The quail and hare of the valley, and the deer and lizards of the plains, together furnish but a scanty supply.' _Ehrenberg_, in _Ind. Aff. Rept._, 1866, p. 110. 'They ate worms, grasshoppers, and reptiles.' _Stratton's Capt. Oatman Girls_, pp. 115-116. 'An den dünnen Gurt hatten unsere Besucher noch Ratten, grosse Eidechsen und Frösche befestigt.' _Möllhausen_, _Tagebuch_, p. 383. 'Depending upon game and roots for food.' _Parker_, in _Ind. Aff. Rept._, 1870, p. 137, and 1869, p. 92. 'Mas para ellos es plato regaladísimo el de ratones del campo asados ó cocidos y toda especie de insectos.' _Alegre_, _Hist. Comp. de Jesus_, tom. i., p. 332; _Hardy's Trav._, p. 430; _Arricivita_, _Crónica Seráfica_, pp. 419, 473; _Figuier's Hum. Race_, p. 484; _Backus_, in _Schoolcraft's Arch._, vol. iv., p. 212; _Cremony's Apaches_, p. 297. [679] On the Rivers Colorado and Gila. 'Usan de hilo torcido unas redes y otras de varios palitos, que los tuercen y juntan por las puntas, en que forman á modo de un pequeño barquito para pescar del infinito pescado que hay en el rio.' _Sedelmair_, in _Doc. Hist. Mex._, serie iii., tom. iv., p. 851. The Cajuenches when the produce is insufficient, live on fish. _Domenech's Deserts_, vol. ii., p. 10. The Navajos 'live by raising flocks and herds, instead of hunting and fishing.' _Davis' El Gringo_, p. 411. The Apaches 'no comen pescado alguno, no obstante de lo que abundan sus rios.' _Cordero_, in _Orozco y Berra_, _Geografía_, p. 375. 'El Apache no come el pescado, aunque los hay abundantes en sus rios.' _Velasco_, _Noticias de Sonora_, p. 285; _Emory's Rept. U. S. and Mex. Boundary Survey_, vol. i., p. 123; _Stratton's Capt. Oatman Girls_, p. 149; _Hardy's Trav._, p. 373; _Möllhausen_, _Reisen in die Felsengeb._, tom. i., pp. 227-8. [680] 'They do not make butter and cheese.... Some who own cattle make from the curd of soured milk small masses, which some have called cheese.' _Letherman_, in _Smithsonian Rept._, 1855, p. 292. 'They never to my knowledge make butter or cheese, nor do I believe they know what such things are.' _Eaton_, in _Schoolcraft's Arch._, vol. iv., p. 217. The Navajoes 'make butter and cheese.' _Scenes in the Rocky Mts._, p. 180. Some of the 'men brought into camp a quantity of cheese.' _Ives' Colorado River_, pp. 128, 130. [681] _Emory's Rept. U. S. and Mex. Boundary Survey_, vol. i., p. 112. 'They plant corn very deep with a stake and raise very good crops.' _Ind. Aff. Rept. Spec. Com._, 1867, p. 337; _Merriwether_, in _Ind. Aff. Rept._, 1854, p. 172. [682] 'The metate is a slightly hollowed hard stone, upon which soaked maize is laid and then reduced to paste.... The paste so formed is then patted between the hands until it assumes a flat, thin and round appearance when it is laid on a hot pan and baked into a tortilla.' _Cremony's Apaches_, pp. 145-6. 'Ils récoltent aussi en abondance le maïs dont ils font de tortillas.' _Soc. Géog._, _Bulletin_, série v., No. 96, p. 186. 'Their meat was boiled with water in a Tusquin (clay kettle) and this meat-mush or soup was the staple of food among them.' _Stratton's Capt. Oatman Girls_, pp. 114, 115. 'A large Echino Cactus ... hollowed so as to make a trough. Into this were thrown the soft portions of the pulpy substance which surrounds the heart of the cactus; and to them had been added game and plants gathered from the banks of the creek. Mingled with water, the whole had been cooked by stirring it up with heated stones.' _Whipple_, in _Pac. R. R. Rept._, vol. iii., p. 96. 'Ils mangent des pains de maïs cuits sous la cendre, aussi gros que les gros pains de Castille.' _Castañeda_, in _Ternaux-Compans_, _Voy._, série i., tom. ix., p. 49; _Hardy's Trav._, p. 238; _Pattie's Pers. Nar._, p. 63; _Bartlett's Pers. Nar._, vol. i., p. 291; _Castaño de Soza_, in _Pacheco_, _Col. Doc. Inéd._, tom. iv., pp. 330-1. [683] 'The Apaches rely chiefly upon the flesh of the cattle and sheep they can steal ... they are said, however, to be more fond of the meat of the mule than that of any other animal.' _Gregg's Com. Prairies_, vol. i., pp. 290-1. 'A nonproductive race, subsisting wholly on plunder and game.' _Cremony's Apaches_, p. 141. The Jicarilla Apaches: 'the chase is their only means of support.' _Carson_, in _Ind. Aff. Rept._, 1860, p. 164. 'They live entirely by hunting.' _Delgado_, in _Ind. Aff. Rept._, 1866, p. 138. 'Die Nahrung der Apaches besteht hauptsächlich in dem Fleische der Rinder und Schafe ... doch soll, wie man sagt, Maulthierfleisch ihre Lieblingsspeise sein.' _Thümmel_, _Mexiko_, p. 352. 'Ihre besten Leckerbissen sind Pferde und Mauleselfleisch, welches sie braten und dem Rindfleische vorziehen.' _Ochs_, in _Murr_, _Nachrichten_, p. 289. Their daintiest food is mule and horseflesh. _Apostólicos Afanes_, p. 432. 'Anteriormente antes que en la frontera abundase el ganado, uno de sus alimentos era la came del caballo, y la caza de diferentes animales.' _Velasco_, _Noticias de Sonora_, pp. 266-7; _Edward's Hist. Texas_, p. 95; _Emory's Rept. U. S. and Mex. Boundary Survey_, vol. i., p. 112; _Bartlett's Pers. Nar._, vol. i., p. 327; _Soc. Géog._, _Bulletin_, série v., No. 96, p. 187; _Stratton's Capt. Oatman Girls_, p. 116; _Ward's Mexico_, vol. i., p. 580; _Armin_, _Das Heutige Mexiko_, p. 282; _Stanley's Portraits_, p. 57; _Palmer_, in _Harper's Mag._, vol. xvii., p. 460; _Edwards' Campaign_, p. 95; _Hassel_, _Mex. Guat._, p. 276; _Schoolcraft's Arch._, vol. v., p. 202; see further _Ind. Aff. Repts._, from 1854-73; _Gallatin_, in _Nouvelles Annales des Voy._, 1851, tom. cxxxi., p. 308; _Peters' Life of Carson_, p. 452; _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. i., p. 679. [684] 'What I would have sworn was an antelope, proved to be a young Indian, ... who having enveloped himself in an antelope's skin with head, horns and all complete, had gradually crept up to the herd under his disguise.' _Cremony's Apaches_, pp. 28, 194. 'Se viste de una piel de los mismos animales, pone sobre su cabeza otra de la clase de los que va á buscar, y armado de su arco y flechas andando en cuatro piés, procura mezclarse en una banda da ellos.' _Cordero_, in _Orozco y Berra_, _Geografía_, p. 375; _García Conde_, in _Album Mex._, tom. i., p. 372; _Schoolcraft's Arch._, vol. v., p. 212; _Ferry_, _Scènes de la Vie Sauvage_, p. 262. [685] 'They always asked if we had bear on the table, for they wished to avoid it.... I found they had some superstitious prejudice against it.' _Bartlett's Pers. Nar._, vol. i., p. 324. 'The Apaches are rather fond of lion and panther meat, but seldom touch that of the bear.' _Cremony's Apaches_, p. 226. 'Tambien matan para comer osos.' _Salmeron_, _Relaciones_, in _Doc. Hist. Mex._, serie iii., tom. iv., p. 25. The Navajoes 'never kill bears or rattlesnakes unless attacked.' _Letherman_, in _Smithsonian Rept._, 1855, p. 291. 'Sie verehren den Bären, der nie von ihnen getödtet wird, und dessen Fleisch zu essen sie sich scheuen. Schweinefleisch verschmähen sie desgleichen; beim ärgsten Hunger können sie es nicht über sich gewinnen, davon zu kosten.' _Armin_, _Das Heutige Mexiko_, p. 278; _Cordero_, in _Orozco y Berra_, _Geografía_, p. 370. [686] 'The Northern and Middle Comanches ... subsist almost exclusively upon the flesh of the buffalo, and are known among the Indians as buffalo-eaters.' _Marcy's Army Life_, pp. 19, 26, 46. 'They plant no corn, and their only food is meat, and a few wild plants that grow upon the prairies.' _Marcy's Rept._, p. 188. The Comanches are a 'nation subsisting solely by the chase.' _Pike's Explor. Trav._, p. 214. 'Subsist mainly upon the buffalo.' _Graves_, in _Ind. Aff. Rept._, 1854, p. 180. 'Acknowledge their entire ignorance of even the rudest methods of agriculture.' _Baylor_, in _Ind. Aff. Rept._, 1856, p. 177; _Bent_, in _Schoolcraft's Arch._, vol. i., p. 244; _Schoolcraft's Arch._, vol. v., p. 575; _Froebel_, _Aus Amerika_, tom. ii., p. 103, and _Froebel's Cent. Amer._, p. 268; _Combier_, _Voy._, p. 292; _French's Hist. Coll. La._, pt. ii., p. 155; _Möllhausen_, _Tagebuch_, p. 115; _Gregg's Com. Prairies_, pp. 214-16, 307; _Figuier's Hum. Race_, p. 480; _Ludecus_, _Reise_, p. 104; _Dragoon Camp._, p. 153; _Foote's Texas_, p. 298; _Soc. Géog._, _Bulletin_, série v., No. 96, p. 192; _Domenech's Deserts_, vol. ii., p. 21; _Domenech_, _Jour._, p. 469; _Kennedy's Texas_, vol. i., p. 345; _Holley's Texas_, p. 153; _Dufey_, _Résumé_, tom. i., p. 4; _Dewees' Texas_, p. 233; _Frost's Ind. Battles_, p. 385. [687] 'Luego que los cíbolos echan á huir, los cazadores sin apresurarlos demasiado los persiguen á un galope corto, que van activando mas y mas hasta que rompen en carrera ... el indio sin cesar de correr, dispara su arco en todas direcciones, y va sembrando el campo de reses.... Las indias al mismo tiempo van dessollando cada una de aquellas reses, recogiendo la piel y la carne.' _Revista Científica_, tom. i., pp. 165-6. 'At a suitable distance from their prey they divide into two squadrons, one half taking to the right, and the other to the left, and thus surround it.' _Edward's Hist. Tex._, p. 108; _French's Hist. Coll. La._, pt. ii., p. 155; _Gregg's Com. Prairies_, vol. ii., pp. 214-216. Women when they perceive a deer or antelope 'give it chase, and return only after capturing it with the lasso.' _Domenech's Deserts_, vol. ii., p. 249. [688] 'When any game was killed, the Indians would tear out the heart, liver, and entrails, and eat them raw.' _Frost's Ind. Battles_, p. 385. 'Ces Indiens se nourissent de viande crue et boivent du sang.... Ils coupent la viande en tranches très-minces et la font sécher au soleil; ils la réduisent ensuite en poudre pour la conserver.' _Castañeda_, in _Ternaux-Compans_, _Voy._, série i., tom. ix., pp. 190-1. 'They "jerked" or dried the meat and made the pemmican.' _Marcy's Army Life_, p. 18. 'Comen las criadillas crudas, recogiendo la sangre que corre del cuerpo con unas tutundas ó jicaras, se la beben caliente.' _Beaumont_, _Crón. de Mechoacan, MS._, p. 528; _Farnham's Trav._, p. 32; _Horn's Captivity_, pp. 16, 23; _Kennedy's Texas_, vol. i., p. 345. [689] 'At one time their larder is overstocked and they gorge themselves to repletion.' _Marcy's Army Life_, pp. 32, 44, 46. 'Catch and tame these wild horses, and when unsuccessful in chase, subsist upon them.' _Holley's Texas_, p. 153. 'When pressed by hunger from scarcity of game, they subsist on their young horses and mules.' _Schoolcraft's Arch._, vol. ii., pp. 132-3. 'Have a rare capacity for enduring hunger, and manifest great patience under its infliction. After long abstinence they eat voraciously.' _Burnet_, in _Schoolcraft's Arch._, vol. i., p. 231; _Parker's Notes on Tex._, p. 235; _Edward's Hist. Tex._, p. 108. [690] The tribe 'lived in the most abject condition of filth and poverty.' _Browne's Apache Country_, p. 96. 'With very few exceptions, the want of cleanliness is universal--a shirt being worn until it will no longer hang together, and it would be difficult to tell the original color.' _Letherman_, in _Smithsonian Rept._, 1855, p. 290. 'They are fond of bathing in the summer, ... but nothing can induce them to wash themselves in winter.' _Cremony's Apaches_, p. 302. They give off very unpleasant odors. _Möllhausen_, _Reisen in die Felsengeb._, tom. i., p. 307. 'They seem to have a natural antipathy against water, considered as the means of cleansing the body ... water is only used by them in extreme cases; for instance, when the vermin become too thick on their heads, they then go through an operation of covering the head with mud, which after some time is washed out.' _Dodt_, in _Ind. Aff. Rept._, 1870, p. 130; _Ives' Colorado Riv._, 108; _Backus_, in _Schoolcraft's Arch._, vol. iv., p. 214; _Parker's Notes on Tex._, p. 203; _Arricivita_, _Crónica Seráfica_, p. 470. [691] 'They defecate promiscuously near their huts; they leave offal of every character, dead animals and dead skins, close in the vicinity of their huts.' _Ind. Aff. Rept. Spec. Com._, 1867, p. 339; _Stratton's Capt. Oatman Girls_, p. 114; _Hardy's Trav._, p. 380. [692] The Mojave 'arms are the bow and arrow, the spear and the club.' _Sitgreaves' Zuñi Ex._, p. 18. 'Armed with bows and arrows.' _Fremont and Emory's Notes of Trav._, p. 39. The Querechos 'use the bow and arrow, lance and shield.' _Marcy's Army Life_, pp. 19, 23. 'The Apache will invariably add his bow and arrows to his personal armament.' _Cremony's Apaches_, pp. 15, 75-6, 103, 189. 'Neben Bogen und Pfeilen führen sie noch sehr lange Lanzen.' _Möllhausen_, _Tagebuch_, p. 230. 'They use the bow and arrow and spear.' _Letherman_, in _Smithsonian Rept._, 1855, p. 293. 'Armed with bows and arrows, and the lance.' _Backus_, in _Schoolcraft's Arch._, vol. iv., p. 214. For colored lithograph of weapons see _Whipple, Ewbank, and Turner's Rept._, p. 50, in _Pac. R. R. Rept._, vol. iii. 'El armamento de los apaches se componen de lanza, arco y flechas.' _Cordero_, in _Orozco y Berra_, _Geografía_, p. 372. 'Las armas de los apaches son fusil, flechas y lanza.' _García Conde_, in _Soc. Mex. Geog._, _Boletin_, tom. v., p. 315. 'Los Yumas son Indios ... de malas armas, muchos no llevan arco, y si lo llevan es mal dispuesto, y con dos ó tres flechas.' _Garces_, in _Arricivita_, _Crónica Seráfica_, p. 419; _Sedelmair_, _Relacion_, in _Doc. Hist. Mex._, serie iii., tom. iv., p. 851; _Alegre_, _Hist. Comp. de Jesus_, tom. iii., p. 111; _Malte-Brun_, _Précis de la Géog._, tom. vi., p. 399; _Parker's Notes on Tex._, p. 190; _Drew_, in _Ind. Aff. Rept._, 1869, p. 105; _Odin_, in _Domenech_, _Jour._, p. 450; _Wislizenus' Tour_, p. 71; _Dewees' Texas_, p. 233; _Holley's Texas_, p. 153; _Brownell's Ind. Races_, p. 543; _Dragoon Camp._, p. 153; _Moore's Texas_, p. 33; _Ward's Mexico_, vol. ii., p. 602; _Mühlenpfordt_, _Mejico_, vol. ii., pt. ii., p. 421; _Lachapelle_, _Raousset-Boulbon_, p. 82; _Combier_, _Voy._, p. 224; _Brantz-Mayer's Mex., Aztec, etc._, vol. ii., p. 123; _Thümmel_, _Mexiko_, p. 444; _Peters' Life of Carson_, p. 452; _Cutts' Conq. of Cal._, p. 185; _Bartlett's Pers. Nar._, vol. i., pp. 328-9, 451; _Pagés' Travels_, vol. i., p. 107; _Linati_, _Costumes_, plate xxii.; _Armin_, _Das Heutige Mexiko_, p. 274; _Möllhausen_, _Mormonenmädchen_, tom. ii., p. 152; _Figuier's Hum. Race_, pp. 480-2, with cut. [693] 'Their weapons of war are the spear or lance, the bow, and the laso.' _Hughes' Doniphan's Ex._, p. 173. [694] Among 'their arms of offence' is 'what is called Macána, a short club, like a round wooden mallet, which is used in close quarters.' _Hardy's Trav._, p. 373. 'War clubs were prepared in abundance.' _Stratton's Capt. Oatman Girls_, p. 176. Die Apachen 'nur Bogen, Pfeile und Keulen.' _Thümmel_, _Mexiko_, p. 444. 'Their clubs are of mezquite wood (a species of acacia) three or four feet long.' _Emory's Rept. U. S. and Mex. Boundary Survey_, vol. i., p. 108. 'Ils n'ont d'autre arme qu'un grand croc et une massue.' _Soc. Géog._, _Bulletin_, série v., No. 96, p. 186. 'Arma sunt ... oblongi lignei gladii multis acutis silicibus utrimque muniti.' _De Laet_, _Novus Orbis_, p. 311. 'Sus Armas son Flechas, y Macanas.' _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. i., p. 681. Among the Comanches: 'Leur massue est une queue de buffle à l'extrémité de laquelle ils insèrent une boule en pierre on en métal.' _Soc. Géog._, _Bulletin_, série v., No. 96, p. 193; _Mowry_, in _Ind. Aff. Rept._, 1857, p. 302. [695] 'Mit vierstreifigen Strickschleudern bewaffnet.' _Mexikanische Zustände_, tom. i., p. 64. 'Sie fechten mit Lanzen, Büchsen, Pfeilen und Tamahaks.' _Ludecus_, _Reise_, p. 104. 'Une petite hache en silex.' _Soc. Géog._, _Bulletin_, série v., No. 96, p. 193; _Mühlenpfordt_, _Mejico_, tom. ii., p. 539; _Treasury of Trav._, p. 31; _Escudero_, _Noticias de Chihuahua_, p. 230; _Domenech's Deserts_, vol. ii., p. 272. [696] The Querecho 'bows are made of the tough and elastic wood of the "bois d'arc" or Osage orange (Maclura Aurantiaca), strengthened and reenforced with the sinews of the deer wrapped firmly around them, and strung with a cord made of the same material.' _Marcy's Army Life_, p. 24. The Tonto 'bow is a stout piece of tough wood ... about five feet long, strengthened at points by a wrapping of sinew ... which are joined by a sinew string.' _Smart_, in _Smithsonian Rept._, 1867, p. 418. The Navajo 'bow is about four feet in length ... and is covered on the back with a kind of fibrous tissue.' _Letherman_, in _Smithsonian Rept._, 1855, p. 293. The Yuma 'bow is made of willow.' _Emory's Rept. U. S. and Mex. Boundary Survey_, vol. i., p. 108. 'Langen Bogen von Weidenholz.' _Möllhausen_, _Reisen in die Felsengeb._, tom. i., p. 124. Apaches: 'the bow forms two semicircles, with a shoulder in the middle; the back of it is entirely covered with sinews, which are laid on ... by the use of some glutinous substance.' _Pike's Explor. Trav._, p. 338. 'Los tamaños de estas armas son differentes, segun las parcialidades que las usan.' _Cordero_, in _Orozco y Berra_, _Geografía_, p. 372; _Möllhausen_, _Tagebuch_, p. 360; _Malte-Brun_, _Précis de la Géog._, tom. vi., p. 453; _Whipple_, in _Pac. R. R. Rept._, vol. iii., p. 98; _Pattie's Pers. Nar._, pp. 117, 149; _Palmer_, in _Harper's Mag._, vol. xvii., p. 450. [697] The Apaches: 'Tous portaient au poignet gauche le bracelet de cuir ... Ce bracelet de cuir est une espèce de paumelle qui entoure la main gauche, ... Le premier sert à amortir le coup de fouet de la corde de l'arc quand il se détend, la seconde empêche les pennes de la flèche de déchirer la peau de la main.' _Ferry_, _Scènes de la vie Sauvage_, p. 256. 'With a leather bracelet on one wrist and a bow and quiver of arrows form the general outfit.' _Smart_, in _Smithsonian Rept._, 1867, p. 418. [698] The Coyoteros 'use very long arrows of reed, finished out with some hard wood, and an iron or flint head, but invariably with three feathers at the opposite end.' _Cremony's Apaches_, p. 103. Navajoes: 'the arrow is about two feet long and pointed with iron.' _Letherman_, in _Smithsonian Rept._, 1855, p. 293. The Querechos 'arrows are twenty inches long, of flexible wood, with a triangular point of iron at one end, and two feathers ... at the opposite extremity.' _Marcy's Army Life_, p. 24. The Apache 'arrows are quite long, very rarely pointed with flint, usually with iron. The feather upon the arrow is placed or bound down with fine sinew in threes, instead of twos.... The arrow-shaft is usually made of some pithy wood, generally a species of yucca.' _Henry_, in _Schoolcraft's Arch._, vol. v., p. 209. 'Sagittæ acutis silicibus asperatæ.' _De Laet_, _Novus Orbis_, p. 311. 'Arrows were ... pointed with a head of stone. Some were of white quartz or agate, and others of obsidian.' _Whipple_, in _Pac. R. R. Rept._, vol. iii., p. 98. The Tonto 'arrows ... are three feet long ... the cane is winged with four strips of feather, held in place by threads of sinew ... which bears on its free end an elongated triangular piece of quartz, flint, or rarely iron.' _Smart_, in _Smithsonian Rept._, 1867, p. 418. The Lipan arrows 'have four straight flutings; the Comanches make two straight black flutings and two red spiral ones.' _Domenech's Deserts_, vol. ii., p. 270; _Sitgreaves' Zuñi Ex._, p. 18; _Tempsky's Mitla_, p. 82; _Hassel_, _Mex. Guat._, p. 276; _Conder's Mex. Guat._, vol. ii., p. 76; _Möllhausen_, _Tagebuch_, p. 360; _Möllhausen_, _Flüchtling_, tom. iv., p. 31; _Pattie's Pers. Nar._, p. 149. [699] The Apache 'quivers are usually made of deer-skin, with the hair turned inside or outside, and sometimes of the skin of the wild-cat, with the tail appended.' _Henry_, in _Schoolcraft's Arch._, vol. v., p. 210. 'Quiver of sheep-skin.' _Palmer_, in _Harper's Mag._, vol. xvii., p. 461. 'Quiver of fresh-cut reeds.' _Fremont and Emory's Notes of Trav._, p. 39. 'Un carcax ó bolsa de piel de leopardo en lo general.' _Cordero_, in _Orozco y Berra_, _Geografía_, p. 373; _Whipple, Ewbank, and Turner's Rept._, p. 31, in _Pac. R. R. Rept._, vol. iii.; _Tempsky's Mitla_, p. 80. [700] 'The spear is eight or ten feet in length, including the point, which is about eighteen inches long, and also made of iron.' _Letherman_, in _Smithsonian Rept._, 1855, p. 293. Should the Apaches possess any useless firearms, 'generalmente vienen á darles nuevo uso, haciendo de ellas lanzas, cuchillos, lengüetas de flechas.' _Cordero_, in _Orozco y Berra_, _Geografía_, p. 372. 'La lanza la usan muy larga.' _García Conde_, in _Soc. Mex. Geog._, _Boletin_, tom. v., p. 315. 'Lance of fifteen feet in length.' _Pike's Explor. Trav._, p. 338; _Hassel_, _Mex. Guat._, p. 276; _Holley's Texas_, p. 153; _Cutts' Conq. of Cal._, p. 242; _Revista Científica_, tom. i., p. 162; _Parker's Notes on Tex._, p. 195; _Pattie's Pers. Nar._, p. 298. [701] The Comanche 'shield was round ... made of wicker-work, covered first with deer skins and then a tough piece of raw buffalo-hide drawn over, ... ornamented with a human scalp, a grizzly bear's claw and a mule's tail ... for the arm were pieces of cotton cloth twisted into a rope.' _Parker's Notes on Tex._, p. 195. 'En el brazo izquierdo llevaba el chimal, que es un escudo ovalado, cubierto todo de plumas, espejos, chaquiras y adornos de paño encarnado.' _Revista Científica_, tom. i., p. 162. Their shield 'is generally painted a bright yellow.' _Domenech's Deserts_ vol. ii., p. 268. 'Shield of circular form, covered with two thicknesses of hard, undressed buffalo hide, ... stuffed with hair ... a rifle-ball will not penetrate it unless it strikes perpendicular to the surface.' _Marcy's Army Life_, pp. 24-5; _Möllhausen_, _Flüchtling_, tom. iv., p. 31; _Tempsky's Mitla_, p. 80. A 'Navajo shield ... with an image of a demon painted on one side ... border of red cloth, ... trimmed with feathers.' _Palmer_, in _Harper's Mag._, vol. xvii., p. 454; _Linati_, _Costumes_, plate xxii.; _Shepard's Land of the Aztecs_, p. 182; _Edward's Hist. Tex._, p. 104. [702] 'Wherever their observations can be made from neighboring heights with a chance of successful ambush, the Apache never shows himself.' _Cremony's Apaches_, pp. 79, 189. 'Attacking only when their numbers, and a well-laid ambush, promise a certainty of success.' _Smart_, in _Smithsonian Rept._, 1867, p. 419. 'Colocan de antemano una emboscada.' _Cordero_, in _Orozco y Berra_, _Geografía_, p. 375; _Parker_, in _Ind. Aff. Rept._, 1869, pp. 221-3, 256; _Domenech's Deserts_, vol. ii., p. 4; _Emory's Reconnoissance_, p. 47; _Emory's Rept. U. S. and Mex. Boundary Survey_, p. 107; _Hassel_, _Mex. Guat._, p. 276; _Soc. Géog._, _Bulletin_, série v., No. 96, p. 186; _Davis_, in _Ind. Aff. Rept._, 1868, p. 161. [703] 'Salen ... generalmente divididos en pequeñas partidas para ocultar mejor sus rastros.... Es imponderable la velocidad con que huyen despues que han ejecutado un crecido robo ... las montañas que encumbran, los desiertos sin agua que atraviesan.' _García Conde_, in _Soc. Mex. Geog._, _Boletin_, tom. v., p. 316. 'They steal upon their enemies under the cover of night.' _Emory's Rept. U. S. and Mex. Boundary Survey_, vol. i., p. 107; _Murr_, _Nachrichten_, p. 303; _Lachapelle_, _Raousset-Boulbon_, p. 83; _Apostólicos Afanes_, p. 434; _Cordero_, in _Orozco y Berra_, _Geografía_, pp. 375-6; _Browne's Apache Country_, p. 279; _Figuier's Hum. Race_, p. 480; _Hassel_, _Mex. Guat._, p. 276. [704] 'La practica, que observan para avisarse los unos à los otros ... es levantar humaredas.' _Villa-Señor y Sanchez_, _Theatro_, tom. ii., p. 394. 'Smokes are of various kinds, each one significant of a particular object.' _Cremony's Apaches_, pp. 183-4. 'In token of retreate sounded on a certaine small trumpet ... made fires, and were answered againe afarre off ... to giue their fellowes vnderstanding, how wee marched and where we arriued.' _Coronado_, in _Hakluyt's Voy._, tom. iii., p. 376; _Möllhausen_, _Flüchtling_, tom. ii., p. 157; _Smart_, in _Smithsonian Rept._, 1867, p. 419. [705] 'La suma crueldad con que tratan á los vencidos atenaccandolos vivos y comiendose los pedazos de la carne que la arrancan.' _Doc. Hist. N. Vizcaya, MS._, p. 4. 'Their savage and blood-thirsty natures experience a real pleasure in tormenting their victim.' _Cremony's Apaches_, p. 266. 'Hang their victims by the heels to a tree and put a slow fire under their head.' _Browne's Apache Country_, pp. 201, 93, 96. Among the Navajos, 'Captives taken in their forays are usually treated kindly.' _Letherman_, in _Smithsonian Rept._, 1855, p. 295. 'Ils scalpent avec la corde de leur arc, en la tournant rapidement autour de la tête de leur victime.' _Lachapelle_, _Raousset-Boulbon_, p. 82; _Murr_, _Nachrichten_, p. 303; _Stratton's Capt. Oatman Girls_, pp. 114-118, 138, 149, 218; _Farnham's Trav._, p. 32; _Graves_, in _Ind. Aff. Rept._, 1854, p. 180; _Labadi_, in _Ind. Aff. Rept._, 1862, p. 247; _Malte-Brun_, _Précis de la Géog._, tom. vi., p. 453; _Scenes in the Rocky Mts._, p. 180; _Stone_, in _Hist. Mag._, vol. v., p. 167; _Henry_, in _Schoolcraft's Arch._, vol. v., p. 212; _Doc. Hist. Mex._, serie iv., tom. iii., p. 10; _Pattie's Pers. Nar._, p. 118. [706] _Cremony's Apaches_, p. 216; _Whipple_, in _Pac. R. R. Rept._, vol. iii., p. 114. [707] 'Obran en la guerra con mas táctica que los apaches.' _García Conde_, in _Soc. Mex. Geog._, _Boletin_, tom. v., p. 318. 'A young man is never considered worthy to occupy a seat in council until he has encountered an enemy in battle.' _Marcy's Army Life_, p. 34; _Domenech's Deserts_, vol. ii., p. 22; _Domenech_, _Jour._, pp. 140-1; _Foote's Texas_, vol. i., p. 298; _Kennedy's Texas_, vol. i., p. 346; _Maillard's Hist. Tex._, p. 243. [708] 'When a chieftain desires to organize a war-party, he ... rides around through the camp singing the war-song.' _Marcy's Army Life_, p. 53. 'When a chief wishes to go to war ... the preliminaries are discussed at a war-dance.' _Schoolcraft's Arch._, vol. ii., p. 132; _Armin_, _Das Heutige Mexiko_, p. 280; _Gregg's Com. Prairies_, vol. ii., p. 315. [709] 'They dart forward in a column like lightning.... At a suitable distance from their prey, they divide into two squadrons.' _Holley's Texas_, p. 153. 'A Comanche will often throw himself upon the opposite side of his charger, so as to be protected from the darts of the enemy.' _Gregg's Com. Prairies_, vol. ii., pp. 312-13; _Dewees' Texas_, p. 234; _Shepard's Land of the Aztecs_, p. 182; _Ludecus_, _Reise_, p. 104. [710] 'Ils tuent tous les prisonniers adultes, et ne laissent vivre que les enfants, qu'ils élèvent avec soin pour s'en servir comme d'esclaves.' _Humboldt_, _Essai Pol._, tom. i., p. 290. 'Invariably kill such men as offer the slightest impediment to their operations, and take women and children prisoners.' _Marcy's Army Life_, pp. 24, 54. 'Prisoners of war belong to the captors.' _Burnet_, in _Schoolcraft's Arch._, vol. i., p. 232; _Farnham's Trav._, p. 32; _Figuier's Hum. Race_, p. 480; _Pattie's Pers. Nar._, p. 41; _Foote's Texas_, vol. i., p. 298; _Horn's Captivity_, p. 15; _Hassel_, _Mex. Guat._, p. 205. [711] 'Ten chiefs were seated in a circle within our tent, when the pipe, the Indian token of peace, was produced ... they at first refused to smoke, their excuse being, that it was not their custom to smoke until they had received some presents.' _Gregg's Com. Prairies_, vol. ii., p. 39. [712] 'I saw no earthenware vessels among them; the utensils employed in the preparation of food being shallow basins of closely netted straw. They carried water in pitchers of the same material, but they were matted all over with a pitch.' _Smart_, in _Smithsonian Rept._, 1867, p. 419. 'Aus Binsen und Weiden geflochtene Gefässe, mitunter auch einige aus Thon geformte;' ... by the door stood 'ein breiter Stein ... auf welchem mittelst eines kleineren die Mehlfrüchte zerrieben wurden.' _Möllhausen_, _Tagebuch_, pp. 396, 404. 'Panniers of wicker-work, for holding provisions, are generally carried on the horse by the women.' _Henry_, in _Schoolcraft's Arch._, vol. v., p. 210; _Neighbors_, in _Schoolcraft's Arch._, vol. ii., p. 129. 'Their only implements are sticks.' _Greene_, in _Ind. Aff. Rept._, 1870, p. 140. 'They (the Axuas of Colorado River) had a beautiful fishing-net made out of grass.' ... 'They had also burnt earthen jars, extremely well made. The size of each of them might be about two feet in diameter in the greatest swell; very thin, light, and well formed.' _Hardy's Trav._, p. 338. 'Nets wrought with the bark of the willow.' _Domenech's Deserts_, vol. i., p. 220; _Browne's Apache Country_, p. 200. 'Tienen mucha loza de las coloradas, y pintadas y negras, platos, caxetes, saleros; almofias, xicaras muy galanas: alguna de la loza está vidriada. Tienen mucho apercibimiento de leña, é de madera, para hacer sus casas, en tal manera, á lo que nos dieron á entender, que cuando uno queria hacer casa, tiene aquella madera allí de puesto para el efecto, y hay mucha cantidad. Tiene dos guaxexes á los lados del pueblo, que le sirven para se bañar, porque de otros ojos de agua, á tiro de arcabuz, beben y se sirven. A un cuarto de legua va el rio Salado, que decimos, por donde fué nuestro camino, aunque el agua salada se pierde de muchas leguas atrás.' _Castaño de Sosa_, in _Pacheco_, _Col. Doc. Inéd._, tom. iv., p. 331; _Taylor_, in _Cal. Farmer_, _Feb. 14th, 1862_; _Browne's Apache Country_, p. 200. 'Their only means of farming are sharpened sticks.' _Colyer_, in _Ind. Aff. Rept._, 1871, p. 50. [713] 'Their utensils for the purpose of grinding breadstuff, consist of two stones; one flat, with a concavity in the middle; the other round, fitting partly into the hollow of the flat stone.' _Henry_, in _Schoolcraft's Arch._, vol. v., p. 209; _Smart_, in _Smithsonian Rept._, 1867, p. 418; _Velasco_, _Noticias de Sonora_, p. 282. [714] 'The cradle of the Navajo Indians resembles the same article made by the Western Indians. It consists of a flat board, to support the vertebral column of the infant, with a layer of blankets and soft wadding, to give ease to the position, having the edges of the frame-work ornamented with leather fringe. Around and over the head of the child, who is strapped to this plane, is an ornamented hoop, to protect the face and cranium from accident. A leather strap is attached to the vertebral shell-work, to enable the mother to sling it on her back.' _Schoolcraft's Arch._, vol. iv., pp. 435-6, and plate p. 74. [715] 'The saddle is not peculiar but generally resembles that used by the Mexicans. They ride with a very short stirrup, which is placed further to the front than on a Mexican saddle. The bit of the bridle has a ring attached to it, through which the lower jaw is partly thrust, and a powerful pressure is exerted by this means when the reins are tightened.' _Letherman_, in _Smithsonian Rept._, 1855, p. 292. 'Sa selle est faite de deux rouleaux de paille reliés par une courroie et maintenus par une sangle de cuir.' _Lachapelle_, _Raousset-Boulbon_, p. 82; _Tempsky's Mitla_, p. 80. The Navajos have 'aus zähem Eschenholz gefertigten Sattelbogen.' _Möllhausen_, _Flüchtling_, tom. iv., p. 39. [716] 'Das Netz war weitmaschig, aus feinen, aber sehr starken Bastfäden geflochten, vier Fuss hoch, und ungefähr dreissig Fuss lang. Von vier zu vier Fuss befanden sich lange Stäbe an demselben, mittelst welcher es im Wasser, zugleich aber auch auf dem Boden und aufrecht gehalten wurde.' _Möllhausen_, _Reisen in die Felsengeb._, tom. i., p. 227; _Domenech's Deserts_, vol. i., p. 220. [717] 'El apache para sacar lumbre, usa ... un pedazo de sosole y otro de lechuguilla bien secos. Al primero le forman una punta, lo que frotan con la segunda con cuanta velocidad pueden á la manera del ejercicio de nuestros molinillos para hacer el chocolate: luego que ambos palos se calientan con la frotacion, se encienden y producen el fuego.' _Velasco_, _Noticias de Sonora_, p. 282. [718] The Navajos 'manufacture the celebrated, and, for warmth and durability, unequaled, Navajo blanket. The Navajo blankets are a wonder of patient workmanship, and often sell as high as eighty, a hundred, or a hundred and fifty dollars.' _Walker_, in _Ind. Aff. Rept._, 1872, p. 53. 'Navajo blankets have a wide and merited reputation for beauty and excellence.' _Cremony's Apaches_, p. 305; _Ind. Aff. Rept., Spec. Com._, 1867, p. 341; _Turner_, in _Nouvelles Annales des Voy._, 1852, tom. cxxxv., p. 314; _Whipple, Ewbank, and Turner's Rept._, pp. 13, 32, in _Pac. R. R. Rept._, vol. iii.; _Davis' El Gringo_, p. 411; _Hughes' Doniphan's Ex._, p. 203; _Scenes in the Rocky Mts._, p. 180; _Figuier's Hum. Race_, p. 481; _Peters' Life of Carson_, p. 125; _Prichard's Nat. Hist. Man_, vol. ii., p. 567; _Farnham's Life in Cal._, pp. 373-4. [719] 'This art may have been acquired from the New Mexicans, or the Pueblo Indians.' _Eaton_, in _Schoolcraft's Arch._, vol. iv., p. 217. 'This manufacture of blankets ... was originally learned from the Mexicans when the two people lived on amicable terms.' _Cremony's Apaches_, p. 367. [720] 'The blanket is woven by a tedious and rude process, after the manner of the Pueblo Indians.... The manner of weaving is peculiar, and is, no doubt, original with these people and the neighboring tribes.' _Letherman_, in _Smithsonian Rept._, 1855, p. 291; _Schoolcraft's Arch._, vol. iv., p. 437. [721] 'The spinning and weaving is done ... by hand. The thread is made entirely by hand, and is coarse and uneven.' _Letherman_, in _Smithsonian Rept._, 1855, p. 291. 'The wool or cotton is first prepared by carding. It is then fastened to the spindle near its top, and is held in the left hand. The spindle is held between the thumb and the first finger of the right hand, and stands vertically in the earthen bowl. The operator now gives the spindle a twirl, as a boy turns his top, and while it is revolving, she proceeds to draw out her thread, precisely as is done by our own operatives, in using the common spinning-wheel. As soon as the thread is spun, the spindle is turned in an opposite direction, for the purpose of winding up the thread on the portion of it next to the wooden block.' _Backus_, in _Schoolcraft's Arch._, vol. iv., p. 436. [722] _Backus_, in _Schoolcraft's Arch._, vol. iv., p. 436. 'The colors are woven in bands and diamonds. We have never observed blankets with figures of a complicated pattern.' _Letherman_, in _Smithsonian Rept._, 1855, p. 291. [723] 'The colors, which are given in the yarn, are red, black, and blue. The juice of certain plants is employed in dyeing, but it is asserted by recent authorities that the brightest red and blue are obtained by macerating strips of Spanish cochineal, and altamine dyed goods, which have been purchased at the towns.' _Backus_, in _Schoolcraft's Arch._, vol. iv., p. 436. 'The colors are red, blue, black, and yellow; black and red being the most common. The red strands are obtained by unravelling red cloth, black by using the wool of black sheep, blue by dissolving indigo in fermented urine, and yellow is said to be by coloring with a particular flower.' _Letherman_, in _Smithsonian Rept._, 1855, p. 291. The women 'welche sich in der Wahl der Farben und der Zusammenstellung von bunten Streifen und phantastischen Figuren in dem Gewebe gegenseitig zu übertreffen suchen. Ursprünglich trugen die Decken nur die verschiedenen Farben der Schafe in breiten Streifen, doch seit die Navahoes farbige, wollene Stoffe von Neu-Mexiko beziehen können, verschaffen sie sich solche, um sie in Fäden aufzulösen, und diese dann zu ihrer eigenen Weberei zu verwenden.' _Möllhausen_, _Reisen in die Felsengeb._, tom. ii., p. 235; _Ruxton's Adven. Mex._, p. 195. [724] 'Ils (the Apaches) travaillent bien les cuirs, font de belles brides.' _Lachapelle_, _Raousset-Boulbon_, p. 82. 'They manufacture rough leather.' _Pike's Explor. Trav._, p. 335. 'Man macht Leder.' _Hassel_, _Mex. Guat._, p. 195. 'It has been represented that these tribes (the Navajos) wear leather shoes.... Inquiry from persons who have visited or been stationed in New Mexico, disaffirms this observation, showing that in all cases the Navajo shoes are skins, dressed and smoked after the Indian method.' _Schoolcraft's Arch._, vol. v., p. 204; _Cremony's Apaches_, p. 305; _Gregg's Com. Prairies_, vol. i., p. 286. They 'knit woolen stockings.' _Davis' El Gringo_, p. 411. 'They also manufacture ... a coarse woolen cloth with which they clothe themselves.' _Clark_, in _Hist. Mag._, vol. viii., p. 280; _Domenech's Deserts_, vol. i., p. 403, vol. ii., pp. 244-5. 'The Navajoes raise no cotton.' _Backus_, in _Schoolcraft's Arch._, vol. iv., p. 212. 'Sie sind noch immer in einigen Baumwollengeweben ausgezeichnet.' _Thümmel_, _Mexiko_, p. 349. 'These people (the inhabitants of Arizona in 1540) had cotton, but they were not very carefull to vse the same: because there was none among them that knew the arte of weauing, and to make apparel thereof.' _Alarchon_, in _Hakluyt's Voy._, vol. iii., p. 433; _Bent_, in _Schoolcraft's Arch._, vol. i., p. 243; _Ten Broeck_, in _Schoolcraft's Arch._, vol. iv., p. 89; _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. i., p. 680; _Alcedo_, _Diccionario_, tom. iii., p. 184. [725] The Xicarillas, 'manufacture a sort of pottery which resists the action of fire.' _Domenech's Deserts_, vol. ii., p. 8; _Graves_, in _Ind. Aff. Rept._, 1854, p. 177. The Yuma 'women make baskets of willow, and also of tule, which are impervious to water; also earthen ollas or pots, which are used for cooking and for cooling water.' _Emory's Rept. U. S. and Mex. Boundary Survey_, vol. i., p. 111; _Revillagigedo_, _Carta, MS._, p. 21. 'Figure 4. A scoop or dipper, from the Mohave tribe, and as neat and original an article in earthenware as could well be designed by a civilized potter.' _Whipple, Ewbank, and Turner's Rept._, p. 46, in _Pac. R. R. Rept._, vol. iii. 'Professor Cox was informed that the New Mexican Indians colored their pottery black by using the gum of the mezquite, which has much the appearance and properties of gum arabic, and then baking it. Much of the ancient pottery from the Colorado Chiquito is colored, the prevailing tints being white, black, and red.' _Foster's Pre-Hist. Races_, p. 250; _Ruxton's Adven. Mex._, p. 195. The Yampais had 'some admirably made baskets of so close a texture as to hold water; a wicker jar coated with pine tree gum.' _Sitgreaves' Zuñi. Ex._, p. 10; _Bent_, in _Schoolcraft's Arch._, vol. i., p. 243. [726] _Gregg's Com. Prairies_, p. 286. 'In regard to the manufacture of plumage, or feather-work, they certainly display a greater fondness for decorations of this sort than any Indians we have seen.... I saw no exhibition of it in the way of embroidery.' _Simpson's Jour. Mil. Recon._, p. 79; _Thümmel_, _Mexiko_, p. 349. [727] 'Mines d'argent exploitées par les Comanches, qui en tirent des ornements pour eux et pour leurs chevaux, ainsi que des balles pour leurs fusils.' _Domenech_, _Jour._, p. 132. [728] The Mescaleros had 'a raft of bulrush or cane, floated and supported by some twenty or thirty hollow pumpkins fastened together.' _Hutchings' Cal. Mag._, vol. iii., p. 56. The Yumas had 'batteaus which could hold 200 or 300 pounds weight.' _Id._, vol. iv., p. 546. The Mojaves had 'Flössen, die von Binsen-Bündeln zusammengefügt waren (die einzige Art von Fahrzeug, welche ich bei den Bewohnern des Colorado-Thales bemerkte).' _Möllhausen_, _Tagebuch_, p. 401. 'Merely bundles of rushes placed side by side, and securely bound together with willow twigs ... their owners paddled them about with considerable dexterity.' _Whipple_, in _Pac. R. R. Rept._, vol. iii., p. 117, and plate. _Möllhausen_, _Reisen in die Felsengeb._, tom. i., pp. 238, 254; _Ives' Colorado Riv._, p. 69. [729] 'Immense numbers of horses and sheep, attesting the wealth of the tribe.' _Ives' Colorado Riv._, pp. 128, 130. 'They possess more wealth than all the other wild tribes in New Mexico combined.' _Graves_, in _Ind. Aff. Rept._, 1854, p. 179. 'They are owners of large flocks and herds.' _Bent_, in _Schoolcraft's Arch._, vol. i., p. 243; _Eaton_, in _Schoolcraft's Arch._, vol. iv., p. 217; _Backus_, in _Schoolcraft's Arch._, vol. iv., pp. 211, 212; _Scenes in the Rocky Mts._, p. 180; _Davis' El Gringo_, p. 411; _Letherman_, in _Smithsonian Rept._, 1855, pp. 291-2; _Gallatin_, in _Nouvelles Annales des Voy._, 1851, tom. cxxxi., p. 289; _Prichard's Nat. Hist. Man_, vol. ii., p. 567; _Hughes' Doniphan's Ex._, p. 173; _Peters' Life of Carson_, p. 124; _Thümmel_, _Mexiko_, p. 349; _Simpson's Jour. Mil. Recon._, p. 79; _Palmer_, in _Harper's Mag._, vol. xvii., p. 460; _Cremony's Apaches_, p. 254; _Emory's Reconnoissance_, p. 60. [730] The Jicarilla Apaches 'manufacture a species of coarse earthenware, which they exchange for corn and wheat.' _Keithly_, in _Ind. Aff. Rept._, 1863, p. 115. _Stratton's Capt. Oatman Girls_, p. 123. [731] 'Das Eigenthum des Vaters nicht auf den Sohn übergeht, sondern dass Neffen und Nichten als die rechtmässigen Erben anerkannt werden wenn nicht der Vater bei Lebzeiten schon seine Habe an die eigenen Kinder geschenkt hat.' _Möllhausen_, _Reisen in die Felsengeb._, tom. ii., p. 234. 'The husband has no control over the property of his wife.... Property does not descend from father to son, but goes to the nephew of the decedent, or, in default of a nephew, to the niece ... but if, while living, he distributes his property to his children, that disposition is recognised.' _Letherman_, in _Smithsonian Rept._, 1855, pp. 294-5. 'When the father dies ... a fair division is not made; the strongest usually get the bulk of the effects.' _Bristol_, in _Ind. Aff. Rept. Spec. Com._, 1867, p. 357. [732] 'The blankets, though not purchasable with money ... were sold, in some instances, for the most trifling article of ornament or clothing.' _Simpson's Jour. Mil. Recon._, p. 81. Shell beads, which they call 'pook,' are their substitute for money.' _Whipple_, in _Pac. R. R. Rept._, vol. iii., p. 115. [733] The Querechos encountered by Coronado had with them 'un grand troupeau de chiens qui portaient tout ce qu'ils possédaient.' _Castañeda_, in _Ternaux-Compans_, _Voy._, série i., tom. ix., p. 117. 'The only property of these people, with the exception of a few articles belonging to their domestic economy, consists entirely in horses and mules.' _Marcy's Army Life_, p. 22; _Domenech's Deserts_, vol. ii., p. 23; _Kennedy's Texas_, vol. i., p. 347; _Marcy's Rept._, p. 188; _Möllhausen_, _Tagebuch_, pp. 116-17. [734] 'There are no subdivisions of land acknowledged in their territory, and no exclusive right of game.' _Neighbors_, in _Schoolcraft's Arch._, vol. ii., p. 131. 'Their code is strictly Spartan.' _Marcy's Army Life_, p. 23. [735] 'They are sufficiently astute in dealing.' _Burnet_, in _Schoolcraft's Arch._, vol. i., p. 232. 'Le chef des Indiens choisit, parmi ces objets, ceux qui sont nécessaires à sa tribu.' _Soc. Géog._, _Bulletin_, série v., No. 96, p. 193. 'In Comanche trade the main trouble consists in fixing the price of the first animal. This being settled by the chiefs.' _Gregg's Com. Prairies_, vol. ii., p. 45; _Parker's Notes on Tex._, pp. 190, 234; _Burnet_, in _Schoolcraft's Arch._, vol. i., p. 232; _Domenech_, _Jour._, p. 130; _Dewees' Texas_, p. 36. [736] Mr Bartlett, describing an excursion he made to the Sierra Waco near the Copper Mines in New Mexico, says, he saw 'an overhanging rock extending for some distance, the whole surface of which is covered with rude paintings and sculptures, representing men, animals, birds, snakes, and fantastic figures ... some of them, evidently of great age, had been partly defaced to make room for more recent devices.' _Bartlett's Pers. Nar._, vol. i., pp. 170-4, with cuts. In Arizona, Emory found 'a mound of granite boulders ... covered with unknown characters.... On the ground nearby were also traces of some of the figures, showing some of the hieroglyphics, at least, to have been the work of modern Indians.' _Emory's Reconnoissance_, pp. 89, 90, with cut. The Comanches 'aimaient beaucoup les images, qu'ils ne se lassaient pas d'admirer.' _Domenech_, _Jour._, p. 136. [737] 'The Apaches count ten thousand with as much regularity as we do. They even make use of the decimal sequences.' _Cremony's Apaches_, p. 237. [738] 'They have no computation of time beyond the seasons ... the cold and hot season ... frequently count by the Caddo mode--from one to ten, and by tens to one hundred, &c.... They are ignorant of the elements of figures.' _Neighbors_, in _Schoolcraft's Arch._, vol. ii., pp. 129-30. 'Ce qu'ils savent d'astronomie se borne à la connaissance de l'étoile polaire.... L'arithmétique des sauvages est sur leurs doigts; ... Il leur faut absolument un objet pour nombrer.' _Hartmann and Millard_, _Tex._, pp. 112-13. [739] The Navajos have no tribal government, and in reality no chiefs. _Letherman_, in _Smithsonian Rept._, 1855, p. 288. 'Their form of government is so exceedingly primitive as to be hardly worthy the name of a political organization.' _Davis' El Gringo_, pp. 412, 413; _Ives' Colorado Riv._, p. 71. 'Ils n'ont jamais connu de domination.' _Soc. Géog._, _Bulletin_, série. v., No. 96, p. 187. 'Each is sovereign in his own right as a warrior.' _Cremony's Apaches_, p. 177. [740] 'It is my opinion that the Navajo chiefs have but very little influence with their people.' _Bennett_, in _Ind. Aff. Rept._, 1869, p. 238, and 1870, p. 152; _Bristol_, in _Ind. Aff. Rept. Spec. Com._, 1867, p. 357. [741] 'Los padres de familia ejercen esta autoridad en tanto que los hijos no salen de la infancia, porque poco antes de salir de la pubertad son como libres y no reconocen mas superioridad que sus propias fuerzas, ó la del indio que los manda en la campaña.' _Velasco_, _Noticias de Sonora_, pp. 282-3. 'Every rich man has many dependants, and these dependants are obedient to his will, in peace and in war.' _Backus_, in _Schoolcraft's Arch._, vol. iv., p. 211; _Ten Broeck_, in _Schoolcraft's Arch._, vol. iv., p. 89. 'Every one who has a few horses and sheep is a "head man."' _Letherman_, in _Smithsonian Rept._, 1855, p. 288; _Möllhausen_, _Reisen in die Felsengeb._, tom. ii., p. 233. The rule of the Querechos is 'essentially patriarchal.' _Marcy's Army Life_, p. 20. [742] 'When one or more (of the Navajos) are successful in battle or fortunate in their raids to the settlements on the Rio Grande, he is endowed with the title of captain or chief.' _Bristol_, in _Ind. Aff. Rept._, 1867, p. 357. 'En cualquiera de estas incorporaciones toma el mando del todo por comun consentimiento el mas acreditado de valiente.' _Cordero_, in _Orozco y Berra_, _Geografía_, p. 373. The Comanches have 'a right to displace a chief, and elect his successor, at pleasure.' _Kennedy's Texas_, vol. i., p. 346. A chief of the Comanches is never degraded 'for any private act unconnected with the welfare of the whole tribe.' _Schoolcraft's Arch._, vol. ii., p. 130. [743] The office of chief is not hereditary with the Navajos. _Cremony's Apaches_, p. 307. The wise old men of the Querechos 'curb the impetuosity of ambitious younger warriors.' _Marcy's Army Life_, p. 20. 'I infer that rank is (among the Mojaves), to some extent, hereditary.' _Ives' Colorado Riv._, pp. 67, 71. 'This captain is often the oldest son of the chief, and assumes the command of the tribe on the death of his father,' among the Apaches. _Henry_, in _Schoolcraft's Arch._, vol. v., p. 210. [744] The Mescaleros and Apaches 'choose a head-man to direct affairs for the time being.' _Carleton_, in _Smithsonian Rept._, 1854, p. 315. 'Es gibt auch Stämme, an deren Spitze ein Kriegs- sowie ein Friedens-Häuptling steht.' _Armin_, _Das Heutige Mexiko_, p. 279; _García Conde_, in _Soc. Mex. Geog._, _Boletin_, tom. v., p. 315. [745] When Col. Langberg visited the Comanches who inhabit the Bolson de Mapimi, 'wurde dieser Stamm von einer alten Frau angeführt.' _Froebel_, _Aus Amerika_, tom. ii., p. 222; _Id._, _Cent. Amer._, p. 352; _Hardy's Trav._, p. 348. 'I have never known them (Comanches) to make a treaty that a portion of the tribe do not violate its stipulations before one year rolls around.' _Neighbors_, in _Ind. Aff. Rept._, 1857, p. 267. [746] The chiefs of the Comanches 'are in turn subject to the control of a principal chief.' _Kennedy's Texas_, vol. i., p. 345. 'La autoridad central de su gobierno reside en un gefe supremo.' _Revista Científica_, tom. i., p. 57; _Escudero_, _Noticias de Chihuahua_, p. 229. The southern Comanches 'do not of late years acknowledge the sovereignty of a common ruler and leader in their united councils nor in war.' _Marcy's Army Life_, p. 43. The Gila Apaches acknowledge 'no common head or superior.' _Merriwether_, in _Ind. Aff. Rept._, 1854, pp. 170, 172. [747] The Comanches 'hold regular councils quarterly, and a grand council of the whole tribe once a year.' _Edward's Hist. Tex._, p. 108. 'At these councils prisoners of war are tried, as well as all cases of adultery, theft, sedition and murder, which are punished by death. The grand council also takes cognizance of all disputes between the chiefs, and other matters of importance.' _Maillard's Hist. Tex._, p. 244. 'Their decisions are of but little moment, unless they meet the approbation of the mass of the people; and for this reason these councils are exceedingly careful not to run counter to the wishes of the poorer but more numerous class, being aware of the difficulty, if not impossibility, of enforcing any act that would not command their approval.' _Collins_, in _Ind. Aff. Rept._, 1857, p. 274. 'Singulis pagis sui Reguli erant, qui per praecones suos edicta populo denuntiabant.' _De Laet_, _Novus Orbis_, p. 311. 'Tienen otra Persona, que llaman Pregonero, y es la segunda Persona de la República; el oficio de este, es manifestar al Pueblo todas las cosas que se han de hacer.' _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., p. 337; _Id._, tom. i., p. 680. They recognize 'no law but that of individual caprice.' _Steck_, in _Ind. Aff. Rept._, 1863, p. 109. The Comanches 'acknowledge no right but the right of the strongest.' _Schoolcraft's Arch._, vol. v., p. 575. 'La loi du talion est la base fondamentale du code politique, civil et criminel de ces diverses peuplades, et cette loi reçoit une rigoureuse application de nation à nation, de famille à famille, d'individu à individu.' _Hartmann and Millard_, _Tex._, p. 114. [748] The Comanches punish 'Adultery, theft, murder, and other crimes ... by established usage.' _Kennedy's Texas_, vol. i., p. 347. Among the Navajos, 'Lewdness is punished by a public exposure of the culprit.' _Scenes in the Rocky Mts._, p. 180. _Marcy's Army Life_, pp. 26, 59. Navajoes 'regard each other's right of property, and punish with great severity any one who infringes upon it. In one case a Navajo was found stealing a horse; they held a council and put him to death.' _Bristol_, in _Ind. Aff. Rept. Spec. Com._, 1867, p. 344. A Cuchano young boy who frightened a child by foretelling its death, which accidentally took place the next day, 'was secretly accused and tried before the council for "being under the influence of evil spirits,"' and put to death. _Emory's Rept. U. S. and Mex. Boundary Survey_, vol. i., p. iii.; _Feudge_, in _Ind. Aff. Rept._, 1868, p. 137. Among the Yumas, 'Each chief punishes delinquents by beating them across the back with a stick. Criminals brought before the general council for examination, if convicted, are placed in the hands of a regularly appointed executioner of the tribe, who inflicts such punishment as the council may direct.' _Emory's Rept. U. S. and Mex. Boundary Survey_, vol. i., p. iii. [749] The Apache chief Ponce, speaking of the grief of a poor woman at the loss of her son, says: 'The mother of the dead brave demands the life of his murderer. Nothing else will satisfy her.... Would money satisfy me for the death of my son? No! I would demand the blood of the murderer. Then I would be satisfied.' _Cremony's Apaches_, p. 69. 'If one man (Apache) kills another, the next of kin to the defunct individual may kill the murderer--if he can. He has the right to challenge him to single-combat.... There is no trial, no set council, no regular examination into the crime or its causes; but the ordeal of battle settles the whole matter.' _Id._, p. 293. [750] _Domenech's Deserts_, vol. ii., p. 7; _Letherman_, in _Smithsonian Rept._, 1855, p. 294. 'Ils (Comanches) tuent tous les prisonniers adultes, et ne laissent vivre que les enfans.' _Dillon_, _Hist. Mex._, p. 98. The Navajos 'have in their possession many prisoners, men, women, and children, ... whom they hold and treat as slaves.' _Bent_, in _Schoolcraft's Arch._, vol. i., p. 244. [751] One boy from Mexico taken by the Comanches, said, 'dass sein Geschäft in der Gefangenschaft darin bestehe die Pferde seines Herrn zu weiden.' _Froebel_, _Aus Amerika_, tom. ii., p. 102; _Gregg's Com. Prairies_, vol. ii., p. 313. The natives of New Mexico take the women prisoners 'for wives.' _Marcy's Rept._, p. 187. Some prisoners liberated from the Comanches, were completely covered with stripes and bruises. _Dewees' Texas_, p. 232. Miss Olive Oatman detained among the Mohaves says: 'They invented modes and seemed to create necessities of labor that they might gratify themselves by taxing us to the utmost, and even took unwarranted delight in whipping us on beyond our strength. And all their requests and exactions were couched in the most insulting and taunting language and manner, as it then seemed, and as they had the frankness soon to confess, to fume their hate against the race to whom we belonged. Often under the frown and lash were we compelled to labor for whole days upon an allowance amply sufficient to starve a common dandy civilized idler.' _Stratton's Capt. Oatman Girls_, pp. 114-18, 130. [752] 'It appeared that the poor girl had been stolen, as the Indian (Axua) said, from the Yuma tribe the day before, and he now offered her for sale.' _Hardy's Trav._, p. 379. 'The practice of parents selling their children is another proof of poverty' of the Axuans. _Id._, p. 371. [753] 'According to their (Tontos') physiology the female, especially the young female, should be allowed meat only when necessary to prevent starvation.' _Stratton's Capt. Oatman Girls_, p. 115. The Comanches 'enter the marriage state at a very early age frequently before the age of puberty.' _Neighbors_, in _Schoolcraft's Arch._, vol. ii., p. 132. Whenever a Jicarilla female arrives at a marriageable age, in honor of the 'event the parents will sacrifice all the property they possess, the ceremony being protracted from five to ten days with every demonstration of hilarity.' _Steck_, in _Ind. Aff. Rept._, 1863, p. 109; _Marcy's Army Life_, p. 28-9. Among the Yumas, the applicant for womanhood is placed in an oven or closely covered hut, in which she is steamed for three days, alternating the treatment with plunges into the near river, and maintaining a fast all the time.' _Emory's Rept. U. S. and Mex. Boundary Survey_, vol. i., pp. 110-11. The Apaches celebrate a feast with singing, dancing, and mimic display when a girl arrives at the marriageable state, during which time the girl remains 'isolated in a huge lodge' and 'listens patiently to the responsibilities of her marriageable condition,' recounted to her by the old men and chiefs. 'After it is finished she is divested of her eyebrows.... A month afterward the eye lashes are pulled out.' _Cremony's Apaches_, pp. 143, 243-6. [754] There is no marriage ceremony among the Navajoes 'a young man wishing a woman for his wife ascertains who her father is; he goes and states the cause of his visit and offers from one to fifteen horses for the daughter. The consent of the father is absolute, and the one so purchased assents or is taken away by force. All the marriageable women or squaws in a family can be taken in a similar manner by the same individual; i. e., he can purchase wives as long as his property holds out.' _Bristol_, in _Ind. Aff. Rept. Spec. Com._, 1867, p. 357; _Marcy's Army Life_, p. 49; _Backus_, in _Schoolcraft's Arch._, vol. iv., p. 214; _Parker's Notes on Tex._, p. 233. [755] Among the Apaches, the lover 'stakes his horse in front of her roost.... Should the girl favor the suitor, his horse is taken by her, led to water, fed, and secured in front of his lodge.... Four days comprise the term allowed her for an answer.... A ready acceptance is apt to be criticised with some severity, while a tardy one is regarded as the extreme of coquetry.' _Cremony's Apaches_, pp. 245-9; _Ten Broeck_, in _Schoolcraft's Arch._, vol. iv., p. 89; _Marcy's Army Life_, pp. 30, 51. The Apache 'who can support or keep, or attract by his power to keep, the greatest number of women, is the man who is deemed entitled to the greatest amount of honor and respect.' _Cremony's Apaches_, pp. 44, 85. Un Comanche, 'peut épouser autant de femmes qu'il veut, à la seule condition de donner à chacune un cheval.' _Domenech_, _Jour._, p. 135. Among the Navajoes, 'The wife last chosen is always mistress of her predecessors.' _Whipple, Ewbank, and Turner's Rept._, p. 42, in _Pac. R. R. Rept._, vol. iii. They seldom, if ever, marry out of the tribe. _Ward_, in _Ind. Aff. Rept. Spec. Com._, 1867, p. 455. 'In general, when an Indian wishes to have many wives he chooses above all others, if he can, sisters, because he thinks he can thus secure more domestic peace.' _Domenech's Deserts_, vol. ii., p. 306. 'I think that few, if any, have more than one wife,' of the Mojaves. _Ives' Colorado Riv._, p. 71. [756] 'The Navajo marriage-ceremony consists simply of a feast upon horse-flesh.' _Palmer_, in _Harper's Mag._, vol. xvii., p. 460. When the Navajos desire to marry, 'they sit down on opposite sides of a basket, made to hold water, filled with atole or some other food, and partake of it. This simple proceeding makes them husband and wife.' _Davis' El Gringo_, p. 415. [757] The Comanche women 'are drudges.' _Schoolcraft's Arch._, vol. v., p. 575; _Dufey_, _Résumé de l'Hist._, tom. i., p. 4; _Neighbors_, in _Ind. Aff. Rept._, 1857, p. 265; _Escudero_, _Noticias de Chihuahua_, p. 230; _Bartlett's Pers. Nar._, vol. i., p. 308. Labor is considered degrading by the Comanches. _Kennedy's Texas_, vol. i., p. 347. The Apache men 'no cuidan de otras cosas, sino de cazar y divertirse.' _Sonora_, _Descrip. Geog._, in _Doc. Hist. Mex._, serie iii., tom. iv., p. 563; _Marcy's Army Life_, pp. 29, 49, 56. 'La femme (du Comanche) son esclave absolue, doit tout faire pour lui. Souvent il n'apporte pas même le gibier qu'il a tué, mais il envoie sa femme le chercher au loin.' _Dubuis_, in _Domenech_, _Jour._, p. 459. The Navajos 'treat their women with great attention, consider them equals, and relieve them from the drudgery of menial work.' _Hughes' Doniphan's Ex._, p. 203. The Navajo women 'are the real owners of all the sheep.... They admit women into their councils, who sometimes control their deliberations; and they also eat with them.' _Davis' El Gringo_, p. 412; _Whipple, Ewbank, and Turner's Rept._, p. 101., in _Pac. R. R. Rept._, vol. iii. 'De aquí proviene que sean árbitros de sus mugeres, dandoles un trato servilísimo, y algunas veces les quitan hasta la vida por celos.' _Velasco_, _Noticias de Sonora_, p. 268. 'Les Comanches, obligent le prisonnier blanc, dont ils ont admiré le valeur dans le combat, á s'unir aux leurs pour perpétuer sa race.' _Fossey_, _Mexique_, p. 462. [758] Among the Apaches, 'muchas veces suele disolverse el contrato por unánime consentimiento de los desposados, y volviendo la mujer á su padre, entrega este lo que recibió por ella.' _Cordero_. in _Orozco y Berra_, _Geografía_, p. 373. When the Navajo women abandon the husband, the latter 'asks to wipe out the disgrace by killing some one.' _Ind. Aff. Rept. Spec. Com._, 1867, p. 334; _Eaton_, in _Schoolcraft's Arch._, vol. iv., p. 217. [759] Navajo women, 'when in parturition, stand upon their feet, holding to a rope suspended overhead, or upon the knees, the body being erect.' _Letherman_, in _Smithsonian Rept._, 1855, p. 290. 'Previous to a birth, the (Yuma) mother leaves her village for some short distance and lives by herself until a month after the child is born; the band to which she belongs then assemble and select a name for the little one, which is given with some trivial ceremony.' _Emory's Rept._, vol. i., p. 110; _Marcy's Army Life_, p. 31. 'Si el parto es en marcha, se hacen á un lado del camino debajo de un árbol, en donde salen del lance con la mayor facilidad y sin apuro ninguno, continuando la marcha con la criatura y algun otro de sus chiquillos, dentro de una especie de red, que á la manera de una canasta cargan en los hombros, pendiente de la frente con una tira de cuero ó de vaqueta que la contiene, en donde llevan ademas alunos trastos ó cosas que comer.' _Velasco_, _Noticias de Sonora_, p. 281; _Fossey_, _Mexique_, p. 462. 'Luego que sale á luz esta, sale la vieja de aquel lugar con la mano puesta en los ojos, y no se descubre hasta que no haya dado una vuelta fuera de la casa, y el objeto que primero se le presenta á la vista, es el nombre que se le pone á la criatura.' _Alegre_, _Hist. Comp. de Jesus_, tom. i., p. 335. [760] _Pattie's Pers. Nar._, p. 92; _Möllhausen_, _Reisen in die Felsengeb._, tom. i., p. 320; _Ives' Colorado River_, pp. 66, 71; _Henry_, in _Schoolcraft's Arch._, vol. v., p. 211. 'Quand les Indiennes (Comanches) voyagent avec leurs enfants en bas âge, elles les suspendent à la selle avec des courroies qu'elles leur passent entre les jambes et sous les bras. Les soubresauts du cheval, les branches, les broussailles heurtent ces pauvres petits, les déchirent, les meurtrissent: peu importe, c'est une façon de les aguerrir.' _Domenech_, _Journ._, p. 135; _Emory's Reconnoissance_, p. 52. 'A la edad de siete años de los apaches, ó antes, lo primero que hacen los padres, es poner á sus hijos el carcax en la mano enseñándoles á tirar bien, cuya táctica empiezan á aprender en la caza.' _Velasco_, _Noticias de Sonora_, p. 283. The Apaches, 'juventutem sedulo instituunt castigant quod aliis barbaris insolitum.' _De Laet_, _Novus Orbis_, p. 316. Male children of the Comanches 'are even privileged to rebel against their parents, who are not entitled to chastise them but by consent of the tribe.' _Kennedy's Texas_, vol. i., p. 346-7. In fact a Navajo Indian has said, 'that he was afraid to correct his own boy, lest the child should wait for a convenient opportunity, and shoot him with an arrow.' _Letherman_, in _Smithsonian Rept._, 1855, p. 294. [761] _Ind. Aff. Rept. Spec. Com._, 1867, p. 354; _Cremony's Apaches_, p. 367; _Möllhausen_, _Tagebuch_, p. 399; _Pattie's Pers. Nar._, p. 119. [762] 'The Navajo women are very loose, and do not look upon fornication as a crime.' _Guyther_, in _Ind. Aff. Rept. Spec. Com._, 1867, p. 339; _Cremony's Apaches_, p. 244. 'Prostitution is the rule among the (Yuma) women, not the exception.' _Mowry_, in _Ind. Aff. Rept._, 1857, p. 301; _Froebel_, _Aus Amerika_, tom. ii., p. 476; _Browne's Apache Country_, p. 96. 'Prostitution prevails to a great extent among the Navajoes, the Maricopas, and the Yuma Indians; and its attendant diseases, as before stated, have more or less tainted the blood of the adults; and by inheritance of the children.' _Carleton_, in _Ind. Aff. Rept. Spec. Com._, 1867, p. 433. Among the Navajoes, 'the most unfortunate thing which can befall a captive woman is to be claimed by two persons. In this case, she is either shot or delivered up for indiscriminate violence.' _Emory's Reconnoissance_, p. 50. The Colorado River Indians 'barter and sell their women into prostitution, with hardly an exception.' _Safford_, in _Ind. Aff. Rept._, 1870, p. 139. 'The Comanche women are, as in many other wild tribes, the slaves of their lords, and it is a common practice for their husbands to lend or sell them to a visitor for one, two, or three days at a time.' _Marcy's Rept._, p. 187; _Arricivita_, _Crónica Seráfica_, p. 419. 'Las faltas conyugales no se castigan por la primera vez; pero á la segunda el marido corta la punta de la nariz á su infiel esposa, y la despide de su lado.' _Revista Científica_, vol. i., p. 57; _Soc. Géog._, _Bulletin_, série v., No. 96, p. 192. 'The squaw who has been mutilated for such a cause, is _ipso facto_ divorced, and, it is said, for ever precluded from marrying again. The consequence is, that she becomes a confirmed harlot in the tribe.' _Gregg's Com. Prairies_, vol. ii., pp. 43, 308-10, 313. 'El culpable, segun dicen, jamas es castigado por el marido con la muerte; solamente se abroga el derecho de darle algunos golpes y cogerse sus mulas ó caballos.' _Berlandier y Thovel_, _Diario_, p. 253; _Marcy's Army Life_, p. 49. 'These yung men may not haue carnall copulation with any woman: but all the yung men of the countrey which are to marrie, may company with them.... I saw likewise certaine women which liued dishonestly among men.' _Alarchon_, in _Hakluyt's Voy._, vol. iii., p. 436. [763] 'They tolde mey that ... such as remayned widowes, stayed halfe a yeere, or a whole yeere before they married.' _Alarchon_, in _Hakluyt's Voy._, vol. iii., p. 431; _Emory's Rept. U. S. and Mex. Boundary Survey_, vol. i., p. 110; _Marcy's Army Life_, p. 54; _Möllhausen_, _Reisen in die Felsengeb._, tom. ii., p. 234; _García Conde_, in _Soc. Mex. Geog._, _Boletin_, tom. v., p. 315. [764] 'En las referidas reuniones los bailes son sus diversiones favoritas. Los hacen de noche al son de una olla cubierta la boca con una piel tirante, que suenan con un palo, en cuya estremidad lian un boton de trapos. Se interpolan ambos secsos, saltan todos a un mismo tiempo, dando alaridos y haciendo miles de ademanes, en que mueven todos los miembros del cuerpo con una destreza extraordinaria, arremedando al coyote y al venado. Desta manera forman diferentes grupos simétricamente.' _Velasco_, _Noticias de Sonora_, p. 269; _Marcy's Army Life_, p. 177; _Cremony's Apaches_, p. 285. 'Este lo forma una junta de truhanes vestidos de ridiculo y autorizados por los viejos del pueblo para cometer los mayores desórdenes, y gusten tanto de estos hechos, que ni los maridos reparan las infamias que cometen con sus mugeres, ni las que resultan en perjuicio de las hijas.' _Alegre_, _Hist. Comp. de Jesus_, tom. i., p. 335. 'The females (of the Apaches) do the principal part of the dancing.' _Henry_, in _Schoolcraft's Arch._, vol. v., p. 212. 'Among the Abenakis, Chactas, Comanches, and other Indian tribes, the women dance the same dances, but after the men, and far out of their sight ... they are seldom admitted to share any amusement, their lot being to work.' _Domenech's Deserts_, vol. ii., pp. 199, 214. 'De éstos vinieron cinco danzas, cada una compuesta de treinta indias; de éstas, veintiseis como de 15 à 20 años, y las cuatro restantes de mas edad, que eran las que cuidaban y dirigian à las jóvenes.' _Museo Mex._, tom. i., p. 288. 'The dance (of the Tontos) is similar to that of the California Indians; a stamp around, with clapping of hands and slapping of thighs in time to a drawl of monotones.' _Smart_, in _Smithsonian Rept._, 1867, p. 419. [765] _Stratton's Capt. Oatman Girls_, p. 180. The Yumas 'sing some few monotonous songs, and the beaux captivate the hearts of their lady-loves by playing on a flute made of cane.' _Emory's Rept. U. S. and Mex. Boundary Survey_, vol. i., p. iii. 'No tienen mas orquesta que sus voces y una olla ó casco de calabazo à que se amarra una piel tirante y se toca con un palo.' _Cordero_, in _Orozco y Berra_, _Geografía_, pp. 373-4; _Arricivita_, _Crónica Seráfica_, p. 419; _Ives' Colorado Riv._, pp. 71-2; _García Conde_, in _Album Mex._, tom. i., pp. 166, 168. [766] _Stanley's Portraits_, p. 55; _Schoolcraft's Arch._, vol. ii., p. 133. 'Y el vicio que tienen estos Indios, es jugar en las Estufas las Mantas, y otras Preseas con vnas Cañuelas, que hechan en alto (el qual Juego vsaban estos Indios Mexicanos) y al que no tiene mas que vna Manta, y la pierde, se la buelven; con condicion, que ha de andar desnudo por todo el Pueblo, pintado, y embijado todo el cuerpo, y los Muchachos dandole grita.' _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. i., p. 680. [767] _Kennedy's Texas_, vol. i., p. 347. [768] 'The players generally take each about ten arrows, which they hold with their bows in the left hand; he whose turn it is advances in front of the judges, and lances his first arrow upwards as high as possible, for he must send off all the others before it comes down. The victory belongs to him who has most arrows in the air together, and he who can make them all fly at once is a hero.' _Domenech's Deserts_, vol. ii., p. 198. 'The Indians amuse themselves shooting at the fruit (pitaya), and when one misses his aim and leaves his arrow sticking in the top of the cactus, it is a source of much laughter to his comrades.' _Browne's Apache Country_, p. 78; _Armin_, _Das Heutige Mexiko_, p. 309. The hoop and pole game of the Mojaves is thus played. 'The hoop is six inches in diameter, and made of elastic cord; the poles are straight, and about fifteen feet in length. Rolling the hoop from one end of the course toward the other, two of the players chase it half-way, and at the same time throw their poles. He who succeeds in piercing the hoop wins the game.' _Palmer_, in _Harper's Mag._, vol. xvii., p. 463; _Emory's Rept. U. S. and Mex. Boundary Survey_, vol. i., p. iii.; _Whipple_, in _Pac. R. R. Rept._, vol. iii., p. 114; _Möllhausen_, _Reisen in die Felsengeb._, tom. i., pp. 216, 223; _Möllhausen_, _Tagebuch_, p. 395; _Backus_, in _Schoolcraft's Arch._, vol. iv., p. 214. 'Tienen unas pelotas de materia negra como pez, embutidas en ella varias conchuelas pequeñas del mar, con que juegan y apuestan arrojándola con el pié.' _Alegre_, _Hist. Comp. de Jesus_, tom. iii., p. 111; _Sedelmair_, _Relacion_, in _Doc. Hist. Mex._, serie iii., vol. iv., p. 851. [769] 'Los salvages recogen sus hojas generalmente en el Otoño, las que entónces están rojas y muy oxidadas: para hacer su provision, la secan al fuego ó al sol, y para fumarlas, las mezclan con tabaco.' _Berlandier y Thovel_, _Diario_, p. 257. The Comanches smoke tobacco, 'mixed with the dried leaves of the sumach, inhaling the smoke into their lungs, and giving it out through their nostrils.' _Marcy's Army Life_, pp. 29, 32; _Alarchon_, in _Hakluyt's Voy._, vol. iii., p. 432; _Letherman_, in _Smithsonian Rept._, 1855, p. 285. [770] _Thümmel_, _Mexiko_, p. 352. The Comanches 'avoid the use of ardent spirits, which they call "fool's water."' _Kennedy's Texas_, vol. i., p. 347; _Gregg's Com. Prairies_, vol. ii., p. 307. _Dubuis_, in _Domenech_, _Jour._, p. 469. 'In order to make an intoxicating beverage of the mescal, the roasted root is macerated in a proportionable quantity of water, which is allowed to stand several days, when it ferments rapidly. The liquor is boiled down and produces a strongly intoxicating fluid.' _Cremony's Apaches_, p. 217. 'When its stem (of the maguey) is tapped there flows from it a juice which, on being fermented, produces the pulque.' _Bartlett's Pers. Nar._, vol. i., p. 290. The Apaches out of corn make an intoxicating drink which they called "teeswin," made by boiling the corn and fermenting it. _Murphy_, in _Ind. Aff. Rept. Spec. Com._, 1867, p. 347; _Hardy's Trav._, pp. 334, 337. [771] _Jones_, in _Ind. Aff. Rept._, 1869, p. 223; _Emory's Rept. U. S. and Mex. Boundary Survey_, vol. i., p. 108; _Domenech_, _Jour._, p. 137; _Turner_, in _Nouvelles Annales des Voy._, 1852, tom. 135, p. 307; _Backus_, in _Schoolcraft's Arch._, vol. iv., p. 212; _García Conde_, in _Album Mex._, 1849, tom. i., p. 165; _Hassel_, _Mex. Guat._, p. 277; _Shepard's Land of the Aztecs_, p. 182; _Möllhausen_, _Tagebuch_, p. 114-6; _Emory's Reconnoissance_, p. 61; _Malte-Brun_, _Précis de la Géog._, tom. vi., p. 399. The Apache women, 'Son tan buenas ginetas, que brincan en un potro, y sin mas riendas que un cabrestillo, saben arrendarlo.' _Sonora_, _Descrip. Geog._, in _Doc. Hist. Mex._, serie iii., tom. iv., p. 564; _Pattie's Pers. Nar._, p. 298; _Marcy's Army Life_, p. 28; _Figuier's Hum. Race_, p. 480. 'A short hair halter was passed around under the neck of the horse, and both ends tightly braided into the mane, on the withers, leaving a loop to hang under the neck, and against the breast, which, being caught up in the hand, makes a sling into which the elbow falls, taking the weight of the body on the middle of the upper arm. Into this loop the rider drops suddenly and fearlessly, leaving his heel to hang over the back of the horse, to steady him, and also to restore him when he wishes to regain his upright position on the horse's back.' _Brownell's Ind. Races_, p. 540; _Davis' El Gringo_, p. 412. Les Comanches 'regardent comme un déshonneur d'aller à pied.' _Soc. Géog._, _Bulletin_, série v., No. 96, p. 192; _Cremony's Apaches_, p. 282. The Comanches, for hardening the hoofs of horses and mules, have a custom of making a fire of the wild rosemary--artemisia--and exposing their hoofs to the vapor and smoke by leading them slowly through it. _Parker's Notes on Tex._, p. 203. [772] _Marcy's Army Life_, p. 18; _Humboldt_, _Essai Pol._, tom. i., p. 290; _Cordoue_, in _Ternaux-Compans_, _Voy._, série i., tom. x., p. 443; _Malte-Brun_, _Précis de la Géog._, tom. vi., p. 454; _Montanus_, _Nieuwe Weereld_, p. 209. 'Les Teyas et Querechos ont de grands troupeaux de chiens qui portent leur bagage; ils l'attachent sur le dos de ces animaux au moyen d'une sangle et d'un petit bât. Quand la charge se dérange les chiens se mettent à hurler, pour avertir leur maître de l'arranger.' _Castañeda_, in _Ternaux-Compans_, _Voy._, série i., tom. ix., pp. 117, 125, 190. 'On the top of the bank we struck a Camanche trail, very broad, and made by the lodge poles, which they transport from place to place ... by fastening them on each side of their pack horses, leaving the long ends trailing upon the ground.' _Parker's Notes on Tex._, p. 154. 'Si carecen de cabalgaduras, cargan los muebles las mujeres igualmente que sus criaturas.' _García Conde_, in _Soc. Mex. Geog._, _Boletin_, tom. v., p. 317; _Ives' Colorado Riv._, p. 128. [773] _Neighbors_, in _Schoolcraft's Arch._, vol. ii., p. 132; _Möllhausen_, _Reisen in die Felsengeb._, p. 234; _Marcy's Army Life_, pp. 29, 33, 189; _Marcy's Rept._, p. 187; _Gregg's Com. Prairies_, vol. ii., pp. 38, 46; _Arricivita_, _Crónica Seráfica_, pp. 473, 475; _Cordero_, in _Orozco y Berra_, _Geografía_, p. 378. When the Yampais 'wish to parley they raise a firebrand in the air as a sign of friendship.' _Domenech's Deserts_, vol. i., p. 218. [774] 'These messengers (of the Mohaves) were their news-carriers and sentinels. Frequently two criers were employed (sometimes more) one from each tribe. These would have their meeting stations. At these stations these criers would meet with promptness, and by word of mouth, each would deposit his store of news with his fellow expressman, and then each would return to his own tribe with the news.' _Stratton's Capt. Oatman Girls_, pp. 220, 283. 'El modo de darse sus avisos para reunirse en casos de urgencia de ser perseguidos, es por medio de sus telégrafos de humos que forman en los cerros mas elevados formando hogueras de los palos mas humientos que ellos conocen muy bien.' _Velasco_, _Noticias de Sonora_, p. 281. _Domenech's Deserts_, vol. ii., p. 5. 'Para no detenerse en hacer los humos, llevan los mas de los hombres y mujeres, los instrumentos necessarios para sacar lumbre; prefieren la piedra, el eslabon, y la yesca; pero si no tienen estos útiles, suplen su falta con palos preparados al efecto bien secos, que frotados se inflaman.' _García Conde_, in _Soc. Mex. Geog._, _Boletin_, tom. v., p. 317. [775] _Eaton_, in _Schoolcraft's Arch._, vol. iv., p. 217; _Sitgreaves' Zuñi Ex._, p. 18. 'Su frazada en tiempo de frio es un tizon encendido que aplicándolo á la boca del estómago caminan por los mañanas, y calentando ya el sol como a las ocho tiran los tizones, que por muchos que hayan tirado por los caminos, pueden ser guias de los caminantes.' _Sedelmair_, _Relacion_, in _Doc. Hist. Mex._, serie iii., vol. iv., p. 851. [776] The Comanches 'have yearly gatherings to light the sacred fires; they build numerous huts, and sit huddled about them, taking medicine for purification, and fasting for seven days. Those who can endure to keep the fast unbroken become sacred in the eyes of the others.' _Palmer_, in _Harper's Mag._, vol. xvii., p. 451. If a Yuma kills one of his own tribe he keeps 'a fast for one moon; on such occasions he eats no meat--only vegetables--drinks only water, knows no woman, and bathes frequently during the day to purify the flesh.' _Emory's Rept. U. S. and Mex. Boundary Survey_, vol. i., p. 110. 'It was their (Mojaves,) custom never to eat salted meat for the next moon after the coming of a captive among them.' _Stratton's Capt. Oatman Girls_, p. 180; _Domenech's Deserts_, vol. ii., p. 402; _Domenech_, _Jour._, p. 13; _Möllhausen_, _Tagebuch_, pp. 125-6. [777] 'Entre cuyas tribus hay algunas que se comen á sus enemigos.' _Alegre_, _Hist. Comp. de Jesus_, tom. i., p. 332. 'Los chirumas, que me parecen ser los yumas, no se que coman carne humana como dijo el indio cosnina.' _Garces_, in _Doc. Hist. Mex._, serie ii., tom. i., p. 363. 'Among the spoil which we took from these Camanches, we found large portions of human flesh evidently prepared for cooking.' _Dewees' Texas_, p. 232-3. Certain Europeans have represented the Comanches 'as a race of cannibals; but according to the Spaniards ... they are merely a cruel, dastardly race of savages.' _Pagés' Travels_, vol. i., p. 107. [778] _Palmer_, in _Harper's Mag._, vol. xvii., p. 451; _Berlandier y Thovel_, _Diario_, p. 253; _Cremony's Apaches_, p. 34; _Davis' El Gringo_, p. 407. [779] _Smart_, in _Smithsonian Rept._, 1867, p. 418. 'Gonorrhoea and syphilis are not at all rare' among the Navajos. _Letherman_, in _Smithsonian Rept._, 1855, p. 290; _Marcy's Army Life_, p. 31. [780] _Hardy's Trav._, p. 442-3. 'Los comanches la llaman Puip; y cuando uno de entre ellos está herido, mascan la raiz (que es muy larga) y esprimen el yugo y la saliva en la llaga.' _Berlandier y Thovel_, _Diario_, p. 257; _Letherman_, in _Smithsonian Rept._, 1855, p. 290; _Pattie's Pers. Nar._, p. 118; _Stratton's Capt. Oatman Girls_, p. 156; _Letherman_, in _Smithsonian Rept._, 1855, p. 289; _Browne's Apache Country_, p. 63; _Möllhausen_, _Tagebuch_, p. 142; _Id._, _Reisen in die Felsengeb._, tom. i., p. 118; _Domenech's Deserts_, vol. ii., p. 335; _Neighbors_, in _Schoolcraft's Arch._, vol. ii., p. 130; _Parker's Notes on Tex._, p. 193. The Apaches: 'Cuando se enferma alguno á quien no han podido hacer efecto favorable la aplicacion de las yerbas, único antidoto con que se curan, lo abandonan, sin mas diligencia ulterior que ponerle un monton de brasas á la cabecera y una poca de agua, sin saberse hasta hoy qué significa ésto ó con qué fin la hacen.' _Velasco_, _Noticias de Sonora_, p. 280. [781] _Eaton_, in _Schoolcraft's Arch._, vol. iv., p. 217; _Domenech_, _Jour._, pp. 13, 139; _Whipple, Ewbank, and Turner's Rept._, p. 42, in _Pac. R. R. Rept._, vol. iii.; _Henry_, in _Schoolcraft's Arch._, vol. v., p. 212; _Parker's Notes on Tex._, p. 240-1. Among the Comanches during the steam bath, 'the shamans, or medicine-men, who profess to have the power of communicating with the unseen world, and of propitiating the malevolence of evil spirits, are performing various incantations, accompanied by music on the outside.' _Marcy's Army Life_, p. 60; _Schoolcraft's Arch._, vol. v., p. 576; _Bristol_, in _Ind. Aff. Rept. Spec. Com._, 1867, p. 358. 'De aquí ha sucedido que algunos indios naturalmente astutos, se han convertido en adivinos, que han llegado á sostener como á sus oràculos. Estos mismos adivinos hacen de médicos, que por darse importancía á la aplicacion de ciertas yerbas, agregan porcion de ceremonias supersticiosas y ridiculas, con cánticos estraños, en que hablan á sus enfermos miles de embustes y patrañas.' _Velasco_, _Noticias de Sonora_, p. 280. [782] At the Colorado river they 'burned those which dyed.' _Alarchon_, in _Hakluyt's Voy._, vol. iii., p. 432; _Möllhausen_, _Tagebuch_, p. 404; _Browne's Apache Country_, p. 97; _Palmer_, in _Harper's Mag._, vol. xvii., p. 467; _Stratton's Capt. Oatman Girls_, p. 240-1. 'It is the custom of the Mojaves to burn their property when a relation dies to whose memory they wish to pay especial honor.' _Ives' Colorado Riv._, p. 69. 'Die Comanches tödteten früher das Lieblingsweib des gestorbenen Häuptlings.' _Müller_, _Amerikanische Urreligionen_, p. 88. 'No Navajo will ever occupy a lodge in which a person has died. The lodge is burned.' _Backus_, in _Schoolcraft's Arch._, vol. iv., p. 213; _Letherman_, in _Smithsonian Rept._, 1855, p. 289. 'When a death occurs they (Yumas) move their villages, although sometimes only a short distance, but never occupying exactly the same locality.' _Emory's Rept. U. S. and Mex. Boundary Survey_, vol. i., p. 110. [783] 'When a Comanche dies ... he is usually wrapped in his best blankets or robes, and interred with most of his "jewelry," and other articles of esteem.' _Gregg's Com. Prairies_, vol. ii., pp. 317, 243. 'Cuando muere algun indio, ... juntando sus deudos todas las alhajas de su peculio, se las ponen y de esta manera lo envuelven en una piel de cíbolo y lo llevan á enterrar.' _Alegre_, _Hist. Comp. de Jesus_, tom. i., p. 336; _Kennedy's Texas_, vol. i., p. 347; _Wislizenus' Tour_, p. 69. The Comanches cover their tombs 'with grass and plants to keep them concealed.' _Domenech's Deserts_, vol. ii., p. 363; _Id._, _Jour._, p. 14. The Apaches: 'probably they bury their dead in caves; no graves are ever found that I ever heard of.' _Henry_, in _Schoolcraft's Arch._, vol. v., p. 212. See also _James' Exped._, vol. ii., p. 305. 'On the highest point of the hill, was a Comanche grave, marked by a pile of stones and some remnants of scanty clothing.' _Parker's Notes on Tex._, pp. 137, 151. The custom of the Mescalero Apaches 'heretofore has been to leave their dead unburied in some secluded spot.' _Curtis_, in _Ind. Aff. Rept._, 1871, p. 402; _Cremony's Apaches_, p. 50; _Möllhausen_, _Reisen in die Felsengeb._, tom. ii., p. 233; _Pattie's Pers. Nar._, p. 119. [784] Among the Navajos 'Immediately after a death occurs a vessel containing water is placed near the dwelling of the deceased, where it remains over night; in the morning two naked Indians come to get the body for burial, with their hair falling over and upon their face and shoulders. When the ceremony is completed they retire to the water, wash, dress, do up their hair, and go about their usual avocations.' _Bristol_, in _Ind. Aff. Rept. Spec. Com._, 1867, p. 358. The Navajos 'all walked in solemn procession round it (the grave) singing their funeral songs. As they left it, every one left a present on the grave; some an arrow, others meat, moccasins, tobacco, war-feathers, and the like, all articles of value to them.' _Pattie's Pers. Nar._, p. 119; _Revista Científica_, tom. i., p. 57. 'A los niños y niñas de pecho les llevan en una jicara la leche ordenada de sus pechos las mismas madres, y se las echan en la sepultura; y esto lo hacen por algunos dias continuos.' _Sonora_, _Descrip. Geog._, in _Doc. Hist. Mex._, serie iii., tom. iv., p. 543; _Neighbors_, in _Schoolcraft's Arch._, vol. ii., p. 133; _Velasco_, _Noticias de Sonora_, p. 280; _Froebel_, _Aus Amerika_, tom. ii., p. 100; _Möllhausen_, _Reisen in die Felsengeb._, tom. i., p. 304; _Marcy's Army Life_, p. 56. 'When a young warrior dies, they mourn a long time, but when an old person dies, they mourn but little, saying that they cannot live forever, and it was time they should go.' _Parker's Notes on Tex._, pp. 192, 236. [785] _Davis' El Gringo_, pp. 414-5; _Cremony's Apaches_, pp. 250, 297. [786] 'The quality of mercy is unknown among the Apaches.' _Cremony's Apaches_, pp. 33-4, 193, 215-16, 227-8. 'Perfectly lawless, savage, and brave.' _Marcy's Rept._, p. 197. 'For the sake of the booty, also take life.' _Schoolcraft's Arch._, vol. v., p. 202. 'Inclined to intemperance in strong drinks.' _Henry_, in _Schoolcraft's Arch._, vol. v., p. 211. 'Ferocísimos de condicion, de naturaleza sangrientos.' _Almanza_, in _Doc. Hist. Mex._, serie iii., tom. iv., p. 824. 'Sumamente vengativo.' _Velasco_, _Noticias de Sonora_, p. 283. 'Alevoso y vengativo caracte ... rastutos ladrones, y sanguinarios.' _Bustamante_, in _Cavo_, _Tres Siglos_, tom. iii., p. 78. 'I have not seen a more intelligent, cheerful, and grateful tribe of Indians than the roving Apaches.' _Colyer_, in _Ind. Aff. Rept._, 1871, pp. 15, 47, 51; _García Conde_, in _Soc. Mex. Geog._, _Boletin_, tom. v., pp. 314-15, 317; _Doc. Hist. N. Vizcaya, MS._, p. 4; _Cordero_, in _Orozco y Berra_, _Geografía_, p. 371; _Bartlett's Pers. Nar._, vol. i., pp. 322, 326-7; _Smart_, in _Smithsonian Rept._, 1867, p. 419; _Apostólicos Afanes_, p. 430; _Lachapelle_, _Raousset-Boulbon_, p. 83; _Turner_, in _Nouvelles Annales des Voy._, 1852, tom. cxxxv., pp. 307, 314; _Domenech's Deserts_, vol. ii., pp. 5, 6, 8; _Möllhausen_, _Reisen in die Felsengeb._, tom. i., p. 294; _Möllhausen_, _Tagebuch_, pp. 330, 361; _Bent_, in _Schoolcraft's Arch._, vol. i., p. 243; _Ward's Mexico_, vol. i., p. 580; _Mowry's Arizona_, pp. 31-2; _Pope_, in _Pac. R. R. Rept._, vol. ii., p. 13; _Whipple, Ewbank, and Turner's Rept._, p. 14, in _Pac. R. R. Rept._, vol. iii.; _Gallatin_, in _Nouvelles Annales des Voy._, 1851, tom. cxxxi., p. 273; _Gregg's Com. Prairies_, vol. i., pp. 291, 295; _Hist. Chrétienne de la Cal._, p. 99; _Edward's Hist. Tex._, p. 95; _Peters' Life of Carson_, p. 323; _Soc. Géog._, _Bulletin_, série v., No. 96, p. 187; _Pike's Explor. Trav._, p. 341; _Hassel_, _Mex. Guat._, p. 276; _Palmer_, in _Harper's Mag._, vol. xvii., pp. 462-3; _Figuier's Hum. Race_, pp. 482, 484; _Arricivita_, _Crónica Seráfica_, p. 419; _Alegre_, _Hist. Comp. de Jesus_, tom. ii., p. 404; _Ives' Colorado Riv._, p. 44; _Emory's Rept. U. S. and Mex. Boundary Survey_, vol. i., p. 111; _Froebel_, _Aus Amerika_, tom. ii., pp. 475-6, and _Cent. Amer._, p. 527; _Pattie's Pers. Nar._, p. 117; _Whipple_, in _Pac. R. R. Rept._, vol. iii., p. 99; _Sedelmair_, _Relacion_, in _Doc. Hist. Mex._, serie iii., tom. iv., p. 850; see further, _Ind. Aff. Repts._, from 1854 to 1872; _Stratton's Capt. Oatman Girls_, pp. 116, 122. [787] The Navajos: 'Hospitality exists among these Indians to a great extent.... Nor are these people cruel.... They are treacherous.' _Letherman_, in _Smithsonian Rept._, 1855, pp. 292, 295. 'Brave, hardy, industrious.' _Colyer_, in _Ind. Aff. Rept._, 1869, p. 89; _Domenech's Deserts_, vol. ii., p. 40. 'Tricky and unreliable.' _Simpson's Jour. Mil. Recon._, p. 56. The Mojaves: 'They are lazy, cruel, selfish; ... there is one good quality in them, the exactitude with which they fulfil an agreement.' _Ives' Colorado Riv._, pp. 20, 71-2; _Backus_, in _Schoolcraft's Arch._, vol. iv., p. 211; _Bartlett's Pers. Nar._, vol. i., p. 329; _Möllhausen_, _Reisen in die Felsengeb._, tom. ii., p. 234; _Eaton_, in _Schoolcraft's Arch._, vol. iv., pp. 217-18; _Hughes' Doniphan's Ex._, p. 203; _Möllhausen_, _Tagebuch_, p. 384. [788] _Cortez_, in _Pac. R. R. Rept._, vol. iii., p. 124. 'Estos indios se aventajan en muchas circunstancias á los yumas y demas naciones del Rio Colorado; son menos molestos y nada ladrones.' _Garces_, in _Doc. Hist. Mex._, serie ii., tom. i., p. 273; also in _Arricivita_, _Crónica Seráfica_, p. 472; _Domenech's Deserts_, vol. ii., p. 62. [789] 'Grave and dignified ... implacable and unrelenting ... hospitable, and kind ... affectionate to each other ... jealous of their own freedom.' _Marcy's Army Life_, pp. 25, 30-1, 34, 36-9, 41, 60. 'Alta estima hacen del valor estas razas nomadas.' _Museo Mex._, tom. ii., p. 34. 'Loin d'être cruels, ils-sont très-doux et très-fidèles dans leurs amitiés.' _Castañeda_, in _Ternaux-Compans_, _Voy._, serie i., tom. ix., p. 191; _Payno_, in _Revista Científica_, tom. i., p. 57; _Escudero_, _Noticias de Chihuahua_, pp. 229-30; _Domenech_, _Jour._, pp. 13, 137, 469; _Soc. Géog._, _Bulletin_, tom. v., No. 96, p. 193; _Neighbors_, in _Schoolcraft's Arch._, vol. ii., pp. 132-3; _Gregg's Com. Prairies_, vol. i., pp. 293, 295; vol. ii., pp. 307, 313; _Gallatin_, in _Nouvelles Annales des Voy._, 1851, tom. cxxxi., p. 273; _Shepard's Land of the Aztecs_, p. 182; _Pagés' Travels_, vol. i., p. 107; _Calderon de la Barca's Life in Mex._, vol. ii., p. 308. [790] 'Tiguex est situé vers le nord, à environ quarante lieues,' from Cíbola. _Castañeda_, in _Ternaux-Compans_, _Voy._, série i., tom. ix., p. 165. 'La province de Cibola contient sept villages; le plus grand se nomme Muzaque.' _Id._, p. 163. Of two provinces north of Tiguex, 'l'une se nommait Hemes, et renfermait sept villages; l'autre Yuque-Yunque.' _Id._, p. 138. 'Plus au nord (of Tiguex) est la province de Quirix ... et celle de Tutahaco.' _Id._, p. 168. From Cicuyé to Quivira, 'On compte sept autres villages.' _Id._, p. 179. 'Il existe aussi, d'après le rapport ... un autre royaume très-vaste, nommé villes, et la capitale. Acus sans aspiration est un royaume.' _Niza_, in _Ternaux-Compans_, _Voy._, série i., tom. ix., p. 271. 'The kingdome of Totonteac so much extolled by the Father prouinciall, ... the Indians say is a hotte lake, about which are five or sixe houses; and that there were certaine other, but that they are ruinated by warre. The kingdome of Marata is not to be found, neither haue the Indians any knowledge thereof. The kingdome of Acus is one onely small citie, where they gather cotton which is called Acucu, and I say that this is a towne. For Acus with an aspiration nor without, is no word of they countrey. And because I gesse that they would deriue Acucu of Acus, I say that it is this towne whereinto the kingdom of Acus is conuerted.' _Coronado_, in _Hakluyt's Voy._, vol. iii., p. 378; _Espeio_, in _Id._, pp. 386-394; _Mendoza_, _Lettre_, in _Ternaux-Compans_, _Voy._, série i., tom. ix., p. 296; _De Laet_, _Novus Orbis_, p. 315; _Salmeron_, _Relaciones_, in _Doc. Hist. Mex._, serie iii., tom. iv., p. 100; _Escalante_, in _Id._, pp. 124-5; _Pike's Explor. Trav._, pp. 341-2; _Mühlenpfordt_, _Mejico_, tom. ii., pt. ii., pp. 528-9; _Eaton_, in _Schoolcraft's Arch._, vol. iv., p. 220; _Hassel_, _Mex. Guat._, p. 197. [791] _Whipple, Ewbank, and Turner's Rept._, pp. 10-12, in _Pac. R. R. Rept._, vol. iii.; _Simpson's Jour. Mil. Recon._, pp. 128-130; _Hezio_, _Noticia de las Misiones_, in _Meline's Two Thousand Miles_, pp. 208-9; _Chacon_, in _Id._, pp. 210-11; _Alencaster_, in _Id._, p. 212; _Davis' El Gringo_, p. 115; _Calhoun_, in _Schoolcraft's Arch._, vol. iii., p. 633. [792] _Whipple, Ewbank, and Turner's Rept._, p. 13, in _Pac. R. R. Rept._, vol. iii. 'Los nombres de los pueblos del Moqui son, segun lengua de los Yavipais, Sesepaulabá, Masagneve, Janogualpa, Muqui, Concabe y Muca á quien los zuñís llaman Oraive, que es en el que estuve.' _Garces_, in _Doc. Hist. Mex._, serie ii., tom. i., p. 332; _Ruxton's Adven. Mex._, p. 195; _Ives' Colorado Riv._, p. 127. [793] Affirmations are abundant enough, but they have no foundation whatever in fact, and many are absurd on their face. 'Nous affirmons que les Indiens Pueblos et les anciens Mexicains sont issus d'une seule et même souche.' _Ruxton_, in _Nouvelles Annales des Voy._, 1850, tom. cxxvi., p. 44. 'These Indians claim, and are generally supposed, to have descended from the ancient Aztec race.' _Merriwether_, in _Ind. Aff. Rept._, 1854, p. 174. 'They are the descendants of the ancient rulers of the country.' _Davis' El Gringo_, p. 114. 'They are the remains of a once powerful people.' _Walker_, in _Ind. Aff. Rept._, 1872, p. 55; _Colyer_, in _Id._, 1869, p. 90. 'They (Moquis) are supposed by some to be descended from the band of Welsh, which Prince Madoc took with him on a voyage of discovery, in the twelfth century; and it is said that they weave peculiarly and in the same manner as the people of Wales.' _Ten Broeck_, in _Schoolcraft's Arch._, vol. iv., p. 81. 'Il est assez singulier que les Moquis soient désignés par les trappers et les chasseurs américains, qui pènètrent dans leur pays ... sous le nom d'Indiens Welches.' _Ruxton_, in _Nouvelles Annales des Voy._, 1850, tom. cxxvi., p. 55. 'Moques, supposed to be vestiges of Aztecs.' _Amer. Quart. Register_, vol. i., p. 173; _Prichard's Researches_, vol. v., p. 431. [794] 'Les hommes sont petits.' _Mendoza_, _Lettre_, in _Ternaux-Compans_, _Voy._, série i., tom. ix., p. 294. The Moquis are 'of medium size and indifferently proportioned, their features strongly marked and homely, with an expression generally bright and good-natured.' _Ives' Colorado Riv._, pp. 120-2, 123-7. The Keres 'sind hohen Wuchses.' _Mühlenpfordt_, _Mejico_, tom. ii., pt. ii., p. 528; _Malte-Brun_, _Précis de la Géog._, tom. vi., p. 453; _Hassel_, _Mex. Guat._, p. 197; _Möllhausen_, _Reisen in die Felsengeb._, tom. ii., p. 240; _De Laet_, _Novus Orbis_, p. 301; _Simpson's Jour. Mil. Recon._, p. 93; _Castañeda_, in _Ternaux-Compans_, _Voy._, série i., tom. ix., pp. 67-8; _Ruxton_, in _Nouvelles Annales des Voy._, 1850, tom. cxxvi., pp. 52-3; _Pike's Explor. Trav._, p. 342. [795] 'The people are somewhat white.' _Niza_, in _Hakluyt's Voy._, vol. iii., p. 372. 'Much fairer in complexion than other tribes.' _Ruxton's Adven. Mex._, p. 195; _Kendall's Nar._, vol. i., p. 379; _Möllhausen_, _Tagebuch_, p. 230; _Prichard's Researches_, vol. v., pp. 423, 431; _Walker_, in _S. F. Herald_, _Oct. 15, 1853_; _Domenech's Deserts_, vol. ii., p. 41. [796] 'Prettiest squaws I have yet seen.' _Marcy's Army Life_, p. 111. Good looking and symmetrical. _Davis' El Gringo_, pp. 421-2. [797] _Ten Broeck_, in _Schoolcraft's Arch._, vol. iv., p. 81. 'Many of the inhabitants have white skin, fair hair, and blue eyes.' _Domenech's Deserts_, vol. i., p. 210, vol. ii., p. 66; _Eaton_, in _Schoolcraft's Arch._, vol. iv., pp. 220-1; _Möllhausen_, _Tagebuch_, p. 285; _Palmer_, in _Harper's Mag._, vol. xvii., p. 456. [798] 'A robust and well-formed race.' _Cremony's Apaches_, pp. 90, 103. 'Well built, generally tall and bony.' _Walker's Pimas, MS._ The Maricopas 'sont de stature plus haute et plus athlétique que les Pijmos.' _Gallatin_, in _Nouvelles Annales des Voy._, 1851, tom. cxxxi., p. 290; see also _Emory_, in _Fremont and Emory's Notes of Trav._, pp. 49, 50; _Id._, in _Pac. R. R. Rept._, vol. ii., p. 12; _Domenech's Deserts_, vol. ii., p. 19; _Alegre_, _Hist. Comp. de Jesus_, tom. iii., p. 103; _Murr_, _Nachrichten_, p. 196; _Emory's Reconnoissance_, p. 132; _Bigler's Early Days in Utah and Nevada, MS._; _Johnson's Hist. Arizona_, p. 11; _Brackett_, in _Western Monthly_, p. 169; _Froebel_, _Aus Amerika_, tom. ii., p. 448; _San Francisco Bulletin_, _July, 1860_. [799] 'Las mujeres hermosas.' _Mange_, in _Doc. Hist. Mex._, serie iv., tom. i., pp. 298, 364. 'Rather too much inclined to embonpoint.' _Ives' Colorado Riv._, pp. 31, 33, 39; _Bartlett's Pers. Nar._, vol. ii., p. 229. [800] 'Ambos secsos ... no mal parecidos y muy melenudos.' _Velasco_, _Noticias de Sonora_, pp. 116, 161. 'Trigueños de color.' _Sedelmair_, _Relacion_, in _Doc. Hist. Mex._, serie iii., tom. iv., p. 851. 'Die Masse, Dicke und Länge ihres Haupthaares grenzt an das Unglaubliche.' _Froebel_, _Aus Amerika_, tom. ii., p. 455; _Id._, _Cent. Amer._, p. 513; _Prichard's Nat. Hist. Man_, vol. ii., p. 557; _Pattie's Pers. Nar._, pp. 143-5, 149; _Stratton's Capt. Oatman Girls_, p. 180. [801] 'Heads are uncovered.' _Ruxton's Adven. Mex._, p. 196. 'Los hombres visten, y calçan de cuero, y las mugeres, que se precian de largos cabellos, cubren sus cabeças y verguenças con lo mesmo.' _Gomara_, _Hist. Ind._, fol. 275. 'De kleeding bestond uit kotoene mantels, huiden tot broeken, genaeyt, schoenen en laerzen van goed leder.' _Montanus_, _Nieuwe Weereld_, pp. 209, 217-18. The women 'having the calves of their legs wrapped or stuffed in such a manner as to give them a swelled appearance.' _Simpson's Jour. Mil. Recon._, pp. 14, 115; _De Laet_, _Novus Orbis_, pp. 297-8, 301, 303, 312-13; _Coronado_, in _Hakluyt's Voy._, vol. iii., pp. 377, 380; _Espejo_, in _Id._, pp. 384-96; _Niza_, in _Id._, pp. 368, 370; _Palmer_, in _Harper's Mag._, vol. xvii., p. 457; _Whipple, Ewbank, and Turner's Rept._, pp. 30, 122, in _Pac. R. R. Rept._, vol. iii.; _Domenech's Deserts_, vol. i., pp. 197, 203, vol. ii., pp. 213, 281; _Ten Broeck_, in _Schoolcraft's Arch._, vol. iv., pp. 73-88; _Wizlizenus' Tour_, p. 26; _Larenaudière_, _Mex. et Gaut._, p. 147; _Warden_, _Recherches_, p. 79; _Marcy's Army Life_, pp. 99-100, 105-6; _Foster's Pre-Hist. Races_, p. 394; _Castañeda_, in _Ternaux-Compans_, _Voy._, série i., tom. ix., pp. 61-68, 76, 163, 173, 177; _Jaramillo_, in _Id._, pp. 369-371; _Ives' Colorado Riv._, pp. 119-127; _Ruxton_, in _Nouvelles Annales des Voy._, 1850, tom. cxxvi., p. 53; _Eaton_, in _Schoolcraft's Arch._, vol. iv., p. 220; _Abert_, in _Emory's Reconnoissance_, p. 471; _Mayer's Mex., Aztec, etc._, vol. ii., p. 359; _Möllhausen_, _Tagebuch_, pp. 217, 283; _Kendall's Nar._, vol. i., p. 379; _Revilla-Gigedo_, _Carta, MS._; _Alcedo_, _Diccionario_, tom. iv., p. 388; _Arricivita_, _Crónica Seráfica_, p. 479; _Gregg's Com. Prairies_, vol. i., pp. 248, 279-80; _Möllhausen_, _Reisen in die Felsengeb._, tom. ii., pp. 195, 239. [802] Both sexes go bareheaded. 'The hair is worn long, and is done up in a great queue that falls down behind.' _Davis' El Gringo_, pp. 147, 154-5, 421. The women 'trençan los cabellos, y rodeanse los à la cabeça, por sobre las orejas.' _Gomara_, _Hist. Ind._, fol. 273. 'Llevan las viejas el pelo hecho dos trenzas y las mozas un moño sobre cada oreja.' _Garces_, _Diario_, in _Doc. Hist. Mex._, serie ii., tom. i., pp. 328-9; _Eaton_, in _Schoolcraft's Arch._, vol. iv., p. 220. [803] 'Van vestidos estos indios con frazadas de algodon, que ellos fabrican, y otras de lana.' _Garces_, _Diario_, in _Doc. Hist. Mex._, serie ii., tom. i., p. 235. Their dress is cotton of domestic manufacture. _Emory's Reconnoissance_, p. 132. 'Kunstreich dagegen sind die bunten Gürtel gewebt, mit denen die Mädchen ein Stück Zeug als Rock um die Hüften binden.' _Froebel_, _Aus Amerika_, tom. ii., pp. 440, 447; _Browne's Apache Country_, p. 68; _Emory's Rept. U. S. and Mex. Boundary Survey_, vol. i., p. 123; _Bartlett's Pers. Nar._, vol. i., p. 452, vol. ii., pp. 216-7, 219; _Cremony's Apaches_, p. 104; _Alegre_, _Hist. Comp. de Jesus_, tom. iii., p. 103; _Ives' Colorado Riv._, pp. 31, 33; _Mowry's Arizona_, p. 30; _Mange_, in _Doc. Hist. Mex._, serie iv., tom. i., pp. 364-5; _Velasco_, _Noticias de Sonora_, p. 116; _Briefe aus den Verein. Staat._, tom. ii., p. 322. [804] 'Men never cut their hair.' _Cremony's Apaches_, p. 90. They plait and wind it round their heads in many ways; one of the most general forms a turban which they smear with wet earth. _Froebel_, _Aus Amerika_, tom. ii., pp. 454-6; _Fremont and Emory's Notes of Trav._, p. 47; _Emory_, in _Pac. R. R. Rept._, vol. ii., p. 9; _Pattie's Pers. Nar._, pp. 143, 145, 149; _Browne's Apache Country_, p. 107; _Schoolcraft's Arch._, vol. iii., p. 296. [805] _Sonora_, _Descrip. Geog._, in _Doc. Hist. Mex._, serie iii., tom. iv., p. 542. 'All of them paint, using no particular design; the men mostly with dark colors, the women, red and yellow.' _Walker's Pimas, MS._; _Johnson's Hist. Arizona_, p. 11. 'The women when they arrive at maturity, ... draw two lines with some blue-colored dye from each corner of the mouth to the chin.' _Bartlett's Pers. Nar._, vol. ii., p. 228. [806] 'Adornanse con gargantillas de caracolillos del mar, entreverados de otras cuentas de concha colorada redonda.' _Mange_, in _Doc. Hist. Mex._, serie iv., tom. i., p. 299. 'They had many ornaments of sea shells.' _Emory's Reconnoissance_, p. 132. 'Some have long strings of sea-shells.' _Bartlett's Pers. Nar._, vol. ii., p. 230-1. 'Rarely use ornaments.' _Walker's Pimas, MS._; _Murr_, _Nachrichten_, pp. 252-6; _Sedelmair_, _Relacion_, in _Doc. Hist. Mex._, serie iii., tom. iv., pp. 850-1. [807] _Cremony's Apaches_, p. 91; _Gallatin_, in _Nouvelles Annales des Voy._, 1851, tom. 131, p. 292; _Browne's Apache Country_, p. 108. The Maricopas 'occupy thatched cottages, thirty or forty feet in diameter, made of the twigs of cotton-wood trees, interwoven with the straw of wheat, corn-stalks, and cane.' _Emory's Reconnoissance_, p. 132; _Emory's Rept. U. S. and Mex. Boundary Survey_, vol. i., p. 117; _Mange_, in _Doc. Hist. Mex._, serie iv., tom. i., pp. 277, 365-6. 'Leurs (Pápagos) maisons sont de formes coniques et construites en jonc et en bois.' _Soc. Géog._, _Bulletin_, série v., No. 96, p. 188; _Walker's Pimas, MS._; _Villa-Señor y Sanchez_, _Theatro_, tom. ii., p. 395; _Sedelmair_, _Relacion_, in _Doc. Hist. Mex._, serie iii., tom. iv., p. 851; _Velasco_, _Noticias de Sonora_, pp. 115, 161. 'Andere, besonders die dummen Papagos, machten Löcher und schliefen des Nachts hierinnen; ja im Winter machten sie in ihren Dachslöchern zuvor Feuer, und hitzten dieselben.' _Murr_, _Nachrichten_, p. 245. 'Their summer shelters are of a much more temporary nature, being constructed after the manner of a common arbor, covered with willow rods, to obstruct the rays of the vertical sun.' _Hughes' Doniphan's Ex._, p. 222. In front of the Pimo house is usually 'a large arbor, on top of which is piled the cotton in the pod, for drying.' _Emory_, in _Fremont and Emory's Notes of Trav._, p. 48. The Pápagos' huts were 'fermées par des peaux de buffles.' _Ferry_, _Scènes de la Vie Sauvage_, p. 107. Granary built like the Mexican _jakals_. They are better structures than their dwellings, more open, in order to give a free circulation of air through the grain deposited in them. _Bartlett's Pers. Nar._, vol. i., p. 382, vol. ii., pp. 233-5. [808] _Villa-Señor y Sanchez_, _Theatro_, tom. ii., p. 412; _Whipple, Ewbank, and Turner's Rept._, pp. 21, 23, 122, in _Pac. R. R. Rept._, vol. ii.; _Scenes in the Rocky Mts._, p. 177; _Salmeron_, _Relaciones_, in _Doc. Hist. Mex._, serie iii., tom. iv., pp. 25, 30-1. 'Ellas son las que hacen, y edifican las Casas, assi de Piedra, como de Adove, y Tierra amasada; y con no tener la Pared mas de vn pie de ancho, suben las Casas dos, y tres, y quatro, y cinco Sobrados, ó Altos; y á cada Alto, corresponde vn Corredor por de fuera; si sobre esta altura hechan mas altos, ó Sobrados (porque ay Casas que llegan á siete) son los demás, no de Barro, sino de Madera.' _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. i., p. 681. For further particulars, see _Castañeda_, in _Ternaux-Compans_, _Voy._, série i., tom. ix., pp. 2, 42, 58, 69, 71, 76, 80, 138, 163, 167, 169; _Niza_, in _Id._, pp. 261, 269, 270, 279; _Diaz_, in _Id._, pp. 293, 296; _Jaramillo_, in _Id._, pp. 369, _Cordoue_, in _Id._, tom. x., pp. 438-9; _Simpson's Jour. Mil. Recon._, pp. 13, 90, 114; _Bent_, in _Schoolcraft's Arch._, vol. i., p. 244; _Ten Broeck_, in _Id._, vol. iv., pp. 76, 80, and plates, pp. 24, 72; _Warden_, _Recherches_, p. 79; _Ruxton's Adven. Mex._, p. 191; _Palmer_, in _Harper's Mag._, vol. xvii., p. 455; _Malte-Brun_, _Précis de la Géog._, tom. vi., p. 453; _Hassel_, _Mex. Guat._, p. 278; _Mayer's Mex., Aztec, etc._, vol. ii., p. 359; _Gregg's Com. Prairies_, vol. i., pp. 268, 276; _Hughes' Doniphan's Ex._, p. 195; _Garces_, _Diario_, in _Doc. Hist. Mex._, serie ii., tom. i., p. 322; _Ives' Colorado Riv._, pp. 119, 121, 126; _Marcy's Army Life_, pp. 97, 99, 104, 105; _Ruxton_, in _Nouvelles Annales des Voy._, 1850, tom. cxxvi., pp. 42, 45, 52, 57; _Gallatin_, in _Id._, 1851, tom. cxxxi., pp. 248, 257, 267, 270, 277, 278, 288; _Espejo_, in _Hakluyt's Voy._, vol. iii., pp. 385, 392, 394-6; _Coronado_, in _Id._, vol. iii., pp. 377, 379; _Niza_, in _Id._, vol. iii., pp. 367, 372; _Mühlenpfordt_, _Mejico_, tom. ii., pt. ii., p. 538; _Möllhausen_, _Reisen in die Felsengeb._, tom. ii., p. 238; _Id._, _Tagebuch_, pp. 217-18, 285; _Montanus_, _Nieuwe Weereld_, pp. 209, 215, 217. The town of Cíbola 'domos è lapidibus et caemento affabre constructas et conjunctim dispositas esse, superliminaria portarum cyaneis gemmis, (Turcoides vocant) ornata.' _De Laet_, _Novus Orbis_, pp. 297, 311-14; _Arricivita_, _Crónica Seráfica_, p. 480. 'The houses are well distributed and very neat. One room is designed for the kitchen, and another to grind the grain. This last is apart, and contains a furnace and three stones made fast in masonry.' _Davis' El Gringo_, pp. 118-20, 141, 311, 313, 318, 420, 422; _Castaño de Sosa_, in _Pacheco_, _Col. Doc. Inéd._, tom. iv., pp. 329-30; _Bartlett's Pers. Nar._, vol. ii., p. 178; _Foster's Pre-Hist. Races_, p. 394. [809] In the province of Tucayan, 'domiciliis inter se junctis et affabre constructis, in quibus et tepidaria quae vulgo Stuvas appellamus, sub terra constructa adversus hyemis vehementiam.' _De Laet_, _Novus Orbis_, p. 301. 'In the centre was a small square box of stone, in which was a fire of guava bushes, and around this a few old men were smoking.' _Marcy's Army Life_, p. 110. 'Estufas, que mas propiamente deberian llamar sinagogas. En estas hacen sus juntas, forman sus conciliábulos, y ensayan sus bailes á puerta cerrada.' _Alegre_, _Hist. Comp. de Jesus_, tom. i., p. 333; _Beaumont_, _Crón. de Mechoacan, MS._, p. 418; _Gomara_, _Hist. Ind._, fol. 273; _Simpson's Jour. Mil. Recon._, pp. 13, 21; _Castañeda_, in _Ternaux-Compans_, _Voy._, série i., tom. ix., pp. 139, 165, 169-70, 176; _Espejo_, in _Hakluyt's Voy._, vol. iii., pp. 392-3; _Niel_, in _Doc. Hist. Mex._, serie iii., tom. iv., pp. 90-1. [810] 'Magna ipsis Mayzü copia et leguminum.' _De Laet_, _Novus Orbis_, pp. 298, 302, 310-13, 315. 'Hallaron en los pueblos y casas muchos mantenimientos, y gran infinidad de gallinas de la tierra.' _Espejo_, in _Hakluyt's Voy._, vol. iii., pp. 386, 393. 'Criaban las Indias muchas Gallinas de la Tierra.' _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. i., p. 678. 'Zy leven by mair, witte orweten, haesen, konynen en vorder wild-braed.' _Montanus_, _Nieuwe Weereld_, p. 215, and _Dapper_, _Neue Welt_, p. 242. Compare _Scenes in the Rocky Mts._, p. 177; _Marcy's Army Life_, pp. 97-8, 104, 108; _Cortez_, in _Pac. R. R. Rept._, vol. iii., p. 122; _Sitgreaves' Zuñi Ex._, pp. 5-6; _Jaramillo_, in _Ternaux-Compans_, _Voy._, série i., tom. ix., pp. 369-71; _Diaz_, in _Id._, pp. 294-5; _Gregg's Com. Prairies_, vol. i., pp. 268, 281; _Ten Broeck_, in _Schoolcraft's Arch._, vol. iv., p. 86; _Simpson's Jour. Mil. Recon._, pp. 16, 82, 91, 113; _Wislizenus' Tour_, p. 26; _Bent_, in _Schoolcraft's Arch._, vol. i., p. 244; Ruxton, in _Nouvelles Annales des Voy._, 1850, tom. cxxvi., p. 52; _Gallatin_, in _Id._, 1851, tom. cxxxi., pp. 270-1, 279, 288-9, 292, 297; _Froebel_, _Aus Amerika_, tom. ii., pp. 439, 445, 453; _Möllhausen_, _Reisen in the Felsengeb._, tom. ii., pp. 239, 284; _Bartlett's Pers. Nar._, vol. ii., pp. 178, 214-18, 233-7; _Browne's Apache Country_, pp. 78, 94, 107-10, 141-2, 276-7; _Sedelmair_, in _Doc. Hist. Mex._, serie iii., tom. iv., pp. 848, 850; _Id._, serie iv., tom. i., p. 19; _Emory's Reconnoissance_, p. 131; _Mowry's Arizona_, p. 30; _Hassel_, _Mex. Guat._, p. 278; _Hughes' Doniphan's Ex._, pp. 196, 221; _Eaton_, in _Schoolcraft's Arch._, vol. iv., p. 221; _Gomara_, _Hist. Ind._, fol. 273; _Ind. Aff. Repts._, from 1857 to 1872. [811] 'Para su sustento no reusa animal, por inmundo que sea.' _Villa-Señor y Sanchez_, _Theatro_, tom. ii., p. 395. 'Los pápagos se mantienen de los frutos silvestres.' _Velasco_, _Noticias de Sonora_, pp. 160-1. 'Hatten grossen Appetit zu Pferd- und Mauleselfleisch.' _Murr_, _Nachrichten_, pp. 247-9, 267, 282-92; _Sonora_, _Descrip., Geog._, in _Doc. Hist. Mex._, serie iii., tom. iv., pp. 837-8; _Soc. Géog._, _Bulletin_, série v., No. 96, p. 188; _Stone_, in _Hist. Mag._, vol. v., p. 166. [812] The Pimas 'Hacen grandes siembras ... para cuyo riego tienen formadas buenas acequias.' _Garces_, _Diario_, in _Doc. Hist. Mex._, serie ii., tom. i., pp. 235, 237. 'We were at once impressed with the beauty, order, and disposition of the arrangements for irrigating.' _Emory_, in _Fremont and Emory's Notes of Trav._, pp. 47-8. With the Pueblos: 'Regen-bakken vergaederden 't water: of zy leiden 't uit een rievier door graften.' _Montanus_, _Nieuwe Weereld_, p. 218; _De Laet_, _Novus Orbis_, p. 312; _Espejo_, in _Hakluyt's Voy._, tom. iii., pp. 385-7, 392-4; _Cutts' Conq. of Cal._, p. 196. [813] _Walker's Pimas, MS._; _Mange_, _Itinerario_, in _Doc. Hist. Mex._, serie iv., tom. i., p. 299. 'Usan de hilo torcido unas redes y otras de varios palitos, que los tuercen y juntan por las puntas.' _Sedelmair_, _Relacion_, in _Doc. Hist. Mex._, serie iii., tom. iv., pp. 851-2. [814] 'Hacen de la Masa de Ma'z por la mañana Atole.... Tambien hacen Tamales, y Tortillas.' _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. i., p. 679. 'The fruit of the petajaya ... is dried in the sun.' _Cremony's Apaches_, pp. 89, 91, 106, 111-12. 'From the suwarrow (Cereus Giganteus) and pitaya they make an excellent preserve.' _Emory's Rept. U. S. and Mex. Boundary Survey_, vol. i., p. 123. See also _Ives' Colorado Riv._, pp. 31, 45, 121, 123, 126; _Carleton_, in _Smithsonian Rept._, 1854, p. 308; _Ten Broeck_, in _Schoolcraft's Arch._, vol. iv., pp. 8, 76; _Coronado_, in _Hakluyt's Voy._, tom. iii., p. 378; _Simpson's Jour. Mil. Recon._, pp. 113, 115; _Castañeda_, in _Ternaux-Compans_, _Voy._, série i., tom. ix., pp. 61, 71, 164, 170-2; _Davis' El Gringo_, pp. 114, 119, 121-2, 147-8; _Möllhausen_, _Tagebuch_, pp. 218-9, 285. [815] _Ives' Colorado Riv._, pp. 119-20, 124. 'Ils vont faire leurs odeurs au loin, et rassemblent les urines dans de grands vases de terre que l'on va vider hors du village.' _Castañeda_, in _Ternaux-Compans_, _Voy._, série i., tom. ix., p. 171. [816] 'The only defensive armor they use is a rude shield made of raw bull-hide.' _Davis' El Gringo_, pp. 145-6. 'Bows and arrows, and the wooden boomerang.' _Colyer_, in _Ind. Aff. Rept._, 1869, p. 91. The Papagos 'armes sont la massue, la lance et l'arc; ils portent aussi une cuirasse et un bouclier en peau de buffle.' _Soc. Géog._, _Bulletin_, série v., No. 96, p. 188. For further comparisons see _Whipple, Ewbank, and Turner's Rept._, p. 30, in _Pac. R. R. Rept._, vol. iii.; _Gregg's Com. Prairies_, vol. i., p. 280; _De Laet_, _Novus Orbis_, p. 300; _Larenaudière_, _Mex. et Guat._, p. 147; _Pike's Explor. Trav._, p. 342; _Niza_, in _Hakluyt's Voy._, tom. iii., p. 372; _Mühlenpfordt_, _Mejico_, tom. ii., pt. ii., p. 528.; _Mange_, _Itinerario_, in _Doc. Hist. Mex._, serie iv., tom. i., p. 299; _Sedelmair_, in _Id._, serie iii., tom. iv., p. 851; _Salmeron_, _Relaciones_, in _Id._, p. 106; _Bartlett's Pers. Nar._, vol. ii., pp. 217, 237. [817] Bows 'of strong willow-boughs.' _Walker's Pimas, MS._ 'Bows are six feet in length, and made of a very tough and elastic kind of wood, which the Spaniards call Tarnio.' _Pattie's Pers. Nar._, pp. 91, 149. [818] The Pima 'arrows differ from those of all the Apache tribes in having only two feathers.' _Cremony's Apaches_, p. 103. 'War arrows have stone points and three feathers; hunting arrows, two feathers and a wooden point.' _Walker's Pimas, MS._; _Coronado_, in _Hakluyt's Voy._, tom. iii., p. 380. [819] The Pimas: 'Flechas, ennervadas con el eficaz mortífero veneno que componen de varias ponzoñas, y el zumo de la yerba llamada en pima _Usap_.' _Mange_, _Itinerario_, in _Doc. Hist. Mex._, serie iv., tom. i., p. 307. 'Die Spitzen ihrer Pfeile ... welche mit einer dunklen Substanz überzogen waren. Sie behaupteten, dass diese aus Schlangengift bestehe, was mir indess unwahrscheinlich ist.' _Froebel_, _Aus Amerika_, tom. ii., p. 438; _Castañeda_, in _Ternaux-Compans_, _Voy._, série i., tom. ix., pp. 59, 107, 126. [820] 'Una macana, como clava ó porra.... Estas son de un palo muy duro y pesado.' _Sonora_, _Descrip. Geog._, in _Doc. Hist. Mex._, serie iii., tom. iv., p. 556. 'Macanas, que son vnas palos de media vara de largo, y llanos todos de pedernales agudos, que bastan a partir por medio vn hombre.' _Espejo_, in _Hakluyt's Voy._, tom. iii., pp. 386, 393. [821] 'De grosses pierres avaient été rassemblées au sommet, pour les rouler sur quiconque attaquerait la place.' _Gallatin_, in _Nouvelles Annales des Voy._, 1851, tom. cxxxi., p. 270. 'They have placed around all the trails leading to the town, pits, ten feet deep.' _Ten Broeck_, in _Schoolcraft's Arch._, vol. iv., p. 81. See further, _Coronado_, in _Hakluyt's Voy._, vol. iii., p. 376; _Browne's Apache Country_, p. 279; _Sonora_, _Descrip. Geog._, in _Doc. Hist. Mex._, serie iii., tom. iv., p. 840; _Castañeda_, in _Ternaux-Compans_, _Voy._, série i., tom. ix., p. 179. [822] 'Painted to the eyes, their own heads and their horses covered with all the strange equipments that the brute creation could afford.' _Emory's Reconnoissance_, p. 37. [823] 'Sometimes a fellow would stoop almost to the earth, to shoot under his horse's belly, at full speed.' _Emory's Reconnoissance_, p. 37. [824] _Walker's Pimas, MS._ [825] _Cremony's Apaches_, p. 106. [826] _Gregg's Com. Prairies_, vol. i., pp. 274-5; _Browne's Apache Country_, p. 104; _Pattie's Pers. Nar._, pp. 93, 148; _Cutts' Conq. of Cal._, p. 223; _Soc. Géog._, _Bulletin_, serie v., No. 96, p. 188. [827] _Ten Broeck_, in _Schoolcraft's Arch._, vol. iv., pp. 78-9; _Murr_, _Nachrichten_, p. 206; _Cremony's Apaches_, pp. 108-9. [828] _Walker's Pimas, MS._; _Gallatin_, in _Nouvelles Annales des Voy._, 1851, tom. cxxxi., pp. 292-4. [829] Baskets and pottery 'are ornamented with geometrical figures.' _Bartlett's Pers. Nar._, vol. i., p. 382, vol. ii., pp. 227-8, 236. 'Schüsselförmige runde Körbe (Coritas), diese flechten sie aus einem hornförmigen, gleich einer Ahle spitzigen Unkraute.' _Murr_, _Nachrichten_, p. 193. The Pueblos had 'de la vaiselle de terre très-belle, bien vernie et avec beaucoup d'ornements. On y vit aussi de grands jarres remplies d'un métal brillant qui servait à faire le vernis de cette faïence.' _Castañeda_, in _Ternaux-Compans_, _Voy._, série i., tom. ix., pp. 138, 173, 185; see also _Niza_, in _Id._, p. 259. 'They (Pueblos) vse vessels of gold and siluer.' _Niza_, in _Hakluyt's Voy._, vol. iii., p. 372; _Möllhausen_, _Tagebuch_, pp. 216, 271, 273, 279; _Schoolcraft's Arch._, vol. iv., p. 435; _Marcy's Army Life_, pp. 97, 111; _Carleton_, in _Smithsonian Rept._, 1854, p. 308; _Palmer_, in _Harper's Mag._, vol. xvii., pp. 457, 459; _Gregg's Com. Prairies_, vol. i., p. 278; _Foster's Pre-Hist. Races_, p. 393; _Simpson's Jour. Mil. Recon._, p. 97; _Mühlenpfordt_, _Mejico_, tom. ii., pt. ii., p. 425; _Coronado_, in _Hakluyt's Voy._, vol. iii., p. 380; _Browne's Apache Country_, pp. 68, 109, 112, 276. [830] 'All the inhabitants of the Citie (Cíbola) lie vpon beddes raysed a good height from the ground, with quilts and canopies ouer them, which couer the sayde Beds.' _Niza_, in _Hakluyt's Voy._, vol. iii., p. 370; _Id._, in _Ternaux-Compans_, _Voy._, série i., tom. ix., p. 271. The Quires had 'umbracula (vulgo Tirazoles) quibus Sinenses utuntur Solis, Lunæ, et Stellarum imaginibus eleganter picta.' _De Laet_, _Novus Orbis_, p. 312; _Espejo_, in _Hakluyt's Voy._, vol. iii., p. 393. The Moquis' chief men have pipes made of smooth polished stone. _Ten Broeck_, in _Schoolcraft's Arch._, vol. iv., p. 87; _Ives' Colorado Riv._, p. 121. [831] _Ten Broeck_, in _Schoolcraft's Arch._, vol. iv., pp. 72, 76, 87. 'Sie flechten von zartgeschlitzten Palmen auf Damastart die schönsten ganz leichten Hüthe, aus einem Stücke.' _Murr_, _Nachrichten_, p. 192. The Maricopa blankets will turn rain. _Cremony's Apaches_, pp. 106, 90. The Moquis wove blankets from the wool of their sheep, and made cotton cloth from the indigenous staple. _Poston_, in _Ind. Aff. Rept._, 1863, p. 388. The Maricopas make a heavy cloth of wool and cotton, 'used by the women to put around their loins; and an article from 3 to 4 inches wide, used as a band for the head, or a girdle for the waist.' _Bartlett's Pers. Nar._, vol. ii., p. 224. 'Rupicaprarum tergora eminebant (among the Yumanes) tam industriè præparata ut cum Belgicis certarent.' _De Laet_, _Novus Orbis_, p. 310. [832] _De Laet_, _Novus Orbis_, p. 301; _Emory's Rept. U. S. and Mex. Boundary Survey_, vol. i., pp. 117, 123; _Gallatin_, in _Nouvelles Annales des Voy._, 1851, tom. cxxxi., p. 290; _Simpson's Jour. Mil. Recon._, pp. 91, 113, 115; _Ten Broeck_, in _Schoolcraft's Arch._, vol. iv., pp. 81, 86; _Eaton_, in _Id._, vol. iv., p. 221; _Emory_, in _Fremont and Emory's Notes of Trav._, p. 48; see further _Ind. Aff. Reports_, from 1854 to 1872; _Browne's Apache Country_, p. 290. 'These Papagos regularly visit a salt lake, which lies near the coast and just across the line of Sonora, from which they pack large quantities of salt, and find a ready market at Tubac and Tucson.' _Walker_, in _Ind. Aff. Rept._, 1859, p. 352, and 1860, p. 168. 'Many Pimas had jars of the molasses expressed from the fruit of the Cereus Giganteus.' _Emory_, in _Fremont and Emory's Notes of Trav._, p. 48. [833] 'Die Vernichtung des Eigenthums eines Verstorbenen,--einen unglücklichen Gebrauch der jeden materiellen Fortschritt unmöglich macht.' _Froebel_, _Aus Amerika_, tom. i., p. 437. 'The right of inheritance is held by the females generally, but it is often claimed by the men also.' _Gorman_, in _Ind. Aff. Rept._, 1858, p. 200. 'All the effects of the deceased (Pima) become common property: his grain is distributed; his fields shared out to those who need land; his chickens and dogs divided up among the tribe.' _Browne's Apache Country_, pp. 69, 112; _Ives' Colorado Riv._, p. 121; _Gallatin_, in _Nouvelles Annales des Voy._, 1851, tom. cxxxi., p. 262; _Niza_, in _Ternaux-Compans_, _Voy._, série i., tom. ix., pp. 264, 265, 267, 268; _Id._, in _Hakluyt's Voy._, vol. iii., p. 372. The Zuñis 'will sell nothing for money, but dispose of their commodities entirely in barter.' _Simpson's Jour. Mil. Recon._, p. 91. The Pimos 'wanted white beads for what they had to sell, and knew the value of money.' _Cutts' Conq. of Cal._, p. 188; _Castañeda_, in _Ternaux-Compans_, _Voy._, série i., tom. xi., pp. 164, 72. 'Ils apportèrent des coquillages, des turquoises et des plumes.' _Cabeza de Vaca_, _Relation_, in _Id._, tom. vii., p. 274; _Diaz_, in _Id._, tom. xi., p. 294; _Coronado_, in _Hakluyt's Voy._, vol. iii., p. 377. Many of the Pueblo Indians are rich, 'one family being worth over one hundred thousand dollars. They have large flocks.' _Colyer_, in _Ind. Aff. Rept._, 1869, p. 89; _Möllhausen_, _Tagebuch_, p. 144. [834] _Gregg's Com. Prairies_, vol. i., p. 278; _Davis' El Gringo_, p. 147; _Scenes in the Rocky Mts._, p. 177; _Palmer_, in _Harper's Mag._, vol. xvii., p. 458; _Coronado_, in _Hakluyt's Voy._, tom. iii., p. 380; _Möllhausen_, _Tagebuch_, p. 284. [835] 'Estos ahijados tienen mucho oro y lo benefician.' _Salmeron_, _Relaciones_, in _Doc. Hist. Mex._, serie iii., tom. i., p. 28. 'They vse vessels of gold and siluer, for they have no other mettal.' _Niza_, in _Hakluyt's Voy._, vol. iii., p. 372; _Castañeda_, in _Ternaux-Compans_, _Voy._, série i., tom. ix., pp. 2, 133; _Espejo_, in _Hakluyt's Voy._, vol. iii., pp. 386-8, 393-5; _Montanus_, _Nieuwe Weereld_, p. 217; _Diaz_, in _Ternaux-Compans_, _Voy._, série i., tom. ix., p. 294. [836] Pueblo government purely democratic; election held once a year. 'Besides the officers elected by universal suffrage, the principal chiefs compose a "council of wise men."' _Davis' El Gringo_, pp. 142-4. 'One of their regulations is to appoint a secret watch for the purpose of keeping down disorders and vices of every description.' _Gregg's Com. Prairies_, vol. i., p. 274. See further: _Castañeda_, in _Ternaux-Compans_, _Voy._, série i., tom. ix., pp. 61, 168; _Niza_, in _Id._, p. 269; _Palmer_, in _Harper's Mag._, vol. xvii., p. 455; _De Laet_, _Novus Orbis_, p. 298; _Wislizenus' Tour_, p. 26; _Mayer's Mex., Aztec, etc._, vol. ii., p. 359; _Gallatin_, in _Nouvelles Annales des Voy._, 1851, tom. cxxi., p. 277; _Stanley's Portraits_, p. 55. [837] _Ten Broeck_, in _Schoolcraft's Arch._, vol. iv., pp. 85, 76; _Marcy's Army Life_, p. 108. [838] 'Gobierno no tienen alguno, ni leyes, tradiciones ó costumbres con que gobernarse.' _Mange_, _Itinerario_, in _Doc. Hist. Mex._, serie iv., tom. i., p. 366. 'Cada cual gobernado por un anciano, y todas por el general de la nacion.' _Escudero_, _Noticias de Sonora y Sinaloa_, p. 142; _Murr_, _Nachrichten_, p. 267. Compare: _Grossman_, in _Ind. Aff. Rept._, 1870, p. 124; _Mowry_, in _Ind. Aff. Rept._, 1859, p. 356; _Walker's Pimas, MS._ [839] 'Un homme n'épouse jamais plus d'une seule femme.' _Castañeda_, in _Ternaux-Compans_, _Voy._, série i., tom. ix., p. 164; _Ten Broeck_, in _Schoolcraft's Arch._, vol. iv., pp. 86-7; _Ward_, in _Ind. Aff. Rept._, 1864, p. 190. [840] 'Ils traitent bien leurs femmes.' _Castañeda_, in _Ternaux-Compans_, _Voy._, série i., tom. ix., p. 126. 'Desde que maman los Niños, los laban sus Madres con Nieve todo el cuerpo.' _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. i., p. 679; _Ives' Colorado Riv._, p. 123; _Scenes in the Rocky Mts._, p. 178. [841] 'Early marriages occur ... but the relation is not binding until progeny results.' _Poston_, in _Ind. Aff. Rept._, 1864, p. 152. 'No girl is forced to marry against her will, however eligible her parents may consider the match.' _Bartlett's Pers. Nar._, vol. ii., p. 222-4; _Davis' El Gringo_, p. 146; _Cremony's Apaches_, p. 105; _Browne's Apache Country_, p. 112. [842] 'Si el marido y mujer se desavienen y los hijos non pequeños, se arriman á cualquiera de los dos y cada uno gana por su lado.' _Mange_, _Itinerario_, in _Doc. Hist. Mex._, serie iv., tom. i., p. 369. 'Tanto los pápagos occidentales, como los citados gilas desconocen la poligamia.' _Velasco_, _Noticias de Sonora_, p. 161. 'Among the Pimas loose women are tolerated.' _Cremony's Apaches_, pp. 102-4; _Ruxton_, in _Nouvelles Annales des Voy._, 1850, tom. cxxvi., p. 59; _Emory's Rept. U. S. and Mex. Boundary Survey_, vol. i., p. 117. [843] 'The Pimas also cultivate a kind of tobacco, this, which is very light, they make up into cigaritos, never using a pipe.' _Walker's Pimas, MS._ The Pueblos 'sometimes get intoxicated.' _Walker_, in _Ind. Aff. Rept._, 1860, p. 169. The Pueblos 'are generally free from drunkenness.' _Davis' El Gringo_, p. 146. _Cremony's Apaches_, p. 112; _Froebel_, _Aus Amerika_, tom. ii., p. 446; _Murr_, _Nachrichten_, p. 249. [844] _Simpson's Jour. Mil. Recon._, p. 17. 'Their hair hung loose upon their shoulders, and both men and women had their hands painted with white clay, in such a way as to resemble open-work gloves. The women ... were bare-footed, with the exception of a little piece tied about the heel.... They all wore their hair combed over their faces, in a manner that rendered it utterly impossible to recognize any of them.... They keep their elbows close to their sides, and their heels pressed firmly together, and do not raise the feet, but shuffle along with a kind of rolling motion, moving their arms, from the elbows down, with time to the step. At times, each man dances around his squaw; while she turns herself about, as if her heels formed a pivot on which she moved.' _Ten Broeck_, in _Schoolcraft's Arch._, vol. iv., p. 74. The dresses of the men were similar to those worn on other festivities, 'except that they wear on their heads large pasteboard towers painted typically, and curiously decorated with feathers; and each man has his face entirely covered by a vizor made of small willows with the bark peeled off, and dyed a deep brown.' _Id._, p. 83. 'Such horrible masks I never saw before--noses six inches long, mouths from ear to ear, and great goggle eyes, as big as half a hen's egg, hanging by a string partly out of the socket.' _Id._, p. 85. 'Each Pueblo generally had its particular uniform dress and its particular dance. The men of one village would sometimes disguise themselves as elks, with horns on their heads, moving on all-fours, and mimicking the animal they were attempting to personate. Others would appear in the garb of a turkey, with large heavy wings.' _Gregg's Com. Prairies_, vol. i., pp. 271, 275. 'Festejo todo (Pimas) el dia nuestra llegada con un esquisito baile en forma circular, en cuyo centro figaraba una prolongada asta donde pendian trece cabelleras, arcos, flechas y demas despojos de otros tantos enemigos apaches que habian muerto.' _Mange_, _Itinerario_, in _Doc. Hist. Mex._, serie iv., tom. i., p. 277. 'Este lo forma una junta de truhanes vestidos de ridículo y autorizados por los viejos del pueblo para cometer los mayores desórdenes, y gustan tanto de estos hechos, que ni los maridos reparan las infamias que cometen con sus mugeres, ni las que resultan en perjuicio de las hijas.' _Alegre_, _Hist. Comp. de Jesus_, tom. i., pp. 333-5. For further particulars see _Kendall's Nar._, vol. i., p. 378; _Marcy's Army Life_, pp. 104-8; _Möllhausen_, _Tagebuch_, p. 244; _Davis' El Gringo_, pp. 154-5; _Espejo_, in _Hakluyt's Voy._, vol. iii., p. 394; _Sitgreaves' Zuñi Ex._, plates 1, 2, 3; _Whipple_, in _Pac. R. R. Rept._, vol. iii., p. 67; _Pike's Explor. Trav._, p. 343. [845] _Ten Broeck_, in _Schoolcraft's Arch._, vol. iv., pp. 73-4; _Johnson's Hist. Arizona_, p. 11. 'Their instruments consisted, each of half a gourd, placed before them, with the convex side up; upon this they placed, with the left hand, a smooth stick, and with their right drew forward and backwards upon it, in a sawing manner, a notched one.' _Simpson's Jour. Mil. Recon._, p. 17. 'I noticed, among other things, a reed musical instrument with a bell-shaped end like a clarionet, and a pair of painted drumsticks tipped with gaudy feathers.' _Ives' Colorado Riv._, p. 121. 'Les Indiens (Pueblos) accompagnent leurs danses et leur chants avec des flûtes, où sont marqués les endroits où il faut placer les doigts.... Ils disent que ces gens se réunissent cinq ou six pour jouer de la flûte; que ces instruments sont d'inégales grandeurs.' _Diaz_, in _Ternaux-Compans_, _Voy._, série i., tom. ix., p. 295; _Castañeda_, in _Id._, pp. 72, 172; _Froebel_, _Aus Amerika_, tom. ii., p. 455; _Garces_, _Diario_, in _Doc. Hist. Mex._, serie ii., tom. i., p. 331. 'While they are at work, a man, seated at the door, plays on a bagpipe, so that they work keeping time: they sing in three voices.' _Davis' El Gringo_, p. 119. [846] The Cocomaricopas, 'componen unas bolas redondas del tamaño de una pelota de materia negra como pez, y embutidas en ellas varias conchitas pequeñas del mar con que hacen labores y con que juegan y apuestan, tirándola con la punta del pié corren tres ó cuatro leguas y la particularidad es que el que da vuelta y llega al puesto donde comenzaron y salieron á la par ese gana.' _Sedelmair_, _Relacion_, in _Doc. Hist. Mex._, serie iii., tom. iv., p. 851. 'It is a favorite amusement with both men [Maricopas] and boys to try their skill at hitting the pitahaya, which presents a fine object on the plain. Numbers often collect for this purpose; and in crossing the great plateau, where these plants abound, it is common to see them pierced with arrows.' _Bartlett's Pers. Nar._, vol. ii., p. 237; _Mowry_, in _Ind. Aff. Rept._, 1857, p. 301. 'Amusements of all kinds are universally resorted to [among the Pueblos]; such as foot-racing, horse-racing, cock-fighting, gambling, dancing, eating, and drinking.' _Ward_, in _Ind. Aff. Rept._, 1864, p. 192; _Mange_, _Itinerario_, in _Doc. Hist. Mex._, serie iv., tom. i., pp. 299, 365. [847] _Walker's Pimas, MS._ 'The Papago of to-day will on no account kill a coyote.' _Davidson_, in _Ind. Aff. Rept._, 1865, p. 132. 'Eben so abergläubischen Gebrauch hatten sie bey drohenden Kieselwetter, da sie den Hagel abzuwenden ein Stück von einem Palmteppiche an einem Stecken anhefteten und gegen die Wolken richteten.' _Murr_, _Nachrichten_, pp. 203, 207; _Arny_, in _Ind. Aff. Rept._, 1871, pp. 385, 389. 'A sentinel ascends every morning at sunrise to the roof of the highest house, and, with eyes directed towards the east, looks out for the arrival of the divine chieftain, who is to give the sign of deliverance.' _Domenech's Deserts_, vol. i., p. 165, 197, 390, 210, and vol. ii., p. 54. 'On a dit que la coutume singulière de conserver perpétuellement un feu sacré près duquel les anciens Mexicains attendaient le retour du dieu Quetzacoatl, existe aussi chez les Pueblos.' _Ruxton_, in _Nouvelles Annales des Voy._, 1850, tom. cxxvi., p. 58; _Sedelmair_, _Relacion_, in _Doc. Hist. Mex._, serie iii., tom. iv.. p. 851; _Gallatin_, in _Nouvelles Annales des Voy._, 1851, tom. cxxxi., p. 278; _Cremony's Apaches_, p. 92; _Simpson's Jour. Mil. Recon._, p. 93. 'I, however, one night, at San Felipe, clandestinely witnessed a portion of their secret worship. One of their secret night dances is called Tocina, which is too horrible to write about.' _Arny_, in _Ind. Aff. Rept._, 1871, p. 385; _Ward_, in _Id._, 1864, p. 192; _Ives' Colorado Riv._, p. 121; _Ten Broeck_, in _Schoolcraft's Arch._, vol. iv., pp. 73, 77; _Möllhausen_, _Tagebuch_, p. 278. 'Ils ont des prêtres ... ils montent sur la terrasse la plus élevée du village et font un sermon au moment où le soleil se lève.' _Castañeda_, in _Ternaux-Compans_, _Voy._, série i., tom. ix., pp. 133, 164, 239. [848] _Walker's Pimas, MS._; _Mowry_, in _Ind. Aff. Rept._, 1857, p. 361; _Ruggles_, in _Id._, 1869, p. 209; _Andrews_, in _Id._, 1870, p. 117; _Ward_, in _Id._, 1864, p. 188; _Davis' El Gringo_, pp. 119, 311. The cause of the decrease of the Pecos Indians is 'owing to the fact that they seldom if ever marry outside of their respective pueblos.' _Parker_, in _Ind. Aff. Rept._, 1869, p. 251; _Murr_, _Nachrichten_, p. 273. 'Au milieu [of the estufa] est un foyer allumé, sur lequel on jette de temps en temps une poignée de thym, ce qui suffit pour entretenir la chaleur, de sorte qu'on y est comme dans un bain.' _Castañeda_, in _Ternaux-Compans_, _Voy._, série i., tom. ix., p. 170. [849] _Walker's Pimas, MS._ The Pimas, 'usan enterrar sus varones con su arco y flechas, y algun bastimento y calabazo de agua, señal que alcanzan vislumbre de la immortalidad, aunque no con la distincion de prémio ó castigo.' _Mange_, _Itinerario_, in _Doc. Hist. Mex._, serie iv., tom. i., p. 369. 'The Maricopas invariably bury their dead, and mock the ceremony of cremation.' ... 'sacrifice at the grave of a warrior all the property of which he died possessed, together with all in possession of his various relatives.' _Cremony's Apaches_, pp. 103, 105. 'The Pimos bury their dead, while the Coco-Maricopas burn theirs.' _Bartlett's Pers. Nar._, vol. ii., p. 262. 'The females of the family [Pueblo] approached in a mournful procession (while the males stood around in solemn silence), each one bearing on her head a tinaja, or water-jar, filled with water, which she emptied into the grave, and whilst doing so commenced the death-cry. They came singly and emptied their jars, and each one joined successively in the death-cry; ... They believe that on a certain day (in August, I think) the dead rise from their graves and flit about the neighboring hills, and on that day, all who have lost friends, carry out quantities of corn, bread, meat, and such other good things of this life as they can obtain, and place them in the haunts frequented by the dead, in order that the departed spirits may once more enjoy the comforts of this nether world.' _Ten Broeck_, in _Schoolcraft's Arch._, vol. iv., pp. 75-8. If the dead Pima was a chief, 'the villagers are summoned to his burial. Over his grave they hold a grand festival. The women weep and the men howl, and they go into a profound mourning of tar. Soon the cattle are driven up and slaughtered, and every body heavily-laden with sorrow, loads his squaw with beef, and feasts for many days.' _Browne's Apache Country_, pp. 112-13; _Murr_, _Nachrichten_, pp. 204, 210, 281; _Ferry_, _Scènes de la vie Sauvage_, p. 115; _Froebel's Cent. Amer._, p. 500; _Id._, _Aus Amerika_, tom. ii., p. 437; _Castañeda_, in _Ternaux-Compans_, _Voy._, série i., tom. ix., p. 165. [850] 'Though naturally disposed to peaceful pursuits, the Papagoes are not deficient in courage.' _Browne's Apache Country_, pp. 142, 107, 110-11, 140, 277; _Johnson's Hist. Arizona_, p. 10; _Stone_, in _Hist. Mag._, vol. v., p. 166; _Soc. Géog._, _Bulletin_, série v., No. 96, p. 188; _Escudero_, _Noticias de Sonora y Sinaloa_, p. 142; _Velasco_, _Noticias de Sonora_, pp. 116, 160; _Froebel's Cent. Amer._, pp. 500, 506, 512; _Id._, _Aus Amerika_, tom. ii., pp. 437, 447, 454; _Garces_, _Diario_, in _Doc. Hist. Mex._, serie ii., tom. i., p. 238; _Sedelmair_, _Relacion_, in _Id._, serie iii., tom. iv., p. 850; _Gallardo_, in _Id._, p. 892. 'The peaceful disposition of the Maricopas is not the result of incapacity for war, for they are at all times enabled to meet, and vanquish the Apaches in battle.' _Emory_, in _Fremont and Emory's Notes of Trav._, p. 49; _Alegre_, _Hist. Comp. de Jesus_, tom. iii., pp. 62, 103; _Murr_, _Nachrichten_, p. 282; _Hardy's Trav._, pp. 440, 443; _Mange_, _Itinerario_, in _Doc. Hist. Mex._, serie iv., tom. i., pp. 365-6; _Mowry's Arizona_, p. 30; _Arricivita_, _Crónica Seráfica_, pp. 397, 412; _Sonora_, _Descrip. Geog._, in _Doc. Hist. Mex._, serie iii., tom. iv., pp. 553-5, 838. 'The Pueblos were industrious and unwarlike in their habits.' _Marcy's Army Life_, pp. 98, 110. The Moquis 'are a mild and peaceful race of people, almost unacquainted with the use of arms, and not given to war. They are strictly honest.... They are kind and hospitable to strangers.' _Davis' El Gringo_, pp. 421, 145. 'C'est une race (Pueblos) remarquablement sobre et industrieuse, qui se distingue par sa moralité.' _Gallatin_, in _Nouvelles Annales des Voy._, 1851, tom. cxxxi., pp. 277, 288, 290; _Ruxton_, in _Id._, 1850, tom. cxxvi., pp. 45, 47, 60; _Ruxton's Adven. Mex._, p. 191; _Ives' Colorado Riv._, pp. 31, 36, 45, 122, 124-7; _Gregg's Com. Prairies_, vol. i., p. 120, 268, 274; _Pike's Explor. Trav._, p. 342; _Ribas_, _Hist. de los Triumphos_, p. 241; _Malte-Brun_, _Précis de la Géog._, tom. iv., p. 453; _Champagnac_, _Voyageur_, p. 84; _Hughes' Doniphan's Ex._, pp. 196, 221; _Espejo_, in _Hakluyt's Voy._, vol. iii., p. 392; _Wislizenus' Tour_, p. 26; _Pattie's Pers. Nar._, p. 91; _Ten Broeck_, in _Schoolcraft's Arch._, vol. iv., pp. 72, 87; _Eaton_, in _Id._, p. 220; _Bent_, in _Id._, vol. i., p. 244; _Kendall's Nar._, vol. i., p. 378; _Castañeda_, in _Ternaux-Compans_, _Voy._, série i., tom. ix., pp. 126, 163; _Mühlenpfordt_, _Mejico_, tom. ii., pt. ii., p. 528; _Möllhausen_, _Tagebuch_, p. 144; _Möllhausen_, _Reisen in die Felsengeb._, tom. ii., p. 240. The Pueblos 'are passionately fond of dancing, and give themselves up to this diversion with a kind of frenzy.' _Domenech's Deserts_, vol. i., pp. 198, 185, 203, 206, and vol. ii., pp. 19, 51-2; _Cutts' Conq. of Cal._, pp. 188-9, 222; _Simpson's Jour. Mil. Recon._, pp. 81, 91, 113, 115; _Scenes in the Rocky Mts._, p. 177; _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. i., pp. 679-80; _Mayer's Mex. as it Was_, p. 239; _Id._, _Mex., Aztec etc._, vol. ii., p. 358. See further: _Ind. Aff. Rept._, from 1854 to 1872. [851] _Baegert_, in _Smithsonian Rept._, 1863, p. 359; _Forbes' Cal._, pp. 20-2; _Mofras_, _Explor._, tom. i., p. 239; _Malte-Brun_, _Précis de la Géog._, tom. vi., p. 451; _Gleeson's Hist. Cath. Church_, vol. i., pp. 95-6; _Prichard's Researches_, vol. v., p. 446. 'Esse sono tre nella California Cristiana, cioè quelle de' Pericui, de' Guaicuri, e de' Cochimì.' _Clavigero_, _Storia della Cal._, tom. i., p. 109. Venegas, in giving the opinion of Father Taravàl, says: 'Tres son (dice este habil Missionero) las Lenguas: la Cochimi, la Pericù, y la de Loreto. De esta ultima salen dos ramos, y son: la Guaycùra, y la Uchiti; verdad es, que es la variacion tanta, que el que no tuviere connocimiento de las tres Lenguas, juzgara, no solo que hay quatro Lenguas, sino que hay cinco.... Està poblada la primera àzia el Medioda, desde el Cabo de San Lucas, hasta mas acá del Puerto de la Paz de la Nacion Pericú, ó siguiendo la terminacion Castellana de los Pericúes: la segunda desde la Paz, hasta mas arriba del Presidio Real de Loreto, es de los Monquis; la tercera desde el territorio de Loreto, por todo lo descubierto al Norte de la nacion Cochimi, ó de los Cochimíes.' _Venegas_, _Noticia de la Cal._, tom. i., pp. 63-6. 'Auf der Halbinsel Alt-Californien wohnen: an der Südspitze die Perícues, dann die Monquis oder Menguis, zu welchen die Familien der Guaycúras und Coras gehören, die Cochímas oder Colímiës, die Laimónes, die Utschítas oder Vehítis, und die Icas.' _Mühlenpfordt_, _Mejico_, tom. i., p. 212. 'All the Indian tribes of the Peninsula seem to be affiliated with the Yumas of the Colorado and with the Coras below La Paz ... in no case do they differ in intellect, habits, customs, dress, implements of war, or hunting, traditions, or appearances from the well-known Digger Indians of Alta-California, and undoubtedly belong to the same race or family.' _Browne's Lower Cal._, pp. 53-4. [852] 'Di buona statura, ben fatti, sani, e robusti.' _Clavigero_, _Storia della Cal._, tom. i., pp. 112-13. 'El color en todos es muy moreno ... no tienen barba ni nada de vello en el cuerpo.' _Californias, Noticias_, carta i., pp. 47, 61, carta ii., p. 12. Compare: _Kino_, in _Doc. Hist. Mex._, serie iv., tom. i., p. 407; _Crespi_, in _Id._, serie iv., tom. vii., p. 135; _Ulloa_, in _Ramusio_, _Navigationi_, tom. iii., fol. 345, 351; _Venegas_, _Noticia de la Cal._, tom. i., p. 68; _Baegert_, in _Smithsonian Rept._, 1863, p. 357; _Mühlenpfordt_, _Mejico_, tom. ii., pt. ii., pp. 443-4; _Gleeson's Hist. Cath. Church_, p. 99. [853] 'Siendo de gran deshonra en los varones el vestido.' _Salvatierra_, in _Doc. Hist. Mex._, serie iv., tom. v., p. 42. 'Aprons are about a span wide, and of different length.' _Baegert_, in _Smithsonian Rept._, 1863, pp. 361-2. Consult further: _Venegas_, _Noticia de la Cal._, tom. i., pp. 81-8, 113; _Gleeson's Hist. Cath. Church_, pp. 96-9, 107-10; _Forbes' Cal._, pp. 9, 18; _Clavigero_, _Storia della Cal._, tom. i., pp. 120-3, 133, 144; _Gemelli Careri_, in _Churchill's Col. Voyages_, vol. iv., p. 469, and in _Berenger_, _Col. de Voy._, tom. ii., p. 371. [854] 'Unos se cortan un pedazo de oreja, otros las dos; otros agugerean el labio inferior, otros las narizes, y es cosa de risa, pues allí llevan colgando ratoncillos, lagartijitas, conchitas. &c.' _Californias, Noticias_, carta i., pp. 48, 22. 'It has been asserted that they also pierce the nose. I can only say that I saw no one disfigured in that particular manner.' _Baegert_, in _Smithsonian Rept._, 1863, p. 362. 'Nudi agunt, genas quadratis quibusdam notis signati.' _De Laet_, _Novus Orbis_, p. 306. Further reference: _Villa-Señor y Sanchez_, _Theatro_, tom. ii., pp. 279, 282; _Ulloa_, in _Ramusio_, _Navigationi_, tom. iii., fol. 347-8, and in _Hakluyt's Voy._, vol. iii., p. 412; _Delaporte_, _Reisen_, tom. x., p. 428. [855] _Venegas_, _Noticia de la Cal._, tom. i., p. 88; _Campbell's Hist. Span. Amer._, p. 86; _Ulloa_, in _Ramusio_, _Navigationi_, tom. iii., fol. 347, 350; _Californias, Noticias_, carta i., p. 45; _Lockman's Trav. Jesuits_, vol. i., p. 403. 'Le abitazioncelle più comuni sono certe chiuse circolari di sassi sciolti, ed ammucchiati, le quali hanno cinque piedi di diametro, e meno di due d'altezza.' _Clavigero_, _Storia della Cal._, tom. i., p. 119. 'I am certainly not much mistaken in saying that many of them change their night-quarters more than a hundred times in a year.' _Baegert_, in _Smithsonian Rept._, 1863, p. 361. [856] 'Twenty-four pounds of meat in twenty-four hours is not deemed an extraordinary ration for a single person.' _Baegert_, in _Smithsonian Rept._, 1863, pp. 364-7. 'No tienen horas señaladas para saciar su apetito: comen cuanto hallan por delante; hasta las cosas mas sucias sirven á su gula.' _Californias, Noticias_, carta i., pp. 46-7, 21; see also: _Salmeron_, _Relaciones_, in _Doc. Hist. Mex._, serie iii., tom. iv., p. 13; _Salvatierra_, in _Id._, serie iv., tom. v., p. 116; _Crespi_, in _Id._, serie iv., tom. vii., pp. 106, 135, 143; _Delaporte_, _Reisen_, tom. x., pp. 423-4; _Castañeda_, in _Ternaux-Compans_, _Voy._, série i., tom. ix., p. 153; _Alegre_, _Hist. Comp. de Jesus_, tom. iii., p. 106; _Ulloa_, in _Ramusio_, _Navigationi_, tom. iii., fol. 350; _Malte-Brun_, _Précis de la Géog._, tom. vi., p. 451; _Alcedo_, _Diccionario_, tom. i., p. 318. [857] 'La pesca si fa da loro in due maniere, o con reti nella spiaggia, o ne' gorghi rimasi della marea, o con forconi in alto mare.' _Clavigero_, _Storia della Cal._, tom. i., pp. 111, 125-6; 'Use neither nets nor hooks, but a kind of lance.' _Baegert_, in _Smithsonian Rept._, 1863, p. 364. 'Forman los Indios redes para pescar, y para otros usos.' _Venegas_, _Noticia de la Cal._, tom. i., p. 52. [858] 'Poichè le stesse donne si lavavano, e si lavano anche oggidì con essa (orina) la faccia.' _Clavigero_, _Storia della Cal._, tom. i., p. 133. [859] _Gemelli Careri_, in _Churchill's Col. Voyages_, vol. iv., p. 469; _Ramusio_, _Navigationi_, tom. iii., fol. 346, 351; _Baegert_, in _Smithsonian Rept._, 1863, p. 362; _Kino_, in _Doc. Hist. Mex._, serie iv., tom. i., p. 407; _Crespi_, in _Id._, serie iv., tom. vii., p. 143. 'Si trovarono altre spezie d'armi per ferir da vicino, ma tutte di legno. La prima è un mazzapicchio, simile nella forma a una girella col suo manico tutta d'un pezzo. La seconda è a foggia d'un ascia di legnajuolo tutta anch'essa d'un sol pezzo. La terza ha la forma d'una piccola scimitara.' _Clavigero_, _Storia della Cal._, tom. i., pp. 124, 127. [860] 'El modo de publicar la guerra era, hacer con mucho estruendo gran provision de cañas, y pedernales para sus flechas, y procurar, que por varios caminos llegassen las assonadas à oídos de sus contrarios.' _Venegas_, _Noticia de la Cal._, tom. i., pp. 97-8. Referring to Venegas' work, Baegert, _Smithsonian Rept._, 1864, p. 385, says: 'All that is said in reference to the warfare of the Californians is wrong. In their former wars they merely attacked the enemy unexpectedly during the night, or from an ambush, and killed as many as they could, without order, previous declaration of war, or any ceremonies whatever.' See also: _Apostólicos Afanes_, pp. 424-5, and _Clavigero_, _Storia della Cal._, tom. i., p. 127. [861] 'In lieu of knives and scissors they use sharp flints for cutting almost everything--cane, wood, aloë, and even their hair.' _Baegert_, in _Smithsonian Rept._, 1863, p. 363. 'Le loro reti, tanto quelle da pescare, quanto quelle, che servono a portare checchessia, le fanno col filo, che tirano dalle foglie del Mezcal.' _Clavigero_, _Storia della Cal._, tom. i., p. 124. Further notice in _Ulloa_, in _Ramusio_, _Navigationi_, tom. iii., fol. 350; _Venegas_, _Noticia de la Cal._, tom. i., p. 90; _Mühlenpfordt_, _Mejico_, tom. ii., pt. ii., p. 447. [862] Vancouver, _Voy._, vol. ii., p. 482, speaking of Lower California says: 'We were visited by one of the natives in a straw canoe.' 'Vedemmo che vsci vna canoua in mare con tre Indiani dalle lor capanne.' _Ulloa_, in _Ramusio_, _Navigationi_, tom. iii., fol. 350-1, 343, 347, and in _Hakluyt's Voy._, vol. iii., p. 418. See further: _Clavigero_, _Storia della Cal._, tom. i., p. 126; _Gemelli Careri_, in _Churchill's Col. Voyages_, vol. iv., p. 469, and in _Berenger_, _Col. de Voy._, tom. ii., p. 371. [863] 'Tienen trato de pescado con los indios de tierra adentro.' _Salmeron_, _Relaciones_, in _Doc. Hist. Mex._, serie iii., tom. iv., p. 17; also, _Ulloa_, in _Ramusio_, _Navigationi_, tom. iii., fol. 347-8. [864] 'Su modo de contar es muy diminuto y corto, pues apénas llegan á cinco, y otros á diez, y van multiplicando segun pueden.' _Californias, Noticias_, carta i., p. 103. 'Non dividevano l'Anno in Mesi, ma solamente in sei stagioni.' _Clavigero_, _Storia della Cal._, tom. i., pp. 110-11. [865] _Clavigero_, _Storia della, Cal._, tom. i., pp. 129-30. _Venegas_, _Noticia de la Cal._, tom. i., p. 79. 'Entre ellos siempre hay alguno mas desahogado y atrevido, que se reviste con el caracter de Capitan: pero ni este tiene jurisdiccion alguna, ni le obedecen, y en estando algo viejo lo suelen quitar del mando: solo en los lances que les tiene cuenta siguen sus dictámenes.' _Californias, Noticias_, carta i., pp. 40, 45. [866] _Clavigero_, _Storia della Cal._, tom. i., pp. 130-4; _Ulloa_, in _Ramusio_, _Navigationi_ tom. iii., fol. 348; _Villa-Señor y Sanchez_, _Theatro_, tom. ii., p. 284; _Baegert_, in _Smithsonian Rept._, 1863, pp. 367-9. 'Sus casamientos son muy ridiculos: unos para casarse enseñan sus cuerpos á las mugeres, y estas á ellos; y adoptándose á su gusto, se casan: otros en fin, que es lo mas comun, se casan sin ceremonia.' _Californias, Noticias_, carta i., pp. 50, 40-1. 'El adulterio era mirado como delito, que por lo menos daba justo motivo á la venganza, á excepción de dos ocasiones: una la de sus fiestas, y bayles: y otra la de las luchas.' _Venegas_, _Noticia de la Cal._, tom. i., p. 93. 'Les hommes s'approchaient des femmes comme des animaux, et les femmes se mettaient publiquement à quatre pattes pour les recevoir.' _Castañeda_, in _Ternaux-Compans_, _Voy._, série i., tom. ix., p. 153. This method of copulation is by no means peculiar to the Lower Californians, but is practiced almost universally by the wild tribes of the Pacific States. Writers naturally do not mention this custom, but travellers are unanimous in their verbal accounts respecting it. [867] 'Fiesta entre los Indios Gentiles no es mas que una concurrencia de hombres y mugeres de todas partes para desahogar los apetitos de luxuria y gula.' _Californias, Noticias_, carta i., pp. 60-75. 'Una de las fiestas mas celebres de los Cochimies era la del dia, en que repartian las pieles à las mugeres una vez al año.' _Venegas_, _Noticia de la Cal._, tom. i., pp. 85-6, 96; _Baegert_, in _Smithsonian Rept._, 1864, p. 389; _Salvatierra_, in _Doc. Hist. Mex._, serie iv., tom. v., pp. 103, 116. [868] _Californias, Noticias_, carta i., pp. 59-65; _Clavigero_, _Storia della Cal._, tom. i., pp. 126, 146. 'There existed always among the Californians individuals of both sexes who played the part of sorcerers or conjurers, pretending to possess the power of exorcising the devil.' _Baegert_, in _Smithsonian Rept._, 1864, p. 389. [869] _Baegert_, in _Smithsonian Rept._, 1864, pp. 385-7. 'Las carreras, luchas, peleas y otras trabajos voluntarios les ocasionan muchos dolores de pecho y otros accidentes.' _Californias, Noticias_, carta i., pp. 85-99. [870] _Clavigero_, _Storia della Cal._, tom. i., pp. 112-13, 142-5; _Apostólicos Afanes_, pp. 426-7; _Salvatierra_, in _Doc. Hist. Mex._, serie iv., tom. v., p. 23; _Delaporte_, _Reisen_, tom. x., pp. 433-4. 'Rogaba el enfermo, que le chupassen, y soplassen de el modo mismo, que lo hacian los Curanderos. Executaban todos por su orden este oficio de piedad, chupando, y soplando primero la parte lesa, y despues todos los otros organos de los sentidos.' _Venegas_, _Noticia de la Cal._, tom. i., pp. 117-18. [871] Baegert says: 'It seems tedious to them to spend much time near an old, dying person that was long ago a burden to them and looked upon with indifference. A person of my acquaintance restored a girl to life that was already bound up in a deer-skin, according to their custom, and ready for burial.' _Baegert_, in _Smithsonian Rept._, 1864, p. 387. [872] 'Solevano essi onorar la memoria d'alcuni defunti ponendo sopra un' alta pertica la loro figura gossamente formata di rami, presso alla quale si metteva un Guama a predicar le loro lodi.' _Clavigero_, _Storia della Cal._, tom. i., p. 144; _Soc. Géog._, _Bulletin_, série v., No. 96, p. 184. [873] 'La estupidèz è insensibilidad: la falta de conocimiento, y reflexion: la inconstancia, y volubilidad de una voluntad, y apetitos sin freno, sin luz, y aun sin objeto: la pereza, y horror à todo trabajo, y fatiga à la adhesion perpetua à todo linage de placer, y entretenimiento puerìl, y brutàl: la pusilanimidad, y flaqueza de animo; y finalmente, la falta miserable de todo lo que forma à los hombres esto es racionales, politicos, y utiles para sì, y para la sociedad.' _Venegas_, _Noticia de la Cal._, tom. i., pp. 74-9, 87-8. 'Las naciones del Norte eran mas despiertas, dóciles y fieles, ménos viciosas y libres, y por tanto mejor dispuestas para recibir el cristianismo que las que habitaban al Sur.' _Sutil y Mexicana_, _Viage_, p. lxxxix. 'Eran los coras y pericues, y generalmente las rancherias del Sur de California, mas ladinos y capaces; pero tambien mas viciosos é inquietos que las demas naciones de la península.' _Alegre_, _Hist. Comp. de Jesus_, tom. iii., p. 252. 'Ces peuples sont d'une tres-grande docilité, ils se laissent instruire.' _Californie, Nouvelle Descente_, in _Voy. de l'Empereur de la Chine_, p. 104. Other allusions to their character may be found in _Calderon de la Barca's Life in Mex._, vol. i., p. 330; _Villa-Señor y Sanchez_, _Theatro_, tom. ii., p. 292; _Baegert_, in _Smithsonian Rept._, 1864, pp. 378-85; _Crespi_, in _Doc. Hist. Mex._, serie iv., tom. vii., pp. 135, 143-6; _Ribas_, _Hist. de los Triumphos_, p. 442; _Clavigero_, _Storia della Cal._, tom. i., pp. 113-14; _Malte-Brun_, _Précis de la Géog._, tom. vi., p. 451. [874] Father Ribas, the first priest who visited the Yaquis, was surprised at the loud rough tone in which they spoke. When he remonstrated with them for doing so, their reply was, 'No vés que soy Hiaqui: y dezianlo, porque essa palabra, y nombre, significa, el que habla a gritos.' _Ribas_, _Hist. de los Triumphos_, p. 285. Mayos: 'Their name comes from their position, and means in their own language boundary, they having been bounded on both sides by hostile tribes.' _Stone_, in _Hist. Mag._, vol. v., p. 165. 'Segun parece, la palabra _talahumali ó tarahumari_ significa, "_corredor de a pié_;" de _tala ó tara_, pié, _y huma_, correr'. _Pimentel_, _Cuadro_, tom. i., p. 364. 'La palabra _tepehuan_ creen algunos que es Mexicana, y corrupcion de _tepehuani_, conquistador; ó bien un compuesto de _tepetl_, monte, y _hua_, desinencia que en Mexicano indica posesion, como si dijéramos señor ó dueño del monte. Otros, acaso con mas exactitud, dicen que _tepchuan_ es voz tarahumar, derivada de _pehua_ ó pegua, que significa _duro_, lo cual conviene con el carácter de la nacion.' _Id._, tom. ii., p. 45. 'La palabra _acaxee_ parece ser la misma que la de _acaxete_, nombre de un pueblo perteneciente al estado de _Puebla_, ambos corrupcion de la palabra Mexicana _acaxitl_, compuesta de _atl_ (agua,) y de _caxitl_ (cazuela ó escudilla), hoy tambien corrompida, _cajete_: el todo significa _alberca_, nombre perfectamente adecuado á la cosa, pues que Alcedo, [_Diccion. geográf. de América_] dice que en _Acaxete_, "hay una caja ó arca de agua de piedra de cantería, en que se recogen las que bajan de la Sierra y se conducen à _Tepeaca_: el nombre, pues, nos dice que si no la obra arquitectónica, á lo menos la idea y la ejecucion, vienen desde los antiguos Mexicanos."' _Diccionario Universal de Hist. Geog._, tom. i., p. 31. [875] 'Las mugeres son notables por los pechos y piés pequeños.' _Velasco_, _Noticias de Sonora_, p. 169. 'Tienen la vista muy aguda.... El oido es tambien vivissimo.' _Arlegui_, _Crón. de Zacatecas_, pp. 174-5. See also, _Ribas_, _Hist. de los Triumphos_, pp. 7, 145, 285, 677; _Zuñiga_, in _Escudero_, _Noticias de Sonora y Sinaloa_, p. 142; _Alegre_, _Hist. Comp. de Jesus_, tom. i., p. 416; _Soc. Géog._, _Bulletin_, série v., No. 96, pp. 184, 189; _Castañeda_, in _Ternaux-Compans._, _Voy._, série i., tom. ix., pp. 44, 49; _Beaumont_, _Crón. de Mechoacan, MS._, p. 242; _Lachapelle_, _Raousset-Boulbon_, pp. 79-80; _Padilla_, _Conq. N. Galicia, MS._, p. 80; _Berlandier y Thovel_, _Diario_, p. 69; _Hardy's Trav._, pp. 289, 299; _Bartlett's Pers. Nar._, vol. i., pp. 444, 446; _Mühlenpfordt_, _Mejico_, tom. i., pp. 214-15, tom. ii., pt. ii., p. 419; _Ulloa_, in _Ramusio_, _Navigationi_, tom. iii., fol. 345; _Guzman_, _Rel. Anon._, in _Icazbalceta_, _Col. de Doc._, tom. ii., fol. 296; _Sevin_, in _Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour._, vol. xxx., p. 12; _De Laet_, _Novus Orbis_, pp. 284-5; _Ward's Mexico_, vol. i., pp. 571, 583; _Prichard's Nat. Hist. Man_, vol. ii., p. 562; _Coronado_, in _Hakluyt's Voy._, vol. iii., p. 362. [876] 'No alcanzan ropa de algodon, si no es algunas pampanillas y alguna manta muy gruesa; porque el vestido de ellos es de cuero de venados adobados, y el vestido que dellos hacen es coser un cuero con otro y ponérselos por debajo del brazo atados al hombro, y las mujeres traen sus naguas hechas con sus jirones que les llegan hasta los tobillos como faja.' _Guzman_, _Rel. Anón._, in _Icazbalceta_, _Col. de Doc._, tom. ii., pp. 296, 290, 481. The Ceri women wear 'pieles de alcatras por lo general, ó una tosca frazada de lana envuelta en la cintura.' _Velasco_, _Noticias de Sonora_, pp. 131, 74, 153. [877] The Temoris had 'las orejas cercadas de los zarcillos que ellos vsan, adornados de conchas de nacar labradas, y ensartadas en hilos azules, y cercan toda la oreja.' _Ribas_, _Hist. de los Triumphos_, pp. 226, 286, 472. Near Culiacan, Nuño de Guzman met about 50,000 warriors who 'traian al cuello sartas de codornices, pericos pequeños y otros diferentes pajaritos.' _Tello_, in _Icazbalceta_, _Col. de Doc._, tom. ii., p. 354. The Humes, 'coronadas sus cabezas de diademas de varias plumas de papagayos, guacamayas con algunos penachos de hoja de plata batida.' _Ahumada_, in _Doc. Hist. Mex._, serie iv., tom. iii., p. 96. 'Los Indios de este nuevo Reyno son de diversas naciones que se distinguen por la diversidad de rayas en el rostro.' _Padilla_, _Conq. N. Galicia, MS._, pp. 472, 531. 'No hemos visto á ningun carrizo pintado con vermellon, tal como lo hacen otros.' _Berlandier y Thovel_, _Diario_, p. 69. For further description see _Hardy's Trav._, pp. 289-90, 298; _Bartlett's Pers. Nar._, vol. i., p. 445; _Combier_, _Voy._, pp. 199-200; _Coronado_, in _Hakluyt's Voy._, vol. iii., pp. 362-4; _Espejo_, in _Id._, pp. 384, 390-1; _Cabeza de Vaca_, _Relation_, in _Ternaux-Compans_, _Voy._, série i., tom. vii., p. 250; _Castañeda_, in _Id._, tom. ix., p. 157; _Jaramillo_, in _Id._, p. 366; _Ward's Mexico_, vol. i., p. 571; _Soc. Géog._, _Bulletin_, série v., No. 96, pp. 184-5, 190; _Sonora_, _Descrip. Geog._, in _Doc. Hist. Mex._, serie iii., tom. iv., p. 552; _Arnaya_, in _Id._, serie iv., tom. iii., p. 63; _Descrip. Top._, in _Id._, serie iv., tom. iv., pp. 113-14; _Lachapelle_, _Raousset-Boulbon_, pp. 79-80; _Oviedo_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. ii., pp. 574-6, 609; _Sevin_, in _Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour._, vol. xxx., pp. 12, 25-6; _Alegre_, _Hist. Comp. de Jesus_, tom. i., pp. 401, 406, and ii., pp. 124, 184; _Montanus_, _Nieuwe Weereld_, pp. 208, 226, 228; and _Dapper_, _Neue Welt_, pp. 235, 254-5; _Cabeza de Vaca_, _Relation_, pp. 167-8; _García Conde_, in _Album Mex._, tom. i., p. 93; _Beaumont_, _Crón. de Mechoacan, MS._, pp. 241-2; _Hazart_, _Kirchen-Geschichte_, tom. ii., p. 539. [878] 'Todos los pueblos de los indios cobiertas las casas de esteras, á las cuales llaman en lengua de México _petates_, y por esta causa le llamamos Petatlan.' _Guzman_, _Rel. Anón._, in _Icazbalceta_, _Col. de Doc._, tom. ii., p. 296. Compare _Castañeda_, in _Ternaux-Compans_, _Voy._, série i., tom. ix., pp. 49, 156; _Combier_, _Voy._, pp. 157, 160, 164, 200; _Coronado_, in _Hakluyt's Voy._, vol. iii., p. 363; _Niza_, in _Id._, p. 366; _Espejo_, in _Id._, p. 384; _Montanus_, _Nieuwe Weereld_, pp. 206, 216, 227-8; and _Dapper_, _Neue Welt_, pp. 232, 255; _Ribas_, _Hist. de los Triumphos_, pp. 3, 6, 7, 155, 222, 594; _Cabeza de Vaca_, _Relation_, pp. 167, 175; _Id._, in _Ramusio_, _Navigationi_, tom. iii., fol. 327; _Oviedo_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. iii., pp. 574, 576, 609; _Alegre_, _Hist. Comp. de Jesus_, tom. i., p. 396; _Azpilcueta_, in _Id._, tom. ii., p. 186; _Berlandier y Thovel_, _Diario_, p. 68. [879] 'Comian inmundas carnes sin reservar la humana.' _Padilla_, _Conq. N. Galicia, MS._, pp. 530, 80, 84, 533. 'Ils mangent tous de la chair humaine, et vont à la chasse des hommes.' _Castañeda_, in _Ternaux-Compans_, _Voy._, série i., tom. ix., pp. 152, 158-9. See also, _Arlegui_, _Chrón. de Zacatecas_, pp. 150, 180-2; _Ribas_, _Hist. de los Triumphos_, pp. 3, 6, 7, 11, 14, 175, 217, 385, 671. [880] Poçolatl, 'beuida de mayz cozido.' Pinolatl, 'beuida de mayz y chia tostado.' _Molina_, _Vocabulario_. The Batucas 'cuanto siembran es de regadío ... sus milpas parecen todas huertas.' _Azpilcueta_, in _Alegre_, _Hist. Comp. de Jesus_, tom. ii., p. 186, see also p. 184; Acaxées, mode of fishing, etc., in _Id._, tom. i., pp. 401-5, also 283-4, 399, 402-3; Tarahumaras, mode of fishing, hunting, and cooking. _Murr_, _Nachrichten_, pp. 310, 317, 322-3, 337, 342. The Yaquis 'fields and gardens in the highest state of cultivation.' _Ward's Mexico_, vol. ii., p. 606. For further account of their food and manner of cooking, etc., see _Revista Mexicana_, tom. i., pp. 375-6; _Gomara_, _Hist. Ind._, fol. 54; _Zepeda_, in _Doc. Hist. Mex._, serie iv., tom. iii., p. 158; _Velasco_, _Noticias de Sonora_, pp. 72, 169-70; _Bartlett's Pers. Nar._, vol. i., pp. 465, 469; _Sonora_, _Descrip. Geog._, in _Doc. Hist. Mex._ serie iii., tom. iv., pp. 549-50; _Jaramillo_, in _Ternaux-Compans_, _Voy._, série i., tom. ix., p. 366; _Cabeza de Vaca_, in _Id._, tom. vii., pp. 242-3, 249-50, 265; _Espejo_, in _Hakluyt's Voy._, tom. iii., p. 384; _Coronado_, in _Id._, pp. 363, 374; _Oviedo_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. iii., p. 609; _Combier_, _Voy._, pp. 160-2, 169, 198, 200, 312; _Guzman_, _Rel. Anón._, in _Icazbalceta_, _Col. de Doc._, tom. ii., p. 289; _Tello_, in _Id._, p. 353; _De Laet_, _Novus Orbis_, pp. 286, 310; _Arricivita_, _Crónica Seráfica_, p. 442; _Soc. Géog._, _Bulletin_, série v., No. 96, p. 185; _Ulloa_, in _Ramusio_, _Navigationi_, tom. iii., fol. 341-2; _Gallatin_, in _Nouvelles Annales des Voy._, 1851, tom. cxxxi., pp. 256, 260; _Zuñiga_, in _Id._, 1842, tom. xciii., p. 239; _Stone_, in _Hist. Mag._, vol. v., p. 166; _Malte-Brun_, _Sonora_, pp. 14-5. [881] Of the Ceris it is said that 'la ponzoña con que apestan las puntas de sus flechas, es la mas activa que se ha conocido por acá ... no se ha podido averiguar cuáles sean á punto fijo los mortíferos materiales de esta pestilencial maniobra? Y aunque se dicen muchas cosas, como que lo hacen de cabezas de víboras irritadas cortadas al tiempo que clavan sus dientes en un pedazo de bofes y de carne humana ya medio podrida ... pues no es mas que adivinar lo que no sabemos. Sin duda su principal ingrediente será alguna raíz.' _Sonora_, _Descrip. Geog._, in _Doc. Hist. Mex._, serie iii., tom. iv., pp. 560-1, 552. 'El magot es un árbol pequeño muy losano y muy hermoso á la vista; pero á corta incision de la corteza brota una leche mortal que les servia en su gentilidad para emponzoñar sus flechas.' _Alegre_, _Hist. Comp. de Jesus_, tom. ii., p. 215. See also _Hardy's Trav._, pp. 298-9, 391; _Stone_, in _Hist. Mag._, vol. v., p. 166; _Domenech's Deserts_, vol. ii., p. 57; _Cabeza de Vaca_, in _Ternaux-Compans_, _Voy._, série i., tom. vii., pp. 250-1; _Castañeda_, in _Id._, série i., tom. ix., pp. 209, 222-3; _Soc. Géog._, _Bulletin_, série v., No. 96, pp. 185-6, 190; _Arlegui_, _Chron. de Zacatecas_, p. 153; _Tello_, in _Icazbalceta_, _Col. de Doc._, tom. ii., p. 354; _Guzman_, _Rel. Anón._, in _Id._, p. 289, 296; _Descrip. Topog._, in _Doc. Hist. Mex._, serie iv., tom. iv., p. 114; _Ribas_, _Hist. de los Triumphos_, pp. 10, 110, 473, 677; _De Laet_, _Novus Orbis_, pp. 285, 287, 305, 310; _Sevin_, in _Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour._, vol. xxx., pp. 12, 25; _Berlandier y Thovel_, _Diario_, p. 68; _Ramirez_, in _Alegre_, _Hist. Comp. de Jesus_, tom. i., p. 284; _Combier_, _Voy._, pp. 198, 346; _Espejo_, in _Hakluyt's Voy._, vol. iii., pp. 384, 390; _Niza_, in _Id._, p. 567; _Ulloa_, in _Ramusio_, _Navigationi_, tom. iii., fol. 342-3; _Montanus_, _Nieuwe Weereld_, pp. 208, 228; and _Dapper_, _Neue Welt_, pp. 234, 255; _Padilla_, _Conq. N. Galicia, MS._, p. 520; _Gomara_, _Hist. Ind._, fol. 55. [882] 'El jóven que desea valer por las armas, ántes de ser admitido en toda forma á esta profesion, debe hacer méritos en algunas campañas ... despues de probado algun tiempo en estas experiencias y tenida la aprobacion de los ancianos, citan al pretendiente para algun dia en que deba dar la última prueba de su valor.' _Alegre_, _Hist. Comp. de Jesus_, tom. ii., pp. 218-9, 396-8, and tom. i., pp. 396-9. Examine _Sonora_, _Descrip. Geog._, in _Doc. Hist. Mex._, serie iii., tom. iv., pp. 544-7; _Lizasoin_, in _Id._, pp. 684-5. [883] As to the Mayos, 'eran estos indios en sus costumbres y modo de guerrear como los de Sinaloa, hacian la centinela cada cuarto de hora, poniendose en fila cincuenta indios, uno delante de otro, con sus arcos y flechas y con una rodilla en tierra.' _Beaumont_, _Crón. de Mechoacan, MS._, p. 241. See also _Ribas_, _Hist. de los Triumphos_, pp. 9, 18, 76, 473-4; _Padilla_, _Conq. N. Galicia, MS._, p. 522; _Guzman_, _Rel. Anón._, in _Icazbalceta_, _Col. de Doc._, tom. ii., pp. 301-2; _Hazart_, _Kirchen-Geschichte_, tom. ii., p. 539; _Ferry_, _Scènes de le vie Sauvage_, p. 76; _Arlegui_, _Chrón. de Zacatecas_, p. 150; _Coronado_, in _Hakluyt's Voy._, vol. iii., p. 363; _Gallatin_, in _Nouvelles Annales des Voy._, 1851, tom. cxxxi., p. 256. [884] See _Combier_, _Voy._, p. 157; _Murr_, _Nachrichten_, pp. 307, 335, 337; _Descrip. Topog._, in _Doc. Hist. Mex._, serie iv., tom. iv., p. 114; _Hardy's Trav._, p. 290. [885] 'Vsauan el arte de hilar, y texer algodon, ó otras yeruas siluestres, como el Cañamo de Castilla, o Pita.' _Ribas_, _Hist. de los Triumphos_, pp. 12, 200. For the Yaquis, see _Velasco_, _Noticias de Sonora_, p. 73; for the Ópatas and Jovas, _Sonora_, _Descrip. Geog._, in _Doc. Hist. Mex._, serie iii., tom. iv., pp. 550-2; and for the Tarahumares, _Murr_, _Nachrichten_, p. 344; _Cabeza de Vaca_, _Relation_, pp. 166, 174; Id., in _Ramusio_, _Navigationi_, tom. iii., fol. 327; _Lachapelle_, _Raousset-Boulbon_, pp. 79-80. [886] 'El indio tomando el asta por medio, boga con gran destreza por uno y otro lado.' _Alegre_, _Hist. Comp. de Jesus_, tom. iii., p. 119. 'An Indian paddles himself ... by means of a long elastic pole of about twelve or fourteen feet in length.' _Hardy's Trav._, pp. 297, 291. See also _Niza_, in _Hakluyt's Voy._, vol. iii., pp. 366; _Cabeza de Vaca_, _Relation_, in _Ternaux-Compans_, _Voy._, série i., tom. vii., p. 250; _Ulloa_, in _Ramusio_, _Navigationi_, tom. iii., fol. 342. [887] The Carrizos 'no tienen caballos, pero en cambio, sus pueblos están llenos de perros.' _Berlandier y Thovel_, _Diario_, p. 70. The Tahus 'sacrifiaient une partie de leurs richesses, qui consistaient en étoffes et en turquoises.' _Castañeda_, in _Ternaux-Compans_, _Voy._, série i., tom. ix., p. 150. Compare further, _Combier_, _Voy._, pp. 200-1; _Zuñiga_, in _Escudero_, _Noticias de Sonora y Sinaloa_, p. 135; _Mex. in 1842_, p. 68; _Froebel_, _Aus Amerika_, tom. ii., p. 260; _Id._, _Cent. Amer._, p. 380; _Cabeza de Vaca_, _Relation_, p. 167. [888] 'Son grandes observadores de los Astros, porque como siempre duermen á Cielo descubierto, y estan hechos â mirarlos, se marabillan de qualquier nueva impression, que registran en los Cielos.' _Arlegui_, _Chrón. de Zacatecas_, p. 175. Among the Yaquis, 'hay asimismo músicos de violin y arpa, todo por puro ingenio, sin que se pueda decir que se les hayan enseñado las primeras reglas.' _Velasco_, _Noticias de Sonora_, p. 74. See also _Ribas_, _Hist. de los Triumphos_, p. 12; _De Laet_, _Novus Orbis_, p. 285; _Castañeda_, in _Ternaux-Compans_, _Voy._, série i., tom. ix., p. 152; _Combier_, _Voy._, p. 201; _Murr_, _Nachrichten_, p. 370; _Padilla_, _Conq. N. Galicia, MS._, p. 80. [889] 'Leyes, ni Reyes que castigassen tales vicios y pecados, no los tuuieron, ni se hallaua entre ellos genero de autoridad y gouierno politico que los castigasse.' _Ribas_, _Hist. de los Triumphos_, p. 11; _Combier_, _Voy._, p. 200; _Ahumada_, _Carta_, in _Doc. Hist. Mex._, serie iv., tom. iii., p. 96; _Espejo_, in _Hakluyt's Voy._, vol. iii., p. 384. [890] The word _cacique_, which was used by the Spaniards to designate the chiefs and rulers of provinces and towns throughout the West Indies, Central America, Mexico, and Peru, is originally taken from the Cuban language. Oviedo, _Hist. Gen._, tom. iv., p. 595, explains it as follows: 'Cacique: señor, jefe absoluto ó rey de una comarca ó Estado. En nuestros dias suele emplearse esta voz en algunas poblaciones de la parte oriental de Cuba, para designar al regidor decano de un ayuntamiento. Asi se dice: Regidor cacique. Metafóricamente tiene aplicacion en nuestra península, para designar á los que en los pueblos pequeños llevan la voz y gobiernan á su antojo y capricho.' [891] 'Juntos grandes y pequeños ponen á los mocetones y mujeres casaderas en dos hileras, y dada una seña emprenden á correr éstas; dada otra siguen la carrera aquellos, y alcanzándolas, ha de cojer cada uno la suya de la tetilla izquierda; y quedan hechos y confirmados los desposorios.' _Sonora_, _Descrip. Geog._, in _Doc. Hist. Mex._, serie iii., tom. iv., p. 542-3. 'Unos se casan con una muger sola, y tienen muchas mancebas.... Otras se casan con quantas mugeres quieren.... Otras naciones tienen las mugeres por comunes.' _Arlegui_, _Chrón. de Zacatecas_, pp. 154-7. For further account of their family relations and marriage customs, see _Ribas_, _Hist. de los Triumphos_, pp. 11, 145, 171, 201, 242, 475; _Soc. Géog._, _Bulletin_, série v., No. 96, p. 186; _Castañeda_, in _Ternaux-Compans_, _Voy._, série i., tom. ix., pp. 150, 152, 155, 158; _Hazart_, _Kirchen-Geschichte_, tom. ii., p. 541; _Padilla_, _Conq. N. Galicia, MS._, p. 530; _Alegre_, _Hist. Comp. de Jesus_, tom. i., p. 452; _Arista_, in _Id._, p. 417; _Berlandier y Thovel_, _Diario_, p. 70; _Combier_, _Voy._, p. 201; _Löwenstern_, _Mexique_, p. 409. [892] Les Yaquis 'aiment surtout une danse appelée _tutuli gamuchi_ ... dans laquelle ils changent de femmes en se cédant réciproquement tous leurs droits conjugaux.' _Zuñiga_, in _Nouvelles Annales des Voy._, 1842, tom. xciii., pp. 238-9. The Sisibotaris; 'En las danzas ... fué muy de notar que aunque danzaban juntos hombres y mugeres, ni se hablaban ni se tocaban inmediatamente las manos.' _Alegre_, _Hist. Comp. de Jesus_, tom. ii., p. 124, and tom. i., pp. 405-7. In the province of Pánuco, 'cuando estan en sus borracheras é fiestas, lo que no pueden beber por la boca, se lo hacen echar por bajo con un embudo.' _Guzman_, _Rel. Anón._, in _Icazbalceta_, _Col. de Doc._, tom. ii., p. 295. See further, _Ribas_, _Hist. de los Triumphos_, pp. 9, 15, 256, 672; _Murr_, _Nachrichten_, pp. 321, 343, 345; _De Laet_, _Novus Orbis_, p. 287; _Padilla_, _Conq. N. Galicia, MS._, pp. 519, 530; _Castañeda_, in _Ternaux-Compans_, _Voy._, série i., tom. ix., p. 158; _Hardy's Trav._, p. 440; _Arlegui_, _Chrón. de Zacatecas_, pp. 158, 160; _Donnavan's Adven._, pp. 46, 48; _Las Casas_, _Hist. Indias, MS._, lib. iii., cap. 168; _García Conde_, in _Album Mex._, tom. i., p. 167; _Soc. Géog._, _Bulletin_, série v., No. 96. p. 190; _Froebel_, _Aus Amerika_, tom. ii., p. 261; _Id._, _Cent. Amer._, p. 381; _Sevin_, in _Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour._, vol. xxx., p. 25. [893] The Ópatas have 'grande respeto y veneracion que hasta hoy tienen á los hombrecitos pequeños y contrahechos, á quienes temen y franquean su casa y comida.' _Sonora_, _Descrip. Geog._, in _Doc. Hist. Mex._, serie iii., tom. iv., p. 628. 'Angulis atque adytis angues complures reperti, peregrinum in modum conglobati, capitibus supra et infra exsertis, terribili rictu, si quis propuis accessisset, cæterum innocui; quos barbari vel maxime venerabantur, quod diabolus ipsis hac forma apparere consuesset: eosdem tamen et manibus contrectabant et nonnunquam iis vescebantur.' _De Laet_, _Novus Orbis_, p. 284. Further reference in _Ribas_, _Hist. de los Triumphos_, p. 472; _Oviedo_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. iii., pp. 574-5; _Lachapelle_, _Raousset-Boulbon_, p. 79; _Cabeza de Vaca_, _Relation_, p. 169; _Arlegui_, _Chrón. de Zacatecas_, pp. 166-7; _Sevin_, in _Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour._, vol. xxx., p. 26. [894] 'Quando entre los Indios ay algun contagio, que es el de viruelas el mas continuo, de que mueren innumerables, mudan cada dia lugares, y se van á los mas retirados montes, buscando los sitios mas espinosos y enmarañados, para que de miedo de las espinas, no entren (segun juzgan, y como cierto lo afirman) las viruelas.' _Arlegui_, _Chrón. de Zacatecas_, pp. 152-3, 182. See also, _Mühlenpfordt_, _Mejico_, tom. ii., pt. ii., p. 431; _Berlandier y Thovel_, _Diario_, pp. 70-1; _Alegre_, _Hist. Comp. de Jesus_, tom. i., p. 399, tom. ii., pp. 213-4, 219-20; _Ribas_, _Hist. de los Triumphos_, pp. 17, 322-3; _Löwenstern_, _Mexique_, p. 411; _Hardy's Trav._, p. 282; _Sonora_, _Descrip. Geog._, in _Doc. Hist. Mex._, serie iii., tom. iv., pp. 547-8. [895] See _Schoolcraft's Arch._, vol. iii., p. 516; _Villa_, in _Prieto_, _Viajes_, p. 443. [896] 'Las mas de las naciones referidas son totalmente barbaras, y de groseros entendimientos; gente baxa.' _Arlegui_, _Chrón. de Zacatecas_, p. 149. The Yaquis: 'by far the most industrious and useful of all the other tribes in Sonora ... celebrated for the exuberance of their wit.' _Hardy's Trav._, pp. 439, 442. 'Los ópatas son tan honrados como valientes ... la nacion ópata es pacífica, dócil, y hasta cierto punto diferente de todas los demas indígenas del continente ... son amantes del trabajo.' _Zuñiga_, in _Escudero_, _Noticias de Sonora y Sinaloa_, pp. 139-41. 'La tribu ópata fué la que manifestó un carácter franco, dócil, y con simpatías á los blancos ... siempre fué inclinada al órden y la paz.' _Velasco_, _Noticias de Sonora_, pp. 151, 117. The Ópatas 'son de génio malicioso, disimulados y en sumo grado vengativos; y en esto sobresalen las mujeres.' _Sonora_, _Descrip. Geog._, in _Doc. Hist. Mex._, serie iii., tom. iv., pp. 629-30. See also: _Ribas_, _Hist. de los Triumphos_, pp. 237, 285, 358, 369, 385; _Bartlett's Pers. Nar._, vol. i., pp. 442-3; _Ward's Mexico_, vol. i., p. 583, vol. ii., p. 606; _Combier_, _Voy._, pp. 198-201; _Malte-Brun_, _Sonora_, pp. 13-14; _Browne's Apache Country_, p. 248; _Lachapelle_, _Raousset-Boulbon_, p. 79; _Cabeza de Vaca_, _Relation_, pp. 169, 176; _Arricivita_, _Crónica Seráfica_, pp. 405, 442; _Alegre+, _Hist. Comp. de Jesus_, tom. i., pp. 284, 402-3, 405, 452, and tom. ii., p. 184; _Padilla_, _Conq. N. Galicia, MS._, pp. 80, 84; _Berlandier y Thovel_, _Diario_, pp. 69-70; _García Conde_, in _Album Mex._, tom. i., p. 93. [Illustration: NATIVE RACES of the PACIFIC STATES MEXICAN GROUP] CHAPTER VI. WILD TRIBES OF MEXICO. TERRITORIAL ASPECTS--TWO MAIN DIVISIONS; WILD TRIBES OF CENTRAL MEXICO, AND WILD TRIBES OF SOUTHERN MEXICO--THE CORAS AND OTHERS IN JALISCO--DESCENDANTS OF THE AZTECS--THE OTOMÍS AND MAZAHUAS ADJACENT TO THE VALLEY OF MEXICO--THE PAMES--THE TARASCOS AND MATLALTZINCAS OF MICHOACAN--THE HUAZTECS AND TOTONACS OF VERA CRUZ AND TAMAULIPAS--THE CHONTALES, CHINANTECS, MAZATECS, CUICATECS, CHATINOS, MIZTECS, ZAPOTECS, MIJES, HUAVES, CHIAPANECS, ZOQUES, LACANDONES, CHOLES, MAMES, TZOTZILES, TZENDALES, CHOCHONES, AND OTHERS OF SOUTHERN MEXICO. The term WILD TRIBES OF MEXICO, which I employ to distinguish this from the other groupal divisions of the Native Races of the Pacific States needs some explanation. The territory embraced under this title extends from latitude 23° north, to the eighteenth parallel on the Atlantic, and the fifteenth on the Pacific; that is to the Central American line, including Yucatan and excluding Guatemala. At the time of the conquest, a large portion of this region as well as part of Central America was occupied by those nations that we call civilized, which are fully described in the second volume of this work. These several precincts of civilization may be likened to suns, shining brightly at their respective centres, and radiating into the surrounding darkness with greater or less intensity according to distance and circumstances. The bloody conquest achieved, these suns were dimmed, their light went out; part of this civilization merged into that of the conquerors, and part fell back into the more distant darkness. Later many of the advanced aboriginals became more and more identified with the Spaniards; the other natives soon came to be regarded as savages, who, once pacified, spread over the seat of their nation's former grandeur, obliterating many of the traces of their peoples' former high advancement;--so that very shortly after the Spaniards became masters of the land, any description of its aborigines could but be a description of its savage nations, or of retrograded, or partially obliterated peoples of higher culture. And thus I find it, and thus must treat the subject, going over the whole territory almost as if there had been no civilization at all. For variety and striking contrasts the climate and scenery of central and southern Mexico is surpassed by no region of equal extent in the world. It is here that the tierra caliente, or hot border-land of either ocean, the tierra templada, or temperate belt adjacent, and the tierra fria, or cool elevated table-land assume their most definite forms. The interior table-lands have an average elevation above the sea of from 5,000 to 8,000 feet. The geological formation is on a Titanic scale; huge rocks of basalt, granite, and lava rise in fantastic shapes, intersected by deep barrancas or ravines presenting unparalleled scenes of grandeur. Prominent among the surrounding mountains tower the snow-clad crests of Orizaba and Popocatepetl,--volcanic piles whose slumbering fires appear to be taking but a temporary rest. The plateau is variegated with many lakes; the soil, almost everywhere fertile, is overspread with a multitudinous variety of nopal, maguey, and forests of evergreen, among which the graceful fir and umbrageous oak stand conspicuous. Seasons come and go and leave no mark behind; or it may be said that spring, satisfied with its abode, there takes up its perpetual rest; the temperature is ever mellow, with resplendent sunshine by day, while at night the stars shine with a brilliancy nowhere excelled. The limits of the tierra templada it is impossible to define, as the term is used in a somewhat arbitrary manner by the inhabitants of different altitudes. On the lowlands along the coast known as the tierra caliente, the features of nature are changed; vegetation assumes a more luxuriant aspect; palms, parasitical plants and trees of a tropical character, take the place of the evergreens of a colder clime; the climate is not salubrious, and the heat is oppressive. On the Atlantic side furious storms, called 'northers,' spring up with a suddenness and violence unexampled in other places, often causing much destruction to both life and property. [Sidenote: TRIBES OF CENTRAL MEXICO.] For the purpose of description, I separate the Wild Tribes of Mexico in two parts,--the _Wild Tribes of Central Mexico_, and the _Wild Tribes of Southern Mexico_. The first of these divisions extends from 23° north latitude to the northern boundary of the state of Oajaca, or rather to an imaginary line, taking as its base said boundary and running from the Pacific Ocean to the Gulf of Mexico, that is to say from Vera Cruz to Acapulco. To enumerate and locate all the nations and tribes within this territory, to separate the uncivilized from the civilized, the mythical from the real, is not possible. I have therefore deferred to the end of this chapter such authorities as I have on the subject, where they will be found ranged in proper order under the head of Tribal Boundaries. Of the tribes that are known to have possessed no civilization, such as was found among the Aztecs and other cultivated nations, I will only mention the people denominated _Chichimecs_, under which general name were designated a multitude of tribes inhabiting the mountains north of the valley of Mexico, all of which were prominently dependent on the result of the chase for their subsistence; the ancient _Otomís_ who mostly occupied the mountains which inclose the valley of Mexico; and the _Pames_ in Querétaro. South of Mexico were numerous other nations who were more or less intermixed with those more civilized. Finally, I shall describe those people who, since they came in contact with the whites, have retrograded in such a degree, that their manners and customs can only be given in connection with those of the Wild Tribes, and which comprise a large proportion of all the present aborigines of Mexico.[897] [Sidenote: PHYSICAL FEATURES IN NORTHERN MEXICO.] The natives of the valley of Mexico are represented by some authorities as tall, by others as of short stature; but from what I gather we may conclude that on the whole they are over rather than under the middle height, well made and robust. In Vera Cruz they are somewhat shorter, say from four feet six inches to five feet at most, and clumsily made, having their knees further apart than Europeans and walking with their toes turned in; the women are shorter than the men and become fully developed at a very early age. In Jalisco both sexes are tall; they are also well built, and among the women are found many forms of such perfection that they might well serve as models for sculpture. Throughout the table-lands, the men are muscular and well proportioned. Their skin is very thick and conceals the action of the muscles; they are out-kneed, turn their toes well in, and their carriage is anything but graceful.[898] Various opinions have been advanced by competent persons in regard to the features of the natives of Mexico. Baron Von Humboldt describes them as resembling the aborigines of Canada, Peru, Florida, and Brazil; having elongated eyes, the corners turned towards the temples, prominent cheek-bones, large lips, and a sweet expression about the mouth, forming a strong contrast with their otherwise gloomy and severe aspect. Rossi says that their eyes are oval, and that their physiognomy resembles that of the Asiatics. According to Prescott, they bear a strong resemblance to the Egyptians, and Viollet le Duc asserts that the Malay type predominates. They have generally a very narrow forehead, an oval face, long black eyes set wide apart, large mouth with thick lips, teeth white and regular, the nose small and rather flat. The general expression of the countenance is melancholy, and exhibits a strange combination of moroseness and gentleness. Although some very handsome women are to be found among them, the majority of the race, both men and women, are ugly, and in old age, which with the women begins early, their faces are much wrinkled and their features quite harsh. They have acute senses, especially that of sight, which remains unimpaired to a very advanced age. Long, straight, black, thick, and glossy hair is common to all; their beard is thin, and most of them, especially in the capital and its vicinity, have a small moustache; but very few, if any, have hair on their legs, thighs, or arms. It is very seldom that a gray-haired native is found. All the people referred to, are remarkable for their strength and endurance, which may be judged of by the heavy burdens they carry on their backs. The inhabitants of the table-lands are of various hues; some are olive, some brown, others of a red copper color. In the Sierras some have a bluish tint as if dyed with indigo. The natives of the tierras calientes are of a darker complexion, inclining to black. There are some called _Indios Pintos_, whose cuticle is of a less deep color, inclining more to yellowish and marked with dark copper-colored spots.[899] [Sidenote: MEXICAN COSTUMES.] [Sidenote: DRESS IN MICHOACAN.] In the valley of Mexico the natives wear the _ichapilli_, or a sort of shirt without sleeves, made of white and blue striped cotton, which reaches to the knees and is gathered round the waist with a belt. This is frequently the only garment worn by the aborigines of the Mexican valley. In lieu of the ancient feather ornaments for the head, they now use large felt or straw hats, the rim of which is about nine inches in width; or they bind round the head a colored handkerchief. Most of the men and women go barefooted, and those who have coverings for their feet, use the _cacles_, or _huaraches_, (sandals) made of tanned leather and tied with thongs to the ankles. The dress of the women has undergone even less change than that of the men, since the time of the Spanish conquest. Many of them wear over the ichapilli a cotton or woolen cloth, bound by a belt just above the hips; this answers the purpose of a petticoat; it is woven in stripes of dark colors or embellished with figures. The ichapilli is white, with figures worked on the breast, and is longer than that worn by the men. In Puebla the women wear very narrow petticoats and elegant _quichemels_ covering the breast and back and embroidered all over with silk and worsted. In the state of Vera Cruz and other parts of the tierra caliente the men's apparel consists of a short white cotton jacket or a dark-colored woolen tunic, with broad open sleeves fastened round the waist with a sash, and short blue or white breeches open at the sides near the knee; these are a Spanish innovation, but they continue to wear the square short cloak, _tilma_ or _tilmatli_, with the end tied on one of the shoulders or across the breast. Sometimes a pair of shorter breeches made of goat or deer skin are worn over the cotton ones, and also a jacket of the same material. The women wear a coarse cotton shift with large open sleeves, often worked about the neck in bright colored worsted, to suit the wearer's fancy; a blue woolen petticoat is gathered round the waist, very full below, and a blue or brown rebozo is used as a wrapper for the shoulders. Sometimes a muffler is used for the head and face.[900] They bestow great care on their luxuriant hair, which they arrange in two long braids that fall from the back of the head, neatly painted and interwoven with worsted of lively colors, and the ends tied at the waist-band or joined behind; others bind the braids tightly round the head, and occasionally add some wild flowers.[901] In the tierra fria, a thick dark woolen blanket with a hole in the centre through which passes the head protects the wearer during the day from the cold and rain, and serves at night for a covering and often for the bed itself. This garment has in some places taken the place of the tilmatli. Children are kept in a nude state until they are eight or ten years old, and infants are enveloped in a coarse cotton cloth, leaving the head and limbs exposed. The Huicholas of Jalisco have a peculiar dress; the men wear a short tunic made of coarse brown or blue woolen fabric, tightened at the waist with a girdle hanging down in front and behind, and very short breeches of poorly dressed goat or deer skin without hair, at the lower edges of which are strung a number of leathern thongs. Married men and women wear straw hats with high pointed crowns and broad turned-up rims; near the top is a narrow and handsomely woven band of many colors, with long tassels. Their long bushy hair is secured tightly round the crown of the head with a bright woolen ribbon. Many of the men do up the hair in queues with worsted ribbons, with heavy tassels that hang below the waist.[902] De Laet, describing the natives of Jalisco early in the seventeenth century, speaks of square cloths made of cotton and maguey tied on the right or left shoulder, and small pebbles or shells strung together as necklaces. Mota Padilla, in his history of New Galicia, says that the Chichimecs at Xalostitlan, in 1530, went naked. The inhabitants of Alzatlan about that time adorned themselves with feathers. In Zacualco, the common dress of the women about the same period, particularly widows, was the _huipil_, made of fine cotton cloth, generally black. The natives of the province of Pánuco, for many years after the Spanish Conquest, continued to go naked; they pulled out the beard, perforated the nose and ears, and, filing their teeth to a sharp point, bored holes in them and dyed them black. The slayer of a human being used to hang a piece of the skin and hair of the slain at the waist, considering such things as very valuable ornaments. Their hair they dyed in various colors, and wore it in different forms. Their women adorned themselves profusely, and braided their hair with feathers. Sahagun, speaking of the Matlaltzincas, says that their apparel was of cloth made from the maguey; referring to the Tlahuicas, he mentions among their faults that they used to go overdressed; and of the Macoaques, he writes: that the oldest women as well as the young ones paint themselves with a varnish called _tecocavitl_, or with some colored stuff, and wear feathers about their arms and legs. The Tlascaltecs in 1568 wore cotton-cloth mantles painted in various fine colors. The inhabitants of Cholula, according to Cortés, dressed better than the Tlascaltecs; the better class wearing over their other clothes a garment resembling the Moorish cloak, yet somewhat different, as that of Cholula had pockets, but in the cloth, the cut, and the fringe, there was much resemblance to the cloak worn in Africa. Old Spanish writers tell us that the natives of Michoacan made much use of feathers for wearing-apparel and for adorning their bodies and heads. At their later religious festivals, both sexes appear in white, the men with shirt and trowsers, having a band placed slantingly across the breast and back, tied to a belt round the waist, and on the head a small red cloth arranged like a turban, from which are pendent scarlet feathers, similar to those used by the ancient Aztec warriors. The man is also adorned with a quantity of showy beads, and three small mirrors, one of which is placed on his breast, another on his back, and the third invariably on his forehead. At his back he carries a quiver, and in his hand a bow, adorned with bright colored artificial flowers, or it may be the Aztec axe, so painted and varnished as to resemble flint. At the present time, a native woman, however poor, still wears a necklace of coral or rows of red beads. The unmarried women of Chilpanzinco used to daub their faces with a pounded yellow flower. In Durango, the natives were accustomed to rub their swarthy bodies with clay of various colors, and paint reptiles and other animals thereon.[903] The dwellings of the Wild Tribes of Central Mexico vary with climate and locality. In the lowlands, sheds consisting of a few poles stuck in the ground, the spaces between filled with rushes, and the roof covered with palm-leaves, afforded sufficient shelter. In the colder highlands they built somewhat more substantial houses of trunks of trees, tied together with creeping plants, the walls plastered with mud or clay, the roof of split boards kept in place with stones. In treeless parts, houses were constructed of adobe or sun-dried bricks and stones, and the interior walls covered with mats; the best houses were only one story high, and the humbler habitations too low to allow a man to stand erect. The entire house constituted but one room, where all the family lived, sleeping on the bare ground. A few stones placed in the middle of the floor, served as a fireplace where food was cooked. In Vera Cruz there is a separate small hut for cooking purposes. The wild nomadic Chichimecs lived in caverns or fissures of rocks situated in secluded valleys, and the Pames contented themselves with the shade afforded by the forest-trees.[904] [Sidenote: FOOD AND AGRICULTURE.] Corn, beans, tomatoes, chile, and a variety of fruits and vegetables constitute the chief subsistence of the people, and in those districts where the banana flourishes, it ranks as an important article of food. The natives of Vera Cruz and Tamaulipas gather large quantities of the pitahaya, by means of an osier basket attached to a long pole; round the brim are arranged several forks, for the purpose of detaching the fruit, which then drops into the basket. From the blossoms and buds they make a ragout, and also grind the seeds for bread. From the sea and rivers they obtain a plentiful supply of fish, and they have acquired from childhood a peculiar habit of eating earth, which is said to be injurious to their physical development. It has been stated that in former days they used human flesh as food. The Otomís and tribes of Jalisco cultivated but little grain, and consumed that little before it ripened, trusting for a further supply of food to the natural productions of the soil and to game, such as rabbits, deer, moles, and birds, and also foxes, rats, snakes and other reptiles. Corn-cobs they ground, mixed cacao with the powder, and baked the mixture on the fire. From the lakes in the valley of Mexico they gathered flies' eggs, deposited there in large quantities by a species of flies called by the Mexicans _axayacatl_, that is to say, 'water-face,' and by MM. Meneville and Virlet d'Aoust _corixa femorata_ and _notonecta unifasciata_. The eggs being pounded, were moulded into lumps and sold in the market-place; they were esteemed a special delicacy, and were eaten fried. These people are also accused by some authors of having eaten human flesh.[905] Other tribes, inhabiting the valley of Mexico, Puebla, Michoacan, and Querétaro, show a greater inclination to cultivate the soil, and live almost wholly on the products of their own industry. They plant corn by making a hole in the ground with a sharp-pointed stick, into which the seed is dropped and covered up. Honey is plentiful, and when a tree is found where bees are at work, they stop the entrance with clay, cut off the branch and hang it outside their huts; after a short time they remove the clay, and the bees continue their operations in their new locality, as if they had not been disturbed.[906] Gemelli Careri thus describes a novel method of catching ducks: "Others contrive to deceive ducks, as shy as they are; for when they have us'd 'em to be frequently among calabashes left floating on the lake for that purpose, they make holes in those calabashes, so that putting their heads in them, they can see out of them, and then going up to the neck in the water, they go among the ducks and draw 'em down by the feet." For making tortillas, the corn is prepared by placing it in water, to which a little lime is added, and allowing it to soak all night, or it is put to simmer over a slow fire; the husk is then easily separated and the corn mashed or ground on the metate. From this paste the tortilla is formed by patting it between the hands into a very thin cake, which is cooked on an earthern pan placed over the fire; the tortilla is eaten with boiled beans, and a mixture of chile and lard. The ground corn is also mixed with water and strained through a sieve; of this liquor they make a gruel, to which is added a little cacao or sugar. The sediment which remains in the sieve is used to make tamales, which are a combination of chopped meat, chile, and onions, which ingredients are covered with the corn paste, and the whole enveloped in corn or plantain leaves and boiled or baked. The Mexicans are very moderate eaters, but have an insatiable passion for strong liquors.[907] Laziness and filth follow us as we proceed southward in our observations; among the Mexicans, the poorer classes especially are filthy in their persons, and have a disgusting appearance, which increases with the infirmities of age. Many of them indulge freely in the use of a steam-bath called _temazcalli_, similar to the Russian vapor-bath, but it does not appear to have the effect of cleansing their persons.[908] [Sidenote: WEAPONS AND SHIELDS.] All these tribes use bows and arrows; the latter carried in a quiver slung at the back, a few spare ones being stuck in the belt for immediate use. A heavy club is secured to the arm by a thong, and wielded with terrible effect at close quarters. In battle, the principal warriors are armed with spears and shields. Another weapon much in use is the sling, from which they cast stones to a great distance and with considerable accuracy. The natives of the valley of Mexico kill birds with small pellets blown through a hollow tube.[909] The clubs, which are from three to four feet in length, are made of a species of heavy wood, some having a round knob at the end similar to a mace, others broad and flat, and armed with sharp pieces of obsidian, fastened on either side. Acosta states that with these weapons they could cut off the head of a horse at one stroke. Spears and arrows are pointed with flint or obsidian, the latter having a reed shaft with a piece of hard wood inserted into it to hold the point. Their quivers are made of deer-skin, and sometimes of seal or shark-skin. Shields are ingeniously constructed of small canes so woven together with thread that they can be folded up and carried tied under the arm. When wanted for use they are loosed, and when opened out they cover the greater part of the body.[910] [Sidenote: WAR AND TREATMENT OF CAPTIVES.] Aboriginally, as with most northern nations, warfare was the normal state of these people. The so-called Chichimecs attacked all who entered their domain, whether for hunting, collecting fruit, or fighting. War once declared between two tribes, each side endeavors to secure by alliance as many of their neighbors as possible; to which end ambassadors are despatched to the chiefs of adjacent provinces, each bearing in his hand an arrow of the make peculiar to the tribe of the stranger chief. Arriving at the village, the messenger seeks out the chief and lays the arrow at his feet; if the proposal of his master be accepted by the stranger chief, the rendezvous is named and the messenger departs. The ambassadors having returned with their report, preparations are at once made for the reception of the allies, a feast is prepared, large quantities of game and intoxicating drink are made ready, and as soon as the guests arrive the viands are placed before them. Then follow eating and drinking, concluding with drunken orgies; this finished, a council is held, and the assault planned, care being taken to secure places suitable for an ambuscade and stones for the slingers. A regular organization of forces is observed and every effort made to outflank or surround the enemy. Archers and slingers march to an attack in single file, always occupying the van, while warriors armed with clubs and lances are drawn up in the rear; the assault is commenced by the former, accompanied with furious shouts and yells. During the period of their wars against the Spaniards, they often expended much time and labor in the fortification of heights by means of tree-trunks, and large rocks, which were so arranged, one on top of another, that at a given signal they might be loosened, and let fall on their assailants. The chiefs of the Tepecanos and contiguous tribes carried no weapons during the action, but had rods with which they chastised those who exhibited symptoms of cowardice, or became disorderly in the ranks.[911] The slain were scalped or their heads cut off, and prisoners were treated with the utmost barbarity, ending invariably in the death of the unfortunates; often were they scalped while yet alive, and the bloody trophy placed upon the heads of their tormentors. The heads of the slain were placed on poles and paraded through their villages in token of victory, the inhabitants meanwhile dancing round them. Young children were sometimes spared, and reared to fight in the ranks of their conquerors; and in order to brutalize their youthful minds and eradicate all feelings of affection toward their own kindred, the youthful captives were given to drink the brains and blood of their murdered parents. The Chichimecs carried with them a bone, on which, when they killed an enemy, they marked a notch, as a record of the number each had slain. Mota Padilla states that when Nuño de Guzman arrived in the valley of Coynan, in Jalisco, the chiefs came out to meet him, and, as a sign of peace and obedience, dropped on one knee; upon being raised up by the Spaniards, they placed round their necks strings of rabbits and quails, in token of respect.[912] As the wants of the people are few and simple, so is the inventory of their implements and household furniture. Every family is supplied with the indispensable metate, an oblong stone, about twelve by eighteen inches, smooth on the surface and resting upon three legs in a slanting position; with this is used a long stone roller, called the _metlapilli_, for rubbing down the maize, and a large earthen pan, called the _comalli_, on which to bake the tortillas. Their bottles, bowls, and cups are made from gourds, often prettily painted, and kept hanging round the walls; some unglazed earthenware vessels, ornamented with black figures on a dull red ground, are used for cooking, a block of wood serves for a stool and table, and lastly a few petates (Aztec, _petlatl_, 'palm-leaf mat'), are laid upon the ground for beds. These comprise the whole effects of a native's house. For agricultural purposes, they have wooden spades, hoes, and sharp stakes for planting corn. Their products are carried home or to market in large wicker-work frames, often five feet high by two and a half feet broad, made from split palm-leaves.[913] In the State of Jalisco, the natives are celebrated for the manufacture of blankets and woolen mantas; in other parts of the country they continue to weave cotton stuffs in the same manner as before the conquest, all on very primitive hand-looms. The common designs are in blue or red and white stripes, but they are sometimes neatly worked with figures, the juice from the murex or purple shell supplying the vermilion color for the patterns. The inhabitants of Tonala exhibit much taste and excellence in the production of pottery, making a great variety of toys, masks, figures, and ornaments, besides the vessels for household use. In the vicinity of Santa Cruz, the fibres of the aloe, crushed upon the metate, are employed for the manufacture of ropes, nets, bags, and flat round pelotas, used in rubbing down the body after a bath. Palm-leaf mats and dressed skins also figure largely among the articles of native industry.[914] In Vera Cruz, they have canoes dug out of the trunk of a mahogany or cedar tree, which are capable of holding several persons, and are worked with single paddles.[915] [Sidenote: TRADE AND ARTS.] A considerable trade is carried on in pottery, mats, dressed skins, and manufactures of the aloe-fibre; also fruit, feathers, vegetables, and fish. All such wares are packed in light osier baskets, which, thrown upon their backs, are carried long distances to the several markets. In the province of Vera Cruz, vanilla, jalap, and other herbs are important articles of native commerce, and all the interior tribes place a high value on salt, for which they readily exchange their products.[916] The natives display much patience and skill in ornamental work, especially carvings in stone, and in painting; although the figures, their gods bearing witness, are all of grotesque shapes and appearance. With nothing more than a rude knife, they make very ingenious figures, of wax, of the pith of trees, of wood, charcoal, clay, and bone. They are fond of music, and readily imitate any strain they hear. From time immemorial they have retained a passion for flowers, in all seasons of the year tastefully decorating therewith their dwellings and shops. The art of working in gold and silver is well known to the natives of Jalisco, who execute well-shaped specimens of cups and vases, beautifully engraved and ornamented.[917] The wild tribes surrounding, and in places intermixed with, the Civilized Nations of Central Mexico, as far as I can learn, do not appear to have had any systematic tribal government; at least, none of the old historians have given any account of such. Some of the tribes attach themselves to chiefs of their own choice, to whom they pay a certain tribute from the produce of their labor or hunting expeditions, while others live without any government or laws whatsoever, and only elect a chief on going to war.[918] [Sidenote: MARRIAGE CUSTOMS.] Marriage takes place at an early age, and girls are seldom found single after they attain fourteen or fifteen years. Gomara, however, says that women in the district of Tamaulipas are not married till they reach the age of forty. The Otomís marry young, and if, when arrived at the age of puberty, a young girl has not found a mate, her parents or guardians select one for her, so that none shall remain single. Among the Guachichiles, when a young man has selected a girl, he takes her on trial for an indefinite period; if, afterwards, both parties are satisfied with each other, the ceremony of marriage is performed; should it happen, however, that the man be not pleased, he returns the girl to her parents, which proceeding does not place any obstacle in the way of her obtaining another suitor. The Chichimecs cannot marry without the consent of parents; if a young man violates this law and takes a girl without first obtaining the parental sanction, even with the intention of marrying her, the penalty is death; usually, in ancient times, the offender was shot with arrows. When one of this people marries, if the girl proves not to be a virgin, the marriage is null, and the girl is returned to her parents. When a young man desires to marry, his parents make a visit to those of the intended bride, and leave with them a bouquet of flowers bound with red wool; the bride's parents then send round to the houses of their friends a bunch of mariguana, a narcotic herb, which signifies that all are to meet together at the bride's father's on the next night. The meeting is inaugurated by smoking; then they chew mariguana, during which time all preliminaries of the marriage are settled. The following day the resolutions of the conclave are made known to the young man and woman, and if the decision is favorable, the latter sends her husband a few presents, and from that time the parties consider themselves married, and the friends give themselves up to feasting and dancing.[919] A plurality of wives was found among all the inhabitants of this region at the time of the Spanish conquest, the first wife taking precedence of those who came after her. Many had concubines who, it may be said, ranked third in the family circle. The missionary Fathers, however, soon put an end to the custom of more than one wife, whenever they had the power to do so. Herrera says that the Chichimecs indulged in one wife only, but that they had the habit of repudiating her for any slight cause, and of taking another. The women are kept under subjection by their husbands, and not only have all the indoor work to do, such as cooking, spinning, and mat-making, but they are also required to carry heavy burdens home from the market, and bring all the wood and water for household use. Infants are carried on the mother's back, wrapped in a coarse cotton cloth, leaving the head and legs free. Among the Chichimecs, when a woman goes out of her house, she places her child in a wicker basket, and there leaves it, usually suspending it from the branch of a tree. A child is suckled by the mother until another comes on and crowds it out. Mühlenpfordt relates that he saw a boy of seven or eight years of age demanding suck and receiving it from his mother. A woman near her time of confinement, retires to a dark corner of the house, attended by some aged woman, who sings to her, and pretends to call the baby from afar. This midwife, however, does not in any way assist at the birth, but as soon as the child is born she goes out, meanwhile covering her face with her hands, so that she may not see. Having walked once round the house, she opens her eyes, and the name of the first object she sees is chosen as the name of the child. Among the Otomís, a young woman about to become a mother is the victim of much unnecessary suffering arising from their superstitious practices; loaded with certain amulets and charms, she must carefully avoid meeting certain individuals and animals whose look might produce evil effects--a black dog especially must be avoided. The song of a mocking-bird near the house is held to be a happy omen. At certain hours the mother was to drink water which had been collected in the mountains, and previously presented to the gods; the phases of the moon were carefully watched. She was obliged to undergo an examination from the old crone who attended her, and who performed certain ceremonies, such as burning aromatic herbs mingled with saltpetre. Sometimes, amidst her pains, the ancient attendant obliged her charge to jump about, and take powerful medicines, which frequently caused abortion or premature delivery. If the child was a boy, one of the old men took it in his arms and painted on its breast an axe or some implement of husbandry, on its forehead a feather, and on the shoulders a bow and quiver; he then invoked for it the protection of the gods. If the child proved to be a female, the same ceremony was observed, with the exception that an old woman officiated, and the figure of a flower was traced over the region of the heart, while on the palm of the right hand a spinning-wheel was pictured, and on the left a piece of wool, thus indicating the several duties of after life. According to the _Apostólicos Afanes_, the Coras call the child after one of its uncles or aunts. In twelve months' time a feast is prepared in honor of said young, and the mother and child, together with the uncle or aunt, placed in the middle of the circle of relatives. Upon these occasions much wine is drunk, and for the first time salt is placed in the child's mouth. As soon as the child's teeth are all cut, a similar meeting takes place, and the child is then given its first meal; and again, at the age of twelve, the ancients come together, when the youth is first given wine to drink. As a rule, young people show great respect and affection for their parents; all their earnings being at once handed over to them.[920] In early times, immorality and prostitution existed among these nations to an unparalleled extent. Gomara says that in the province of Tamaulipas there were public brothels, where men enacted the part of women, and where every night were assembled as many as a thousand, more or less, of these worse than beastly beings, according to the size of the village. It is certain that incest and every species of fornication was commonly practiced, especially in the districts of Vera Cruz, Tamaulipas, and Querétaro.[921] [Sidenote: CHILDREN AND AMUSEMENTS.] Their amusements are stamped with the general melancholy of their character. Dancing, accompanied with music and singing, is their favorite pastime, but it is seldom indulged in without the accompanying vice of intoxication. When the Totonacs join in their national dances, they attach a kind of rattle called _aiacachtli_ to a band round the head, that produces a peculiar sound during the performance. Among some tribes women are not permitted to join in the dances. They make various kinds of drinks and intoxicating liquors. One is made from the fruit of the nopal or prickly pear, which is first peeled and pressed; the juice is then passed through straw sieves, and placed by a fire or in the sun, where in about an hour it ferments. Another drink, called chicha, is made from raw sugar-cane, which is mashed with a wooden mallet and passed through a pressing-machine. Their principal and national drink is pulque, made from the agave americana, and is thus prepared: When the plant is about to bloom, the heart or stalk is cut out, leaving a hole in the center, which is covered with the outer leaves. Every twenty-four hours, or in the hotter climates twice a day, the cavity fills with the sap from the plant, which is taken out and fermented by the addition of some already-fermented pulque, and the process is continued until the plant ceases to yield a further supply. The liquor obtained is at first of a thick white color, and is at all times very intoxicating.[922] [Sidenote: MAKING AN ALLIANCE.] Father Joseph Arlegui, in his _Chrónica de la Provincia de Zacatecas_, which province then comprised a much larger extent of territory than the present state of Zacatecas, describes a singular ceremony nowhere else mentioned. It is employed when one nation wishes to form a close connection, friendship, alliance, family or blood relationship, so to say (tratan de hacerse parientes), with another nation; and the process is as follows: From the tribe with which the alliance is desired, a man is seized, and a feast or drunken carousal commenced. Meanwhile the victim destined to form the connecting link between the two bands, and whose blood is to cement their friendship, is kept without food for twenty-four hours. Into him is then poured of their execrable beverages until he is filled, and his senses are deadened, when he is stretched before a fire, built in a wide open place, where all the people may have access to him. Having warmed well his body, and rubbed his ears, each aspirant to the new friendship, armed with a sharp awl-shaped instrument, made of deer's bone, proceeds to pierce the ears of the prostrate wretch, each in turn forcing his sharpened bone through some new place, which causes the blood to spurt afresh with every incision. With the blood so drawn, the several members of the tribe anoint themselves, and the ceremony is done. On the spot where the relative of a Cora is killed in a fight, a piece of cloth is dipped in blood, and kept as a remembrance, until his death be avenged by killing the slayer, or one of the males of his family. When meeting each other on a journey, they make use of many complimentary salutations, and a kind of freemasonry appears to exist among them. Major Brantz Mayer mentions a tribe at Cuernavaca that, in the event of a white man arriving at their village, immediately seize and place him under guard for the night in a large hut; he and his animals are carefully provided for until the following day, when he is despatched from the village under an escort, to wait upon him until far beyond the limits of the settlement. The custom, at the present day, of hiding money in the ground is universal; nothing would induce a native to entrust his savings with another. The inhabitants of Querétaro spend much of their time basking in the sun, and if the sun does not yield sufficient warmth, they scoop out a hole in the ground, burn in it branches and leaves of the maguey, and when properly heated, lay themselves down in the place, and cover themselves with a mat or the loose earth.[923] The Mexicans are not subject to many diseases. Small-pox, brought into the country at the time of the conquest, typhoid fever, and syphilis are those which cause the greatest destruction of life; the two former are aggravated by the filthy condition of the villages. Yellow fever, or black vomit, very rarely attacks the aborigines. The measles is a prevalent disease. Death is likewise the result of severe wounds, fractures, or bruises, most of which end in mortification, owing to neglect, or to the barbarous remedies applied to combat them. The Huastecs of Vera Cruz suffer from certain worms that breed in their lips, and highly esteem salt for the curative properties they believe it to possess against this disorder. At the village of Comalá, in the state of Colima, a considerable number of the children are born deaf and dumb, idiots, or deformed; besides which, when they reach a mature age, if we may believe the early chroniclers, the goitres are more or less developed on them, notwithstanding Humboldt's assertion that the aborigines never suffer from this disorder. There is another disease, cutaneous in its character, which is quite prevalent in many parts of the country, and is supposed to be contracted under the influence of a warm, humid, and unhealthy climate, and may be described as follows: Without pain the skin assumes a variety of colors, the spots produced being white, red, brownish, or blue. The Pintos, as south-western coast-dwellers are called, the chief victims to this disorder, experience no physical pain, except when they go into a cold climate; then they feel twitchings in the places where the skin has changed color. The disease is declared to be contagious: and from all accounts no remedy for it has been as yet discovered. Formerly, an epidemic called the _matlalzahuatl_ visited the country at long intervals and caused terrible havoc. All the Spanish writers who speak of it call it the _peste_, and suppose it to be the same scourge that destroyed nearly the whole population of the Toltec empire in the eleventh century. Others believe it to have borne a greater similarity to yellow fever. The disease, whatever it is, made its appearance in 1545, 1576, and 1736, since which date I find no mention of it, destroying each time an immense number of people; but upon no occasion did it attack the pure whites or the mestizos. Its greatest havoc was in the interior, on the central plateau, and in the coldest and most arid regions, the lowlands of the coast being nearly, if not entirely, free from its effects.[924] [Sidenote: MEDICAL TREATMENT.] When small-pox was first introduced, the natives resorted to bathing as a cure, and a very large number succumbed to the disease. An old Spanish author, writing in 1580, states that the natives of the kingdom of New Spain had an extensive knowledge of medicinal herbs; that they seldom resorted to bleeding or compound purgatives, for they had many simple cathartic herbs. They were in the habit of making pills with the India-rubber gum mixed with other substances, which they swallowed, and rubbed themselves withal, to increase their agility and suppleness of body. Cold water baths are commonly resorted to when attacked with fever, and they cannot be prevailed upon to abandon the practice. The _temazcalli_ or sweat-bath, is also very much used for cases of severe illness. The bath-house stands close to a spring of fresh water, and is built and heated not unlike a European bake-oven. When up to the required temperature the fire is taken out, and water thrown in; the patient is then thrust into it naked, feet foremost and head near the aperture, and laid on a mat that covers the hot stones. The hole that affords him air for breathing is about eighteen inches square. When sufficiently steamed, and the body well beaten with rushes, a cold water bath and a brisk rubbing complete the operation.[925] In Michoacan, the natives believe that the leaves of a plant called _cozolmecatl_ or _olcacaran_ applied to a sore part of the body will foretell the result of the disorder; for if the leaves adhere to the spot, it is a sure sign that the sufferer will get well, but if they fall off, the contrary will happen. When prostrated with disease, the nearest relatives and friends surround the patient's couch and hold a confab upon the nature of his ailment and the application of the remedy. Old sorceresses and charlatans put in practice their spells; fumigations and meltings of saltpetre abound; and by some jugglery, out of the crystallized saltpetre is brought a monstrous ant, a horrible worm, or some other object, which, as they allege, is the cause of the disorder. As the disease progresses, the friends of the sufferer severally recommend and apply, according to the judgment each may have formed of the matter, oil of scorpions or of worms, water supposed to produce miraculous effects on fevers, or like applications, and these empirical remedies, most of which are entirely useless, and others extremely barbarous, are applied together without weight or measure.[926] [Sidenote: BURIAL AND CHARACTER.] In common with other peoples, it is usual with these nations to place several kinds of edibles in the grave with the deceased. Among the Coras, when one died, the corpse was dressed and wrapped in a mantle; if a man, with bow and arrows, and if a woman, with her distaff, etc., and in this manner the body was buried in a cave previously selected by the deceased. All his worldly goods were placed at the door of his former house, so that he might come and take them without crossing the threshold, as they believed the dead returned to see about property. If the deceased had cattle, his friends and relatives every now and then placed some meat upon sticks about the fields, for fear he might come for the cattle he formerly owned. Five days after death a hired wizard essayed to conjure away the shade of the departed property-holder. These spirit-scarers went smoking their pipes all over the dead man's house, and shook zapote-branches in the corners, till they pretended to have found the fancied shadow, which they hurled headlong to its final resting-place. Upon the second of November most of the natives of the Mexican valley bring offerings to their dead relatives and friends, consisting of edibles, live animals, and flowers, which are laid on or about the graves. The anniversary or commemoration of the dead among the ancient Aztecs occurred almost upon the same day.[927] The thick-skinned, thoughtful and reserved aboriginals of central Mexico are most enigmatical in their character. Their peculiar cast of features, their natural reserve, and the thickness of their skin, make it extremely difficult to ascertain by the expression of the face what their real thoughts are. The general characteristics of this people may be summed up as follows: peaceable, gentle and submissive to their superiors, grave even to melancholy, and yet fond of striking exhibitions and noisy revelry; improvident but charitable, sincerely pious, but wallowing in ignorance and superstitions; quick of perception, and possessed of great facility for acquiring knowledge, especially of the arts, very imitative, but with little originality, unambitious, unwilling to learn, and indifferent to the comforts of life. Irascibility is by no means foreign to their nature, but it seems to lie dormant until awakened by intoxication or some powerful impulse, when the innate cruelty flames forth, and they pass suddenly from a state of perfect calmness to one of unrestrained fierceness. Courage and cowardice are so blended in their character that it is no easy matter to determine which is the predominant trait. A fact worthy of notice is that upon many occasions they have proved themselves capable of facing danger with the greatest resolution, and yet they will tremble at the angry frown of a white man. Laziness, and a marked inclination to cheating and stealing are among the other bad qualities attributed to them; but there is abundant evidence to show, that although naturally averse to industry, they work hard from morning till night, in mining, agriculture, and other occupations, and in their inefficient way accomplish no little labor. Murder and highway robbery are crimes not generally committed by the pure aboriginal, who steals rarely anything but food to appease his hunger or that of his family. A Mexican author says, the Indian cuts down a tree to pick its fruit, destroys an oak of ten years growth for a week's firewood; in other words, he produces little, consumes little, and destroys much. Another Mexican writer affirms that the Indian is active, industrious, handy in agricultural labor, a diligent servant, a trusty postman, humble, hospitable to his guests, and shows a sincere gratitude to his benefactors.[928] [Sidenote: CHARACTER IN NORTHERN MEXICO.] The Pames, Otomís, Pintos, and other nations north of the Mexican valley were, at the time of the conquest, a barbarous people, fierce and warlike, covetous even of trifles and fond of display. The Michoacaques or Tarascos are warlike and brave, and for many years after the conquest showed themselves exceedingly hostile to the whites, whom they attacked, plundered, and frequently murdered, when traveling through their country. In 1751 they were already quiet, and gave evidences of being intelligent and devoted to work. The men in the vicinity of the city of Vera Cruz are careless, lazy, and fickle; much given to gambling and drunkenness; but the women are virtuous, frugal, cleanly, and extremely industrious. The natives of Jalapa, judging by their countenance, are less intelligent, and lack the sweetness of character that distinguishes the inhabitants of the higher plateau; they are, however, peaceable and inoffensive. The wild tribes of the north are rude, revengeful, dull, irreligious, lazy, and given to robbery, plunder, and murder. Such are the characteristics attributed to them under the name of Chichimecs by old Spanish authors and others. Indeed, the only creditable traits they were allowed to possess, were, in certain parts, courage and an independent spirit. Of the nations of Jalisco, both ancient and modern writers bear testimony to their bravery. They are also sagacious and somewhat industrious, but opposed to hard labor (as what savage is not), and not easily kept under restraint. Those who dwell on Lake Chapala are quiet and mild, devoted to agricultural pursuits. They indeed proved themselves high-spirited and efficient in defending their rights, when long oppression had exhausted their forbearance. The Coras were hardy and warlike, averse to any intercourse with the whites and to the Christian religion, but by the efforts of the missionaries, and the heavy blows of the Spanish soldiers, they were brought under subjection, and became tractable.[929] [Sidenote: THE NATIONS OF SOUTHERN MEXICO.] The SOUTHERN MEXICANS, under which name I group the people inhabiting the present states of Oajaca, Guerrero, Chiapas, the southern portion of Vera Cruz, Tabasco, and Yucatan, constitute the second and last division of this chapter. Much of this territory is situated within the _tierras calientes_, or hot lands, wherein every variety of tropical vegetation abounds in luxuriant profusion. The heat, especially along the coast, to the unacclimated is most oppressive. The great chain of the cordillera in its transit across the Tehuantepec isthmus, approaches nearer to the Pacific seaboard than to the Atlantic, and dropping from the elevated table-land of central Mexico, seeks a lower altitude, and breaks into cross-ridges that traverse the country in an east and west direction. Upon the northern side of the isthmus are plains of considerable extent, of rich alluvial soil, through which several rivers, after draining the mountain districts, discharge into the Mexican gulf. These streams, in their course through the table-lands, are bordered by rich lands of greater or lesser extent. On the southern side, nature puts on a bolder aspect and a narrower belt of lowlands is traversed by several rivers, which discharge the drainage of the southern slope into the Pacific Ocean, and into the lagoons that border the ocean. One of the most important features of Yucatan is the absence of any important river. The coast, which is of great extent, has in general a bleak and arid appearance, and is little broken except on the north-west, where it is indented by the laguna de Terminos, and on the eastern side by the bays of Ascension, Espíritu Santo, and Chetumel. The central part of the Yucatan peninsula is occupied by a low ridge of mountains, of barren aspect. A short distance from the coast the general appearance of the country improves, being well-wooded, and containing many fertile tracts. Many of the nations occupying this region at the time of the conquest may be called cultivated, or at least, progressive, and consequently belong to the civilized nations described in the second volume of this work; others falling back into a state of wildness after the central civilization was extinguished, makes it extremely difficult to draw any line separating civilization from savagism. Nevertheless we will examine them as best we may; and if it be found that what we learn of them refers more to the present time than has been the case with nations hitherto treated, the cause will be obvious. The _Zapotecs_, who were in former times a very powerful nation, still occupy a great portion of Oajaca, surrounded by the ruins of their ancient palaces and cities. The whole western part of the state is taken up by the _Miztecs_. Tributary to the above before the conquest, were the _Mijes_ and other smaller tribes now residing in the mountain districts in the centre of the isthmus. The _Huaves_, who are said to have come by sea from the south, and to have landed near the present city of Tehuantepec, spread out over the lowlands and around the lagoons on the south-western coast of Oajaca. In the province of Goazacoalco, and in Tabasco, are the _Ahualulcos_, and _Chontales_, who occupy a large portion of the latter state. South of them in Chiapas are the _Choles_, _Tzendales_, _Zotziles_, _Alames_, and _Quelenes_, and in the extreme south-eastern end of the same state, and extending into Central America, some tribes of the _Lacandones_ are located. The extensive peninsula of Yucatan, the ancient name of which was Mayapan, formed the independent and powerful kingdom of the Mayas, who held undisputed possession of the country until, after a heroic resistance, they were finally compelled to yield to the superior discipline and weapons of the Spanish invaders.[930] [Sidenote: PHYSIQUE IN OAJACA AND YUCATAN.] The Zapotecs proper are well-formed and strong; the features of the men are of a peculiar cast and not pleasing; the women, however, are delicately formed, and graceful with handsome features. Another tribe of the same nation, the Zapotecs of Tehuantepec, are rather under the medium height, with a pleasing oval face and present a fine personal appearance. Not a few of them have light-colored hair, and a somewhat fair complexion. Their senses, especially that of sight, are acute, and the constitution sound and robust, notwithstanding their habits of intoxication. The females have regular and handsome features, and though of small stature and bizarre in their carriage, are truly graceful and seductive. Dark lustrous eyes, long eye-lashes, well defined eye-brows, luxuriant and glossy jet-black hair, play havoc with the men. Those of Acayucan village are particularly noted for their beauty. But not all are thus; instance the Chatinos who are remarkably ugly. The natives of Oajaca are generally large and well-formed; those of Sierra are of a light-yellow complexion, and their women are tolerably white with mild features. Some branches of the Miztecs and Mazatecs carry upon their shoulders very large loads. Father Burgoa writing of the Miztecs, of Yangüistlan, in the year 1541, speaks of their beautiful complexion and fine forms. The Mijes are of good height, strongly built, hardy, and active; they wear a beard, and altogether their aspect is repulsive. The Zoques are very much like the Mijes, their features are as prominent and unprepossessing; but they are probably more athletic. The Chontales are tall and very robust. In the village of Tequisistlan, Oajaca, shortly after the Spanish conquest, they were all reported as of a gigantic stature. The Huaves present a different appearance from any of the other natives of the isthmus of Tehuantepec. They are generally well-made, and of strong constitutions. The natives of Tabasco who dwell in the country bordering on the river of that name, are of medium height, and with well-developed limbs. Both men and women have round flat faces, low foreheads, small eyes, flattish noses, thick lips, small but quite full mouths, white teeth, and tawny complexions. The Ahualulcos are rather under the middle height, but of great physical strength. They have a low narrow forehead, salient cheek-bones, full lips, white teeth, small beard, and coarse hair. Their features are aquiline, and the expression of their countenance is melancholy, one of gentleness blended with sternness. They strongly resemble the descendants of the Aztecs of Mexico. The women are more delicately made, and some beautiful ones are seen among them. They move quickly and with much natural grace.[931] The descendants of the Mayas are of medium size, with good limbs, large faces and mouth, the upper lip slightly arched, and a marked tendency to stoutness; the nose is somewhat flat, eyes sleepy-looking and hair black and glossy, which rarely turns gray; complexion of a copper color, and in some instances yellowish. Naturally strong, the Maya or Yucatec can carry heavy loads long distances, and perform a great deal of hard labor without showing signs of fatigue. An old Spanish writer mentions that they were generally bow-legged, and many of them squint-eyed. The same author says they had good faces, were not very dark, did not wear a beard, and were long-lived. The women are plump, and generally speaking not ugly.[932] [Sidenote: DRESS IN OAJACA AND YUCATAN.] Very scanty was the dress of the dwellers on Tehuantepec isthmus. In Oajaca and Chiapas, the men wore a piece of deer or other skin fastened round the waist, and hanging down in front, and the women wore aprons of maguey-fibre. Montanus in describing the Mijes says they were quite naked, but that some wore round the waist a white deer-skin dressed with human hearts. The Lacandones, when going to war, wore on their shoulders the skin of a tiger, lion, or deer. The Quelenes wrapped round their head a colored cloth, in the manner of a turban, or garland of flowers. At present, the usual dress of the Zapotecs is a pair of wide Mexican drawers, and short jacket of cotton, with a broad-brimmed hat, made of felt or straw--yet the Huaves and many of the poorer class, still wear nothing but a breech-cloth. The costume of the women is simple, and not without elegance. That of the Miztecs, Zapotecs, and others dwelling in the city of Tehuantepec is a skirt made of cotton,--sometimes of wool--that reaches nearly to the ankles, prettily and often elaborately worked in various designs and colors. The upper part of the body is covered with a kind of chemisette, with short sleeves called the _huipil_, of fine texture, and adorned with lace and gold or silk threads. On the head is a white cotton covering, made like a narrow sack or sleeve, which is drawn on and hangs down over the back. In Tabasco, the dress of the men differs little from that of the people of Tehuantepec; the Tabascan women wear a cotton petticoat or a few yards of calico wrapped round the waist, and reaching below the knees. Over the petticoat they wear a frock with sleeves to the wrist, leaving the bosom and neck exposed. Children and boys go naked; indeed, whenever clothing to any extent is found in this region, we may be sure that the foreign trader is at the bottom of it.[933] Both sexes usually wear the hair long, parting it in the middle, and either permit it to hang in loose tresses over the shoulders, or, binding it with gay colored ribbons, loop it up on the back of the head, where it is fastened with a large comb. On festive occasions they interweave flowers with the hair, and also mingle with it a species of shining beetle, called _cucullo_, which emits a phosphorescent light, and produces a very pretty effect. Among the Zoques who reside at San Miguel and Santa María Chimalapa, the males shave the crown of the head, a custom of possible monkish origin peculiar to themselves. Feather tufts and skins of green birds were formerly much used for ornaments; they had also necklaces made of pieces of gold joined together, and amber beads. Nose and ears were pierced, and pieces of stone or amber or gold rings or a bit of carved wood inserted. Montanus describes a kind of snake called _ibobaca_, which he says the inhabitants of Chiapas wore round the neck.[934] They also painted and stained the face. When Fernandez de Córdova explored the northern coast of Yucatan, he found the people clad in cotton garments, and at the present day this forms the principal material from which their clothing is made. Men now wear a cotton shirt or blouse, usually without sleeves, and wide drawers; round the waist is tied a white or colored sash; for protection from the sun, a straw hat is worn, or perhaps a piece of colored calico, and their sandals are made from deer-skin. Instead of drawers, they used to wear a broad cotton band passed round the loins, the ends of which were arranged to hang one in front and the other behind; a cloak or mantle of cotton called _zugen_ was thrown over the shoulders. Colonel Galindo mentions that they used the bark of the India-rubber tree for making garments, and Cogolludo says that when the Spaniards arrived at Aké, in the year 1527, the army of natives were in a state of nudity, with only their privy parts covered, and the whole body besmeared with clay of different colors. The women display considerable taste in the style of their garments; over a petticoat, which reaches to their ankles, and prettily bordered at the bottom, they have a dress with sleeves down to the elbow; the skirt is open at the sides, and does not fall as low as the petticoat, so that the border of the latter may be seen, the bosom of the dress is open, and on each side of the breast and round the neck it is embroidered with coarse silk, as in Tehuantepec; the huipil (Aztec, _vipilli_) is also worn. In country places women wear the petticoat alone, using the overskirt or huipil only on special occasions. When out of doors, they cover the head and part of the face with a piece of cotton cloth.[935] All permit the hair to attain to its full length; the men plait theirs and wind it round the head, leaving a short end to hang down behind, while that of the women hangs in dark masses over their shoulders, or is neatly bound up behind and decorated with flowers or feathers. Herrera states that it was customary to scorch the faces of young children to prevent the growth of their beards, and the men allowed the hair to grow down over the eyebrows, making their heads and foreheads flat on purpose. They pierced nose and ears, ornamenting them with rings set with pearls and bits of amber, and wore collars and bracelets of gold. Some among them filed their teeth. They painted the face and all exposed parts of the body in many colors, using white or yellow with black and red, covering themselves from the waist upward with a variety of designs and figures. When going to battle paint was much used, in order to render their appearance more formidable; men tattooed on the chest, and the women mixed liquid amber with their pigments, which, when rubbed over the body, emitted a perfume.[936] [Sidenote: ZAPOTEC BUILDINGS.] The better class of Zapotecs of the present day build their houses in a substantial manner of adobes; the common people construct a more simple dwelling with branches arranged in a double row, and the space between filled in with earth; they also make them of wattled cane-work plastered with clay. Such dwellings are cool and proof against the frequent earthquakes that occur in their territory. Roofs are thatched with palmetto-leaves without opening, nor are there any windows in the walls. The interior is divided into several compartments, according to size and necessity.[937] The Mijes thatch their houses with bundles of coarse straw. The Chinantecs, Chochos, and Chontales originally built no houses, but sought out the most shady forests, where they dwelt, or they located themselves in ravines and rocky parts, living in caverns or holes under the rocks; the Tzendales of Chiapas had many towns and painted their houses; the Ahualulcos lived together in communities, and had commodious, well-built houses of interwoven cane, plastered on the inside with mud, the roof thatched with palmetto.[938] [Sidenote: PREPARATION OF FOOD.] From the earliest times of which we have any record, the natives of Oajaca and the isthmus of Tehuantepec cultivated corn and vegetables, and likewise followed the chase; those who dwelt on the borders of the sea or lakes applied themselves to fishing. The Zapotecs now raise wheat, and build mills. It is asserted by an old Spanish chronicler that this nation exceeded all others in eating and drinking. As early as 1690, they gathered crops of maguey, maize, Spanish peas, chile, potatoes, and pumpkins, and bred swine and poultry. Of late they cultivate rice, sugar-cane, and other tropical productions, as also do the inhabitants of Tehuantepec. Primitive agriculture has undergone but little alteration; deer are caught by means of traps and nets. The Miztecs, Mijes, and Cuicatecs have from the earliest times been cultivators of the soil. The Mijes make a coarse or impure sugar from sugar-cane; their corn-fields are often many miles distant from their dwellings. The Huaves, the greater portion of whom are on the borders of the lagoons on the isthmus of Tehuantepec, live mostly on the proceeds of their fisheries, although they raise a small supply of grain and fruit. Their fishing is almost exclusively done with sweep-nets in shallow waters, and during one month of the year they catch large schools of shrimps in traps. The Zoques produce the small quantity of corn that they need, some _achote_, many very fine oranges, and tobacco. They are fond of iguanas and their eggs, and of parrots, killing the latter with stones. The Chontales of Tabasco and Tehuantepec use maize and cocoa as food. They eat flesh only upon great religious festivals, marriages, or other celebrations, but are fond of fish. In olden times they were cannibals, and Antonio de Herrera, the chief chronicler of the Indies, accused also the natives of Chiapas of being eaters of human flesh. Since the conquest the natives have lived mostly on corn and other vegetable productions, cultivated by themselves. A large portion of the Mayas and of the other aborigines of Yucatan are to-day engaged in the cultivation of the soil, they also breed such domestic animals as they need for themselves. They are very simple and frugal in their eating.[939] All the natives of this section of the Mexican republic grind their maize in the same manner; after first soaking it in lye or in lime and water, it is bruised on the metate, or rubbing-stone, being wet occasionally, until it becomes a soft paste. With this they make their tortillas and other compounds, both to eat and drink. To make tortillas the maize paste is shaped into thin cakes with the palms of the hands and cooked upon a flat clay pan. The _totoposte_ is a smaller cake used for journeys in lieu of the tortillas. The difference between them is in the manner of preparation; the totopostes are cooked one side only and laid near the fire which makes them crisp, and require to be moistened in order to render them eatable. Tamales are a favorite dish and are made of pork, game, or poultry. The meat is cut up in small pieces and washed; a small quantity of the maize paste seasoned with cinnamon, saffron, cloves, pimento, tomatoes, coarse pepper, salt, red coloring matter, and some lard added to it, is placed on the fire in a pan and as soon as it has acquired the consistency of a thick gruel, it is removed, mixed with the meat, some more lard and salt added, and the mass kneaded for a few moments. It is then divided into small portions, which are enveloped in a thin paste of maize. The tamales thus prepared are covered with a banana-leaf or corn-husk and placed in a pot or pan over which large leaves are laid. They are allowed to boil from one hour and a half to two hours. The _posole_ is a nourishing drink made of sour maize paste mixed with water; sometimes they add a little honey to it. They also prepare a drink by parching corn and grinding it to powder on the metate, and mixing it with water and a little _achote_. This last drink they prefer to the posole, for long journeys.[940] The natives of Tehuantepec and especially those who reside in the Goazacoalco district are neat and clean in regard to their personal habits. They observe the custom of bathing daily. In their ablutions they make use of a plant called _chintule_ the root of which they mix with water, thereby imparting to their bodies a strong aromatic odor. The same plant is used when they wash their clothes, the scent from which remains on them for some time. A pleasing feature in the appearance of these people is the spotless whiteness of their cotton dresses and the care they bestow on their luxuriant hair. The other tribes who inhabit this isthmus as well as those of Chiapas are not so clean in their persons, and as a consequence are much infested with vermin which the women have a disgusting habit of eating when picked from the heads of their children. The Mayas make frequent use of cold water, but this practice appears to be more for pleasure than for cleansing purposes, as neither in their persons nor in their dwellings do they present an appearance of cleanliness.[941] [Sidenote: WEAPONS AND WAR.] The weapons of the Southern Mexicans were in most respects similar to those used by the Central Mexicans, namely, bows and arrows, macanas, and lances, the latter of great length and very strong. In Tabasco they carried turtle-shell shields highly polished so as to reflect the sun; they also had flint stones for lances and arrow-points, but sometimes weapon-points were made from strong thorns and fish-bones. The hard wooden sword of the Maya was a heavy and formidable weapon, and required the use of both hands to wield it; the edge was grooved for the purpose of inserting the sharp flint with which it was armed. Slings were commonly used by all these nations. In addition to shields the Mayas had for defensive armor garments of thickly quilted cotton called _escaupiles_, which covered the body down to the lower part of the thigh, and were considered impervious to arrows. The flint knife of former days has now been replaced by the machete which serves the purpose of both cutlass and chopping-knife, and without it no native ever goes into the woods.[942] When the Spaniards first arrived at Tabasco, they encountered a people well-skilled in the art of war, with a fair knowledge of military tactics, who defended their country with much bravery; their towns and villages were well fortified with intrenchments or palisades, and strong towers and forts were built on such places as presented the most favorable position for resisting attacks. To their forts they retired when invaded by a superior force, and from the walls they hurled large rocks with damaging effect against their foes. Cortés found erected on the bank of the Tabasco River, in front of one of their towns, a strong wooden stockade, with loopholes through which to discharge arrows; and subsequently, during his march through their country, they frequently set fire to their villages, with the object of harassing his troops. When advancing to battle they maintained a regular formation, and they are described as having met Francisco Montejo in good order, drawn up in three columns, the centre under the command of their chief, accompanied by their chief priest. The combatants rushed forward to the attack with loud shouts, cheered on by the blowing of horns and beating of small drums called _tunkules_. Prisoners taken in battle were sacrificed to their gods.[943] The furniture of their houses is of the plainest description, and limited to their absolute wants. Their tables or benches are made of a few rough boards, and a mat called _petate_, spread on the floor, serves for a bed, while a coarse woolen blanket is used for covering; some few have small cane bedsteads. The natives of Tabasco and Yucatan more commonly have a network _hamaca_ or hammock, suspended from two posts or trees. Their cooking-utensils consist of the metate, pots made of earthenware, and gourds. The universal machete carried by man and boy serves many purposes, such as chopping firewood, killing animals, eating, and building houses. Burgoa describes nets of a peculiar make used by the Zapotecs for catching game; in the knots of the net were fixed the claws of lions, tigers, bears, and other wild beasts of prey, and at intervals were fastened a certain number of small stones; the object of such construction being probably to wound or disable the animal when caught.[944] [Sidenote: OAJACAN MANUFACTURES.] The Zapotecs, Miztecs, Mayas, and others, since the conquest, have long been justly celebrated for the manufacture of cotton stuffs, a fact that is all the more surprising when we consider the very imperfect implements they possessed with which to perform the work. Burgoa speaks of the excellence and rich quality of their manufactures in cotton, silk, and gold thread, in 1670, and Thomas Gage, writing about the same time, says "it is rare to see what works those Indian women will make in silk, such as might serve for patterns and samplers to many Schoolmistresses in England." All the spinning and weaving is done by the women; the cotton clothes they make are often interwoven with beautiful patterns or figures of birds and animals, sometimes with gold and silk thread. A species of the agave americana is extensively cultivated through the country, from the fibres of which the natives spin a very strong thread that is used chiefly for making hammocks; the fibre is bleached and then dyed in different rich tints. The materials they have for dyeing are so good that the colors never fade. The Zapotecs have also an intimate knowledge of the process of tanning skins, which they use for several domestic purposes.[945] Notwithstanding their proximity to the sea-coast, and although their country is in many parts intersected by rivers and lagoons, they have a surprisingly slight knowledge of navigation, few having any vessels with which to venture into deep water. The inhabitants of Tabasco, the Yucatan coast, and Cozumel island possess some canoes made from the single trunk of a mahogany-tree, which they navigate with small lateen sails and paddles. The Huaves and others are in complete ignorance of the management of any description of boats.[946] The Zoques make from the ixtle and pita thread and superior hammocks, in which they have quite a trade. In the neighborhood of Santa María they grow excellent oranges, and sell them throughout all the neighboring towns. The Zapotecs have, many of them, a considerable commerce in fruits, vegetables, and seeds. In the city of Tehuantepec the business of buying and selling is conducted exclusively by women in the market-place. The Ahualulcos are chiefly employed in cutting planks and beams, with which they supply many places on this isthmus; they also trade to some extent in seeds and cotton cloths. Different kinds of earthenware vessels for domestic purposes are made by the natives of Chiapas, and by them exchanged for salt, hatchets, and glass ornaments. The Mayas have an extensive business in logwood, which, besides maize and poultry, they transport to several places along the coast. Mr Stephens describes a small community of the Maya nation, numbering about a hundred men with their families, living at a place called Schawill, who hold and work their lands in common. The products of the soil are shared equally by all, and the food for the whole settlement is prepared at one hut. Each family contributes its quota of provisions, which, when cooked, are carried off smoking hot to their several dwellings. Many of the natives of Tabasco earn a livelihood by keeping bee-hives; the bees are captured wild in the woods, and domesticated. The Huaves breed cattle and tan hides; cheese and tasajo, or jerked meat, are prepared and exported by them and other tribes on the isthmus of Tehuantepec. At the present day cochineal is cultivated to a considerable extent, and forms an important article of commerce among the inhabitants. A rather remarkable propensity to the possession of large numbers of mules is peculiar to the Mijes; such property in no way benefits them, as they make no use of them as beasts of burden; indeed, their owners seem to prefer carrying the loads on their own backs.[947] [Sidenote: ZAPOTEC GOVERNMENT.] Formerly the Zapotecs were governed by a king, under whom were caciques or governors who ruled over certain districts. Their rank and power descended by inheritance, but they were obliged to pay tribute to the king, from whom they held their authority in fief. At the time of the conquest the most powerful among them was the Lord of Cuicatlan; for the service of his household, ten servants were furnished daily, and he was treated with the greatest respect and homage. In later years a cacique was elected annually by the people, and under him officers were appointed for the different villages. Once a week these sub-officers assembled to consult with and receive instructions from the cacique on matters relating to the laws and regulations of their districts. In the towns of the Miztecs a municipal form of government was established. Certain officials, elected annually, appointed the work which was to be done by the people, and every morning at sunrise the town-criers from the tops of the highest houses called the inhabitants to their allotted tasks. It was also the duty of the town-criers to inflict the punishment imposed on all who from laziness or other neglect failed to perform their share of work. A somewhat similar system appears to have prevailed in Chiapas, where the people lived under a species of republican government.[948] The Mayas were at one time governed by a king who reigned supreme over the whole of Yucatan. Internal dissensions and wars, however, caused their country to be divided up into several provinces, which were ruled over by lords or petty kings, who held complete sway, each in his own territory, owing allegiance to none, and recognizing no authority outside of their own jurisdiction. These lords appointed captains of towns, who had to perform their duties subject to their lord's approval. Disputes arising, the captains named umpires to determine differences, whose decisions were final. These people had also a code of criminal laws, and when capital punishment was ordered, public executioners carried the sentence into effect. The crime of adultery in the man was punishable by death, but the injured party could claim the right to have the adulterer delivered to him, and he could kill or pardon him at pleasure; disgrace was the punishment of the woman. The rape of a virgin was punished by stoning the man to death.[949] [Sidenote: SLAVERY AND MARRIAGE.] Slavery existed among the tribes of Goazacoalco and Tabasco. Doña Marina was one of twenty female slaves who were presented to Cortés by the cacique of the latter place; and when her mother, who lived in the province of Goazacoalco, gave her away to some traveling merchants, she, to conceal the act, pretended that the corpse of one of her slaves who died at that time was that of her own daughter.[950] [Sidenote: WEDDINGS AND FATHERS-IN-LAW.] Among the Zapotecs and other nations who inhabit the isthmus of Tehuantepec, marriages are contracted at a very early age; it happens not unfrequently that a youth of fourteen marries a girl of eleven or twelve. Polygamy is not permissible, and gentleness, affection, and frugality characterize the marital relations. Certain superstitious ceremonies formerly attended the birth of children, which, to a modified extent, exist at the present day. When a woman was about to be confined, the relatives assembled in the hut, and commenced to draw on the floor figures of different animals, rubbing each one out as soon as it was completed. This operation continued till the moment of birth, and the figure that then remained sketched upon the ground was called the child's _tona_ or second self. When the child grew old enough, he procured the animal that represented him and took care of it, as it was believed that health and existence were bound up with that of the animals, in fact, that the death of both would occur simultaneously. Soon after the child was born, the parents, accompanied by friends and relatives, carried it to the nearest water, where it was immersed, while at the same time they invoked the inhabitants of the water to extend their protection to the child; in like manner they afterwards prayed for the favor of the animals of the land. It is a noticeable trait, much to the credit of the parents, that their children render to them as well as to all aged people the greatest respect and obedience. That the women are strictly moral cannot be asserted. Voluptuous, with minds untrained, and their number being greatly in excess of the men, it is not surprising that travelers have noted an absence of chastity among these women; yet few cases of conjugal infidelity occur, and chastity is highly esteemed. Illegitimate children are not common, partly the result, perhaps, of early marriages.[951] Among the Quelenes, when a contract of marriage was made, the friends and relatives collected at the assembly-house common to every village. The bride and bridegroom were then introduced by the parents, and in the presence of the cacique and priest confessed all the sins of which they were guilty. The bridegroom was obliged to state whether he had had connection with the bride or with other women, and she, on her part, made a full confession of all her shortcomings; this ended, the parents produced the presents, which consisted of wearing-apparel and jewelry, in which they proceeded to array them; they were then lifted up and placed upon the shoulders of two old men and women, who carried them to their future home, where they laid them on a bed, locked them in, and there left them securely married.[952] Among the Mayas early marriage was a duty imposed by the Spanish Fathers, and if a boy or girl at the age of twelve or fourteen had not chosen a mate, the priest selected one of equal rank or fortune and obliged them to marry. The usual presents were dresses; and a banquet was prepared, of which all present partook. During the feast the parents of the parties addressed them in speeches applicable to the occasion, and afterwards the house was perfumed by the priest, who then blessed the company and the ceremony ended. Previous to the wedding-day the parents fasted during three days. The young man built a house in front of that of his father-in-law, in which he lived with his wife during the first years of his servitude, for he was obliged to work for his father-in-law four or five years. If he failed to perform faithful service, his father-in-law dismissed him, and gave his daughter to another. Widowers were exempt from this servitude, and could choose whom they pleased for a wife without the interference of relatives. It was forbidden a man to marry a woman of the same name as his father. They married but one wife, though the lords were permitted to make concubines of their slaves. Mr Stephens, in his description of the inhabitants of the village of Schawill, says: "Every member must marry within the rancho, and no such thing as a marriage out of it had ever occurred. They said it was impossible; it could not happen. They were in the habit of going to the villages to attend the festivals; and when we suggested a supposable case of a young man or woman falling in love with some village Indian, they said it might happen; there was no law against it; but none could marry out of the rancho. This was a thing so little apprehended, that the punishment for it was not defined in their penal code; but being questioned, after some consultations, they said that the offender, whether man or woman would be expelled. We remarked that in their small community constant intermarriages must make them all relatives, which they said was the case since the reduction of their numbers by the cholera. They were in fact all kinsfolk, but it was allowable for kinsfolk to marry, except in the relationship of brothers and sisters." In divisions of property women could not inherit; in default of direct male heirs the estate went to the brothers or nearest male relatives. When the heir was a minor, one of his male relatives was appointed guardian, until the days of his minority should have passed, when the property was delivered up to him. The Southern Mexicans were particular to keep a strict chronology of their lineage. Young children underwent a kind of baptismal ceremony. The Mayas believed that ablution washed away all evil; and previous to the ceremony the parents fasted three days, and they were particular to select for it what they considered a lucky day. The age at which the rite was performed was between three and twelve years, and no one could marry until he had been baptized. Habits of industry as well as respect for parents and aged people was strongly impressed upon the minds of the children.[953] The Southern Mexicans are fond of singing and dancing, though there is not much variety either in their melancholy music or monotonous dances. Their favorite instrument is the _marimba_, composed of pieces of hard wood of different lengths stretched across a hollowed-out canoe-shaped case. The pieces of wood or keys are played upon with two short sticks, one held in each hand. The sound produced is soft and pleasing, and not unlike that of a piano. Another instrument is the _tunkul_ or drum, made of a hollow log with sheep-skin stretched over the end; it is struck with the fingers of the right hand, the performer holding it under his left arm. Their movements during their dances are slow and graceful. The men are addicted to intoxication at their feasts, the liquor in common use among them being mescal and aguardiente, a colorless spirit made from the sugar-cane. Many of the natives have a small still in their houses.[954] [Sidenote: CUSTOMS IN OAJACA.] The Zapotecs are exceedingly polite to one another in their common salutations, calling each other brother, and to the descendants of their ancient caciques or lords the utmost reverence is paid. It is related by a Mexican writer that in a village not distant from the city of Oajaca, whenever an aged man, the son of one of their ancient lords was seen by the natives out walking, with a majesty that well became his fine form, position, and age, they uncovered their heads, kissed his hands, which he held out to them, with much tenderness, calling him _daade_ (father), and remained uncovered until he was lost to sight. They are a theocratic people, much addicted to their ancient religious belief and customs. Those who live in the vicinity of Mitla entertain a peculiar superstition; they will run to the farthest villages and pick up even the smallest stones that formed a part of the mosaic work of that famous ruin, believing that such stones will in their hands turn into gold. Some of them hold the belief that anyone who discovers a buried or hidden treasure has no right to appropriate to his own use any portion of it, and that if he does, death will strike him down within the year, in punishment of the sacrilege committed against the spirit of the person who hid or buried the treasure. One of the first priests that lived among the Zapotecs says that after they had entered the pale of the church, they still clung to their old religious practices, and made offerings of aromatic gums, and living animals; and that when the occasion demanded a greater solemnity, the officiating priest drew blood from the under part of his tongue, and from the back part of his ears, with which he sprinkled some thick coarse straw, held as sacred and used at the sacrifices. To warm themselves, the Chochos, or Chuchones, of Oajaca used, in cold weather, towards the evening, to burn logs and dry leaves close to the entrance of their caves, and blow the smoke into their dwellings, which being quite full, all the family, old and young, males and females, rushed in naked and closed the entrance. The natives of Goazacoalco and other places practiced some of the Jewish rites, including a kind of circumcision, which custom they claimed to have derived from their forefathers; hence have arisen innumerable analogies to prove the Jewish origin of these peoples. The Huaves still preserve ancient customs at their feasts. It is a remarkable fact that although nearly all these people are fishermen, very few of them can swim. The Mijes have a habit of speaking in very loud tones; this is attributed by some to their haughty spirit, and by others to their manner of life in the most rugged portion of the mountains. When bound upon a journey, if they have no other load to carry, they fill their _tonates_, or nets, with stones. This is generally done by them on the return home from the market-place of Tehuantepec. These loads rest upon their backs, and hang by a band from their foreheads. In ancient times, when they were in search of a new country to settle in, they subjected the places they had devastated to the fire proof. This was done by putting a firebrand over night into a hole, and if it was found extinguished in the morning, they considered that the Sun desired his children (that is themselves) to continue their journey. They are much given, even at the present time, to idolatrous practices, and will make sacrifices in their churches, if permitted, of birds as offerings to the false gods they worshiped before their partial conversion to Christianity. The natives attribute eclipses of the moon to an attempt by the sun to destroy their satellite, and to prevent the catastrophe make a frightful uproar, employing therefor everything they can get hold of.[955] [Sidenote: DISEASES AND MEDICAL TREATMENT.] The diseases most prevalent among the Southern Mexicans are fevers, measles, and severe colds. All these people possess an excellent knowledge of medicinal herbs, and make use of them in cases of pains and sickness. They still practice some of their mysterious ceremonies, and are inclined to attribute all complaints to the evil influence of bewitchments. Father Baeza, in the _Registro Yucateco_, says they consulted a crystal or transparent stone called _zalzun_, by which they pretended to divine the origin and cause of any sickness. When suffering with fever or other disorders, the disease is often much aggravated and death caused by injudicious bathing in the rivers. In ancient times tobacco was much used as a specific against pains arising from colds, rheumatism, and asthma; the natives found that it soothed the nerves and acted as a narcotic. They also practiced bleeding with a sharp flint or fish-bone. The Zapotecs attempted cures by means of a blow-pipe, at the same time invoking the assistance of the gods.[956] When a death occurs the body is wrapped in a cotton cloth, leaving the head and face uncovered, and in this condition is placed in a grave. Very few of the ancient funeral usages remain at the present day, though some traces of superstitious ceremonies may still be observed among them; such as placing food in the grave, or at different spots in its immediate vicinity. Sometimes a funeral is conducted with a certain degree of pomp, and the corpse carried to its last resting-place followed by horn-blowers, and tunkul-drummers. As in the case of the central Mexicans, a memorial day is observed, when much respect is shown for the memory of the dead, at which times fruits, bread, and cakes are placed upon the graves.[957] [Sidenote: CHARACTER OF SOUTHERN MEXICANS.] The character of the inhabitants of the Tehuantepec isthmus and Yucatan is at the present day one of docility and mildness. With a few exceptions they are kind-hearted, confiding, and generous, and some few of them evince a high degree of intelligence, although the majority are ignorant, superstitious, of loose morality as we esteem it, yet apparently unconscious of wrong. Cayetano Moro says they are far superior to the average American Indian. The Zapotecs are a bold and independent people, exhibit many intellectual qualities, and are of an impatient disposition, though cheerful, gentle, and inoffensive; they make good soldiers; they are fanatical and superstitious like their neighbors. The women are full of vivacity, of temperate and industrious habits, their manners are characterized by shyness rather than modesty, and they are full of intrigue. To this nation the Mijes present a complete contrast; of all the tribes who inhabit the isthmus, they are the most brutal, degraded, and idolatrous; they are grossly stupid, yet stubborn and ferocious. The Chontales and Choles are barbarous, fierce, and quarrelsome, and greatly addicted to witchcraft. The Cajonos and Nexitzas, of Oajaca, are of a covetous and malicious nature, dishonest in their dealings, and much inclined to thieving. The Zoques are more rational in their behavior; although they are ignorant and intemperate in their habits, they are naturally kind and obliging, as well as patient and enduring. The Huaves are deficient in intelligence, arrogant and inhospitable to strangers, and of a reticent and perverse disposition. The Miztecs are grave and steady; they exhibit many traits of ingenuity, are industrious, hospitable, and affable in their manners, and retain an ardent love for liberty.[958] The Mayas exhibit many distinguished characteristics. Although of limited intelligence, and more governed by their senses than their reason, their good qualities predominate. Formerly they were fierce and warlike, but these characteristics have given place to timidity, and they now appear patient, generous, and humane; they are frugal and satisfied with little, being remarkably free from avarice. Herrera describes them as fierce and warlike, much given to drunkenness and other sins, but generous and hospitable. Doctor Young, in his History of Mexico, says: "They are not so intelligent or energetic, though far more virtuous and humane than their brethren of the north." The women are industrious, have pleasing manners, and are inclined to shyness. To sum it all up, I may say that the besetting vice of these nations is intemperance, but the habit of drinking to excess is found to be much more common among the mountain tribes than among the inhabitants of the lowlands. Quarrels among themselves seldom occur, and there is abundant evidence to show that many of them possess excellent natural qualifications both for common labor, and artistic industry; and that there is no cause to prevent their becoming, under favorable circumstances, useful citizens.[959] TRIBAL BOUNDARIES. Under the name WILD TRIBES OF MEXICO, I include all the people inhabiting the Mexican Territory from ocean to ocean, between latitude 23° north and the Central American boundary line south, including Yucatan and Tehuantepec. The southernmost point of this division touches the fifteenth degree of north latitude. A subdivision of this group is made and the parts are called the _Central Mexicans_, and the _Southern Mexicans_, respectively. In the former I include the nations north of an imaginary line, drawn from the port of Acapulco, on the Pacific coast, to Vera Cruz, on the Gulf of Mexico, and in the latter all those south of this line. Going to the fountain-head of Mexican history, I find mentioned certain names, of which it is now impossible to determine whether they are different names applied to the same people or different peoples, or whether they are mythical and apply to no really existing nations. Still less is it possible to give these strange names any definite location; instance the Toltecs and the Chichimecs, and indeed almost all early designations, very common names used to denote very uncommon people. Sahagun is the only one of the oldest writers who mentions the name of Toltecs, which in later years was used by Ixtlilxochitl and Boturini, and after them bandied about more freely by modern writers. After the conquest, the name Chichimecs was applied to all uncivilized and unsettled people north of the valley of Mexico, extending to the farthest discovered region. Of still other nations nothing further can be said than that they occupied the cities to which their name was applied; such were the Mexicans, or Aztecs, the Tlascaltecs, the Cholultecs, and many others. Some general remarks respecting the location of the principal civilized nations, will be found in vol. ii., chap. ii., of this work; and all obtainable details concerning the many tribes that cannot be definitely located here are given in volume v. [Sidenote: OLMECS AND XICALANCAS.] The _Quinames_ or Giants are mentioned as the first inhabitants of Mexico. 'Los Quinametin, gigantes que vivian en esta rinconada, que se dice ahora Nueva España.' _Ixtlilxochitl_, _Relaciones_, in _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. ix., p. 322; _Id._, _Hist. Chichimeca_, in _Id._, p. 205. 'Los que hasta ahora se sabe, aver morado estas Estendidas, y Ampliadisimas Tierras, y Regiones, de la Nueva España, fueron vnas Gentes mui crecidas de Cuerpo, que llamaron despues otros, Qainametin.' _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. i., p. 34. 'Les Quinamés, la plus ancienne des races connues de ces contrées, étaient encore en possession de quelques localités de peu d'importance près des villes de Huitzilapan, de Cuetlaxcohuapan et de Totomihuacan.' _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. i., p. 196. 'Sa domination s'étendait sur les provinces intérieures du Mexique et du Guatémala, et, à l'époque du débarquement des Olmèques et des Xicalancas, les histoires nous la montrent encore en possession du plateau aztèque et des contrées voisines du fleuve Tabasco.' _Id._, in _Nouvelles Annales des Voy._, 1858, tom. clviii., p. 258. 'Vivian hácia las riberas del rio Atoyac, entre la ciudad de Tlaxcala y la de la Puebla de los Angeles.' _Veytia_, _Hist. Ant. Mej._, tom. i., pp. 28, 143-4. The _Olmecs_ and _Xicalancas_ were 'los que poseian este Nuevo Mundo, en esta tercera edad.' _Ixtlilxochitl_, _Hist. Chichimeca_, in _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. ix., p. 205. 'Olmecas, Vixtoti, y Mixtecas. Estos tales así llamados, están ácia el nacimiento del sol, y llámanles tambien _tenime_, porque hablan lengua bárbara, y dicen que son Tultecas.' _Sahagun_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. iii., lib. x., p. 136. 'Estos poblaron, donde aora està Edificada, y Poblada la Ciudad de los Angeles, y en Totomihuacan.... Los Xicalancas, fueron tambien Poblando, ácia Cuathazualco (que es ácia la Costa del Norte) y adelante en la misma Costa, está oi dia vn Pueblo, que se dice Xicalanco.... Otro Pueblo ai del mismo Nombre, en la Provincia de Maxcaltzinco, cerca del Puerto de la Vera-Cruz, que parece averlo tambien Poblado los Xicalancas.' _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. i., p. 32. 'Atravesando los Puertos del Bolcan, y Sierra-Nevada, y otros rodeandolos por la parte de el Mediodia, hasta que venieron à salir à vn Lugar, que de presente se llama Tochmilco. De alli, pasaron á Atlixco, Calpan, y Huexotzinco, hasta llegar al parage, y Tierras de la Provincia de Tlaxcallan; y haciendo asiento en el principio, y entrada de la dicha Tierra, hicieron su Fundacion en el Pueblo, que aora se llama Nuestra Señora de la Natividad (y en Lengua Mexicana Yancuictlalpan.) De alli, pasaron à otro Poblado, el referido, llamado Huapalcalco, junto à vna Hermita, que llaman de Santa Cruz, al qual llaman los Naturales, Texoloc, Mizco, y Xiloxuchitla, donde aora es la Hermita de San Vicente, y el Cerro de la Xochitecatl, y Tenayacac, donde estàn otras dos Hermitas, à poco trecho vna de otra, que las llaman de San Miguél, y de San Francisco, enmedio de las quales, pasa el Rio, que viene de la Sierra Nevada de Huexotzinco. Y aqui en este Sitio, hicieron los Hulmecas, su Principal asiento, y Poblaçon.' _Id._, p. 257; _Mendieta_, _Hist. Ecles._, pp. 145-6; _Motolinia_, _Hist. Indios_, in _Icazbalceta_, _Col. de Doc._, tom. i., p. 7. 'Vlmecatlh poblo tambien muchos lugares en aquella parte, a do agora esta la ciudad de los Angeles. Y nombro los Totomiuacan, Vicilapan, Cuetlaxcoapan, y otros assi. Xicalancatlh anduuo mas tierra, llego a la mar del norte, y en la costa hizo muchos pueblos. Pero a los dos mas principales llamo de su mesmo nombre. El vn Xicalanco esta en la prouincia de Maxcalcinco, que es cerca de la Vera Cruz, y el otro Xicalanco esta cerca de Tauasco.' _Gomara_, _Conq. Mex._, fol. 299. 'Hácia Atlisco y Itzucan los xicalancas: y en el territorio de la Puebla, Chollolan y Tlaxcallan los ulmecas, cuya primitiva y principal poblacion dicen haber sido la ciudad de Chollolan.' _Veytia_, _Hist. Ant. Mej._, tom. i., p. 153; _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. i., pp. 110-11, 196; _Id._, _Popol Vuh_, introd., p. xxx.; _Orozco y Berra_, _Geografía_, p. 119; _Alcedo_, _Diccionario_, tom. iii., p. 374. The _Coras_ constitute the north-westernmost nation of the CENTRAL MEXICANS, inhabiting the district of 'Nayarit ó reino de Nuevo Toledo.... Al Oeste tiene los pueblos de la antigua provincia de Acaponeta; al Este los de Colotlan, y al Sur quieren algunos que se extienda hasta las orillas del rio Grande ó Tololotlan ... el Nayarit se extiende entre los 21° 20´ y 23° de lat., y entre los 5° y 6° de long. occidental de México.' _Orozco y Berra_, _Geografía_, p. 279. 'En la Sierra del Nayarit.' _Pimentel_, _Cuadro_, tom. ii., p. 71. 'Los indios que viven en el centro de la sierra, llamados muutzizti.... Los llamados teakuaeitzizti viven en las faldas de la sierra que mira al Poniente ... los coras que viven á la orilla del rio Nayarit ó de Jesus María, conocidos por Ateakari.' _Id._, p. 83. The _Tecoxines_ 'tenian su principal asiento en el valle de Cactlan ... y se extendian à la Magdalena, Analco, Hoxtotipaquillo y barrancas de Mochitiltic.' _Orozco y Berra_, _Geografía_, p. 279. The _Cocotlanes_ were at the missions of 'Apozolco y en Comatlan.' _Id._, p. 280. The _Maraveres_ reside in Tlajomulco. _Alcedo_, _Diccionario_, tom. ii., p. 242. The _Thorames_ and _Tzayaquecas_ dwell near the town of Zentipac. 'Dos leguas apartado del mar, la nacion Thorama ... diez leguas de Zentipac habia otros Indios de Nacion Tzayaqueca.' _Padilla_, _Conq. N. Galicia, MS._, p. 62. 'La gran poblacion y Valle de Tzenticpac, cuyo pueblo principal está situado punto á la mar del Sur, dos leguas antes á orillas del rio grande, y que la gente de esta provincia era de la nacion Totorame.' _Beaumont_, _Crón. de Mechoacan, MS._, p. 197. The _Corarus_ 'habitaban ... hacia la parte del Norte, diez leguas del dicho pueblo de Tzenticpac.' _Ib._ The _Guicholas_ 'are settled in the village of San Sebastian, which lies eighteen leagues to the westward of Bolaños.' _Lyon's Journal_, vol. i., p. 322; _Nouvelles Annales des Voy._, 1828, tom. xl., p. 239. 'En Santa Catarina, S. Sebastian, S. Andres Coamiat, Soledad y Tezompan, pertenecientes á Colotlan.' _Orozco y Berra_, _Geografía_, p. 282. The _Coronados_ 'son los del pueblo de Tuito al Sur del valle de Banderas.' _Id._, p. 278. The _Tiaxomultecs_ 'habitaban en Tlajomulco.' 'Estos tecuexes ... llaman à los indios cocas de toda la provincia de Tonalan, que no eran de su lengua, tlaxomultecas.' _Id._, p. 278. The _Cocas_ and _Tecuexes_ 'eran los de la provincia de Tonalan.... Los tecuexes pasaban del otro lado de Tololotlan hasta ocupar parte de Zacatecas, derramándose por los pueblos de Tecpatitlan, Teocaltiche, Mitic, Jalostotitlan, Mesticatan, Yagualica, Tlacotlan, Teocaltitlan, Ixtlahuacan, Cuautla, Ocotic y Acatic.' _Id._, pp. 278-9. The _Mazapiles_ are 'al N. E. de la zacateca.' _Hervas_, in _Id._, p. 11. The _Cazcanes_ 'habitan hasta la comarca de Zacatecas.' _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. iv., lib. ix., cap. xiii.; _Laet_, _Novus Orbis_, p. 281. 'Ocupaba el terreno desde el rio Grande, confinando con los tecuexes y los tepecanos.' _Orozco y Berra_, _Geografía_, pp. 284, 49. The _Mecos_ live in the pueblo Soledad de las Canoas, in the State of Querétaro. _Alcedo_, _Dicc._, tom. iv., p. 567. The _Pames_ inhabit the state of Querétaro, 'treinta leguas distante de la expresada Ciudad de Querétaro, y se estiende á cien leguas de largo, y treinta de ancho, en cuyas breñas vivian los Indios de la Nacion Pame.' _Paiou_, _Vida de Junípero Serra_, p. 23. 'En la mision de Cerro Prieto del Estado de México, se extiende principalmente por los pueblos de San Luis Potosí, y tambien se le encuentra en Querétaro y en Guanajuato.' _Orozco y Berra_, _Geografía_, pp. 48, 256, 262, 264. 'En San Luis de la Paz, territorio de la Sierra Gorda ... en la ciudad del Maiz, Departamento de San Luis Potosí ... en la Purísima Concepcion de Arnedo, en la Sierra Gorda.' _Pimentel_, _Cuadro_, tom. ii., p. 265. [Sidenote: THE OTOMÍS.] The _Otomís_ are one of the most widely dispersed nations of Mexico. 'Todo lo alto de las montañas, ó la mayor parte, á la redonda de México, están llenas de ellos. La cabeza de su señorío creo que es Xilotepec, que es una gran provincia, y las provincias de Tollan y Otompa casi todas son de ellos, sin contar que en lo bueno de la Nueva España hay muchas poblaciones de estos Otomíes, de los quales proceden los Chichimecas.' _Motolinia_, _Hist. Indios_, in _Icazbalceta_, _Col. de Doc._, tom. i., p. 9. The above is copied by Torquemada, in his _Monarq. Ind._, tom. i., p. 32. 'Estos Teochichimecas son los que aora se llaman Otomies.... Tlaixpan, es de los que hablan esta Lengua Otomi.' _Id._, p. 261. 'La grandisima Provincia, ò Reino de los Otomies, que coge à Tepexic, Tula, Xilotepec, Cabeça de este Reyno, Chiapa, Xiquipilco, Atocpan, y Queretaro, en cuio medio de estos Pueblos referidos, ai otro inumerables, porque lo eran sus Gentes.' _Id._, p. 287. 'Xilotepeque provincia Otomiis habitata.' _Laet_, _Novus Orbis_, p. 234. 'La Provincia degli Otomiti cominciava nella parte settentrionale della Valle Messicana, e si continuava per quelle montagne verso tramontana sino a novanta miglia dalla Capitale. Sopra tutti i luoghi abitati, che v'erano ben molti, s'innalzava l'antica e celebre Città di Tollan [oggidì Tula] e quella di Xilotepec.' _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. i., p. 31. In ancient times they 'occuparono un tratto di terra di più di trecento miglia dalle montagne d'Izmiquilpan verso Maestro, confinando verso Levante, e verso Ponente con altre Nazioni parimente selvaggie.' Later: 'fondarono nel paese d'Anahuac, ed anche nella stessa Valle di Messico infiniti luoghi; la maggior parte d'essi, e spezialmente i più grandi, come quelli di Xilotopec e di Huitzapan nelle vicinanze del paese, che innanzi occupavano: altri sparsi fra i Matlatzinchi, ed i Tlascallesi, ed in altre Provincie del Regno.' _Id._, p. 148. 'Los indios de este pais (Querétaro) eran por la mayor parte otomites.' _Alegre_, _Hist. Comp. de Jesus_, tom. ii., p. 163; _Humboldt_, _Essai Pol._, tom. i., p. 77. 'Sous le nom d'Othomis, on comprenait généralement les restes des nations primitives, répandus dans les hautes vallées qui bornent l'Anahuac à l'occident.' _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. iii., p. 56. 'Les traditions les plus anciennes du Mexique nous montrent les Othomis en possession des montagnes et de la vallée d'Anahuac, ainsi que des vastes contrées qui s'étendent au delà, dans le Michoacan, jusqu'aux frontières de Xalizco et de Tonalàn; ils étaient également les maîtres du plateau de Tlaxcallan.' _Id._, tom. i., p. 160. 'Ils occupaient la plus grande partie de la vallée d'Anahuac, avec ses contours jusqu'aux environs de Cholullan, ainsi que les provinces que s'étendent au nord entre la Michoacan et Tuilantzinco.' _Id._, p. 196. 'Otompan, aujourd'hui Otumba, fut leur capitale.' _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Popol Vuh_, introd., pp. xxx., cx. Querétaro 'fue siempre domicilio de los esforzados Othomites.... Tienen poblado todo lo alto de las Montañas, que circundan á Mexico, siendo cabecera de toda la Provincia Othomí Xilotepec, que la hacen numerosa los Pueblos de Tepexic, Tula, Huichiapan, Xiquilpo, Atocpan, el Mexquital, S. Juan del Rio, y Queretaro.' _Espinosa_, _Chrón. Apostólica_, pp. 1-2. The Otomí language 'se le encuentra derramado por el Estado de México, entra en San Luis Potosí, abraza todo Querétaro y la mayor parte de Guanajuato, limitándose al O. por los pueblos de los tarascos; reaparece confundido con el tepehua cerca del totonaco, y salpicado aquí y allá se tropieza con él en Puebla y en Veracruz.' _Orozco y Berra_, _Geografía_, pp. 17, 216-7, 240, 255-6, 261-4, 272. 'En todo el Estado de Querétaro y en una parte de los de San Luis, Guanajuato, Michoacan, México, Puebla, Veracruz y Tlaxcala.' _Pimentel_, _Cuadro_, tom. i., p. 117. Concurrent authorities: _Hassel_, _Mex. Guat._, p. 138; _Delaporte_, _Reisen_, tom. x., p. 323; _Ward's Mexico_, vol. ii., p. 345; _Mühlenpfordt_, _Mejico_, tom. ii., pt. ii., p. 477; _Wappäus_, _Geog. u. Stat._, pp. 36, 188, 196-7; _Klemm_, _Cultur-Geschichte_, tom. v., p. 193; _Gallatin_, in _Amer. Ethno. Soc., Transact._, vol. i., p. 2; _Gemelli Careri_, in _Churchill's Col. Voyages_, tom. iv., p. 513. 'Habitait les bords du golfe du Mexique, depuis la province de Panuco jusqu'au Nueces.' _Domenech_, _Jour._, p. 16. The _Mazahuas_ 'furono tempo fa parte della Nazione Otomita.... I principali luoghi da loro abitati erano sulle montagne occidentali della Valle Messicana, e componevano la Provincia di Mazahuacan, appartenente alla Corona di Tacuba.' _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. i., pp. 149-50; copied in _Heredia y Sarmiento_, _Sermon de Guadalupe_, p. 83. 'Mazahua, Mazahui, Matzahua, Matlazahua Mozahui, en Mexico y en Michoacan. En tiempos del imperio azteca esta tribu pertenecia al reino de Tlacopan; sus pueblos marcaban los límites entre su señorío y Michoacan.' _Orozco y Berra_, _Geografía_, p. 256. 'Parece que solo quedan algunos restos de la nacion mazahua en el distrito Ixtlahuaca, perteneciente al Departamento de México.' _Pimentel_, _Cuadro_, tom. ii., p. 193. 'Au nord ils étendaient leurs villages jusqu'à peu de distance de l'ancien Tollan.' _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. iii., p. 56. The _Huastecs_, Huaxtecs, Guastecs, or Cuextecas inhabit portions of the states of Vera Cruz and Tamaulipas. 'A los mismos llamaban Panteca ó Panoteca, que quiere decir hombres del lugar pasadero, los cuales fueron así llamados, y son los que viven en la provincia de Panuco, que propiamente se llaman Pantlan, ó Panotlan.' _Sahagun_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. iii., lib. x., p. 132. 'El Huaxtecapan se extendió de Veracruz á San Luis Potosí, y corria á lo largo de la costa del Golfo, hácia el Norte, prolongándose probablemente muy adentro de Tamaulipas, por lugares en donde ahora no se encuentra ni vestigio suyo.' _Orozco y Berra_, _Geografía_, pp. 206, 19. 'Cuando llegaron los españoles, el lugar que ocupaban era la frontera Norte del reino de Texcoco, y parte de la del mexicano.... Hoy se conoce su pais con el nombre de la Huaxteca: comprende la parte Norte del Estado de Veracruz y una fraccion lindante del de San Luis, confinando, al Oriente, con el Golfo de México, desde la barra de Tuxpan hasta Tampico.' _Pimentel_, _Cuadro_, tom. i., p. 5. Further mention in _Chaves_, _Rapport_, in _Ternaux-Compans_, _Voy._, série ii., tom. v., p. 298; _Mühlenpfordt_, _Mejico_, tom. ii., pt. i., p. 46; _Hassel_, _Mex. Guat._, p. 226; _Wappäus_, _Geog. u. Stat._, pp. 35-6; _Squier's Cent. Amer._, p. 316; _Villa-Señor_, _Theatro_, tom. i., p. 122. [Sidenote: TOTONACS AND NAHUATLACS.] The _Totonacs_ occupy the country east of the valley of Mexico down to the sea-coast, and particularly the state of Veracruz and a portion of Puebla. 'Estos Totonaques estan poblados á la parte del norte, y se dice ser guastemas.' _Sahagun_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. iii., lib. x., pp. 131-4. 'Totonachi. Questa grande Provincia, ch'era per quella parte l'ultima dell' imperio, si stendeva per ben centocinquanta miglia, cominciando dalla frontiera di Zacatlan ... e terminando nel Golfo Messicano. Oltre alla capitale Mizquihuacan, quindici miglia a Levante da Zacatlan, v'era la bella Città di Cempoallan sulla costa del Golfo.' _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. i., p. 34. 'Raccontavano dunque, que essendosi eglino da principio per qualche tempo stabiliti su le rive del lago tezcucano, quindi si portarono a popolare quelle montagne, che da loro presero il nome di Totonacapan.' _Id._, tom. iv., p. 51. 'En Puebla y en Veracruz. Los totonacos ocupan la parte Norte del Departamento, formando un solo grupo con sus vecinos de Veracruz; terminan sobre la costa del golfo, en toda la zona que se extiende entre los rios de Chachalacas y de Cazones ó S. Márcos.' _Orozco y Berra_, _Geografía_, pp. 214, 216. 'Están estendidos, y derramados por las Sierras, que le caen, al Norte, à esta Ciudad de Mexico.' _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. i., p. 278; _Pimentel_, _Cuadro_, tom. i., p. 223. 'In the districts of Zacatlan, State of Puebla, and in the State of Vera Cruz.' _Ludewig's Ab. Lang._, p. 190; _Villa-Señor_, _Theatro_, tom. i., p. 312; _Mühlenpfordt_, _Mejico_, tom. i., p. 208; _Gallatin_, in _Amer. Ethno. Soc., Transact._, vol. i., p. 4. The _Meztitlanecs_ inhabited the region north of Tezcuco, between the Sierra Madre and the territory occupied by the Huastecs. 'Al Norte de Tetzcoco existia el señorío independiente de Meztitlan, que hoy corresponde al Estado de México.... Obedecian á Meztitlan, cabecera principal, las provincias de Molango, Malila, Tlanchinolticpac, Ilamatlan, Atlihuetzian, Suchicoatlan, Tianguiztengo, Guazalingo, Yagualica. El señorío, pues, se extendia por toda la sierra, hasta el limite con los huaxtecos: en Yahualica estaba la guarnicion contra ellos, por ser la frontera, comenzando desde allí las llanuras de Huaxtecapan. Xelitla era el punto mas avanzado al Oeste y confinaba con los bárbaros chichimecas: el término al Sur era Zacualtipan y al Norte tenia á los chichimecas.' _Chavez_, _Relacion de Meztitlan_, quoted in _Orozco y Berra_, _Geografía_, p. 246. The _Nahuatlacs_ 'se diuiden en siete linajes.... Los primeros fueron los Suchimilcos, que quiere dezir, gente de sementeras de flores. Estos poblaron a la orilla de la gran laguna de Mexico hazia el Mediodia, y fundaron vna ciudad de su nombre, y otros muchos lugares. Mucho despues llegaron los del segundo linage llamados Chalcas, que significa gente de las bocas, y tambien fundaron otra ciudad de su nombre, partiendo terminos con los Suchimílcos. Los terceros fueron los Tepanecas, que quiere dezir, gente de la Puente. Y tambien poblaron en la orilla de la laguna al Occidente.... La cabeça de su provincia la llamaron Azcapuzàlco.... Tras estos vinieron, los que poblaron a Tezcùco, que son los de Cùlhua, que quiere dezir, gente corua.... Y assi quedò la laguna cercada de estas quatro naciones, poblando estos al Oriente, y los Tepanècas al Norte.... Despues llegaron los Tlatluìcas, que significa gente de la sierra.... Y como hallaron ocupados todos los llanos en contorno de la laguna hasta las sierras, passaron de la otra parte de la sierra.... Y a la cabeça de su prouincia llamaron Quahunahuàc ... que corrompidamente nuestro vulgo llama Quernauaca, y aquella prouincia es, la que oy se dize el Marquesado. Los de la sexta generacion, que son los Tlascaltècas, que quiere dezir gente de pan, passaron la serrania hazia el Oriente atrauessando la sierra neuada, donde està el famoso bolcan entre Mexico y la ciudad de los Angeles ... la cabeça de su prouincia llamaron de su nombre Tlascàla.... La septima cueua, o linage, que es la nacion Mexicana, la qual como las otras, salio de las prouincias de Aztlan, y Teuculhuàcan.' _Acosta_, _Hist. de las Ynd._, pp. 454-8. Repeated in _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. iii., lib. ii., cap. x. Also in _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. i., pp. 151-2, and in _Heredia y Sarmiento_, _Sermon de Guadalupe_, p. 85; _Orozco y Berra_, _Geografía_, pp. 91-2. The _Acolhuas_ inhabited the kingdom of Acolhuacan. 'Su capital era Tetzcoco, á la orilla del lago de su nombre.... La extension del reino era: desde el mar del N. á la del Sur, con todo lo que se comprende á la banda del Poniente hasta el puerto de la Veracruz, salvo la cuidad de Tlachcala y Huexotzinco.' _Pomar_, _Relacion de Texcoco_, quoted in _Orozco y Berra_, _Geografía_, pp. 240-2. 'Juan B. Pomar fija los límites del reino con toda la exageracion que puede infundir el orgullo de raza. Por nuestra parte, hemos leido con cuidado las relaciones que á la monarquía corresponden, y hemos estudiado en el plano los lugares á que se refieren, y ni de las unas ní de los otros llegamos á sacar jamas que los reyes de Aculhuacan mandaran sobre las tribus avecindadas en la costa del Pacífico, no ya á la misma altura de México, sino aun á menores latitudes.' _Orozco y Berra_, _Geografía_, pp. 242-4. See further: _Motolinia_, _Hist. Indios_, in _Icazbalceta_, _Col. de Doc._, tom. i., p. 11; _Ixtlilxochitl_, _Relaciones_, in _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. ix., p. 341. The _Ocuiltecs_ 'viven en el distrito de Toluca, en tierras y terminos suyos.' _Sahagun_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. iii., lib. x., p. 130. The _Macaoaquez_ 'viven en una comarca de Toluca, y están poblados en el pueblo de Xocotitlan. _Ib._ The _Tarascos_ dwell chiefly in the state of Michoacan. 'La provincia de estos, es la madre de los pescados, que es Michoacan: llámase tambien Quaochpanme.' _Sahagun_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. iii., lib. x., p. 137. Repeated in _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. i., p. 148. Their territory is bounded: 'Au nord-est, le royaume de Tonalan et le territoire maritime de Colima eu sont séparés par le rio Pantla et le fleuve Coahuayana, auquel s'unit cette rivière, dix lieues avant d'aller tomber dans la mer Pacifique, dont le rivage continue ensuite à borner le Michoacan, au sud-ouest, jusqu'à Zacatollan. Là les courbes capricieuses du Mexcala lui constituent d'autres limites, à l'est et au sud, puis, à l'est encore, les riches provinces de Cohuixco et de Matlatzinco.... Plus au nord, c'étaient les Mazahuas, dont les fertiles vallées, ainsi que celles des Matlatzincas, s'étendent dans les régions les plus froides de la Cordillère; enfin le cour majestueux du Tololotlan et les rives pittoresques du lac Chapala formaient une barrière naturelle entre les Tarasques et les nombreuses populations othomies et chichimèques des états de Guanaxuato et de Queretaro.' _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. iii., pp. 53, 56. 'El tarasco se habla en el Estado de Michoacan, exceptuando la parte Sur-Oeste que linda con el Pacífico donde se habla el mexicano, una pequeña parte al Nor-Este, donde se acostumbra el othomí ó el mazahua, y otra parte donde se usa el matlatzinca. Tambien se habla en el Estado de Guanajuato, en la parte que linda con Michoacan y Guadalajara, limitada al Oriente por una línea que puede comenzar en Acámbaro, seguir á Irapuato y terminar en San Felipe, es decir, en los límites con San Luis Potosí.' _Pimentel_, _Cuadro_, tom. i., p. 271. 'En Michoacan, Guerrero, Guanajuato y Jalisco.' _Orozco y Berra_, _Geografía_, pp. 58, 238, 264, 271-2, 281. Concurrent authorities: _Gallatin_, in _Amer. Ethno. Soc., Transact._, vol. i., p. 4; _Ludewig's Ab. Lang._, p. 182; _Figuier's Hum. Race_, p. 460; _Ward's Mexico_, vol. ii., p. 675 [Sidenote: MATLALTZINCAS AND TLAPANECS.] The _Matlaltzincas_, Pirindas, or Tolucas inhabited the valley of Toluca, situated between the valley of Mexico and Michoacan. 'La Provincia dei Matlatzinchi comprendeva, oltre la valle di Tolocan, tutto quello spazio, che v'è infino a Tlaximaloyan (oggi Taximaroa) frontiera del regno di Michuacan.... Nelle montagne circonvicine v'erano gli stati di Xalatlauhco, di Tzompahuacan, e di Malinalco; in non molta lontananza verso Levante dalla valle quello d'Ocuillan, e verso Ponente quelli di Tozantla, e di Zoltepec.' _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. i., pp. 31-2, 150. 'Antiguamente en el valle de Toluca; pero hoy solo se usa en Charo, lugar perteneciente al Estado de Michoacan.' _Pimentel_, _Cuadro_, tom. i., p. 499. 'In the district of that name, sixty miles south-west of Mexico.' _Gallatin_, in _Amer. Ethno. Soc., Transact._, tom. i., p. 4. Also in _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. iii., p. 56. The _Chumbias_ inhabit the pueblos Ciutla, Axalo, Ihuitlan, Vitalata, Guaguayutla and Coyuquilla in the State of Guerrero. _Orozco y Berra_, _Geografía_, p. 227. The _Tlapanecs_, Coviscas, Yopes, Yopis, Jopes, Yopimes, Tenimes, Pinomes, Chinquimes, Chochontes, Pinotl-Chochons, Chochos, Chuchones, Popolocas, Tecos, Tecoxines, or Popolucas are one and the same people, who by different writers are described under one or the other of these names. 'Estos Coviscas y Tlapanecas, son unos ... y están poblados en Tepecuacuilco y Tlachmalacac, y en la provincia de Chilapan.' 'Estos Yopimes y Tlapanecas, son de los de la comarca de Yopitzinco, llámenles Yopes ... son los que llaman propiamente tenimes, pinome, chinquime, chochonti.' _Sahagun_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. iii., lib. x., p. 135; quoted also in _Orozco y Berra_, _Geografía_, pp. 235-6, 217, 196. 'La provincia de los Yopes lindaba al Oeste con los Cuitlateques, al Sur con el Pacífico, al Este con los Mixtecos y al Norte con los Cohuixcas: la division por esta parte la representaria una linea de Este à Oeste, al Sur de Xocolmani y de Amatlan, y comprendiera à los actuales tlapanecos.' _Montufar_, in _Id._, pp. 235-6. 'Confinava colla costa dei Cohuixchi quella dei Jopi, e con questa quella dei Mixtechi, conosciuta ai nostri tempi col nome di Xicayan.' _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. i., p. 34; _Gallatin_, in _Amer. Ethno. Soc., Transact._, vol. i., p. 4. 'Tecamachalco era su poblacion principal, y se derramaban al Sur hasta tocar con los mixtecos. Durante el siglo XVI se encontraban aún popolocos en Tlacotepec y en San Salvador (unidos con los otomíes), pueblo sujeto á Quecholac.... Por la parte de Tehuacan, el límite de esta tribu se hallaba en Coxcatlan.' _Orozco y Berra_, _Geografía_, pp. 217-18. The Chochos dwell in sixteen pueblos in the department of Huajuapan in the state of Oajaca. _Id._, p. 196. The _Cohuixcas_ dwelt in the province of the same name, which 'confinava a Settentrione coi Matlatzinchi, e coi Tlahuichi, a Ponente coi Cuitlatechi, a Levante coi Jopi e coi Mixtechi, ed a Mezzogiornio si stendeva infino al Mar Pacifico per quella parte, dove presentemente vi sono il porto e la Città d'Acapulco.' _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. i., p. 32. 'La provincia comenzaba en Zacualpa, límite con los matlaltzincas, y que, por último, los confines de esa porcion antigua del imperio Mexicano, eran al Norte los matlaltzinques; los tlahuiques, al Este los mixtecos y los tlapanecos, al Sur los yopes, y al Oeste los cuitlateques.' _Orozco y Berra_, _Geografía_, pp. 227-32. Their country lies 'between Tesitzlan and Chilapan.' _Ker's Travels_, p. 233. The _Cuitlatecs_ inhabit the country between the Cohuixcas and the Pacific Coast. 'I Cuitlatechi abitavano un paese, che si stendeva più di dugento miglia da Maestro a Scirocco dal regno di Michuacan infino al mar Pacifico. La loro capitale era la grande e popolosa città di Mexcaltepec sulla costa, della quale appena sussistono le rovine.' _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. i., p. 32. 'En Ajuchitlan, San Cristóbal y Poliutla en la municipalidad de Ajuchitlan, distrito del mismo nombre, y en Atoyac, distrito y municipalidad de Tecpan. La provincia de los cuitlateques ó cuitlatecos, sujeta en lo antiguo á los emperadores de México, quedaba comprendida entre las de Zacatula y de los cohuixques.' _Orozco y Berra_, _Geografía_, pp. 233-4. Proceeding southward, among the SOUTHERN MEXICANS, we first encounter the _Miztecs_, whose province, Miztecapan, was in the present states of Oajaca and Guerrero. 'La Mixtecapan, o sia Provincia dei Mixtechi si stendeva da Acatlan, luogo lontano cento venti miglia dalla corte verso Scirocco, infino al Mar Pacifico, e conteneva più Città e villaggi ben popolati, e di considerabile commercio.' _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. i., p. 32. 'Le Mixtecapan comprenait les régions occidentales de l'état d'Oaxaca, depuis la frontière septentrionale d'Acatlan, qui le séparait des principautés des Tlahuicas et de Mazatlan, jusque sur le rivage de l'océan Pacifique. Elles se divisaient en haute et basse Mixtèque, l'une et l'autre également fertiles, la première resserrèe entre les montagnes qui lui donnaient son nom; la seconde, occupant les riches territoires des bords de la mer, ayant pour capitale la ville de Tututepec (à l'embouchure du rio Verde).' _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. iii., p. 4. 'Les Mixtèques donnaient eux-mêmes à leur pays le nom de Gnudzavui-Gnuhu, Terre de pluie, pour le haute Mixtèque, et Gnuundaa, Côte de la mer, à la basse.' _Id._, pp. 5-6. 'En la antigua provincia de este nombre, situada sobre la costa del mar Pacifico, que comprende actualmente, hácia el Norte, una fraccion del Estado de Puebla; hácia el Este, una del de Oajaca, y al Oeste, parte del Estado de Guerrero. Divídese la Mixteca en alta y baja, estando la primera en la serranía, y la segunda en las llanuras contiguas á la costa.' _Pimentel_, _Cuadro_, tom. i., p. 37. 'Westlich der Zapotécos, bei San Francisco Huizo im Norden und bei Santa Cruz Miztepéc im Süden des grossen Thales von Oajáca beginnen die Mistéken, welche den ganzen westlichen Theil des Staats einnehmen, und südlich bis an die Küste des Austral-Oceans bei Jamiltepéc und Tututepéc hinabreichen.' _Mühlenpfordt_, _Mejico_, tom. ii., pt. i., pp. 142, 187, 192-6, 198-9, 201-2. Also in _Wappäus_, _Geog. u. Stat._, p. 163. [Sidenote: ZAPOTECS AND MIJES.] The _Zapotecs_ occupy the large valley of Oajaca. 'Fue la Zapotecapan Señora, y tan apoderada de las demas de su Orizonte, que ambiciosos sus Reyes, rompieron los terminos de su mando, y se entraron ferozes, y valientes, por Chontales, Mijes, y tierras maritimas de ambos mares del Sur, y del Norte ... y venciendo, hasta Señorear los fertiles llanos de Teguantepeque, y corriendo hasta Xoconusco.' _Burgoa_, _Geog. Descrip._, tom. i., pt. ii., fol. 196, tom. ii., fol. 362. 'Hasta Tepeiac, Techamachalco, Quecholac y Teohuacan, que por aquí dicen que hicieron sus poblaciones los zapotecas.' _Veytia_, _Hist. Ant. Mej._, tom. i., p. 153. 'A Levante de' Mixtechi erano i Zapotechi, cosí chiamati dalla loro capitale Teotzapotlan. Nel loro distretto era la Valle di Huaxyacac, dagli Spagnuoli detta Oaxaca o Guaxaca.' _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. i., p. 32. 'En una parte del Estado de Oajaca, limitada al Sur por el Pacífico, exceptuando una pequeña fraccion de terreno ocupada por los chontales.' _Pimentel_, _Cuadro_, tom. i., p. 319. See also: _Orozco y Berra_, _Geografía_, pp. 177-87; _Murguía y Galardi_, in _Soc. Mex. Geog._, _Boletin_, tom. vii., pp. 245-6. 'The Zapotecs constitute the greater part of the population of the southern division of the Isthmus (of Tehuantepec).' _Barnard's Tehuantepec_, p. 226. 'Inhabit the Pacific plains and the elevated table-lands from Tarifa to Petapa.' _Shufeldt's Explor. Tehuantepec_, pp. 125, 133-4; _Garay's Tehuantepec_, p. 59; _Fossey_, _Mexique_, pp. 338, 470. 'Zapotécos, welche die Mitte des Staates, das grosse Thal von Oajáca bewohnen, sich im Osten über die Gebirge von Huixázo, Iztlán und Tanétze und die Thäler Los Cajónos ausbreiten, und im Süden, im Partido Quíechápa (Depart. Tehuantepéc) mit den Mijes, im Partido von Pochútla (Depart. Ejútla) aber mit den Chontáles, Nachbaren jener, gränzen.' _Mühlenpfordt_, _Mejico_, tom. ii., pt. i., pp. 141, 170, 173-6, 183-6, 189, 191, 199, 212-13; _Wappäus_, _Geog. u. Stat._, p. 162. 'Les Zapotèques appelaient leur pays Lachea.' _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. iii., p. 38; _Macgregor's Progress of America_, p. 848. The _Mijes_ dwell in the mountains of southern Oajaca and in a small portion of Tehuantepec. 'Antérieurement à la ruine de l'empire toltèque ... les Mijes occupaient tout le territoire de l'isthme de Tehuantepec, d'une mer à l'autre.' _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Voy. Tehuantepec_, pp. 138-9. 'Toute cette région, comprenant, à l'est, les cimes de la Sierra de Macuilapa que domine le village actuel de Zanatepec et les montagnes qui s'étendent, du côté opposé, vers Lachixila, baignées par la rivière de Tehuantepec, au sud, et, au nord, par celle de la Villa-Alta, jusqu'aux savanes, oú roulent les affluents de l'Alvarado et du Guazacoalco, appartenait à la même nation des Mixi ou Mijes ... les Mijes vaincus demeurèrent soumis dès lors aux rois de la Mixtèque et du Zapotecapan, à l'exception d'un petit nombre qui, jusqu'à l'époque espagnole, continuérent dans leur résistance dans les cantons austères qui environnent le Cempoaltepec. Ce qui reste de cette nation sur l'isthme de Tehuantepec est disséminé actuellement en divers villages de la montagne. Entre les plus importants est celui de Guichicovi que j'avais laissé à ma droite en venant de la plaine de Xochiapa au Barrio.' _Id._, pp. 105-7. 'Les Mixi avaient possédé anciennement la plus grande partie des royaumes de Tehuantepec, de Soconusco et du Zapotecapan; peut-être même les rivages de Tututepec leur devaient-ils leur première civilisation.' _Id._, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. iii., pp. 34-5. 'En algunos lugares del Departamento de Oajaca como Juquila, Quezaltepec y Atilan.' _Pimentel_, _Cuadro_, tom. ii., p. 173. 'Les Indiens mijes habitent une contrée montagneuse, au sud-ouest du Goatzacoalco et au nord-ouest de Tehuantepec.... De la chaîne des monts Mijes descend la rivière de Sarrabia, qui traverse la belle plaine de Boca-del-Monte.' _Fossey_, _Mexique_, p. 49. 'The Mijes, once a powerful tribe, inhabit the mountains to the west, in the central division of the Isthmus, and are now confined to the town of San Juan Guichicovi.' _Barnard's Tehuantepec_, p. 224; _Montanus_, _Nieuwe Weereld_, p. 225; _Hermesdorf_, in _Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour._, vol. xxxii., p. 547. 'The Mijes constituted formerly a powerful nation, and they still occupy the land from the Sierra, north of Tehuantepec, to the district of Chiapas. In the Isthmus they only inhabit the village of Guichicovi, and a small portion of the Sierra, which is never visited.' _Garay's Tehuantepec_, p. 60. Also _Macgregor's Progress of America_, p. 849; _Orozco y Berra_, _Geografía_, pp. 176-7. The _Huaves_, Huavi, Huabi, Huabes, Guavi, Wabi, etc., live on the Isthmus of Tehuantepec. 'Les Wabi avaient été, dans les siècles passés, possesseurs de la province de Tehuantepec.... Ils avaient été les maîtres du riche territoire de Soconusco (autrefois Xoconochco ... espèce de nopal), et avaient étendu leurs conquêtes jusqu'au sein même des montagnes, où ils avaient fondé ou accru la ville de Xalapa la Grande (Xalapa-del-Marques).' _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. iii., p. 3. 'The Huaves are in all little more than three thousand, and occupy the four villages of the coast called San Mateo, Santa Maria, San Dionisio, and San Francisco.' _Garay's Tehuantepec_, p. 59. 'Scattered over the sandy peninsulas formed by the lakes and the Pacific. At present they occupy the four villages of San Mateo, Santa Maria, San Dionisio, and San Francisco.' _Barnard's Tehuantepec_, p. 227. 'San Francisco Istaltepec is the last village, inhabited by the descendants of a tribe called Huaves.' _Hermesdorf_, in _Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour._, vol. xxxii., p. 546. 'Habitent les villages du bord de la mer au sud de Guichicovi.' _Fossey_, _Mexique_, p. 467. _Shufeldt's Explor. Tehuantepec_, p. 126; _Mühlenpfordt_, _Mejico_, tom. ii., pt. i., p. 141. 'Se extienden en Tehuantepec, desde las playas del Pacífico hasta la cordillera interior.' _Orozco y Berra_, _Geografía_, pp. 173-6. The _Beni-Xonos_ 'composaient une province nombreuse, occupant en partie les routes qui conduisaient au Mexique et aux montagnes des Mixi.... Leur ville principale, depuis la conquête, s'appelait San-Francisco, à 15 l. N. O. de la cité d'Oaxaca.' 'Habitant sur les confins des Mixi et des Zapotêques.' _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. iii., pp. 42-3. 'Les Beni-Xono sont appelés aussi Nexicha et Cajones.' _Ib._ The _Mazatecs_ live in the state of Oajaca, near the Puebla boundary. 'A Tramontana dei Mixtechi v'era la Provincia di Mazatlan, e a Tramontana, e a Levante dei Zapotechi quella di Chinantla colle loro capitali dello stesso nome, onde furono i loro abitanti Mazatechi e Chinantechi appellati.' _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. i., p. 33. 'In den Partidos Teutitlán und Teutíla, Departement Teutitlán del Camíno.' _Mühlenpfordt_, _Mejico_, tom. ii., pt. i., pp. 141, 206, 210. 'En el Departamento de Teotitlan, formando una pequeña fraccion en el límite con el Estado de Veracruz.' _Orozco y Berra_, _Geografía_, p. 188. [Sidenote: TRIBES OF OAJACA AND CHIAPAS.] The _Cuicatecs_ dwell 'en una pequeña fraccion del Departamento de Oajaca.' _Pimentel_, _Cuadro_, tom. ii., p. 259. 'In den Partidos Teutitlán und Teutíla, Departement Teutitlán del Camíno.' _Mühlenpfordt_, _Mejico_, tom. ii., pt. i., p. 141; repeated in _Orozco y Berra_, _Geografía_, pp. 188-9; _Wappäus_, _Geog. u. Stat._, p. 163. The _Pabucos_ live in the 'pueblo de Elotepec, Departamento del Centro.' _Orozco y Berra_, _Geografía_, p. 197; _Mühlenpfordt_, _Mejico_, tom. ii., pt. i., p. 187. The _Soltecs_ are in the pueblo de Sola. _Orozco y Berra_, _Geografía_, p. 197. The _Pintos_ are a people inhabiting small portions of Guerrero and Tehuantepec. 'A l'ouest, sur le versant des Cordillères, une grande partie de la côte baignée par le Pacifique, habitée par les Indiens Pintos.' _Kératry_, in _Revue des Deux Mondes_, Sept. 15, 1866, p. 453. 'On trouve déjà dans la plaine de Tehuantepec quelques échantillons de cette race toute particulière au Mexique, appelée pinto, qui appartient principalement à l'état de Guerrero.' _Charnay_, _Ruines Américaines_, p. 502. The _Chiapanecs_ inhabit the interior of the state of Chiapas. 'Dans l'intérieur des provinces bordant les rives du Chiapan, à sa sortie des gouffres d'où il s'élance, en descendant du plateau de Zacatlan.' (Guatemalan name for Chiapas,) and they extended over the whole province, later on. _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. ii., p. 87. 'À l'ouest de ce plateau, entre les Zotziles ou Quélènes du sud et les Zoqui du nord, habitaient les Chiapanèques.' _Id._, _Popol Vuh_, introd., pp. 157, 199. Also in _Laet_, _Novus Orbis_, p. 325; _Ludewig's Ab. Lang._, p. 39. 'En Acala, distrito del Centro, y en la villa de Chiapa y en Suchiapa, distrito del Oeste.' _Orozco y Berra_, _Geografía_, p. 172. 'Le principali Città dei Chiapanechi erano Teochiapan, (chiamata dagli Spagnuoli Chiapa de Indios), Tochtla, Chamolla, e Tzinacantla.' _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. i., p. 33. The _Tzendales_ are in Chiapas. 'De l'Etat de Chiapas.' _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Popol Vuh_, p. 364. 'The province called Zeldales lyeth behind this of the Zoques, from the North Sea within the continent, running up towards Chiapa and reaches in some parts near to the borders of Comitlan, north-westward.' _Gage's New Survey_, p. 236. Also in _Ludewig's Ab. Lang._, p. 193; _Pimentel_, _Cuadro_, tom. ii., p. 235; _Orozco y Berra_, _Geografía_, p. 169; _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. iv., lib. x., cap. xi.; _Laet_, _Novus Orbis_, p. 325. The _Zotziles_ inhabit a small district in Chiapas. 'La ciudad de Tzinacantlan, que en mexicano significa "lugar de murciélagos," fué la capital de los quelenes, y despues de los tzotziles quienes la llamaban Zotzilhá, que significa lo mismo; de zotzil, murciélago.' _Pimentel_, _Cuadro_, tom. ii., p. 245. Tzinacantan (Quiche Zotzilha) 'doit avoir été le berceau de la nation zotzil, l'une des nombreuses populations du Chiapas.' _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. ii., p. 88. The _Chatinos_ live in the 'Departamentos del Centro y de Jamiltepee.' _Orozco y Berra_, _Geografía_, p. 189; _Mühlenpfordt_, _Mejico_, tom. ii., pt. i., pp. 196-9. The _Chinantecs_, or Tenez, are in the 'Departamento de Teotitlan.' _Orozco y Berra_, _Geografía_, p. 187; _Mühlenpfordt_, _Mejico_, tom. ii., pt. i., p. 214. 'In the partidos of Quiechapa, Jalalog, and Chuapan.' _Ludewig's Ab. Lang._, p. 40. The _Ahualulcos_ inhabit San Francisco de Ocuapa which 'es la Cabeza de Partido de los Indios Ahualulcos.' _Alcedo_, _Diccionario_, tom. iii., p. 366. The _Quelenes_ occupied a district in Chiapas near the Guatemala boundary line. 'La nation des Quelènes, dont la capitale était Comitan, occupait la frontière guatémalienne.' _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. iii., p. 4. 'Au temps de la conquête, la ville principale des Quelènes était Copanahuaztlan.' _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Popol Vuh_, introd., p. 157. 'Établies entre le haut plateau de Ghovel ou de Ciudad-Real et les montagnes de Soconusco au midi.' _Ib._; and _Montanus_, _Nieuwe Weereld_, p. 271. The _Zoques_ are scattered over portions of Tabasco, Chiapas, Oajaca, and Tehuantepec. 'Se encuentran derramados en Chiapas, Tabasco y Oaxaca; tienen al Norte el mexicano y el chontal, al Este el tzendal, el tzotzil y el chiapaneco, al Sur el mexicano, y al Oeste el huave, el zapoteco y el mixe.' _Orozco y Berra_, _Geografía_, p. 170. 'Occupy the mountain towns of Santa Maria and San Miguel, and number altogether about two thousand souls.' _Shufeldt's Explor. Tehuantepec_, p. 126. 'Les Zotziles et les Zoqui, confinant, au sud-est, avec les Mixi montagnards, au nord avec les Nonohualcas, et les Xicalancas, qui habitaient les territoires fertiles de Tabasco.' _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. iii., p. 5. 'Quorum præcipuum Tecpatlan.' _Laet_, _Novus Orbis_, p. 325. 'The Soques, who came originally from Chiapas, inhabit in the Isthmus only the villages of San Miguel and Santa María Chimalapa.' _Garay's Tehuantepec_, p. 60. 'La mayor de ellas está situada á tres leguas de Tacotalpa, aguas arriba del rio de la Sierra. Ocupa un pequeño valle causado por el descenso de varios cerros y colinas que la circuyen.' _Pimentel_, _Cuadro_, tom. ii., pp. 236-8; _Mühlenpfordt_, _Mejico_, tom. ii., pt. i., pp. 181-2; _Macgregor's Progress of America_, pp. 849-50. 'The Zoques inhabit the mountainous region to the east, from the valley of the Chiapa on the south, to the Rio del Corte on the north. Originally occupying a small province lying on the confines of Tabasco, they were subjugated by the expedition to Chiapas under Luis Marin. At present they are confined to the villages of San Miguel and Santa Maria Chimalapa.' _Barnard's Tehuantepec_, p. 225. 'Near the Arroyo de Otates, on the road from Tarifa to Santa Maria, stands a new settlement, composed of a few shanties, inhabited by Zoques, which is called Tierra Blanca.' _Hermesdorf_, in _Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour._, vol. xxxii., p. 546. The _Choles_, _Manches_, and _Mopanes_ are scattered through small portions of Chiapas and Vera Paz in Guatemala. '23 leagues from Cahbón, in the midst of inaccessible mountains and morasses, dwell the Chóls and Manchés.' _Escobar_, in _Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour._, vol. xi., pp. 94-5. Residen en la 'Provincia del Manché.' _Alcedo_, _Dicc._, tom. iii., p. 452. Also in _Boyle's Ride_, vol. i., preface, p. 14; _Dunlop's Cent. Amer._, p. 196; _Gavarrete_, in _Panamá Star and Herald_, _Dec. 19, 1867_. 'Los Choles forman una tribu establecida desde tiempos remotos en Guatemala; dividos en dos fracciones ... la una se encuentra al Este de Chiapas, y la otra muy retirada en la Verapaz.' _Orozco y Berra_, _Geografía_, p. 167. 'Tenia por el Sur la Provincia del Chòl: Por la Parte del Oriente, y de el Norte, de igual modo, las Naciones de los Itzaex Petenes: Y por el Poniente, las de los Lacandones, y Xoquinoès.' _Villagutierre_, _Hist. Conq. Itza_, pp. 278-9. 'The nation of the Chol Indians is settled in a country about 25 or 30 leagues distant from Cahabon, the last village in Verapaz, and far removed from the Manchés.' _Juarros' Hist. Guat._, p. 275. [Sidenote: MAYAS AND ITZAS.] The _Mayas_ inhabit the peninsula of Yucatan. 'Avant la conquête des Espagnols, les Mayas occupaient toute la presque'île d'Yucatan, y compris les districts de Peten, le Honduras anglais, et la partie orientale de Tabasco.... La seule portion de pure race restant de cette grande nation, se réduit à quelques tribus èparses, habitant principalement les bords des rivières Usumasinta, San Pedro et Pacaitun; la totalitè de leur territoire fait, politiquement parlant, partie du Peten.' _Galindo_, in _Nouvelles Annales des Voy._, 1834, tom. lxiii., pp. 148-9, and in _Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour._, tom. iii., p. 59. 'En todo el Estado de Yucatan, Isla del Cármen, pueblo de Montecristo en Tabasco, y del Palenque en Chiapas.' _Pimentel_, _Cuadro_, tom. ii., p. 3; _Crowe's Cent. America_, pp. 46-7; _Müller_, _Amerikanische Urreligionen_, p. 453; _Mühlenpfordt_, _Mejico_, tom. i., p. 208; _Wappäus_, _Geog. u. Stat._, pp. 142-3. The _Itzas_ occupy a like-named district in the centre of Yucatan. 'Los que poblaron a Chicheniza, se llaman los Yzaes.' _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. iv., lib. x., cap. ii. 'Tienen por la parte del Mediodia, la Provincia de la Vera-Paz, y Reyno de Guatimala; por el Norte, las Provincias de Yucatán; por la parte del Oriente, el Mar; por la de el Occidente, la Provincia de Chiapa; y al Sueste, la Tierra, y Provincia de Honduras.' _Villagutierre_, _Hist. Conq. Itza_, p. 489. FOOTNOTES: [897] Otomí;--'_Otho_ en la misma lengua othomí quiere decir _nada_, y _mi_, quieto, ó sentado, de manera que traducida literalmente la palabra, significa nada-quieto, cuya idea pudiéramos expresar diciendo _peregrino ó errante_.' _Pimentel_, _Cuadro_, tom. i., p. 118. Chichimecs;--'Los demas Indios les llamaban Chichimecos (que hoy lo mismo es chichi que perros altaneros) por la ninguna residencia.' _Padilla_, _Conq. N. Galicia, MS._, p. 44. Speaking of Chichimecs, 'debaxo deste nombre estan muchas naciones con dierencias de lenguas como son Pamies, Capuzes, Samues, Zancas, Maiolias, Guamares, Guachichiles, y otros, todos diferentes aunque semejantes en las costumbres.' _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. viii., lib. vi., cap. xiv. For further etymology of tribes, see _Buschmann_, _Ortsnamen_. [898] 'Hanno d'altezza più di cinque piedi parigini.' _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. iv., p. 161. 'De pequeña estatura [cuatro piés seis pulgadas, á cinco piés cuando mas.]' _Berlandier y Thovel_, _Diario_, p. 229. In Yalisco 'casi en todo este reyno, son grandes, y hermosas.' _Gomara_, _Hist. Ind._, fol. 271. 'Son de estatura alta, bien hechos y fornidos.' _Ulloa_, _Noticias Americanas_, p. 308; _Tylor's Anahuac_, p. 182; _Burkart_, _Mexico_, tom. i., p. 49; _Oviedo_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. iii., p. 560; _Beaumont_, _Crón. de Mechoacan, MS._, p. 236. [899] 'In complexion, feature, hair and eyes, I could trace a very great resemblance between these Indians and the Esquimaux.' _Lyon's Journal_, vol. i., p. 296, see also vol. ii., pp. 199, 239. 'Son de la frente ancha, y las cabezas chatas.' _Sahagun_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. iii., pp. 133, 129. See further, _Prichard's Nat. Hist. Man_, vol. ii., p. 511; _Calderon de la Barca's Life in Mex._, vol. i., p. 200; _Almaraz_, _Memoria_, p. 79; _Humboldt_, _Essai Pol._, tom. i., pp. 82, 86; _Rossi_, _Souvenirs_, p. 280; _Viollet-Le-Duc._, in _Charnay_, _Ruines Américaines_, p. 102; _Poinsett's Notes on Mex._, pp. 107-8; _Ottavio_, in _Nouvelles Annales des Voy._, 1833, tom. lix., pp. 73-4; _Fossey_, _Mexique_, p. 391; _Vigneaux_, _Souv. Mex._, p. 320; _D'Orbigny_, _Voy._, p. 352; _Bonnycastle's Span. Am._, vol. i., pp. 49-50; _Figuier's Hum. Race_, p. 455; _Wappäus_, _Geog. u. Stat._, pp. 38-40; _Bullock's Mexico_, vol. i., pp. 184, 192; _Mayer's Mex. as it Was_, pp. 142, 167, 291. [900] In Mexico in 1698 the costume was a 'short doublet and wide breeches. On their shoulders they wear a cloak of several colours, which they call _Tilma_.... The women all wear the _Guaipil_, (which is like a sack) under the _Cobixa_, which is a fine white cotton cloth; to which they add another upon their back.... Their coats are narrow with figures of lions, birds, and other creatures, adorning them with curious ducks' feathers, which they call _Xilotepec_.' _Gemelli Careri_, in _Churchill's Col. Voyages_, vol. iv., p. 491. Dress of a native girl of Mexico, 'enaguas blanquísimas, el _quisquemel_ que graciosamente cubre su pecho y espalda ... dos largas trenzas color de ébano caen á los lados del cuello.' _Prieto_, _Viajes_, pp. 454, 190-1, 430-1. 'Leur costume varie selon le terrain et le climat.' _Löwenstern_, _Mexique_, pp. 176, 339. [901] See _Calderon de la Barca's Life in Mex._, vol. ii., pp. 346-8. [902] 'Usan de una especie de gran paño cuadrado, que tiene en el centro una abertura por donde pasa la cabeza.' _Berlandier y Thovel_, _Diario_, p. 229. [903] 'Yuan muy galanes, y empenachados.' _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. iv., lib. viii., cap. i. 'Señores ó principales, traían en el labio un bezote de chalchivite ó esmeralda, ó de caracol, ó de oro, ó de cobre.... Las mugeres cuando niñas, tambien se rapaban la cabeza, y cuando ya mosas dejaban criar los cabellos ... cuando alguna era ya muger hecha y habia parido, tocabase el cabello. Tambien traían sarcillos ó orejeras, y se pintaban los pechos y los brazos, con una labor que quedaba de azul muy fino, pintada en la misma carne cortándola con una navajuela.' _Sahagun_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. iii., lib. x., pp. 123-5, 133-4. 'En el Pueblo de Juito salieron muchos Yndios de paz con escapularios blancos al pecho, cortado el cabello en modo de cerquillo como Religiosos, todos con unas cruces en las manos que eran de carrizos, y un Yndio que parecia el principal ó cacique con un vestuario de Tunica talan.' _Padilla_, _Conq. N. Galicia, MS._, p. 73, also, pp. 21, 44, 46, 63, 107, 150. For further description of dress and ornaments see _Nebel_, _Viaje_, plates, nos. xxvi., xxxi., xxxvi., xli., xlvi.; _Thompson's Recollections Mexico_, p. 29; _Laet_, _Novus Orbis_, pp. 250, 252, 281; _Lafond_, _Voyages_, tom. i., p. 211; _Alegre_, _Hist. Comp. de Jesus_, tom. i., pp. 90, 279; _Lyon's Journal_, vol. ii., pp. 64, 198; _Arlegui_, _Chrón. de Zacatecas_, p. 162; _Beaumont_, _Crón. de Mechoacan, MS._, p. 210; _Apostólicos Afanes_, pp. 10, 67; _Alcedo_, _Diccionario_, tom. iii., p. 299; _Vigneaux_, _Souv. Mex._, pp. 276, 296; _Gomara_, _Hist. Ind._, fol. 55-6; _Biart_, in _Revue Française_, Dec. 1864, pp. 478-9; _Ottavio_, in _Nouvelles Annales des Voy._, 1833, tom. lix., p. 61; _Tylor's Anahuac_, p. 302; _Burkart_, _Mexico_, tom. i., pp. 50-1. [904] 'Les cabanes sont de véritables cages en bambous.' _Vigneaux_, _Souv. Mex._, p. 274; _Mayer's Mex. as it Was_, p. 170; _Ward's Mexico_, vol. ii., pp. 179, 522; _Bustamante_, in _Prieto_, _Viajes_, pp. 192, 195, 373, 437, 447; _Mühlenpfordt_, _Mejico_, tom. i., pp. 223-4; _Beaufoy's Mex. Illustr._, p. 258; _Pagés Travels_, vol. i., p. 159; _Dillon_, _Hist. Mex._, p. 47. [905] _Montanus_, _Nieuwe Weereld_, p. 250; and _Dapper_, _Neue Welt_, p. 582. 'Estos Otomies comian los zorrillos que hieden, culebras y lirones, y todo género de ratones, comadrejas, y otras sabandijas del campo y del monte, lagartijas de todas suertes, y abejones y langostas de todas maneras.' _Sahagun_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. iii., lib. x., pp. 126-7, 123-5. In Jalisco 'Los indios de aquellas provincias son caribes, que comen carne humana todas las veçes que la pueden aver.' _Oviedo_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. iii., p. 568. [906] In Puebla 'Los Indios se han aplicado mas al cultivo de la tierra y plantío de frutas y legumbres.' In Michoacan 'Cultivan mucho maiz, frixoles y ulgodon.' _Alcedo_, _Diccionario_, tom. i., pp. 494, 714. In Querétaro 'viven del cultivo de las sementeras.' _Id._, tom. iii., p. 320. [907] 'They boil the Indian wheat with lime, and when it has stood a-while grind it, as they do the cacao.' _Gemelli Careri_, in _Churchill's Col. Voyages_, vol. v., pp. 496, 492, 513; _Walton's Span. Col._, p. 305. For further account of food see _Tylor's Anahuac_, pp. 88-9, 156; _Sivers_, _Mittelamerika_, p. 295; _Klemm_, _Cultur-Geschichte_, p. 102; _Delaporte_, _Reisen_, tom. x., p. 323; _Padilla_, _Conq. N. Galicia, MS._, pp. 31, 44, 53, 73, 127; _Humboldt_, _Essai Pol._, tom. i., pp. 79, 87; _Larenaudière_, in _Nouvelles Annales des Voy._, 1824, tom. xxiii., p. 67; _Prieto_, _Viajes_, pp. 191-2, 373; _Mex. in 1842_, pp. 46, 64, 68; _Mayer's Mex., Aztec, etc._, vol. ii., p. 32; _Albornoz_, in _Icazbalceta_, _Col. de Doc._, tom. i., p. 488; _Mühlenpfordt_, _Mejico_, tom. i., pp. 185, 218-19; _Armin_, _Das Heutige Mexiko_, p. 245, with plate; _Mendoza_, _Hist. de las Cosas_, p. 310; _Malte-Brun_, _Précis de la Géog._, tom. vi., p. 443. [908] _Ward's Mexico_, vol. ii., pp. 268-9. 'One would think the bath would make the Indians cleanly in their persons, but it hardly seems so, for they look rather dirtier after they have been in the _temazcalli_ than before.' _Tylor's Anahuac_, p. 302. [909] _Padilla_, _Conq. N. Galicia, MS._, pp. 33, 72-3; _Beaumont_, _Crón. de Mechoacan, MS._, p. 235. 'El arco y la flecha eran sus armas en la guerra, aunque para la caza los caciques y señores usaban tambien de cervatanas.' _Alegre_, _Hist. Comp. de Jesus_, tom. i., p. 279. 'I saw some Indians that kill'd the least birds upon the highest trees with pellets shot out of trunks.' _Gemelli Careri_, in _Churchill's Col. Voyages_, vol. iv., p. 512, and in _Berenger_, _Col. de Voy._, tom. ii., p. 397. [910] _West und Ost Indischer Lustgart_, pt. i., p. 102; _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., pp. 141-4, with plate; _Cartas al Abate de Pradt_, p. 114; _Helps' Span. Conq._, vol. ii., p. 286; _Arricivita_, _Crónica Seráfica_, p. 89; _Sahagun_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. iii., lib. x., pp. 129, 133; _Lyon's Journal_, vol. i., pp. 149, 293; _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. iv., lib. viii., cap. ii.; _Mühlenpfordt_, _Mejico_, tom. ii., pt. ii., p. 378. 'Una macana, á manera de porra, llena de puntas de piedras pedernales.' _Oviedo_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. iii., p. 568. 'En schilden uit stijve stokjens gevlochten, van welke sick verwonderens-waerdig dienen in den oorlog.' _Montanus_, _Nieuwe Weereld_, pp. 225-6, and _Dapper_, _Neue Welt_, p. 254. [911] 'Siempre procuran de acometer en malos pasos, en tierras dobladas y pedregosas.' _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. vii., lib. ii., cap. xii. 'Tres mil Yndios formaban en solo una fila haciendo frente á nuestro campo.' _Padilla_, _Conq. N. Galicia, MS._, p. 34; see further, _Oviedo_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. iii., p. 572; _Beaumont_, _Crón. de Mechoacan, MS._, p. 235. [912] The Chichimecs 'Flea their heads, and fit that skin upon their own heads with all the hair, and so wear it as a token of valour, till it rots off in bits.' _Gemelli Careri_, in _Churchill's Col. Voyages_, vol. iv., p. 513, and _Berenger_, _Col. de Voy._, tom. ii., p. 400. 'Quitandoles los cascos con el pelo, se los llevan á su Pueblo, para baylar el mitote en compañia de sus parientes con las cabezas de sus enemigos en señal del triunfo.' _Arlegui_, _Chrón. de Zacatecas_, pp. 179, 159-60. Further reference in _Sahagun_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. iii., lib. x., pp. 133-4; _Alegre_, _Hist. Comp. de Jesus_, tom. i., p. 281. [913] _Cassel_, in _Nouvelles Annales des Voy._, 1830, tom. xlv., p. 338; _Vigneaux_, _Souv. Mex._, p. 274; _Prieto_, _Viajes_, p. 193; _Tylor's Anahuac_, pp. 201-2; _Mühlenpfordt_, _Mejico_, tom. i., pp. 224-6, 241; _Montanus_, _Nieuwe Weereld_, p. 224; and _Dapper_, _Neue Welt_, p. 252. [914] 'The Indians of this Countrie doe make great store of Woollen Cloth and Silkes.' _Purchas His Pilgrimes_, vol. iv., lib. vii., p. 1433. The Otomís 'sabian hacer lindas labores en las mantas, enaguas, y vipiles que tejian muy curiosamente; pero todas ellas labraban lo dicho de hilo de maguéy que sacaban y beneficiaban de las pencas.' _Sahagun_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. iii., lib. x., p. 127; see also, _Tylor's Anahuac_, p. 201; _Bustamante_, in _Prieto_, _Viajes_, p. 193; _Carpenter's Trav. Mex._, p. 243; _Mex. in 1842_, p. 66; _Mühlenpfordt_, _Mejico_, tom. ii., pt. ii., p. 341; _Lyon's Journal_, vol. ii., p. 43; _Thümmel_, _Mexiko_, p. 63. [915] _Dale's Notes_, p. 24. [916] 'In those countreys they take neither golde nor silver for exchange of any thing, but onley Salt.' _Chilton_, in _Hakluyt's Voy._, vol. iii., p. 459; compare _Lyon's Journal_, vol. i., p. 293, and vol. ii., p. 198; and _Tylor's Anahuac_, p. 85. [917] _Humboldt_, _Essai Pol._, tom. i., p. 98; _Tylor's Anahuac_, p. 316; _Ward's Mexico_, vol. ii., p. 237; _Lafond_, _Voyages_, tom. i., p. 131; _Mühlenpfordt_, _Mejico_, tom. i., p. 243; _Mill's Hist. Mex._, p. 6; _Carpenter's Trav. Mex._, p. 243. 'Les Mexicains ont conservé un goût particulier pour la peinture et pour l'art de sculpter en pierre et en bois.' _Malte-Brun_, _Précis de la Géog._, tom. vi., p. 446. 'Lo particular de Michoacan era el arte de pintar con las plumas de diversos colores.' _Alegre_, _Hist. Comp. de Jesus_, tom. i., p. 90. 'Son muy buenos cantores y tañedores de toda suerte de instrumentos.' _Mendoza_, _Hist. de las Cosas_, p. 308. [918] _Alegre_, _Hist. Comp. de Jesus_, tom. i., p. 281; _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. viii., lib. vi., cap. xv.; _Oviedo_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. iii., p. 567; _Padilla_, _Conq. N. Galicia, MS._, pp. 31, 68; _Ottavio_, in _Nouvelles Annales des Voy._, 1833, tom. lix., p. 61. [919] _Mayer's Mex., Aztec, etc._, vol. ii., p. 296; _Villa_, in _Prieto_, _Viajes_, pp. 428-30. 'Tenian uso y costumbre los otomíes, de que los varones siendo muy muchachos y tiernos se casasen, y lo mismo las mugeres.' _Sahagun_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. iii., lib. x., p. 127. Chichimecs 'casanse con las parientas mas cercanas, pero no con las hermanas.' _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. viii., lib. vi., cap. xv. [920] _Mühlenpfordt_, _Mejico_, tom. i., pp. 246-8; _Bullock's Mexico_, vol. i., p. 192; _Apostólicos Afanes_, pp. 21-2; _Rittner_, _Guatimozin_, p. 81. 'El amancebamiento no es deshonra entre ellos.' _Zarfate_, in _Alegre_, _Hist. Comp. de Jesus_, tom. i., pp. 281, 335. 'Zlingerden de kinderen in gevlochte korven aen boomtakken.' _Montanus_, _Nieuwe Weereld_, p. 219; and _Dapper_, _Neue Welt_, p. 246. [921] 'La mancebía, el incesto, y cuanto tiene de mas asquerosamente repugnante el desarreglo de la concupiscencia, se ha convertido en hábito.' _Prieto_, _Viajes_, p. 379; _Fossey_, _Mexique_, p. 27; _Gomara_, _Hist. Ind._, fol. 56. [922] _Humboldt_, _Essai Pol._, tom. i., p. 97; _Hassel_, _Mex. Guat._, p. 160; _Sahagun_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. iii., lib. x., p. 131; _Apostólicos Afanes_, p. 12; _Padilla_, _Conq. N. Galicia_, pp. 19, 127; _Wappäus_, _Geog. u. Stat._, p. 80; _Thümmel_, _Mexiko_, p. 61; _Alcedo_, _Diccionario_, tom. ii., p. 470; _Mühlenpfordt_, _Mejico_, tom. i., p. 219; _Gemelli Careri_, in _Churchill's Col. Voyages_, vol. iv., p. 517. [923] _Arlegui_, _Chrón. de Zacatecas_, pp. 161-2; _Mayer's Mex. as it Was_, pp. 175-6; _Mendoza_, _Hist. de las Cosas_, p. 311; _Prieto_, _Viajes_, p. 375; _Apostólicos Afanes_, p. 12. 'Los indios, si no todos en su mayor parte, viven ligados por una especie de masonería.' _Bustamante_, in _Prieto_, _Viajes_, p. 199. 'Wenn mehrere in Gesellschaft gehen, nie neben, sondern immer hinter einander und selten ruhig schreitend, sondern fast immer kurz trabend.' _Wappäus_, _Geog. u. Stat._, p. 39. 'L'Indien enterre son argent, et au moment de sa mort il ne dit pas à son plus proche parent oú il a déposé son trésor, afin qu'il ne lui fasse pas faute quand il ressuscitera.' _Cassel_, in _Nouvelles Annales des Voy._, 1830, tom. xlv., p. 339. [924] 'La petite vérole et la rougeole sont deux maladies très communes.' _Chappe d'Auteroche_, _Voyage_, p. 25. The Pintos 'marked with great daubs of deep blue ... the decoration is natural and cannot be effaced.' _Tylor's Anahuac_, p. 309. See further: _Fossey_, _Mexique_, pp. 33-4, 395-6. Compare _Humboldt_, _Essai Pol._, tom. i., pp. 66, 69-70, 88; _Montanus_, _Nieuwe Weereld_, p. 250; _Dapper_, _Neue Welt_, p. 282; _Cassel_, in _Nouvelles Annales des Voy._, 1830, tom. xlv., p. 340; _Löwenstern_, _Mexique_, p. 207; _Charnay_, _Ruines Américaines_, pp. 502-3; _Malte-Brun_, _Précis de la Géog._, tom. vi., p. 443; _Wappäus_, _Geog. u. Stat._, p. 40. [925] 'Los Indios son grandes herbolarios, y curan siempre con ellas.' _Mendoza_, _Hist. de las Cosas_, p. 311. 'For fevers, for bad colds, for the bite of a poisonous animal, this (the temazcalli) is said to be a certain cure; also for acute rheumatism.' _Calderon de la Barca's Life in Mex._, vol. i., p. 255; _Helps' Span. Conq._, vol. ii., p. 430; _Menonville_, _Reise_, p. 124; _Murr_, _Nachrichten_, p. 306; _Mühlenpfordt_, _Mejico_, tom. i., p. 250. [926] 'Notant barbari, folia parti affectæ aut dolenti applicata, de eventu morbi præjudicare: nam si firmiter ad hæreant, certum signum esse ægrum convaliturum, sin decidant, contra.' _Laet_, _Novus Orbis_, p. 271; _Villa_, in _Prieto_, _Viajes_, pp. 438-9. [927] The remains of one of their ancient kings found in a cave is thus described; 'estaba cubierto de pedreria texida segun su costumbre en la manta con que se cubria desde los hombros hasta los pies, sentado en la misma silla que la fingieron el solio, con tahalí, brazaletes, collares, y apretadores de plata; y en la frente una corona de hermosas plumas, de varios colores mezcladas, la mano izquierda puesta en el brazo de la silla, y en la derecha un alfange con guarnicion de plata.' _Alcedo_, _Diccionario_, tom. iii., p. 299. See also: _Mühlenpfordt_, _Mejico_, tom. i., pp. 259-60; _Apostólicos Afanes_, p. 22; _Armin_, _Das Heutige Mexiko_, p. 249. [928] _D'Orbigny_, _Voy._, p. 353; _Calderon de la Barca's Life in Mex._, vol. i., p. 200; _Mayer's Mex. as it Was_, pp. 170, 201; _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Voy. Tehuantepec_, pp. 114, 172; _Larenaudière_, in _Nouvelles Annales des Voy._, 1824, tom. xxiii., p. 67; _Ottavio_, in _Id._, 1833, tom. lix., p. 71; _Rittner_, _Guatimozin_, pp. 81-2; _Villa_, in _Prieto_, _Viajes_, pp. 446-7; _Arizcorreta_, _Respuesta á_, pp. 24, 26; _Sahagun_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. iii., lib. x., pp. 131, 135; _Rossi_, _Souvenirs_, p. 285; _Lafond_, _Voyages_, tom. i., p. 213; _Wappäus_, _Geog. u. Stat._, pp. 40-1; _Padilla_, _Conq. N. Galicia, MS._, p. 10; _Poinsett's Notes Mex._, pp. 108, 161; _Malte-Brun_, _Précis de la Géog._, tom. vi., p. 445; _Gemelli Careri_, in _Churchill's Col. Voyages_, vol. iv., p. 492; _Berenger_, _Col. de Voy._, tom. ii., pp. 383-4; _Bonnycastle's Span. Am._, vol. i., pp. 49-50. 'L'indigène mexicain est grave, mélancolique, silencieux, aussi long-temps que les liqueurs enivrantes n'ont pas agi sur lui.' _Humboldt_, _Essai Pol._, tom. i., pp. 94, 96. 'The most violent passions are never painted in their features.' _Mill's Hist. Mex._, pp. 5-6, 10. 'Of a sharpe wit, and good vnderstanding, for what soeuer it be, Sciences or other Arts, these people are very apt to learne it with small instructing.' _Purchas His Pilgrimes_, vol. iv., p. 1433. [929] The Pintos of Guerrero are 'most ferocious savages.' _Tylor's Anahuac_, p. 309. The Chichimecs are 'los peores de todos y los mayores homicidas y salteadores de toda la tierra.' _Zarfate_, in _Alegre_, _Hist. Comp. de Jesus_, tom. i., p. 281. See further, _Almaraz_, _Memoria_, p. 18; _Kératry_, in _Revue des deux Mondes_, Sept., 1866, p. 453; _Delaporte_, _Reisen_, tom. x., p. 323; _Orozco y Berra_, _Geografía_, p. 284; _Laet_, _Novus Orbis_, pp. 269, 280; _Combier_, _Voy._, p. 394; _Biart_, in _Revue Française_, Dec., 1864, pp. 479, 485; _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. viii., lib. vi., cap. xvi.; _Ribas_, _Hist. de los Triumphos_, p. 721; _Oviedo_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. iii., p. 560; _Gomara_, _Hist. Ind._, fol. 271; _Beaumont_, _Crón. de Mechoacan, MS._, pp. 197, 235; _Pagés' Travels_, vol. i., p. 150. [930] The Mayas, 'Sie selbst nennen sich heute noch _Macegual_, d. h. Eingeborene vom Maya-Lande, nie Yucatanos oder Yucatecos, was spanischer Ausdruck für die Bewohner des Staates ist.' _Wappäus_, _Geog. u. Stat._, pp. 142-3. See also _Orozco y Berra_, _Geografía_, pp. 163, 173, 176, 196; _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Popol Vuh_, preface, p. clvii.; _Mühlenpfordt_, _Mejico_, tom. i., p. 208; tom. ii., pt. i., pp. 140-3; _Burgoa_, _Geog. Descrip._, tom. ii., pt. ii., fol. 396, 400-1; _Remesal_, _Hist. de Chyapa_, pp. 264-5; _Juarros' Hist. Guat._, p. 14. [931] _Barnard's Tehuantepec_, pp. 220, 224, 227; _Moro_, in _Garay_, _Reconocimiento_, pp. 89-94; _Mühlenpfordt_, _Mejico_, tom. i., p. 215; _Macgregor's Progress of America_, pp. 848, 850; _Hermesdorf_, in _Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour._, vol. xxxii., p. 543; _Charnay_, _Ruines Américaines_, pp. 287, 500-1; _Hutchings' Cal. Mag._, vol. ii., p. 394. Zapotecs 'bien tallados,' Mijes 'Arrogantes, altiuos de condicion, y cuerpo,' Miztecs 'linda tez en el rostro, y buena disposicion en el talle.' _Burgoa_, _Geog. Descrip._, tom. ii., pt. ii., fol. 202, 271, 354, 401, tom. i., pt. ii., p. 134. 'Tehuantepec women: Jet-black hair, silky and luxuriant, enframes their light-brown faces, on which, in youth, a warm blush on the cheek heightens the lustre of their dark eyes, with long horizontal lashes and sharply-marked eyebrows.' _Tempsky's Mitla_, p. 269. The Soques, 'short, with large chests and powerful muscles.... Both men and women have very repulsive countenances.' _Shufeldt's Explor. Tehuantepec_, p. 126. [932] 'Es gente la de Yucatan de buenos cuerpos, bien hechos, y rezios'.... The women 'bien hechas, y no feas ... no son blancas, sino de color baço.' _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. iv., lib. iii., cap. iv. See further: _Dampier's Voyages_, vol. ii., pt. ii., p. 115; _Morelet_, _Voyage_, tom. i., p. 148; _Montanus_, _Nieuwe Weereld_, p. 258; _Dapper_, _Neue Welt_, p. 291; _Tylor's Anahuac_, p. 16. [933] _Burgoa_, _Geog. Descrip._, tom. ii., pt. ii., fol. 285; _Montanus_, _Nieuwe Weereld_, p. 255; _Dapper_, _Neue Welt_, p. 288; _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Voy. de Tehuantepec_, p. 194; _Palacios_, in _Orozco y Berra_, _Geografía_, p. 166; _Leon_, in _Id._, p. 162; _Museo Mex._, tom. ii., p. 555. 'Muchachos ya mayorcillos. Todos desnudos en carnes, como nacieron de sus madres.... Tras ellos venian muchos Indios mayores, casi tan desnudos como sus hijos, con muchos sartales de flores ... en la cabeza, rebuxada una toca de colores, como tocado de Armenio.' _Remesal_, _Hist. Chyapa_, p. 292. [934] 'With their hair ty'd up in a Knot behind, they think themselves extream fine.' _Dampier's Voyages_, vol. ii., pt. ii., p. 114. 'Muy empenachados y pintados.' _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. ii., lib. iv., cap. xi.; _Barnard's Tehuantepec_, pp. 221-2, 226. [935] 'Their apparell was of Cotton in manifold fashions and colours.' _Purchas His Pilgrimes_, vol. v., p. 885. The Maya woman's dress 'se reduce al hipil que cubre la parte superior del cuerpo, y al fustan ó enagua, de manta de algodon.' _Orozco y Berra_, _Geografía_, p. 158. Of the men 'un calzoncillo ancho y largo hasta media pierna, y tal vez hasta cerca del tobillo, de la misma manta, un ceñidor blanco ó de colores, un pañuelo, y un sombrero de paja, y á veces una alpargata de suela, con sus cordones de mecate.' _Registro Yucateco_, tom. i., pp. 177-8. See further: _Hassel_, _Mex. Guat._, p. 267; _Galindo_, in _Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour._, vol. iii., p. 59; _Wilson's Amer. Hist._, pp. 88, 114; _Morelet_, _Voyage_, tom. i., pp. 147, 179. [936] 'Tous portaient les cheveux longs, et les Espagnols ont eu beaucoup de peine à les leur faire couper; la chevelure longue est encore aujourd'hui le signe distinctif des Indiens insoumis.' _Waldeck_, _Voy. Pitt._, p. 40. 'Las caras de blanco, negro, y colorado pintadas, que llaman embijarse, y cierto parecen demonios pintados.' _Cogolludo_, _Hist. de Yucathan_, p. 6. Compare above with _Ternaux-Compans_, in _Nouvelles Annales des Voy._, 1843, tom. xcvii., p. 50; _Helps' Span. Conq._, vol. ii., p. 262. [937] 'The buildings of the lower class are thatched with palm-leaves, and form but one piece, without window or chimney.' _Hermesdorf_, in _Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour._, vol. xxxii., p. 544. 'Cubrense las casas de vna cuchilla que los Indios hazen de pajas muy espessas y bien assentadas, que llaman en esta tierra jacales.' _Dávila Padilla_, _Hist. Fund. Mex._, p. 549. See also: _Museo Mex._, tom. ii., p. 554; _Barnard's Tehuantepec_, pp. 221, 225, with cut; _Hassel_, _Mex. Guat._, p. 252; _Burgoa_, _Geog. Descrip._, tom. i., pt. ii., fol. 197. [938] The Chochos and Chontales 'no tenian Pueblo fundado, si no cobachuelas estrechas en lo mas escondido de los montes.' _Burgoa_, _Geog. Descrip._, tom. ii., pt. ii., fol. 336. The Chinantecs lived 'en rancherias entre barrancas, y espessuras de arboles.' _Burgoa_, _Palestra_, _Hist._, pt. i., fol. 102; _Charnay_, _Ruines Américaines_, p. 438. [939] Zapotecs; 'Se dan con gran vicio sus sementeras.' Miztecs, 'labradores de mayz, y frizol.' _Burgoa_, _Geog. Descrip._, tom. i., pt. ii., fol. 36, 143 and 47, 165-6, 184, tom. ii., pt. ii., fol. 199-200, 202, 228, 282, 396, 398, 400. Zapotecs, 'grande inclinacion, y exercicio á la caza, y monteria de animales campesinos en especial de venados.' _Burgoa_, _Palestra Hist._, pt. i., fol. 110. See further: _Barnard's Tehuantepec_, pp. 220-2, 225-6; _Moro_, in _Garay_, _Reconocimiento_, pp. 90, 93-4; _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Voy. Tehuantepec_, p. 196; _Navarrete_, _Col. de Viages_, tom. iii., pp. 56, 61; _Galindo_, in _Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour._, vol. iii., p. 59. [940] Tabasco: 'Comen a sus horas concertadas, carnes de vaca, puerco, y aues, y beué vna beuida muy sana, hecha de cacao, mayz, y especia de la tierra, la qual llaman Zocolate.' _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. iii., lib. vii., cap. iii. Tortillas, 'When they are baked brown, they are called "totoposti," and taste like parched corn.' _Shufeldt's Explor. Tehuantepec_, p. 125. The Chontales, 'su alimento frecuente es el posole ... rara vez comen la carne de res.' _Orozco y Berra_, _Geografía_, p. 161-2; _Dampier's Voyages_, vol. ii., pt. ii., pp. 112-14; _Hermesdorf_, in _Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour._, vol. xxxii., pp. 543-4. [941] Sr Moro, speaking of the chintule, says: 'Una infusion de estas raices comunica su fragancia al agua que los tehuantepecanos emplean como un objeto de lujo sumamente apreciado, tanto para labar la ropa de uso, como para las abluciones personales.' _Moro_, in _Orozco y Berra_, _Geografía_, p. 180. 'Toutes les parties de leur vêtement sont toujours nouvellement blanchies. Les femmes se baignent au moins une fois par jour.' _Fossey_, _Mexique_, p. 24. At Chiapas, 'Tous ces Indiens, nus ou en chemise, répandaient dans l'atmosphère une odeur sui _generis_ qui soulevait le coeur.' _Charnay_, _Ruines Américaines_, p. 457. The women are 'not very clean in their habits, eating the insects from the bushy heads of their children.' _Hermesdorf_, in _Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour._, vol. xxxii., p. 543. 'No son muy limpias en sus personas, ni en sus casas, con quanto se laban.' _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. iv., lib. x., cap. iv.; _Morelet_, _Voyage_, tom. i., p. 148. [942] 'Peleauan con lanças, armadas las puntas con espinas y huessos muy agudos de pescados.' _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. ii., lib. iv., cap. xi. 'Usaban de lanzas de desmesurado tamaño para combatir.' _Orozco y Berra_, _Geografía_, p. 187. See also: _Oviedo_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. iii., p. 461; _Burgoa_, _Geog. Descrip._, tom. ii., pt. ii., fol. 336; _Cogolludo_, _Hist. de Yucathan_, pp. 5-6, 11, 77; _Navarrete_, _Col. de Viages_, tom. iii., pp. 58-59; _Morelet_, _Voyage_, tom. i., p. 179. [943] 'Tienen enfrente deste Pueblo vn cerro altissimo, con vna punta que descuella soberviamente, casi entre la Region de las nubes, y coronase con vna muy dilatada muralla de lossas de mas de vn estado de alto, y quentan de las pinturas de sus characteres historiales, que se retiraban alli, para defenderse de sus enemigos.' _Burgoa_, _Geog. Descrip._, tom. i., pt. ii., fol. 167. 'Començaron luego á tocar las bozinas, pitos, trompetillas, y atabalejos de gente de guerra.' _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. ii., lib. ii., cap. xvii., and lib. iv., cap. xi. Also see _Cogolludo_, _Hist. de Yucathan_, pp. 5, 77-8; _Navarrete_, _Col. de Viages_, tom. iii., pp. 60-3; _Helps' Span. Conq._, vol. ii., p. 263. [944] _Dampier's Voyages_, vol. ii., pt. ii., p. 115; _Burgoa_, _Palestra Hist._, pt. i., fol. 110; _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Voy. Tehuantepec_, p. 196; _Charnay_, _Ruines Américaines_, p. 454. 'Sobre vna estera si la tiene, que son muy pocos los que duermen en alto, en tapescos de caña ... ollas, ó hornillos de tierra ... casolones, ò xicaras.' _Burgoa_, _Geog. Descrip._, tom. ii., pt. ii., fol. 294, 393. [945] 'Los zoques cultivan ... dos plantas pertenecientes á la familia de las _bromelias_, de las cuales sacan el _ixtle_ y la _pita_ cuyas hebras saben blanquear, hilar y teñir de varios colores. Sus hilados y las hamacas que tejen con estas materias, constituyen la parte principal de su industria y de su comercio'.... The Zapotecs, 'los tejidos de seda silvestre y de algodon que labran las mugeres, son verdaderamente admirables.' _Moro_, in _Orozco y Berra_, _Geografía_, pp. 170, 180. Of the Miztecs it is said that 'las mugeres se han dado á texer con primor paños, y huepiles, assi de algodon como de seda, y hilo de oro, muy costosos.' _Burgoa_, _Geog. Descrip._, tom. i., pt. ii., fol. 143, and tom. ii., pt. ii., fol. 400. Further reference in _Barnard's Tehuantepec_, pp. 226-7; _Chilton_, in _Hakluyt's Voy._, vol. iii., p. 459; _Hutchings' Cal. Mag._, vol. ii., p. 394; _Wappäus_, _Geog. u. Stat._, p. 163; _Waldeck_, _Voy. Pitt._, p. 49; _Gage's New Survey_, p. 236; _Mühlenpfordt_, _Mejico_, tom. ii., pt. i., pp. 198, 209. [946] _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. ii., lib. iii., cap. ii., lib. iv., cap. xi.; _Cogolludo_, _Hist. de Yucathan_, p. 2; _Morelet_, _Voyage_, tom. i., pp. 179, 214; _Shufeldt's Explor. Tehuantepec_, p. 123. 'Their canoes are formed out of the trunk of a single mahogany or cedar tree.' _Dale's Notes_, p. 24. When Grijalva was at Cozumel 'vino una canoa.' _Navarrete_, _Col. de Viages_, tom. iii., p. 56. The Huaves 'no poseyendo embarcaciones propias para arriesgarse en aguas de algun fondo, y desconociendo hasta el uso de los remos, no frecuentan mas que los puntos que por su poca profundidad no ofrecen mayor peligro.' _Moro_, in _Garay_, _Reconocimiento_, p. 90. [947] _Mill's Hist. Mex._, p. 158; _Palacios_, in _Orozco y Berra_, _Geografía_, p. 166; _Hermesdorf_, in _Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour._, vol. xxxii., p. 547; _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Voy. Tehuantepec_, p. 108; _Hutchings' Cal. Mag._, vol. ii., p. 394; _Macgregor's Progress of America_, vol. i., p. 849; _Moro_, in _Garay_, _Reconocimiento_, p. 93; _Stephens' Yucatan_, vol. ii., p. 14. [948] 'Les seigneurs de Cuicatlan étaient, au temps de la conquête très-riches et très-puissants, et leurs descendants en ligne directe, décorés encore du titre de caciques.' _Fossey_, _Mexique_, pp. 338-9. At Etla 'Herren des Ortes waren Caziken, welche ihn als eine Art von Mannlehen besassen, und dem Könige einen gewissen Tribut bezahlen mussten.' _Mühlenpfordt_, _Mejico_, tom. ii., pt. i., p. 188. The Miztecs 'tenian señalados como pregoneros, officiales que elegian por año, para que todas las mañanas al despuntar el Sol, subidos en lo mas alto de la casa de su Republica, con grandes vozes, llamasen, y exitasen á todos, diziendo salid, salid á trabajar, á trabajar, y con rigor executivo castigaban al que faltaba de su tarea.' _Burgoa_, _Geog. Descrip._, tom. i., pt. ii., fol. 151, also _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. iv., lib. x., cap. xi. [949] 'Estava sujeta á diuersos Señores, que como Reyezuelos dominaban diuersos territorios ... pero antes auia sido toda sujeta á vn Señor, y Rey Supremo, y asi gouernada con gouierno Monarquico.' _Cogolludo_, _Hist. de Yucathan_, p. 60. 'En cada pueblo tenian señalados Capitanes a quienes obedecian.' _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. iv., lib. x., cap. ii-iv. For old customs and new, compare above with _Morelet_, _Voyage_, tom. i., p. 168, and _Hassel_, _Mex. Guat._, p. 267. [950] 'With other presents which they brought to the conqueror were twenty female slaves.' _Helps' Span. Conq._, vol. ii., p. 264. [951] 'Vbo en esta juridicion grandes errores, y ritos con las paridas, y niños recien nacidos, lleuandolos á los rios, y sumergiendolos en el agua, hazian deprecacion á todos los animales aquatiles, y luego á los de tierra le fueran fauorables, y no le ofendieran.' _Burgoa_, _Geog. Descrip._, tom. ii., pt. ii., fol. 329. 'Consérvase entre ellos la creencia de que su vida está unida á la de un animal, y que es forzoso que mueran ellos cuando éste muere.' _Museo Mex._, tom. ii., pp. 554-5. 'Between husband and wife cases of infidelity are rare.... To the credit of the Indians be it also said, that their progeny is legitimate, and that the vows of marriage are as faithfully cherished as in the most enlightened and favored lands. Youthful marriages are nevertheless of frequent occurrence.' _Barnard's Tehuantepec_, p. 222. Women of the Japateco race: 'their manners in regard to morals are most blameable.' _Hermesdorf_, in _Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour._, vol. xxxii., p. 543. Moro, referring to the women of Jaltipan, says: 'Son de costumbres sumamente libres: suele decirse ademas que los jaltipanos no solo no las celan, sino que llevan las ideas de hospitalidad á un raro exceso.' _Garay_, _Reconocimiento_, p. 116; _Ferry_, _Costal L'Indien_, pp. 6-7; _Registro Yucateco_, tom. i., p. 166. [952] 'Iuntauanse en el Capul, que es vna casa del comun, en cada barrio, para hazer casamientos, el Cazique, el Papa, los desposados, los parientes: estando sentados el señor, y el Papa, llegauan los contrayentes, y el Papa les amonestaua que dixessen las cosas que auian hecho hasta aquella hora.' _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. iv., lib. x., cap. xi. [953] _Dampier's Voyages_, vol. ii., pt. ii., p. 114; _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. iv., lib. x., cap. iv.; _Ternaux-Compans_, in _Nouvelles Annales des Voy._, 1843, tom. xcvii., p. 50; _Stephens' Yucatan_, vol. ii., pp. 15-16; _Laet_, _Novus Orbis_, p. 272; _Dicc. Univ._, tom. iv., p. 256; _Baeza_, in _Registro Yucateco_, tom. i., p. 166. [954] 'Their amusements are scarcely worthy of note ... their liveliest songs are sad, and their merriest music melancholy.' _Barnard's Tehuantepec_, p. 222. 'Afectos á las bebidas embriagantes, conocen dos particulares, el _chorote_, y el _balché ó guarapo_, compuesto de agua, caña de azúcar, palo-guarapo y maiz quemado.' _Orozco y Berra_, _Geografía_, p. 162. See also: _Fossey_, _Mexique_, pp. 343, 364; _Dampier's Voyages_, vol. ii., pt. ii., p. 115; _Stephens' Yucatan_, vol. i., pp. 144-5; _Charnay_, _Ruines Américaines_, pp. 496-7. [955] 'Provinciæ Guazacualco atque Ylutæ nec non et Cueztxatlæ indiginæ, multas ceremonias Iudæorum usurpabant, nam et circumcidebantur, more à majoribus (ut ferebant) accepto, quod alibi in hisce regionibus ab Hispanis hactenus non fuit observatum.' _Laet_, _Novus Orbis_, p. 261. 'They appear to regard with horror and avoid with superstitious fear all those places reputed to contain remains or evidences of their former religion.' _Shufeldt's Explor. Tehuantepec_, p. 125. See further: _Museo Mex._, tom. ii., pp. 554-5; _Charnay_, _Ruines Américaines_, pp. 265, 286; _Burgoa_, _Geog. Descrip._, tom. ii., pt. ii., fol. 281-2, 290, 313, 332, 335-6, 397; _Id._, _Palestra Hist._, fol. 110; _Moro_, in _Garay_, _Reconocimiento_, pp. 90, 93; _Dicc. Univ._, tom. iv., p. 257. [956] _Burgoa_, _Geog. Descrip._, tom. ii., pt. ii., fol. 329; _Baeza_, in _Registro Yucateco_, tom. i., p. 168; _Morelet_, _Voyage_, tom. i., p. 313; _Hermesdorf_, in _Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour._, vol. xxxii., p. 543. 'Ay en esta tierra mucha diuersidad de yeruas medicinales, con que se curan los naturales.' _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. iii., lib. vii., cap. iii. The Maya 'sabe las virtudes de todas las plantas como si hubiese estudiado botánica, conoce los venenos, los antídotos, y no se lo ocultan los calmantes.' _Orozco y Berra_, _Geografía_, pp. 158, 162, 178. [957] _Ternaux-Compans_, in _Nouvelles Annales des Voy._, 1843, tom. xcvii., p. 51; _Museo Mex._, tom. ii., p. 554. 'En Tamiltepec, los indios usan de ceremonias supersticiosas en sus sepulturas. Se les ve hacer en los cementerios pequeños montones de tierra, en los que mezclan víveres cada vez que entierran alguno de ellos.' _Berlandier y Thovel_, _Diario_, p. 231. [958] The Miztecs 'siempre de mayor reputacion, y mas políticos.' Zapotecs 'naturalmente apazibles, limpios, lucidos, y liberales.' Nexitzas 'astutos, maliciosos, inclinados á robos, y desacatos, con otros Cerranos supersticiosos, acostumbrados á aleuosias, y hechizeros.' _Burgoa_, _Geog. Descrip._, tom. i., pt. ii., fol. 151, tom. ii., pt. ii., fol. 202, 312, also fol. 204, 211, 228, 271, 282, 294, 335, 400. Choles, 'nacion ... feroz, guerrera é independiente.' _Balbi_, in _Orozco y Berra_, _Geografía_, p. 167. 'Siendo los Indios Mixes de natural feroz, barbaro, y duro, que quieren ser tratados con aspereza, y rigor.' _Dávila_, _Teatro Ecles._, tom. i., p. 224. See further: _Burgoa_, _Palestra Hist._, pt. i., fol. 101; _Orozco y Berra_, _Geografía_, pp. 161-2, 186-7; _Torres_, in _Id._, p. 179; _Museo Mex._, tom. ii., pp. 554-5; _Tempsky's Mitla_, p. 269; _Hermesdorf_, in _Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour._, vol. xxxii., p. 543; _Barnard's Tehuantepec_, pp. 220-7; _Charnay_, _Ruines Américaines_, pp. 258-9, 287; _Oviedo_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. iii., p. 439; _Mühlenpfordt_, _Mejico_, tom. ii., pt. i., p. 200; _Dampier's Voyages_, vol. ii., pt. ii., pp. 115-16; _Dávila Padilla_, _Hist. Fund. Mex._, p. 294; _Laet_, _Novus Orbis_, p. 325. [959] 'Es el indio yucateco un monstruoso conjunto de religion é impiedad, de virtudes y vicios, de sagacidad y estupidez ... tiene ideas exactas precisas de lo bueno y de lo malo.... Es incapaz de robar un peso, y roba cuatro veces dos reales.... Siendo honrado en casi todas sus acciones ... se puede decir que el único vicie que le domina es el de la embriaguez.' _Registro Yucateco_, tom. i., pp. 291-3; _Baeza_, in _Id._, tom. i., pp. 166-8, 174; _Morelet_, _Voyage_, tom. i., p. 148; _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. iv., lib. x., cap. iv.; _Mill's Hist. Mex._, p. 158; _Moro_, in _Garay_, _Reconocimiento_, pp. 89-34; _Müller_, _Reisen_, tom. ii., p. 371. [Illustration: NATIVE RACES of the PACIFIC STATES CENTRAL AMERICAN GROUP] CHAPTER VII. WILD TRIBES OF CENTRAL AMERICA. PHYSICAL GEOGRAPHY AND CLIMATE--THREE GROUPAL DIVISIONS; FIRST, THE NATIONS OF YUCATAN, GUATEMALA, SALVADOR, WESTERN HONDURAS, AND NICARAGUA; SECOND, THE MOSQUITOS OF HONDURAS; THIRD, THE NATIONS OF COSTA RICA AND THE ISTHMUS OF PANAMÁ--THE POPOLUCAS, PIPILES, AND CHONTALES--THE DESCENDANTS OF THE MAYA-QUICHÉ RACES--THE NATIVES OF NICARAGUA--THE MOSQUITOS, POYAS, RAMAS, LENCAS, TOWKAS, WOOLWAS, AND XICAQUES OF HONDURAS--THE GUATUSOS OF THE RIO FRIO--THE CAIMANES, BAYAMOS, DORACHOS, GOAJIROS, MANDINGOS, SAVANERICS, SAYRONES, VISCITAS, AND OTHERS LIVING IN COSTA RICA AND ON THE ISTHMUS. Of the WILD TRIBES OF CENTRAL AMERICA, which territorial group completes the line of our Pacific States seaboard, I make three divisions following modern geographical boundaries, namely, the aborigines of Guatemala, Salvador, and Nicaragua, which I call _Guatemalans_; the people of the Mosquito Coast and Honduras, _Mosquitos_; and the nations of Costa Rica and the isthmus of Darien, or Panamá, _Isthmians_. [Sidenote: PHYSICAL GEOGRAPHY OF CENTRAL AMERICA.] The territory occupied by this group of nations lies between the eighteenth and the seventh parallels of north latitude, that is to say, between the northern boundary of the Central American states, and the river Atrato, which stream nearly severs the Isthmus from the South American continent. This continental tract is a narrow, irregular, indented coast-country of volcanic character, in which Guatemala and Honduras alone present any considerable breadth. The two cordilleras, running through Mexico and meeting on the isthmus of Tehuantepec, continue their course through Guatemala, where they form a broken table-land studded with elevations, of less height than the plateaux of Mexico. After sinking considerably at the isthmus formed by the gulf of Honduras, this mountain range takes a fresh start and offers a formidable barrier along the Pacific coast, which sends a number of transverse ranges into the interior of Honduras, and gives rise to countless rivers, chiefly emptying into the Atlantic. The chain passes at a diminished altitude through Nicaragua, where it forms a large basin, which holds the lakes of Nicaragua and Managua; but on reaching Costa Rica it again becomes a bold, rugged range, capped by the volcano of Cartago. Seemingly exhausted by its wild contortions, it dwindles into a series of low ridges on entering Veragua, and passes in this form through the isthmus of Panamá, until it unites with the South American Andes. The scenery of this region is extremely varied, uniting that of most countries of the globe; lakes, rivers, plains, valleys, and bays abound in all forms and sizes. The north-east trade winds blow the greater part of the year, and, meeting the high ranges, deposit their superabundant moisture upon the eastern side, which is damp, overgrown with rank vegetation, filled with marshes, and unhealthful. The summer here, is hot and fever-breeding. Relieved of their moisture, and cooled by the mountains, the trade winds continue their course through the gaps left here and there, and tend materially to refresh the atmosphere of the Pacific slope for a part of the year; while the south-west winds, blowing from May to October, for a few hours at a time, bring short rains to temper what would otherwise be the hot season on this coast. Dew falls everywhere, except in the more elevated regions, and keeps vegetation fresh. Palms, plantains, mahogany, and dye-woods abound in the hot district; maize flourishes best in the temperate parts, while cedars, pines, and hardier growths find a home in the tierra fria. The animal kingdom is best represented on the Atlantic side, for here the puma, the tiger-cat, and the deer, startled only by the climbing opossum or the chattering monkey, find a more secure retreat. Birds of brilliant plumage fill the forests with their songs, while the buzz of insects everywhere is heard as they swarm over sweltering alligators, lizards, and snakes. The manifold productions, and varied features of the country have had, no doubt, a great influence in shaping the destiny of the inhabitants. The fine climate, good soil, and scarcity of game on the Pacific side must have contributed to the allurements of a settled life and assisted in the progress of nations who had for centuries before the conquest lived in the enjoyment of a high culture. It is hard to say what might have been the present condition of a people so happily situated, but the advent of the white race, bent only upon the acquirement of present riches by means of oppression, checked the advancement of a civilization which struck even the invaders with admiration. Crossing to the Atlantic side we find an over-abundant vegetation, whose dark recesses serve as a fitting shelter for the wild beast. Here man, imbibing the wildness of his surroundings, and oppressed by a feverish climate, seems content to remain in a savage state depending upon natural fruits, the chase, and fishing for his subsistence. Of a roaming disposition, he objects to the restraint imposed by government and forms. The natives of Costa Rica and the isthmus of Darien escaped the civilizing influence of foreign intercourse,--thanks to their geographical isolation,--and remain on about the same level of culture as in their primitive days. [Sidenote: CENTRAL AMERICAN NATIONS.] Under the name of GUATEMALANS, I include the natives of Guatemala, Salvador, and Nicaragua. I have already pointed out the favorable features of the region inhabited by them. The only sultry portion of Guatemala is a narrow strip along the Pacific; it is occupied by a few planters and fishermen, who find most of their requirements supplied by the palms that grow here in the greatest luxuriance. The chief part of the population is concentrated round the various lakes and rivers of the table-land above, where maize, indigo, cochineal, and sugar-cane are staple products. In the altos, the banana is displaced by hardier fruits sheltered under the lofty cedar, and here we find a thrifty and less humble people who pay some attention to manufactures. Salvador presents less abrupt variation in its features. Although outside of the higher range of mountains, it still possesses a considerable elevation running through its entire length, which breaks out at frequent intervals into volcanic peaks, and gives rise to an abundant and well-spread water system. Such favorable conditions have not failed to gather a population which is not only the most numerous comparatively, but also the most industrious in Central America. Northern Nicaragua is a continuation of Salvador in its features and inhabitants; but the central and southern parts are low and have more the character of the Guatemalan coast, the climate being hot, yet not unhealthful. Its Atlantic coast region, however, partakes of the generally unfavorable condition described above. The Spanish rulers naturally exercised a great influence upon the natives, and their ancient civilization was lost in the stream of Caucasian progress, a stream which, in this region, itself flowed but slowly in later times. Oppressed and despised, a sullen indifference has settled upon the race, and caused it to neglect even its traditions. The greater portion still endeavor to keep up tribal distinctions and certain customs; certain tribes of lesser culture, as the cognate _Manches_ and _Lacandones_, retired before the Spaniards to the north and north-east, where they still live in a certain isolation and independence. The name Lacandones has been applied to a number of tribes, of which the eastern are described to be quite harmless as compared with the western. The _Quichés_, a people living in the altos, have also surrounded themselves with a certain reserve, and are truer to their ancient customs than the _Zutugils_, _Cakchiquels_, and many others related by language to the Quichés surrounding them. The _Pipiles_, meaning children, according to Molina, are the chief people in Salvador, where their villages are scattered over a large extent of territory. In Nicaragua we find several distinct peoples. The aboriginal inhabitants seem to have been the different peoples known as _Chorotegans_, who occupy the country lying between the bay of Fonseca and lake Nicaragua. The _Chontales_ (strangers, or barbarians) live to the north-east of the lakes, and assimilate more to the barbarous tribes of the Mosquito country adjoining them. The _Cholutecs_ inhabit the north from the gulf of Fonseca towards Honduras. The _Orotiñans_ occupy the country south of the lake of Nicaragua and around the gulf of Nicoya. Further information about the location of the different nations and tribes of this family will be found at the end of this chapter.[960] [Sidenote: PHYSIQUE AND DRESS.] The GUATEMALANS, that is to say the aborigines of Guatemala, Salvador, and Nicaragua, are rather below the middle size, square and tough, with a finely developed physique. Their hue is yellow-brown, in some parts coppery, varying in shade according to locality, but lighter than that of the standard American type. The full round face has a mild expression; the forehead is low and retiring, the cheek-bones protruding, chin and nose short, the latter thick and flat, lips full, eyes black and small, turned upwards at the temples, with a stoical, distrustful look. The cranium is slightly conical; hair long, smooth, and black, fine but strong, retaining its color well as old age approaches, though sometimes turning white. Although the beard is scanty, natives may be seen who have quite a respectable moustache. The limbs are muscular, the calf of the leg being especially large; hands and feet small; a high instep, which, no doubt, partly accounts for their great endurance in walking. The women are not devoid of good looks, especially in Nicaragua, where, in some districts, they are said to be stronger and better formed than the men. The custom of carrying pitchers of water upon the head, gives to the women an erect carriage and a firm step. The constitution of the males is good, and, as a rule, they reach a ripe old age; the females are less long-lived. Deformed persons are extremely rare. Guatemala, with its varied geographical aspects, presents striking differences in physique; the highlanders being lighter in complexion, and finer in form and features than the inhabitants of the lowlands.[961] [Sidenote: GUATEMALAN DRESS AND ORNAMENTS.] Intercourse with Spaniards seems to have produced little change in the dress of the Guatemalans, which is pretty much the same as that of the Mexicans. The poorer class wear a waist-cloth of white cotton, or of _pita_, which is a kind of white hemp, or a long shirt of the same material, with short sleeves, partly open at the sides, the ends of which are passed between the legs, and fastened at the waist; a strip of cotton round the head, surmounted by a dark-colored hat of straw or palm-leaves, with a very wide brim, completes the attire. This cotton cap or turban is an indispensable article of dress to the highlander, who passes suddenly from the cold air of the hilly country, to the burning plains below. Sumptuary regulations here obtain, as aboriginally the lower classes were not allowed to wear anything better than pita clothing, cotton being reserved for the nobles. The primitive dress of the nobility is a colored waist-cloth, and a mantle ornamented and embroidered with figures of birds, tigers, and other designs, and, although they have adopted much of the Spanish dress, the rich and fanciful stitchings on the shirt, still distinguish them from their inferiors. On feast-days, and when traveling, a kind of blanket, commonly known as _serape_, _manga_, or _poncho_, is added to the ordinary dress. The serape, which differs in style according to locality, is closer in texture than the ordinary blanket and colored, checked, figured, or fringed, to suit the taste. It has an opening in the centre, through which the head is passed, and hanging in loose folds over the body it forms a very picturesque attire. Some fasten it with a knot on one shoulder, leaving it to fall over the side from the other. The serape also serves for rain-coat and wrapper, and, at night, it is wound round the head and body, serving for bed as well as covering, the other portion of the dress being made into a pillow. The carriers of Guatemala use a rain-proof palm-leaf called _suyacal_. Shepherds are distinguished by a black and white checked apron, somewhat resembling the Scotch kilt. The hair, which, before the conquest of Guatemala, was worn long, and hung in braids down the back, is now cut short, except in the remote mountain districts, where long loose hair is still the fashion. In Salvador and Nicaragua, on the other hand, the front part of the hair used to be shaved off, the brave often appearing perfectly bald. Most natives go bare-footed, except when traveling; they then put on sandals, which consist of a piece of hide fastened by thongs. The women, when at home, content themselves with a waist-cloth, generally blue-checked, secured by a twisted knot; but, on going abroad, they put on the huipil, which is a piece of white cotton, having an opening in the middle for the head, and covering the breast and back, as far as the waist. Some huipils are sewed together at the sides and have short sleeves. On this part of their dress the women--who, for that matter, attend to the manufacture and dyeing of all the clothing--expend their best efforts. They embroider, or dye, the neck and shoulders with various designs, whose outlines and coloring often do great credit to their taste. In Guatemala, the colors and designs are distinct for different villages, so that it may at once be seen to which tribe the wearer belongs. The hair is plaited into one or two braids, interlaced with bright-colored ribbons, and usually wreathed turban-fashion round the head. The Quichés, whose red turban-dress is more pronounced than others, sometimes vary it by adding yellow bands and tassels to the braids, which are permitted to hang down to the heels. Thomas Gage, who lived in Guatemala from about 1627 to 1638, relates that on gala-days the fair natives were arrayed in cotton veils reaching to the ground. The ancient custom of painting, and of piercing the ears and lip, to hold pendants, is now restricted to the remote hill country, and ornaments are limited to a few strings of beads, shells, and metal for the arms and neck, with an occasional pair of ear-rings; the women add flowers and garlands to their head-dress, especially on feast-days. Some mountain tribes of Guatemala wear red feathers in their cotton turbans--the nobles and chiefs using green ones--and paint the body black: the paint being, no doubt, intended for a protection against mosquitos. The apron worn by the women is made of bark, which, after being soaked and beaten, assumes the appearance of chamois leather. The Lacandones also wore cotton sacks adorned with tassels, and the women had bracelets of cords with tassels. In Nicaragua, tattooing seems to have been practiced, for Oviedo says that the natives cut their faces and arms with flint knives, and rubbed a black powder obtained from pine gum into the scars. Children wear no other dress than that provided by nature: here and there, however, the girls are furnished with a strip of cotton for the waist.[962] [Sidenote: GUATEMALAN DWELLINGS.] The conquerors have left numerous records of large cities with splendid palaces and temples of stone, but these exist now only in their ruins. The masses had, doubtless, no better houses than those we see at present. Their huts are made of wooden posts and rafters supporting a thatched roof of straw or palm-leaves, the side being stockaded with cane, bamboo, or rush, so as to allow a free passage to the air. Generally they have but one room; two or three stones in the centre of the hut compose the fireplace, and the only egress for the smoke is through the door. The room is scantily furnished with a few mats, a hammock, and some earthenware. Their villages are generally situated upon rising ground, and, owing to the houses being so scattered, they often extend over a league, which gives some foundation to the statements of the conquerors reporting the existence of towns of enormous size. The better kind of villages have regular streets, a thing not to be seen in the ordinary hamlets; and the houses, which are often of _adobes_ (sun-burnt bricks), or of cane plastered over, containing two or three rooms and a loft, are surrounded by neatly kept gardens, enclosed within hedges. When a Guatemalan wishes to build a hut, or repair one, he notifies the chief, who summons the tribe to bring straw and other needful materials, and the work is finished in a few hours; after which the owner supplies the company with chocolate. Some of the Vera Paz tribes are of a roaming disposition. They will take great trouble in clearing and preparing a piece of ground for sowing, and, after one or two harvests, will leave for another locality. Their dwellings, which are often grouped in hamlets, are therefore of a more temporary character, the walls being of maize-stalks and sugar-cane, surmounted by a slight palm-leaf roof. During an expedition into the country of the Lacandones, the Spaniards found a town of over one hundred houses, better constructed than the villages on the Guatemalan plateau. In the centre of the place stood three large buildings, one a temple, and the other two assembly houses, for men and women respectively. All were enclosed with fences excellently varnished. The Nicaraguan villages seem to be the neatest; the houses are chiefly of plaited cane or bamboo frame-work, raised a few feet from the ground, and standing in the midst of well-arranged flowers and shrubbery. Dollfus describes a simple but ingenious method used by the Guatemalans to cross deep rivers. A stout cable of aloe-fibres is passed over the stream, and fixed to the banks at a sufficient height from the surface of the water. To this rope bridge, called _garucha_, is attached a running strap, which the traveler passes round his body, and is pulled across by men stationed on the opposite side.[963] These natives are essentially agricultural, but, like all who inhabit the warm zone, desire to live with the least possible labor. Most of them are content with a small patch of ground round their huts, on which they cultivate, in the same manner as did their forefathers, the little maize, beans, and the banana and plantain trees necessary for their subsistence. There are, however, a number of small farmers, who raise cochineal, cacao, indigo, and cotton, thereby adding to their own and their country's prosperity. In the more thinly settled districts, hunting enables them to increase the variety of their food with the flesh of wild hogs, deer, and other game, which are generally brought down with stone-headed arrows. When hunting the wild hog, they stretch a strong net, with large meshes, in some part of the woods, and drive the animals towards it. These rush headlong into the meshes, and are entangled, enabling their pursuers to dispatch them with ease. [Sidenote: FOOD OF THE GUATEMALANS.] Beans, and tortillas of maize, with the inevitable chile for seasoning, and plantains or bananas are their chief food. To these may be added meat in small quantities, fish, eggs, honey, turtle, fowl, and a variety of fruit and roots. Salt is obtained by boiling the soil gathered on the sea-shore. Maize is prepared in several ways. When young and tender, the ears are boiled, and eaten with salt and pepper; or a portion of them are pressed, and the remainder boiled with the juice thus extracted. When ripe, the fruit is soaked and then dried between the hands, previous to being crushed to flour between two stones. It is usually made into tortillas, which are eaten hot, with a strong sprinkling of pepper and occasionally a slight addition of fat. _Tamales_ is the name for balls of cooked maize mixed with beef and chile, and rolled in leaves. A favorite dish is a dumpling made of maize and frijoles. The frijoles, or beans, of which a stock is always kept, are boiled a short time with chile; they are then mixed with maize, and again put into the pot until thoroughly cooked, when they are eaten with a sauce made of salt, chile, and water. There are a number of fluid and solid preparations made chiefly from maize, and known as _atole_, to which name various prefixes are added to denote the other ingredients used. Meat, which is usually kept jerked, is a feast-day food. Gage describes the jerking process as follows: Fresh meat is cut into long strips, salted, and hung between posts to dry in the sun for a week. The strips are then smoked for another week, rolled up in bundles, which become quite hard, and are called _tassajo_ or _cesina_. Another mode of preparing meat is described by the same author: When a deer has been shot, the body is left until decay and maggots render it appetizing; it is then brought home and parboiled with a certain herb until the flesh becomes sweet and white. The joint is afterwards again boiled, and eaten with chile. The Lacandones preserve meat as follows: A large hole is made in the ground, and lined with stones. After the hole has been heated, the meat is thrown in, and the top covered with leaves and earth, upon which a fire is kept burning. The meat takes four hours to cook, and can be preserved for eight or ten days. Cacao forms an important article of food, both as a drink and as bread. The kernel is picked when ripe, dried on a mat, and roasted in an earthen pan, previous to being ground to flour. Formerly, cacao was reserved for the higher classes, and even now the poor endeavor to economize it by adding _sapuyal_, the kernel of the _sapote_. They observe no regularity in their meals, but eat and drink at pleasure. When traveling, some roasted maize paste called _totoposte_, crumbled in boiling water with an addition of salt and pepper, and a cup of warm water, suffice for a repast. Fire is obtained in the usual primitive manner, by rubbing two sticks together.[964] Most authorities agree that they are clean in their habits, and that frequent bathing is the rule, yet it is hinted that leprosy is caused partially by uncleanliness.[965] [Sidenote: WAR, WEAPONS, AND IMPLEMENTS.] Since the Spaniards assumed control of the country, weapons, as applied to war, have fallen into disuse, and it is only in the mountain districts that we meet the hunter armed with bow and spear, and slung over his shoulder a quiver full of reed arrows, pointed with stone. In Salvador and Nicaragua, the natives are still very expert in the use of the sling, game often being brought down by it.[966] I find no record of any wars among the aborigines since the conquest, and the only information relating to their war customs, gathered from the account of skirmishes which the Spaniards have had with some of the tribes in eastern Guatemala, is, that the natives kept in the back-ground, hidden by rocks or trees, waiting for the enemy to approach. As soon as the soldiers came close enough, a cloud of arrows came whizzing among them, and the warriors appeared, shouting with all their might. The Lacandones occasionally retaliate upon the planters on their borders for ill-treatment received at their hands. A number of warriors set out at night with faggots of dry sticks and grass, which are lighted as they approach the plantation, and thrown into the enemy's camp; during the confusion that ensues, the proposed reprisal is made. One writer gives a brief description of the ceremonies preceding and following their expeditions. In front of the temple are burning braziers filled with odoriferous resin; round this the warriors assemble in full dress, their arms being placed behind them. A smaller brazier of incense blazes in front of each warrior, before which he prostrates himself, imploring the aid of the Great Spirit in his enterprise. On their return, they again assemble, disguised in the heads of various animals, and go through a war dance before the chief and his council. Sentinels are always pacing the summit of the hills, and give notice to one another, by trumpet blast, of the approach of any stranger. If it is an enemy, they speedily form ambuscades to entrap him.[967] I have already referred to the bare interior of their dwellings: a few mats, a hammock, and some earthenware being the only apology for furniture. The mats are plaited of bark or other fibres, and serve, among other purposes, as a bed for the children, the grown persons generally sleeping in hammocks attached to the rafters. Scattered over the floor may be seen the earthen jar which the women so gracefully balance on their head when bringing it full of water from the well; the earthen pot for boiling plantains, with its folded banana-leaf cover; cups made from clay, calabash, cocoa-nut, or wacal shells, with their stands, often polished and bearing the marks of native sculpture; the metate for grinding the family flour; the _comal_, a clay plate upon which the tortilla is baked. A banana-leaf serves for a plate, and a fir-stick does the duty of a candle. Their hunting or bag nets are made of pita or bark-fibres. The steel machete and the knife have entirely displaced their ancient silex tools, of which some relics may still be found among the Lacandones. Valenzuela mentions that in the meeting-house of this tribe, the conquerors found two hundred hanging seats.[968] These natives still excel in the manufacture of pottery, and produce, without the aid of tools, specimens that are as remarkable for their fanciful forms, as for their elegance and coloring. Water-jars are made sufficiently porous to allow the water to percolate and keep the contents cool; other earthenware is glazed by rubbing the heated vessel with a resinous gum. Nor are they behind-hand in the art of weaving, for most of the fabrics used in the country are of native make. The aboriginal spinning machine is not yet wholly displaced, and consists, according to Squier, of a thin spindle of wood, fifteen or sixteen inches in length, which is passed through a wheel of hard, heavy wood, six inches in diameter, and resembles a gigantic top. When used, it is placed in a hollowed piece of wood, to prevent it from toppling over. A thread is attached to the spindle just above the wheel, and it is then twirled rapidly between the thumb and forefinger. The momentum of the wheel keeps it in motion for half a minute, and meantime the thread is drawn out by the operator from the pile of prepared cotton in her lap. Their mode of weaving is the same as that of the Mexicans, and the fabrics are not only durable, but tastefully designed and colored to suit the quality and price. The dyes used are, indigo for blue, cochineal for red, and indigo mixed with lemon juice for black. The Nicaraguans obtain a highly prized purple by pressing the valve of a shell-fish found on the sea-shore. Baily says that they take the material to the seaside, and, after procuring a quantity of fresh coloring matter, dip each thread singly into it, and lay it aside to dry. From the aloe, and pita, or silk-grass, which are very strong and can easily be bleached, they obtain a very fine thread, suitable for the finest weaving. Reeds and bark give material for coarser stuff, such as ropes and nets. Mats and hammocks, which are made from any of the last-mentioned fibres, are often interwoven with gray colors and rich designs. Some idea may be formed of the patient industry of the native when we learn that he will work for months upon one of the highly prized hats made from the fibre of the half-formed _carludovica palmata_ leaf. They drill holes in stones, for pipes and other objects, by twirling a stick rapidly between the hands in some sand and water placed upon the stone.[969] [Sidenote: GUATEMALAN CANOES.] Canoes are the usual 'dug-outs,' made from a single cedar or mahogany log, cedar being liked for its lightness, mahogany for its durability. They are frequent enough on the coast, and even the north-eastern Guatemalans used to muster fleets of several hundred canoes on their lakes and rivers, using them for trade as well as war. Pim, when at Greytown, particularly observed the hollowed-out boats, some upwards of fifty feet in length, and straight as an arrow. He says that they are very skillfully handled, and may be seen off the harbor in any weather. The paddles, which are used both for steering and propelling, are of light mahogany, four feet long, with very broad blades, and a cross at the handle.[970] Their wealth, which, since the conquest, mostly consists of household goods, is the product of their farms and industry mentioned under food, implements, and manufactures. The coast tribes, in Salvador, have a source of wealth not yet referred to--balsam--and they are very jealous of their knowledge of obtaining it. The process, as described by Dollfus, is to make several deep incisions in the trunk of the balsam-tree, and stuff the holes with cotton rags. When these have absorbed sufficient balm, they are placed in jars of water, and submitted to a moderate heat. The heat separates the substance from the rags, and the balsam rises to the surface to be skimmed and placed in well-closed jars for shipment. These people possess no written records to establish ownership to their property, but hold it by ancient rights transmitted from father to son, which are transferable. The right of first discovery, as applied to fruit-trees and the like, is respected, and can be transmitted. Goods and lands are equally divided among the sons. There is a general interchange of products on a small scale, and as soon as the farm yield is ready, or a sufficient quantity of hammocks, mats, hats, and cups have been prepared, the native will start on a short trading-tour, with the load on his back--for they use no other mode of transport. The ancient custom of holding frequent markets in all towns of any importance has not quite disappeared, for Masaya, among other places, continues to keep a daily _tianguez_. Cacao-beans, which were formerly the chief currency, are still used for that purpose to a certain extent, and make up a large item in their wealth. The Lacandones at one time drove a brisk trade on the rio de la Pasion, employing several hundred canoes, but this has now greatly diminished, and they seem to grow less and less inclined to intercourse. Hardcastle relates that two shy mountain tribes of Guatemala "exchange dogs and a species of very sharp red pepper, by leaving them on the top of the mountain, and going to the spot in turn."[971] [Sidenote: ART AND GOVERNMENT.] The native's aptitude for art is well illustrated by the various products of his industry, decorated as they are with fanciful designs, carvings, and coloring. The calabash cups are widely circulated, and the artistic carving of leaves, curious lines, and figures of all descriptions, in relief, with which the outside is ornamented, has been much admired. No less esteemed are the small Guatemalan earthen figures, painted in natural colors, representing the various trades and occupations of the people, which may be said to rival European productions of the same character. The ornaments on their pottery bear some resemblance to the Etruscan. They are equally advanced in painting, for many of the altar-pieces in Central America are from the native brush, and their dishes are often richly colored in various designs. Original lyric poetry seems to flourish among them, and is not wanting in grace, although the rendering of it may not be exactly operatic. The subject generally refers to victorious encounters with monsters, but contains also sarcasms on government and society.[972] A reverential respect for authority is innate with these people, and the chief, usually a descendant of the ancient caciques, who is also the head of the municipal government introduced among them by the Spaniards, receives the homage paid him with imperturbable gravity. These chiefs form a proud and powerful noblesse, who rule with an iron hand over their submissive followers. Although governed to all appearance by the code of the country, they have their own laws based on custom and common sense, which are applied to civil as well as criminal cases. Among the Lacandones, the chief is elected by a council of old men, when death, misconduct, or the superior abilities of some one else call for such a step. Pontelli adds that the new chief is invested with lion-skins and a collar of human teeth to represent his victories; a crown of feathers or a lion-skin is his usual distinctive head-dress. The wife of the chief is required to possess some rare qualities. These people are very strict in executing the law; the offender is brought before the old men, and if the crime is serious his relatives have often to share in his punishment. The people of Salvador, according to Dollfus, have frequent reunions in their council-house at night. The hall is then lighted up by a large fire, and the people sit with uncovered heads, listening respectfully to the observations and decisions of the _ahuales_--men over forty years of age, who have occupied public positions, or distinguished themselves in some way. Gage makes a curious statement concerning the rio Lempa that may be based upon some ancient law. Any man who committed a heinous crime on the one side of the river, and succeeded in escaping to the other, was allowed to go unmolested, provided he did not return.[973] [Sidenote: MARRIAGE AND CHILDBIRTH.] Marriages take place at an early age, often before puberty, and usually within the tribe. When the boy, in Guatemala and Salvador, has attained the age of nine, his parents begin to look around for a bride for him, the mother having a good deal to say in this matter. Presents are made to the parents of the girl chosen, and she is transferred to the house of her future father-in-law, where she is treated as a daughter, and assists in the household duties, until she is old enough to marry. It sometimes happens that she has by this time become distasteful to the affianced husband, and is returned to her parents. The presents given for her are then demanded back, a refusal naturally follows, and feuds result, lasting for generations. Gage states that when the parties to the betrothal are of different tribes, the chiefs are notified, and meet in solemn conclave to consult about the expediency of the alliance. The consultations often extend over a period of several months, during which the parents of the boy supply the council with refreshments, and make presents to the girl's family for her purchase. If the council disagree, the presents are returned, and the matter drops. When the youth has reached his sixteenth or eighteenth year, and the maid her fourteenth, they are considered able to take care of themselves; a house is accordingly built, and the father gives his son a start in life. The cacique and relations are summoned to witness the marriage ceremony, now performed by the priest, after which the pair are carried upon the shoulders of their friends to the new house, placed in a room, and shut in. The bride brings no dowry, but presents are made by the friends of the families. Several tribes in Guatemala are strictly opposed to marriages outside of the tribe, and destroy the progeny left by a stranger. The Lacandones still practice polygamy, each wife having a separate house and field for her support. In Nicaragua, where women are more independent, and fewer of the ancient marriage customs have been retained than elsewhere, the ceremony is often quickly disposed of, the husband and wife returning to their avocations immediately after. The life of the woman is one of drudgery; household duties, weaving, and the care of children keeping her constantly busy, while the husband is occupied in dolce far niente; yet their married life is not unhappy. Although the female dresses scantily and is not over shy when bathing, she is by no means immodest or unchaste, but bears rather a better character than women of the superior race. Childbirth is not attended with any difficulties, for it sometimes happens that the woman, after being delivered on the road, will wash the child and herself in the nearest stream, and proceed on her journey, as if nothing had occurred. The Quichés, among others, still call in the sorcerer to take the horoscope of the new-born, and to appeal to the gods in its behalf. He also gives the infant the name of some animal, which becomes its guardian spirit for life. Belly states that more boys are born to the natives, while the whites have more girls. The mother invariably nurses the child herself until its third year, and, when at work, carries it on her back in a cloth passed round her body; the movements of the mother in washing or kneading tending to rock the infant to sleep. Otherwise the child is little cared for, and has to lie on the bare ground, or, at most, with a mat under it. As the boy grows older the father will take him into the field and forest, suiting the work to his strength, and instructing him in the use of tools, while the mother takes charge of the girl, teaching her to cook, spin, and weave. Respect for parents and older people is inculcated, and children never presume to speak before a grown person unless first addressed. They remain under the parents' roof until married, and frequently after, several generations often living together in one house under the rule of the eldest. The native is fond of home, for here he escapes from the contempt of the other races, and reigns supreme over a family which is taught to respect him: patriotism has been replaced by love of home among this oppressed people.[974] [Sidenote: GUATEMALAN MUSIC.] Their amusements are less common and varied than among the whites, and are generally reserved for special occasions, when they are indulged in to excess. Still, they have orderly gatherings round the hearth, at which wondrous and amusing stories form the chief part of the entertainment. Songs follow in natural order, and are loudly applauded by the listeners, who join in repeating the last words of the verse. The subject, as given by some local poet, or transmitted from an ancient bard, is pleasing enough, but the rendering is in a plaintive, disagreeable monotone. Their instrumental music is an improvement on the vocal, in some respects, and practice has enabled the player to execute pieces from memory with precision and accord. The _marimba_, a favorite instrument, consists of a series of vertical tubes of different length but equal diameter, fastened together in a line by bark fibre, and held firm between two pieces of wood. The tubes have a lateral opening at the base covered with a membrane, and the upper end is closed by a small, movable elastic plate, upon which the performer strikes with light drumsticks. The play of the plates causes a compression of air in the tube, and a consequent vibration of the membrane, which produces a sound differing in character according to the length of the tube. All the parts are of wood, the tube being, however, occasionally of terra-cotta, or replaced by calabash-shells. The marimba of usual size is over a yard in length, and consists of twenty-two tubes ranging from four to sixteen inches in length, forming three complete octaves. The pitch is regulated by a coating of wax on the key-plates. Some drumsticks are forked to strike two plates at once. Occasionally, several persons join in executing an air upon the instrument, or two marimbas are played in perfect accord with some song. Their usual drum is called _tepanabaz_, described by Gage as a smooth hollow trunk with two or three clefts on the upper side and holes at the ends. It is beaten with two sticks, and produces a dull heavy sound. Other drums covered with wild goat skin, tortoise-shells, pipes, small bells, and rattles, are chiefly used at dances. The Lacandones possess a kind of mandolin, a double-necked, truncated cone, with one string, made to pass four times over the bridge; also a clarionet-like instrument named _chirimiya_; their drum is called _tepanahuaste_. A dance is generally a grand affair with the native, combining as it does dress with dramatic and saltatory exhibitions. At the _tocontin_ dance, in Guatemala, from twenty to forty persons dressed in white clothes richly embroidered, and bedecked with gaudy bands, colored feathers in gilt frames fastened on the back, fanciful helmets topped with feathers, and feathers, again, on their legs, in form of wings. The conductor stands in the centre beating time on the tepanabaz, while the dancers circle round him, one following the other, sometimes straight, sometimes turning half-way, at other times fully round, and bending the body to the ground, all the time shouting the fame of some hero. This continues for several hours, and is often repeated in one house after another. In another dance they disguise themselves with skins of different animals, acting up to the character assumed, and running in and out of the circle formed round the musicians, striking, shrieking, and hotly pursuing some particular performer. There are also several dances like those of the Mexicans, in which men dress in women's clothes and other disguises. The Nicaraguan dances vary but little from the above. Several hundred people will gather in some well-cleared spot, their arms and legs ornamented with strings of shells, their heads with feathers, and with fans in their hands. The leader, walking backwards, commences some movements to be imitated by the dancers, who follow in threes and fours, turning round, intermingling, and again uniting. The musicians beat drums and sing songs to which the leader responds, the dancers taking up the refrain in their turn, and shaking their calabash rattles. After a while they pass round each other and perform the most curious antics and grimaces, crying, laughing, posturing, acting lame, blind, and so on. Drinking is inseparable from these reunions, and they do not usually break up until all have attained the climax of their wishes--becoming helplessly drunk. The principal drinks are, atole made from maize, but which assumes different prefixes, according to the additional ingredients used, as _istatole_, _jocoatole_, etc.; pulque, chiefly used in the highlands; and, not least, _chicha_, made from maize and various fruits and roots, fermented with honey or sugar-cane juice. Gage states that tobacco-leaves and toads were added to increase the flavor. The Nicaraguans make their favorite drink from a wild red cherry. It takes several weeks to prepare these liquors, but by the generous aid of friends the stock is often consumed at one carousal.[975] [Sidenote: CUSTOMS IN GUATEMALA AND NICARAGUA.] Ignorant and oppressed as they are, superstition is naturally strong among them, the evil eye, ominous import of animals and the like being firmly believed in. Nicaraguans gave as a reason for speaking in whispers at night, that loud talking attracts mosquitos. The Quichés, of Istlávacan, among others, believe in certain evil and certain good days, and arrange their undertakings accordingly. When meeting a stranger, they present the forehead to be touched, thinking that a beneficial power is imparted to them by this means. They still adhere to their sorcerers, who are called in upon all important occasions, to predict the future, exorcise evil spirits and the like, with the aid of various decoctions and incantations. The Chontales have diviners who, with the aid of drugs, taken after a fast, fall into a trance, during which they prophesy. They form a sort of guild, and live alone in the mountains with a few pupils, who support them in return for the instruction received. Although idolatry proper is abolished, some ancient practices still live, blended with their Christian worship, and it is said that tribes inhabiting the remote mountain regions still keep up their old rites in secret. Dollfus is apparently inclined to believe that the songs he heard the natives chant every morning and evening may be the relic of some ancient religious ceremony. The Itzas hold deer sacred, and these animals were consequently quite familiar with man, before the conquerors subdued the country. The Lacandones are said to have been the last who publicly worshiped in their temple, and whose priests sacrificed animals to idols. By the side of the temple stood two other large buildings used as meeting-houses, one for men, the other for women. Dogs and tame parrots formed part of their domestic establishment. The native is very taciturn before strangers, but on paying a visit to friends he will deliver long harangues full of repetition. It is almost impossible to obtain a direct answer from him to any question. Another peculiarity with many is to hoard money at the expense of bodily comfort. It is buried in some secret place, and the owner dies without even caring to inform his kin of the whereabouts of his treasures. The favorite occupation of the people is to act as porters, and Guatemala certainly possesses the most excellent carriers, who are trained for the business from an early age. They usually go in files, headed by a chief, all armed with long staffs and water-proof palm-leaf mats, and travel from twenty to thirty miles a day, for days in succession, without suffering any inconvenience. The weight varies from one hundred to two hundred and fifty pounds, according to road and distance, and is carried on the back, supported by straps passed over the forehead and shoulders. They are very moderate in eating, and never drink cold water if they can avoid it; when tired, they stretch themselves at full length on the ground, and are speedily refreshed. Women are also accustomed to carry burdens, and may frequently be seen taking several filled pitchers to market in nets suspended from their forehead and shoulders. Water they usually bring in jars balanced on the head.[976] [Sidenote: MEDICAL PRACTICE.] The ruling diseases are small-pox, which makes yearly havoc; dysentery, which is also not uncommon in the highlands during the summer; and leprosy, manifested by wounds and eruptions, and caused by filth, immoral habits, and bad food. In some parts of Nicaragua, the latter disease breaks out in horny excrescences, similar in appearance to the tips of cow-horns. Rheumatism and chest diseases are rare, in spite of their rough life. Superstitious practices and empirical recipes transmitted from their ancestors are the remedies resorted to. Hot bathing is the favorite treatment. They are skillful at blood-letting, making very small punctures, and applying a pinch of salt to them after the operation is ended. Cauterizing wounds to prevent inflammation is not uncommon, and does not affect the patient much. The principal remedy of the Chorotegans consists of a decoction from various herbs injected by means of a tube. Some tribes of the highlands call in sorcerers to knead and suck the suffering part. After performing a variety of antics and grimaces, the wise man produces a black substance from the mouth, which he announces as the cause of the sickness; the friends of the patient take this matter and trample it to pieces amidst noisy demonstrations.[977] Their dead are washed, and dressed in a fresh suit; friends then assemble to express their regard and sorrow by burning copal and performing a wild dance round the corpse, which is buried with all its belongings, as well as food for sustenance on the long journey. The Itzas, inhabiting the islands in the lake Peten, are said to have thrown their dead into the lake, for want of room.[978] The character of the Guatemalans exhibits a number of excellent traits. They have always been a gentle race, and easily led by kindness, but centuries of oppression have thrown over them a timid, brooding spirit. Far from warlike, they have nevertheless proved themselves efficient soldiers during the late civil wars. Their honesty and faithfulness to a trust or engagement is universally admitted, and every traveler bears witness to their hospitality and obliging disposition. Although taciturn before strangers, whom they naturally distrust, they are quite voluble and merry among themselves, especially the women; their mirth, however, wants the ring of true happiness. Looking at the darker side, it is found that drunkenness stands preëminent, and if the native is not oftener drunk, it is because the means for carousing are wanting. Surrounded by a bountiful nature, he is naturally lazy and improvident, whole days being passed in dreamy inaction, without a symptom of ennui. He is obstinate, and clings to ancient customs, yet he will not dispute with you, but tacitly forms his own opinion. Taught to be humble, he does not possess much manliness, has a certain cunning, will weep at trifles, and is apt to be vindictive, especially if his jealousy is aroused. The highlanders form an exception to these general characteristics in many respects. The purer air of the mountain has infused in them a certain independent energy, and industry. Nor are the women to be classed as lazy, for their position is rather that of slaves than of wives, yet they are vivacious and not devoid of coquetry, but of undisputed modesty. Many of the remoter tribes are brave, and the Manches, for instance, behaved lately in so spirited a manner as to compel the government to treat with them. The Itzas are said to have been warlike and cruel, but their neighbors the Lacandones are not so ferocious as supposed. The Quichés bear a high character for industry, and intelligence, while those of Rabinal excel in truthfulness, honesty, and morality. The Vera Paz tribes are less active and industrious than those of the plateau; this applies especially to the eastern nations who are also more stupid than the western. The Salvador people are noted for their phlegmatic temperament, and the provoked stranger who seeks to hurry them, is merely laughed at; otherwise they, as well as the Nicaraguans, are more docile and industrious than the Guatemalans, but also more superstitious. Scherzer thinks that they have all the inclination for becoming robbers, but want the energy. The Aztec remnants in Nicaragua are particularly patient and thrifty, but extremely shy and brooding. The Chontales, on the other hand, are said to have been a savage and debased race, while the Cholutecs were brave and cruel but subject to petticoat rule. Opinions concerning the intelligence of the natives and their prospect of advancement are varied, some affirming that they are dull and spiritless, incapable of making any progress, while others assign them a high character and intelligence, which, properly directed, would give them a prominent position.[979] [Sidenote: THE MOSQUITOS.] [Sidenote: MOSQUITO NATIONS.] The MOSQUITOS, the second division of the Central American group, are at the present day composed in part of an incongruous mixture of Carib colonists and negro importations, and in part of a pure native element. Owing to the independent spirit of the tribes along the central chain of mountains, which successfully resisted the attempts of Spaniards to penetrate the territory, and to the unhealthy climate of the coast, this country, with the exception of the northern part of Honduras, has as yet escaped subjection to the white race. The country, aside from the sea-shore, possesses many attractive features. The transverse ranges, radiating from the principal chain, form a series of terraces which gradually lessen in elevation, until they disappear in a low coast region. Between them innumerable rivers, fed by the moisture-laden sea-winds, now rushing boisterously from heavily wooded heights, now sluggishly wending their way through luxuriant prairie-land, flow through a region of most pleasing variety, and at last empty into vast lagoons bordering the ocean. The aborigines still form the greater part of the population, and are composed of a large number of tribes which, while practicing agriculture to a limited extent, subsist chiefly on natural fruits and on the products of the chase. Excepting the small tribes of the eastern Mosquito country, Mr Squier, who has given much patient research to their languages, includes the natives of this sub-division among the Lenca family, at the head of which stand the _Guajiqueros_ in western Honduras, essentially an agricultural people. East of these are the _Xicaques_, and _Poyas_, names given to a collection of closely related tribes, some of which have been brought under the subjugating influences of the missionary Fathers, while others still keep their ancient customs intact. The _Secos_ on Black River are included by some writers with the Poyas. South and west of these are the _Moscos_, and in the western part of the Mosquito coast, the _Woolwas_, who still cherish a tradition of their emigration from the north-west. East of the latter live the _Towkas_ and _Cookras_, who extend to Blewfields, and speak dialects varying little from the Woolwa tongue, but stand lower in the scale of humanity. Bell states that the Towkas are merely a branch of the _Smoos_, who have many points in common with the Poyas, though differing from them in language. Among other aborigines may be mentioned the _Albatuinas_, _Tahuas_, _Panamekas_, _Jaras_, _Taos_, _Gaulas_, _Itziles_, _Motucas_, and the _Ramas_ on the Blewfields lagoon; of several others the names are either lost or unknown. Following the coast southward we meet the _Caribs_, a strong, hardy, but crude race at present, of varied negro admixture, chiefly descended from the turbulent natives of San Vicente island, whom the English transported in 1796 to the island of Roatan, whence they were brought over to Honduras. The Caribs, who have within a few decades spread from a small colony over the whole northern coast, driving other nations into the interior and southward, appear to be superseding the aborigines, now fast disappearing under the annihilating effect of drink and disease. South of the Caribs round cape Gracias á Dios are the _Sambos_, or _Mosquitos_ proper, said to have sprung from the union of native women with negro slaves wrecked on the coast during the seventeenth century. Owing to their geographical position they were brought in contact with the buccaneers, and placed in a position to gain ascendancy over other tribes from the Poyas southward, but were at the same time inoculated with the degrading vices and disorders which are now so rapidly bringing about their extinction. Elated by their position as masters of the coast, they assumed the proud title of _Waiknas_, or men, in which conceit they have been imitated by the subjected tribes, which are gradually adopting the Sambo tongue. Adjacent to them are the _Toonglas_, a not very numerous offshoot of Smoos and Sambos.[980] Race-mixtures in certain localities have almost obliterated aboriginal types, which are portrayed as of medium stature, regular form, and varying in color from light brown to dark coppery. The people about cape Gracias á Dios are represented by the first voyagers to have been nearly as dark as negroes. The face is rather flat and oval, the head smaller than among Europeans; forehead high and cheek-bones not very prominent; hair long, straight, coarse, and black; beard scanty; nose very small, thin, and usually aquiline among the coast people, but larger and broader toward the interior. The iris of the eye is generally black, but often verges toward brown; mouth broad, with thin lips and regular teeth. The women present a full bust and abdomen; they are called pretty, but early marriages soon make them old. It is suspected that infant murder has something to do with the rarity of deformed people. The Towkas and Ramas present the finest pure-blooded type, the former being very fair, while the latter are large, athletic, and stern-looking. The Poyas are copper-colored, short, but muscular, broad-faced, with large forehead, bent nose, and small, mild eyes. The Toonglas are duskier; the Smoos approach the fair Towkas in hue, though they have a flatter head, accompanied by a stolid look. The darkest of all are the Woolwas, whose color seems a mixture of yellow ochre and India ink. Proceeding to Honduras, we meet the Caribs, whose varied admixture of negro blood separates them into yellow and black Caribs. The former are distinguished by a somewhat ruddy hue, with a hooked nose; while his duskier brother is taller, hardier, and longer-lived; with a nose inclining to aquiline. Children are prettier as they approach the negro type. The hair varies in curl and gloss according to purity of blood. The Mosquitos proper are more uniform in appearance, and buccaneers have no doubt assisted in bringing out many of the characteristics that have obtained for the Sambo race the leading position on the coast. They are all well-built, raw-boned, nimble, and of a dull, dark, copper color. The face is oval, with a coarse, lustful expression, the hair rough, wavy, and black, eyes bright and remarkably strong; women pretty, with large eyes, and small feet and ankles.[981] [Sidenote: MOSQUITO PHYSIQUE AND DRESS.] [Sidenote: MOSQUITO HEAD-FLATTENING.] A piece of cloth fastened at the waist in a twist or by a cord, and reaching to the knee, constitutes the native male costume in these parts, that of the women being somewhat shorter. This cloth is either of cotton, sometimes woven with down, or of fibres from the inner bark of the caoutchouc tree, beaten on stones till they become soft, and is often large enough to serve for a covering at night. Some are quite fanciful in color and design, and formerly they were painted. Those of the Woolwas are usually six feet long by three broad, striped blue and yellow; they are passed between the legs and fastened at the waist by a thong. The Xicaques, on the contrary, wear the cloth serape-fashion, by passing the head through a slit in the centre, and tying the folds round the waist. Even this scanty covering is often reduced to the smallest apron, and is dispensed with altogether in some parts, for modern travelers speak of natives in a naked state. Women occasionally wear a small square cloth, having an opening for the head, one part of which covers the breast, the other the back. In some parts chiefs are distinguished by a cotton cap, and a long sleeveless robe, open in front and often nicely ornamented; in other places men of rank wear turbans decorated with plumes and feathers, and dress in skins of eagles, tigers, and other animals; these are also used by the common people on festive occasions. The Smoos' head-dress is especially pretty, with its embroidery and feather-work. Ordinarily the long loose hair is deemed sufficient to protect the head, and is kept sleek and shining by palm-oil, which they say furthers its growth. The women have longer hair than the men, and often dress it in ringlets, seldom in a knot or wreath. The people of northern Honduras wear a lock hanging over the forehead; some highland chieftains, on the contrary, shave the front of the head, but allow the back hair to grow long, while the Poyas part theirs in the middle, keeping it in position with a band. That of the religious men reaches to the waist, and generally falls in braids behind. In mourning, both sides of the head are shaved, a bushy comb being left along the middle. Formerly all hair except that on the head, even eyebrows and lashes, was pulled out, because it was thought fit for animals only to have hair on the body. All go barefooted, and it is only where the native has to travel over a rough road that he puts on _alparagats_, or sandals of bark, wood, or skin, which are fastened by thongs round the foot. Whatever is wanting in actual dress, however, is made up by paint and ornaments, of which both sexes are equally fond. The face and upper part of the body are either uniformly daubed over or tattooed with rays, fanciful lines, and designs representing animals and the like, chiefly in red and black. Taste is not wanting in this adornment, for the tint is often delicate, and the black circles round the eyes indicate that they understand effect, increasing as they do the lustre of the orbs. Esquemelin states that when visitors were expected, the men combed the hair, and smeared the face with an ointment of oil and black powder, the women using a red admixture. Tattooing figures on the body by cauterization, as seen by Columbus on the Mosquito Coast, is still practiced in certain parts of the interior. Aboriginal Mosquitos also perforated ears, lips, and cheeks, to hold pendants of fish-bones and green stones; the holes in the ears being as large as eggs. The natives of Corn island not only carried large pieces of wood in the ears, but gradually enlarged the hole in the lower lip; at fifteen years of age the wood was removed and a tortoise-shell inserted. Women wore a tight bandage round the ankle to increase the size of their calves. Strings of tastefully arranged beads, bones, shells, and stones, and gaily colored bandages, were worn round the neck and wrist; the women adorning the legs and ankles in a similar manner, and also using feathers and flowers. Certain interior tribes, as the Smoos, esteem a round forehead as a reproach, and hence the head is flattened, the effect of which would be more noticeable, were it not for the thick bushy hair. This head-flattening fashion here appears for the first time since we left the Columbian group; we shall see it once again further south, and that is all. The process here is essentially similar to that of the Columbians. When the infant is a month old, it is tied to a board, and a flat piece of wood, kept firm by bands, is placed upon the forehead. The child remains in this painful position for several months, the pressure increasing as the head grows.[982] Towns there are none, except in certain parts; seldom do more than four or five houses stand in a group; the locality being changed at intervals for sanitary or superstitious purposes. A few upright posts planted in parallel lines, or in a circle, and occasionally interwoven with cane or leaves, support what may be called the hut proper, which is a sharply sloping, well-thatched palm-leaf roof with projecting eaves, reaching to within three or four feet of the ground. There is usually but one apartment, the floor of which is often coated with clay, and raised a little to avoid dampness. In the center is the fireplace, surrounded by household ware and cackling hens, and all round may be seen hammocks and nets suspended from the bamboo rafters. Some sleep on a frame-work of bamboo placed upon posts. The better class of houses contain partitions for the several families occupying it, and stand in fields enclosed by stalk fences. A village with many of the interior tribes consists of one large building, often one hundred feet long by thirty feet wide. The front and end of these structures are open, but the back is partitioned off into small closets with the bark of the cabbage-palms, each serving as a bedroom for a married couple, or for unmarried women. A platform immediately under the roof is used as a sleeping-place for the boys, and an apartment at the end of the hut is set apart for women about to be confined. Some of the Guajiquero villages contain over a hundred substantial huts of mud, or of cane plastered over and whitewashed. The Toonglas and Cookras, erect temporary sheds near the streams, during the summer, but seek more secure huts in the winter. Carib dwellings are the neatest of all; some are of cane, others of frame-work filled with mud. Cockburn relates that, during his journey through Honduras, he came across a bridge made of a net-work of cane, which was suspended between trees so that the centre hung forty feet above the surface of the stream. He found it very old and shaky, and concluded that it belonged to the remote past.[983] [Sidenote: FOOD IN HONDURAS.] [Sidenote: MOSQUITO COOKERY.] Redundant nature here leaves man so little to do, as scarcely to afford an opportunity for development. The people of northern Honduras, according to Herrera, cleared the ground with stone axes, and turned the sod by main strength with a forked pole or with sharp wooden spades, and by this means secured two or three yields every year; but the present occupants scarcely take so much trouble. On marrying, the men prepare a small field for a few beds of yams, beans, cassava, and squash, some pepper, and pine-apples, besides twenty to thirty plantain and cocoa-nut trees, leaving their wives to give it such further care as may be required. Where maize is cultivated it is either sown two or three grains in holes two feet apart, or broadcast over freshly cleared woodland a little before the rainy season. The Poyas are the only people who cultivate respectable farms. Fishing is the favorite occupation of the coast tribes, and their dexterity with the spear and harpoon is quite remarkable. The proper time for catching the larger species of fish, such as the tarpom and palpa, is at night, when a fleet of pitpans, each with a pitch-pine torch in the bow, may be seen on the lagoon intermingling in picturesque confusion. One or two paddlers propel the boat, another holds the torch, while the harpooneer stands at the bow with a _waisko-dusa_, or staff, having a loosely fitting, barbed harpoon at one end, and a piece of light wood at the other. A short line attached to the harpoon, passes along the staff, and is rolled round this float for convenience. The glare of the torch attracts the fish and enables the bowman to spy his prey, which is immediately transfixed by the harpoon. Away it darts, but the float retards its progress, and points out its whereabouts to the boatmen, who again seize the line, and drag it to the shore. Occasionally the tarpom is taken in strong nets, the meshes of which require to be six inches square in order to entangle it. Manatees or sea-cows are caught in the early morning, and to get within striking distance of the wary animal, it is necessary to deck the canoe with bushes and leaves, giving it the appearance of a floating tree. The line attached to the harpoon is in this case payed out from the canoe, which is often trailed by the manatee in a lively manner. It generally takes several harpoons as well as lances to kill it. Smaller harpoons, without barb, with merely quadrangular points an inch and a half long and nearly as wide, are used for catching turtles so that the shell may not be damaged. As the canoe approaches, the turtle slides under the water; the bowman signalizes the oarsman how to steer, and when the turtle rises to breathe, it is speared, dragged into the canoes, and placed on its back. Some fishermen will jump into the water after the animal, and bring it up in their hands, but this feat is attended with danger, from bites and sharp coral. The hawk-bill turtle is set free after the shell has been stripped of its scales, but the green species is eaten, and its eggs, which are esteemed a dainty, are sought for in the sand by poking suspected places with a stick. Smaller fish are speared with the _sinnock_, a long pole with a fixed point. The river people take less pleasure in fishing, and resort thereto only as driven by necessity. Weirs of branches and clay are constructed, with a small outlet in the middle, where men are stationed to catch the passing fish with nets and spears. The Poyas employ a still surer method. The water is beaten with sticks for some distance above the weir, so as to drive the fish together; a quantity of juice extracted from a wild vine called _pequine_, which has a stupefying effect, is thrown into the water, and the men have merely to select the best looking, the smaller ones being allowed to float away and recover in the unadulterated waters below. The preserving of fish is the work of women, who cut them in slices,--sometimes rubbing them with salt,--and place the pieces on a framework of cane over the fire to be smoke-dried; after which they are exposed to the sun for a day or two. Part of the fish is cooked, or baked in oil, and eaten at once. If we except the Smoos and Xicaques, who follow game with true precision and patience, the usual mode of hunting is as primitive as weir-fishing. A number of men assemble and set fire to the grass, which drives the terrified animals into a corner, where they are shot or struck down, or the game is entrapped in holes partly filled with water. The wild hog, the tapir, and deer supply most of the meat, which is cured in the same way as fish: some cutting the meat in strips, and curing it on the _buccan_, or grate of sticks, while others prefer the barbecue method which is to smoke-dry the whole animal. Certain old writers state that human flesh was eaten, but this is discredited by others, who think that the error arose from seeing the natives feast on monkeys, which, skinned, have much the appearance of humans. The statement of their eating raw fish may also be wrong, for the natives of the present day are very careful about thoroughly cooking their food, and even avoid fruit not fully ripened. A well-known article of food is the Carib bread, a sort of white hard biscuit made from cassava or mandioc roots, which are skinned, washed, and grated on a board set with sharp stones. The pulp is rinsed in water to extract the poisonous juice, and when it is sufficiently whitened by this means, the water is carefully pressed out, and the substance set to dry in the sun. The sifted flour is made into large round thin cakes, which, after being exposed to the sun for a while, are slowly baked over the fire. The Poyas make large rolls, which are wrapped in leaves and baked in the ashes. These soon become sour, and are then eaten with a relish. Others grind cassava or maize on the metate, and bake tortillas. A gruel is also made of the flour, and eaten with salt and chile, or syrup. One of their dainties is _bisbire_, the name given to plantains kept in leaves till putrid, and eaten boiled. Scalding hot cacao mixed with chile is the favorite stimulant, of which large quantities are imbibed, until the perspiration starts from every pore. Cacao-fruit is also eaten roasted. Notwithstanding the richness of the soil and the variety of its productions, the natives are accused of resorting to insects for food, and of eating their own vermin. The coast people have the greater selection, but trust mostly to fishing, while the interior tribes after natural products depend upon the chase. The Cookras subsist chiefly on the cabbage-palm. Sambo girls have a peculiar fancy for eating charcoal and sand, believing that their charms are improved thereby. No regularity is observed in eating, but food is taken at any hour, and with voracity; nor will they take the trouble to procure more, until the whole stock is consumed, and hunger drives them from their hammocks. The Poyas and Guajiqueros seem to be the only tribes who have any idea of providing for the future; the latter laying up a common reserve.[984] Frequent bathing is the rule, yet the Sambos, who have a better opportunity for this, perhaps, than other tribes, are described as dirty in their surroundings, and, when warmed by motion, emit a disagreeable odor, arising from the use of ointments and powders. The Poyas, Xicaques, Secos, and especially the Caribs are, on the contrary, very cleanly in their habits.[985] [Sidenote: MOSQUITO WEAPONS AND WAR.] The bow and arrow figures as the chief weapon of the Mosquitos, the former being usually of iron-wood, spanned with twisted mahoe-bark, and often six feet in length; the latter of reed or wood, hardened in fire, and pointed with hard wood, flint, fish-bones, or teeth. They not only handle the bow well, but some are expert in the art of defense. To attain this dexterity, children are taught to turn aside, with a stick, the blunt darts thrown at them, and in time they become sufficiently expert to ward off arrows in the same manner. They also fight with cane lances about nine feet long, with oblong diamond points, javelins, clubs, and heavy sharp-pointed swords made of a poisonous wood, a splinter from which causes first madness and then death. The milky juice of the manzanilla-tree is used to poison arrows and darts. Blowpipes, whose light arrows surely and silently bring down birds at a hundred feet and over, are in great favor with the youth. Armor is made of plaited reeds covered with tiger-skins, and ornamented with feathers; besides which, the northern Mosquitos employ a breastplate of twisted cotton, like that of the Mexicans. Mosquito women are said to be as good archers as the men.[986] Aboriginal wars were continually waged in Honduras without any other object than to avenge the death of an ancestor, or to retaliate on those who had carried away friends into slavery. Neighboring tribes, however, agreed to a truce at certain times, to allow the interchange of goods. Previous to starting on an expedition, turkeys, dogs, and even human beings were sacrificed to influence the gods; blood was drawn from tongue and ears, and dreams carefully noted, and their import determined. Ambassadors were sent to challenge the enemy to a pitched battle, and, if they were not responded to, the country was ravaged. When prisoners were taken they were usually held as slaves, after having the nose cut off. Forty thousand men sometimes composed an expedition, operating without chief or order, devising ambushes and stratagems as it suited them, and accompanied by women to act as porters. Mosquito warriors blacken the face, and place themselves under the temporary command of the bravest and most experienced. The coast people are bold and unyielding, and usually kill their prisoners. When the Sambos confederate with their neighbors, they expect their allies to pay for friends lost in battle.[987] Domestic utensils in the homes of the Mosquitos consist of stones for grinding grain and roots, clay pots and plates for cooking purposes, and gourds, calabashes, and nets for holding food and liquids. The stone hatchet, which is fast becoming a relic, is ten inches long, four broad, and three thick, sharp at both ends, with a groove to hold the handle which is firmly twisted round its centre. Besides the implements already referred to under fishing and weapons, may be mentioned the lasso, in the use of which they are very expert, and the _patapee_, a pretty water-tight basket that the Caribs plait of reeds. The men usually sleep in hammocks, or on mats spread on the ground near the fire, with a stick for a pillow, while the women prefer a platform of cane raised a few feet from the ground, and covered with a mat or a skin.[988] Fibres of mahoe and ule bark, pisang-leaves and silk-grass furnish material for ropes, nets, mats, and coarse fabrics. Most of the Mosquitos grow a little cotton, which the women spin on a rude wheel, like that of the Guatemalans, and weave on a frame loom into strong and neat cloths. The favorite blue color for dyeing is obtained from the _jiquilite_ plant; the yellow from the _achiolt_ tree. Pottery is a very ancient art among them, as may be seen from the fine specimens discovered in the graves and ruins of Honduras. Their red cooking-pots are very light but strong, and the water-jars, which are only slightly burnt to permit percolation, show considerable taste in design.[989] [Sidenote: BOATS AND FISHERIES.] Nowhere do we find more daring and expert boatmen than the Mosquitos, who will venture out upon the roughest sea in a boat barely large enough to hold a man and a boy. If the boat capsize it is at once righted, bailed out, and the voyage resumed, and seldom is any part of the cargo lost. The _dory_, or ordinary sea-boat is a hollowed-out tree, often twenty-five to fifty feet long, four to six wide, and four to five deep, round-bottomed, buoyant, and with good handling safe. The best are made by the up-river tribes, especially the Towkas, who prepare them roughly with axe and fire, and sell them to the coast people to be finished according to fancy. After the dug-out has been trimmed, it is often soaked in water for a time, so that the sides may be stretched and secured with knees. The _pitpan_, which is used on rivers and lagoons, differs from the dory in being flat-bottomed, with broad and gradually rounded ends, and of less depth and width. Cedar is chiefly used for pitpans on account of its lightness, and the stronger mahogany for dories; but the latter are, however, soon injured by worms if kept in the water. Small boats are propelled by a single broad-bladed paddle; sails also are employed with the _crean_ or keeled canoe.[990] Harpoon and canoe are the basis of the Mosquito's wealth, for with them he obtains his food and the tortoise-shell, the principal article of traffic. The season for catching hawk-bill turtles is from April to August, when fleets of canoes, each manned by about twelve men, proceed to different parts of the coast, as far south as Chiriquí, and bring home ten thousand pounds of shell on an average. Green turtles, which are caught near reefs, also find a good market in Blewfields and elsewhere. All keep hogs, the Caribs more than others; many possess cattle and horses, which are allowed to run wild over the prairies, the horses being lassoed whenever required for riding. Their manner of breaking them is unique. One man leads the horse with the lasso into water, to a depth of three or four feet, when another jumps upon his back, and responds to buckings and skittishness with blows on the head, until in about half an hour the exhausted animal surrenders. A line of bark-fibre serves for reins, and a few plaited palm-leaves for saddle. Preservation of wealth is little thought of, for cattle are most recklessly slaughtered at feasts and for offences, and fruit-trees, as well as other property are, as a rule, destroyed on the death of the owner. Quite a trade is carried on in these parts, the inland tribes bringing rough canoes, calabashes, skins, cloth, honey, and cacao to the coast people, and receiving therefor turtles, salt, English fancy and useful articles; while many of the latter undertake lengthy coast trips to dispose of the bartered produce, as well as their own. The Wankees deal heavily in _bisbire_, or decomposed plantains, while sarsaparilla and honey are the staple articles of the Secos and Poyas. A mixture of shrewdness and simplicity characterizes their dealings. A party wishing to dispose of hides, for instance, first produces the worst ones, which are thrown aside by the buyer until those of the standard quality are brought out; a sum is then offered for the whole, which is often unhesitatingly accepted by the native who is too dazzled by the apparently high price to consider the amount of produce given for it. Very little value is placed upon labor, for canoes, which have taken a considerable time to prepare, are often bartered for a mere trifle. The people of Honduras have always a stock of cloth and honey to pay taxes with, and set a high value on colored feathers obtained from Yucatec coast traders, who take cacao for return cargoes.[991] [Sidenote: MOSQUITO CALENDAR AND ART.] Although versatile enough in handicrafts, their mental faculties are exceedingly crude. With the aid of fingers and toes the Sambo is able to count to twenty, but anything beyond that confuses him. Time is reckoned by _kates_, or moons, thirteen of which make a _mani_, or year. When asked to fix the date of an event, he will say that it occurred so many sleeps or moons ago; but when the time exceeds a year or two, the answer is given in the rather indefinite term of "many, many years;" consequently he is unable to tell his age. His ideas of cosmology are equally vague; thus, stars are held to be glowing stones. The people of Honduras call the year _iolar_, and divide it in the same manner as the Mexicans, by whom the system has, no doubt, been introduced. They reckon time by so many nights or twilights, not by days, and determine the hour by the height of the sun. The song-language of the Mosquitos differs greatly from that employed in conversation, a quaint old-time style being apparently preserved in their lyrics.[992] The art of extracting and melting gold has long been known to them, but, although they wear a few ornaments of this metal, they do not seem to prize it very highly. At the time of Cockburn's visit to Honduras, dams were used in mining, and instruments of cane to sift the gold. The mode employed by the Poyas to separate gold from sand is the one known in California as panning, and is thus described by Squier: "Scooping up some of the sand in his bowl, and then filling it with water, he whirled it rapidly, so that a feathery stream of mingled sand and water flew constantly over its edge. He continued this operation until the sand was nearly exhausted, and then filled the bowl again. After repeating this process several times, he grew more careful, balancing the bowl skillfully, and stopping occasionally to pick out the pebbles ... after the process was complete, the Poyer showed me a little deposit of gold, in grains, at the bottom of the calabash." The gold dust passes into the hands of the white trader.[993] [Sidenote: GOVERNMENT, SLAVERY, POLYGAMY.] The Mosquitos proper are ruled by a hereditary king, who claims sovereignty over the interior tribes of the Mosquito Coast, which, in many cases, is merely nominal. Before the English made their influence felt, this monarch, who, in these latter degenerate days, does not possess many prerogatives, seems to have had but a small extent of territory, for among the earlier travelers some assert that the inhabitants of this coast lived under a republican rule, while others observed no form of government. Each village or community has a principal man, or judge, selected from the eldest and ablest, who settles minor grievances, referring weightier matters to the king, and superintends the contribution of canoes, tortoise-shells, and produce for the support of the monarch and chiefs--for regular taxes are not collected. Among the Poyas, the old men, who are highly respected by their juniors, assemble every evening to deliberate upon the duties of the following day; all members of the tribe take part in the work, and share alike in the results. According to Young, the Mosquitos had an officer, in whom was vested certain authority. The Caribs are also ruled by elders, dignified by the title of captains. Their laws are in some respects harsh: for instance, a woman who has had intercourse with a man of another race is whipped slowly to death. Sambos are less particular in this matter, the adulterer being merely mulcted in a cow. If the decision of a chief be not satisfactory, the contestants resort to trial by combat. The Xicaques live in communities of from seventy to one hundred persons ruled by chiefs elected for life. The insignia of a judge or ruler in Honduras are a white staff, often elaborately ornamented with a golden head and tassels. Formerly each town or province was ruled by an hereditary cacique, who administered justice with four nobles as counselors. Theft was punished by confiscation of property, and in graver cases the ears and hands of the culprit were cut off; the adulterer caught in the act had his ear-rings forcibly torn out; then he was whipped by the relatives of the injured, and deprived of his possessions. The woman went free on the supposition that she, as the weaker party, was not responsible.[994] One principal object of war among the ancient nations of Honduras was to make slaves, but the Mosquito Coast was free from this scourge, according to all accounts.[995] [Sidenote: MOSQUITO MARRIAGE CUSTOMS.] [Sidenote: MOSQUITO COURTSHIP.] Polygamy obtains, some men having six wives each, and the king yet more. The first wife, who as a rule, is betrothed from early infancy, is mistress commanding; her marriage is attended with festivities, and later additions to the harem are subject to her. The custom is to marry early, often before puberty, and it is not unusual to see a girl of thirteen with an offspring in her arms; but the marriage tie is not very binding, for the wife may be discarded or sold at will, on the slightest pretence, especially if children do not follow the union. The interior tribes, which are less given to plurality of wives, bear a pretty good character for female chastity. The cacique of ancient Honduras married among his own class. On behalf of a suitor not previously engaged, an old man was dispatched with presents to the father of the chosen girl, before whom he made a long harangue on the ancestry and qualities of the youth. If this proved satisfactory, the presents were accepted, and Bacchanalia followed. Next morning the bride was closely wrapped in a gorgeously painted cloth, and, seated upon the shoulder of a man, was conveyed to the bridegroom, a number of friends accompanying her, dancing and singing along the road, drinking out of every rivulet, and feasting at every stopping-place. On arrival, she was received by the female friends of the groom, and subjected to a cleaning and perfuming process, lasting three days, during which the friends of the two families held a grand feast to celebrate the approaching union. She was then delivered to the husband, who kept her three nights at his home, and then proceeded to the house of his father-in-law, where the couple remained three other nights, after which they returned to their own house and renewed festivities. These were the ceremonies attending the marriage of nobles only. An old woman acted as messenger for common swains, and brought a present of cacao to the bride's parents, which was consumed at the preliminary feast. The girl was then delivered to the old woman, together with a return present of cacao to serve for two feasts, one taking place at the house of the bridegroom, the other at the bride's. Relationship was no impediment to marriage, and widows were received among the wives of the late husband's brother. Immorality ruled, and the most lascivious performances prevailed at their festivals. On the islands in the gulf of Honduras and on the Belize coast, the suitor had to undergo a preliminary examination by the proposed father-in-law as to his ability to perform the duties of husband; if satisfactory, a bow and arrow were handed him, and he at once presented himself before the object of his affection with a garland of leaves and flowers, which she placed upon her head instead of the wreath always worn by a virgin. Friends thereupon met at the home of the bride to discuss the prospects of the couple, and to witness the act of giving her to the bridegroom, partaking, meanwhile, of some cheering liquid. The next day the bride appeared before the mother, and tore off her garland with much lamentation. Among the Sambos the betrothed suitor must give presents of food and other articles to the parents of his intended, as payment for their care of her until she attains the marriageable age, when he comes to claim her. Should the parents then refuse to give up the girl, they are bound to refund the value of the presents twice or thrice told. The usual price paid for a wife is a cow or its equivalent, which is also exacted from any man infringing on the marital right, while the female for such offence is merely beaten. Esquemelin adds that when the young man came to claim his bride, he was questioned as to his ability to make nets and arrows, and if all went well, the daughter was summoned to bring a calabash of wine, which the three drained between them in token of the new relationship. The widow was bound to supply the grave of her husband with provisions for a year, after which she took up the bones and carried them with her for another year, at last placing them upon the roof of her house, and then only was she allowed to marry again. The Carib must provide a separate house and field for each of his wives, where she not only supports herself, her children, and her husband, but can, if she pleases, accumulate property. The husband is expected to spend his time equally between his wives, but not to assist in providing necessities after the marriage day; should his help be required, the wife must pay him the customary rate of wages. The several wives compete jealously with each other to provide the best for their husband, and are comparatively well-behaved, owing, perhaps, to the severe punishment of infidelity. Among the Smoos, wives of one husband generally live together, each wife bringing her share to make up her lord's dinner. Widows are the property of the relatives of the husband, to whom 'widow-money' must be paid before they are allowed to marry again. The method of courtship among the Woolwas is to place a deer's carcass and some firewood at the door of the intended; if accepted, marriage ensues. Each wife has usually a separate establishment. The Towkas, who are more inclined to monogamy, have an interesting marriage ceremony, of which Squier gives a long account. On the betrothal of children a corresponding cotton band is fastened above the elbow or below the knee of each. These bands are selected by the old men so as to be distinct from others in color, and are renewed when worn out. They also wear necklaces to which a shell or bead is added every year, and when the boy has ten added to his string, he is called _muhasal_, or ten, signifying half a man; when the twentieth and final shell is added, he is considered a full man, and is called _all_, meaning twenty. If his intended has by this time attained her fifteenth year, preparations are at once made for the marriage. A general holiday is taken by the villagers, who clear from grass a circular piece of ground, which is defined by a ring of stones, and trampled smooth; a little hut is then erected in the centre having a small opening at the top, and another at the side facing the east. Within the hut, the entrance of which is covered with a mat, is a heap of copal-twigs, and without, at the edge of the circle, a canoe filled with palm-wine is placed, having a large pile of white calabashes by its side. At noon the villagers proceed to the home of the bridegroom, who is addressed in turn by the old men; they then start with the youth for the house of the bride where the young man seats himself before the closed entrance on a bundle of presents intended for the bride. The father raps at the door which is partly opened by an old woman who asks his business, but the reply does not seem satisfactory, for the door is slammed in his face. The old men try their power of persuasion with the same result, and at last determine to call Orpheus to their aid. Music hath charms! the door is seen to open, and a female peeps timidly out: louder swells the music, and the bridegroom hastens to unroll his bundle containing beads and other articles. The door opens wider and wider as each present is handed in by the father, until it is entirely thrown back, revealing the bride arrayed in her prettiest, seated on a crickery, in the remotest corner. While all are absorbed in examining the presents, the bridegroom dashes in, shoulders the girl like a sack, and trots off for the mystic circle, which, urged on by the frantic cries of the women, he reaches before the crowd can rescue her. The females, who cannot pass the ring, stand outside giving vent to their despairing shrieks, while the men squat within the circle in rows, facing outward. The old men alone remain standing, and one of them hands a lighted stick to the couple inside the hut, with a short speech. Soon an aromatic smoke curls up from the copal pile, whereat the women grow silent, but when it subsides, a sudden gayety takes possession of them, and the music is again heard. The reason for this is that the bridegroom, if he has any objections to the girl, may expel her while the gum is burning, but if it burns out quietly, the groom is supposed to be satisfied and the marriage complete. The women now pass filled calabashes to the men, who soon become excited and start a dance which increases in wildness with each additional cup, and does not end till most of them have bitten the dust. After dark the crowd proceeds with lighted torches to the hut, which is torn down, disclosing the married pair sitting demurely side by side. The husband shoulders his new baggage and is escorted to his home. The following day everybody presents a gift of some kind, so as to place the couple on an equal footing with the rest of the villagers.[996] The position of a wife is not an enviable one, as the care of the household, the farm, and all hard and degrading work fall to her share, while her liege lord spends most of his time in idling. When about to be confined, she proceeds to a hut erected for this purpose in the forest, a short distance from the village, where she remains from a week to two months, according to the custom of the tribe, attended by female friends who supply all her wants, since she is not allowed to handle food herself. No one must pass to the windward of the hut, because an obstruction of the air might cause the death of the mother and child, and for thus offending the guilty party must pay the damages. In such seclusion it is easy to dispose of deformed children, and it is believed that this is done to avoid the disgrace of a nickname, which might otherwise attach to the family. At the expiration of the period of purification, the mother returns to the village carrying the infant tied to her back in a cloth. The village witch has in the meantime fastened round its neck, a _pew_ or charm, consisting of a bag of small seeds with which to pay old Charon for ferriage across the river, in case of an early death. The child is suckled for about two years; yucca-root pap also forms a great part of its food in some parts, but otherwise it receives little care. The mother delivers herself, cutting the navel-string with her own hand; she also washes the infant's clothes, for it is believed that the child will die if this is done by another; after washing herself and suckling the child she returns to the village. Formerly all children born within the year were taken to the temple by the parents, wrapped in a net and painted cloth, and laid to sleep under a cake made of honey and iguana-flesh. Notice was taken of dreams, and if the child appeared well and happy, they augured riches and long life for it, if weak and sorrowful, it would be poor and unfortunate; if no dreams occurred, it betokened an early death. Acting on this superstition, parents often became careless about the future of their children, and suffered them to grow up without attention. Priests were not allowed to marry, and the care and education of the sons of prominent men were entrusted to them.[997] [Sidenote: MOSQUITO DIVERSIONS.] Drinking is the chief amusement, and to become helplessly drunk is the sum of all enjoyment. Frequent _sihkrans_ or feasts are held, lasting for days, at which large numbers assist to drain the canoeful of liquor prepared for the occasion. Occasionally surrounding villagers are invited, and a drinking-bout is held, first in one house and then in another, until the climax is reached in a debauch by both sexes of the most revolting character. Quarrels are generally put off for these occasions, but, as the wives have carefully hidden all weapons, recourse is had to the fist, with which the combatants exchange blows in turn until one has had enough. These trials of endurance are also held in sport; the Smoo or Woolwa, for instance, who wishes to be held most worthy of the fair sex, engages in a _lowta_ or striking-match with a rival, each one presenting his bent back to the other in turn, until the bravest stands declared. Death is not unfrequently the result of such trials. Even boys, carried away by emulation, hold lighted sticks to each other's skin. In early times the people of Honduras held regular festivals at the beginning of each month, at the time of electing officers, at harvest time, and three other grand celebrations during the year, for which much food and drink were prepared. As the wine took effect, the participants were seized with a desire to move to the exhilarating sound of drum, flute, and rattle, and a simple dance was organized. That of the Carib is merely a forward and backward movement of hands and feet, accompanied by a peculiar intonation of voice, and at their _seekroes_, or festivals in commemoration of the departed, they stalk in a circle, one following the other, and singing in a loud and uncouth tone. Their pas seul is livelier, however, the performer skipping up and down, bending the body in different ways, and making the most grotesque movements. They are not satisfied with a mere drinking-bout at their reunions, but spread a good table, to which guests often bring their own liquor. The Towkas and others prefer the circle dance, walking at a slow, swinging pace, beating their knuckles against emptied calabashes, and joining in a refrain, at the end of which they strike their cups one against another's. At each additional potation, the walk is increased in speed, until it assumes a trot and ends in a gallop, the calabashes rattling in accordance. The Sambo dance is like a minuet, in which the performers advance and recede, making strange gesticulations. The women have also a dance among themselves,--for they are not allowed to join with the men,--in which they form a ring, holding each other round the waist with the left hand, bending, wriggling, shaking calabash rattles, and singing until exhausted. Dramatic representations usually accompany these saltatory exhibitions, wherein the various phases of a lover's trials, comical sketches, or battles are depicted. The people of Honduras are fond of disguising themselves with feather tufts, and skins of animals, whose actions and cries they imitate. The favorite entertainment of the Sambos is to put on a head-dress of thin strips of wood painted in various colors to represent the beak of a sword-fish, fasten a collar of wood round the neck, from which a number of palm-leaves are suspended, and to daub the face red, black, and yellow. Two men thus adorned advance toward one another and bend the fish-head in salute, keeping time with a rattle and singing, "shovel-nosed sharks, grandmother!" after which they slide off crab-like, making the most ludicrous gestures imaginable. This fun exhausted, fresh men appear, introducing new movements, and then the spectators join in a 'walk around,' flourishing white sticks in their hands, and repeating the above-mentioned refrain in a peculiar buzzing tone produced by placing in the mouth a small tube covered with the membrane of a nut.[998] [Sidenote: GUAJIQUERO DANCE.] The Guajiqueros in an interesting performance described by Squier, depict incidents from their history. A square piece of ground having a tree in the centre is marked off, and two poles adorned with feathers are erected in opposite corners, one bearing the head of a deer, the other that of a tiger. A dull, monotonous music is heard, and two parties of youth, fantastically dressed up and painted, move up to the square in a slow, but not ungraceful dance, and station themselves round the poles that bear their respective insignia. A man, stooping as if bent with age, starts out from the deers, dances round the ground, trying to arouse the mirth of the spectators with his grotesque movements. The tigers also dispatch a man, who does his best to excel the other one in contortions and grimaces. After a while they meet, and commence a discussion which ends in open rupture, the rising passions being well delineated. The two men who represent ambassadors then return to their party with an account of the mission, the result of which is a general excitement, both factions starting out, dancing backwards and forwards, up and down the square, until they meet under the tree, in the centre. The leader of each then steps out and recites the glories and prowess of his tribe, amidst the applause of his own men, and the disapproval of the others. As soon as they are worked up to the requisite pitch of irritation, the dialogue ceases, the music strikes up, and a mimic combat ensues, in which the armies advance and retreat, close and separate, using short canes for weapons. At last the tigers lose their standard and take to flight, whereat the victors execute a dance of triumph; but finding how dearly the victory has been bought, their joy is turned into sorrow, and they bend their head upon the knees, breaking out in loud lament. In a few moments one of them starts up and begins a panegyric on the fallen brave, which is followed by a mimic sacrifice and other ceremonies. The vanquished are now seen to approach with downcast eyes, bringing tribute, which they lay at the feet of the victors, who receive it with imperious bearing. The music at these entertainments is not of a very inspiring nature; drums, consisting of a section of hollow tree covered with skin, which are generally beaten with the hand, and flutes of bamboo with four stops on which eight notes are played with different degrees of speed for variety, being the usual instruments. The Guajiqueros also use the _chirimaya_, two flutes joined in one mouthpiece; the _syrinx_, or Pan's pipe; a long calabash with a narrow opening at the small end, into which the performer blows suddenly, at intervals, to mark time; and a sort of drum consisting of a large earthen jar, over the mouth of which a dressed skin is tightly stretched. To the centre of the skin, and passing through an opening in the bottom, is attached a string which the performer pulls, the rebound of the membrane producing a very lugubrious sound. In western Honduras the so-called strum-strum is much used. This is a large gourd cut in the middle, and covered with a thin board having strings attached. The _marimba_, and the jews-harp which has been introduced by the trader, are, however, the favorite instruments for a quiet reunion, and the few tunes known to them are played thereon with admirable skill and taste. Songs always accompany their dances and are usually impromptu compositions on suitable subjects, gotten up for the occasion by the favorite singers of the village, and rendered in a soft, but monotonous and plaintive tone. They have no national melodies, but on the receipt of any good or bad message, their feelings generally find vent in a ditty embodying the news. Talking is a passion with them, and as soon as a piece of news is received at a village, two or three younger men will start with their women and children for the next hamlet, where it is discussed for hours by the assembled population, who in their turn dispatch a messenger to the next village, and thus spread the news over the whole country in a very short time. In story-telling, those who concoct the biggest lies receive the most applause. Of course, the pipe must be smoked on these occasions, but as their own tobacco has become too mild for them, recourse is had to the vilest description of American leaf. When this is wanting, the smoke-dried leaves of the trumpet and papah-tree are used by men as well as women. The favorite drink is _mishla_, prepared chiefly from cassava-roots; but others from bananas, pine-apples, and other fruits are also used. A number of young women provided with good teeth, untiring jaws, and a large supply of saliva, are employed to chew about half of the boiled and peeled roots requisite to make a canoeful of liquor, the remainder being crushed in a mortar. This delectable compound is stirred with cold water, and allowed to ferment for a day or two, when it assumes a creamy appearance, and tastes very strong and sour. Plantains are kneaded in warm water, and then allowed to stand for a few days till the mixture ferments, or the fruit is left in the water in small pieces, and the kneading performed in the cup previous to drinking. A fermented drink from powdered cacao and indigenous sugar-cane juice is called _ulung_, and _pesso_ is the name given to another made from crushed lime-rinds, maize and honey; in early times mead was a favorite drink in Honduras. The cocoa-nut palm yields monthly a large quantity of liquor known as _caraca_. The tip of the undeveloped shoots are cut off, and the branch bent down so as to allow the fluid to drip into a calabash placed beneath. Its seeds, when crushed and steeped in hot water give the _acchioc_.[999] [Sidenote: BEVERAGES OF HONDURAS.] [Sidenote: MOSQUITO CUSTOMS.] No name for a supreme good spirit is found in the vocabulary of the Mosquitos; all their appeals are addressed to Wulasha, the devil, the cause of all misfortunes and contrarieties that happen. The intercessors with this dread being are the _sukias_, or sorceresses, generally dirty, malicious old hags, who are approached with gifts by the trembling applicant, and besought to use their power to avert impending evils. They are supposed to be in partnership with their devil, for whom they always exact the half of the fee before entering upon any exorcising or divination. These witches exercise a greater power over the people than the chief--a power which is sustained by the exhibition of certain tricks, such as allowing poisonous snakes to bite them, and handling fire, which they have learned from predecessors during their long preparation for the office, passed amidst exposure and fasts in the solitude of the wilderness. The people of Honduras had also evil sorcerers who possessed the power of transforming men into wild beasts, and were much feared and hated accordingly; but their priests or hermits who live in communion with materialized gods, in small, elevated huts, apart from the villages, enjoyed the respect of all, and their advice was applied for on every matter of importance. None but the principal men could approach them without the necessary offering of maize and fowl, and they humbly knelt before them to receive their oracular answer. Preparatory to important undertakings, dogs, cocks, and even men were sacrificed to obtain the favor of their idols, and blood was drawn from tongue, ears, and other members of the body. They thought it likewise necessary to their welfare to have _naguals_, or guardian spirits, whose life became so bound up with their own that the death of one involved that of the other. The manner of obtaining this guardian was to proceed to some secluded spot and offer up a sacrifice: with the beast or bird which thereupon appeared, in dream or in reality, a compact for life was made, by drawing blood from various parts of the body. Caribs and Woolwas assemble at certain periods every year, to propitiate controlling spirits with ceremonies transmitted from their forefathers. A variety of ghosts, as Lewire, the spirit of the water, are supposed to play their pranks at night, and it is difficult to induce anyone to leave the hut after dark, unless in company. The belief in dreams is so firmly rooted that their very course of life is influenced by it. Every dream has a direct or indirect meaning; thus, a broken calabash betokens loss of wife; a broken dish, the death of a mother. Among other superstitions, it was believed that the lighting of an owl upon the house-top would be followed by the death of an inmate; when thunder roared, cotton-seed was burned; broken egg-shells and deer-bones were carefully preserved lest the chickens or the deer should die or disappear. Aware of the peculiar influence of the moon on man and matter, they are careful not to sleep in its glare, nor to fish when it is up, and mahogany-cutters abstain from felling trees at certain periods for fear the wood may spoil. They are wonderfully good pathfinders, and will pass through the densest forest without guiding marks; as swimmers they are not to be surpassed. Their mode of greeting a friend is very effusive, according to Dampier. One will throw himself at the feet of another, who helps him up, embraces him, and falls down in his turn to be assisted up and comforted with a pressure. Cockburn says that the Honduras people bend one knee to the ground and clap their hands in token of farewell.[1000] [Sidenote: MOSQUITO MEDICAL TREATMENT.] Their licentious life, and fruit and fish diet, with limited use of salt, have left their constitution very susceptible to epidemics as well as other diseases. The most common disorders are affections of the bowels, such as dysentery and diarrhoea, but chills, rheumatism, consumption, and measles are not unfrequent. Children suffer much from worms, and their abdomen is sometimes enormously swollen. A very painful, though not dangerous eye-disease termed _unkribikun_ is prevalent; and the burrowing of the tick in the skin causes wounds and inflammation if the fly be not speedily removed; the _chegoe_, or sand-flea, attacks the feet in the same manner. But small-pox and leprosy are the greatest scourges of this country, the former having here as elsewhere in America committed enormous ravages among the population. Leprosy--that living death reflecting the sins of former generations, so capricious in the selection of its victims, taking the parent, yet leaving the child intact, or seizing upon the offspring without touching its mother--may certainly be less destructive, but it is nevertheless fearful in its effect; half of the natives of the Mosquito country being more or less marked by it, either in the shape of white or livid spots, or red, white, and scabbed _bulpis_. All sickness and affliction is supposed to be the work of the evil spirit who has taken possession of the affected part; sukias must, therefore, be called in to use their incantations and herbs against the enemy. The witch appears with her face painted in hideous devices, and begins operations by placing some herbs beneath the pillow of the patient, blowing smoke over him, rubbing the body with the hands, and muttering strange words. If this is not effective, a decoction is made from the herbs, to be used as a drink or fomentation, and the patient is fenced in with painted sticks, with strict orders to let no one approach; the witch herself bringing the food to the patient, whistling a plaintive strain and muttering over the invalid for some time to chase away the evil. No pregnant woman, or person who has lately buried a friend, must come near the house during the illness, nor must any one pass to the windward of it, lest the sick be deprived of breath; any presumed breach of these injunctions leaving a safe loophole for the sorceress, in case her remedies fail. During epidemics, the sukias consult together and note their dreams, to ascertain the nature and disposition of the spirit. After muttering incantations all night, and invoking all sorts of terrible monsters, they plant small painted sticks, mounted by grotesque figures, to the windward of the village, and announce the expulsion of the evil. Should the scourge continue, it is supposed that the spirits are obstinate, and the people remove to other parts, burning the village. The instructions of the sukia are always scrupulously followed, and the credulous native may be seen lying on the beach for days, exposed to all weathers, smeared with blood and waiting for restoration from ills. Scarifications are much resorted to, and fever patients throw themselves into cold water, where they remain until dead or until the fever leaves them. In Honduras, on the other hand, the patient is taken out of the water after a short immersion, and rolled to and fro before a fire, until half dead with fatigue, when he was left to be restored by sleep; blood is let from the thighs, legs, and shoulders; vomiting is promoted by certain herbs; vermin are administered for jaundice. In sickness a rigid diet is observed, the patient subsisting chiefly on iguana broth. Snake-bites are cured by chewing the guaco-root, and poulticing the wound therewith; the Caribs apply an oil obtained from the head of the tommy-goff as an antidote for its bite. Herrera states that the comfort of a sick person was but little regarded; bread and drink were placed near the patient's head, and if strong enough to partake thereof, well and good, but if not he might die; nobody took any notice of him after this. The Mosquitos are not entirely devoid of affection; but their grief seems to be reserved for the dead, not the dying.[1001] The corpse is wrapped in a cloth and placed in one half of a pitpan which has been cut in two; friends assemble for the funeral and drown their grief in mushla, the women giving vent to their sorrow by dashing themselves on the ground until covered with blood, and inflicting other tortures, occasionally even committing suicide. As it is supposed that the evil spirit seeks to obtain possession of the body, musicians are called in to lull it to sleep, while preparations are made for its removal; all at once four naked men, who have disguised themselves with paint, so as not to be recognized and punished by Wulasha, rush out from a neighboring hut, and, seizing the rope attached to the canoe, drag it into the woods, followed by the music and the crowd. Here the pitpan is lowered into the grave with bow, arrow, spear, paddle, and other implements to serve the departed in the land beyond; then the other half of the boat is placed over the body. A rude hut is constructed over the grave, serving as a receptacle for the choice food, drink, and other articles placed there from time to time by relatives. The water that disappears from the porous jars is thought to have been drunk by the deceased, and if the food is nibbled by birds it is held to be a good sign. On returning from the grave the property of the deceased is destroyed, the cocoa-palms being cut down, and all who have taken part in the funeral undergo a lustration in the river. Relatives cut off the hair, the men leaving a ridge along the middle from the nape of the neck to the forehead; widows, according to some old writers, after supplying the grave with food for a year, take up the bones, and carry them on the back in the daytime, sleeping with them at night, for another year, after which they are placed at the door, or upon the house-top. On the anniversary of death, friends of the deceased hold a feast called _seekroe_, at which large quantities of liquor are drained to his memory. Squier, who witnessed the ceremonies on an occasion of this kind, says that males and females were dressed in _ule_ cloaks fantastically painted black and white, while their faces were correspondingly streaked with red and yellow, and they performed a slow walk-around, the immediate relatives prostrating themselves at intervals, calling loudly upon the dead, and tearing the ground with their hands. At no other time is the departed referred to, the very mention of his name being superstitiously avoided. Some tribes extend a thread from the house of death to the grave, carrying it in a straight line over every obstacle. Froebel states that among the Woolwas all property of the deceased is buried with him, and that both husband and wife cut the hair and burn the hut on the death of either, placing a gruel of maize upon the grave for a certain time.[1002] [Sidenote: CHARACTER OF THE MOSQUITOS.] Hospitality, a gentle and obliging disposition, faithfulness in the fulfilling of engagements, honesty and docility, balanced by an inaptness to make any avail of natural benefits, and a supineness in matters of veracity and judgment, by reason of which they fall into many excesses, especially in drink, characterize both Mosquitos and Caribs. The apathy and slowness of the unadulterated aboriginal are, however, in striking contrast to the vivacious and impressible nature of the Caribs, whose versatility evidences a rather higher intelligence, which is again overshadowed by an inordinate vanity, based chiefly upon their greater strength and stature. Both possess a certain industry, the one being more plodding, the other more energetic though less patient; this trait is also noticeable in their pastimes, where the native is far less exuberant and noisy than his darker neighbor. With regard to the effect of negro admixture on character, comparisons may be made among the Caribs themselves, when it will be found that the black race is much more mercurial and vehement than the purer type, and possesses greater volubility. The severe discipline kept up, and the disposition, among the women at least, to provide for the morrow, augurs well for their future. The bravery and love of freedom which so long kept the Spanish invaders at bay both on the western and northern borders and on the coast was subsequently subdued, instance the mild disposition of the independent Xicaques, Poyas, and Secos, who are now inclined rather to peaceful diplomacy than to warlike demonstrations; yet the Caribs manifested considerable spirit during a late conflict with the Honduras government, and proved themselves efficient soldiers. The character given to the nations of this subdivision by ancient writers, contains many unenviable qualities, for not only are they described as lazy, vicious, lying, inconstant, but as cruel, void of affection, and of less intelligence than the Mexicans; nevertheless they are obedient, peaceable, and quiet. The only characteristic we have concerning the Albatuins is that they were savage, and until of late the Ramas bore the same character. Among the industrious Towkas we find that gentle melancholy which characterizes some of the Guatemalans; while their brothers, the Smoos, have the reputation of being a very simple people whom the neighbors take delight in imposing upon, yet their women are said to be more ingenious than the Sambo women. Proceeding to the Toonglas and Sambos, we observe a preponderance of bad qualities, attributable, no doubt, to their intercourse with buccaneers and traders. By most writers they are characterized as a lazy, drunken, debauched, audacious race, given to thieving; capricious, quarrelsome, treacherous and exacting among themselves, though obliging to strangers, their only redeeming traits being hospitality, and a certain impulsiveness which is chiefly exhibited in grief, and indicates something good at heart. Their want of energy, which deters them alike from household work and the commission of great crimes, will not prevent them from undertaking wearisome voyages to dispose of mere trifles; and their superstitious fears and puerility under affliction, are entirely lost when facing the raging surf or hungry shark. Other writers take advantage of this trait to show that they are high-spirited enough to carry anything through when once aroused, and add that they have proved themselves faithful to their masters, are docile and intelligent, abhorring to appear mean and cowardly.[1003] [Sidenote: THE ISTHMIANS.] The ISTHMIANS, by which name I designate all the nations occupying the territory lying between the San Juan River and the southern shore of Lake Nicaragua on the north, and the gulf of Urabá, or Darien, and the River Atrato on the south, present several peculiarities when compared with the other nations of Central America. The inhabitants of these regions are a hardy and active race, jealous of their independence and ever hostile to those who attempt to penetrate their country. Their resoluteness in excluding all foreigners is materially strengthened by the rugged and malarious nature of the country, by its deep ravines, its miasmatic swamps, its abrupt heights, its rapid streams, its tangled undergrowth, and densely wooded districts. The air of the table-lands and valleys is hot and moist, the soil exceedingly fertile, but the interior and mountainous localities have a milder and more temperate climate with but little variation except that of the dry and wet seasons. In the lowlands of Panamá, the swampy nature of the surface, with the great humidity of the atmosphere, produces a luxuriant vegetation, and the consequent quantity of decomposed vegetable matter under the influence of a vertical sun, engenders a miasma deadly to the unacclimated. The rich and marshy nature of the soil, however, sends forth immense palm-trees, in the branches of which the natives build their houses, thus obtaining a purer air and greater safety from the numerous wild animals and dangerous reptiles that infest that region. A great portion of the territory is rich in minerals which were once produced by the natives in great quantities, but which, unfortunately, were the loadstone that drew upon them the ruthless Spanish plunderers. [Sidenote: ISTHMIAN NATIONS.] In the northern part of Costa Rica along the head waters of the Rio Frio the _Guatusos_, or _Pranzas_, are located. Mr Squier is inclined to think they are of the same stock as the Nahuas. Some striking physical peculiarities observed among them have given rise to various surmises and startling conclusions regarding their origin. Dwelling in the western part of the state are the _Terrabas_ and the _Changuenes_, fierce and barbarous nations, at constant enmity with their neighbors. In the south-east and extending to the borders of Chiriquí dwell the _Talamancas_ composed of a number of different tribes and declared by some to be allied in race with the Guatusos. Besides these are the _Buricas_, _Torresques_, _Toxas_, and others.[1004] In the mountains of Chiriquí are the _Valientes_, so called by the Spaniards from their heroic resistance to the invaders. Many of the warlike nations who occupied the country at the time of the discovery derived their names from the caciques that governed them. The people who dwell along the shore of the Caribbean Sea, between Portobello and Urabá, and occupy the Limones, Sasardi, and Pinos islands are supposed to be a branch of the once powerful Darien nations who to the present day remain unconquered. Their province is situated on the western shore of the gulf of Urabá, and their town was originally near the mouth of the River Atrato. The town and the river as well as the province were called by the natives Darien. This town was conquered in 1510 by a little band of shipwrecked Spaniards under the Bachiller Enciso. Vasco Nuñez de Balboa, Francisco Pizarro, and men of like metal were there, and this was the first successful conquest and settlement on Tierra Firme. Whence, as the conquests of the Spaniards widened, the name Darien was at length applied to the greater part of the Isthmus. Still further westward were the once powerful province of _Cueva_, and the site of the ancient city of Panamá, discovered in 1515 by Tello de Guzman. This was a famous fishing-station, the word Panamá signifying in the native tongue a place where many fish are taken. Along the western shore of the bay of Panamá dwelt several independent and warlike nations, those of _Cutara_, _Paris_, _Escoria_, besides many others who waged continual war against each other with the object of increasing their territories and adding lustre to their names.[1005] Slight differences only are observable in the Isthmian physique. The people are generally well-built, muscular, and of average height, although old authorities, such as Herrera, Andagoya, and Gomara, describe a tribe, whom they locate near Escoria and Quarecas, as being very tall--veritable giants. Women, as a rule, are small and of delicate proportions, but after attaining a certain age, incline to obesity. The mountain tribes are generally shorter in stature, with more pleasing features than the coast-dwellers. A notable difference between the Isthmians and the other aborigines of the Pacific States, is the short, rather flat nose, in contradistinction to the almost universal aquiline cast. In color they are of a medium bronze tint, varying according to localities, the mountain tribes being the darker. Black, straight, and very abundant coarse hair, black or dark eyes, and excellent teeth predominate.[1006] In Costa Rica, on the Rio Frio, is the frequently spoken of but never accurately described nation--the _Guatusos_--whom somewhat mythical accounts describe as of fair complexions, with light hair and blue eyes. Likewise Albinos are spoken of by Wafer, who relates having seen people "milk white, lighter than the colour of any Europeans, and much like that of a white horse." Furthermore, it is said that their bodies were covered with a milk-white down, which added to the whiteness of their skin; hair and eyebrows white, and eyes oblong, with the corners pointing downwards. During daylight they were weak-sighted, restive, and lacking energy, but after sundown, their cheerfulness, activity, and eyesight returned--the latter being apparently as good as that of other people.[1007] [Sidenote: DRESS OF THE ISTHMIANS.] Cotton textures and the bark of a certain tree, beaten in a wet state until soft and pliant, were the materials used by the Isthmians to cover their nakedness, if, indeed, they covered it at all. Where cotton was used, as in parts of Costa Rica, the costume was simply a small strip of cloth which both men and women wound round the loins or, as on the islands in the gulf of Nicoya, the women passed it between the legs, and fastened it to a string round the waist. These latter ornamented their scanty raiment prettily with various designs painted in colors, and also with seeds and shells. Near the bay of Herradura the men wore a kind of mantle covering the whole front and back of the wearer, made of the above-mentioned bark, in the centre of which was a hole through which the head passed. The women of this locality only wrap themselves in a piece of bark, without taking the trouble to fashion a mantle of it. Yet more simple was the dress of the men near Cartago; a few cotton strings wound round the foreskin of their virile member, sufficed them.[1008] Near Panamá and Darien, the caciques only wore long cotton mantles thrown over the shoulder and reaching nearly to the feet, the common people going naked, only encasing their privy parts in a kind of funnel made of gold, silver, shell, or bamboo, according to the wealth of the wearer, and which was held in place by a string fastened to two holes in the sides which was passed round the waist. Women in the same localities wore cotton petticoats reaching to the knees, or, if ladies of quality, to the ankles. Near the gulf of Nicoya, women wore the long hair parted in the middle from the front to the back of the head, and plaited into two braids which hung down on either side over the ears. The men tied the hair up in a stiff queue with a cotton band, which was at times arranged so as to rise straight over the crown of the head. Necklaces of colored beads or of tiger's teeth were worn as ornaments. Like many nations of the Hyperborean group, the Chorotegans of Nicoya pierced the lower lip and inserted a round piece of bone. Their arms they painted with a mixture of their own blood and charcoal. In portions of Veragua and Behetrias even the funnel or cotton strings were omitted, and the Gugures, Mandingos, and many others on the Pacific seaboard, like the people of Veragua, went entirely naked, the chiefs only wearing long mantles. All of the Isthmians were fond of ornaments; among those which deserve special notice is the nose-pendant. This was a crescent-shaped piece of gold or silver, of various sizes for different occasions, those used on holidays hanging down so as to cover the mouth, while those for ordinary use only reached the upper lip. Besides the nose-pendant were ear-rings and a number of heavy necklaces of gold, silver, tiger's teeth, colored seeds, shells, and coral, according to the wealth of the wearer. Under their breasts the richer women also wore gold bars as a support, which were held up by strings passed over the shoulders. _Guanines_, or figures of animals made of gold, were worn around the neck by the men on the coast of Veragua, Chiriquí, and Urabá; others again wore on their heads fillets or crowns of gold or of the claws of wild beasts, or of feathers. Thus did these naked savages decorate themselves, often to the extent of several pounds weight. Women considered it a mark of beauty to have thick legs, and to that end wore bandages round them. Another Hyperborean custom is here met with--the anointing of the body with oil--which in these tropics is extracted from the _bixa_ or seed of the _arnotto_, and over which they sprinkled down and feathers. Painting the body was everywhere practiced, and was carried to a great extent, the different colors and figures employed each having its peculiar significance. [Sidenote: ISTHMIAN BODY-PAINTING.] On going to war, paint was used more freely than at other times, and the greater the warrior the thicker the paint. Among the men of Cueba painting had a double object; it served as an ornament to the person, and also as a mark of distinction of rank. The chief, when he inherited or attained his title, made choice of a certain device, which became that of all his house. Freemen were painted from the mouth downward, and on the arms and chest, while slaves were only painted or tattooed from the mouth upward. All the lords, servitors, and vassals who were freemen, were painted in exactly the same manner. If the son of a chief adopted the ancestral totem, he could not afterward change it on coming into his inheritance, but if during his father's life-time he declined to use the distinctive badge of his house, he could, when he became chief, choose any new device he might fancy. A son who did not adopt his father's totem was always hateful to him during his lifetime. The natives on the northern coast of Chiriquí painted the body in wavy lines, from the shoulders to the heels; through the cartilage of the nose they stuck a porcupine-quill, and in the chin the tooth of a wild beast. The women had holes made in their cheeks through which they stuck little bunches of feathers; they also wore tiger's claws in their ears. At San Blas, some of the men painted themselves in black streaks, and the women in red. At Porto Belo, the king was painted black and all his subjects red. The natives of Escoria tattooed breast and arms; the women of Darien across the bridge of the nose from one cheek to the other; they also blacken their teeth. Others have figures of birds, animals, or trees painted all over the body, according to fancy; their favorite colors being black, red, and yellow, which are laid on with pencils made of wood, chewed at the end till they become soft.[1009] All the Isthmians pull out the hair from every part of the body except the head, and rub themselves with herbs, which prevent its further growth. Both sexes pride themselves on the length of the hair, and most of them allow it to grow to its full length and hang loose over their shoulders, but keep it cut on the forehead as low as the eyebrows. The men of Cariai and some parts of Chiriquí, bind it with fillets and wind it in rolls round the head, fastening it with a comb made of the heart of the palm-tree; others wear round their head a band made of bark or certain fibres of plants, and at festivals they often wear high caps, made from the gaudy feathers of parrots. At Tanela married women cut their hair short. It appears that head-flattening again crops out in these parts. Las Casas states that infants had their heads placed between two pads, one in front and another behind, in order to increase the length of the head and width of the forehead.[1010] [Sidenote: DWELLINGS ON THE ISTHMUS.] In Costa Rica many of the natives live in small huts built of plaited rushes. In the year 1545, Diego Gutierrez, governor of Nueva Cartago, in Costa Rica, attempted to explore that territory. Arriving at the province of Suere upon a river of that name at a point some twelve leagues distant from the North Sea, he came to a village, and there occupied a house belonging to the chief of the district. The old Milanese chronicler, Girolamo Benzoni, who accompanied the expedition, describing the dwelling of the cacique, says it was shaped like an egg and was forty-five paces in length and nine in breath. The sides were of reeds and the roof of palm-leaves all interlaced and well executed. There were but few other houses in the village and those of inferior character. Padre Zepeda, a jesuit, who in 1750 lived among the Guatusos for several months, speaking of their towns and gardens, says that when the rains commence, they construct small huts in the trees, where they live safe from the danger of floods.[1011] Unlike most other nations, the Isthmians do not build their villages in squares, but generally form long streets, keeping the houses well apart from each other, probably as a precaution against conflagrations. On many parts of the coast of Darien and on the gulf of Urabá, the villages are built in the water. Others are on the banks of rivers, and many of them are spacious and constructed with great skill and attention to details. The supporting posts of the roof are large bamboos or palm-trees. Three or four of these are driven into the ground at equal distances, proportioned according to the intended length of the house, and across the top is laid the ridge-pole; on each side a number of shorter posts are sunk, from which long rafters are laid to the ridge-pole; the whole is then covered with palm-leaves, both roof and sides. Other houses are plastered inside and outside with mud, and these have a flooring of open bamboo work, raised six or eight feet from the ground. The dwellings are divided into two or more rooms, having no doors to the entrances, which are reached by ladders. Sometimes the house is built without walls, in which case the roof descends to below the level of the floor, and the structure is left open at both ends, having the appearance of an elevated platform. The Savanerics and some others on the coast of Veragua build circular or pyramidal dwellings, by driving strong posts into the ground sloping toward each other, so as to unite in a point where they are strongly bound with withes or vines, across which are tied small sticks, some peeled, others with the bark on, or blackened, thereby producing a pleasing effect. The walls inside are lined with reeds beautifully interwoven. The upper portion of the structure is thatched on the outside with straw and on the apex is placed an ornament of baked clay. In the centre of the dwelling is a spacious apartment, and round the walls are small rooms in which different families reside.[1012] Each village has a public, town, or council house, or fort, one hundred or more feet in length, constructed in the same manner as the dwellings, but with no interior partitions; in the walls are loop-holes for the discharge of arrows. There is an entrance at each end, and thick doors, made of split palm-tree and bamboo strongly bound together with withes, are kept in readiness to shut out the enemy. The doors are kept in position by strong posts set in the ground behind them. In the province of Veragua they build strong wooden fences or palisades round some of the villages, to protect them from attacks of enemies and wild beasts. During the expedition of Gaspar de Espinosa in 1517, Diego de Albitez, who invaded the province of a cacique named Tabraba, some distance south-west from Panamá, found the inhabitants protected by strong fortifications. Their forts are built with much skill. The ground is first enclosed by a deep trench, upon the inner bank of which trees are planted, and the interstices filled up with logs and rocks. In many parts of the country the inhabitants were found living in the tops of trees like birds, laying sticks across from one branch to another, and building their houses upon them. In 1512, Vasco Nuñez de Balboa surveyed several channels at the mouth of the River Atrato in quest of gold and plunder. The surrounding country was low and marshy, but the soil sent forth immense palm-trees, in the branches of which the natives built their houses. Vasco Nuñez, entering an affluent of the Rio Negro, discovered a large tree-top village, the name of whose ruler was Abieiba. The houses were divided into several apartments, each of a size sufficient to accommodate several families. They were built of wood and willows, and were so pliable and yet so strong, that the swaying to and fro of the branches, to which the elastic tenement yielded, did not in the least interfere with the safety of the occupants. Ladders, made of a single large bamboo split in two, were used in making the ascent and descent. These were drawn up at night, or in case of the invasion of an enemy. On the coast of Veragua Columbus discovered similar dwellings, and he says that he could not account for the custom, unless it was through fear of griffins which abound in that country, or of enemies, each tribe being at war with every other tribe along the coast. The true cause, however, of their taking to trees for places of residence, is to place themselves beyond the reach of sudden and violent floods, which are caused by the swelling of streams after storms in the mountains, and also in order to be out of the reach of reptiles and wild beasts in which that country abounds.[1013] Some of the Isthmians built large enclosures for the chiefs, which early contemporary writers call the king's palace. Vasco Nuñez de Balboa, on his march through the province of Comagre, situated on the northern coast of Darien about thirty leagues from the gulf of Urabá, relates that he visited the dwelling or palace of the cacique Comagre, which he describes as follows: It was one hundred and fifty by eighty paces in dimension, constructed upon heavy posts, which stood within a stone wall. The upper part of the building was beautifully finished with timbers, interlaced in such a manner as to strike the beholder with amazement. The building contained various apartments--chambers, pantry, and wine-cellar. In one very large apartment were sacredly kept the remains of the king's ancestors arranged round the walls.[1014] [Sidenote: FOOD OF THE ISTHMIANS.] The Costa Ricans live chiefly by hunting and fishing, and many of them cultivate maize, beans, and bananas; the Talamancas, especially, are agriculturists. According to Father Zepeda, and others who penetrated some distance into the country of the Guatusos, they had large fields under cultivation. Salt is seldom used by any of these tribes, and none of them ever eat dogs, as they keep them for hunting purposes. Their chief game is wild hogs and deer, but they are not very particular as to their animal diet, for they eat whatever they can catch, including reptiles. Their mode of cooking fish renders them exceedingly palatable, which is by roasting them wrapped in plantain-leaves. Bananas are usually pulled when green, and buried in sand to ripen.[1015] Many of the other Isthmians are agriculturists, and grow considerable quantities of maize, plantains, cacao, pimiento, and cocoa-nuts; their means of subsistence are further largely supplemented by game and fish. A staple article of food among the coast tribes is turtle, of which they capture large numbers. Monkeys afford them a favorite meal, and they are especially fond of iguanas, young alligators, and their eggs. From the yucca as well as corn they make a good quality of bread. The Doraches and Guaimies of Veragua subsist mainly on wild roots and a fruit called _pixbaex_, somewhat resembling dates, which toasted, makes an agreeable and wholesome food. Most of their dishes are highly seasoned with pimiento, a kind of pepper produced by a small shrub which is very abundant on Tierra Firme. The toocan bird lives chiefly on the berry, which it discharges from the stomach almost immediately after swallowing it; the natives prefer it thus, as its bitterness is partly absorbed by the bird. It is said that the Caribs ate human flesh whenever they had an opportunity. Herrera says that some of the Isthmians purchased slaves, whom they sold to the Caribs for food, and the inhabitants of Paria supplied boys to the natives of Tubrabá for the same purpose. They cooked the flesh of their enemies, and ate it seasoned with salt and _ají_ (chile).[1016] When a piece of ground is to be planted, a number of the villagers collect and cut down the brushwood on a selected spot; the seed is then scattered among the wood as it lies. In due time the grain, which is well sheltered from the sun by the branches, springs up and overtops them, and when fit for harvesting the ears are gathered. After this, the underwood and corn-stalks are set on fire, and the ground continues to be used for agricultural purposes. In hunting deer and wild swine, dogs are used to drive them out of the dense forest; at other times they set fire to a part of the woods, and as the animals try to escape, they kill them with spears and arrows. Birds are killed with a blow-pipe. When fishing they use nets made of mahoe-bark or silk-grass, and in places where rocks prevent their using a net, they catch them with their hands or shoot them with arrows. Fishing by torchlight with spears is frequently practiced. The Savanerics poison pools with pounded leaves of the barbasco, and thus obtain fish without much labor. For duck-hunting they also employ the often-described trick of placing a calabash on the head, and in this manner approach the game. The men of Cueba are celebrated for making pure white salt from sea water--an article much used in this locality. In the same province a kind of communism obtained; all provisions were delivered to the chief, who distributed to each his share. Part of the community were employed as agriculturists, and part as hunters and fishermen. At his meals the cacique was served by women, some of his principal men eating with him.[1017] In their personal habits the Isthmians are cleanly; they bathe generally twice a day and sometimes oftener; but commonly at sunrise and sunset. The interior of their dwellings has a neat appearance, and order and cleanliness prevail in all their domestic arrangements.[1018] [Sidenote: WEAPONS OF THE ISTHMIANS.] Bows and arrows, long spears, javelins, flint-edged clubs, and blow-pipes, are the weapons used in these parts. The bows are beautifully made, those of the Costa Ricans being about seven feet long, of a dark-colored, very hard wood, with the string of well-twisted silk-grass. Arrows are of the same wood, very long, and pointed with a porcupine-quill or fish-bone. The bows and arrows of those farther south are much shorter, and of black palm-wood, as are also their lances and javelins. The arrows are pointed with flint or fish-bone, or are hardened in the fire and barbed; the shaft is of reed having a piece of hard wood eight or ten inches in length inserted in the end. The inhabitants of Coiba and some of the tribes on the western shore of the gulf of Urabá, do not use bows and arrows. In this respect, so far as I have observed, they form an exception; as among the almost innumerable tribes situated between the gulf of Urabá and the Arctic Ocean I know of none others where bows and arrows are not used. These people in battle employ a long wooden sword, and wooden spears, the ends of which are hardened in the fire and tipped with bone; they also make use of slings and darts. Their javelins are thrown with much force and dexterity by means of a stick slightly grooved to hold the projectile. It is called _estorica_ and is held between the thumb and two fingers, there being a small loop on the side, near the centre, in which the forefinger is placed; the dart is cast straight from the shoulder, while the projector is retained in the hand. I have noticed a somewhat similar contrivance employed by the Aleutian Islanders.[1019] The blow-pipe which is used with much effect, is about six or seven feet long, and the darts shot from it are made of Mucaw-wood, very thin with an exceedingly sharp point, notched, so that when an object is struck it breaks off and it is almost impossible to extract the broken point; others are poisoned so that a slight wound causes death in a short time. One end is wrapped with a little cotton, until it fits the tube which is placed to the mouth and the dart blown out. It is quite effective for a distance of one hundred yards. Different varieties of poison have been described by writers and travelers. Herrera speaks of one which he says was made with certain grey roots found along the coast, which were burnt in earthen pipkins and mixed with a species of poisonous black ant; to this composition were added large spiders, some hairy caterpillars, the wings of a bat, and the head and tail of sea-fish called _tavorino_, very venomous, besides toads, the tails of snakes, and manzanillas. All these ingredients were set over a fire in an open field and well boiled in pots by a slave till they were reduced to a proper consistency. The unfortunate slave who attends to the boiling almost invariably dies from the fumes. Another poisonous composition is spoken of as having been made of fourteen different ingredients and another of twenty-four, one that kills in three days, another in five, and another later, and when one was employed it was stated that sometimes the wounded lived as many days as the poison had been made. The natives said that fire, sea water, and continency were the antidotes against the venom, others affirmed that the dung of the wounded person taken in pills or otherwise was a cure. Peter Martyr writes that the poison was made by old women skilled in the art, who were shut up for two days in a house where they boiled the ingredients; if at the expiration of the time, the women were found in good health instead of being half dead, they were punished and the ointment was thrown away. Captain Cochrane in his _Journal in Colombia_, says that they obtain the poison from a small frog called the _rana de veneno_. These frogs are kept in a hollow cane and regularly fed. When required for use, they take one and pass a pointed stick down its throat and out at one of its legs. The pain brings to the back of the toad a white froth, which is a deadly poison and in it the darts are rubbed; below the froth a yellow oily matter is found which is carefully scraped off, as it is also a powerful poison, but not so lasting as the first substance, which will retain its deadly properties for a year while the yellow matter looses its strength after five or six months.[1020] The javelins used by the Caribs were not made pointed but square at the end, they also have very long pikes and heavy clubs. When Bartolomé Hurtado in 1516 visited the island of Caubaco he relates that the cacique presented him with a golden armor valued at one thousand castellanos. At the island of Cabo seven leagues distant, the warriors wore a thick matted armor of cotton impervious to arrows; they were armed with pikes and in their march were accompanied with drums, conchs, and fifes.[1021] [Sidenote: WEAPONS, ARMOR, AND WARS.] Wars arise chiefly from the jealousies and ambition of rival chieftains. Battles are frequent and sanguinary, often lasting for many days, and are fought with tenacious courage. Throughout Darien it is customary to place sentinels at night in the highest houses of the towns, to keep watch and give warning of the approach of an enemy. At the commencement of a campaign, chiefs and captains experienced in war are nominated by the head of the tribe, to lead the men in battle and conduct the operations; they wear certain insignia, so as to be distinguished from the rest of the men, lofty plumes on the head, and a quantity of golden ornaments and jewels, besides which they are painted in a different style. All, however, adorn themselves when going to battle, with a profusion of necklaces, bracelets, and golden corselets. The men are cheered on to battle and encouraged during the fight by the blowing of large shells and the beating of drums. In the province of Cueba, women accompany the men, fighting by their side and sometimes even leading the van. The action is commenced with the slings and estoricas, but they soon meet at close quarters, when the heavy wooden swords and javelins are brought into use. Certain rules and military regulations are observed whereby the brave are rewarded, and offenders against military discipline punished. Nobility is conferred on him who is wounded in war, and he is further rewarded with lands, with some distinguished woman, and with military command; he is deemed more illustrious than others, and the son of such a father, following the profession of arms, may inherit all the father's honors. He who disobeys the orders of his chief in battle is deprived of his arms, struck with them, and driven from the settlement. All booty is the property of him who captured it. The prisoner is the slave of the captor; he is branded on the face and one of his front teeth knocked out. The Caribs, however, used to kill and eat their prisoners. Wafer mentions that upon some occasions, he who had killed an enemy cut off his own hair as a distinguishing mark of triumph, and painted himself black, continuing so painted until the first new moon.[1022] [Sidenote: ISTHMIAN DISHES AND IMPLEMENTS.] The Isthmians sleep in hammocks, often beautifully made, and suspended between two trees or upright posts. Owing to the material of which they are composed they are exceedingly cool and well adapted to the climate. Gourds, calabashes, and cocoa-nut shells are employed for water-bowls and drinking-cups. Their other household utensils consist of earthen jars, flint knives, stone hatchets and boxes ingeniously made of palm-leaves, and covered with deer or other skins. Drums of different sizes, some very large, others small, are made of the hollow trunk of a tree covered at the ends with deer's hide. Those of the largest size are kept at the chief's residence or at the town-house. Hammocks are made of finely woven cloth, or more frequently of plaited grass of various colors and curiously ornamented. Wooden mortars, made from the knotty part of a tree, are used to pound yucca, from which they make their cassava. The metate or rubbing-stone is also in use among them. They have nets of different kinds for both fishing and hunting. At night, as a light for their dwellings they use torches made from palm-wood dipped in oil and beeswax. The lords and principal men of the provinces of Darien and Urabá are reputed to have drunk from golden cups of rich and beautiful workmanship. Peter Martyr gives an account of golden trumpets and a great number of bells found by the Spaniards in a town situated on the River Dabaiba (Atrato). The bells were used at ceremonies and festivals, giving forth a sweet and pleasant sound; the tongues or clappers were beautifully made, of fish-bones. In another part of the country, on the gulf of Urabá, says Peter Martyr, as rendered by the ancient translator: "They founde also a great multitude of shetes, made of the silke or cotton of the gossampine tree; likewise diuers kindes of vessels and tooles made of wood, and many of earth; also many brest plates of gold, and ouches wrought after their manner."[1023] They manufacture strong cords from the bark of the mahoe-tree, which is taken off in long strips, beaten with sticks, cleaned, and then twisted. A finer description of thread is made from a species of pita, of which the leaves undergo a somewhat similar process in preparation as flax, being steeped in water for several days, then dried in the sun and afterwards beaten, producing fine silky threads, from which their hammocks and finer kinds of nets for catching small fish are made. From the same plant they make excellent baskets and matting; the materials are first dyed in different colors, prettily mixed and woven together so closely as to hold water. They are of a soft texture and exceedingly durable. The Dorachos are famed for the manufacture of pottery, water-bottles, and other household utensils, elegantly shaped and prettily painted. Cotton cloths are woven by women, and considering the rude and simple implements they work with, the fineness of texture and blending of colors present a marvel of skill and patience. The process of weaving is thus described by Wafer: "The Women make a Roller of Wood, about three Foot long, turning easily about between two Posts. About this they place Strings of Cotton, of 3 or 4 yards long, at most, but oftner less, according to the use the Cloth is to be put to, whether for a Hammock, or to tie about their Waists, or for Gowns, or for Blankets to cover them in their Hammocks, as they lie in them in their Houses; which are all the Uses they have for Cloth: And they never weave a piece of Cotton with a design to cut it, but of a size that shall just serve for the particular use. The Threads thus coming from the Roller are the Warp; and for the Woof, they twist Cotton-yarn about a small piece of _Macaw_-wood, notch'd at each end; And taking up every other Thread of the Warp with the Fingers of one Hand, they put the Woof through with the other Hand, and receive it out on the other side: and to make the Threads of the Woof lie close in the Cloth, they strike them at every turn with a long and thin piece of _Macaw_-wood like a Ruler, which lies across between the Threads of the Warp for that purpose."[1024] [Sidenote: ISTHMIAN BOATS AND NAVIGATION.] The canoes and rafts of the Isthmians are admirably adapted to the navigation of their rivers and gulfs, and the men who manage them are skillful boatmen. The canoes vary in size; some are dug out from the single trunk of a tree, others are constructed of bark. The largest are thirty-five feet in length by three in breadth, and are capable of carrying many persons, besides a considerable amount of cargo. They are so lightly built that little difficulty is experienced in passing them over obstructions, and those of smaller size are often carried on the head. They draw very little water, and are propelled with paddles by two persons, one in the stern, the other in the bow. When passing over rapids, palancas, or poles, are used, with crotchets attached, which answer the purpose of a boat-hook in laying hold of the bank or overhanging branches of trees, where the depth of water prevents the pole reaching the bottom. The rafts are made from an exceedingly light and soft timber similar to cork-wood. Three or four logs are bound together with ropes and across them are laid smaller timbers of the same wood, fastened down with hard wooden pegs that are easily driven through. The rafts are chiefly employed for fishing or crossing large rivers. Canoes are, however, quite as frequently used for fishing purposes.[1025] The native products are gold, pearls, tortoise-shell, ivory-nuts, cacao, caoutchouc, corozo-nuts, cocoa-nuts, dried venison, lard, and deer-skins; these are offered in considerable quantities to foreigners, and in exchange they receive salt and ironware, besides various trinkets and such domestic utensils as they are in need of. The value of the pearls was lessened on account of their practice of throwing oysters into the fire in order to open them, which partially destroyed their lustre. The natives of the coast carry into the interior dried fish and salt, which they barter for gold dust and other products. At Pueblo Nuevo sarsaparilla forms a principal article of trade. The native traders are very shrewd, and as a rule practice fair dealing. On his march through the country, Vasco Nuñez de Balboa found the people in possession of large quantities of gold, jewelry, and pearls. Everywhere along his route he received presents of gold; indeed, in some places he found this metal in greater abundance than food.[1026] The streams of this region are subject to frequent swellings, caused by heavy rains. After the subsiding of these floods, the natives procure gold from the river-beds; they also burn the grass in the mountains and pick up the metal left exposed on the surface in large quantities. In the district of Veragua and in Darien they have workers in gold, crucibles for melting metals, and implements of silversmiths. They understand the alloying of gold, from which they make vases and many kinds of ornaments in the shape of birds and different varieties of animals. The relics which from time to time have been exhumed in Chiriquí and other parts of the Isthmus, prove that the natives had an excellent knowledge of the art of working and also of sculpturing in gold and stone. Painting and glazing on jars and other descriptions of pottery was an art in which the men of Chiriquí were famous.[1027] The Isthmians possessed only a very slight knowledge of the computation of time. They calculate the hour of the day by the height of the sun in the heavens, and have no division of time into years, months, or weeks. Their enumeration is limited to twenty, and beyond that they count by twenties to one hundred; their knowledge of numbers does not go further.[1028] [Sidenote: ARTS AND GOVERNMENT.] In the provinces of Cueba, Comagre, and other parts of Darien the eldest son succeeded to the government upon the death of his father. As soon as the funeral ceremonies were over, the heir received the congratulations of the attendant nobles, the highest and most aged of whom conducted him to a chamber and laid him in a hammock. His subjects then came to offer their submission accompanied with presents, which consisted of large stores of edibles and fruits of every kind. They greeted him with triumphal songs in which they recounted the deeds of his ancestors, as well as those of other lords of the land, telling him who were his friends and who his enemies. Much wine was consumed and the rejoicing lasted several days. Afterwards ambassadors were dispatched to inform all the neighboring caciques of the new accession, desiring their good will and friendship for the future. In the province of Panamá upon the death of the lord, the eldest brother succeeded him, and if there were no brothers the succession went to a nephew by the sister's side. The chiefs held undisputed authority over their people and were implicitly obeyed. They received no tribute but required personal service for house-building, hunting, fishing, or tilling the ground; men so employed were fed and maintained by the chief. In Cueba the reigning lord was called _quebi_, in other parts he was called _tiba_. The highest in rank after the _tiba_ had the title of _sacos_, who commanded certain districts of the country. _Piraraylos_ were nobles who had become famous in war. Subject to the sacos were the _cabras_ who enjoyed certain lands and privileges not accorded to the common people. Any one wounded in battle, when fighting in presence of the _tiba_, was made a cabra and his wife became an _espave_ or principal woman. A constable could not arrest or kill a cabra; this could be done only by the tiba; once struck by the tiba, however, any person might kill him, for no sooner was he wounded by his chief than his title and rank dropped from him. Constables were appointed whose duty it was to arrest offenders and execute judgment on the guilty. Justice was administered without form by the chief in person who decided all controversies. The cases must be stated truthfully, as the penalty for false testimony was death. There was no appeal from the decision of the chief. Theft was punishable with death and anyone catching a thief in flagrante delicto, might cut off the offender's hands and hang them to his neck. Murder was also punished by death; the penalty for adultery was death to both parties. In Darien, he who defloured a virgin had a brier thrust up his virile member, which generally caused death. The facts had to be proved on oath, the form of taking which was to swear by their tooth. As I have said, a constable could not arrest or kill a noble; consequently if one committed a crime punishable with death, the chief must kill him with his own hand, and notice was given to all the people by beating the large war drum so that they should assemble and witness the execution. The chief then in presence of the multitude recited the offence, and the culprit acknowledged the justice of the sentence. This duty fulfilled, the chief struck the culprit two or three blows on the head with a macana until he fell, and if he was not killed, any one of the spectators gave him the finishing stroke. Criminals who were executed were denied the right of burial. The Caribs had no chiefs, every man obeyed the dictates of his own passions, unrestrained by either government or laws.[1029] [Sidenote: PUNISHMENTS AND SLAVERY.] Slavery was in force among the various nations inhabiting the Isthmus, and every principal man retained a number of prisoners as bondsmen; they were called _pacos_, and, as I have already mentioned, were branded or tattooed with the particular mark of the owner on the face or arm, or had one of their front teeth extracted. When traveling, the slaves had to carry their lord's effects, and a dozen or more were detailed to carry his litter or hammock, which was slung on a pole and borne on the shoulders of two men at a time, who were relieved at intervals by two others, the change being made without stopping. On his march across the Isthmus in 1513, Vasco Nuñez found some negro slaves belonging to the cacique of Quarecas, but the owner could give no information relative to them, except that there were more of that color near the place, with whom they were continually at war.[1030] [Sidenote: FAMILY RELATIONS OF THE ISTHMIANS.] Caciques and lords married as many wives as they pleased. The marriage of the first wife was celebrated with a great banquet, at the close of which the bride was handed over to her husband. Subsequent wives were not married with ceremonies or rejoicings, but took the place of concubines, and were subject to the orders of the first wife. The number of wives was limited only by the wealth of the lord. Vasco Nuñez took prisoner the cacique Tumanamá with all his family, among which were eighty wives. The children of the first wife were legitimate, while those of others were bastards and could not inherit. Marriage was not contracted with strangers or people speaking a different language, and the tiba and lords only married with the daughters of noble blood. Divorces were brought about by mutual consent and for slight causes, and sometimes wives were exchanged. If a woman was barren, they promptly agreed upon a separation, which took place when the woman had her menstrual period, in order that there might be no suspicion of pregnancy. When a maiden reached the age of puberty, she was kept shut up, sometimes for a period of two years. In some parts of Darien, when a contract of marriage was made, all the neighbors brought presents of maize or fruits, and laid them at the door of the bride's father; when the offerings were all made, each one of the company was given a calabash of liquor; then followed speeches and dancing, and the bridegroom's father presented his son to the bride, and joined their hands; after which the bride was returned to her father, who kept her shut up in a house with him for seven days. During that time all the friends assisted in clearing a plantation and building a house for the couple, while the women and children planted the ground. The seven days having elapsed, another merrymaking took place, at which much liquor was drunk. The bridegroom took the precaution to put away all weapons which were hung to the ridge-pole of his house, in order to prevent any serious fighting during their drunken orgies, which lasted several days, or until all the liquor was consumed. If a man had several wives, he often kept each one in a separate house, though sometimes they all lived together; a woman who was pregnant always occupied a house to herself.[1031] Women are easily delivered, and the young infant is tied to a board on its back or between two pillows, and is kept so confined until able to walk, the board being removed only to wash the child. Male children are early accustomed to the use of weapons, and when able to carry a few provisions for themselves, they accompany their fathers on hunting expeditions. Girls are brought up to household duties, cooking, weaving, and spinning. Prostitution was not infamous; noble ladies held as a maxim, that it was plebeian to deny anything asked of them, and they gave themselves up to any person that wooed them, willingly, especially to principal men. This tendency to licentiousness carried with it extremes in the use of abortives whereby to avoid the consequence of illicit pleasures, as well that they might not be deprived of them, as to keep their breasts from softening; for, said they, old women should bear children, not young ones, who have to amuse themselves. Sodomy was practiced by the nations of Cueba, Careta, and other places. The caciques and some of the head men kept harems of youths, who, as soon as destined to the unclean office, were dressed as women, did women's work about the house, and were exempt from war and its fatigues. They went by the name of _camayoas_, and were hated and detested by the women.[1032] [Sidenote: INTOXICATING LIQUORS.] Their public amusements were called _areitos_, a species of dance very nearly resembling some in the northern provinces of Spain. They took place upon occasions of a marriage or birth, or when they were about to go forth on a hunting expedition, or at the time of harvest. One led the singing, stepping to the measure, and the rest followed, imitating the leader. Others again engaged in feats of arms and sham battles, while singers and improvisatori related the deeds of their ancestors and historical events of the nation. The men indulged freely in fermented liquors and wines, the drinking and dancing lasting many hours and sometimes whole days, until drunk and exhausted they fell to the ground. Actors in appropriate costumes counterfeited the various pursuits of fishing, hunting, and agriculture, while others, in the guise of jesters and fools, assisted in enlivening the scene. Their principal musical instruments were drums and small whistles made of reeds; they had also javelins with holes pierced in them near the end, so that when cast into the air a loud whistling noise was produced.[1033] They have various kinds of wines and liquors both sweet and sour. One is obtained from a species of palm-tree, by tapping the trunk near the top, and inserting a leaf into the cut. The liquor drawn off soon ferments, and in two or three days is fit to drink; or it is boiled with water and mixed with spices. Another kind called _chicha_ is made from maize; a quantity of the grain is soaked in water, then taken out and left to sprout, when it is bruised and placed in a large vessel filled with water, where it is allowed to remain until it begins to turn sour. A number of old women then collect and chew some of the grain, which they spit out into large gourds until they have a sufficient quantity; this, as soon as it ferments, is added to the water in the vessel, and in a short time the whole undergoes fermentation. When the liquor is done working it is drawn off from the sediment, and a strongly intoxicating liquor is thus produced, which is their favorite beverage. They have another method of making chicha, by boiling the sprouted grain in water till the quantity is considerably reduced; it is then removed from the fire and left to settle and cool. In two days it becomes clear and fit to drink, but after five or six days it begins to acidify so that only a moderate quantity is made at a time. Different varieties of wines and liquors are made from dates, bananas, pineapples, and other fruits, and we are told that the first Spanish explorers of the country found large quantities of fermented liquors buried beneath the ground under their house-tree, because if stored in their houses the liquor became turbid from constant agitation. The cellar of the king Comagre is described as being filled with great vessels of earth and wood, containing wine and cider. Peter Martyr, in his account of the visit of Vasco Nuñez and his company to the king, says "they drunke wines of sundry tastes both white and black." Tobacco is much used by the Isthmians; the natives of Costa Rica roll the leaf up in the form of a cigar, and tie it with grass threads; they inhale the smoke, and, retaining it for a short time, pass it out through the mouth and nostrils. The cigar used by the natives of the isthmus of Panamá is much larger. Mr Wafer thus describes their manner of making and smoking it: "Laying two or three Leaves upon one another, they roll up all together side-ways into a long Roll, yet leaving a little hollow. Round this they roll other Leaves one after another, in the same manner but close and hard, till the Roll be as big as ones Wrist, and two or three Feet in length. Their way of Smoaking when they are in Company together is thus: A Boy lights one end of a Roll and burns it to a Coal, wetting the part next it to keep it from wasting too fast. The End so lighted he puts into his Mouth, and blows the Smoak through the whole length of the Roll into the Face of every one of the Company or Council, tho' there be 2 or 300 of them. Then they, sitting in their usual Posture upon Forms, make, with their Hands held hollow together, a kind of Funnel round their Mouths and Noses. Into this they receive the Smoak as 'tis blown upon them, snuffing it up greedily and strongly as long as ever they are able to hold their Breath, and seeming to bless themselves, as it were, with the Refreshment it gives them." After eating heartily, more especially after supper, they burn certain gums and herbs and fumigate themselves to produce sleep.[1034] The Isthmians are good walkers, their tread firm, but light and soft as a cat, and they are exceedingly active in all their movements. When traveling they are guided by the sun, or ascertain their course by observing the bark of the trees; the bark on the south side being always the thickest. When fatigued by travel they scarify their legs with a sharpened reed or snakes' teeth. They are very expert swimmers and the dwellers on the coast pass much of their time in the water. In salutation they turn their backs to each other. No one will accept a gift from a stranger unless with the especial permission of the chief.[1035] [Sidenote: ISTHMIAN SORCERERS.] They believe largely in spirits and divinations, and have sorcerers called _piaces_ who are held in much respect and awe. The piaces profess to have the power of foretelling the future and raising spirits. When putting in practice their arts they retire to a solitary place, or shut themselves up in a house, where, with loud cries and unearthly sounds they pretend to consult the oracle. Boys destined to be piaces are taken at the age of ten or twelve years to be instructed in the office; they are selected for the natural inclination or the peculiar aptitude and intelligence which they display for the service. Those so chosen are confined in a solitary place where they dwell in company with their instructors. For two years they are subjected to severe discipline, they must not eat flesh nor anything having life, but live solely on vegetables, drink only water, and not indulge in sexual intercourse. During the probationary term neither parents nor friends are permitted to see them; at night only are they visited by professional masters, who instruct them in the mysteries of the necromantic arts. In the province of Cueba masters in these arts are called _tequinas_. It is asserted of the piaces that they could foretell an eclipse of the moon three months before the time. The people were much troubled with witches, who were supposed to hold converse with evil spirits, and inflicted many ills especially upon children.[1036] [Sidenote: MEDICAL PRACTICE.] The Isthmians are a healthful and long-lived race. The ills most common to them are fevers and venereal disease. The latter, as Oviedo affirms, was introduced into Europe from Hayti, or Española, where it was prevalent as well as throughout Tierra Firme. This is a subject that has given rise to much contention among authors, but the balance of testimony seems to indicate that the venereal disease in Europe was not of American origin, although the disease probably existed in America before the coming of Europeans. The remedies employed by the Isthmians for the complaint were _guayacan_ wood, and other medicinal herbs known to them. They are much troubled with a minute species of tick-lice that cover their limbs in great numbers, from which they endeavor to free themselves by applying burning straw. Another insect, more serious in its consequences and penetrating in its attacks, is the _chegoe_, or _pulex penetrans_; it burrows under the skin, where it lays its eggs, and if not extracted will in time increase to such an extent as to endanger the loss of the limb. The natives remove it with any sharp-pointed instrument. They are liable to be bitten by venomous snakes, which are numerous in the country and frequently cause death. Whenever one is bitten by such a reptile, the sufferer immediately ties above the wounded part a ligature made from plants well known to the natives, and which they usually carry with them; this enables him to reach a village, where he procures assistance, and by means of herbal applications is often cured. Some of them are subject to a skin disease somewhat similar in its appearance to ringworm; it spreads over the whole body until eventually the skin peels off. Those who are thus afflicted are called _carates_. These people are generally very hardy and strong, with great powers of endurance. The piaces, as medicine-men, consult their oracles for the benefit of all those who require their services. The sucking cure obtains in these parts as well as northward. When summoned to attend a patient, if the pain or disease is slight, the medicine-man takes some herbs in his mouth, and applying his lips to the part affected, pretends to suck out the disorder; suddenly he rushes outside with cheeks extended, and feigns to spit out something, cursing and imprecating at the same time; he then assures his patient that he has effected a cure by extracting the cause of the pain. When the sickness is of a more serious nature, more elaborate enchantments are enacted, ending in the practitioner sucking it out from the sick person's body, not, however, without undergoing infinite trouble, labor, and contortions, till at last the piace thrusts a small stick down his own throat, which causes him to vomit, and so he casts up that which he pretends to have drawn out from the sufferer. Should his conjurations and tricks not prove effectual, the physician brings to his aid certain herbs and decoctions, with which he is well acquainted; their knowledge of medicine is, however, more extensive in the treatment of external than of internal diseases. The compensation given to the piace is in proportion to the gravity of the case, and the ability of the individual to reward him. In cases of fever, bleeding is resorted to; their mode of practicing phlebotomy is peculiar and attended with much unnecessary suffering. The operator shoots a small arrow from a bow into various parts of the patient's body until a vein be accidentally opened; the arrow is gauged a short distance from the point to prevent its penetrating too far.[1037] Oviedo tells us that in the province of Cueba the practice of sucking was carried on to a fearful extent, and with dire consequences. The persons, men and women, who indulged in the habit were called by the Spaniards _chupadores_. They belonged to a class of sorcerers, and the historian says they went about at night visiting certain of the inhabitants, whom they sucked for hours, continuing the practice from day to day, until finally the unfortunate recipients of their attentions became so thin and emaciated that they often died from exhaustion.[1038] [Sidenote: ISTHMIAN GRAVES AND MOURNING.] [Sidenote: FUNERAL RITES ON THE ISTHMUS.] Among certain nations of Costa Rica when a death occurs the body is deposited in a small hut constructed of plaited palm-leaves; food, drink, as well as the weapons and implements that served the defunct during life are placed in the same hut. Here the body is preserved for three years, and upon each anniversary of the death it is redressed and attended to amidst certain ceremonies. At the end of the third year it is taken out and interred. Among other tribes in the same district, the corpse after death is covered with leaves and surrounded with a large pile of wood which is set on fire, the friends dancing and singing round the flames until all is consumed, when the ashes are collected and buried in the ground. In Veragua the Dorachos had two kinds of tombs, one for the principal men constructed with flat stones laid together with much care, and in which were placed costly jars and urns filled with food and wines for the dead; those for plebeians were merely trenches, in which were deposited with the occupant some gourds of maize and wine and the place filled with stones. In some parts of Panamá and Darien only the chiefs and lords received funeral rites. Among the common people a person feeling his end approaching either went himself or was led to the woods by his wife, family, and friends, who, supplying him with some cake or ears of corn and a gourd of water, there left him to die alone, or to be assisted by wild beasts. Others with more respect for their dead, buried them in sepulchres made with niches where they placed maize and wine and renewed the same annually. With some, a mother dying while suckling her infant, the living child was placed at her breast and buried with her in order that in her future state she might continue to nourish it with her milk. In some provinces when the cacique became sick, the priests consulted their oracles as to his condition and if they received for answer that the illness was mortal, one half of his jewelry and gold was cast into the river as a sacrifice to the god they reverenced, in the belief that he would guide him to his final rest; the other half was buried in the grave. The relatives of the deceased shaved the head as a sign of mourning and all his weapons and other property were consumed by fire in order that nothing should remain as a remembrance of him. In Panamá, Nata, and some other districts, when a cacique died, those of his concubines that loved him enough, those that he loved ardently and so appointed, as well as certain servants, killed themselves and were interred with him. This they did in order that they might wait upon him in the land of spirits. They held the belief that those who did not accompany him then, would, when they died a natural death, lose the privilege of being with him afterwards, and in fact that their souls would die with them. The privilege of attending on the cacique in his future state was believed to be only granted to those who were in his service during his lifetime, hence such service was eagerly sought after by natives of both sexes, who made every exertion to be admitted as servants in his house. At the time of the interment, those who planted corn for him during his lifetime had some maize and an implement of husbandry buried with them in order that they might commence planting immediately on arrival in the other world. In Comagre and other provinces the bodies of the caciques were embalmed by placing them on a cane hurdle, hanging them up by cords, or placing them on a stone, or log; and round or below the body they made a slow fire of herbs at such a distance as to dry it gradually until only skin and bone remained. During the process of embalming, twelve of the principal men sat round the body, dressed in black mantles which covered their heads, letting them hang down to their feet; at intervals one of them beat a drum and when he ceased he chanted in monotonous tones, the others responding. Day and night the twelve kept watch and never left the body. When sufficiently dried it was dressed and adorned with many ornaments of gold, jewels, and feathers, and set up in an apartment of the palace where were kept ranged round the walls the remains of his ancestors, each one in his place and in regular succession. In case a cacique fell in battle and his body could not be recovered, or was otherwise lost, the place he would have occupied in the row was always left vacant. Among other tribes the body after being dried by fire was wrapped in several folds of cloth, put in a hammock, and placed upon a platform in the air or in a room. The manner in which the wives, attendants, and servants put themselves to death was, with some, by poison; in such case, the multitude assembled to chant the praises of their dead lord, when those who were to follow drank poison from gourds, and dropped dead instantly. In some cases they first killed their children. With others the funeral obsequies of a principal chief were conducted differently. They prepared a large grave twelve or fifteen feet square and nine or ten feet deep; round the sides they built a stone bench and covered it with painted cloth; in the middle of the grave they placed jars and gourds filled with maize, fruit, and wines, and a quantity of flowers. On the bench was laid the dead chief dressed, ornamented, and jeweled, while around him sat his wives gaily attired with ear-rings and bracelets. All being prepared the assembled multitude raised their voices in songs declaring the bravery and prowess of the deceased; they recounted his liberality and many virtues and highly extolled the affection of his faithful wives who desired to accompany him. The singing and dancing usually lasted two days and during its continuance wine was freely served to the performers and also to the women who were awaiting their fate. At the expiration of such time they became entirely inebriated and in a senseless condition, when the final act was consummated by throwing dead and doomed into the grave, and filling it with logs, branches, and earth. The spot was afterwards held in sacred remembrance and a grove of trees planted round it. At the end of a year funeral honors were celebrated in memory of the dead. A host of friends and relatives of equal rank with the deceased were invited to participate, who upon the day appointed brought quantities of food and wine such as he whose memory they honored delighted in, also weapons with which he used to fight, all of which were placed in a canoe prepared for the purpose; in it was also deposited an effigy of the deceased. The canoe was then carried on men's shoulders round the court of the palace or house, in presence of the deceased, if he was embalmed, and afterwards brought out to the centre of the town where it was burned with all it contained,--the people believing that the fumes and smoke ascended to the soul of the dead and was pleasing and acceptable to him.[1039] If the body had been interred they opened the sepulchre; all the people with hair disheveled uttering loud lamenting cries while the bones were being collected, and these they burned all except the hinder part of the skull, which was taken home by one of the principal women and preserved by her as a sacred relic. [Sidenote: ISTHMIAN CHARACTER.] The character of the Costa Ricans has ever been that of a fierce and savage people, prominent in which qualities are the Guatusos and Buricas, who have shown themselves strongly averse to intercourse with civilization. The Talamancas are a little less untameable, which is the best, or perhaps the worst, that can be said. The Terrabas, also a cruel and warlike nation, are nevertheless spoken of by Fray Juan Domingo Arricivita as endowed with natural docility. The natives of Boca del Toro are barbarous and averse to change. In Chiriquí they are brave and intelligent, their exceeding courage having obtained for them the name of _Valientes_ or _Indios Bravos_ from the early discoverers; they are also noted for honesty and fair dealing. The same warlike and independent spirit and fearlessness of death prevails among the nations of Veragua, Panamá, and Darien. The inhabitants of Panamá and Cueba are given to lechery, theft, and lying; with some these qualities are fashionable; others hold them to be crimes. The Mandingos and natives of San Blas are an independent and industrious people, possessing considerable intelligence, and are of a docile and hospitable disposition. The inhabitants of Darien are kind, open-hearted, and peaceable, yet have always been resolute in opposing all interference from foreigners; they are fond of amusements and inclined to indolence; the latter trait is not, however, applicable to all, a noticeable exception being the Cunas and Chocos of the Atrato Valley, who are of a gentle nature, kind, hospitable, and open-hearted when once their confidence is gained; they are likewise industrious and patient, and M. Lucien de Puydt says of the former: "Theft is altogether unknown amongst the Cunas." Colonel Alcedo, speaking of their neighbors, the Idibaes, calls them treacherous, inconstant, and false. In the interior and mountain districts the inhabitants are more fierce than those from the coast; the former are shy and retiring, yet given to hospitality. On the gulf of Urabá the people are warlike, vainglorious, and revengeful.[1040] Thus from the icy regions of the north to the hot and humid shores of Darien I have followed these Wild Tribes of the Pacific States, with no other object in view than faithfully to picture them according to the information I have been able to glean. And thus I leave them, yet not without regret: for notwithstanding all that has been said I cannot but feel how little we know of them. Of their mighty unrecorded past, their interminable intermixtures, their ages of wars and convulsions, their inner life, their aspirations, hopes, and fears, how little do we know of all this! And now as the eye rests upon the fair domain from which they have been so ignobly hurried, questions like these arise: How long have these backings and battlings been going on? What purpose did these peoples serve? Whence did they come and whither have they gone?--questions unanswerable until Omniscience be fathomed and the beginning and end made one. TRIBAL BOUNDARIES. The WILD TRIBES OF CENTRAL AMERICA, the last groupal division of this work, extend from the western boundary of Guatemala, south and eastward, to the Rio Atrato. I have divided the group into three subdivisions, namely: the _Guatemalans_, the _Mosquitos_, and the _Isthmians_. The GUATEMALANS, for the purposes of this delineation, embrace those nations occupying the present states of Guatemala, Salvador, and portions of Nicaragua. The _Lacandones_ are a wild nation inhabiting the Chammá mountains on the boundary of Guatemala and Chiapas. 'Mountains of Chammá, inhabited by the wild Indians of Lacandón ... a distinction ought to be drawn between the Western and Eastern Lacandónes. All the country lying on the W., between the bishopric of Ciudad Real and the province of Vera Paz, was once occupied by the Western Lacandónes.... The country of the Eastern Lacandónes may be considered as extending from the mountains of Chammá, a day and a half from Cobán, along the borders of the river de la Pasion to Petén, or even further.' _Escobar_, in _Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour._, vol. xi., pp. 93-4. Upon the margin of the Rio de la Passion. _Juarros' Hist. Guat._, p. 271. 'Un tribu de Mayas sauvages appelés Lacandons, qui habitent un district immense dans le centre du continent, embrasse toute la partie occidentale du Peten; erre sur les bords supérieurs de l'Usumasinta et le pays qui se trouve au sud de l'endroit d'où j'écris.' _Galindo_, in _Antiq. Mex._, tom. i., div. ii., p. 67. 'The vast region lying between Chiapa, Tabasco, Yucatan, and the republic of Guatemala ... is still occupied by a considerable body of Indians, the Lacandones and others.' _Squier_, in _Hist. Mag._, vol. iv., p. 65, 'The vast region embracing not less than from 8000 to 10,000 square miles, surrounding the upper waters of the river Usumasinta, in which exist the indomitable Lacandones.' _Id._, p. 67. 'Mais la contrée qui s'étendait au nord de Cahabon, siége provisoire des Dominicains, et qui comprenait le pays de Dolores et celui des Itzas, était encore à peu près inconnue. Là vivaient les Choles, les belliqueux et féroces Mopans, les Lacandons et quelques tribus plus obscures, dont l'histoire a négligé les noms.' _Morelet_, _Voyage_, tom. ii., p. 78, tom. i., p. 318. 'They are reduced to-day to a very insignificant number, living on and near Passion river and its tributaries.' _Berendt_, in _Smithsonian Rept._, 1867, p. 425. 'In the north of Vera Paz, to the west of Peten, and all along the Usumacinta, dwell numerous and warlike tribes, called generally Lacandones.' _Boyle's Ride_, vol. i., pref., p. xvi.; _Fossey_, _Mexique_, p. 471; _Pimentel_, _Mem. sobre la Raza Indígena_, p. 197. [Sidenote: THE MAMES OF GUATEMALA.] The _Mames_ 'occupied the existing district of Güegüetenango, a part of Quezaltenango, and the province of Soconusco, and in all these places the Mam or Pocoman language is vernacular. It is a circumstance not a little remarkable, that this idiom is also peculiar to places very distant from the country of the Mams: viz. in Amatitan, Mixco, and Petapa, in the province of Sacatepeques; Chalchuapa, in St. Salvador; Mita, Jalapa, and Xilotepeque, in Chiquimula.' _Juarros' Hist. Guat._, p. 169. 'El Mame ó Pocoman le usan los mames ó pocomanes, que parecen no ser mas que dos tribus de una misma nacion, la cual formaba un estado poderoso en Guatemala. Se extendió por el distritó de Huehuetenango, en la provincia de este nombre, y por parte de la de Quetzaltenango, así como por el distrito de Soconusco en Chiapas. En todos estos lugares se hablaba mame ó pocoman, lo mismo que en Amatitlan, Mixco y Petapa, de la provincia de Zacatepec ó Guatemala; en Chalchuapa, perteneciente á la de San Salvador; y en Mita, Jalapa y Jiloltepec, de la de Chiquimula.' _Balbi_, in _Pimentel_, _Cuadro_, tom. i., p. 81. 'Leur capitale était Gueguetenango, au nord-est de la ville actuelle de Guatemala, et les villes de Masacatan, Cuilco, Chiantla et Istaguacan étaient enclavées dans leur territoire.' _Squier_, in _Nouvelles Annales des Voy._, 1857, tom. cliii., p. 177. 'A l'ouest, jusqu'aux frontières de Chiapas, s'étendaient les Mams, proprement dits Mam-Yoc, dans leurs histoires, partagés en plusieurs familles également puissantes qui gouvernaient souverainement cette contrée, alors désignée sous le nom commun d'Otzoya (de otzoy, sortes d'écrevisses d'or): c'étaient d'un côté les Chun-Zak-Yoc, qui avaient pour capitale Qulaha, que son opulence et son étendue avaient fait surnommer Nima-Amag ou la Grande-Ville, dite depuis Xelahun-Quieh, ou Xelahuh, et Quezaltenango; les Tzitzol, dont la capitale était peut-être Chinabahul ou Huehuetenango, les Ganchebi (see note below under Ganchebis) et les Bamaq. Ceux-ci, dont nous avons connu les descendants, étaient seigneurs d'Iztlahuacan (San-Miguel-Iztlahuacan), dont le plateau est encore aujourd'hui parsemé de ruines au milieu desquelles s'élève l'humble bourgade de ce nom: au dessus domine, à une hauteur formidable, Xubiltenam (ville du Souffle).... Ganchebi, écrit alternativement Canchebiz, Canchevez et Ganchebirse. Rien n'indique d'une manière précise où régnait cette famille: mais il se pourrait que ce fût à Zipacapan ou à Chivun, dont les ruines existent à trois lieues au sud de cette dernière localité; là était l'ancien Oztoncalco.' _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Popol Vuh_, introd., pp. 264-5. 'Habitaban el Soconusco, desde tiempos remotos, y era un pueblo autócton; los olmecas que llegaron de la parto de México, les redujeron á la servidumbre, y una fraccion de los vencidos emigró hasta Guatemala.' _Orozco y Berra_, _Geografía_, p. 168. The Mamey, Achi, Cuaahtemalteca, Hutateca, and Chirichota 'en la de los Suchitepeques y Cuaahtemala.' _Palacio_, in _Pacheco_, _Col. Doc. Inéd._, tom. vi., p. 7. Mame 'Parlé dans les localités voisines de Huehuetenango.' _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _MS. Troano_, tom. ii., p. viii. 'On retrouve encore aujourd'hui leurs restes parmi les Indiens de la province de Totonicapan, aux frontières de Chiapas et des Lacandons, an nord-ouest de l'état de Guatémala. La place forte de Zakuléu (c'est-à-dire, Terre blanche, mal à propos orthographié Socoléo), dont on admire les vastes débris auprès de la ville de Huéhuétenango, resta, jusqu'au temps de la conquête espagnole, la capitale des Mems. Cette race avait été antérieurement la maîtresse de la plus grande partie de l'état de Guatémala.' _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. ii., pp. 119-20. The _Pokomams_, or Pokonchis, lived in the district of Vera Paz in Guatemala, 'sous le nom d'Uxab et de Pokomam, une partie des treize tribus de Tecpan, dont la capitale était la grande cité de Nimpokom, était maîtresse de la Verapaz et des provinces situées au sud du Motagua jusqu'à Palin' (2 leagues N. W. of Rabinal). _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Popol Vuh_, introd., p. 264. Ils 'paraissent avoir occupé une grande partie des provinces guatémaliennes.' _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. ii., pp. 84, 506. 'Toute la rive droite du Chixoy (Lacandon ou haut Uzumacinta), depuis Coban (écrit quelquefois Coboan) jusqu'au fleuve Motagua, les montagnes et les vallées de Gagcoh (San-Cristoval), de Taltic, de Rabinal et d'Urran, une partie des départements actuels de Zacatépec, de Guatémala et de Chiquimulà, jusqu'au pied des volcans de Hunahpu (volcans d'Eau et de Feu), devinrent leur proie.' _Id._, pp. 121-2. 'Le pocomchi, le pokoman, le cakchi, semés d'Amatitan à Coban.' _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _MS. Troano_, tom. ii., introd., p. viii. In 'La Verapaz, la poponchi, caechi y colchi.' _Palacio_, in _Pacheco_, _Col. Doc. Inéd._, tom. vi., p. 7. 'La lengua pocomana se habla en Amatitán, Petapa, San Chrisobal, Pinula, y Hermita ó Llano de la Culebra de Guatemala.' _Hervás_, _Catálogo_, tom. i., p. 305. 'A la nacion Poconchi pertenecen los lugares ó misiones ... llamadas Santa Cruz, San Christobal, Taktik, Tucurú, y Tomasiú.' _Ib._ The _Quichés_ inhabit the centre of the state of Guatemala. 'Quiché then comprehended the present districts of Quiché, Totonicapan, part of Quezaltenango, and the village of Rabinal; in all these places the Quiché language is spoken. For this reason, it may be inferred with much probability, that the greater part of the province of Sapotitlan, or Suchiltepeques, was a colony of the Quichées, as the same idiom is made use of nearly throughout the whole of it.' _Juarros' Hist. Guat._, p. 168. 'Les Quichés, or Utletecas, habitaient la frontière du sud, les chefs de Sacapulus et Uspatan à l'est, et les Lacandones indépendants au nord. Ils occupaient probablement la plus grande partie du district actuel de Totonicapan et une portion de celui de Quesaltenango.' _Squier_, in _Nouvelles Annales des Voy._, 1857, tom. cliii., p. 177. 'Leurs postes principaux furent établis sur les deux côtés du Chixoy, depuis Zacapulas jusqu'à Zactzuy.' _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. ii., pp. 131-2; _Wappäus_, _Geog. u. Stat._, pp. 286, 288, 291. The _Cakchiquels_ are south of the Quichés. 'The territory of the Kachiqueles was composed of that which now forms the provinces of Chimaltenango and Sacatepeques, and the district of Sololá; and as the Kachiquel language is also spoken in the villages of Patulul, Cotzumalguapan, and others along the same coast, it is a plausible supposition that they were colonies settled by the Kachiquels, for the purpose of cultivating the desirable productions of a warmer climate than their own.' _Juarros' Hist. Guat._, p. 169. 'La capitale fut, en dernier lieu, Iximché ou Tecpan-Guatemala, lors de la déclaration de l'indépendence de cette nation.' _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Popol Vuh_, introd., p. 270. 'Der westliche Theil der Provinz [Atitan] mit 16 Dörfern in 4 Kirchspielen, von Nachkommen der Kachiquelen und Zutugilen bewohnt.' _Hassel_, _Mex. Guat._, p. 338. 'Los paises de la nacion Cakchiquila son Chimaltenango, Zumpango, Tejar, Santo Domingo, San Pedro las Huertas, San Gaspar, San Luis de las Carretas, y otros diez lugares, todos pertenecientes á las misiones de los PP. dominicos; y á las de los PP. observantes de san Francisco pertenecen Isapa, Pason, Tepan-guatemalan Comalapa, San Antonio, San Juan del Obispo, y otros quince lugares á lo menos de la misma nacion Cakchiquila, cuyas poblaciones estan al rededor de Guatemala.' _Hervás_, _Catálogo_, tom. i., p. 305. The _Zutugils_ dwelt near the lake of Atitlan. 'The dominion of the Zutugiles extended over the modern district of Atitan, and the village of San Antonio, Suchiltepeques.' _Juarros' Hist. Guat._, p. 169. 'La capital de los cachiqueles era Patinamit ó Tecpanguatemala, ciudad grande y fuerte; y la de los zutuhiles, Atitan, cerca de la laguna de este nombre y que se tenia por inexpugnable.' _Pimentel_, _Cuadro_, tom. ii., pp. 121-2. The _Chortis_ live on the banks of the Motagua River. The Chiquimula 'Indians belong to the Chorti nation.' _Gavarrete_, in _Panamá Star and Herald_, Dec. 19, 1867; _Ludewig's Ab. Lang._, p. 48. [Sidenote: GUATEMALANS.] Brasseur de Bourbourg describes quite a number of very ancient nations, of some of which he endeavors to fix the localities, and which I insert here. Dan or Tamub founded a monarchy on the Guatemalan plateau. Their 'capitale, Amag-Dan, existait, suivant toute apparence, entre les monts Tohil et Mamah, à trois lieues à peine au nord d'Utlatlan.' _Popol Vuh_, introd., pp. 148, 262. 'Ilocab étendait sa domination à l'ouest et au sud de Tamub, et la cité d'Uquincat, siége principale de cette maison, occupait un plateau étroit, situé entre les mêmes ravins qui ceignent un peu plus bas les ruines d'Utlatlan.' 'La ville d'Uquincat (forme antique). Avec le filet (à mettre le maïs), était sur un plateau au nord-ouest de ceux d'Utlatlan, dont elle n'était séparée que par ses ravins; on en voit encore les ruines connues aujourd'hui sous le nom de P'-Ilocab, en Ilocab.' _Id._, p. 263. Agaab, 'dont les possessions s'étendaient sur les deux rives du Chixoy ou Lacandon.' 'C'était une nation, puissante dont les principales villes existaient à peu de distance de la rive gauche du fleuve Chixoy ou Lacandon (Rio Grande de Sacapulas). L'une d'elles était Carinal, dont j'ai visité le premier, en 1856, les belles ruines, situées sur les bords du Pacalag, rivière qui se jette dans le Lacandon, presque vis-à-vis l'embouchure de celle de Rabinal, dans la Vérapaz.' _Ib._ Cabinal, 'la capitale était à Zameneb, dans les montagnes de Xoyabah ou Xolabah, [Entre les rochers].' _Id._, p. 270. Ah-Actulul, 'sept tribus de la nation Ah-Actulul, qui s'étaient établies sur des territoires dépendants de la souveraineté d'Atitlan.' 'Ces sept tribus sont: Ah-Tzuque, Ah-Oanem, Manacot, Manazaquepet, Vancoh, Yabacoh et Ah-Tzakol-Quet ou Queh.--Ac-Tulul peut-être pour Ah-Tulul.' _Id._, p. 274. 'Ah-Txiquinaha, ceux ou les habitants de Tziquinaha (Nid d'oiseau), dont la capitale fut Atitlan, sur le lac du même nom.' _Id._, p. 296. Acutee, 'nom aussi d'une ancienne tribu dont on retrouve le souvenir dans Chuvi-Acutec, au-dessus d'Acutec, sur le territoire de Chalcitan, près de Malacatan et de Huehuetenango.' _Id._, pp. 342-3. Cohah, 'nom d'une tribu antique dans l'orient des Quichés.' _Id._, p. 353. The _Chontales_ dwell in the mountain districts N.E. of Lake Nicaragua, besides having miscellaneous villages in Guerrero, Oajaca, Tabasco, Guatemala, and Honduras. 'En el Departamento de Tlacolula ... y se encuentran chontales en Guerrero, en Tabasco y en Guatemala.' _Orozco y Berra_, _Geografía_, pp. 186-7. In San Salvador, Choluteca, Honduras, Nicaragua. _Palacio_, in _Pacheco_, _Col. Doc. Inéd._, tom. vi., pp. 7, 26, 35. 'Quiéchápa 20 Leguas südöstlich von Oajáca und 10 Leguas südwestlich von Nejápa.... An den Gränzen des Landes der Chontáles.' ... 'Tlapalcatepéc. Hauptort im Lande der Chontáles.' _Mühlenpfordt_, _Mejico_, tom. ii., pt. i., pp. 172-3, 175, 192. 'Les Chontáles s'étaient vus en possession de toute la contrée qui s'étend entre la mer et la chaîne de Quyecolani ... étaient en possession non seulement de Nexapa, mais encore de la portion la plus importante de la montagne de Quiyecolani.' _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. iii., pp. 3, 47. 'Au nord-ouest du grand lac, les Chondals occupaient le district montagneux appelé encore aujourd'hui Chontales, d'après eux.' _Holinski_, _La Californie_, p. 290. 'Inhabitants of the mountainous regions to the north-east of the lake of Nicaragua.' _Froebel's Cent. Amer._, p. 52. 'Au nord des lacs, les Chontales barbares habitaient la cordillère.' _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. ii., p. 110. 'The Chontals covered Chontales, northward of Lake Nicaragua, and lying between the tribes already given, and those on the Caribbean Sea.' _Stout's Nicaragua_, p. 114. 'Bewohner der Gebirgsgegenden nordöstlich vom See von Nicaragua.' _Froebel_, _Aus Amer._, tom. i., p. 285. 'In Nicaragua die Chontales im Hochlande im N. des Managua-Sees.' _Wappäus_, _Geog. u. Stat._, p. 246. 'Deste lugar [Yztepeque] comiençan los Chontales.' _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. iv., lib. viii., cap. x. 'The Chondals or Chontals, the third great division mentioned by Oviedo, occupied the wide, mountainous region, still bearing the name of Chontales, situated to the northward of Lake Nicaragua, and midway between the nations already named and the savage hordes bordering the Caribbean Sea.' _Squier's Nicaragua_, (Ed. 1856,) vol. ii., p. 311. 'On the northern shores of the Lake of Nicaragua.' _Ludewig's Ab. Lang._, p. 48. 'The Lencas ... under the various names of Chontals, and perhaps Xicaques and Payas, occupying what is now the Department of San Miguel in San Salvador, of Comayagua, Choluteca, Tegucigalpa, and parts of Olancho and Yoro in Honduras, including the islands of Roatan, Guanaja, and their dependencies.' _Squier's Cent. Amer._, p. 252. The _Pipiles_ 'n'y occupaient guère quelques cantons sur les côtes de l'océan Pacifique, dans la province d'Itzcuintlan et ne s'internaient que vers les frontières de l'état de San-Salvador, le long des rives du rio Paxa.' _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. ii., p. 120. 'Welche den ganzen westlichen Theil des heutigen Staates von S. Salvador südlich vom Rio Lampa, das sogen. Reich Cozcotlan bewohnten.' _Wappäus_, _Geog. u. Stat._, pp. 322, 326. 'Are settled along the coasts of the Pacific, from the province of Escuintla to that of St. Salvador.... In a short time these Pipiles multiplied immensely, and spread over the provinces of Zonzonate, St. Salvador, and St. Miguel.' _Juarros' Hist. Guat._, pp. 202, 224. Among 'los Izalcos y costa de Guazacapan ... San Salvador ... Honduras ... Nicaragua.' _Palacio_, in _Pacheco_, _Col. Doc. Inéd._, tom. vi., p. 7. _Nonohualcas._ 'Á la falda de un alto volcan (San Vicente) están cuatro lugares de indios, que llaman los Nunualcos.' _Id._, p. 25. _Tlascaltecs._ 'In mehreren Puncten San Salvadors, wie z. B. in Isalco, Mexicanos, Nahuisalco leben noch jetzt Indianer vom Stamme der Tlaskalteken.' _Scherzer_, _Wanderungen_, p. 456. [Sidenote: NATIONS OF NICARAGUA.] The _Cholutecs_ 'occupied the districts north of the Nagrandans, extending along the Gulf of Fonseca into what is now Honduras territory.' _Stout's Nicaragua_, p. 114. 'The Cholutecans, speaking the Cholutecan dialect, situated to the northward of the Nagrandans, and extending along the Gulf of Fonseca, into what is now the territory of Honduras. A town and river in the territory here indicated, still bear the name of Choluteca, which however is a Mexican name.' _Squier's Nicaragua_, (Ed. 1856,) vol. ii., p. 310. These Soconusco exiles settled 'dans les terres qui s'étendent au nord et à l'ouest du golfe de Conchagua, aux frontières de Honduras et de Nicaragua.' _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. ii., p. 79. 'Beyond them (Nagrandans) on the gulf of Fonseca, a nation called the Cholutecans had their seats.' _Froebel's Cent. Amer._, p. 53. _Maribios_, a tribe formerly inhabiting the mountain region about Leon. 'Ihre Wohnsitze bildeten die Provinz Maribichoa.' _Froebel_, _Aus Amer._, tom. i., p. 333. 'Ay en Nicaragua cinco leguajes ... Coribici ... Chorotega ... Chondal ... Orotiña ... Mexicano.' _Gomara_, _Hist. Ind._, fol. 264. 'Hablauan en Nicaragua, cinco lenguas diferentes, Coribizi, que lo hablan mucho en Chuloteca ... Los de Chontal, ... la quarta es Orotina, Mexicana es la quinta.' _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. iii., lib. iv., cap. vii. 'In Nicaragua there were fiue linages, and different languages: the Coribici, Ciocotoga, Ciondale, Oretigua, and the Mexican.' _Purchas his Pilgrimes_, vol. v., p. 887; _Oviedo_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. iv., p. 35; _Buschmann_, _Ortsnamen_, p. 132. The _Chorotegans_ 'occupied the entire country north of the Niquirans, extending along the Pacific Ocean, between it and Lake Managua, to the borders, and probably for a distance along the shores of the gulf of Fonseca. They also occupied the country south of the Niquirans, and around the gulf of Nicoya, then called Orotina.' _Squier's Nicaragua_, (Ed. 1856,) vol. ii., p. 310. 'Welche die Gegenden zwischen der Südsee und dem Managua-See von der Fonseca-Bai südwärts bis zu den aztekisch sprechenden Indianern bewohnen und auch südlich von den Niquirians bis zur Bai von Nicoya sich ausbreiten.' _Wappäus_, _Geog. u. Stat._, p. 246. 'North of the Mexican inhabitants of Nicaragua (the Niquirans), between the Pacific Ocean, Lake Managua, and the Gulf of Fonseca.' _Ludewig's Ab. Lang._, p. 48. Before the conquest they occupied 'les régions aujourd'hui à peu près désertes qui s'étendent entre le territoire de Tehuantepec et celui de Soconusco, sur les bords de l'Océan Pacifique.' ... To escape the Olmec tyranny they emigrated to 'golfe de Nicoya; de là, ils retournèrent ensuite, en passant les monts, jusqu'au lac de Nicaragua et se fixèrent sur ses bords.' Driven off by the Nahuas 'les uns, se dirigeant au nord-ouest, vont fonder Nagarando, au bord du lac de Managua, tandis que les autres contournaient les rivages du golfe de Nicoya, que l'on trouve encore aujourd'hui habités par leurs descendants.' _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Popol Vuh_, introd., pp. cc., ccii. 'Als die Spanier nach Nicaragua kamen, war diess Volk an der Küste verbreitet ... wohnten längs der Küste des Austroloceans.' _Hassel_, _Mex. Guat._, pp. 397-8. The _Dirians_ 'occupied the territory lying between the upper extremity of Lake Nicaragua, the river Tipitapa, and the southern half of Lake Managua and the Pacific, whose principal towns were situated where now stand the cities of Granada, (then called Salteba,) Masaya, and Managua, and the villages of Tipitapa, Diriomo and Diriamba.' _Squier's Nicaragua_, (Ed. 1856,) vol. ii., p. 310. 'Groupés dans les localités encore connues de Liria, de Diriomé, de Diriamba, de Monbacho et de Lenderi, sur les hauteurs qui forment la base du volcan de Mazaya.' _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. ii., p. 111. 'Occupied Masaya, Managua, Tipitapa, Diriomo, and Diriamba.' _Stout's Nicaragua_, p. 114; _Froebel_, _Aus Amer._, tom. i., p. 287. The _Nagrandans_. 'Entre les Dirias et la Choluteca était située la province des Mangnés ou Nagarandas (Torquemada dit que Nagarando est un mot de leur langue. Oviedo les appelle Nagrandas), dont les fertiles campagnes s'étendaient, au nord et à l'ouest du lac de Managua, jusqu'à la mer; on y admirait les cités florissantes de Chinandéga, de Chichigalpa, de Pozoltega, de Telica, de Subtiaba, de Nagarando, appelée aussi Xolotlan, de Matiares et une foule d'autres, réduites maintenant, pour la plupart, à de misérables bourgades.' _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. ii., pp. 111-12. 'The Nagrandans occupied the plain of Leon between the northern extreme of Lake Managua and the Pacific.' _Stout's Nicaragua_, p. 114. 'An welche sich weiter nordwestwärts (the last mention was Dirians) die Bewohner der Gegend von Leon, welche Squier Nagrander nennt ... anschlossen.' _Froebel_, _Aus Amer._, tom. i., p. 287. 'Chorotega tribe of the plains of Leon, Nicaragua.' _Ludewig's Ab. Lang._, p. 130; _Squier's Nicaragua_, (Ed. 1856,) vol. ii., p. 310. The _Niquirans_ 'settled in the district of Nicaragua, between the Lake of Nicaragua and the Pacific Ocean.' _Ludewig's Ab. Lang._, p. 134. 'Au centre du pays, sur le lac Nicaragua, appelé Cocibolca par les indigènes, vivaient les Niquirans.' _Holinski_, _La Californie_, p. 290. Ometepec. 'This island was occupied by the Niquirans.' _Squier's Nicaragua_, (Ed. 1856,) vol. ii., p. 313; _Boyle's Ride_, vol. i., p. 74. The _Orotiñans_ occupied 'the country around the Gulf of Nicoya, and to the southward of Lake Nicaragua.' _Squier's Nicaragua_, (Ed. 1856,) vol. ii., p. 310. 'Am Golfe von Orotina oder Nicoya.... Unter den geographischen Namen im Lande der Orotiner stösst man auf den Vulkan Orosi, im jetzigen Costa Rica, während einer der Vulkane in der Kette der Maribios, bei Leon, also im Lande der Nagrander, Orota heisst.' _Froebel_, _Aus Amer._, tom. i., p. 287. 'Les Orotinas, voisins du golfe de Nicoya, dont les villes principales étaient Nicoya, Orotina, Cantren et Choroté.' _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. ii., pp. 110. 'Settled the country south of Lake Nicaragua around the Gulf of Nicoya.' _Stout's Nicaragua_, p. 114. [Sidenote: MOSQUITO NATIONS.] The MOSQUITOS, as a subdivision of this group, inhabit the whole of Honduras, the eastern portion of Nicaragua, and all that part of the coast on the Caribbean Sea known as the Mosquito Coast. The _Xicaques_ 'exist in the district lying between the Rio Ulua and Rio Tinto.... It seems probable that the Xicaques were once much more widely diffused, extending over the plains of Olancho, and into the Department of Nueva Segovia, in Nicaragua.' _Squier's Cent. Amer._, p. 244. 'Se rencontrent principalement dans le département de Yoro ... (some) à l'embouchure de la rivière Choloma, et le reste est dispersé dans les montagnes à l'ouest de la plaine de Sula. Dans le département de Yoro, ils sont répandus dans le pays depuis la rivière Sulaco jusqu'à la baie de Honduras.' _Id._, in _Nouvelles Annales des Voy._, 1858, tom. clx., pp. 133-4. Yoro department; 'Welche am oberen Lauf der Flüsse und in dem Berg- und Hügellande zwischen der Küste und dem Thale von Olancho wohnen.' _Wappäus_, _Geog. u. Stat._, p. 317. The _Poyas_. 'In the triangle between the Tinto, the sea, and the Rio Wanks, or Segovia.' _Squier's Cent. Amer._, p. 244. 'Inhabit the Poyer mountains, beyond the Embarcadero on the Polyer River.' _Young's Narrative_, p. 80. 'Den westlichen Theil des Distrikts Taguzgalpa, zwischen den Flüssen Aguan und Barbo.' _Hassel_, _Mex. Guat._, p. 389. 'Inhabit the heads of the Black and Patook rivers.' _Bell_, in _Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour._, vol. xxxii., p. 258. The _Towkas_, 'bewohnen die südlichen Gegenden des Distrikts (Taguzgalpa) und das Gebirge.' _Hassel_, _Mex. Guat._, pp. 390-1. 'Their principal residence is at the head of Patook River.' _Young's Narrative_, p. 87. 'They dwell along the Twaka river which is a branch of the Prinz Awala.' _Bell_, in _Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour._, vol. xxxii., p. 258. The '_Toonglas_ inhabit along the other branch of the same river.' _Ib._ The _Smoos_ 'inhabit the heads of all the rivers from Blewfields to Patook.' _Id._, p. 256. The _Cookras_ 'reside about one hundred and thirty miles from its mouth' (the Rio Escondido). _Strangeways' Mosquito Shore_, p. 30. The _Caribs_ 'now occupy the coast from the neighborhood of the port of Truxillo to Carataska Lagoon.... Their original seat was San Vincent, one of what are called the Leeward Islands, whence they were deported in a body, by the English, in 1798, and landed upon the then unoccupied island of Roatan, in the Bay of Honduras.' They afterwards removed to the main land 'in the vicinity of Truxillo, whence they have spread rapidly to the eastward. All along the coast, generally near the mouths of the various rivers with which it is fringed, they have their establishments or towns.' _Bard's Waikna_, p. 316. 'Now settled along the whole extent of coast from Cape Gracias à Dios to Belize.' _Froebel's Cent. Amer._, p. 185. 'Dwell on the sea coast, their first town, Cape Town, being a few miles to the westward of Black River.' _Young's Narrative_, pp. 71, 122, 134. In Roatan: 'Die Volksmenge besteht aus Caraiben und Sambos, deren etwa 4,000 auf der Insel seyn sollen.' _Hassel_, _Mex. Guat._, p. 386. 'Unter den Caraibendörfern sind zu nennen: Stanu Creek ... unfern im S. von Belize und von da bis zur Südgrenze Settee, Lower Stanu Creek, Silver Creek, Seven Hills und Punta Gorda.' _Wappäus_, _Geog. u. Stat._, p. 300. See also: _Sivers_, _Mittelamerika_, pp. 154, 179; _Morelet_, _Voyage_, tom. ii., p. 289. The _Ramas_ extend from Greytown to Blewfields, a region 'uninhabited except by the scanty remnant of a tribe called Ramas.' 'Inhabit a small island at the southern extremity of Blewfields Lagoon; they are only a miserable remnant of a numerous tribe that formerly lived on the St. John's and other rivers in that neighbourhood. A great number of them still live at the head of the Rio Frio, which runs into the St. John's River at San Carlos Fort.' _Bell_, in _Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour._, vol. xxxii., pp. 242, 259. 'Rama Cay, in Blewfiels Lagoon. This small island is the refuge of a feeble remnant of the once powerful Rama tribe.' _Pim and Seemann's Dottings_, p. 278. The _Mosquitos_ inhabit 'the whole coast from Pearl Key Lagoon to Black River, and along the banks of the Wawa and Wanx, or Wanks Rivers for a great distance inland.' _Bell_, in _Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour._, vol. xxxii., p. 250. 'L'intérieur du pays est occupé par la nation sauvage et indomptable des Mosquitos-Sombos. Les côtes, surtout près le cap Gracias à Dios, sont habitées par une autre tribu d'Indiens que les navigateurs anglais ont appelés Mosquitos de la côte.' _Malte-Brun_, _Précis de la Géog._, tom. vi., p. 472. 'An dem Ende dieser Provinz (Honduras), nahe bey dem Cap, Gratias-a-Dios, findet man die berühmte Nation der Mosquiten.' _Delaporte_, _Reisen_, tom. x., p. 404. 'Nearly the whole coast of Honduras; and their most numerous tribe exists near the Cape Gracios á Dios.' _Bonnycastle's Span. Amer._, vol. i., p. 172. 'Ocupan el terreno de mas de sesenta leguas, que corren desde la jurisdiccion de Comaniagua, hasta la de Costa-Rica.' _Revista Mex._, tom. i., p. 404. 'Die Sambo, oder eigentlichen Mosquitoindianer welche den grössten Theil der Seeküste bis zum Black river hinauf und die an derselben gelegenen Savannen bewohnen.' _Mosquitoland_, _Bericht_, p. 19. 'Inhabiting on the Main, on the North side, near Cape Gratia Dios; between Cape Honduras and Nicaragua.' _Dampier's Voyages_, vol. i., p. 7. 'Inhabit a considerable space of country on the continent of America, nearly extending from Point Castile, or Cape Honduras, the southern point of the Bay of Truxillo, to the northern branch of the river Nicaragua, called usually St. Juan's; and comprehending within these limits nearly 100 leagues of land on the sea coast, from latitude 11 to 16 deg.' _Henderson's Honduras_, pp. 211-12. The Sambos 'inhabit the country from Sandy Bay to Potook.' _Strangeways' Mosquito Shore_, p. 330. 'The Sambos, or Mosquitians, inhabit the sea coast, and the savannas inland, as far west as Black River.' _Young's Narrative_, p. 71. 'The increase and expansion of the Caribs has already driven most of the Sambos, who were established to the northward and westward of Cape Gracias á Dios, into the territory of Nicaragua, southward of the Cape.' _Squier's Honduras_ [Lond., 1870,] p. 169; _Id._, _Cent. Amer._, p. 228. [Sidenote: ISTHMIAN NATIONS.] The ISTHMIANS, the last sub-division of this group, embrace the people of Costa Rica, together with the nations dwelling on the Isthmus of Panamá, or Darien, as far as the gulf of Urabá, and along the river Atrato to the mouth of the Napipi, thence up the last-named river to the Pacific Ocean. 'The Indian tribes within the territory of Costarrica, distinguished by the name of Parcialidades, are the Valientes, or most eastern people of the state; the Tiribees, who occupy the coast from Bocatoro to the Banana; the Talamancas and Blancos, who inhabit the interior, but frequent the coast between the Banana and Salt Creek; the Montaños and Cabecares, who are settled in the neighbourhood of the high lands bounding Veragua, and the Guatusos, inhabiting the mountains and forest between Esparsa and Bagases, and towards the north of these places.' _Galindo_, in _Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour._, vol. vi., p. 134. From Boca del Toro towards the west coast dwell the Viceitas, Blancos, Valientes, Guatusos, Tiribis, and Talamancas. _Wagner and Scherzer_, _Costa Rica_, p. 554. Blancos, Valientes, and Talamancas 'entlang der Ostküste zwischen dem Rio Zent und Boca del Toro, im Staate Costa Rica.' _Id._, p. 573. The _Guatusos_ 'vom Nicaragua-See an den Rio Frio aufwärts und zwischen diesem und dem San Carlos bis zum Hochlande.' _Wappäus_, _Geog. u. Stat._, p. 357. 'Inhabit a territory lying between the Merivales mountains on the west, the lake of Nicaragua and the San Juan river on the north, the Atlantic shore on the east, and the table land of San José upon the south.' ... The Rio Frio 'head-waters are the favorite haunt or habitation of the Guatusos ... occupy the north-east corner of Costa Rica.' _Boyle's Ride_, vol. i., pref., pp. xii., xix., p. 298. They inhabit 'the basin of the Rio Frio.' _Squier's Cent. Amer._, p. 405; _Id._, in _Nouvelles Annales des Voy._, 1856, tom. cli., p. 5; _Id._, in _Hist. Mag._, vol. iv., p. 65; _Vigne's Travels_, vol. i., p. 77. The _Guetares_ 'viven ençima de las sierras del puerto de la Herradora é se extienden por la costa deste golpho al Poniente de la banda del Norte hasta el confin de los Chorotegas.' _Oviedo_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. iii., p. 108. The _Blancos_ 'welche ungefähr 5 Tagereisen südöstlich von Angostura in den Bergen hausen.' _Wagner and Scherzer_, _Costa Rica_, pp. 556, 554. The _Valientes_ and _Ramas_, 'zwischen dem Punta Gorda und der Lagune von Chiriqui.' _Mosquitoland_, _Bericht_, p. 9. Inhabiting the Isthmus were numerous tribes speaking different languages, mentioned by early writers only by the name of the chief, which was usually identical with that of both town and province. In the province of Panamá there were 'quatro señores de lenguas diferentes.... De alli se baxaua a la prouincia de Natá ... treynta leguas de Panamá ... otro llamado Escoria, ocho leguas de Natá.... Ocho leguas mas adelante, la buelta de Panamá, auia otro Cazique dicho Chirú, de lengua diferente: y otras siete leguas mas adelante, házia Panamá, estaua el de Chamé, que era el remate de la lengua de Coyba: y la prouincia de Paris se hallaua doze leguas de Natá, Les hueste.' _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. ii., lib. iii., cap. vi. Westward from the gulf of Urabá 'hay una provincia que se dice Careta ... yendo mas la costa abajo, fasta cuarenta leguas desta villa, entrando la tierra adentro fasta doce leguas, está un cacique que se dice Comogre y otro que se dice Poborosa.' _Balboa_, in _Navarrete_, _Col. de Viages_, tom. iii., p. 366. 'En la primera provincia de los darieles hay las poblaciones siguientes: Seraque, Surugunti, Queno, Moreri, Agrazenuqua, Occabayanti y Uraba.' _Hervás_, _Catálogo_, tom. i., p. 280. 'Treinta y tantas leguas del Darien habia una provincia que se decia Careta, y otra cinco leguas de ella que se dice Acla.... La primera provincia desde Acla hácia el ueste es Comogre.... En esta tierra está una provincia que se llama Peruqueta, de una mar á otra, y la isla de las Perlas, y golfo de S. Miguel, y otra provincia, que llamamos las Behetrías por no haber en ella ningun señor, se llama Cueva: es toda una gente y de una lengua.... Desde esta provincia da Peruqueta hasta Adechame que son cerca de 40 leguas todavía al ueste, se llama la provincia de Coiba, y la lengua es la de Cueva ... desde Burica hasta esta provincia, que se dice Tobreytrota, casi que cada señor es diferente de lengua uno de otro.... Desde aquí tornando á bajar cerca de la mar, venimos á la provincia de Nata ... está 30 leguas de Panamá ... tenia por contrario á un señor que se decia Escoria, que tenia sus poblaciones en un rio grande ocho leguas de Meta.... Esta es lengua por sí. Y ocho leguas de allí hácia Panamá está otro señor que se dice Chiru, lengua diferente. Siete leguas de Chiru, hácia Panamá, está la provincia de Chame: es el remate de la lengua de Coiba ... Chiman ... dos leguas de Comogre ... desde esto Chiman ... la provincia de Pocorosa, y de allí dos leguas la vuelta del ueste ... la de Paruraca, donde comienza la de Coiba, y de allí la misma via cuatro leguas ... la de Tubanamá, y de allí á ocho leguas todo á esta via ... la de Chepo, y seis leguas de allí ... la de Chepobar, y dos leguas delante ... la de Pacora, y cuatro de allí ... la de Panamá, y de allí otras cuatro ... la de Periquete, y otras cuatro adelante ... la de Tabore, y otras cuatro adelante ... la de Chame, que es remate de la lengua y provincia de Coiba ... de Chame á la provincia del Chiru hay ocho leguas ... y este Chiru es otra lengua por sí.' _Andagoya_, in _Navarrete_, _Col. de Viages_, tom. iii., pp. 397-8, 407-8, 410. The _Guaimies_. 'En la provincia de Veraguas, situada á 9 grados de latitud boreal, está la nacion de los Guaimies ó Huamies.' _Hervás_, _Catálogo_, tom. i., pp. 280-1. 'Los quales indios, segun decian, no eran naturales de aquella comarca: ántes era en antigua patria la tierra que está junto al rio grande de Darien.' _Cieza de Leon_, in _Id._, p. 281. 'The Indians who at present inhabit the Isthmus are scattered over Bocas del Toro, the northern portions of Veraguas, the north-eastern shores of Panamá, and almost the whole of Darien, and consist principally of four tribes, the Savanerics, the San Blas Indians, the Bayanos, and the Cholos. Each tribe speaks a different language.' _Seemann's Voy. Herald_, vol. i., p. 317. 'Les Goajiros, les Motilones, les Guainetas et les Cocinas, dans les provinces de Rio-Hacha, de Upar et de Santa-Marta; et les Dariens, les Cunas et les Chocoes, sur les rives et les affluents de l'Atrato et les côtes du Darien.' _Roquette_, in _Nouvelles Annales des Voy._, 1855, tom. cxlvii., pp. 24-5. 'The _Savanerics_ occupy the northern portion of Veraguas.' _Ib._ The _Dorachos_ occupied western Veragua. _Id._, p. 312. The _Manzanillo_, or San Blas Indians, 'inhabit the north-eastern portion of the province of Panama.' _Id._, p. 320. 'The chief settlement is about San Blas, the rest of the coast being dotted over with small villages.' _Gisborne's Darien_, p. 156. 'Their principal settlements are on the upper branches of the Chepo, Chiman, and Congo, on the Tuquesa, Ucurganti, Jubuganti, and Chueti, branches of the Chuquanaqua, and on the Pucro and Paya.' _Cullen's Darien_, p. 69. 'The whole of the Isthmus of Darien, except a small portion of the valley of the Tuyra, comprising the towns of Chipogana, Pinogana, Yavisa, and Santa Maria, and a few scattering inhabitants on the Bayamo near its mouth, is uninhabited except by the San Blas or Darien Indians.... They inhabit the whole Atlantic coast from San Blas to the Tarena, mouth of the Atrato, and in the interior from the Sucubti to the upper parts of the Bayamo.' _Selfridge's Darien Surveys_, p. 10. The _Mandingos_ 'occupy the coast as far as the Bay of Caledonia.' _Puydt_, in _Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour._, vol. xxxviii., p. 92; _Reichardt_, _Cent. Amer._, p. 161; _Ludewig's Ab. Lang._, p. 61. The _Bayanos_, 'about the River Chepo.' _Id._, p. 18; _Seemann's Voy. Herald_, vol. i., p. 321. The _Cholos_, 'extending from the Gulf of San Miguel to the bay of Choco, and thence with a few interruptions to the northern parts of the Republic of Ecuador.' _Seemann's Voy. Herald_, vol. i., p. 321. 'Inhabiting part of the Isthmus of Darien, east of the river Chuquanaqua, which is watered by the river Paya and its branches in and about lat. 8° 15´ N., and long. 77° 20´ W.' _Latham_, in _Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour._, vol. xx., p. 189. 'The _Cunas_ have established themselves on the shores of the Gulf of Urabá, near the outlets of the Atrato.' _Puydt_, in _Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour._, vol. xxxviii., p. 92. The _Cunacunas_, 'on the south-easterly side of the Isthmus.' _Ludewig's Ab. Lang._, p. 59. 'The remnants of the Chucunaquese who in 1861 dwelt on the banks of the river which bears their name ... have gone up towards the north.' _Ib._ The _Chocos_, 'on the Leon and the different tributaries of the Atrato.' _Michler's Darien_, p. 26. The _Caimanes_, 'between Punta Arenas and Turbo.' _Ib._ The _Urabás_, 'en las selvas y bosques de la Provincia de Urabá.' _Alcedo_, _Dicc._, tom. v., p. 258. The _Idibas_ 'del Reyno de Tierra-Firme y Gobierno de Panamá, son confinantes con los Chocoes y los Tatabes.' _Id._, tom. ii., p. 413. The _Payas_ 'on the river of that name.' _Selfridge's Darien Surveys_, p. 86. FOOTNOTES: [960] The Lacandones are of one stock with the Manches, and very numerous. They were highly civilized only one hundred and fifty years ago. _Boyle's Ride_, vol. i., preface, pp. 14-17. 'The old Chontals were certainly in a condition more civilised.' _Id._, pp. 286-95, 265-70. 'Die Chontales werden auch Caraiben genannt.' _Wappäus_, _Geog. u. Stat._, pp. 243-8, 265, 283-90, 311, 321, 326, 330, 335. It seems there existed in Nicaragua: Chorotegans, comprising Dirians, Nagrandans, and Orotiñans; Cholutecans and Niquirans, Mexican colonies; and Chondals. _Squier's Nicaragua_, vol. ii., pp. 309-12. Examine further: _Müller_, _Amerikanische Urreligionen_, p. 454; _Froebel_, _Aus Amerika_, tom. i., pp. 285-92; _Puydt_, _Rapport_, in _Amérique Centrale_, p. 69; _Benzoni_, _Hist. del Mondo Nuovo_, fol. 104; _Malte-Brun_, in _Nouvelles Annales des Voy._, 1858, tom. clviii., p. 200; _Berendt_, in _Smithsonian Rept._, 1867, p. 425; _Crowe's Cent. Amer._, p. 40; _Hassel_, _Mex. Guat._, pp. 357-8, 370; _Dollfus and Mont-Serrat_, _Voy. Géologique_, pp. 18-19; _Morelet_, _Voyage_, tom. i., pp. 202, 208, 272, tom. ii., pp. 49, 125, 313; _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. ii., pp. 79, 110-11; _Valois_, _Mexique_, pp. 288, 299-300; _Escobar_, in _Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour._, vol. xi., pp. 89-97. [961] _Crowe's Cent. Amer._, pp. 40-1; _Squier's Nicaragua_, pp. 268, 278-9; _Froebel's Cent. Amer._, pp. 33-4; _Dunn's Guatemala_, pp. 277-8; _Reichardt_, _Nicaragua_, pp. 106-7; _Montanus_, _Nieuwe Weereld_, p. 272; _Lafond_, _Voyages_, tom. i., p. 338; _Morelet_, _Voyage_, tom. i., p. 260, tom. ii., pp. 126, 197; _Andagoya_, in _Navarrete_, _Col. de Viages_, tom. iii., p. 414; _Belly_, _Nicaragua_, tom. i., pp. 200-1; _Scherzer_, _Wanderungen_, pp. 52-3; _Foote's Cent. Amer._, p. 104. Round Leon 'hay más indios tuertos ... y es la causa el contínuo polvo.' _Oviedo_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. iv., p. 64. In Guatemala, 'los hombres muy gruessos.' _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. iii., lib. v., caps. xi., xii., dec. iv., lib. x., cap. xiv. 'Ceux de la tierra fria sont petits, trapus, bien membrés, susceptibles de grandes fatigues ... ceux de la tierra caliente sont grands, maigres, paresseux.' _Dollfus and Mont-Serrat_, _Voy. Géologique_, pp. 47, 21. 'Kurze Schenkel, langen Oberleib, kurze Stirne und langes struppiges Haar.' _Bülow_, _Nicaragua_, p. 78. 'The disproportionate size of the head, the coarse harsh hair, and the dwarfish stature,' of the Masayas. _Boyle's Ride_, vol. ii., pp. 8-9. [962] _Andagoya_, in _Navarrete_, _Col. de Viages_, tom. iii., pp. 407, 414. In Salvador, the women's 'only garment being a long straight piece of cotton cloth without a seam.' _Foote's Cent. Amer._, pp. 103-4. The Nicaraguans 'se rasent la barbe, les cheueux, et tout le poil du corps, et ne laissent que quelques cheueux sur le sommet de la teste.... Ils portent des gabans, et des chemises sans manches.' _D'Avity_, _L'Amérique_, tom. ii., p. 93. 'The custom of tattooing, it seems, was practiced to a certain extent, at least so far as to designate, by peculiarities in the marks, the several tribes or caziques ... they flattened their heads.' _Squier's Nicaragua_, vol. ii., pp. 341, 345; _Id._, _Nicaragua_, pp. 273-4; _Valenzuela_, in _Id._, _Cent. Amer._, p. 566; _Tempsky's Mitla_, pp. 363-5, 368; _Dollfus and Mont-Serrat_, _Voy. Géologique_, pp. 19-20, 46-9, 56-60; _Juarros' Hist. Guat._, pp. 193-5; _Hassel_, _Mex. Guat._, pp. 302-5; _Valois_, _Mexique_, pp. 278-9; _Gage's New Survey_, pp. 316-8; _Montgomery's Guatemala_, pp. 98-9; _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. iii., lib. iv., cap. vii.; _Morelet_, _Voyage_, tom. ii., pp. 102, 126, 145, 171, 227, 245, 253; _Galindo_, in _Nouvelles Annales des Voy._, 1834, tom. lxiii., p. 149; _Orozco y Berra_, _Geografía_, p. 166; _Gomara_, _Hist. Ind._, fol. 263. [963] The Lacandones have 'floating gardens which can navigate the lagoons like bolsas,' and are often inhabited. They have stone sepulchres highly sculptured. _Pontelli_, in _Cal. Farmer_, _Nov. 7, 1862_. 'In these ancient Chontales villages the houses were in the centre, and the tombs, placed in a circle around.... The Indians who before the Spanish conquest inhabited Nicaragua did not construct any large temples or other stone buildings.' _Pim and Seemann's Dottings_, pp. 126-7. They live like their forefathers 'in buildings precisely similar ... some huts of a single room will monopolise an acre of land.' _Boyle's Ride_, vol. ii., pp. 6-8; _Gage's New Survey_, pp. 318-19; _Scherzer_, _Wanderungen_, pp. 75, 430, 496; _Puydt_, _Rapport_, in _Amérique Centrale_, pp. 69-70; _Valois_, _Mexique_, p. 278; _Benzoni_, _Hist. Mondo Nuovo_., fol. 86, 102; _Froebel's Cent. Amer._, pp. 89, 96; _Dollfus and Mont-Serrat_, _Voy. Géologique_, pp. 19, 55; _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. iii., lib. iv., cap. vii.; _Berendt_, in _Smithsonian Rept._, 1867, p. 425; _West und Ost Indischer Lustgart_, pt. ii., pp. 380, 390; _Valenzuela_, in _Squier's Cent. Amer._, p. 566. [964] They 'vivent le plus souvent de fruits et de racines.' _Dollfus and Mont-Serrat_, _Voy. Géologique_, pp. 47, 20-2, 69. 'Tout en faisant maigre chère, ils mangent et boivent continuellement, comme les animaux.' _Morelet_, _Voyage_, tom. ii., pp. 104, 92, 102, 132, 134, 145, 240, tom. i., pp. 205-6. Nicaraguans 'essen auch Menschenfleisch ... alle Tag machet nur ein Nachbar ein Fewer an, dabei sie alle kochen, vnd dann ein anderer.' _West und Ost Indischer Lustgart_, pt. i., p. 390. 'Perritos pequeños que tambien los comian, y muchos venados y pesquerías.' _Andagoya_, in _Navarrete_, _Col. de Viages_, tom. iii., pp. 413-14, 407. Hunting alligators: a man dives under, and fastens a noose round the leg of the sleeping monster; his companions then haul it on shore and kill it. _Sivers_, _Mittelamerika_, pp. 139, 130. Compare further: _Findlay's Directory_, vol. i., p. 253; _Gage's New Survey_, pp. 319-23; _Scherzer_, _Wanderungen_, pp. 412-13, 494; _Benzoni_, _Hist. Mondo Nuovo_, fol. 103-4; _Juarros' Hist. Guat._, pp. 196-7; _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. iv., lib. viii., cap. vii.-ix., lib. x., cap. xiv.; _Escobar_, in _Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour._, vol. xi., p. 91; _Laet_, _Novus Orbis_, p. 320; _Waldeck_, _Voy. Pitt._, pp. 42-3. [965] _Dunlop's Cent. Amer._, p. 337; _Scherzer_, _Wanderungen_, p. 173. [966] The Lacandones 'emploient des flèches de canne ayant des têtes de cailloux.' _Galindo_, in _Antiq. Mex._, tom. i., div. ii., p. 67. See also, _Bülow_, _Nicaragua_, pp. 79-80; _Hassel_, _Mex. Guat._, p. 305; _Juarros' Hist. Guat._, pp. 195, 278; _Scherzer_, _Wanderungen_, pp. 413, 430; _Froebel_, _Aus Amerika_, tom. i., p. 358. [967] _Morelet_, _Voyage_, tom. ii., p. 31; _Pontelli_, in _Cal. Farmer_, _Nov. 7, 14, 1862_. [968] _Valois_, _Mexique_, pp. 278, 287; _Sivers_, _Mittelamerika_, p. 130; _Scherzer_, _Wanderungen_, p. 430; _Montanus_, _Nieuwe Weereld_, p. 279; _Squier's Nicaragua_, pp. 272-3; _Valenzuela_, in _Id._, _Cent. Amer._, p. 567. The Lacandon hut contained 'des métiers à tisser, des sarbacanes, des haches et d'autres outils en silex.' _Morelet_, _Voyage_, tom. ii., pp. 79, 104, 197, 211. 'Duermen en vna red, que se les entra por las costillas, o en vn cañizo, y por cabecera vn madero: ya se alumbran con teas.' _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. iv., lib. x., cap. xiv., dec. ii., lib. iii., cap. vi. At Masaya, 'Leur mobilier se compose de nattes par terre, de hamacs suspendus, d'un lit de cuir et d'une caisse en cèdre, quelquefois ornée d'incrustations de cuivre.' _Belly_, _Nicaragua_, tom. i., pp. 197-8. [969] 'Le principe colorant est fixé an moyen d'une substance grasse que l'on obtient par l'ébullition d'un insecte nommé age.' _Morelet_, _Voyage_, tom. ii., pp. 130, 197. Consult further, _Squier's Nicaragua_, pp. 269-73; _Baily's Cent. Amer._, pp. 124-5; _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. iv., lib. viii., cap. vii., ix., lib. x., cap. xiv.; _Crowe's Cent. Amer._, pp. 44; _Squier_, in _Hist. Mag._, vol. v., p. 215; _Dollfus and Mont-Serrat_, _Voy. Géologique_, p. 47; _Dunlop's Cent. Amer._, p. 338; _Montanus_, _Nieuwe Weereld_, p. 274. [970] _Pim and Seemann's Dottings_, pp. 241-2; _Lafond_, _Voyages_, tom. i., p. 317; _Morelet_, _Voyage_, tom. ii., p. 31; _Dollfus and Mont-Serrat_, _Voy. Géologique_, pp. 47-8. In their trade, the Lacandones 'are said to have employed not less than 424 canoes.' _Juarros' Hist. Guat._, p. 271. [971] The Quichés 'portent jusqu'au Nicaragua des hamacs en fil d'agave.' _Morelet_, _Voyage_, tom. ii., pp. 145, 92, 130-1, 198, tom. i., pp. 260, 318, 320; _Dollfus and Mont-Serrat_, _Voy. Géologique_, pp. 18, 60; _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. iii., lib. v., cap. xii.; _Juarros' Hist. Guat._, pp. 68, 271, 475; _Wappäus_, _Geog. u. Stat._, pp. 248, 345; _Laet_, _Novus Orbis_, p. 319; _Hardcastle_, in _Hist. Mag._, vol. vi., p. 153; _Gage's New Survey_, p. 319. [972] Among the Nahuatls 'mechanical arts are little understood, and, of course, the fine arts still less practiced.' _Squier's Cent. Amer._, p. 320; _Id._, _Nicaragua_, pp. 270-3. The Masayans have 'une caisse en cèdre, quelquefois ornée d'incrustations de cuivre.' _Belly_, _Nicaragua_, pp. 197-8. See also, _Morelet_, _Voyage_, tom. ii., p. 130; _Puydt_, _Rapport_, in _Amérique Centrale_, p. 134; _Gage's New Survey_, p. 329; _Valois_, _Mexique_, pp. 287, 420-6; _Sivers_, _Mittelamerika_, pp. 127, 295; _Funnell's Voy._, p. 113; _Dunn's Guatemala_, p. 281; _Pontelli_, in _Cal. Farmer_, _Nov. 7, 1862_. [973] _Dollfus and Mont-Serrat_, _Voy. Géologique_, pp. 20, 49-51; _Puydt_, _Rapport_, in _Amérique Centrale_, p. 134; _Hassel_, _Mex. Guat._, p. 398; _Gage's New Survey_, pp. 318-9, 417; _Pontelli_, in _Cal. Farmer_, _Nov. 7, 1862_. 'Chacun d'eux vint ensuite baiser la main du chef, hommage qu'il reçut avec une dignité imperturbable.' _Morelet_, _Voyage_, tom. ii., pp. 245-6, 134. [974] 'Leur dernier-né suspendu à leurs flancs.' _Morelet_, _Voyage_, tom. ii., pp. 198, 126, tom. i., pp. 204-5, 318. In Salvador, the 'bridegroom makes his wife's trousseau himself, the women, strange to say, being entirely ignorant of needlework.' _Foote's Cent. Amer._, p. 103. Further reference in _Valois_, _Mexique_, pp. 280, 288; _Belly_, _Nicaragua_, pp. 200-1, 253; _Hassel_, _Mex. Guat._, pp. 303-4; _Revue Brit._, 1825, in _Amérique Centrale_, p. 23; _Bülow_, _Nicaragua_, p. 80; _Montanus_, _Nieuwe Weereld_, p. 272; _Gage's New Survey_, p. 319; _Juarros' Hist. Guat._, pp. 195-6; _Tempsky's Mitla_, p. 365; _Dollfus and Mont-Serrat_, _Voy. Géologique_, pp. 20, 47; _Scherzer_, _Wanderungen_, p. 66; _Id._, _Die Indianer von Istlávacan_, p. 11. [975] _Gage's New Survey_, pp. 323, 347-50; _Andagoya_, in _Navarrete_, _Col. de Viages_, tom. iii., p. 415; _Valois_, _Mexique_, pp. 279-80, 420-6; _Dollfus and Mont-Serrat_, _Voy. Géologique_, p. 48; _Froebel's Cent. Amer._, pp. 78-81; _Dapper_, _Neue Welt_, pp. 306, 312; _Valenzuela_, in _Squier's Cent. Amer._, p. 567; _Juarros' Hist. Guat._, pp. 447-9; _Coreal_, _Voyages_, tom. i., pp. 88-9; _Arricivita_, _Crónica Seráfica_, p. 34; _Laet_, _Novus Orbis_, p. 320-2; _Pontelli_, in _Cal. Farmer_, _Nov. 14, 1862_. 'Les Indiens ne fument pas.' _Belly_, _Nicaragua_, p. 164. 'Ihr gewöhnliches Getränke ist Wasser.' _Hassel_, _Mex. Guat._, p. 304. 'Je n'ai entendu qu'à Flores, pendant le cours de mon voyage, des choeurs exécutés avec justesse.' _Morelet_, _Voyage_, tom. ii., pp. 42-4, 325, tom. i., p. 196. [976] The Lacandon chief received me with 'the emblem of friendship (which is a leaf of the fan-palm).' _Pontelli_, in _Cal. Farmer_, _Nov. 14, 1862_. See _Tempsky's Mitla_, pp. 364-5; _Valois_, _Mexique_, pp. 407-8; _Escobar_, in _Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour._, vol. xi., p. 91; _Thümmel_, _Mexiko_, p. 394; _Juarros' Hist. Guat._, p. 197; _Foote's Cent. Amer._, p. 122; _Dollfus and Mont-Serrat_, _Voy. Géologique_, pp. 48-9; _Scherzer_, _Die Indianer von Istlávacan_, pp. 7-15; _Reichardt_, _Nicaragua_, pp. 106, 234; _Valenzuela_, in _Squier's Cent. Amer._, pp. 566-7; _Morelet_, _Voyage_, tom. i., p. 206, tom. ii., pp. 58, 101-2, 104, 197; _Boyle's Ride_, vol. i., pp. 293-4, vol. ii., pp. 11-12, 48. [977] At Masaya, 'The death-rate among children is said to be excessive.' _Boyle's Ride_, vol. ii., p. 10. 'Alle Glieder der Familie hatten ein äusserst ungesundes Aussehen und namentlich die Kinder, im Gesicht bleich und mager, hatten dicke, aufgeschwollene Bäuche,' caused by yucca-roots. _Scherzer_, _Wanderungen_, pp. 494, 173-4; _Morelet_, _Voyage_, tom. ii., pp. 109-10, 152; _Gage's New Survey_, p. 318; _Puydt_, _Rapport_, in _Amérique Centrale_, p. 49; _Froebel_, _Aus Amerika_, tom. i., pp. 345-6; _Hassel_, _Mex. Guat._, pp. 302, 398; _Escobar_, in _Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour._, vol. xi., p. 91; _Scherzer_, _Die Indianer von Istlávacan_, pp. 10-11. [978] _Scherzer_, _Die Indianer von Istlávacan_, pp. 11-12; _Morelet_, _Voyage_, tom. ii., p. 63; _Valois_, _Mexique_, p. 408. [979] 'La somme des peines est donc limitée comme celle des jouissances; ils ne ressentent ni les unes ni les autres avec beaucoup de vivacité.' _Morelet_, _Voyage_, tom. i., pp. 205-7, 196, tom. ii., pp. 104, 132, 198, 200, 253. 'When aroused, however, they are fierce, cruel, and implacable ... shrewd ... cringing servility and low cunning ... extreme teachableness.' _Crowe's Cent. Amer._, pp. 42-3. 'Melancholy ... silent ... pusillanimous ... timid.' _Dunn's Guatemala_, p. 278. 'Imperturbability of the North American Indian, but are a gentler and less warlike race.' _Foote's Cent. Amer._, pp. 104-5. Nicaraguans 'are singularly docile and industrious ... not warlike but brave.' _Squier's Nicaragua_, p. 268. For further reference concerning these people see _Squier's Cent. Amer._, p. 555; _Bülow_, _Nicaragua_, pp. 79-81; _Juarros' Hist. Guat._, pp. 197-8; _Belly_, _Nicaragua_, pp. 109, 160; _Puydt_, _Rapport_, in _Amérique Centrale_, pp. 70, 135-6; _T' Kint_, in _Id._, pp. 157-8; _Fossey_, _Mexique_, p. 471; _Boyle's Ride_, vol. i., pref., p. xiv., and p. 75; _Gage's New Survey_, pp. 311-12, 333; _Valois_, _Mexique_, pp. 238-9, 277, 288, 299, 430; _Dollfus and Mont-Serrat_, _Voy. Géologique_, pp. 47-9, 69; _Oviedo_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. iv., p. 35; _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. iii., lib. iv., cap. vii.; _Scherzer_, _Wanderungen_, pp. 53, 61, 455, 464-5; _Dunlop's Cent. Amer._, pp. 211, 337-8. The Lacandones are very laconic, sober, temperate and strict. _Pontelli_, in _Cal. Farmer_, _Nov. 7, 1862_. [980] The name Mosquito is generally supposed to have arisen from the numerous mosquito insects to be found in the country; others think that the small islands off the coast, "which lie as thick as mosquitoes," may have caused the appellation; while a third opinion is that the name is a corruption of an aboriginal term, and to substantiate this opinion it is said that the natives call themselves distinctly Misskitos. _Mosquitoland_, _Bericht_, pp. 134, 19-23. The Carib name is pronounced "Kharibees" on the coast. _Macgregor's Progress of America_, vol. i., pp. 770, 775. 'Il existe chez eux des langues très différentes, et nous avons remarqué qu'à cent lieues de distance ils ne se comprennent plus les uns les autres.' _Varnhagen_, _Prem. Voy. de Amerigo Vespucci_, p. 40. See further: _Stout's Nicaragua_, p. 113; _Squier's Nicaragua_, vol. ii., p. 308; _Id._, _Cent. Amer._, pp. 241, 244-7; 252-3; _Bülow_, _Nicaragua_, p. 77; _Juarros' Hist. Guat._, p. 346; _Galindo_, in _Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour._, vol. iii., p. 290; _Bell_, in _Id._, vol. xxxii., pp. 258-9; _Bard's Waikna_, pp. 123, 201-2, 243; _Pim and Seemann's Dottings_, pp. 395-6; _Young's Narrative_, pp. 36, 86; _Wappäus_, _Geog. u. Stat._, pp. 243-7, 303, 347-50; _Henderson's Honduras_, p. 216; _Boyle's Ride_, vol. i., pp. xii-xiii., 269, 287; _Sivers_, _Mittelamerika_, pp. 179-80, 287-8. [981] 'Die Backenknochen treten nicht, wie bei andern amerikanischen Stämmen, auffallend hervor ... starke Oberlippe.' _Mosquitoland_, _Bericht_, pp. 134-6, 59, 70, 151. Consult also: _Squier's Cent. Amer._, pp. 230, 251, 597-8; _Hassel_, _Mex. Guat._, pp. 388-9; _Froebel_, _Aus Amerika_, tom. i., pp. 397-8; _Varnhagen_, _Prem. Voy. de Amerigo Vespucci_, pp. 40-1. The pure type has 'schlichte, gröbere, schwarze Haare und feinere Lippen.' _Sivers_, _Mittelamerika_, pp. 74, 177, 180, 287-8; _Young's Narrative_, pp. 26, 28-9, 72, 75, 79, 82, 87, 123; _Uring's Hist. Voy._, p. 226; _Bell_, in _Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour._, vol. xxxii., pp. 256-9; _Pim and Seemann's Dottings_, pp. 248, 305, 403; _Colon_, _Hist. Almirante_, in _Barcia_, _Historiadores_, tom. i., p. 104; _Bard's Waikna_, pp. 127, 298, 317; _Strangeways' Mosquito Shore_, p. 329. The natives of Corn island are 'of a dark copper-colour, black Hair, full round Faces, small black Eyes, their Eye-brows hanging over their Eyes, low Foreheads, short thick Noses, not high, but flattish; full Lips, and short Chins.' _Dampier's Voyages_, vol. i., pp. 31-2, 7-8. [982] _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. iv., lib. i., cap. vi., lib. viii., cap. iii., v.; _Esquemelin_, _Zee-Roovers_, pp. 150-1; _Squier_, in _Harper's Mag._, vol. xix., p. 614; _Id._, in _Nouvelles Annales des Voy._, 1858, tom. clx., p. 134; _Martin's Brit. Col._, vol. ii., p. 412; _Pim and Seemann's Dottings_, pp. 248-50, 280, 308, 403, 415; _Macgregor's Progress of Amer._, vol. i., p. 772; _Dampier's Voyages_, vol. i., pp. 11, 32; _Bard's Waikna_, pp. 127, 253-6, 298; _Mosquitoland_, _Bericht_, pp. 116-17, 136-7; _Bell_, in _Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour._, vol. xxxii., pp. 256-60; _Young's Narrative_, pp. 12, 26, 29, 32, 72, 77, 83, 122, 133. 'Alcuni vsano certe camiciuole com'quelle, che vsiamo noi, lunghe sino al belico, e senza manche. Portano le braccia, e il corpo lauorati di lauori moreschi, fatti col fuoco.' _Colombo_, _Hist. del Ammiraglio_, pp. 403-5. [983] _Strangeways' Mosquito Shore_, p. 334; _Froebel's Cent. Amer._, p. 185; _Squier's Cent. Amer._, p. 660; _Id._, in _Harper's Mag._, vol. xix., p. 613; _Id._, in _Nouvelles Annales des Voy._, 1858, tom. clx., p. 134; _Young's Narrative_, pp. 13, 77, 98-9, 125; _Pim and Seemann's Dottings_, pp. 279, 295, 415-6; _Bell_, in _Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour._, vol. xxxii., pp. 258-9; _Bard's Waikna_, pp. 293-4, 318-9; _Mosquitoland_, _Bericht_, pp. 20, 137-9; _Sivers_, _Mittelamerika_, pp. 167, 178; _Cockburn's Journey_, pp. 23, 55-7. [984] _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. iv., lib. viii., cap. iii.-v.; _Macgregor's Progress of Amer._, vol. i., pp. 774-5; _Squier_, in _Harper's Mag._, vol. xix., p. 613; _Young's Narrative_, pp. 14, 18, 21, 61, 74-7, 96, 98, 106; _Bard's Waikna_, pp. 100-11, 132-6, 297-303, 320; _Sivers_, _Mittelamerika_, pp. 75-6, 87, 168-74. The Woolwas had fish 'which had been shot with arrows.' _Pim and Seemann's Dottings_, pp. 403, 248-50, 300-1, 407, 412-13; _Dampier's Voyages_, vol. i., pp. 9-13, 35-7. [985] _Boyle's Ride_, vol. i., pref., p. 18; _Young's Narrative_, pp. 76, 99, 133; _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. i., p. 335. [986] Of the people of Las Perlas islands it is said; 'Aen't endt van haer geweer een hay-tandt, schieten met geen boogh.' _Esquemelin_, _Zee-Roovers_, pp. 71, 150. Also see: _Colon_, _Hist. Almirante_, in _Barcia_, _Historiadores_, tom. i., p. 105; _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. iii., lib. ix., cap. x., and dec. iv., lib. viii., cap. iii.; _Dampier's Voyages_, vol. i., pp. 7-8; _Bard's Waikna_, pp. 120, 128. [987] _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. iv., lib. viii., cap. iii.; _Esquemelin_, _Zee-Roovers_, p. 153; _Dampier's Voyages_, vol. i., p. 8; _Delaporte_, _Reisen_, tom. x., p. 406; _Strangeways' Mosquito Shore_, p. 331. [988] 'Hammocks, made of a Sort of Rushes.' _Cockburn's Journey_, pp. 64, 23. 'El almohada vn palo, o vna piedra: los cofres son cestillos, aforrados en cueros de venados.' _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. iv., lib. viii., cap. v. Consult also: _Young's Narrative_, pp. 76-7; _Dampier's Voyages_, vol. i., p. 85; _Squier's Cent. Amer._, p. 660; _Mosquitoland_, _Bericht_, pp. 100, 116, 123, 138, 173. [989] _Sivers, Mittelamerika_, p. 167; _Bard's Waikna_, pp. 127, 298-9. 'Auf irgend eine Zubereitung (of skins) verstehen sich die Indianer nicht.' _Mosquitoland_, _Bericht_, pp. 190, 148. 'They make large Jars here, one of which will hold ten Gallons, and not weigh one Pound.' _Cockburn's Journey_, p. 83. [990] _Young's Narrative_, pp. 11, 19, 76, 160-1; _Martin's West Indies_, vol. i., pp. 155-6; _Dampier's Voyages_, vol. i., pp. 35, 85. 'Der Tuberose tree der Engländer liefert die stärksten Baumstämme, deren die Indianer sich zur Anfertigung ihrer grössten Wasserfahrzeuge bedienen.' _Mosquitoland_, _Bericht_, pp. 116, 70, 147. [991] The Mosquitos have 'little trade except in tortoise-shells and sarsaparilla.' _Squier's Cent. Amer._, p. 659. Compare _Bard's Waikna_, p. 317; _Bell_, in _Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour._, vol. xxxii., p. 252; _Strangeways' Mosquito Shore_, p. 337; _Young's Narrative_, pp. 16, 82, 86-7, 91, 126; _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. iv., lib. viii., cap. iii., v.; _Mosquitoland_, _Bericht_, pp. 148, 171-4, 190. [992] The Mosquitos 'divisaient l'année en 18 mois de 20 jours, et ils appellaient les mois _Ioalar_.' _Malte-Brun_, _Précis de la Géog._, tom. vi., p. 472. 'Dit konense reeckenen by de Maen, daer van sy vyftien voor een jaer reeckenen.' _Esquemelin_, _Zee-Roovers_, p. 152. 'Für die Berechnung der Jahre existirt keine Aera. Daher weiss Niemand sein Alter.' _Mosquitoland_, _Bericht_, pp. 142, 267-8. See also _Bard's Waikna_, pp. 244-5; _Young's Narrative_, p. 76; _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. iv., lib. viii., cap. vi. [993] _Bard's Waikna_, pp. 292-3; _Cockburn's Journey_, p. 37; _Gomara_, _Hist. Ind._, fol. 63. The natives of Honduras had 'pedaços de Tierra, llamada _Calcide_, con la qual se funde el Metal.' _Colon_, _Hist. Almirante_, in _Barcia_, _Historiadores_, tom. i., p. 104. [994] _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. iv., lib. viii., cap. v.; _Cockburn's Journey_, p. 45; _Dampier's Voyages_, vol. i., pp. 10-11; _Esquemelin_, _Zee-Roovers_, p. 150; _Delaporte_, _Reisen_, tom. x., p. 406; _Froebel's Cent. Amer._, p. 184; _Crowe's Cent. Amer._, p. 49; _Winterfeldt_, _Mosquito-Staat_, p. 22; _Bard's Waikna_, pp. 231, 297-8; _Bell_, in _Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour._, pp. 258-9; _Squier_, in _Harper's Mag._, vol. xix., p. 614; _Id._, in _Nouvelles Annales des Voy._, 1858, tom. clx., p. 134; _Young's Narrative_, pp. 71, 98; _Mosquitoland_, _Bericht_, pp. 171-2. 'Sie stehen unter eignen Kaziken, die ihre Anführer im Kriege machen und welchen sie unbedingt gehorchen.' Poyas, 'Ihre Regierungsform ist aristokratisch.' _Hassel_, _Mex. Guat._, pp. 388, 390. Mosquito 'conjurers are in fact the priests, the lawyers and the judges ... the king is a despotic monarch.' _Bonnycastle's Span. Amer._, vol. i., p. 174. [995] _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. i., p. 335. [996] _Bard's Waikna_, pp. 127, 129-30, 202-11, 236, 243, 299-300, 321-3; _Strangeways' Mosquito Shore_, pp. 332, 336; _Froebel's Cent. Amer._, p. 137; _Oviedo_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. iii., p. 216. 'They marry but one Wife, with whom they live till death separates them.' _Dampier's Voyages_, vol. i., p. 9. 'Doch besitzen in der That die meisten Männer nur ein Weib.' _Mosquitoland_, _Bericht_, pp. 144-6, 133-9; _Salazar y Olarte_, _Hist. Conq. Mex._, tom. ii., p. 312. [997] Esquemelin relates that the natives on the Belize coast and adjacent islands carried the new-born infant to the temple, where it was placed naked in a hole filled with ashes, exposed to the wild beasts, and left there until the track of some animal was noticed in the ashes. This became patron to the child who was taught to offer it incense and to invoke it for protection. _Zee-Roovers_, pp. 64-9, 149. The genitals are pierced as a proof of constancy and affection for a woman. _Id._, pp. 151-3. Compare _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. iv., lib. i., cap. vi., lib. viii., cap. iii.-vi.; _Young's Narrative_, pp. 73, 75, 123, 125; _Bell_, in _Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour._, vol. xxxii., pp. 251, 254-5, 257-8; _Pim and Seemann's Dottings_, pp. 249, 306-8; _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. i., p. 335; _Delaporte_, _Reisen_, tom. x., p. 409; _Crowe's Cent. Amer._, pp. 49, 245-7. [998] _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. iv., lib. viii., cap. iii., vi.; _Bell_, in _Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour._, vol. xxxii., p. 255-6. The Woolwas 'haben gewisse Jahresfeste bei welchen weder ein Fremder noch Weiber und Kinder des eignen Stammes zugelassen werden. Bei diesen Festen führen sie mit lautem Geschrei ihre Tänze auf, "wobei ihnen ihr Gott Gesellschaft leistet."' _Froebel_, _Aus Amerika_, tom. i., pp. 407-8. [999] _Squier_, in _Harper's Mag._, vol. xix., pp. 603-6, 613; _Sivers_, _Mittelamerika_, pp. 171-2, 174-6; _Martin's West Indies_, vol. i., p. 155; _Laet_, _Novus Orbis_, p. 337; _Uring's Hist. Voy._, pp. 223-5; _Dampier's Voyages_, vol. i., pp. 10, 127; _Bard's Waikna_, pp. 205-9, 226-9, 232-3, 299; _Mosquitoland_, _Bericht_, pp. 108, 141-2, 146-7, 196, 201-2, 267; _Crowe's Cent. Amer._, p. 247; _Pim and Seemann's Dottings_, pp. 306, 405; _Young's Narrative_, pp. 30-3, 72, 77-8, 125, 132-5; _Esquemelin_, _Zee-Roovers_, pp. 150-1. The natives of Honduras kept small birds which 'could talk intelligibly, and whistle and sing admirably.' _Cockburn's Journey_, pp. 52-3, 46, 70-2, 88-90. [1000] _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. iv., lib. viii., cap. iv.-vi.; _Cockburn's Journey_, pp. 36, 45-6; _Dampier's Voyages_, vol. i., pp. 8-9, 86; _Mosquitoland_, _Bericht_, pp. 142-3; _Martin's Brit. Col._, vol. ii., p. 413; _Bard's Waikna_, pp. 228-32, 239-43, 256-8, 273-4. Sivers was thought possessed of the devil, and carefully shunned, because he imitated the crowing of a cock. _Sivers_, _Mittelamerika_, p. 178. [1001] _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. iv., lib. viii., cap. v., dec. v., lib. i., cap. x.; _Crowe's Cent. Amer._, pp. 245-7; _Young's Narrative_, pp. 23, 26, 28, 73, 82; _Bell_, in _Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour._, vol. xxxii., pp. 253, 260-1; _Mosquitoland_, _Bericht_, pp. 132, 148-51; _Bard's Waikna_, pp. 243-4. [1002] The dead 'are sewed up in a mat, and not laid in their grave length-ways, but upright on their feet, with their faces directly to the east.' _Amer. Span. Settl._, p. 46. 'Ein anderer Religionsgebrauch der alten Mosquiten war, dass sie bey dem Tode eines Hausvaters alle seine Bedienten mit ihm begruben.' _Delaporte_, _Reisen_, tom. x., p. 408. _Bard's Waikna_, pp. 68-73, 245-6; _Mosquitoland_, _Bericht_, pp. 136, 143-4; _Pim and Seemann's Dottings_, pp. 307-8; _Bell_, in _Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour._, vol. xxxii., p. 255; _Froebel_, _Aus Amerika_, tom. i., p. 407; _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. iv., lib. viii., cap. v.-vi.; _Esquemelin_, _Zee-Roovers_, pp. 152-3. [1003] _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. iii., lib. viii., cap. vii., dec. iv., lib. i., cap. vi., lib. viii., cap. iii., v.; _Young's Narrative_, pp. 78-82, 85, 87, 122, 133; _Bell_, in _Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour._, vol. xxxii., pp. 250-2, 257-8; _Bard's Waikna_, pp. 245, 317, 324; _Mosquitoland_, _Bericht_, pp. 135, 139-40, 144-5, 236; _Strangeways' Mosquito Shore_, p. 329; _Puydt_, _Rapport_, in _Amérique Centrale_, p. 71; _Pim and Seemann's Dottings_, pp. 248-9, 279, 308-9; _Boyle's Ride_, vol. i., pref., pp. 13, 18; _Morelet_, _Voyage_, tom. ii., pp. 240, 289, 302; _Crowe's Cent. Amer._, pp. 49, 243. [1004] The Guatusos 'are said to be of very fair complexion, a statement which has caused the appellation of _Indios blancos_, or _Guatusos_--the latter name being that of an animal of reddish-brown colour, and intended to designate the colour of their hair.' _Froebel's Cent. Amer._, p. 24; _Id._, _Aus Amer._, tom. i., p. 244. Speaking of Sir Francis Drake's mutineers and their escape from Esparsa northward, he says: 'It is believed by many in Costa Rica that the white Indians of the Rio Frio, called Pranzos, or Guatusos ... are the descendants of these Englishmen.' _Boyle's Ride_, vol. ii., pp. 210, 27, and vol. i., pref., pp. xx-xxii. 'Talamanca contains 26 different tribes of Indians; besides which there are several neighbouring nations, as the Changuenes, divided into thirteen tribes; the Terrabas, the Torresques, Urinamas, and Cavecaras.' _Juarros' Hist. Guat._, p. 373; _Squier's Cent. Amer._, p. 413; _Hassel_, _Mex. Guat._, p. 407; _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. i., pp. 331-3. [1005] 'The indians who at present inhabit the Isthmus are scattered over Bocas del Toro, the northern portions of Veraguas, the north-eastern shores of Panama and almost the whole of Darien, and consist principally of four tribes, the Savanerics, the San Blas Indians, the Bayanos, and the Cholos.' _Seemann's Voy. Herald_, vol. i., p. 317. 'At the time of the conquest of Darien, the country was covered with numerous and well-peopled villages. The inhabitants belonged to the Carribbee race, divided into tribes, the principal being the Maudinghese, Chucunaquese, Dariens, Cunas, Anachacunas, &c. On the eastern shore of the Gulf of Uraba dwelt the immense but now nearly exterminated tribe of the Caimans,--only a few remnants of the persecutions of the Spaniards, having taken refuge in the Choco Mountains, where they are still found.... The Dariens, as well as the Anachacunas, have either totally disappeared or been absorbed in other tribes.' _Puydt_, in _Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour._, vol. xxxviii., pp. 91-2; _Fitz-Roy_, in _Id._, vol. xx., pp. 163-4; _Roquette_, in _Nouvelles Annales des Voy._, 1855, tom. cxlvii., p. 30; _Bateman_, in _N. Y. Century_, _6th Decem., 1860_; _Andagoya_, in _Navarrete_, _Col. de Viages_, tom. iii., p. 406; _Macgregor's Progress of Amer._, vol. i., p. 823; _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Popol Vuh_, introd., p. ccii. See Tribal Boundaries. [1006] Savanerics, 'a fine athletic race.' _Seemann's Voy. Herald_, vol. i., p. 318. 'Tienen los cascos de la cabeça gruessos.' _Oviedo_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. iii., p. 138. 'The Chocós are not tall nor remarkable in appearance, but always look well conditioned.' _Michler's Darien_, p. 65. 'Son apersonados.' _Dávila_, _Teatro Ecles._, tom. ii., fol. 56; _Gomara_, _Hist. Ind._, fol. 77, 87; _Selfridge's Darien Surveys_, pp. 10, 36; _Colon_, _Hist. Almirante_, in _Barcia_, _Historiadores_, tom. i., p. 107; _Puydt_, in _Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour._, vol. xxxviii., pp. 95-7; _Peter Martyr_, dec. viii., lib. vi; _Gisborne's Darien_, p. 155; _Cockburn's Journey_, p. 235; _D'Avity_, _L'Amérique_, tom. ii., p. 98; _Winthrop's Canoe and Saddle_, p. 365; _Macgregor's Progress of Amer._, vol. i., p. 823; _Fransham's World in Miniature_, p. 25. 'Afirmaua Pasqual de Andagoya, auer visto algunos tan grandes, que los otros hombres eran enanos con ellos, y que tenian buenas caras, y cuerpos.' _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. ii., lib. iii., cap. vi.; _Andagoya_, in _Navarrete_, _Col. de Viages_, tom. iii., p. 412; _Gage's New Survey_, p. 174; _Darien_, _Defence of the Scots' Settlement_, pp. 69-70; _Cullen's Darien_, pp. 65, 67. [1007] Golfo Dulce. 'Modicæ sunt staturæ, bene compositis membris, moribus blandis et non invenustis.' _Laet_, _Novus Orbis_, p. 329. 'It is a universal belief along the Atlantic coast, from Belize to Aspinwall, that the Frio tribe have white complexions, fair hair, and grey eyes.' _Boyle's Ride_, vol. i., pp. 20, 236, and pref., pp. xxi-xxii.; _Squier_, in _Nouvelles Annales des Voy._, 1856, tom. cli., pp. 6, 12; _Id._, in _Hist. Mag._, vol. iv., p. 62; _Wafer's New Voy._, pp. 131-7. [1008] 'El miembro generativo traen atado por el capullo, haçiéndole entrar tanto adentro, que á algunos no se les paresçe de tal arma sino la atadura, que es unos hilos de algodon allí revueltos.' _Oviedo_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. iii., pp. 109-11, 179. See also: _Cockburn's Journey_, pp. 181-3, 188; _Wagner and Scherzer_, _Costa Rica_, pp. 557-9; _Boyle's Ride_, vol. i., p. 251. Referring to Vasco Nuñez de Balboa, 'La gente que hallo andaua en cueros, sino eran señores, cortesanos, y mugeres.' _Gomara_, _Hist. Ind._, fol. 82, 66, 87. Urabá; 'Ex gentibus ijs mares nudos penitus, foeminas uero ab umbilico gossampina contectas multitia repererunt.' _Peter Martyr_, dec. ii., lib. i., also dec. iii., lib. iv., dec. vii., lib. x., dec. viii., lib. vi., viii.; _Quintana_, _Vidas de Españoles_ (_Balboa_), p. 9; _Wafer's New Voy._, pp. 37, 87, 102, plate, 132-4, 138-48, plate; _Wallace_, in _Miscellanea Curiosa_, vol. iii., p. 418; _Warburton's Darien_, p. 322; _Navarrete_, _Col. de Viages_, tom. iii., p. 26; _Andagoya_, in _Id._, pp. 307-8, 407, 412; _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. ii., lib. iii., cap. v., vi., and dec. iv., lib. i., cap. x.; _Michler's Darien_, pp. 43, 65-6, 86. [1009] _Seemann's Voy. Herald_, vol. i., pp. 314, 316; _Porras_, in _Navarrete_, _Col. de Viages_, tom. i., p. 285; _Colon_, in _Id._, p. 298; _Cockburn's Journey_, pp. 240-1; _Gage's New Survey_, p. 191; _Montanus_, _Nieuwe Weereld_, pp. 88, 284; and _Dapper_, _Neue Welt_, pp. 99, 319; _Puydt_, in _Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour._, vol. xxxviii., pp. 95-8; _Selfridge's Darien Surveys_, p. 10; _Cullen's Darien_, pp. 67-8; _Esquemelin_, _Zee-Roovers_, p. 142; _Las Casas_, _Hist. Apologética, MS._, cap. ccxlii.-ccxliv. The women of Cueba 'se ponian una barra de oro atravessada en los pechos, debaxo de las tetas, que se las levanta, y en ella algunos páxaros é otras figuras de relieve, todo de oro fino: que por lo menos pessaba çiento é çinqüenta é aun dosiçentos pessos una barreta destas.... Destos caracoles grandes se haçen unas conteçicas blancas de muchas maneras, é otras coloradas, é otras negras, é otras moradas, é cañuticos de lo mesmo: é haçen braçaletes en que con estas qüentas mezclan otras, é olivetas de oro que se ponen en las muñecas y ençima de los tobillos é debaxo de las rodillas por gentileça: en espeçial las mugeres.... Traen assimesmo çarçillos de oro en las orejas, é horádanse las nariçes hecho un agugero entre las ventanas, é cuelgan de allí sobre el labio alto otro çarçillo.' _Oviedo_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. iii., pp. 126, 138. [1010] Their hair 'they wear usually down to the middle of the Back, or lower, hanging loose at its full length.... All other Hair, except that of their Eye-brows and Eye-lids, they eradicate.' _Wafer's New Voy._, pp. 132-3; _Gisborne's Darien_, p. 155; _Macgregor's Progress of Amer._, p. 824; _D'Avity_, _L'Amérique_, tom. i., p. 98. [1011] _Benzoni_, _Hist. Mondo Nuovo_, fol. 86; _Squier_, in _Nouvelles Annales des Voy._, 1836, tom. cli., p. 9; _Froebel_, _Aus Amer._, tom. i., p. 246; _Id._, _Cent. Amer._, p. 26; _Wagner and Scherzer_, _Costa Rica_, p. 253. [1012] _Puydt_, in _Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour._, vol. xxxviii., p. 95; _Seemann's Voy. Herald_, vol. i., pp. 319, 321-2; _Pim and Seemann's Dottings_, p. 151; _Michler's Darien_, p. 84; _Wafer's New Voy._, pp. 149-52; _Cockburn's Journey_, pp. 234-5. On the banks of the Rio Grande, the Spaniards under Johan de Tavira found 'muchas poblaçiones en barbacoas ó casas muy altas, fechas é armadas sobre postes de palmas negras fortíssimas é quassi inexpugnables'.... 'Hay otra manera de buhíos ó casas en Nata redondos, como unos chapiteles muy altos.' _Oviedo_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. iii., pp. 50, 131, 8, 46. 'En otras muchas partes hacian sus casas de madera y de paja de la forma de una campana. Estas eran muy altas y muy capaces que moraban en cada una de ellas diez y mas vecinos.' _Las Casas_, _Hist. Apologética, MS._, cap. 43. [1013] 'Hallaron muchos pueblos cercados, con palenques de madera.' _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. iii., lib. iv., cap. ix., dec. i., lib. ix., cap. ii., vi. 'Tengano le lor case in cima de gli alberi.' _Benzoni_, _Hist. Mondo Nuovo_, fol. 160. See also: _Irving's Columbus_, vol. iii., p. 176; _Gomara_, _Hist. Ind._, fol. 75; _Colon_, _Hist. Almirante_, in _Barcia_, _Historiadores_, tom. i., p. 108. [1014] Of Comagre's palace it is said, 'Longitudinem dimensi passuum centum quinquaginta, latitudinem uero pedum octoginta, in uacuo dinumerarunt: laquearibus et pauimentis arte eximia laboratis.' _Peter Martyr_, dec. ii., lib. iii. Compare further: _Montanus_, _Nieuwe Weereld_, pp. 64-5, 87; _Dapper_, _Neue Welt_, pp. 71-2, 98; _Darien_, _Defence of the Scots' Settlement_, p. 81. [1015] _Squier_, in _Nouvelles Annales des Voy._, 1856, tom. cli., p. 11; _Boyle's Ride_, vol. i., pref., pp. xii., xxiii.; _Hassel_, _Mex. Guat._, p. 407; _Cockburn's Journey_, pp. 204, 224-5; _Wagner and Scherzer_, _Costa Rica_, pp. 558-9. On the Chara Islands, 'comen los indios en estas islas muchos venados é puercos, que los hay en grandissima cantidad, é mahiz, é fésoles muchos é de diversas maneras, é muchos é buenos pescados, é tambien sapo ... é ninguna cosa viva dexan de comer por suçia que sea.' _Oviedo_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. iii., p. 110. [1016] 'Hanno la maggior parte di questa costiera per costume di mangiar carne humana e quando mangiauano de gli Spagnuoli, v'erano di coloro che ricusauano di cibarsene, temendo ancora che nel lor corpo, non gli facessero quelle carni qualche danno.' _Benzoni_, _Hist. Mondo Nuovo_, fol. 49. On the coast 'they live principally upon fish, plantains, and bananas, with Indian corn and a kind of cassava.' _Selfridge's Darien Surveys_, pp. 10, 20. Compare _Colon_, in _Navarrete_, _Col. de Viages_, tom. i., p. 308; _Balboa_, in _Id._, tom. iii., pp. 364-5; _Alcedo_, _Dicc._, tom. v., p. 293; _Cullen's Darien_, pp. 65, 68-9; _Colombo_, _Hist. Ammiraglio_, p. 412; _Meyer_, _Nach dem Sacramento_, pp. 20-2. [1017] 'Cogen dos y tres vezes al año maiz, y por esto no lo engraneran.' _Gomara_, _Hist. Ind._, fol. 82, 88. 'Seguian mucho la caça de venados, y de aquellos puercos con el ombligo al espinazo.' _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. ii., lib. iii., cap. v., xv. For further details see _Michler's Darien_, pp. 65, 68, 81; _Andagoya_, in _Navarrete_, _Col. de Viages_, tom. iii., pp. 403, 407; _Montanus_, _Nieuwe Weereld_, p. 71; and _Dapper_, _Neue Welt_, p. 79; _Seemann's Voy. Herald_, vol. i., pp. 315, 319; _Peter Martyr_, dec. viii., lib. vii.; _Oviedo_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. iii., pp. 132-3, 136, 139; _Wafer's New Voy._, pp. 88, 101, 106-7, 129-130, 152-6, 170-7. [1018] _Michler's Darien_, p. 65; _Cockburn's Journey_, p. 236. 'Tienen por costumbre, assi los indios como las indias, de se bañar tres ó quatro veçes al dia, por estar limpios é porque diçen que descansan en lavarse.' _Oviedo_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. iii., pp. 135-6. [1019] In Cueva, 'no son flecheros, é pelean con macanas é con lanças luengas y con varas que arrojan, como dardos con estóricas (que son cierta manera de avientos) de unos bastones bien labrados.' _Oviedo_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. iii., pp. 127, 129. 'Sunt autem ipsorum arma, non arcus, non sagittæ uenenatæ, uti habere indígenas illos trans sinum orientales diximus. Cominus hi certant ut plurimum, ensibus oblongis, quos macanas ipsi appellant, ligneis tamen, quia ferrum non assequuntur: et præustis sudibus aut osseis cuspidibus, missilibus etiam ad præluim utuntur.' _Peter Martyr_, dec. ii., lib. iii., also, dec. iv., lib. x., dec. v., lib. ix. Compare further, _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. i., lib. ix., cap. vi., lib. x., cap. i.; _Andagoya_, in _Navarrete_, _Col. de Viages_, tom. iii., p. 403; _Parras_, in _Id._, tom. i., p. 285; _Cockburn's Journey_, p. 225; _D'Avity_, _L'Amérique._, p. 98; _Otis' Panamá_, pp. 77-8; _Puydt_, in _Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour._, vol. xxxviii., pp. 95, 98. [1020] 'The pipe was made of two pieces of reed, each forming a half circle; these being placed together left a small hole, just large enough for the admission of the arrow.... The arrows are about eight inches long ... the point very sharp, and cut like a corkscrew for an inch up.... This is rolled in the poison.... The arrow will fly one hundred yards, and is certain death to man or animal wounded by it; no cure as yet having been discovered. A tiger, when hit, runs ten or a dozen yards, staggers, becomes sick, and dies in four or five minutes. A bird is killed as with a bullet, and the arrow and wounded part of the flesh being cut out, the remainder is eaten without danger.' _Cochrane's Journal in Colombia_, vol. ii., pp. 405-7. 'That poyson killeth him that is wounded, but not suddenly.... Whoso is wounded, liues a miserable and strict life after that, for he must abstaine from many things.' _Peter Martyr_, dec. viii., lib. viii. 'Some woorali (corova) and poisoned arrows that I obtained from the Indians of the interior were procured by them from Choco ... their deadly effect is almost instantaneous.' _Cullen's Darien_, p. 67. 'We inquired of all the Indians, both men and boys, at Caledonia Bay and at San Blas for the "curari" or "urari" poison ... they brought us what they represented to be the _bona-fide_ poison.... It turned out to be nothing but the juice of the manzanillo del playa. So, if this is their chief poison, and is the same as the "curari", it is not so much to be dreaded.' _Selfridge's Darien Surveys_, pp. 136-7. See further, _Fitz-Roy_, in _Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour._, vol. xx., p. 164; _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. i., lib. vii., cap. xvi.; _Michler's Darien_, p. 77; _Dampier's Voyages_, vol. i., p. 41. [1021] _Acosta_, _N. Granada_, p. 6; _Gomara_, _Hist. Ind._, fol. 88; _Carli_, _Cartas_, pt. i., p. 17. 'Traian suscoseletes fechos de algodon, que les llegaban é abaxaban de las espaldas dellos, é les llegaban á las rodillas é dende abaxo, é las mangas fasta los codos, é tan gruesos como un colchon de cama, son tan fuertes, que una ballesta no los pasa.' _Pacheco_, _Col. Doc. Inéd._, tom. ii., p. 516. [1022] 'Cuando iban á la guerra llevaban coronas de oro en las cabezas y unas patenas grandes en los pechos y braceletes y otras joyas en otros lugares del cuerpo.' _Las Casas_, _Hist. Apologética, MS._, cap. lxv., ccxliv. 'El herido en la guerra es hidalgo, y goza de grandes franquezas.' _Gomara_, _Hist. Ind._, fol. 88. 'A los que pueden matar matan, é á los que prenden los hierran é se sirven dellos por esclavos.' _Oviedo_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. iii., pp. 129, 126. See further: _Quintana_, _Vidas Españoles_ (_Balboa_), p. 8; _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. ii., lib. iii., cap. v.; _Andagoya_, in _Navarrete_, _Col. de Viages_, tom. iii., pp. 399, 403, 412; _Peter Martyr_, dec. iii., lib. iv., dec. viii., lib. viii.; _Wafer's New Voy._, p. 133. [1023] 'La manta de la hamaca no es hecha red, sino entera é muy gentil tela delgada é ancha.... Hay otras, que la manta es de paja texida é de colores é labores.' _Oviedo_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. iii., pp. 131, 136, 138, 142, 181. 'Muy buenas redes con anzuelos de hueso que hacen de concha de tortuga.' _Vega_, _Hist. Descub. Amer._, p. 145. 'Tenian los Reyes y Señores ricos y señalados vasos con que bebian.' _Las Casas_, _Hist. Apologética, MS._, cap. lxv. Compare further: _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. i., lib. vii., cap. xvi., lib. ix., cap. i., dec. ii., lib. ii., cap. i.; _Peter Martyr_, dec. ii., lib. i., dec. vii., lib. x.; _Michler's Darien_, pp. 66, 77; _Meyer_, _Nach dem Sacramento_, pp. 21-2. [1024] _Laet_, _Novus Orbis_, p. 348; _Seemann's Voy. Herald_, vol. i., p. 320; _Pim and Seemann's Dottings_, p. 29; _Cockburn's Journey_, pp. 172-3, 243-4; _Wafer's New Voy._, pp. 92-4, 160-2. Referring to Chiriquí earthen relics; 'The vessels ... are neatly and sometimes very gracefully formed of clay.... Several bear resemblance to Roman, Grecian, and Etruscan jars.... Dr. Merritt mentioned that the natives of the Isthmus now make their rude earthen utensils of a peculiar black earth, which gives them the appearance of iron.' _Hist. Mag._, vol. iv., p. 176. In Veragua 'vide sábanas grandes de algodon, labradas de muy sotiles labores; otras pintadas muy sútilmente a colores con pinceles.' _Colon_, in _Navarrete_, _Col. de Viages_, tom. i., p. 308. [1025] 'En estas islas de Chara é Pocosi no tienen canoas, sino balsas'.... In the Province of Cueba 'tienen canoas pequeñas, tambien las usan grandes ... hay canoa que lleva çinquenta ó sessenta hombres é mas.' _Oviedo_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. iii., pp. 110, 159. See also: _Michler's Darien_, pp. 48, 66-7; _Wafer's New Voy._, p. 96; _Montanus_, _Nieuwe Weereld_, p. 67; and _Dapper_, _Neue Welt_, p. 75; _Puydt_, in _Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour._, vol. xxxviii., p. 99; _Acosta_, _N. Granada_, p. 43. [1026] _Gomara_, _Hist. Ind._, fol. 74, 88; _Balboa_, in _Navarrete_, _Col. de Viages_, tom. iii., pp. 364-5; _Peter Martyr_, dec. viii., lib. vi.; _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. i., lib. vii., cap. xvi., lib. x., cap. iii.; _Belcher's Voyage_, vol. i., p. 250; _Selfridge's Darien Surveys_, pp. 10-11; _Puydt_, in _Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour._, vol. xxxviii., p. 99; _Gisborne's Darien_, p. 154; _Otis' Panamá_, p. 77; _Cullen's Darien_, pp. 65-6. 'Quando los indios no tienen guerra, todo su exerciçio es tractar é trocar quanto tienen unos con otros ... unos llevan sal, otros mahiz, otros mantas, otros hamacas, otros algodon hilado ó por hilar, otros pescados salados; otros llevan oro.' _Oviedo_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. iii., p. 140, tom. ii., p. 340. [1027] 'Este cacique Davaive tiene grand fundicion de oro en su casa; tiene cient hombres á la contina que labran oro.' _Balboa_, in _Navarrete_, _Col. de Viages_, tom. iii., pp. 364-5. 'Hay grandes mineros de cobre: hachas de ello, otras cosas labradas, fundidas, soldadas hube, y fraguas con todo su aparejo de platero y los crisoles.' _Colon_, in _Id._, tom. i., p. 308. In Panamá, 'grandes Entalladores, y Pintores.' _Dávila_, _Teatro Ecles._, tom. ii., fol. 56. Compare further: _Benzoni_, _Hist. Mondo Nuovo_, fol. 88; _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. ii., lib. ii., cap. x.; _Pim and Seemann's Dottings_, pp. 29-30; _Peter Martyr_, dec. iii., lib. iv.; _Bidwell's Isthmus_, p. 37. [1028] _Wafer's New Voy._, pp. 178-86; _Lussan_, _Jour. du Voy._, p. 46; _Puydt_, in _Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour._, vol. xxxviii., p. 99. [1029] 'Besan los pies al hijo, o sobrino, que hereda, estando en la cama: que vale tanto como juramento, y coronacion.' _Gomara_, _Hist. Ind._, fol. 255-6, 88. 'Todos tenian sus Reies, y Señores, á quien obedecian.' _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., p. 346. 'Los hijos heredauan a los padres, siendo auidos en la principal muger.... Los Caziques y señores eran muy tenidos y obedecidos.' _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. i., lib. vii., cap. xvi., dec. iv., lib. i., cap. x. See also, _Oviedo_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. iii., pp. 129-30, 142, 156-7; _Quintana_, _Vidas de Españoles_, (_Balboa_), p. 9; _Andagoya_, in _Navarrete_, _Col. de Viages_, tom. iii., p. 399; _Wafer's New Voy._, p. 163; _Dapper_, _Neue Welt_, p. 73; _Wallace_, in _Miscellanea Curiosa_, vol. iii., p. 418; _Puydt_, in _Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour._, vol. xxxviii., p. 97; _Funnell's Voyage_, pp. 131-2; _Selfridge's Darien Surveys_, p. 20. [1030] _Oviedo_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. iii., pp. 8, 126, 129; _Gomara_, _Hist. Ind._, fol. 77; _Montanus_, _Nieuwe Weereld_, p. 66; _Dapper_, _Neue Welt_, p. 74. [1031] _Puydt_, in _Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour._, vol. xxxviii., p. 98; _Macgregor's Process of Amer._, pp. 823-5, 829; _Las Casas_, _Hist. Apologética, MS._, cap. ccxliv. 'Casauanse con hijas de sus hermanas: y los señores tenian muchas mugeres.' _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. i., lib. vii., cap. xvi., dec. iv., lib. i., cap. x. 'De las mugeres principales de sus padres, y hermanas ó hijas guardan que no las tomen por mugeres, porque lo tienen por malo.' _Andagoya_, in _Navarrete_, _Col. de Viages_, tom. iii., pp. 402-3. Of wives: 'They may haue as many as they please, (excepting their kindred, and allies) vnlesse they be widdowes ... in some place a widdow marryeth the brother of her former husband, or his kinsman, especially if hee left any children.' _Peter Martyr_, dec. vii., lib. x., dec. viii., lib. viii. [1032] The women 'observe their Husbands with a profound Respect and Duty upon all occasions; and on the other side their Husbands are very kind and loving to them. I never knew an Indian beat his Wife, or give her any hard Words.... They seem very fond of their Children, both Fathers and Mothers.' _Wafer's New Voy._, pp. 156-66. 'Tienen mancebias publicas de mugeres, y aun de hombres en muchos cabos.' _Gomara_, _Hist. Ind._, fol. 87. See also: _Oviedo_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. iii., pp. 18, 20, 133-4; _Quintana_, _Vidas de Españoles_, (_Balboa_), pp. 9-10. [1033] 'Pipes, or fluites of sundry pieces, of the bones of Deere, and canes of the riuer. They make also little Drummes or Tabers beautified with diuers pictures, they forme and frame them also of gourdes, and of an hollowe piece of timber greater than a mannes arme.' _Peter Martyr_, dec. viii., lib. viii. See also: _Oviedo_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. iii., pp. 127, 130, 137, 156; _Gomara_, _Hist. Ind._, fol. 88; _Darien_, _Defence of the Scots' Settlement_, pp. 72-3; _Macgregor's Progress of Amer._, pp. 825, 832; _Warburton's Darien_, p. 321; _Las Casas_, _Hist. Apologética, MS._, cap. ccxliii. [1034] In Comagre, 'vinos blancos y tintos, hechos de mayz, y rayzes de frutas, y de cierta especie de palma, y de otras cosas: los quales vinos loauan los Castellanos quando los beuian.' _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. i., lib. ix., cap. ii. 'Tenia vna bodega con muchas cubas y tinajas llenas de vino, hecho de grano, y fruta, blanco, tinto, dulce, y agrete de datiles, y arrope.' _Gomara_, _Hist. Ind._, fol. 73. 'Hacian de maiz vino blanco i tinto.... Es de mui buen sabor aunque como unos vinos bruscos ó de gascuña.' _Las Casas_, _Hist. Ind., MS._, tom. ii., cap. xxvi. See also: _Oviedo_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. iii., pp. 136-7, 141-2; tom. iv., pp. 96-7; _Montanus_, _Nieuwe Weereld_, pp. 64, 285; _Dapper_, _Neue Welt_, pp. 71, 321; _Wafer's New Voy._, pp. 87, 102-3, 153-5, 164, 169-70; _Puydt_, in _Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour._, vol. xxxviii., p. 96. [1035] 'Quando hablan vno con otro, se ponen do espaldas.' _Colon_, _Hist. Almirante_, in _Barcia_, _Historiadores_, tom. i., p. 111; _Wafer's New Voy._, pp. 177-9. [1036] _Gomara_, _Hist. Ind._, fol. 255; _Peter Martyr_, dec. vii., lib. x., dec. viii., lib. viii.; _Wafer's New Voy._, pp. 37-9; _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. ii., lib. iii., cap. v.; _Selfridge's Darien Surveys_, pp. 10-11; _Vega_, _Hist. Descub. Amer._, p. 145. 'Deste nombre tequina se haçe mucha diferençia; porque á qualquiera ques mas hábil y experto en algun arte, ... le llaman tequina, que quiere deçir lo mesmo que maestro: por manera que al ques maestro de las responsiones é inteligencias con el diablo, llámenle tequina en aquel arte, porque aqueste tal es el que administra sus ydolatrías é çerimonias é sacrifiçios, y el que habla con el diablo.' _Oviedo_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. iii., p. 127. 'Tenian ó habia entre estas gentes unos sacerdotes que llamaban en su lengua "Piachas" muy espertos en el arte mágica, tanto que se revestia en ellos el Diabolo y hablaba por boca de ellos muchas falsedades, conque los tenia cautivos.' _Las Casas_, _Hist. Apologética, MS._, cap. ccxlv. [1037] The priests 'comunmente eran sus médicos, é conosçian muchas hiervas, de que usaban, y eran apropriadas á diversas enfermedades.' _Oviedo_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. iii., pp. 126, 138-9, 141, tom. i., pp. 56-7. 'According to the diuers nature, or qualitie of the disease, they cure them by diuers superstitions, and they are diuersly rewarded.' _Peter Martyr_, dec. viii., cap. viii. Compare further; _Gomara_, _Hist. Ind._, fol. 88; _Las Casas_, _Hist. Apologética, MS._, cap. ccxlv.; _Wafer's New Voy._, p. 28; _Selfridge's Darien Surveys_, p. 10; _Puydt_, in _Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour._, vol. xxxviii., p. 97; _Purchas his Pilgrimes_, vol. v., p. 893. [1038] 'Quédame de deçir que en aquesta lengua de Cueva hay muchos indios hechiçeros é en espeçial un çierto género de malos, que los chripstianos en aquella tierra llaman chupadores.... Estos chupan á otros hasta que los secan é matan, é sin calentura alguna de dia en dia poco á poco se enflaquesçen tanto, que se les pueden contar los huesos, que se les paresçen solamente cubiertos con el cuero; y el vientre se les resuelve de manera quel ombligo traen pegado á los lomos y espinaço, é se tornan de aquella forma que pintan á la muerte, sin pulpa ni carne. Estos chupadores, de noche, sin ser sentidos, van á haçer mal por las casas agenas: é ponen la boca en el ombligo de aquel que chupan, y están en aquel exerçiçio una ó dos horas ó lo que les paresçe, teniendo en aquel trabaxo al paçiente, sin que sea poderoso de se valer ni defender, no dexando de sufrir su daño con silençio. É conosçe el assi ofendido, é vee al malhechor, y aun les hablan: lo qual, assi los que haçen este mal como los que le padesçen, han confessado algunos dellos; é diçen questos chupadores son criados é naborias del tuyra, y quél se los manda assi haçer, y el tuyra es, como está dicho, el diablo.' _Oviedo_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. iii., pp. 159-60. [1039] 'Ay muchos, que piensan, que no ay mas de nacer, y morir: y aquellos tales no se entierran con pan, y vino, ni con mugeres, ni moços. Los que creen la immortalidad del alma, se entierra: si son Señores, con oro, armas, plumas, si no lo son, con mayz, vino, y mantas.' _Gomara_, _Hist. Ind._, fol. 255, 88. 'Huius reguli penetrale ingressi cameram reperiunt pensilibus repletam cadaueribus, gossampinis funibus appensis. Interrogati quid sibi uellet ea superstitio: parentum esse et auorum atauorumque Comogri regulea cadauera, inquiunt. De quibus seruandis maximam esse apud eos curami et pro religione eam pietatem haberi recensent: pro cuiusque gradu indu, menta cuique cadaueri imposita, auro gemmisque superintexta.' _Peter Martyr_, dec. ii., lib. iii., dec. iii., lib. iv., dec. vii., lib. x., dec. viii., lib. ix. 'Viendo la cantidad é número de los muertos, se conosçe qué tantos señores ha avido en aquel Estado, é quál fué hijo del otro ó le subçedió en el señorio segund la órden subçesiva en que están puestos.' _Oviedo_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. iii., pp. 155-6, 142. For further accounts see _Wagner and Scherzer_, _Costa Rica_, pp. 556, 560; _Cockburn's Journey_, p. 183; _Seemann's Voy. Herald_, vol. i., pp. 314, 316, 319; _Pim and Seemann's Dottings_, p. 30; _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. i., lib. vii., cap. xvi., lib. ix., cap. ii., dec. ii., lib. iii., cap. v., dec. iv., lib. i., cap. xi.; _Quintana_, _Vidas de Españoles_, (_Balboa_), p. 10; _Andagoya_, in _Navarrete_, _Col. de Viages_, tom. iii., pp. 401-2; _Carli_, _Cartas_, pt. i., pp. 105-6; _Las Casas_, _Hist. Apologética, MS._, cap. ccxlii., ccxlvii.; _Purchas His Pilgrimes_, vol. v., p. 894. [1040] The Terrabas 'naciones ... las mas braves é indómitas de todas ... Indios dotados de natural docilidad y dulzura de genio.' _Arricivita_, _Crónica Seráfica_, p. 19. Speaking of the natives of Panamá; 'muy deuotos del trabajo, y enemigos de la ociosidad.' _Dávila_, _Teatro Ecles._, tom. ii., p. 56. Darien: 'Son inclinados a juegos y hurtos, son muy haraganes.' _Gomara_, _Hist. Ind._, fol. 88. San Blas tribes: 'They are very peaceable in their natures'.... Chucunas and Navigandis: 'The most warlike' ... Coast tribes, 'from contact with foreigners, are very docile and tractable'.... The Sassardis: 'As a whole, this tribe are cowardly, but treacherous.' _Selfridge's Darien Surveys_, pp. 10-11, 36. Compare further, _Froebel's Cent. Amer._, p. 24; _Squier_, in _Nouvelles Annales Voy._, 1856, tom. cli., p. 6; _Boyle's Ride_, vol. i., pref., p. xii.; _Wagner and Scherzer_, _Costa Rica_, p. 557; _Gage's New Survey_, p. 426; _Michler's Darien_, p. 26; _Alcedo_, _Dicc._, tom. ii., p. 413; _Puydt_, in _Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour._, vol. xxxviii., p. 96; _Macgregor's Progress of Amer._, p. 830; _Otis' Panamá_, p. 77; _Cullen's Darien_, pp. 65-6, 68-9. END OF THE FIRST VOLUME.